EOR2.tpgsV13 11/10/04 10:55 AM Page 1
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F
RELIGION
S E C O N D E D I T I O N

EOR2.tpgsV13 11/10/04 10:55 AM Page 3
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F
RELIGION
S E C O N D E D I T I O N
13
SOUTH AMERICAN
LINDSAY JONES
INDIAN RELIGIONS
EDITOR IN CHIEF
•
TRANSCENDENCE
AND IMMANENCE

eorel_fm 3/2/05 8:36 AM Page iv
Encyclopedia of Religion, Second Edition
Lindsay Jones, Editor in Chief
© 2005 Thomson Gale, a part of The
For permission to use material from this
Since this page cannot legibly accommodate
Thomson Corporation.
product, submit your request via Web at
all copyright notices, the acknowledgments
http://www.gale-edit.com/permissions, or you
constitute an extension of the copyright
Thomson, Star Logo and Macmillan Reference
may download our Permissions Request form
notice.
USA are trademarks and Gale is a registered
and submit your request by fax or mail to:
trademark used herein under license.
While every effort has been made to
Permissions
ensure the reliability of the information pre-
For more information, contact
Thomson Gale
sented in this publication, Thomson Gale
Macmillan Reference USA
27500 Drake Rd.
does not guarantee the accuracy of the data
An imprint of Thomson Gale
Farmington Hills, MI 48331-3535
contained herein. Thomson Gale accepts no
27500 Drake Rd.
Permissions Hotline:
payment for listing; and inclusion in the pub-
Farmington, Hills, MI 48331-3535
248-699-8006 or 800-877-4253 ext. 8006
lication of any organization, agency, institu-
Or you can visit our Internet site at
Fax: 248-699-8074 or 800-762-4058
tion, publication, service, or individual does
http://www.gale.com
not imply endorsement of the editors or pub-
lisher. Errors brought to the attention of the
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
publisher and verified to the satisfaction of
No part of this work covered by the copyright
the publisher will be corrected in future
hereon may be reproduced or used in any
editions.
form or by any means—graphic, electronic, or
mechanical, including photocopying, record-
ing, taping, Web distribution, or information
storage retrieval systems—without the writ-
ten permission of the publisher.
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
Encyclopedia of religion / Lindsay Jones, editor in chief.— 2nd ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-02-865733-0 (SET HARDCOVER : ALK. PAPER) —
ISBN 0-02-865734-9 (V. 1) — ISBN 0-02-865735-7 (v. 2) —
ISBN 0-02-865736-5 (v. 3) — ISBN 0-02-865737-3 (v. 4) —
ISBN 0-02-865738-1 (v. 5) — ISBN 0-02-865739-X (v. 6) —
ISBN 0-02-865740-3 (v. 7) — ISBN 0-02-865741-1 (v. 8) —
ISBN 0-02-865742-X (v. 9) — ISBN 0-02-865743-8 (v. 10)
— ISBN 0-02-865980-5 (v. 11) — ISBN 0-02-865981-3 (v.
12) — ISBN 0-02-865982-1 (v. 13) — ISBN 0-02-865983-X
(v. 14) — ISBN 0-02-865984-8 (v. 15)
1. RELIGION—ENCYCLOPEDIAS. I. JONES, LINDSAY,
1954-
BL31.E46 2005
200’.3—dc22
2004017052
This title is also available as an e-book.
ISBN 0-02-865997-X
Contact your Thomson Gale representative for ordering information.
Printed in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

eorel_fm 3/2/05 8:36 AM Page v
E D I T O R S A N D C O N S U L T A N T S
EDITOR IN CHIEF
Program in Religious Studies,
SIGMA ANKRAVA
LINDSAY JONES
University of Wisconsin—Madison
Professor, Department of Literary and
Associate Professor, Department of
C
Cultural Studies, Faculty of Modern
HARLES H. LONG
Comparative Studies, Ohio State
Professor of History of Religions,
Languages, University of Latvia
University
Baltic Religion and Slavic Religion
Emeritus, and Former Director of
Research Center for Black Studies,
DIANE APOSTOLOS-CAPPADONA
BOARD MEMBERS
University of California, Santa Barbara
Center for Muslim–Christian
DAVÍD CARRASCO
Understanding and Liberal Studies
MARY N. MACDONALD
Neil Rudenstine Professor of Study of
Program, Georgetown University
Professor, History of Religions, Le
Latin America, Divinity School and
Art and Religion
Moyne College (Syracuse, New York)
Department of Anthropology, Harvard
DIANE BELL
DALE B. MARTIN
University
Professor of Anthropology and Women’s
Professor of Religious Studies, and
Studies, George Washington University
GIOVANNI CASADIO
Chair, Department of Religious
Australian Indigenous Religions
Professor of History of Religions,
Studies, Yale University
Dipartimento di Scienze
KEES W. BOLLE
AZIM NANJI
Professor Emeritus of History,
dell’Antichità, Università degli Studi
Professor and Director, The Institute
University of California, Los Angeles,
di Salerno
of Ismaili Studies, London
and Fellow, Netherlands Institute for
WENDY DONIGER
JACOB OLUPONA
Advanced Studies in the Humanities
Mircea Eliade Distinguished Service
Professor, African American and
and Social Sciences
Professor of the History of Religions,
African Studies Program, University
History of Religions
University of Chicago
of California, Davis
MARK CSIKSZENTMIHALYI
GARY L. EBERSOLE
MICHAEL SWARTZ
Associate Professor in the Department
Professor of History and Religious
Professor of Hebrew and Religious
of East Asian Languages and
Studies, and Director, UMKC Center
Studies, Ohio State University
Literature and the Program in
for Religious Studies, University of
Religious Studies, University of
INÉS TALAMANTEZ
Missouri—Kansas City
Wisconsin—Madison
Associate Professor, Religious Studies
Chinese Religions
JANET GYATSO
Department, University of California,
RICHARD A. GARDNER
Hershey Professor of Buddhist Studies,
Santa Barbara
Faculty of Comparative Culture,
The Divinity School, Harvard
Sophia University
University
CONSULTANTS
Humor and Religion
GREGORY D. ALLES
CHARLES HALLISEY
Associate Professor of Religious Studies,
JOHN A. GRIM
Associate Professor, Department of
McDaniel College
Professor of Religion, Bucknell
Languages and Cultures of Asia and
Study of Religion
University and Co-Coordinator,
v

eorel_fm 3/2/05 8:36 AM Page vi
vi
EDITORS AND CONSULTANTS
Harvard Forum on Religion and
TED PETERS
Religion, University of Chicago
Ecology
Professor of Systematic Theology,
Law and Religion
Ecology and Religion
Pacific Lutheran Theological Seminary
TOD SWANSON
JOSEPH HARRIS
and the Center for Theology and the
Associate Professor of Religious Studies,
Francis Lee Higginson Professor of
Natural Sciences at the Graduate
and Director, Center for Latin
English Literature and Professor of
Theological Union, Berkeley,
American Studies, Arizona State
Folklore, Harvard University
California
University
Germanic Religions
Science and Religion
South American Religions
URSULA KING
FRANK E. REYNOLDS
MARY EVELYN TUCKER
Professor Emerita, Senior Research
Professor of the History of Religions
Professor of Religion, Bucknell
Fellow and Associate Member of the
and Buddhist Studies in the Divinity
University, Founder and Coordinator,
Institute for Advanced Studies,
School and the Department of South
University of Bristol, England, and
Asian Languages and Civilizations,
Harvard Forum on Religion and
Professorial Research Associate, Centre
Emeritus, University of Chicago
Ecology, Research Fellow, Harvard
for Gender and Religions Research,
History of Religions
Yenching Institute, Research Associate,
School of Oriental and African
GONZALO RUBIO
Harvard Reischauer Institute of
Studies, University of London
Assistant Professor, Department of
Japanese Studies
Gender and Religion
Classics and Ancient Mediterranean
Ecology and Religion
DAVID MORGAN
Studies and Department of History
HUGH B. URBAN
Duesenberg Professor of Christianity
and Religious Studies, Pennsylvania
Associate Professor, Department of
and the Arts, and
State University
Comparative Studies, Ohio State
Professor of Humanities and Art
Ancient Near Eastern Religions
University
History, Valparaiso University
SUSAN SERED
Politics and Religion
Color Inserts and Essays
Director of Research, Religion, Health
CATHERINE WESSINGER
JOSEPH F. NAGY
and Healing Initiative, Center for the
Professor of the History of Religions
Professor, Department of English,
Study of World Religions, Harvard
and Women’s Studies, Loyola
University of California, Los Angeles
University, and Senior Research
University New Orleans
Celtic Religion
Associate, Center for Women’s Health
New Religious Movements
M
and Human Rights, Suffolk University
ATTHEW OJO
Healing, Medicine, and Religion
R
Obafemi Awolowo University
OBERT A. YELLE
African Religions
LAWRENCE E. SULLIVAN
Mellon Postdoctoral Fellow, University
of Toronto
J
Professor, Department of Theology,
UHA PENTIKÄINEN
Law and Religion
Professor of Comparative Religion, The
University of Notre Dame
History of Religions
University of Helsinki, Member of
ERIC ZIOLKOWSKI
Academia Scientiarum Fennica,
WINNIFRED FALLERS SULLIVAN
Charles A. Dana Professor of Religious
Finland
Dean of Students and Senior Lecturer
Studies, Lafayette College
Arctic Religions and Uralic Religions
in the Anthropology and Sociology of
Literature and Religion
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

eorel_fm 3/2/05 8:36 AM Page vii
A B B R E V I A T I O N S A N D S Y M B O L S
U S E D I N T H I S W O R K
abbr. abbreviated; abbreviation
3 Bar. 3 Baruch
2 Chr. 2 Chronicles
abr. abridged; abridgment
4 Bar. 4 Baruch
Ch. Slav. Church Slavic
AD anno Domini, in the year of the
B.B. BavaD batraD
cm centimeters
(our) Lord
BBC British Broadcasting
col. column (pl., cols.)
Afrik. Afrikaans
Corporation
Col. Colossians
AH anno Hegirae, in the year of the
BC before Christ
Colo. Colorado
Hijrah
BCE before the common era
comp. compiler (pl., comps.)
Akk. Akkadian
B.D. Bachelor of Divinity
Conn. Connecticut
Ala. Alabama
Beits. Beitsah
cont. continued
Alb. Albanian
Bekh. Bekhorot
Copt. Coptic
Am. Amos
Beng. Bengali
1 Cor. 1 Corinthians
AM ante meridiem, before noon
Ber. Berakhot
2 Cor. 2 Corinthians
amend. amended; amendment
Berb. Berber
corr. corrected
annot. annotated; annotation
Bik. Bikkurim
C.S.P. Congregatio Sancti Pauli,
Ap. Apocalypse
bk. book (pl., bks.)
Congregation of Saint Paul
Apn. Apocryphon
B.M. BavaD metsiEaD
(Paulists)
app. appendix
BP before the present
d. died
Arab. Arabic
B.Q. BavaD qammaD
D Deuteronomic (source of the
EArakh. EArakhin
Bra¯h. Bra¯hman.a
Pentateuch)
Aram. Aramaic
Bret. Breton
Dan. Danish
Ariz. Arizona
B.T. Babylonian Talmud
D.B. Divinitatis Baccalaureus,
Ark. Arkansas
Bulg. Bulgarian
Bachelor of Divinity
Arm. Armenian
Burm. Burmese
D.C. District of Columbia
art. article (pl., arts.)
c. circa, about, approximately
D.D. Divinitatis Doctor, Doctor of
AS Anglo-Saxon
Calif. California
Divinity
Asm. Mos. Assumption of Moses
Can. Canaanite
Del. Delaware
Assyr. Assyrian
Catal. Catalan
Dem. DemaDi
A.S.S.R. Autonomous Soviet Socialist
CE of the common era
dim. diminutive
Republic
Celt. Celtic
diss. dissertation
Av. Avestan
cf. confer, compare
Dn. Daniel
EA.Z. EAvodah zarah
Chald. Chaldean
D.Phil. Doctor of Philosophy
b. born
chap. chapter (pl., chaps.)
Dt. Deuteronomy
Bab. Babylonian
Chin. Chinese
Du. Dutch
Ban. Bantu
C.H.M. Community of the Holy
E Elohist (source of the Pentateuch)
1 Bar. 1 Baruch
Myrrhbearers
Eccl. Ecclesiastes
2 Bar. 2 Baruch
1 Chr. 1 Chronicles
ed. editor (pl., eds.); edition; edited by
vii

eorel_fm 3/2/05 8:36 AM Page viii
viii
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
EEduy. EEduyyot
Hung. Hungarian
Lith. Lithuanian
e.g. exempli gratia, for example
ibid. ibidem, in the same place (as the
Lk. Luke
Egyp. Egyptian
one immediately preceding)
LL Late Latin
1 En. 1 Enoch
Icel. Icelandic
LL.D. Legum Doctor, Doctor of Laws
2 En. 2 Enoch
i.e. id est, that is
Lv. Leviticus
3 En. 3 Enoch
IE Indo-European
m meters
Eng. English
Ill. Illinois
m. masculine
enl. enlarged
Ind. Indiana
M.A. Master of Arts
Eph. Ephesians
intro. introduction
Ma Eas. MaEaserot
EEruv. EEruvin
Ir. Gael. Irish Gaelic
Ma Eas. Sh. MaE aser sheni
1 Esd. 1 Esdras
Iran. Iranian
Mak. Makkot
2 Esd. 2 Esdras
Is. Isaiah
Makh. Makhshirin
3 Esd. 3 Esdras
Ital. Italian
Mal. Malachi
4 Esd. 4 Esdras
J Yahvist (source of the Pentateuch)
Mar. Marathi
esp. especially
Jas. James
Mass. Massachusetts
Est. Estonian
Jav. Javanese
1 Mc. 1 Maccabees
Est. Esther
Jb. Job
2 Mc. 2 Maccabees
et al. et alii, and others
Jdt. Judith
3 Mc. 3 Maccabees
etc. et cetera, and so forth
Jer. Jeremiah
4 Mc. 4 Maccabees
Eth. Ethiopic
Jgs. Judges
Md. Maryland
EV English version
Jl. Joel
M.D. Medicinae Doctor, Doctor of
Ex. Exodus
Jn. John
Medicine
exp. expanded
1 Jn. 1 John
ME Middle English
Ez. Ezekiel
2 Jn. 2 John
Meg. Megillah
Ezr. Ezra
3 Jn. 3 John
Me Eil. MeEilah
2 Ezr. 2 Ezra
Jon. Jonah
Men. Menah.ot
4 Ezr. 4 Ezra
Jos. Joshua
MHG Middle High German
f. feminine; and following (pl., ff.)
Jpn. Japanese
mi. miles
fasc. fascicle (pl., fascs.)
JPS Jewish Publication Society trans-
Mi. Micah
fig. figure (pl., figs.)
lation (1985) of the Hebrew Bible
Mich. Michigan
Finn. Finnish
J.T. Jerusalem Talmud
Mid. Middot
fl. floruit, flourished
Jub. Jubilees
Minn. Minnesota
Fla. Florida
Kans. Kansas
Miq. MiqvaDot
Fr. French
Kel. Kelim
MIran. Middle Iranian
frag. fragment
Ker. Keritot
Miss. Mississippi
ft. feet
Ket. Ketubbot
Mk. Mark
Ga. Georgia
1 Kgs. 1 Kings
Mo. Missouri
Gal. Galatians
2 Kgs. 2 Kings
MoEed Q. MoEed qat.an
Gaul. Gaulish
Khois. Khoisan
Mont. Montana
Ger. German
Kil. Kil Dayim
MPers. Middle Persian
Git.. Git.t.in
km kilometers
MS. manuscriptum, manuscript (pl.,
Gn. Genesis
Kor. Korean
MSS)
Gr. Greek
Ky. Kentucky
Mt. Matthew
H
. ag. H
. agigah
l. line (pl., ll.)
MT Masoretic text
H
. al. H
. allah
La. Louisiana
n. note
Hau. Hausa
Lam. Lamentations
Na. Nahum
Hb. Habakkuk
Lat. Latin
Nah. Nahuatl
Heb. Hebrew
Latv. Latvian
Naz. Nazir
Heb. Hebrews
L. en Th. Licencié en Théologie,
N.B. nota bene, take careful note
Hg. Haggai
Licentiate in Theology
N.C. North Carolina
Hitt. Hittite
L. ès L. Licencié ès Lettres, Licentiate
n.d. no date
Hor. Horayot
in Literature
N.Dak. North Dakota
Hos. Hosea
Let. Jer. Letter of Jeremiah
NEB New English Bible
H
. ul. H
. ullin
lit. literally
Nebr. Nebraska
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

eorel_fm 3/2/05 8:36 AM Page ix
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
ix
Ned. Nedarim
pop. population
sp. species (pl., spp.)
Neg. Nega Eim
Port. Portuguese
Span. Spanish
Neh. Nehemiah
Prv. Proverbs
sq. square
Nev. Nevada
Ps. Psalms
S.S.R. Soviet Socialist Republic
N.H. New Hampshire
Ps. 151 Psalm 151
st. stanza (pl., ss.)
Nid. Niddah
Ps. Sol. Psalms of Solomon
S.T.M. Sacrae Theologiae Magister,
N.J. New Jersey
pt. part (pl., pts.)
Master of Sacred Theology
Nm. Numbers
1Pt. 1 Peter
Suk. Sukkah
N.Mex. New Mexico
2 Pt. 2 Peter
Sum. Sumerian
no. number (pl., nos.)
Pth. Parthian
supp. supplement; supplementary
Nor. Norwegian
Q hypothetical source of the synoptic
Sus. Susanna
n.p. no place
Gospels
s.v. sub verbo, under the word (pl.,
n.s. new series
Qid. Qiddushin
s.v.v.)
N.Y. New York
Qin. Qinnim
Swed. Swedish
Ob. Obadiah
r. reigned; ruled
Syr. Syriac
O.Cist. Ordo Cisterciencium, Order
Rab. Rabbah
Syr. Men. Syriac Menander
of Cîteaux (Cistercians)
rev. revised
TaE an. TaEanit
OCS Old Church Slavonic
R. ha-Sh. RoDsh ha-shanah
Tam. Tamil
OE Old English
R.I. Rhode Island
Tam. Tamid
O.F.M. Ordo Fratrum Minorum,
Rom. Romanian
Tb. Tobit
Order of Friars Minor
Rom. Romans
T.D. Taisho¯ shinshu¯ daizo¯kyo¯, edited
(Franciscans)
R.S.C.J. Societas Sacratissimi Cordis
by Takakusu Junjiro¯ et al.
OFr. Old French
Jesu, Religious of the Sacred Heart
(Tokyo,1922–1934)
Ohal. Ohalot
RSV Revised Standard Version of the
Tem. Temurah
OHG Old High German
Bible
Tenn. Tennessee
OIr. Old Irish
Ru. Ruth
Ter. Terumot
OIran. Old Iranian
Rus. Russian
T
. ev. Y. T
. evul yom
Okla. Oklahoma
Rv. Revelation
Tex. Texas
ON Old Norse
Rv. Ezr. Revelation of Ezra
Th.D. Theologicae Doctor, Doctor of
O.P. Ordo Praedicatorum, Order of
San. Sanhedrin
Theology
Preachers (Dominicans)
S.C. South Carolina
1 Thes. 1 Thessalonians
OPers. Old Persian
Scot. Gael. Scottish Gaelic
2 Thes. 2 Thessalonians
op. cit. opere citato, in the work cited
S.Dak. South Dakota
Thrac. Thracian
OPrus. Old Prussian
sec. section (pl., secs.)
Ti. Titus
Oreg. Oregon
Sem. Semitic
Tib. Tibetan
EOrl. EOrlah
ser. series
1 Tm. 1 Timothy
O.S.B. Ordo Sancti Benedicti, Order
sg. singular
2 Tm. 2 Timothy
of Saint Benedict (Benedictines)
Sg. Song of Songs
T. of 12 Testaments of the Twelve
p. page (pl., pp.)
Sg. of 3 Prayer of Azariah and the
Patriarchs
P Priestly (source of the Pentateuch)
Song of the Three Young Men
T
. oh. t.ohorot
Pa. Pennsylvania
Shab. Shabbat
Tong. Tongan
Pahl. Pahlavi
Shav. ShavuEot
trans. translator, translators; translated
Par. Parah
Sheq. Sheqalim
by; translation
para. paragraph (pl., paras.)
Sib. Or. Sibylline Oracles
Turk. Turkish
Pers. Persian
Sind. Sindhi
Ukr. Ukrainian
Pes. Pesahim
Sinh. Sinhala
Upan. Upanis.ad
Ph.D. Philosophiae Doctor, Doctor
Sir. Ben Sira
U.S. United States
of Philosophy
S.J. Societas Jesu, Society of Jesus
U.S.S.R. Union of Soviet Socialist
Phil. Philippians
(Jesuits)
Republics
Phlm. Philemon
Skt. Sanskrit
Uqts. Uqtsin
Phoen. Phoenician
1 Sm. 1 Samuel
v. verse (pl., vv.)
pl. plural; plate (pl., pls.)
2 Sm. 2 Samuel
Va. Virginia
PM post meridiem, after noon
Sogd. Sogdian
var. variant; variation
Pol. Polish
Sot.. Sot.ah
Viet. Vietnamese
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

eorel_fm 3/2/05 8:36 AM Page x
x
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
viz. videlicet, namely
Yad. Yadayim
* hypothetical
vol. volume (pl., vols.)
Yev. Yevamot
? uncertain; possibly; perhaps
Vt. Vermont
Yi. Yiddish
° degrees
Wash. Washington
Yor. Yoruba
+ plus
Wel. Welsh
Zav. Zavim
– minus
Wis. Wisconsin
Zec. Zechariah
= equals; is equivalent to
Wis. Wisdom of Solomon
Zep. Zephaniah
× by; multiplied by
W.Va. West Virginia
Zev. Zevah.im
→ yields
Wyo. Wyoming
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

v o l u m e t h i r t e e n
m a g e s
i
I a
M An
G E d
S
A N D T H E B O D Y
t h e b o d y
One of the few generalizations about religion that may be
safely declared is that the practice of belief is always, in one
way or another, a firmly embodied affair, transpiring in the medium of the human
body. Even in the hands of the most zealously ascetic or scholastic adherents,
religion’s deep register is the body
that is denied, cloaked, disciplined,
or scorned. In less repressive religious
cultures, the body is celebrated as the
vessel of memory, the bearer of social
status, the medium of divine pres-
ence, and the richly adorned display
of fecundity, transport, joy, or sexual
union.
The human body offers manifold
possibilities to act as the medium of
belief. Costume for ritual occasions
such as prayer or recitation of holy
writ (a) shapes personal performance
by investing the individual with the
solemnity of public display. More
permanent changes to the body, such
as tattoos, make personal statements
that link the individual to a variety of
communities—some of them ethnic
or racial, but also the associations of
tattoo wearers linked through tattoo
shops, clubs, newsletters, and maga-
zines. Religious iconography, such as
(a) A Jewish boy reads from the Torah
at his bar mitzvah. [©Nathan Nourok/
Photo Edit]
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
V13.indd 1
V13.indd 1
10/15/04 5:29:55 PM
10/15/04 5:29:55 PM

IMAGES AND THE BODY
that displayed on the back of the woman shown here (b),
operates across the lines of many subcultures.

In addition to the decoration of the body itself, art-
ists everywhere have made use of the human form in
objects and images that allow endless permutations of
meaning. The Luba people of the Democratic Republic
of the Congo carve figural stools (c) for the complex
array of seating arrangements that structure the hierarchy
of the privileged members of the Luba court. The stools
consist of female figures (but can also be abstract forms)
upholding the sitter, which is a male chief or a member of
the royal court. The female body possesses the power of
birth-giving and serves as the vessel containing the spirit
of the king. Past kings remain invested in their stools. The
features of the female figure, particularly the patterns of
scarification, are material texts that encode royal history.
Luba women are believed to hold the taboos and restric-
tions of kingship within their bodies and as such serve as
the figures symbolically holding up the kings.
(b) ABOVE. A cross and the opening words of Psalm 23 tattooed
on a woman’s back. [©Steve Chenn/Corbis] (c) RIGHT. Luba cary-
atid stool of carved wood, Democratic Republic of the Congo.
[©Christie’s Images/Corbis]
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
V13.indd 2
V13.indd 2
10/15/04 5:30:00 PM
10/15/04 5:30:00 PM

IMAGES AND THE BODY

The material forms of religious practice are found to
address all aspects of human embodiment. Four objects
from South Pacific societies make this clear. Drumming
is part of the liturgical life of peoples as far apart as
Oceania, native North America, Africa, and Mongolia.
As an accompaniment to song and dance, the drum helps
to celebrate key ritual occasions, such as funerals or the
completion of a house or canoe among peoples in Papua
New Guinea (d). The steady beat of the drum structures
chant and resonates through the body, harmonizing the
group that sings clan songs, initiates youth, or performs
the lamentation of burial. The drum is an instrument that
evokes bodily participation in the social life of ritual. No
less a part of ceremony is the painting of the body. Dishes
such as the one reproduced here (e) were used in Papua
New Guinea to mix pigments. It has been suggested that
since the figures on such dishes represent clan animals and
ancestors, using them for the mixing of colors applied to
the body may have been part of a ritual absorption of clan
(d) ABOVE. A hand drum from East Sepik province in Papua New
Guinea, wood, fiber, shell, animal hide, and pigment. [Masco Col-
lection; photograph by Dirk Baker] (e) LEFT. A pigment dish from
East Sepik province in Papua New Guinea, wood, fiber, and pig-
ment. [Masco Collection; photograph by Dirk Baker]
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
V13.indd 3
V13.indd 3
10/15/04 5:30:04 PM
10/15/04 5:30:04 PM

IMAGES AND THE BODY
or ancestral spirits into the very body of the participant.
On the island of New Zealand, richly carved objects were
used to attend to other aspects of the body. A carved
wooden bar, called paepae (f ), may have been part of the
ritualizing of excreting waste. It has been suggested that
such a device was bitten by someone using a latrine as the
final act of elimination, providing a cleansing of taboo
caused by excretion. The Maori also used another type
of carved device, the feeding funnel (g). It was forbidden
for food to touch the lips of chiefs while they healed from
the application of tattoos. The feeding funnel allowed the
chief to eat semi-liquid food. The elaborately tattooed
faces on the outside of the funnel may correspond to the
power the funnel seeks to preserve in the tattooed face of
the chief who ate with the funnel.
(f ) TOP. A paepae of carved wood and haliotis shell, New Zea-
land. [Masco Collection; photograph by Dirk Baker] (g) LEFT. A
Maori feeding funnel (koropata) of carved wood and haliotis
shell, New Zealand. [Masco Collection; photograph by Dirk Baker]
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
V13.indd 4
V13.indd 4
10/15/04 5:30:07 PM
10/15/04 5:30:07 PM

IMAGES AND THE BODY

Religious practices mine the human body for its rich
metaphorical significance. Olmec artists produced mar-
velous ceramic figures of infants (h), whose interpretation
remains inconclusive, but which have been linked to
funerary practices, shamanistic rites, and fertility ceremo-
nies. For example, small figures shown in the care of old
women have led some to believe that the infant figures
helped shamans perform rites effecting cures or healthy
births. Other forms of evidence associate the sculptures of
infants with sacrificial rites that transformed the infants
into rain and vegetation, thus procuring seasonal regen-
eration and agricultural fertility. One authority indicates
that the ceramic figures themselves may have been used
in such rites, or may represent the children who were
sacrificed. In either case, infancy meant rebirth and the
remarkable skills of Olmec artists at naturalistic rendition
of the infant’s gesture and fleshy forms no doubt enhanced
the efficacy of the rite.

If images of infants could assist with the renewal of
nature in ancient Olmec culture, a visual practice at the
beginning of the Common Era among Egyptians sought
to ensure an individual’s life after death. The practice
involved affixing realistic portrayals of individuals to
their mummified bodies in order for their spirits to rec-
ognize themselves and reside in the body after death (i).
These portraits were commissioned during the lifetime of
(h) TOP. An Olmec figure, 1200–900 bce, Mexico. [©Kimbell
Art Museum/Corbis] (i) RIGHT. A mummy case with a portrait
of Artemidorus, Hawara, Egypt, Roman period, c. 100–120 ce.
[©HIP/Scala/Art Resource, N.Y.]
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
V13.indd 5
V13.indd 5
10/15/04 5:30:09 PM
10/15/04 5:30:09 PM

IMAGES AND THE BODY
the individual and displayed at home, then used in the
preparation of the body after death. This close associa-
tion of image and body may have been incorporated into
Christian practice, which found an important place for
the relics of saints and martyrs. The fifteenth-century
bust of Saint Margaret of Antioch (j) recalls the early
fourth-century saint who defeated a dragon, which is seen
here lying docilely beneath her hand. She was martyred
during the reign of Diocletian, one of the last pagan
emperors of late antiquity. Now missing is the relic of the
saint that occupied the compartment in the figure’s chest.
Margaret’s dedication to assisting women in labor made
her popular in the Middle Ages and the infantile size of
the dragon may dramatize her power to soothe the pain
of childbirth.

Another martyred woman, Daphne, was portrayed
by the artist Kiki Smith in a way that recalls the torture
of Christian saints. According to Ovid, Daphne was
metamorphosed into a laurel tree in order to be delivered
from the amorous pursuit of Apollo. When she prayed
“change and destroy the body which has given too much
delight,” her human flesh changed to bark, limbs, and
(j) ABOVE. Nicolaus Gerhaert and workshop, Bust of Saint
Margaret of Antioch, c. 1465–1470, walnut. [Lucy Maud
Buckingham Medieval Collection, 1943.1001 overall; photograph
by Robert Hashimoto; reproduction, The Art Institute of
Chicago] (k) RIGHT. Gian Lorenzo Bernini, Apollo and
Daphne, 1624, marble. [©Scala/Art Resource, N.Y.]
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
V13.indd 6
V13.indd 6
10/15/04 5:30:14 PM
10/15/04 5:30:14 PM

IMAGES AND THE BODY
leaves (Ovid, Metamorphoses, bk. 1). Smith portrays the
body of the helpless nymph crucified by her own wish.
Although Ovid indicates that it was the malice of Cupid
that inflicted love upon the chaste girl by piercing Apollo
with his fated arrow, Daphne blames her body for incit-
ing desire. Smith leaves us to wonder why the body of a
woman suffers as the victim of the male assault of desire.
By contrast, the Baroque sculptor Gian Lorenzo Bernini
produced a virtuoso performance in marble (k) in which
the viewer is intended to marvel at the sensuous trans-
formation of marble into flesh as well as marble into tree
limbs and foliage, almost without pausing to consider the
injustice done to Daphne.

The violent stilling of desire occupies a great deal of
religious energy. Hinduism, like Christianity, possesses a
long-established ascetic tradition in which practitioners
deny themselves physical comforts, dress, and possessions,
and take only the least amount of nutrition, as in the case
of the Indian Sādhu or holy man shown here (l). One of
the oldest aspects of Christianity is mortification of the
flesh. In the later Middle Ages and the early modern peri-
od, visual contemplation of Christ’s suffering was one of
the primary forms of Christian spirituality. Following the
Protestant Reformation, a reassertion of images of suffer-
ing—portraying Christ, his disciples, and the saints—were
designed to invite devout viewers to direct their attention
and devotion to the self-effacing merits of Christ (m) and
(l) ABOVE. An Indian sādhu and a woman at prayer in Vārān.asī.
[©David Samuel/Corbis] (m) LEFT. Giovanni di Paolo, Christ Suf-
fering and Christ Triumphant, later fifteenth century, portrays the
two aspects of Christ, demonstrating the doctrine of salvation
afforded by his sacrifical death on the cross and his power over
death as final judge. [©Scala/Art Resource, N.Y.]
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
V13.indd 7
V13.indd 7
10/15/04 5:30:19 PM
10/15/04 5:30:19 PM

IMAGES AND THE BODY
his martyred followers (n). At times this imagery was
especially graphic in order to jolt viewers to attention and
to elicit from them an empathic response accompanied
by remorse and self-incrimination. The sacrifice and pain
undertaken by Christ and the saints were the means of
human salvation and were to be regarded with solemn
gratitude.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Clifton, James. The Body of Christ in the Art of Europe and New
Spain, 1150–1800. Munich and New York, 1997.
Coe, Michael D., et al. The Olmec World: Ritual and Rulership.
Princeton and New York, 1995.
Posner, Helaine. Kiki Smith. Boston, 1998.
Roberts, Mary Nooter, and Allen F. Roberts. Memory: Luba Art
and the Making of History. New York and Munich, 1996.
Wardwell, Allen. Island Ancestors: Oceanic Art from the Masco Col-
lection. Seattle and Detroit, 1994.
David Morgan ()
(n) Giovanni Francesco Guercino, Saint Peter Martyr, oil on
canvas, seventeenth century. Holding the symbolic palm of
martyrdom and calmly posing with the instrument of his death
lodged in his head, the saint receives the reassurance of divine
acceptance from two angels. [©Scala/Art Resource, N.Y.]
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
V13.indd 8
V13.indd 8
10/15/04 5:30:25 PM
10/15/04 5:30:25 PM

C O N T S
I N U E D
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS
This entry consists of the following articles:
AN OVERVIEW
MYTHIC THEMES
HISTORY OF STUDY
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
Since the Indians of South America do not conform culturally, there is no religious unifor-
mity among them. Despite this inconsistency, an acceptable overview can be achieved by
subdividing the continent’s large, geographically distinct regions into the following cul-
tural areas.
1. The Andes. This mountain range stretches from present-day Colombia to Chile. The
highland regions of Peru, lying between the Pacific coast region and the valleys that
cut through the mountain range, were taken over in the distant past by highly ad-
vanced agrarian cultures. Among the most significant of these cultures was the Inca
empire, which extended into the dawn of historical times. Direct descendants of ear-
lier Andean cultures, the Quechua and Aymara peoples inhabit present-day Peru and
Bolivia.
2. Amazon and Orinoco rivers. These jungle- and savanna-covered regions were con-
quered by tropical farming cultures. From the standpoint of cultural history, this area
also includes the mountainous sections of present-day Guyana; in early historical pe-
riods, the Amazon cultural area eventually spread to the Atlantic coast. As in the past,
it is now inhabited by tribes belonging to a number of linguistic families, both small
and large (Tupi, Carib, Arawak, Tucano, and Pano), and by a number of linguistical-
ly isolated tribes. Together they form cultural subareas that display religious special-
izations.
3. Mountains of eastern Brazil. This region is occupied by groups of the Ge linguistic
family, who practice rudimentary farming methods; they settled in these hinterlands
of the Atlantic coast region, joining indigenous hunting tribes. A few of these Ge
groups have survived culturally up to the present time.
C LOCKWISE FROM TOP LEFT CORNER. Sixteenth-century illuminated miniature of dancing dervishes,
from the “Sessions of the Lovers.” [©Bodlein Library, University of Oxford]; South torana at the
Great Stupa at Sa¯ñc¯ı, India. [©Adam Woolfitt/Corbis]; Eleventh-century S´iva Nat:ara¯ja from
Southern India. Musée Guimet, Paris. [©Giraudon/Art Resource, N.Y.]; The “Wedded Rocks”
at Futamigaura in Ise, Japan. [©Werner Forman/Art Resource, N.Y.]; Angkor Vatt, Cambodia.
[Dave G. Houser/Corbis].
8575

8576
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
4. The Gran Chaco. The bush and grass steppes of this area
cocha eventually ascended to the ranks of the highest pan-
stretch from the Paraguay River west to the foothills of
theon as a result of speculation on the part of the Inca priest-
the Andes. The area was initially divided among hunt-
hood. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Viracocha
ers, fishers, and gatherers, and these cultures came under
was represented in anthropomorphic sculptures that ap-
diverse influences from neighboring agriculturists. A se-
peared in special Inca temples and was venerated through
ries of more or less acculturated groups of the Guiacurú
prayers and sacrificial offerings. Inti, the Inca sun god, is por-
linguistic family (the Mataco and the Mascoy) may still
trayed with a human face within a golden disk, and as the
be encountered at the present time.
tribal god of the ruling Inca dynasty he was embodied in the
Inca emperor.
5. The Pampas and Patagonia. Hunting groups wandered
through these flatlands of the southern regions of South
The establishment of an elaborate cult for an indigenous
America. The extinct Pampa and Tehuelche Indians
supreme being is a typical occurrence in highly advanced cul-
were among the peoples of this region. The Tierra del
tures, but such cults are seldom found in South America out-
Fuego archipelago, near the Strait of Magellan, is also
side the Andes region. When they do appear elsewhere they
included within this territory. Although the inhabitants
are likely the result of the influence of these advanced civili-
of these regions—the Selk’nam (Ona), Yahgan, and Ala-
zations on compatible cultural and geographical situations.
caluf—are considered extinct, their culture and religion
A report by Karin Hissink and Albert Hahn (1961) on the
were well documented before they vanished.
cultures from the lowlands of Bolivia, near the Andes, points
out that the Tacana Indians of the Beni River area maintain
6. Southern Andes. This area, especially its middle and
the belief in a supreme being known as Caquiahuaca, who
southernmost regions, is populated by the agrarian
created the earth, human beings, animals, and plants. An old
Araucanians of Chile, who have prospered up to the
man with a white beard, Caquiahuaca lives in a cave in a
present time. Their success has been attributed to their
mountain that bears his name and that forms the center of
development of a self-sufficient culture a few decades
the world. In temples he is represented by a small bees-
before the Spanish invasion in the early sixteenth centu-
wax figure surrounded by a series of larger wooden statues
ry. This development was the result of the influence of
that represent the lower gods, known as edutzi, who assist
highly advanced Peruvian cultures, as the Inca empire
him. As the instructor of the priest-shamans, or yanacona,
progressed to the Maule River in Chile. In the eigh-
Caquiahuaca assists them in the performance of their office,
teenth and nineteenth centuries, the Araucanians ex-
and as their master he is responsible for their religious
panded eastward, but this part of the group, like its pre-
vocation.
decessors in the area, eventually became extinct.
In addition to this, Deavoavai, the lord of the animals,
Pronounced differences in religious phenomena appear with-
also represents a creator, culture hero, and master of the
in each of these cultural areas; these phenomena present cer-
dead. In his capacity as ruler of the game, Deavoavai is rooted
tain discrepancies when seen together. The most outstanding
in an earlier cultural-historical level—that of hunters, fishers,
contrast appears between the highly developed Andean reli-
and gatherers. Such a deity is also found among other agri-
gions, which are founded on priesthood and ruling cults, and
cultural peoples, including peoples of the Amazon lowlands.
the religious beliefs of the tribes in the eastern lowlands.
Despite their reliance on an economic subsistence that has
Some typical examples of their forms and their respective be-
long since undergone the transition from a hunting to an ag-
liefs should help to clarify their differences.
ricultural base, these groups of the Amazon Basin maintain
DEITIES, CULTURE HEROES, AND ANCESTORS. The tradi-
a religious emphasis that incorporates a dependence on a
tion of a creator as the prime mover and teacher of mankind
powerful being who controls the game, an aspect that will
is universal among the Indians of South America (Métraux,
receive attention below. It is sufficient here to point out that
1949). In the majority of cases, the mythical person most
within this region a relationship exists between the master
often represented is not directly involved in the daily activi-
of the hunted game and the supreme being, a concept first
ties of mortals and therefore does not enjoy particular venera-
recognized by Adolf E. Jensen (1951).
tion. There is no fundamental discrepancy between this dis-
Culture hero as supreme being. Konrad T. Preuss was
interested deity and the omnipotent creator whose cultic
convinced that Moma (“father”) was the paramount, indeed,
worship is integrated into a religious system; similar charac-
the only true god of the Witóto of the Putumayo area of the
teristics are attributed to both figures. A god previously ven-
northwestern Amazon and that he was identified with the
erated may fade to the position of a mythical figure, just as
moon. According to creation legends among these people,
a mythical character can achieve cultic significance.
Moma came into existence from the “word,” that is, he was
Under certain conditions, a creator, a culture hero, or
a product of magico-religious incantations and myths that
an ancestor may rise to the position of a deity or supreme
are endowed with supernatural powers. He was also the per-
being. Such a case occurred in the old cultures of Peru with
sonification of the “word,” which he bestowed upon human
the religious figure Viracocha. Perhaps originally a culture
beings, and the “word” was the doctrine that represented the
hero of the Quechua or some other Andean people, Vira-
driving force behind all religious ceremonies that Moma in-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
8577
troduced. The original father created the earth and all things
tered frequently in South American mythology. According
of the world from the archetype (naino), the “not-substance,”
to the Waríkyana, death is the beginning of the soul’s jour-
of each individual entity. On the other hand, in a myth that
ney to heaven, where it will be reincarnated—a journey that
explains the creation of the organic world, Moma extracts all
is modeled after the eternal cycle of the sun.
the plants and animals from his own body. The blossoms of
Yanoama and Mundurucú supreme beings. Kruse’s
the food plants used by humans are evidence of his omnipo-
work stimulated Josef Haekel to write an article about mono-
tent presence, and when the trees of the earth no longer bear
theistic tendencies among Carib-speakers and other Indian
fruit they go to Moma in the underworld. In addition to
groups in the Guianas, as well as among those groups border-
being the moon in the heavens, he resides below as master
ing the western areas of the Guianas (Haekel, 1958). Accord-
of the dead. He was the first being to experience the suffering
ing to Haekel’s findings, reference to the name Pura in con-
of death, but in the fruits of the plants he is continually resur-
nection with a supreme being occurred in no other Carib-
rected.
speaking tribe except the Waríkyana. To the west of their
Among the Witóto, such a representation demonstrates
territory in the Guianas, however, the expression is used with
intensely the character of a particular form of culture hero,
only slight variation, even among different linguistic groups
that is, one who is at the same time a supreme entity. Jensen
such as the isolated Yanoama (Yanonami) on the Venezuelan
applied the term dema deity in describing such a culture hero
and Brazilian borders. According to the beliefs of some
among the Marind-anim of New Guinea (Jensen, 1951).
groups in Brazil, Pore is the name of a supreme being who
The distinguishing characteristics of this deity are revealed
descended to earth (Becher, 1974). Together with the moon,
in his slaying, which occurred in primal times, and the conse-
who is known as Perimbo, Pore established a dual relation-
quent growth of all food plants out of his body.
ship composed of both sexes—male and female—that was
conceptually unified as a supreme entity who controls heav-
Waríkyana supreme being. A supreme god is also
en, earth, and the underworld. As the most well-informed
manifested among the Waríkyana (Arikena), a Carib-
researcher of the Brazilian Yanoama, Hans Becher considers
speaking tribe of the Brazilian Guianas. The highest deity in
their mode of life to be strongly influenced by myths con-
the religion of the Waríkyana is Pura (a name that, according
nected with the moon; the sun, on the other hand, is entirely
to the Franciscan missionary Albert Kruse, means “god”).
unimportant. The awe in which these Indians hold Pore and
With his servant Mura, Pura stands on the zenith of heaven’s
Perimbo is so intense that they do not call on this supreme
mountains and observes all things that take place below
being directly. Instead, they employ the indirect services of
(Kruse, 1955). At the command of Pura, the rain is sent from
intermediaries in the forms of plant and animal spirits
the sky. Pura and Mura are small men with red skin and are
(hekura) that reside on specific mountain ranges. Shamans
ageless and immortal. They appeared at the beginning of the
identify with these spirits and when intoxicated with snuff
world, together with water, the sky, and the earth. In early
come into contact with them.
times Pura and Mura came down to earth and created hu-
mans and animals. Because mankind did not obey the ethical
There are strong similarities between the supreme being,
precepts of Pura, he retaliated by sending a great fire that was
Pura, of the Waríkyana and the figure of Karusakaibe, the
followed by a deluge. A segment of the human race survived
“father of the Mundurucú” (an expression coined by Kruse,
this catastrophe, and the Waríkyana people believe that
who was also a missionary among this central Tupi tribe).
when the end of time comes, Pura will create another holo-
Karusakaibe once lived on earth and created human souls,
caust. It was therefore Pura to whom prayers were directed,
the sky, the stars, game animals, fish, and cultivated plants,
and in his honor a celebration took place in which manioc
together with all their respective guardian spirits, and he
cakes were offered to him.
made the trees and plants fruitful. Karusakaibe is omniscient:
he taught the Mundurucú how to hunt and farm, among
Protasius Frikel, another Franciscan, completed Kruse’s
other things. He is the lawgiver of the tribe and the origina-
description, noting that the Waríkyana view the supreme
tor of its dual social structure. Karusakaibe is immortal. Be-
being as a reflection of the primal sun (Frickel, 1957). Pura
cause he was treated badly at one time by the Mundurucú,
continues to qualify as the superior god, and in addition he
he went off to the foggy regions of the heavens. He is also
was also thought of as the world onto which the primal sun
credited with having transformed himself into the bright sun
pours its blinding light. Pura also represents universal power,
of the dry season. When the end of the world comes, he will
a belief that Frikel considers to be relatively recent among
set the world and all mankind on fire. But until that time
the Waríkyana.
he will look after the well-being of his children, the
In another instance, Pura is considered to be a “primor-
Mundurucú, who direct their prayers and offerings to him
dial man” or culture hero (ibid.). In any case, Pura resides
when fishing and hunting and in times of sickness. Martin
in heaven and reigns over all elements. His companion and
Gusinde (1960) is of the opinion that Karusakaibe was once
servant Mura is somehow connected with the moon and dis-
a superior god among the Mundurucú. Later his status
plays some features of a trickster. Such dual relationships as
changed to that of a culture hero.
sun and moon, god and companion, culture hero and trick-
Tupi-Guaraní supreme beings. Resonances of a su-
ster—pairs that are often represented as twins—are encoun-
preme being concept among the Tupi-Guaraní linguistic
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8578
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
groups are mentioned by Alfred Métraux, who was the most
ditional support for this theory in the prayers that are offered
important specialist in their religious systems (Métraux,
to the solar god and in the role he plays in visions. An Apin-
1949). Among these groups, the creator often has the charac-
agé chief spoke of an encounter he once had on a hunting
teristics of a transformer, and as a rule he is also the lawgiver
expedition in which he met the sun-father in human form.
and teacher of early mankind. After he fulfills these tasks, he
The Apinagé consider the establishment of the dual organi-
journeys westward to the end of the world, where he rules
zation of the tribe, as well as the placement of the two moie-
over the shades of the dead.
ties within the circular settlement, to be the work of the Sun.
A final supporting element observed by Nimuendajú (1939)
Among the ancient Tupinamba of the Atlantic coast
is the Apinagé’s consumption of round meat patties, which
and the Guarayo of eastern Bolivia, traces were found of a
are eaten at feasts and are said to represent the sun.
cult devoted to the creator, Tamoi. In Métraux’s opinion,
the various culture heroes, including Monan and Maira-
At the beginning of the harvest season, a four-day dance
monan) were derived from a single mythical figure—the
festival is celebrated in honor of the Sun at which the dancers
tribal grandfather, Tamoi. The occurrence of an eclipse of
apply red paint to themselves in patterns representative of the
the sun or the moon is a signal that according to the beliefs
sun. The Canella also publicly implore the heavenly gods,
of the Tupinamba relates directly to the end of the world,
the Sun and the Moon, for rain, the safety of the game ani-
and the men must sing a hymn to Tamoi. These eschatologi-
mals, the success of their harvest, and an abundance of wild
cal beliefs are characteristic of the Tupi-Guaraní and may be
fruit. In a similar manner, the Xerente call the sun “Our Cre-
connected to the messianic movements of the Tupinamba
ator” and pay the same devout tributes to the Sun-father as
at the beginning of the Portuguese colonization period. Such
do the Apinagé. The Sun and the Moon themselves, howev-
movements frequently led to mass migrations in search of the
er, never appear, but the Xerente receive instructions from
mythological land of Tamoi, a region perceived as a paradise
these solar and lunar bodies through other celestial gods (the
where the inhabitants share immortality and eternal youth.
planets Venus, Mars, Jupiter) who are associated with the
A similar cult devoted to the worship of the great ancestor
Sun and the Moon moieties. The most important ceremony
among the Guarayo was coupled with messianic movements
of the Xerente is the Great Feast, at which a pole is erected
at the beginning of the nineteenth century. In this case,
so that the tribe members may climb to the top and pray to
Tamoi was considered the ruler of the celestial western king-
the Sun. At the end of the celebration, the master of ceremo-
dom of the dead as well as the dominant figure at burial rites
nies climbs this pole. Once at the top, he stretches his hand
and in beliefs about the afterlife.
outward to the east and receives a message from a star within
The most revered god of the Guaraní-Apapocuvá ac-
the constellation Orion, who acts as a celestial courier. In
cording to Curt Nimuendajú, the outstanding authority on
most cases, satisfaction is expressed and rain is assured.
this tribe at the beginning of the twentieth century, is the
The ceremonial pole as a link to the heavenly world is
creator Nanderuvuçu (“our great father”). Nanderuvuçu has
also believed to have been employed by the Botocudos, who
withdrawn to a remote region of eternal darkness that is illu-
were among the hunting tribes that once lived near the At-
minated solely by the light that radiates from his breast (Ni-
lantic Ocean but are now extinct. Their religion was appar-
muendajú, 1914). He holds the means to destroy the world
ently characterized by a belief in a supreme being in heaven,
but retains the privilege of using this power for as long as he
named White Head because of the image he created (the top
pleases. Because he is not concerned about the daily activities
of his head is white and his face is covered with red hair).
that occur on earth, no cultic practices are directed toward
He was also the chief of the heavenly spirits, who were
him. His wife Nandecy (“our mother”) lives in the “land
known as maret. The maret spirits could be called to earth
without evil,” a paradise that at one time was believed to be
by the shaman, but in a form that is visible only to him; they
in the east and then again in the west; this paradise also be-
also had to return to heaven in the same way. They took on
came the goal of various messianic movements of the Guara-
the function of intermediaries between mortals and the su-
ní-Apapocuvá.
preme being when the shaman, through prayers and songs,
Ge solar and lunar gods. In the eastern Brazilian area,
turned to them in times of sickness or in an emergency. No
the majority of the northwestern and central Ge tribes (Apin-
one ever saw Father White Head face to face; although he
agé, Canella, and Xerente) hold that the Sun and Moon are
was sympathetic toward mankind, he punished murderers
the only true gods. Both Sun and Moon are masculine.
and was responsible for sending rain storms.
Though not related to each other, they are companions; the
Mother goddesses. As Métraux (1946) pointed out, the
Sun, however, is predominant.
missionaries who searched for belief in a supreme being
The supremacy of a solar god among the Apinagé led
among the Indians of the Gran Chaco were not at all success-
Jensen to the conclusion that here the mythical concept of
ful. The only mythical personality who comes close to the
a sun-man has a secondary identity, that is, he is also a su-
concept of a superior god, in Métraux’s opinion, is Eschetew-
preme god (Jensen, 1951). To support this theory, Jensen di-
uarha (“mother of the universe”), the dominant deity among
rects attention to the fact that human begins alone have the
the Chamacoco, a Samuco group in the north Chaco region.
privilege of addressing this deity as “my father.” He finds ad-
She is the mother of numerous forest spirits as well as of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
8579
clouds. As the controller of all things, Eschetewuarha ensures
to abstain from any form of veneration of this perfect su-
that mankind receives water. In return for this favor, she ex-
preme being, since any attempt to influence his will would
pects her people to send songs to her nightly, and when such
have been fruitless. For this reason, it is not known what for-
expectations are not fulfilled she punishes them. Herbert
mal prayers were addressed to Xolas nor whether cultic prac-
Baldus (1932), who provided in-depth information about
tices associated with him were performed.
Eschetewuarha, compares her with the universal mother of
the Cágaba (Koghi), a Chibcha tribe in Colombia that had
Watauineiwa (“ancient one, eternal one”) behaved quite
been influenced by more advanced cultures. This compari-
differently, according to the beliefs of the Yahgan. He pre-
son facilitates postulating at least a phenomenological rela-
ferred to be addressed as “my father,” and he was reputed to
tionship between the two.
be the lord of the world and ruler over life and death. He
was an astute observer of the actions of humans and pun-
The obvious characteristics of a supreme god are appar-
ished violations of the laws he had established in relation to
ently present in Kuma, the goddess of the Yaruro, who sub-
morals and customs. Such rules were inculcated into the
sist on fishing, hunting, and gathering along the Capanaparo
young (boys and girls concurrently) during initiation rituals,
River, a tributary of the Orinoco in Venezuela. She is consid-
which formed the core of Yahgan religious life. In seeking
ered to be a moon goddess and consort of the sun god, who
contact with Watauineiwa, the individual Yahgan could
is unimportant. Kuma created the world with the help of two
draw upon numerous established prayers. A person would
brothers, the Water Serpent and the Jaguar, after whom the
implore Watauineiwa, who was the controller of the game
tribal moieties were named. Although she apparently created
animals and of all food plants, to help him to secure his sub-
the first two human beings herself, her son, Hatschawa, be-
sistence needs and would turn to Watauineiwa to ensure his
came the educator and culture hero of mankind. Kuma dom-
continued health, to cure him of sickness, and to protect him
inates a paradise in the west in which gigantic counterparts
from inclement weather and from drastic environmental
for every plant and animal species exist. Shamans are capable
changes. But Watauineiwa was also the target for harsh com-
of seeing the land of Kuma in dreams and visions and are
plaints in cases of ailments and misfortune, and in the event
able to send their souls there. As a reliable informant ex-
of death he was accused with the words “murderer in
plained, “Everything originated from Kuma and everything
heaven.”
that the Yaruro do has been arranged so by her; the other
gods and cultural heroes act according to her laws” (Petrullo,
The supreme god of the Yahgan maintained a closer
1939). Métraux drew attention to the typological affinities
contact with human beings than did Témaukel, the
between Kuma and Gauteovan, the mother goddess of the
Selk’nam’s supreme god. Témaukel (“the one above in heav-
Cágaba, who in turn is connected with Eschetewuarha of the
en”) was considered to be the originator and protector of
Chamacoco (Métraux, 1949).
mankind’s moral and social laws, although he was otherwise
uninterested in daily life on earth. Témaukel had existed
Supreme beings of Tierra del Fuego. Among the peo-
from the beginning of time, but he entrusted Kenos, the first
ple living in the southern regions of the continent, a belief
ancestor, with the final configuration of the world and the
in a supreme being is common in hunting and fishing tribes,
institution of social customs. In spite of the respect they ac-
especially the Selk’nam (Ona) of Tierra del Fuego and the
corded Témaukel, the Selk’nam prayed to him less frequent-
Yahgan and Alacaluf of the Tierra del Fuego archipelago.
ly than did the Yahgan to their supreme god. Contrastingly,
Despite many years of European influence in this area and
the Selk’nam meticulously observed the practice of throwing
the astonishing similarities of their beliefs to aspects of Chris-
the first piece of meat from the evening meal out of their huts
tianity, Métraux believed that the religion of these three
with the words “This is for him up there,” an action that can
tribes remained substantially independent of Christianity
be considered a form of sacrificial offering. The dead were
(Métraux, 1949). Martin Gusinde, a member of the ethno-
also believed to travel to Témaukel.
logical school of Wilhelm Schmidt, provided us with re-
search information about these tribes shortly before their
Supreme beings of the Pampas, Patagonia, and the
cultural extinction (Gusinde, 1931, 1937, 1974). The
southern Andes. Although our knowledge of the religious
Selk’nam, the Yahgan (Yámana), and the Alacaluf (Halak-
practices and beliefs of the earlier inhabitants of the Pampas
wulip) maintain belief in a supreme being who is an invisible,
and Patagonia is sparse and relatively superficial, it is almost
omnipotent, and omniscient spirit living in heaven, beyond
certain that the Tehuelche had a supreme being. Like Té-
the stars. He has no physical body and is immortal; having
maukel of the Selk’nam, the god of the Tehuelche was char-
neither wife nor children, he has no material desires. Among
acterized by his lack of interest in worldly activities; he was
the Alacaluf, the creator god is named Xolas (“star”), and de-
also lord of the dead. This supreme being was, in general,
spite the great distance that separates him from the earth, he
sympathetic toward human beings, but there is no proof of
concerns himself with the daily life of human beings.
a public cult devoted to him. Traditionally he was called Soy-
Through his initiative a soul is allowed to enter the body of
chu. A benevolent supreme being of the same name was also
a newborn baby; it remains in the human being until death,
found in the religious beliefs of the Pampa Indians, at least
at which time it returns to Xolas. The Alacaluf were obliged
after the eighteenth century.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8580
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
It would appear that the tribal religions of the southern
nature spirits characteristically display strong individualistic
areas of South America were, in general, marked by a belief
tendencies and are often considered to be demons (Métraux,
in a supreme god. The Araucanians of the southern Andes,
1949). From the standpoint of cultural history, they are re-
and in particular the Mapuche, have left behind traces of the
lated to the lord of all beasts and have affinities with him that
concept of a superior god, as well as a devout veneration of
stem from the same hunting and fishing mentality.
him that survived well into the eighteenth century. In most
Tupi master of the animals. The most important rep-
instances the supreme being is referred to as either Ngenec-
resentation of a master of the animals in the tropical lowlands
hen (“lord of mankind”) or Ngenemapun (“lord of the
is the forest spirit Korupira, or Kaapora, of the ancient east-
land”). Other, more feminine descriptions may reveal an an-
ern Tupi and a few primitive isolates of the Tupi tribes, as
drogynous character. Ngenechen is thought of as living in
well as of the caboclo, or mixed race, people of Brazil. A series
heaven or in the sun and is credited with being the creator
of recorded myths and verbal descriptions have facilitated a
of the world as well as the provider of life and of the fruits
reconstruction of this deity.
of the earth. Although he is responsible for the well-
being of mankind, he is not associated with the moral laws.
Although the use of two names creates the impression
An individual would turn to Ngenechen in personal emer-
that Korupira and Kaapora are two separate mythical figures,
gencies with prayers, the sacrifice of an animal, or an offering
they are so closely related as to be nearly indistinguishable.
of the first fruits of the harvest. A public ritual known as the
Korupira, the master of the animals, is the protecting spirit
Ngillatun, which has survived up to the present time among
of the beasts as well as of the forest; he punishes those who
the Araucanians, consists of offering the blood of a sacrificial
maliciously destroy the game and rewards those who obey
animal to him. Two important objects employed at this feast
him or those on whom he takes pity. For a portion of tobac-
are the rewe, a thick, step-notched pole, and a sacrificial altar,
co, Korupira will lift the restrictions that he places on the
both of which are circled by the participants at the beginning
killing of his animals. Encounters in recent times with a
of the ceremony. In addition to the master of ceremonies,
small isolated Tupi tribe, the Pauserna Guarasug’wä, who
the female shaman (machi) takes over some of the most vital
live in eastern Bolivia, have shown that the belief in Ko-
functions at the Ngillatun. With a flat drum (kultrun), she
rupira/Kaapora has survived. Kaapora originated as a human
climbs the ceremonial pole and upon reaching the top turns
being—that is, he was created from the soul of a Guarasu
to Ngenechen, who is now symbolically nearer. Métraux
Indian. He is the lord of all animals of the forest and has put
(1949, p. 561) and John M. Cooper (1946, pp. 742–743)
his mark somewhere on each of the wild animals, usually on
have both come to the conclusion that in this instance the
its ear. A hunter must turn to him with a plea to release part
older features of god among the Araucanians have been con-
of the game, but he is only allowed to kill as many as he will
ceptually modified through the centuries to conform with
absolutely need for the moment. In thanksgiving for his suc-
the concepts of the conquering Western civilization.
cess, the hunter will leave the skin, the feet, or the entrails
of the slain animal behind when he leaves the forest: by doing
Earlier Spanish chroniclers viewed the thunder god Pil-
so he begs forgiveness from the animal for having killed it.
lán as the central, if not the supreme, being of the Araucani-
After such reconciliations, the soul of the animal returns
ans. Ewald Böning, in a more recent account, pointed out
home to Kaapora. Presumably this tribe, like others, believes
convincingly that the Mapuche describe Pillán in general as
either that the spiritual owner of the game will create an en-
a powerful, extraordinary, and tremendous apparition (Bön-
tirely new animal or that the soul of the animal itself is capa-
ing, 1974, p. 175). Pillán primarily represents an impersonal
ble of reproducing a new material form from the remains the
power, but he can also manifest himself in a personal form.
hunter leaves behind. (The preservation of the bones of game
The concept of impersonal power seldom occurs in the men-
in the so-called bone ritual appears to be widely distributed
tality of the South American Indians. The Nambikwára of
throughout South America.)
the Mato Grosso, for example, believe in an abstract power,
known as nande, that is present in certain things and that
Kurupi-vyra of the Guarasug’wä is a part-animal, part-
contains a magic poison or a real poison. Although any indi-
human forest spirit, but not a lord of the animals. He is,
vidual can, to a certain extent, achieve contact with nande,
however, a possible source of help for hunters in emergen-
it is the shamans above all who can manipulate this power.
cies. At such times he will lend his miraculous weapon, a
N
hardwood wand that he himself uses to kill game, and in re-
ATURE SPIRITS, HUNTING RITUALS, AND VEGETATION
R
turn he demands total obedience. Evidence of a master of the
ITES. In dealing with beliefs in a superior god, I have men-
animals and a helping spirit is well documented in other re-
tioned how the lord, or master, of the animals is one way in
gions of the South American subcontinent.
which the supreme being is conceptualized among South
American tribes. Owing to the fact that hunting belongs to
Mundurucú protective mother spirit. In the Amazon
one of the oldest phases of human history, gods who are asso-
region, the idea of a lord of all animals is sometimes replaced
ciated with this category of subsistence represent archaic be-
by the belief in a lord or master of each individual animal
liefs. Not only do the Indians of South America believe in
species, and sometimes both concepts occur. Starting from
a master of all animals but they frequently display a belief
the basic Tupi premise that every object in nature possesses
in supernatural protectors of the various animal species. Such
a mother (cy), the Mundurucú, a Tupi-speaking group, rec-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
8581
ognize and venerate a maternal spirit of all game. She is the
ritual hunting dances devoted to the peccary, including those
protector of the animal kingdom against mankind and main-
of other Carib-speaking tribes of the Guianas; he concluded
tains a mother-child relationship between herself and the
that a relationship existed between these and the peccary
beasts. Although she possesses a homogeneous character, she
dances of the Mundurucú (Schuster, 1976).
does not have a definite external form, nor does she exist as
Animal dances devoted to the attainment of game and
an independent personal goddess. The shaman alone knows
fish are found among other tribes of the Amazon area and
and understands the methods for approaching her. In an ec-
the Gran Chaco. Instead of focusing on the controlling mas-
static frenzy, he will feed her sweet manioc when she mani-
ter of the animals, however, they are often directed at the
fests herself in any one of her various forms (for example, as
soul of the animal itself. Dances in which the animals, or
a specific type of land tortoise). The Mundurucú also attri-
their spiritual master, are depicted with masks made from
bute to each individual animal species a mother spirit that
bast fiber, straw, or wood frequently do not belong to hunt-
serves as a species protector.
ing rituals as such. Instead, they are used in conjunction with
Formerly the Mundurucú held a reconciliation ceremo-
rites of passage, especially initiation and mourning feasts.
ny at the beginning of the rainy season in honor of the guard-
This applies to the animal-mask dances of the northwestern
ian spirits of the game and fish. At the climax of this ceremo-
Amazon, the tribes of the upper Xingu River, and the north-
ny, two men sang songs devoted to the spirit of each animal
western Ge tribes of eastern Brazil.
in order to call on the spirit mothers. They performed this
The jaguar. The predatory jaguar occupies a special po-
act while sitting in front of the skulls of numerous animals
sition in the religious practices of peoples inhabiting an ex-
that had been taken in the hunts of the previous year. These
tensive area of South America that stretches from the coast
skulls were arranged in parallel rows, according to species,
of Brazil to the central Andes. The religious life of these peo-
in front of the men’s house. Additionally, a bowl of manioc
ples is dominated by activities related to the jaguar. The trib-
porridge was offered to the mothers of the animals to eat.
ute paid the jaguar takes a number of forms: in some cases,
When the shaman was convinced that the spirits had arrived,
attempts are made to pacify or to ward off the spirits of cap-
he blew tobacco smoke over the skulls and then, using a
tured jaguars; in others jaguars are ceremonially killed; in yet
bamboo tube, proceeded to symbolically suck out arrow-
others, the jaguar is venerated as a god.
heads or bullets that had entered the spirits. Through this
Among the ancient Tupinamba, the cadaver of a jaguar
action the animals were pacified and the dancing could
was ornamented and then mourned by the women. The peo-
begin. Such dances, performed by the men, consisted of pan-
ple addressed the dead animal, explaining that it was his own
tomimes of a herd of peccary, followed by representations of
fault that he had been captured and killed since the trap into
the tapir and other animals. This organized presentation by
which he had fallen had been intended for other game. He
the Mundurucú was the most pregnant and illuminating of
was implored not to take revenge on human children.
such ceremonies in the Amazon region.
Among the western groups of the Boróro tribe of the Mato
Hunting dances. The concept of a lord, or master, of
Grosso, who are included in the eastern Brazil cultural area,
a particular species also plays an important role in the reli-
there is a dance of reconciliation performed for the slain jag-
gious systems of the Carib-speaking tribes of the Guianas.
uar. Such dances take place at night and consist of panto-
This is exemplified by the frequent use of the term father or
mimes of the jaguar acted by a hunter who wears a jaguar
grandfather when speaking of a certain type of animal. The
skin and is decorated with its claws and teeth. These Boróro
Taulipáng and the Arecuná of the inland regions of the Guia-
groups believe that the soul of the jaguar will in this way be
nas believe that each individual animal type has a father (po-
assimilated into the hunter. At the same time, the women
dole), who is envisioned as either a real or a gigantic, legend-
mourn and cry emphatically to pacify the soul of the animal,
ary representative of that particular species, and who displays
which might otherwise take revenge by killing the hunter.
supernatural qualities. Two “animal fathers” are especially
The eastern groups of the Boróro tribe attach quite a differ-
meaningful for their hunting ritual: the father of the peccary
ent significance to their rites for the dead jaguar. Here the
and the father of the fish. Both of these figures were original-
ceremonies are held in conjunction with the hunting rituals
ly human shamans who were transformed into spiritual be-
that accompany the death of an individual, and in this sense
ings and became incorporated into the opening dances of the
they belong to mourning rites.
Parischerá and the Tukui, the magical hunting dances of the
Up to the beginning of the twentieth century, the Shi-
Taulipáng. In the Parischerá, a long chain of participants,
paya and Yuruna, Tupi-speaking tribes located on the mid-
wearing palm-leaf costumes and representing a grunting pec-
dle Xingu River, knew of a cult dedicated to the creator of
cary herd, dance to the booming of cane trumpets or clari-
their tribe, who was known as Kumaphari. In the beginning
nets. Performing the Parischerá ensures a plentiful supply of
Kumaphari had a human form, but in a state of anger he di-
four-legged animals, just as the Tukui dance guarantees a suf-
vorced himself from human beings and settled in the north-
ficient supply of birds and fish. Starting with a dance per-
ern end of the world, where he became an invisible, cannibal-
formed by the neighboring Maquiritaré that is similar to the
istic jaguar. Through the shaman, who acted as a medium,
Parischerá of the Taulipáng, Meinhard Schuster classified the
the jaguar god occasionally demanded human flesh, where-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8582
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
upon a war party was organized for the purpose of acquiring
Plant fertility rites. I now turn to those religious rites
a prisoner. The victim was shot with arrows and a portion
that center around the theme of fertility, not only of planted
of the body was consumed by the participants in the ritual;
crops but also of wild edible plants. The most impressive reli-
the remaining part was presented to Kumaphari, the jaguar
gious celebrations of the tribes in the lowlands of the Ama-
god. The ceremonies practiced in this cult apparently main-
zon are those held for the vegetation demons by the peoples
tained ritual cannibalistic elements found among the Tupi-
in the northwestern section of this region. Such demons are
namba of the sixteenth century, although at that time the of-
usually, though incorrectly, identified with the worst of all
fering of a captured warrior to a deity was not recorded.
demons among the ancient eastern Tupi, which demons
An active jaguar cult was also known to the Mojo, an
(and their cults) are known as yurupary in the local vernacu-
Arawakan tribe in eastern Bolivia. The killing of a jaguar,
lar (Métraux, 1949).
which automatically bestowed great prestige on the hunter,
Among the Tucanoan and Arawakan groups of the
was accompanied by extensive rites. During the entire night,
upper Rio Negro and the basin of the Uaupés River, the
a dance was held around the slain animal. Finally the animal
Yurupary rites take place at the time when certain palm fruits
was butchered and eaten on the spot. The skull, paws, and
particularly favored by the Indians are ripe. At the beginning
various other parts were then placed within a temple of the
of the festival, baskets of these fruits are ceremonially escort-
jaguar god, and a sacrificial drink for the benefit of the hunt-
ed into the village by men blowing giant trumpets. These sa-
er was presented by the jaguar shaman. The shaman was re-
cred instruments, which represent the voices of the vegeta-
cruited from among those men who were distinguished for
tion demons, are hidden from the women and children, who
having escaped alive after being attacked by a jaguar. They
must therefore remain within the huts at this time. During
alone could summon and console the jaguar spirit and could
the first part of the ceremony, in which the men scourge one
allegedly turn into jaguars, a transformation known to many
another with long rods, the women are also obligated to re-
other Indian tribes of the Amazon region. It is justifiable to
main within their houses. After the secret part of the ritual
view the jaguar god of the Mojo as a “lord of the jaguars”
has ended, however, the women may join the men in feasting
in the same sense that the concept “master of the animals”
and drinking, which continues for several days. The purpose
is applied among hunting groups.
of this feast is to thank the demons for a good harvest and
This feline predator also played a part in the religion of
to beg them to provide a rich yield in the coming season. In
ancient Peru. Either a particular god possessed attributes of
former times, the so-called Yurupary rites of the Arawakan
the jaguar, or the jaguar was an independent deity who
groups, the Tariana and their neighbors, incorporated the
served as the lord of the earthly jaguars and who appeared
use of two matted “mask suits” made from the hair of mon-
in the constellation Scorpius.
keys and women. These suits, worn by a pair of dancers, were
Protection from slain animals. Rituals established
also not allowed to be seen by the women.
around various slain animals are especially obvious in eastern
The underlying meaning of the Yurupary rites involves
Brazil and Tierra del Fuego. Among the Boróro of eastern
the son of Koai, the tribal hero of the Arawakan groups.
Brazil, the shaman enters a state of ecstasy after big game has
Milomaki of the Yahuna (a Tucano group), on the other
been killed. In this condition he performs various activities
hand, is a sun hero with an amazing talent for singing who
related to the game—for example, breathing over the meat.
was responsible for having created all edible fruits. He gave
He may also sample it before the rest of the members of the
these gifts to mankind, although he himself was burned to
tribe partake of the meal. In this way he bestows a blessing
death by men for having killed members of the tribe. From
that will protect against the revenge of the slain animal spirit
the ashes of his body sprang the palm tree that provides the
(bope). When the Kaingán-Aweicoma (Xokleng) in the state
wood for making the large trumpets used at the feasts. The
of Santa Catarina in southern Brazil have killed a tapir,
trumpets allegedly have the same tones as his voice.
chopped greens, which are particularly favored by this ani-
mal, are spread over its head and body, which is supported
Sacred wind instruments. The reproduction of the
upright. At the same time, the spirit of the animal is ad-
voices of supernatural beings through the use of sacred wind
dressed with friendly words. It is asked to give a favorable
instruments, including wooden flutes and trumpets made
report to the other animals of its kind, to report how well
from rolled bark, is an element that is, or at least was, wide-
it was treated, and to persuade them that they too should let
spread over much of tropical South America. Their use is
themselves be killed. Similarly, when a hunter of the
most often connected with the expansion of the Arawakan
Selk’nam of Tierra del Fuego removed the skin from a slain
peoples from the north to the south. In the area north of the
fox, he spoke apologetic phrases, such as “Dear fox, I am not
Amazon, these instruments are utilized in cultic activities de-
evil-minded. I have respect and don’t wish to harm you, but
voted to vegetation deities, whereas south of the Amazon
I am in need of your meat and your fur.” By this means, the
they are a central aspect of autonomous cults that have an
entire fox society was expected to be pacified after the loss
esoteric character, but have little connection to fertility ritu-
of one of its members. The offering of such deceptions and
als. They appear in the Flute Dance feast of the Arawakan
fabrications to the slain animals is a typical archaic ritual that
Ipurina of the Purus River as a representation of the ghostly
also finds expression among hunters in the Old World.
kamutsi, who reside under water and are related not only to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
8583
the sun but also to the animals. The Paresi-’Kabishi, an Ara-
obvious expression through the rule that every woman who
wakan tribe in the western Mato Grosso, have a secret cult
plants a manioc cutting must sit on a manioc tuber. The
in which the snake demon Nukaima and his wife are repre-
same theme is expressed in the ritual for the first manioc cut-
sented by a huge trumpet and a smaller flute. The Alligator
ting that is taken from a field whose yield is intended to be
Jump dance of the old Mojo (an Arawakan group) is consid-
used at the Tobacco festival. The cutting is painted red, and
ered to be the equivalent of the snake cult of the Paresi. At
the woman to be honored places it against her groin.
the climax of this alligator cult feast, a procession is formed
Even the tsantsa, the fist-sized shrunken head trophies
in which twelve men play nine-foot-long bark trumpets.
of the Jivaroans, are connected with the fertility of the fields.
Women and children are not allowed to see the proceedings;
The power that resides within these heads is expected to be
were they to do so, they would allegedly risk being swallowed
transferred into the crops as the successful hunter, wearing
by an alligator. The cultural wave responsible for the use of
the trophy around his neck, passes the fields. From the tro-
sacred wind instruments in the reproduction of the voices of
phies the hunter also receives information concerning the
spiritual beings apparently died out in the upper Xingu cul-
fields, which he passes on to the women who tend them. The
tural area.
Quechua and Aymara peoples of the central Andes region
The flutes, which are taboo for women, are stored in
frequently call upon Pachamama, the goddess of the earth,
special flute houses like those of the Arawakan Mehináku.
who is essentially responsible for the fertility of plants and
They are associated with a mother spirit (mama’e) who has
who is believed to live underground. In addition to being
the form of a bird, the jacu (Crax spp), and is represented by
connected with many celebrations, she is also associated with
masked dancers during the ceremonies. Among the Ca-
many daily rituals. The cult devoted to her originated in pre-
mayura (a Tupi group), the Jacu feast was organized for the
Hispanic times. It has survived to the present, a persistence
purpose of obtaining help from three manioc mama’e whose
that is undoubtedly related to Pachamama’s identification
assistance was needed to guarantee success with a new mani-
with the Virgin Mary.
oc field.
For the cultural areas of eastern Brazil, the Gran Chaco,
Human and plant fertility. Among the Kaua (an Ara-
the Pampas, and Patagonia (including Tierra del Fuego), in-
wakan group) and the Cubeo (a Tucano group) in the north-
formation concerning gods or spirits related to the fertility
western Amazon region, fertility rites are obviously connect-
of cultivated plants is partial, has little significance, or is com-
ed with a human generative power. At the end of the masked
pletely lacking.
dances, in which the dancers represent animals, the partici-
THE SOUL, THE DEAD, AND ANCESTORS. Most of the Indian
pants unite to perform the Naädö (phallus dance). They hold
groups of South America believe that a human being has sev-
artificial phalluses made of bast fiber in front of their bodies,
eral souls, each residing in a different part of the body and
and with coital gestures they mimic the scattering of semen
responsible for numerous aspects of life. After death, each of
over houses, fields, and forests.
these souls meets a different fate. One of the most interesting
Farther to the west, we encounter the primal father
examples of this idea is found among the Guaraní-
Moma of the Witóto, a superior god who has a strong influ-
Apapocuvá (Nimuendajú, 1914). One soul, called the ayvu-
ence on the fertility of all useful plants. Moma is responsible
cue (“breath”), comes from one of three possible dwelling
not only for the flourishing of the planted crops, including
places: from a deity in the zenith, who is the tribal hero; from
manioc and maize, but also for useful wild fruits. In his
“Our Mother” in the east; or from Tupan, the thunder god,
honor, the Okima, the festival of yuca (manioc) and of the
in the west. In its place of origin the soul exists in a finished
ancestors, is performed. Those under the earth are invited to
state, and at the moment of birth it enters the body of the
participate in the festival by their worldly descendants above,
individual. It is the shaman’s task to determine which of the
who stamp their feet or beat rhythmically on the ground with
three places of origin each soul comes from. Soon after birth
“stamping sticks” that are fitted with rattles. In the ball game
the breath soul is joined by another soul, the acyigua
festival known as Uike, the soul of Moma is believed to be
(“vigorous, strong”). The acyigua resides in the back of a per-
present within the ball, which is bounced back and forth on
son’s neck and is considered to be an animal soul responsible
the knees of the persons participating. Additionally, this ball
for the temperament and impulses of that person, which cor-
symbolically represents the fruits that are brought to the
respond to the qualities of a particular animal. Immediately
feast, the idea being that the bouncing ball makes the same
after death the two souls part company. The ayvucue of a
movements as the fruits in the branches of the trees.
small child goes to paradise, the “Land without Evil.” The
destination of the ayvucue of adults is another afterworld that
Among the Jivaroan people in Ecuador, the cult of the
lies just before the entrance to paradise. The animal soul or
earth mother Nunkwi is restricted to those cultivated plants
acyigua transforms itself into a much-feared ghost, called an-
whose soul is believed to be feminine—for example, manioc.
géry, that persecutes mankind and must therefore be fought.
The soul of the earth mother resides within a strangely
shaped stone (nantara) that has the power to summon
Research on a number of Indian tribes indicates that
Nunkwi. The association between fertility of human females
meticulous preservation of the bones of the dead is a wide-
and the growth of plants considered to be feminine receives
spread practice. Such action, which is similar to the preserva-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8584
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
tion of the bones of hunted game, can be traced to the belief
at sib gatherings. The sound they emit is believed to be a
that residual elements of the soul remain in the bones after
source of male strength when played during a men’s bath in
death. The conceptualization of a “bone soul” has led to the
the river.
ritual consumption of bone ash from dead family members.
Among the Mundurucú in central Brazil, the large wind
This form of endocannibalism is practiced at the present
instruments are the embodiment of the sib ancestors when
time by different groups of the Yanoama and appears to have
played at a particular men’s feast. Like the trumpets of the
been relatively widespread in western South America.
Cubeo, they are not allowed to be seen by the women. At
Among the Yanoama, we find a perception of a soul that re-
the end of the Mundurucú ceremony, a special drink made
sides outside the body of a living individual, a concept sel-
from manioc is poured into the instruments and is collected
dom documented in South America. Such a soul most often
in a calabash bowl as it comes out the other end; it is then
dwells in an animal, but sometimes also in plants. This type
drunk by the participants. This ritual, which is looked upon
of soul may reside, for example, in a harpy eagle if the soul
as a form of spiritual communion with the ancestors, is in-
is that of a man, or in an otter if it belongs to a woman. The
tended as an act of reconciliation that will win their favor and
predominant element of such a concept is that of an identical
help their descendants.
life pattern: when the respective animal dies, its human
counterpart will also die, and vice versa. An animal soul, usu-
The combination of a memorial service for the recently
ally referred to as a “bush soul,” represents the alter ego of
dead and a commemorative ceremony for the legendary trib-
a specific individual.
al ancestors can be seen in the Kwarup ritual of the Ca-
mayura, a Tupi group of the upper Xingu. The Kwarup
Some of the fundamental beliefs in an alter ego preva-
(from kuat, “sun” and yerup, “my ancestor”) centers around
lent in South America stem from within the shamanic do-
a number of posts, each about three feet high, outfitted and
main. The Araucanian female shaman (machi) possesses an
ornamented as human beings and carved from the sacred
alter ego in the form of an evergreen canelo tree (Drimys win-
camiriva wood from which the creator, Mavutsine, allegedly
teri) that she tends in the forest and whose fate is intimately
fabricated the first Camayura. The chant given as people
linked to her own. If someone discovers this tree and destroys
dance around these posts is the same one that Mavutsine
it, the machi invariably dies.
sang as he created mankind. In the Kwarup ritual the ances-
Honoring the dead was an essential component within
tors return symbolically for the purpose of welcoming those
the religions of old Peru, as exemplified by the care that
who have recently died.
mummies of the ancestors were given by priests (Métraux,
Death cults and ancestor worship also play an important
1949) and by the sacrificial victims brought to them. Mum-
role in the eastern Brazilian cultural area, particularly among
mies were also taken on procession at certain festivals.
the Boróro. This tribe makes a sharp distinction between na-
One of the few cases of a developed cult of the dead in
ture spirits and spirits of the dead. The Boróro believe that
the tropical woodlands is exemplified by the ghost dance of
the souls of their ancestors (aroe) hold a close relationship to
the Shipaya of the lower Xingu, which is the most significant
mankind that influences and maintains its daily life. On cer-
religious celebration of this Tupi tribe. The souls of the dead,
tain social occasions, the spirits of the dead are ceremonially
which are well disposed toward mankind, express a desire to
invoked by special shamans to whom the spirits appear and
the shaman—through the words of the tribal chief—that the
whom they enlighten in dreams. As a result of this important
celebration known as the Feast for the Souls of the Dead
attachment to the spirits, the funeral rites of the Boróro are
should be held. It is believed that the souls of those long dead
highly developed and complex. After a ceremonial hunt, the
will take possession of the shaman, who is covered with a
successful hunter becomes the representative of the dead man
white cotton mantle; in this form, the soul can participate
at the funeral proper, which consists of a series of established
in the dancing and drinking enjoyed by the living in the cen-
rites. Among these is a dance in which the most interesting
ter of the village. When souls have borrowed the body of the
elements are large disk-shaped bundles of wood that repre-
shaman, his own soul lies idle in his hut. The ceremony con-
sent the dead person. At the same time that the dance is
tinues for eight or more nights, during which other men who
being performed, the deceased person’s bones, which have
have also become the embodiment of dead souls appear in
been buried for two weeks, are exhumed and painted red
similar dance mantles.
with urucú. Feathers associated with clan colors are glued to
the bones. The specially decorated skull is then displayed to
An ancestor cult is also the focal point in the religion
the mourners. After a period of safekeeping in the house of
of the Cubeo who live in the northwest Amazon region. The
the deceased, the basket in which the bones have been placed
soul of a dead person proceeds to the abode of the benevolent
is sunk in a deep section of the nearby river.
ancestors, which is located near the dwelling place of his sib,
where all its dead are reunited. The ancestors are represented
Among the Ge-speaking Canella (eastern Timbira), it
by large trumpets that are used not only at funeral rites but
is the medicine men who usually establish contact with the
also at the initiation ceremonies for the boys of the tribe, who
spirits of the dead, since they are omniscient. But even those
are whipped as these trumpets are played. The ancestors, rep-
members of the tribe who do not possess particular spiritual
resented by the trumpets once again, are also guardian spirits
abilities seek advice from their ancestors in emergencies. In
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
8585
the first phase of the initiation ceremonies for young boys
uarha. Formerly the performers wore artistically intricate
in which religion is emphasized, the initiates learn how to
feather masks that were later replaced by sacks worn over the
contact the dead. This knowledge is acquired in a race in
head with eyeholes cut in them. In either case, the women
which each person to be initiated carries a wooden block that
were not allowed to discover that these spirits were in reality
is said to be the ghost of a dead ancestor. In the funeral ritu-
men from their own tribe.
als, the men carry much larger blocks in a similar race.
The Lengua of the Gran Chaco use a masked dance to
The cult of the dead is not only an impressive ritual but
represent symbolically the supernatural danger that threatens
a basic foundation of the culture of the Kaingán, the south-
women at the onset of menstruation. In this dance, the single
ernmost Ge tribe. The objective that lies at the core of this
men, wearing rhea-feather belts and masks, approach the
ritual is the elimination of the ties that connect the living and
young women during a typical female puberty celebration.
the dead. This ritual insures that the souls of the deceased
The young women believe them to be the bad spirits. They
will finally arrive at the resting place in the underworld, lo-
are eventually driven away by the adult women after they ha-
cated in the west.
rass and threaten the young girls.
CONCLUSION. Because of the extreme variety of time periods
A cult of the dead among the indigenous people in the
from which information about these tribes is drawn, the only
southern regions of South America, including the Gran
perspective that can be achieved in such an overview is of a
Chaco and the southern Andes, contains few authentic reli-
diachronic nature. To close this survey of the various forms
gious elements. At a funeral, the surviving family members
of religion, I shall briefly indicate phenomena that are partic-
sponsor a large feast in honor of the dead relative. The vari-
ularly characteristic of the individual cultural areas.
ous ceremonies that take place during this feast—for exam-
ple, eating and drinking bouts, lamenting, playing of music,
The central Andes of pre-Columbian times is character-
feigned attacks, riding games, and speeches—are intended to
ized by a belief in high gods and their respective cults, by the
drive from the village the dreaded spirits of the dead or the
worship of ancestors and of the dead, and by agrarian rites
death demons, who are responsible for the death of the tribal
directed to a female earth deity. The peoples of the region
member, to prevent them from causing more harm. Among
of the Amazon and Orinoco rivers occasionally display signs
the people in the Gran Chaco, an attempt is made to console
of high-god worship (Witóto, Tupi-Guaraní). Along with
the dead and to pacify them in their anger at having passed
the vegetation cults (northwestern Amazon) that are typical
away. The mourning ceremonies, which begin immediately
of crop-cultivating peoples, there is a markedly large number
after a person dies, are meant to serve this end. Often an in-
of ceremonies and rites associated with deities of the hunt
valid is set outside or buried before having actually died. Lit-
and of wild animals (including fish). The Ge of eastern Brazil
tle has been recorded regarding beliefs about life of the soul
exhibit clear signs of worship of astral deities—the Sun and
after death among the peoples of the Gran Chaco.
Moon. The cults of the dead and of ancestors dominate
much of their religious life. The Gran Chaco, by contrast,
INITIATION RITES. Among the Indians of Tierra del Fuego
is noticeably lacking in religious ceremonies and rites in the
there is no trace of a cult of the dead to be found in the funer-
narrow sense. First-fruit ceremonies related to hunting and
ary practices. In this region, socioreligious emphasis was
fishing predominate; there are no agrarian rites. In the Pam-
placed on rites that are generally associated with the initia-
pas and Patagonia region a number of socioreligious rites are
tion of members of both sexes and particularly on those ritu-
attested. The Selk’nam and Yahgan of Tierra del Fuego Ar-
als connected with the acceptance of young males into men’s
chipelago believe in a high god, but there is little indication
organizations (the Kloketen of the Selk’nam and the Kina of
of cult worship. The regions of southern and central Andes
the Yahgan). During these rites, a chain of men came out to
share many aspects of religious life. The high-god cult (Nge-
frighten the women. The participating men wore conical
nechen) is associated with a cultivation and fertility ritual.
masks made from bark or animal skin that covered their
A highly developed form of shamanism is also prominent.
heads and faces. Their bodies were painted black, white, and
Throughout South America outside the Andean region, the
pink in various patterns. Although they represented specific
shaman remains the pillar of the religious life.
demons and spirits of the sea, forest, and animals, there was
apparently no ghost of the dead among them.
SEE ALSO Amazonian Quechua Religions; Ethnoastronomy;
Ge Mythology; Inca Religion; Inti; Jaguars; Lord of the An-
The appearance of masks so far south is correctly attri-
imals; Mapuche Religion; Selk’nam Religion; Shamanism,
buted to the extensive influence of the Tropical Forest cul-
article on South American Shamanism; South American In-
tural areas. Between the Tropical Forest and Tierra del
dians, articles on Indians of the Andes in the Pre-Inca Peri-
Fuego, there are no gaps in the appearance of masked dances
od and Indians of the Gran Chaco; Supreme Beings; Te-
in connection with initiation celebrations, as for example the
huelche Religion; Viracocha; Yurupary.
Anapösö, or Forest Spirit feast, of the Chamacoco. In this
region of the Gran Chaco, the performers representing the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
forest spirits were elaborately decorated with feathers. These
Baldus, Herbert. Die Allmutter in der Mythologie zweier sudameri-
spirits are believed to have been ruled by the dog demon Po-
kanischer Indianerstämme (Kagaba und Tumereha). Berlin,
hitschio, who was the consort of the great mother, Eschetew-
1932.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8586
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
Becher, Hans. Poré/Perimbó: Einwirkungen der lunaren Mythologie
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS:
auf den Lebensstil von drei Yanonámi-Stämmen, Surára, Paki-
MYTHIC THEMES
dái und Ironasitéri. Hanover, 1974.
South American mythology is a vast field whose purview ex-
Böning, Ewald. Der Pillánbergriff der Mapuche. Sankt Augustin,
tends linguistically and archaeologically beyond the conti-
West Germany, 1974.
nent proper to include the oral traditions of Panama and
Cooper, John M. “The Araucanians.” In Handbook of South Amer-
eastern Costa Rica as well as those of the autochthonous in-
ican Indians, edited by Julian H. Steward, vol. 2.,
habitants of the West Indies. This article will consider myths
pp. 687–760. Washington, D. C., 1946.
from the point of view of religious studies and will emphasize
Eliade, Mircea. “South American High Gods.” History of Religions
the cosmological patterns and sacred symbolism in narratives
8 (1968): 338–354 and 10 (1970–1971): 234–266.
from nonliterate South American societies of both ancient
Frikel, Protasius. “Zur linguistisch-ethnologischen Gliederung der
and modern times.
Indianerstämme von Nord-Pará (Brasilien) und den anlie-
genden Gebieten.” Anthropos 52 (1957): 509–563.
Since the early sixteenth century more than one thou-
Gusinde, Martin. Der Feuerland Indianer. 3 vols. Vol. 1, Die Selk-
sand languages, representing a variety of linguistic stocks and
nam. Vol. 2, Die Yamana. Vol. 3, Die Halakwulup. Mödling,
many unrelated tongues, have been listed for this area—a
1931–1974. Johannes Wilbert has translated volumes 1 and
fact that suggests that South America was populated over a
2 as Folk Literature of the Selknam Indians (Berkeley, 1975)
great number of centuries by successive migratory groups
and Folk Literature of the Yamana Indians (Berkeley, 1977),
that trekked down from Siberia, North America, and Central
respectively.
America. One classification of South American languages at-
Gusinde, Martin. Review of Mundurucú Religion by Robert F.
tempts to reduce hundreds of mutually unintelligible
Murphy. Anthropos 55 (1960): 303–305.
tongues to only three groups: Macro-Chibchan, Andean-
Haekel, Joseph. Pura und Hochgott: Probleme der südamerikanisc-
Equatorial, and Ge-Pano-Carib. This classification, however,
hen Religionsethnologie. Vienna, 1958.
is admittedly provisional and, in the case of the last two
Hissink, Karin, and Albert Hahn. Die Tacana: Ergebnisse der Fro-
groups, very uncertain. These migrations began more than
benius-Expedition nach Bolivien 1952 bis 1954, vol. 1, Erzä-
twenty thousand years ago. The majority of early South
hlungsgut. Stuttgart, 1961.
American archaeological sites date from between twelve and
Hultkrantz, A˚ke. Les religions des indiens primitifs de l’Amérique.
fourteen thousand years ago, but quartz tools found in Brazil
Stockholm, 1967.
in 1983 have been dated at about twenty-five thousand years
Jensen, Adolf E. Myth and Cult among Primitive Peoples. Chicago,
before the present.
1973.
The higher civilizations of ancient South America occu-
Kruse, Albert. Pura, das Höchste Wesen Arikena. Fribourg, 1955.
pied the Andean region and the Pacific coast from northern
Métraux, Alfred. La religion des Tupinamba et ses rapports avec celle
Colombia to central Chile. From the point of view of mytho-
des autres tribus Tupi-Guarani. Paris, 1928.
logical studies the more or less “primitive” cultures are at
Métraux, Alfred. “Ethnography of the Chaco.” In Handbook of
least as important as the higher civilizations because the less
South American Indians, edited by Julian H. Steward, vol. 1,
pp. 197–370. Washington, D.C., 1946.
developed societies usually possess abundant collections of
sacred stories. The exceeding diversity of South American ab-
Métraux, Alfred. “Religion and Shamanism.” In Handbook of
original peoples has precluded the formation of a common
South American Indians, edited by Julian H. Steward, vol. 5,
pp. 559–599. Washington, D.C., 1949.
pantheon or mythico-religious system for the whole conti-
nent. Nevertheless, since many societies have been in contact
Métraux, Alfred. Religions et magies indiennes d’Amériques du Sud.
Paris, 1967.
at one time or another, more than a few myths are common
to several tribes. Moreover, a large number of motifs are not
Nimuendajú, Curt. Die Sagen von der Erschaffung und Vernichtung
only found in the mythologies of different South American
der Welt als Grundlagen der Religion der Apapocúva-Guaráni.
Berlin, 1914.
groups but are also known to peoples of other continents,
leaving room for speculation as to whether these motifs
Nimuendajú, Curt. The Apinayé. Washington, D.C., 1939.
spread through diffusion or originated independently.
Petrullo, Vincenzo M. “The Yaruros of the Capanaparo River,
Venezuela.” The Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American
MYTHS OF ORIGIN. South American sacred stories about
Ethnology Bulletin 123 (1939): 161–290.
how the world originated do not, as a rule, conform to the
Schuster, Meinhard. Dekuana. Munich, 1976.
pattern of creation out of nothing by the will of an omnipo-
Trimborn, Hermann. “South Central America and the Andean
tent god. Rather, they commonly depict the coming into
Civilizations.” In Pre-Columbian American Religions, edited
being and unfolding of a primordial spirit. In many cases lit-
by Walter Krickeberg et al., chap. 2. London, 1968.
tle is said about the actual genesis of the world, but a detailed
Zerries, Otto. “Primitive South America and the West Indies.” In
description of the structure of the universe is given. This de-
Pre-Columbian American Religions, edited by Walter Kricke-
scription points out the universe’s tiered levels, the axis
berg et al., chap. 4. London, 1968.
mundi (often in the shape of a cosmic tree), and the heavenly
OTTO ZERRIES (1987)
bodies (whose existence is mostly conceived as the product
Translated from German by John Maressa
of the transformation of heroes, animals, or other creatures).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
8587
Many myths deal with characteristics of the sky, and not a
connect the sky and the earth. People of the earth used to
few with those of the underworld. There are also many sto-
climb the tree and hunt in the sky, but an old man who had
ries about the origin of night. Even more abundant than
been given a miserable portion of the game meat avenged
myths of world creation are those about the destruction of
himself by burning the tree. The hunters could not return;
the world, the recurrent agents of destruction being water or
they became the Pleiades. The children of the hunters, who
fire or both.
remained on earth, received from their mother, who was also
stranded in the sky, a deerskin full of honey that she dropped
Creation of the world. The Piaroa, who live on the
from above. They grew up and became the ancestors of the
south bank of the Orinoco and speak a language of the Sáli-
present-day Mataco.
va-Piaroan family, believe that everything was created by the
powers of imagination. In the beginning, they say, there was
The Macuna of the Lower Pira-Parana River in the Vau-
nothing at all. The first thing to appear was the sky, and then
pés region of Colombia, who speak a language of the Tu-
the air and the wind. With the wind, words of song were
canoan family, think that the earth is the shape of a disk. A
born. The words of song are the creative powers that produce
subterranean river is united with the earth by a whirlpool.
thoughts and visions. Out of nothing they imagined and cre-
The river is inhabited by monsters and bad spirits. Over the
ated Buoko, the first being, who developed in the words of
earth is a hot-water lake on which the sun sails from east to
song. Then Buoko imagined his sister Chejaru, and Chejaru
west in his boat every day. Over Sun Lake there is a house
was born. Because of this, humankind also has the power of
where the Lord of the Jaguars lives, a place that only sha-
imagination. The Piaroa say that thought is actually the only
mans, in their flights to heaven, can reach. On top of the cos-
thing humans have.
mos is a layer that covers all others like a lid. Nothing beyond
The Koghi, speakers of a Macro-Chibchan language
it is known. The earth disk consists of several concentric
who live in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, have a creation
zones, the innermost being the Macuna homeland. At the
story that also underscores the spiritual nature both of the
center, just below Sun Lake, stands a sacred mountain, which
first beings and of the essence of the universe. According to
supports the firmament. No stone is taken from this moun-
this myth, creation took place in nine stages, from the bot-
tain lest it fall, taking the sky with it. At a certain point on
tom up. Each stage is both a cosmic level and a spiritual
the earth’s level is the House of the Dead. The outer zones
being called the Mother, who is sometimes accompanied by
are occupied by other Indian tribes, whites, and blacks.
a Father or another spiritual being. The first level, which lies
Sky and underworld. The sky and the underworld are
in darkness, is also the Sea; the second, the spiritual Tiger;
cosmic levels of special interest. They appear in myths influ-
the fifth, the first House of Spirit. Finally, the Fathers of the
enced by the shamans’ narratives of their ecstatic trips to the
World find a huge tree and make a temple in the sky above
upper and lower worlds. The Marikitari, a Carib-speaking
the water. They call it the House of Spirit.
people living in the Upper Orinoco area, say that in the be-
The Muisca (Chibcha) lived in the highlands of Colom-
ginning the whole world was sky. There was no separation
bia at the time of the arrival of the Spanish, and spoke a lan-
between heaven and earth. There was only light. In the sky
guage of the Macro-Chibchan family. According to their cre-
dwelled good, wise people who never died; nor did they
ation myth, before there was anything in the world, it was
work: Food was always available. In the highest sky was
night, and light was kept inside a great thing that, according
Wanadi, who is still there. He gave his light to the people
to the Spanish chronicler who recorded the story, is the same
and they were happy. One day he said that he wanted to
that Europeans call God—an omnipotent, universal, ever-
make people on that part of the sky called “earth.” He sent
good lord and maker of all things. The great being began to
a spirit who made the first people and brought them knowl-
dawn, showing the light that he had in himself, and he com-
edge, tobacco, the maraca, and the shaman’s quartz power
menced, in that primordial light, to create. His first creations
stones. Later, an evil spirit called Orosha introduced hunger,
were some black birds that he commanded to go everywhere
sickness, war, and death.
in the world blowing their breath from their beaks. That
The sky and the cosmic tree. Some of the myths so far
breath was luminous and transparent, and, the birds’ mission
recounted show a close connection between the cosmic levels
accomplished, the whole world remained clear and illumined
and the axis mundi, often represented by a gigantic tree. In
as it is now.
the Mataco myth the danger of the sky falling down is clearly
Cosmic levels. In many South American myths, the
pointed out. The same motif appears in many other myths
universe is conceived as a series of layered planes—three or
of tropical forest tribes. The Ge-speaking Kayapó of central
four in many cases, but sometimes more. The Mataco, whose
Brazil say that in the east there was a gigantic tree called End
language is a member of the Mataco-Mataguayo family and
of the Sky. It supported the heavens, which in those days
who live in the Gran Chaco between the Pilcomayo and Ber-
were parallel to the earth. After several tries, a tapir succeeded
mejo rivers, distinguish the levels of earth, sky, underworld,
in gnawing the trunk until it broke. Then the sky drooped
and (according to some) that of another earth farther down.
down at the edges, forming the celestial vault. At the place
Originally the sky had been joined to the earth, but the
where the tree has its roots all kinds of strange beings live.
Owner of the Sky separated them. Afterward, a tree grew to
When a group of people went to explore the east, they found
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8588
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
it so frightening that they fled back home with no desire to
family, were skilled navigators of the Caribbean Sea and had
return to the End of the Sky.
a rich lore about stars and constellations, some of which has
survived to the twentieth century. One of their stories tells
Sky, light, and darkness. Myths in which the sky, usu-
about a newly married girl who was seduced by a man in the
ally associated with light, is related to the origins of night are
shape of a tapir who asked her to follow him eastward to the
also common. The following story is told by the Cuiba, who
place where earth and sky meet. Serikoai, her husband, acci-
live in the western plains of Colombia and speak a language
dentally cut off his leg with an ax and, after being cured by
of the Guahiboan family. In ancient times there was no
his mother, set out in search of his wife. He finally found
night, only an endless daytime. People could not sleep. A
her in the company of Tapir, whom he shot, severing Tapir’s
woman who had gone out of her mind wanted to break the
head. He implored his wife to return, saying that if she re-
sky. Her husband, who was a shaman and had had a dream,
fused he would follow her forever. She hurried on, chased
warned her to be careful and not to damage the sky, which
by her lover’s spirit and her husband. On arriving at the
belonged to the locusts. But she paid no attention and hurled
earth’s steep edge, she threw herself into the deep blue sky.
a stone that broke the sky, which was made of mud. Directly
On a clear night, one can still watch her; she has been turned
it became dark and the earth was invaded by locusts as big
into the Pleiades, with Tapir’s head (the star cluster Hyades,
as iguanas. They ate the eyes of everybody except the sha-
the star Aldebaran being Tapir’s red eye) close behind, and
man. Then the swallows, who are able to carry heavy loads,
Serikoai (Orion, with Rigel indicating the upper part of her
brought all the necessary mud and repaired the sky again.
husband’s sound limb) in pursuit.
Other stories about the origin of the night suggest that
it was created because girls, or wives, would not grant their
MYTHS OF DESTRUCTION. Stories about the destruction of
favors to their lovers, or husbands, since it was always day-
the world and humankind by a deluge—be it from excessive
time. A Tupi myth from central Brazil indicates that night
rain, or by high tides, or both—are fairly common in most
was kept in a coconut that was opened against the formal
regions of South America. Another type of myth of wholesale
prohibition to do so.
destruction is that of the world fire. In some cases these sto-
ries may recall actual catastrophes, but their significance
Sun, moon, and stars. The sun and moon play impor-
seems to be symbolic of divine punishment for transgression
tant roles in many South American myths. Their origins, like
of traditional taboos. Often, the destruction is believed to
those of stars and constellations, are due in many cases to the
have occurred in the past; sometimes, however, the world fire
transformation of humans at turning points or denouements
is projected into the future.
in the mythical stories. Many versions of the widespread
myth of the “twins and the jaguar” end with the heroes’ as-
The Deluge. The earliest recorded American myth of
cending to the sky to become the sun and moon. This is per-
the deluge comes from the Taino, whom Columbus met on
haps the most ubiquitous myth of South America, found
his first voyage of discovery. According to this version of the
from Panama to the Gran Chaco and from the eastern coast
myth, a young man who wished to murder his father was
of Brazil to the Amazonian forests of southern Peru, among
banished and later killed by him. The old man kept his son’s
dozens of tribes that speak mutually unintelligible languages.
bones in a calabash where he and his wife could see them.
Different versions of this story diverge considerably, but the
One day they accidentally overturned the gourd and the
following summary contains a number of essential points
bones turned into fish. Another day, as the man was out in
common to a great number of stories known to widely scat-
the fields, four brothers, whose mother had died at their
tered groups. A mysterious god or a civilizing hero impreg-
birth, took the calabash and ate all the fish. Hearing that the
nates a woman and then abandons her. While walking alone
father was returning, they hurried to hang the vessel back in
in the forest carrying twins in her womb, she is killed by one
place, but it fell to the ground and broke. The water from
or more jaguars, but the jaguars’ mother takes care of the ba-
the calabash filled the whole earth and from it also came the
bies and raises them. A bird or other animal tells the twins
fish in the sea. The theme of the Deluge as a consequence
how their mother died. The twins determine to avenge their
of killing forbidden fish is still present among the contempo-
mother and prepare themselves to do so through several or-
rary Mataco of Argentina and southern Bolivia. In the Ande-
deals. They finally kill all the jaguars except one, which es-
an countries, Deluge myths are generaly associated with a
capes and becomes the ancestor of present-day jaguars. After
magic mountain where humankind takes refuge. As the wa-
some quarreling, the twins climb to the sky, where they can
ters rise, the mountain also rises, thereby saving the lives of
be seen as sun and moon. As an example of the differences
those who have reached the top. One of the best-known ex-
between many versions of this story, it may be mentioned
amples of this motif was recorded as early as the seventeenth
that in the rich Mashco account of this tale the twins do not
century; its memory persists to this day among the speakers
appear; in this case the extraordinary boy Aimarinke kills the
of dialects of the Araucanian language.
jaguars and then goes up to heaven and becomes Yuperax,
In the native traditions of the Huarochiri area of Peru
the god of lightning.
that were collected from Quechua speakers early in the sev-
The pre-Columbian Carib of northern South America,
enteenth century, the Deluge is caused by a god whose pres-
speakers of one or another language of the extensive Carib
ence is not recognized by people who are reveling. Enraged,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
8589
he advises a young woman who has tended him and won his
are more commonly known by the name of Urus (“wild ani-
friendship to take refuge on a high mountain nearby. Soon
mals”), as they are called by their Aymara neighbors. The
afterward, heavy rain carries the village away, leaving no one
Carib-speaking Waiwai of Guyana say that before human-
alive. Among the Kaueskar-speaking Alacaluf of southern
kind existed there were on earth sky spirits, which now have
Chile, who were once supposed to have preserved no mythol-
the form of birds and which fly in the second heavenly layer.
ogy, an increasing collection of mythic tales has been gath-
Some of them, however, have human form. Present-day hu-
ered since the late 1970s. Among these stories is one about
mankind descends from the children of a woman who was
a devastating flood caused by the breaking of a taboo forbid-
one of these spirits and who, surprised while alone in the for-
ding the killing of an otter. Only a young couple is saved,
est, was impregnated by a grasshopper-man.
again by climbing a mountain.
The Quechua-speaking Inca of Peru had several myths
The World Fire. The Carib-speaking Taulipáng of
of their origins that were recorded by Spanish chroniclers.
Venezuela connect the deluge with the world fire. They say
According to one of these stories, the high god Vi-racocha
that after the great flood, when everything had dried up,
created Alcaviza, a chieftain; and told him that after his
there was a great fire. All the game animals hid in an under-
(Viracocha’s) departure the Inca noble would be born. Alcav-
ground pit. Fire consumed everything: people, mountains,
iza resided at the place that would later become the main
stones. That is why big chunks of coal are sometimes found
square of Cuzco, the capital of the Inca empire. Seven miles
in the earth. The Zapiteri, of the Mashco ethnic group of
away, at a place called Paccaritambo (“lodge of dawn”), the
the southwestern Amazon, say that in the beginning of time
earth opened to form a cave, from which the four Ayar
it rained blood, but later the sun began to heat up and there
brothers emerged, dressed in fine clothing and gold. Fearing
was a great fire. The tribes of the Gran Chaco have a rich
the colossal strength of the one who had come out of the cave
repertoire of myths about the world fire. One of these myths,
first, his brothers asked him to go back into the cave and
from the Mataco, says that long ago the Mataco lived in great
fetch some golden objects that had been left behind. While
disorder. One day black clouds broke into lightning and rain
he was inside, the others immured him there forever. Ayar
began to fall. The drops were not water but fire, which
Manco, who had come out last, took the prisoner’s wife for
spread everywhere. There were only a few survivors, among
himself. Another brother displayed big wings, flew to the sky,
them Tokhuah the trickster, who went underground for the
and from high above told Ayar Manco that the sun had or-
duration of the fire.
dered that he should change his name to Manco Capac
(“Manco the Magnificent”) and take the winged man’s wife
Many fragments have been collected of what is thought
for himself. Finally the winged man turned into a stone. In
to have been a widely diffused myth of the destruction of the
the company of his only remaining brother and their wives,
world by fire. According to the Tupi-speaking Apocacuva
Manco Capac walked to Cuzco, where Alcaviza recognized
Guaraní, the World Fire was the first of four cataclysms that
from their garments that they were indeed the children of
annihilated almost all creatures, and it will be repeated when
the Sun and told them to settle at whatever place they liked
the creator removes from under the earth the crossed beams
best. Manco Capac, the first Inca ruler, chose the site where
that hold it in place. Then the earth will catch fire, a long-
later the Coricancha, or court of the sun, would be built. His
lasting night will set in, and a blue tiger will devour human-
brother went away to settle another village.
kind.
HIGH GOD. The belief in a high god conceived as omni-
Such Ge-speaking tribes as the Apanyekra, Apinagé,
scient and benevolent to humans rather than as an omnipo-
Craho, and Ramkokamekra tell stories about the beginnings,
tent and perfect creator (which in some cases he also is) is
when only two persons existed, Sun and Moon, both of them
documented in many South American myths. It was first re-
male. One day Sun obtained a beautiful plumed headdress
ported by Fray Ramón Pané in the earliest ethnological study
that looked like fire. Because Moon also wanted one for him-
of American Indians. He wrote that the Taino of Haiti be-
self, Sun got another and threw it to Moon, warning him not
lieved in the existence of an immortal being in the sky whom
to let it touch the ground; but Moon was afraid to grab it
no one can see and who has a mother but no beginning. At
and let it fall to earth, and it immediately started to burn,
the the southernmost extreme of South America, the belief
consuming all the sand and many animals.
in the existence of a high god has been acknowledged among
MYTHIC ANCESTORS. Different South American myths place
the tribes of Tierra del Fuego. The Tehuelche of Patagonia
the origin of humans at distinct levels of the universe and
seem to have believed in a supreme being conceived as a good
variously depict the human race as being born from minerals,
spirit who was also the lord of the dead. From the Araucani-
plants, or animals. Women are sometimes assigned a separate
ans (Mapuche) come testimonies of a belief, possibly autoch-
origin. The Urus of Lake Titicaca, speakers of a language of
thonous, in a supreme celestial being, Nguenechen. Very
the Uro-Chipaya family, relate that in the time of darkness
early reports say that the Tupí believed in a being they called
the universal creator made the Chullpas, who were the first
Monan, and that they attributed to him the same perfections
men. They were destroyed by a cataclysm when the Sun ap-
that Christians attribute to their God: He is eternal, and he
peared, and their survivors became the ancestors of those
created the heavens and the earth as well as the birds and
who now call themselves Kotsuns (“people of the lake”), but
animals.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8590
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
The most famous of all South American high gods is the
being. Among the Ayoré of western Paraguay and eastern Bo-
Andean deity Viracocha. Several etymologies have been pro-
livia, who speak a language of the Zamuco family, there is
posed to explain the meaning of his name, among them “sea
an origin myth (or sometimes several) for every single object,
of grease” (as a rich source of life) and “lord of all created
whether natural or manmade. According to the Ayoré, most
things.” In any case the belief in a high creator god among
things originated through the transformation of an ancestor.
the Andean peoples probably goes back to early prehistoric
In many cases, however, cultural objects were in the begin-
times. It has been suggested that Viracocha is none other
ning owned by the ancestor who, at a certain point, gave
than the same world creator and culture hero found in the
them to humankind.
mythology of many tribes from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego.
Apparently, the ancient high god was obscured for a time by
ORIGINS OF FIRE. Fire, the natural element required to
his conflation with the Inca sun god, but later the Inca were
transform the raw into the cooked, separates humans from
obliged to revert to the ancient high god of archaic mytholo-
animals and establishes the basis of culture; as such, it is the
gies in order to secure the support of their allies when Cuzco
subject of many mythic stories, which can be broadly divided
was threatened by other peoples. Another important Andean
into myths about the origin of fire and myths about the ori-
high god is Illapa, lord of rain, lightning, and thunder. As
gin of the techniques for fire-making. Most stories of the for-
do some other Andean deities, Illapa hierophanically pres-
mer group recount how, in the times of the beginnings, hu-
ents himself in trinitarian form comprising Illapa the Father,
mans first obtained fire, either as a gift from a god or as an
Illapa the Elder Son (or Brother), and Illapa the Younger Son
element stolen by a culture hero.
(or Brother). Illapa’s name is related to the Quechua
The greatest variety of myths about fire among South
word illa, meaning both “protective spirit” and “light” or
American societies probably occurs in the traditional oral lit-
“lightning.”
erature of the Mataco. According to one of these stories,
While Illapa is a god of the Andean highlands, Con and
Raven was the owner of fire, and Toad, in an unsuccessful
Pachacámac belong to the Peruvian coast. Con is said to have
attempt to steal it, almost extinguished it. But Tokhuah, the
created the sky, the sun, the moon, the earth with all its ani-
trickster, did succeed in getting it, and, when chased away,
mals, the Indians, and the fish by means of his thought and
waved his burning stick in all directions. The branches of all
breath. After having made everything, he ascended into the
the species of trees that caught fire are now gathered to make
sky. Con was followed later by a more powerful god called
drills for producing fire by friction. In another Mataco myth,
Pachacámac (“world maker,” or “the god who gives orders”).
Vulture, the guardian of fire, flapped his huge wings from
O
time to time to fan the live coals. If someone attempted to
RIGINS OF PLANTS AND CULTURE. The introduction of
seeds for agriculture and the origins of certain staple plants
take a burning piece of wood, however little, Vulture would
and their fruits are recounted as etiological motifs in many
flutter his wings with such force that the fire would flare up
South American myths. In Peru, several sacred personages of
and the would-be thief would be burned to ashes. But ac-
legendary times are credited with the creation of produce.
cording to the most widely reported version of the Mataco
According to an ancient story, the god Pachacámac trans-
myth, the owner of the fire is Jaguar. In this story, Jaguar
formed the sacrificed body of a divine being into the basic
loses his fire to Rabbit, who puts live coals under his chin
food plants of the Andean peoples.
and runs away. Later Rabbit throws the embers in a meadow
and the world begins to burn. People were thus able to ob-
In the traditions of the Ge-speaking Apinagé, Kayapó,
tain fire and to cook their meals, but Jaguar had to learn how
Craho, and Xerenté, among the tribes of the Tropical Forest,
to hunt and to eat his game raw. Then Tokhuah put the spir-
as well as among the Mataco of the Gran Chaco, many fruits
it of fire into the wood of the sunchu tree, which the Mataco
of the earth came from the heavens as gifts brought by Star
use to make their fire-drills.
Woman for her lover and his people. That is the way the
Apinagé first came to know of sweet potatoes and yams and
ORIGINS OF DEATH. Several types of myths about the origin
learned to plant maize and make maize cakes. The Kayapó
of death have been noted among South American tribes. One
obtained manioc, sweet potatoes, yams, and bananas
of these may be called the “waxing and waning moon” type.
through the good offices of Sky Woman, who was the daugh-
The Ayoré of the Gran Chaco say that instead of following
ter of Rain. Maize, however, was revealed by a little mouse
Moon, who waxes again after waning into nothing, their an-
who showed it to an old woman. Among the Waiwai it is
cestor followed Tapir, who dies and never rises again.
said that an old woman allowed herself to be burned, and
The Warao of the Orinoco delta have several traditional
from her charred bones sprouted cassava plants of the type
stories representing different types of myth about the origins
still in use today. In a Witóto myth an old woman who was
of death. One type concerns the “serpent and his cast off
ascending the sky in pursuit of a handsome youth fell down,
skin.” It says that people lived happily on earth until one of
transforming herself into the bitter yuca, while the young
them fell ill and died. He was buried, and the Master of the
man became the sun.
Palm-Leaf Fiber said that they should wail for their dead.
In many tribal societies there are traditional stories
The snakes immediately cried and shed their skins. That is
teaching how artifacts and social intitutions first came into
why snakes do not die, but people do.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
8591
Another type of myth, and a very common one, attri-
daughter of Meni caught Rijocamacu, who instantly turned
butes humanity’s fate to its disobedience of a divine com-
into a little baby. The girl put him to her breast. Her father
mandment. It is said that death and sickness came to the
approved of what she was doing, and kindled some wax,
Warao as a punishment inflicted by the Master of Water
blowing on the smoke in order to chase away the spirits of
Spirits because his daughter, who had married a Warao, had
the dead so that they could not frighten the baby and make
been obliged to go into the menstruation hut when she had
him cry. Since that time, when a woman gives birth, the chief
her menses, according to the customs of her husband’s village
blows on the household fire and only then are the people al-
but against her will, and she died. To castigate the Indians,
lowed into the house. In many tales, Meni is said to have
the water spirits caused accidents, sickness, and death.
been the first to do the things that the Barasana do now.
Yet another myth type, the “ill-timed answer,” is found
The close relationship between myth and ritual has been
not only among the Warao but also in Guyana and else-
established in the case of the complex of sacred stories, holy
where. Once, when the world was young and animals could
performances, and tabooed musical instruments and other
talk, a chief announced that Death would pass by that night.
items that are associated with the name Yurupary, known to
The chief added that Death would call to them first, and that
many tribes in the western Amazon region. The stories about
a good spirit would call afterward. If they answered the sec-
Yurupary differ from one tribe to another. One of these sto-
ond call, people would never die, but if they answered the
ries, told among the Macuna, was that Yurupary was an old
first call, all would surely die. The chief asked everybody to
jaguar-shaman whose female companion was Romi Kumu,
stay awake, but a young man went to sleep. Night came and
another powerful being. Since he devoured many men, two
all was quiet. About midnight they heard a voice that they
ancestors decided to kill him, and they did. Afterward they
did not answer, but the young man who was sleeping woke
burned his body; but his ashes produced a palm tree that shot
up and answered it. From that time, people began to die.
quickly into the sky. The ancestors cut the palm to pieces
and these became musical instruments: three male trumpets
The “malevolent decision” motif and the “shouting at
and one female flute that did not give out any sound until
and scaring away the revenant” motif sometimes overlap, as
a hole was made to imitate the vagina of Romi Kumi. When
in the Mataco myth according to which there was a time
the ancestors found Romi Kumi on an island, they stuck the
when everybody lived for five hundred years and died only
flute between her legs, and that was the origin of menstrua-
of old age. Three days after death they would return to life
tion. They gave the instruments to men, who at that time
again, rejuvenated. Nevertheless, when Tokhuah, the trick-
performed the agricultural work that is now performed by
ster, saw Moon, who was a handsome young man with an
the women. In the Yurupary ceremonies, females are not al-
oversized member, beginning to shine again, Tokhuah was
lowed to see the instruments.
frightened, shouting “Go away!” and threatening Moon with
a stick. Moon fled upward until he reached the sky. Tokhuah
MODERN MYTHS. The myths mentioned above are ancient
did the same to those who returned from the dead, and it
stories exhibiting the characteristics of South American cul-
is surmised that because of his actions the dead do not come
tures before contact with European civilization, but the cre-
back to life any more.
ative forces of native imagination were not totally withered
by the impact. Old myths were recast in new molds, making
Another widely scattered motif is the “resurrection ritu-
allowance for the presence of the whites and their ways.
al that fails.” The SelkDnam of Tierra del Fuego used to say
Hundreds of legends—that is, myths with some historical
that when their hero Kenos reached old age and seemed to
component— were coined in colonial times, and the process
die, he rose up again, and caused other men who died to
is still alive today in many areas where indigenous and for-
come back to life by washing them. Subsequently, when he
eign cultures meet. One such legend is the so-called myth
decided at one point not to rise again and went into the sky
of Inkarri, which has been traced to several localities in the
and became a star, he instructed Cenuke, a powerful sorcerer,
vicinity of Cuzco, but has also been found in other areas of
to wash old people and make them young again. But
Peru. Its gist is that the Spanish conqueror Pizarro impris-
Kwanip, another powerful sorcerer, ordained that no person
oned and beheaded Atahuallpa, the Inca king (Span., Inca
should be raised from the sleep of age. He hurried up to the
rey = Inkarri), but the head, which is secretly kept some-
sky where he also became a star. Since then nobody comes
where, is not dead, and is growing a body, which when com-
back from the grave.
pleted will shake off the chains and fetters that hold the Inca
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MYTH AND RITUAL. According to
people in bondage. Eventually, Inkarri will reestablish justice
a well-known theory, myths recount rituals and rituals per-
and bring back the ancient culture of the vanquished.
form myths. Although this idea will hardly hold if applied
to all myths and rituals, it is true that some myths relate the
SEE ALSO Atahuallpa; Yurupary.
origins of certain rites. The southern Barasana, speakers of
a Tucanoan language, tell a story of their culture hero
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Warimi, who in his childhood was called Rijocamacu and
The best collection of sources, translated into English from the
who always succeeded in escaping when pursued by the
Spanish, Portuguese, and other European languages, is the
daughters of the supernatural Meni. One day the youngest
multivolume The Folk Literature of South American Indians,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8592
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
edited by Johannes Wilbert (Los Angeles, 1970–), published
2 vols. (Syracuse, N.Y., 1984). Many South American
as part of the “UCLA Latin American Studies” series. Sepa-
myths, or parts of them, are included in the first three vol-
rate volumes have been devoted to the Warao (1970),
umes of Claude Lévi-Strauss’s monumental Mythologiques,
SelkDnam (1975), Yamana (1977), Ge (1979), Mataco
translated as The Raw and the Cooked (New York, 1969),
(1982), Toba (1983), Boróro (1983), and Tehuelche (1984).
From Honey to Ashes (New York, 1973), and The Origin of
Extensive compilations of South American myths are Theo-
Table Manners (New York, 1978), also useful for its extensive
dor Koch-Grünberg’s Indianermärchen aus Südamerika
bibliographies.
(Jena, 1901), which does not include the Andean civiliza-
There is no large-scale treatment of South American mythology
tions, and Raffaele Pettazzoni’s Miti e leggende, vol. 4, Ameri-
from the point of view of religious studies. The best overview
ca Centrale e Meridionale (Turin, 1963).
is Harold Osborne’s South American Mythology (London,
Other sources are included in more restricted ethnological studies
1968). A survey of the field since the publication of the
or in anthologies devoted to Indians of a single country, such
Handbook of South American Indians, 7 vols., edited by Julian
as the following works: Walter E. Roth’s An Inquiry into the
H. Steward (Washington, D.C., 1946–1959), is found in
Animism and Folk-Lore of the Guiana Indians (Washington,
Juan Adolfo Vázquez’s “The Present State of Research in
D.C., 1908–1909), which has myths of the Arawak, Carib,
South American Mythology,” Numen 25 (1978): 240–276.
and Warao; An Historical and Ethnological Survey of the Cuna
Although dated in many respects, the Handbook has not been
Indians, by Erland Nordenskiöld in collaboration with
replaced as a general work of reference. Invaluable for the
Ruben Pérez Kantule, edited by Henry Wassén (Göteborg,
ethnological background to the mythology of many tribes,
1938); Herbert Baldus’s Die Jaguarzwillinge (Kassel, 1958),
it also includes brief summaries on religions and mytholo-
with myths from Brazil; Fray Cesáreo de Armellada and Car-
gies, and an article by Alfred Métraux, “Religion and Sha-
mela Bentivenga de Napolitano’s Literaturas indígenas vene-
manism” (vol. 5, pp. 559–599). The article “Inca Culture at
zolanas (Caracas, 1975); Hugo Nino’s Literaturas de Colom-
the Time of the Spanish Conquest” by John Howland Rowe
bia aborigen: En pos de la palabra (Bogotá, 1978). The
(vol. 2., pp. 183–330) provides an excellent introduction to
Taulipan and Arekuna are represented in Theodor Koch-
the subject and includes sections on Inca religion and my-
Grünberg’s Von Roroima zum Orinoco, vol. 2 (Stuttgart,
thology. The chapters on archaeology can be updated by
1924); the Marikitare, in Marc de Civrieux’s Watunna: An
consulting Gordon R. Willey’s An Introduction to American
Archaeology, vol. 2, South America (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.,
Orinoco Creation Cycle (San Francisco, 1980). Myths from
1971). The field of South American linguistics has been sur-
some tribes of the huge Amazonian area are included in C.
veyed by different authors, among them Cestmír Loukotka
Manuel Nunes Pereira’s Moronguêtá: Um Decameron indí-
in his Classification of South American Indian Languages, ed-
gena, 2 vols. (Rio de Janeiro, 1967); Gerardo Reichel-
ited by Johannes Wilbert (Los Angeles, 1968).
Dolmatoff’s Amazonian Cosmos: The Sexual and Religious
Symbolism of the Tukano Indians (Chicago, 1971); Gerald
The following periodicals have published many myths from South
Weiss’s Campa Cosmology: The World of a Forest Tribe in
America: Amérindia (Paris, 1976–), Anthropos (Mödling,
South America (New York, 1975); Manuel García-
1906–), Journal de la Société des Américanistes (Paris, 1895–),
Renduelas’s ‘Duik Múum’: Universo mítico de los aguarunas,
Journal of Latin American Lore (Los Angeles, 1975–), Latin
2 vols. (Lima, 1979); Stephen Hugh-Jones’s The Palm and
American Indian Literatures (Pittsburgh, 1977–1984) Revista
the Pleiades: Initiation and Cosmology in Northwest Amazonia
do Museu Paulista (Sa˜o Paulo, 1895–1938, 1947–), and
(Cambridge, 1979), on the Barasana, important for the study
Scripta Ethnologica (Buenos Aires, 1973–).
of the Yurupary myth; Mario Califano’s Analisis comparativo
New Sources
de un mito mashco (Jujuy, Argentina, 1978), based on ver-
Bierhorst, John. The Mythology of South America. New York,
sions from three groups of southeast Peru; Peter G. Roe’s The
1998.
Cosmic Zygote: Cosmology in the Amazon Basin (New Bruns-
Gutiérrez Estéves, Manuel, ed. Mito y ritual en América. Madrid,
wick, N.J., 1982), on Shipibo mythology. Classic studies in
1988.
Guaraní mythology are part of Alfred Métraux’s La religion
des Tupinamba et ses rapports avec celle des autres tribus Tupi-
Fischer, Manuela. Mito Kogi. Quito, 1989.
Guarani (Paris, 1928) and Curt Nimuendajú’s “Die Sagen
Manuela de Cora, María Kuai-Mare. Mitos Aborigenes de Venezue-
von der Erschaffung und Vernichtung der Welt als Grundla-
la. Caracas, 1993.
gen der Religion der Apapocuva-Guarani,” Zeitschrift für Et-
Morales Guerrero, Enrique Rafael. Mitologia Americana: Estudio
hnologie 46 (1914): 284–403. For the Kamayurá and other
preliminar sobre mitologia clásica. Santafé de Bogoté, 1997.
tribes of the Upper Xingu: Orlando Villas Boas and Claudio
Villas Boas’s Xingu: The Indians, Their Myths (New York,
Urban, Greg. A Discourse-Centered Approach to Culture: Native
1973). The myth of the “twins and the jaguar,” widely dif-
South American Myths and Rituals. Austin, 1991.
fused in the Amazon, is studied in relation to early Andean
JUAN ADOLFO VÁZQUEZ (1987)
civilizations by Julio C. Tello in his article “Wira Kocha,”
Revised Bibliography
Inca 1 (1923): 93–320, 583–606. Two recent anthologies of
Andean myths are Henrique Urbano’s Wiracocha y Ayar: Hé-
roes y funciones en las sociedades andinas (Cuzco, 1981) and
Franklin Pease’s El pensamiento mítico (Lima, 1982). The
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS:
best edition of the Huarochiri traditions collected by Fran-
HISTORY OF STUDY
cisco de Ávila is Jorge L. Urioste’s Hijos de Pariya Qaqa: La
Systematic study of South American indigenous religions
tradición oral de Waru Chiri: Mitología, ritual y costumbres,
began with the arrival of the first Europeans. Almost imme-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
8593
diately after landing in the New World, scholars, priests,
and political lines drawn within Europe itself by the Refor-
scribes, and soldiers began describing and assimilating the
mation.
Indians’ peculiar and, to them, outlandish practices for their
For Iberians, however, it was the Reconquista or Libera-
Old World sponsors and public. The confrontation between
tion of Catholic Spain from Moorish rule that lent the study
these early explorer-chroniclers and their indigenous subjects
of religion an urgent, practical tone. If Indian souls were to
established the basis of a religious opposition between Chris-
be recruited to the ends of the “one true religion,” it was nec-
tian reformer and “pagan” Indian; and it is no exaggeration
essary to isolate and eradicate those aspects of the indigenous
to say that these early accounts set the stage for all later schol-
religions that stood in the way of conversion. Priests had to
arly and scientific studies of the continent’s diverse religious
be instructed, catechisms written, and punishments devised
traditions.
for specific religious offenses. The ensuing campaigns to ex-
tirpate idolatries produced the first true studies of religion
All early accounts of religion were driven by the practi-
in the Andean highlands. Combining knowledge of Chris-
cal needs of empire. For the Spaniards, the political impor-
tian doctrine and missionary zeal with an increasing practical
tance of understanding and analyzing native religious belief
familiarity with indigenous life, theologians and priests such
first arose through their encounters with the powerful Inca
as José de Acosta (1590), José de Arriaga (1621), Cristóbal
state of highland Peru. Chroniclers such as Juan de Betanzos
de Albornóz (c. 1600), and Francisco de Ávila (1608) set out
(1551), Pedro Cieza de León (1553), and Cristóbal de Moli-
to define in a rigorous and scholarly way the parameters of
na (1572) among others provided vivid accounts of imperial
indigenous religion.
religion and Inca state mythologies. Two concerns tempered
their descriptions and choice of subject matter: the spectacle
A few indigenous and mestizo writers sought to vindi-
of Inca rituals and the parallels they imagined to exist be-
cate their culture and religion from the attacks of these Cath-
tween their Christian millenarian and apostolic traditions
olic campaigners, in the process contributing greatly to the
and the natives’ own beliefs in a “creator god” whose prophe-
historical study of Andean religion. Among the most inter-
sized return coincided with—and thus facilitated—the ini-
esting of the indigenous chronicles is an eleven-hundred-
tial Spanish conquests in Peru. Similar messianic beliefs
page letter to the king of Spain written between 1584 and
among the Tupi-Guaraní of eastern Brazil attracted the at-
1614 by Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala, a native of Ayacu-
tention of the explorers Hans von Staden (1557) and Anto-
cho, Peru, who had worked with the extirpation campaigns.
nie Knivet (1591). Their writings provide fascinating ac-
Other native accounts include the chronicle of Juan de San-
counts of Tupi religion as part of an argument intended to
tacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua (c. 1613) and the
prove the presence of the Christian apostle Thomas in South
monumental History of the Incas (1609), written by the half-
Inca Garcilaso de la Vega. These native writers defended the
America long before its sixteenth-century “discovery.” Such
goals but not the cruel methods, of Christian conversion and
early accounts inevitably strike the modern-day reader as eth-
defended many native beliefs and practices as more just and
nocentric. The tone of these writings is understandable,
rational than the abuses of the Spanish colonizers.
however, since their purpose was to make sense of the new
cultures and peoples they met within the historical and con-
Other chronicles record European reactions to religions
ceptual framework provided by the Bible. Within this frame-
of the Amazonian lowlands; these include among others the
work, there was only one “religion” and one true God. All
travel accounts of Claude d’Abbeville (1614) and Gaspar de
other belief systems, including those encountered in the
Carvajal, a priest who accompanied the first exploratory voy-
Americas, were judged as pagan. For some early theologians,
age up the Amazon River system in 1542. But if what the
the pagan practices of the South Americans placed them well
Europeans understood by “religion”—that is, hierarchies,
outside the domain of the human. Others, however, believed
priests, images, and processions—fit in well with what they
the Americans were humans who had once known the true
found in the Andean state systems, it differed markedly from
God and then somehow fallen from grace or were innocents
the less-institutionalized religions of the tropical forest re-
with an intuitive knowledge of God. Early accounts of reli-
gion. Accounts of lowland religions were accordingly
gious practices were driven by this desire to uncover evidence
couched in an exaggerated language stressing atrocity, pagan-
of the Indians’ prior evangelization or intuitive knowledge
ism, and cannibalism. Such emphases had more to do with
of God. Catholic writers thus often interpreted the indige-
prevailing European mythologies than with the actual reli-
nous practices they observed by comparing them to such fa-
gious beliefs of tropical forest peoples.
miliar Catholic practices as confession. In what is perhaps the
This early literature on Andean religion provided irre-
most sympathetic account of a native religion, the Calvinist
placeable data about ritual, dances, offerings, sacrifices, be-
Jean de Léry made sense of the religious practices of the Bra-
liefs, and gods now no longer in force—including, in the case
zilian Tupinambá Indians by comparing their ritual canni-
of Guamán Poma’s letter, a sequence of drawings depicting
balism to the Catholic Communion, in which Christians
indigenous costume and ritual and, in the chronicle of Fran-
partook of the body and blood of Christ. De Léry’s account
cisco de Ávila, a complete mythology transcribed in Que-
suggests the extent to which all early inquiries into South
chua, the native language. But these colonial writings also
American religions were inevitably colored by the religious
provided a powerful precedent for religious study thereafter.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8594
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
From the time of the extirpators on, religion was the salient
manticizing and exoticizing, however, tended to occur un-
element or institution by which indigenous peoples were
evenly. Thus whereas religions of the Amazon Basin were
judged in relation to their Christian or European conquer-
subject to the most exotic and picturesque stereotypes of
ors. Religion, in short, became the principal index for defin-
what a tropical primitive should be, the less-remote Andean
ing the cultural and social differences separating two now ad-
Indians were described primarily in terms of their degenera-
jacent populations. Such religious criteria helped shape as
tion from the glories of a lost Inca religion that was consid-
well the unfortunate stereotypes applied to Amazonian peo-
ered to be more enlightened or “pure.”
ples and cultures.
EARLY- TO MID-TWENTIETH-CENTURY STUDIES. The twen-
N
tieth century ushered in new forms of scientific inquiry and
INETEENTH-CENTURY TRAVEL AND EXPEDITIONARY LIT-
scholarly ideals. Departing from the narrative, subjective
ERATURE. The interval between the seventeenth-century
campaigns against idolatry and the early-nineteenth-century
styles of the chroniclers, travelers, and natural historians,
independence period was marked by an almost complete ab-
modern writers sought to describe indigenous religion inde-
sence of religious studies. In Europe itself the accounts of
pendently of any personal, cultural, or historical biases about
Garcilaso de Vega, de Léry, and others provided the raw ma-
it; subjectivity was to be subsumed to a new ideal of relativ-
terials from which eighteenth-century philosophers crafted
ism and objectivity. These writers conform to two general
their highly romanticized image of the American Indian.
yet interrelated disciplinary fields: (1) the anthropologists
While Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778) and others
and historians of religion, who use a comparative and typo-
looked to the Tupinambá as a model for the “noble savage,”
logical framework to examine the universal, phenomenologi-
other French philosophers held up Inca religion as an exam-
cal bases of religious belief, and (2) the area specialists, or
ple of what an enlightened monarchy and nonpapal deist re-
Americanists, who are interested in defining the specificity
ligion could look like. Although far removed from South
and social cultural evolution of religions in the Americas.
America itself, these writings continued to influence the
The first group included such early scholars of lowland
study of South American religions for many future genera-
religions as Paul Ehrenreich (1905), Max Schmidt (1905),
tions.
and Adolf E. Jensen (who later founded the Frankfurt ethno-
With their independence from Spain in the early nine-
graphic school, home to such important modern scholars of
teenth century, the new South American republics became
South American religions as Otto Zerries and Karin His-
once again available to the travelers, adventurers, natural his-
sink). Their comparativist theories proved an impetus for the
torians, and scientists who could provide firsthand observa-
later field studies of Martin Gusinde (1931–1937) in Tierra
tions. Whereas earlier colonial observers had approached the
del Fuego, William Farabee (1915–1922), and Günter Tess-
study of religion through the political and theological lens
mann (1928–1930) in the Northwest Amazon, Konrad T.
of empire and conversion, these nineteenth-century travelers
Preuss (1920–1930) in both highland and lowland Colom-
used the new languages of science and evolutionary progress
bia, and Theodor Koch-Grünberg (1900–1930) in the Ori-
to measure the Indians’ status with respect to contemporary
noco and in Northwest Brazil. These field-workers wrote de-
European cultural and historical achievements. While none
tailed general accounts of lowland or Amazonian religions
of these travelogues and natural histories was intended as a
and placed special emphasis on the analysis of iconography,
study of indigenous religion per se, many of them include
mythology, and animism.
reports on religious custom. Among the most important of
Studies of highland religion during this early-twentieth-
these are the travel accounts of Ephraim George Squier
century period tended to focus almost exclusively on antiqui-
(1877), Charles Wiener (1880), Friedrich Hassaurek (1867),
ties. The most important of these studies are the linguistic
and James Orton (1876) for the Andean highlands and Jo-
treatises of E. W. Middendorf (1890–1892) and J. J. von
hann Baptist von Spix and Carl von Martius (1824), Henri
Tschudi (1891) and the archaeological surveys of Max Uhle
Coudreau (1880–1900), Alcides d’Orbigny (1854), and
and Alfons Stubel (1892). Both Incaic and contemporary
General Couto de Magalha˜es (1876) for the Amazonian low-
Andean materials, however, were included in the broad sur-
lands. Such descriptions were augmented, especially in the
veys done by the scholars Adolf Bastian (1878–1889) and
Amazon, by detailed and often highly informative accounts
Gustav Brühl (1857–1887), who were interested in compar-
of “pagan” practices written by missionary ethnographers
ing the religions and languages of North, South, and Central
such as José Cardus (1886) in Bolivia and W. H. Brett
America to establish a theory of cultural unity.
(1852) in British Guiana (now Guyana).
The Americanists’ interdisciplinary studies of indige-
This nineteenth-century literature tended to romanti-
nous religion drew on the early twentieth-century German
cize the Indians and their religions through exaggerated ac-
studies and on at least three other sources as well. The first
counts of practices such as head-hunting, cannibalism, blood
was the fieldwork during the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s by
sacrifice, and ritual drinking. In these “descriptions” of reli-
European ethnologists such as Alfred Métraux, Paul Rivet,
gion emphasis is placed on the exotic, wild, and uncivilized
and Herbert Baldus as well as by American anthropologists
aspects of the Indians’ religious practices—and on the narra-
from the Smithsonian Institution’s Bureau of Ethnology. Be-
tor’s bravery and fortitude in searching them out. Such ro-
yond describing the general social organization, religion, rit-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
8595
ual, and mythologies of the Indians, these men were interest-
subsequently compiled a vast archive of oral traditions, “cus-
ed in classifying the cultures and religions they found by
toms,” and ritual practices. Notable among these folklorists
tracing their interrelationships and linguistic affiliations. In
and anthropologists are Antonio Paredes Candia and En-
their writings therefore a detailed account of religion is often
rique Oblitas Poblete of Bolivia, Roberto Lehmann-Nitsche
subordinated to an overriding interest in linguistic data and
of Argentina, Gregorio Hernández de Alba of Colombia, and
material culture. For example, detailed studies of shamanism
Jose-María Arguedas, Jorge Lira, and Oscar Nuñez del Prado
were produced by the Scandinavian ethnographers Rafael
of Peru. Unique among them was the Peruvian archaeolo-
Karsten, Henri Wassen, and Erland Nordenskiöld as part of
gist-anthropologist Julio C. Tello. One of the most creative
a broader comparative examination of the material culture
archaeologists working in Peru, Tello was also the only one
of South America. Of these early ethnographers, the German
interested in exploring the relation of the religious data he
anthropologist Curt Nimuendajú stands out both for the ex-
unearthed to modern-day Quechua beliefs and practices. His
tent of his fieldwork among the Ge, Boróro, Apinagé, Tu-
ethnographic publications of the 1920s are landmarks in the
cano, and Tupi tribes and for the degree to which his inter-
study of Andean religion, and his archaeological investiga-
ests in describing these groups focused on their religious and
tions of the 1930s and 1940s extended knowledge of the An-
ritual life. Other important sources on religious practices
dean religious mind into a comparative framework interrelat-
during this period are provided in the accounts of missiona-
ing highland and lowland cosmologies and religions.
ries and priests, such as Bernadino de Nino (1912) in Bolivia,
The major work to appear out of the formative period
Gaspar de Pinelli (1924) in Colombia, and Antonio Colbac-
of Americanist studies is the seven-volume Handbook of
chini and Cesar Albisetti (1907–1942) in Brazil.
South American Indians edited by Julian H. Steward (1946–
A second group that influenced early Americanist ap-
1959). Though somewhat outdated, the Handbook’s articles,
proaches to religion was composed of ethnohistorians and ar-
which cover aspects of prehistory, material culture, social or-
chaeologists. Often hailed as the first true Americanists to
ganization, and ecology, still provide what is perhaps the
work in the Southern Hemisphere, the archaeologists left a
most useful and accessible comparative source for beginning
distinctive imprint on South American studies by the nature
study of South American religions. Its interest for a history
of their specialty: the study of the pre-Spanish Andean past.
of religious studies, however, also lies in what it reveals about
Excavations, surveys, and analyses of previously unstudied
the biases informing Americanists’ treatment of religion.
sites in both coastal and highland Peru by Max Uhle and Ad-
These are (1) a preoccupation with relative historical or evo-
olph Bandelier were followed by the more detailed chrono-
lutionary classifications and the description of religious sys-
logical studies of Alfred Kroeber, Junius Bird, Wendell Ben-
tems in terms of their similarity to, or degeneration from, a
nett, and John Rowe. Although the chronologies and site
pre-Columbian standard, (2) a lowland-highland dichotomy
inventories constructed by these archaeologists did not focus
informed by this evolutionary mode and according to which
tropical forest religions are judged to be less “complex” than
on religion per se, the temple structures, burials, offerings,
the pre-Hispanic prototypes formulated for the Andes by ar-
textiles, ceramics, and other ritual paraphernalia they un-
chaeologists and ethnohistorians, and (3) the comparative
earthed provided new data on the importance of religion in
framework used by scholars who were more interested in dis-
pre-Columbian social organization and political evolution.
covering the cultural affinities and evolutionary links that
Interpretation of this material was facilitated by the work of
connected different religious practices than they were in de-
ethnohistorians such as Hermann Trimborn and Paul Kirch-
scribing and analyzing the function and meaning of religious
off. Their historical investigations of both highland and low-
practices on a local level. The shortcomings of this dispersed
land religions contributed inmeasurably to an overall work-
and comparative focus are intimated by many of the Hand-
ing definition of South American religious systems and their
book’s authors, who lament the inadequacy of their data on
relation to systems of social stratification, state rule, and eth-
specific religious systems.
nicity.
FUNCTIONALIST AND
FUNCTIONALIST-INFLUENCED
A third and final group that helped shape Americanist
STUDIES. The next group of scholars to address religious is-
studies was composed of South American folklorists, indi-
sues set out specifically to remedy this situation by studying
genists, and anthropologists. In attempting to resurrect in-
indigenous religion in its social context. The manner in
digenous culture and religion, indigenista writers of the
which local religious systems were treated was, however, once
1930s and 1940s differed from the foreign ethnologists of
again tempered by the theoretical orientations of their ob-
these formative Americanist years. Their work was motivated
servers. Thus the first group of anthropologists to follow the
largely by an explicit desire to record South American life-
Handbook’s lead during the 1950s and early 1960s was influ-
ways and religions before such practices—and the people
enced by the functionalist school of British anthropology.
who practiced them—disappeared completely. The emphasis
According to this theory, society is an organic whole whose
of the indigenista studies on the vitality of living religious sys-
various parts may be analyzed or explained in terms of their
tems also served as an important counter to the archaeolo-
integrative function in maintaining the stability or equilibri-
gists’ initial influence on Americanist thinking. The prodi-
um of a local group. Religion was considered to be a more
gious group of national writers influenced by indigenismo
or less passive reflection of the organic unity of a total social
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8596
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
system. Examples of this approach are the monographs of
ta, Egon Schaden, Neils Fock, and Gerald Weiss. Though
William W. Stein (1961) on the Peruvian Andes, Allan R.
departing from the structuralists’ methodologies, these an-
Holmberg (1950) on the Siriono of lowland Bolivia, and Ir-
thropologists shared with the structuralists an interest in
ving Goldman (1963) on the Cubeo of Brazil. In several
studying religion as an expression of social organization, soci-
cases more detailed monographs were written that focused
ety-nature classifications, and broad cultural identities.
specifically on the role of religion in indigenous social orga-
nization; these include works by Robert Murphy on the Bra-
In the Andes, where mythologies and religion were
zilian Mundurucú, Segundo Bernal on the Paez of Colom-
judged to be less pristine and less divorced from the ravages
bia, David Maybury-Lewis on the Akwe-Xavante, and Louis
of historical, social, and economic change, Lévi-Strauss’s the-
C. Faron on the Mapuche, or Araucanians, of coastal Chile.
ories generated interest in the study of social continuity
through examination of structural forms. These studies of
One variant of this functionalist approach brought out
underlying structural continuity were based on extensive
the role of religion as a means of achieving or maintaining
fieldwork by ethnographers and ethnohistorians such as Bil-
balance between social and ecological systems. Prime exam-
lie Jean Isbell, Juan Ossio, Henrique Urbano, Gary Urton,
ples of this approach are Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff’s bril-
John Earls, and Alejandro Ortíz Rescaniere. These scholars
liant, Freudian-influenced treatments of mythology, sha-
have argued for the existence of a constant and culturally spe-
manism, and cosmology among the Koghi Indians of
cific religious (as well as mythological and astronomical)
Colombia’s Sierra Nevada highlands and the Desána (Tu-
structure by means of which indigenous groups have retained
cano) of the Northwest Amazon. Other studies of shaman-
their cultural identity over time. Their studies of postcon-
ism, cosmology, and hallucinogens have been carried out by
quest religious continuity drew on ethnohistorical models of
the anthropologists Douglas Sharon in coastal Peru and Mi-
Andean social organization, in particular R. Tom Zuidema’s
chael Harner in eastern Ecuador.
complex structural model of Inca social relations and ritual
geographies and María Rostworowski de Diez Canseco’s
STRUCTURALIST STUDIES. During the 1960s and 1970s
studies of pre-Hispanic coastal societies. Both of these ethno-
scholars began to question the passively reflective, or “super-
historians have emphasized the role of mythology, ritual, and
structural,” role to which much of functionalist anthropolo-
religious ideology in the shaping of Andean economic and
gy had relegated religion as well as the simplistic and ulti-
political history.
mately evolutionist dichotomies between the Andean and
tropical forest cultures. The major theoretical impetus for
Structuralist methodology also motivated a new type of
this new approach came from structuralism, which proposed
comparative study focusing on the similarities linking Ande-
to analyze the affinities connecting mythologies and ritual
an and Amazonian religions. For example, Zuidema’s struc-
practices and the societies in which they occurred by refer-
tural model for Inca socioreligious organization pointed out
ring all to a pervasive symbolic or cognitive structure based
the important similarities between this elaborate highland
on dual oppositions and on diverse forms of hierarchical or-
state system and the equally complex modes of ritual and so-
ganization. The pioneering works of this tradition were Cl-
cial organization found among the Ge and Boróro Indians
aude Lévi-Strauss’s studies of social organization and my-
of Brazil. D. W. Lathrap’s archaeological model for the evo-
thology in the Amazon basin and his four-volume
lution of South American social organization used similar
Mythologiques (1964–1971), which presented a system for
comparative techniques to establish a common heritage of
analyzing mythic narratives as isolated variants of an organi-
lowland and highland cosmologies. By combining this com-
zational logic whose standardized structure he invoked to ex-
parative insight with the historical dynamics of archaeology
plain the commonality of all North and South American
and ethnohistory and by assigning to religion a determinative
modes of religious expression and social organization.
role in the evolution of social systems, such models not only
questioned but in many ways actually reversed the prevailing
The structuralist approach has been particularly impor-
stereotypic dichotomy between “primitive” Amazon and
tant for the study of religion. For the first time a mode of
“civilized” Andes.
thinking—evidenced by religion and mythology—was not
only taken as the principal index of cultural identity but was
HISTORICAL AND POSTSTRUCTURALIST VIEWS. In the final
also seen to influence and even partly to determine the orga-
decades of the twentieth century anthropologists and other
nization of other spheres of social and economic life. In its
students of religion began increasingly to question the no-
renewed focus on religion, structuralism inspired myriad
tions of unity, coherence, and continuity that had character-
studies of lowland ritual and mythology, including those by
ized much earlier work on indigenous religion. Structuralists
Jean-Paul Dumont, Michel Perrin, Terence Turner, Jacques
had intepreted myth as the partial expression or transforma-
Lizot, Anthony Seeger, Stephen Hugh-Jones, and Christine
tion of mental structures that endured over time and ritual
Hugh-Jones. These structuralist studies of mythology and
as the symbolic performance of the formal, structural princi-
social organization were completed—and often preceded—
ples that lent meaning to a particular culture’s cosmology or
by collections of mythologies and descriptions of cosmolo-
worldview. Through such forms of analysis, structuralists
gies (or “worldviews”) by ethnographers such as Johannes
emphasized the coherency and mobility of the structural
Wilbert, Marc de Civrieux, Darcy Ribiero, Roberto DaMat-
principles expressed in the many different domains of social
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
8597
life. In so doing they also made important claims concerning
movements and indigenous political resistance took shape.
the pervasive character of “religion” and the impossibility of
Other examples include the work of anthropologists Robin
drawing a definite boundary between religious and secular
M. Wright and Jonathan Hill on northern Amazonian reli-
activities in indigenous societies.
gious movements and political organization; Xavier Albó,
Platt, Olivia Harris, Abercrombie, and Roger Rasnake on the
Poststructuralist work has built on and expanded this
colonial origins and rationality of the sacred landscapes, so-
methodological and theoretical claim that “religion” must be
cial practices, and authority structures through which Ayma-
studied in many different and overlapping domains of social
ra religious practices engage issues of politics and power; and
life. At the same time scholars working in the 1980s and
Jean Jackson and Alcida Ramos on ethnic relations and in-
1990s used historical methodologies to question structural-
digenous politics in the Colombian and Brazilian Amazon.
ism’s claims regarding the coherency and stability of mental
Although the concept of a religious syncretism between colo-
and symbolic structures. Because the study of indigenous so-
nial (usually Catholic) and indigenous belief systems has long
cieties often depended on the use of documentary sources
been a central issue in anthropological treatments of religion,
written by Spaniards and other nonindigenous authors, his-
these new historical studies move well beyond the notion of
tory or ethnohistory has been a foundational methodology
syncretism to paint a more complex picture of how individu-
for many South Americanists. For example, Zuidema and
als, groups, and political movements strategically manipulate
other structualists built their models of pristine Inca and An-
and conceptualize the semantic and epistemic divides that
dean religious systems through the creative, critical use of
ideally differentiate “native” and “colonial,” Indian and mes-
Spanish chronicles and archives. The new historical work on
tizo, resistance and accommodation.
religion by Tristan Platt, Thomas A. Abercrombie, Joanne
Rappaport, and others has drawn on ethnohistorical meth-
Ethnographers have also begun to question the models
ods in their search for an indigenous “voice” in the colonial
of culture and meaning through which early anthropologists
archive. Unlike the earlier structuralists, however, their goal
once defended the unity of indigenous cultural systems and
was not to reconstruct the elements of a precontact society
the interpretation of ritual and myth. Rather than looking
but to understand the complex role played by religion in the
for the inner “meaning” hidden within religious words and
political worlds formed through the interaction of indige-
practices, these ethnographies build on poststructuralist
nous and European societies.
models of language and practice to explore how meaning ac-
crues to words and practices as they unfold in time. Though
In part because of their heavy debt to structualist meth-
focused on different areas of social production, these ethnog-
odologies and perspectives, early historical anthropologies
raphies hold in common the idea that “religion” is best stud-
tended to approach religion as an inherently conservative do-
ied across different domains of social practice rather than as
main of belief whose persistence in colonial times could be
a discrete symbolic system that functions to give “meaning”
read as a form of resistance to colonial rule. Of particular im-
to other domains of indigenous experience. Thus ethno-
portance in this respect were the studies of messianic move-
graphers such as Catherine J. Allen in the Peruvian Andes
ments as forms of religious conservatism coupled with situa-
have examined etiquette and sociality as lived domains in
tions of social resistance or even revolution. In the Andes
which religious belief takes hold not as an extant symbolic
such work was stimulated largely by ethnohistorical studies
system but as the moral and ethical perspective that is played
of colonial messianisms by the Peruvian anthropologists Juan
out through the many small routines and interactions of
Ossio, Franklin Pease, and Luis Millones. Other studies in-
daily life.
terpreted indigenous religious beliefs and practices as strate-
gies for consolidating ethnic identities threatened by the en-
Studies of Andean spatial practices and aesthetics by
croachment of “modern” national societies. These include
Urton, Nathan Wachtel, and Rappaport among others em-
studies by Norman E. Whitten Jr. in Amazonian Ecuador,
phasized how “religious” meanings are woven into such col-
the mythology collections of Orlando Villas Boas and Clau-
lective material practices as wall construction and territorial
dio Villas Boas in the Brazilian Xingu River area, Miguel
boundary maintenance. Other anthropologists, such as Greg
Chase-Sardi’s studies of ethnicity and oral literatures in Para-
Urban and Jackson, have looked at the linguistic practices
guay, and William Crocker and Cezar L. Melatti in the Bra-
through which myths are recounted and interpreted in local
zilian Amazon.
social life. Finally, Michael T. Taussig’s important work on
the Colombian Putumayo and modern Venezuela has ex-
Through its emphasis on contingency, political com-
plored shamanism as a lens on the working of power, fear,
plexity, and intrigue, subsequent work has tended to compli-
and memory in the shaping of Colombian modernity. Taus-
cate the category of resistance itself, along with the dual-
sig’s work has been particularly important in that it takes the
society models that were often implied by the concept of re-
claims of indigenous religious belief and historical narrative
sistance. Stefano Varese’s groundbreaking work on the
seriously as a force in the shaping of modern Latin America.
Peruvian Campa or Ashaninka, based on fieldwork conduct-
Taussig thus succeeds in questioning the spurious distinction
ed during the late 1960s and early 1970s, provides an early
between magical and rational thought and with it the catego-
example of a political anthropology of religion that empha-
ries of myth and history that permeated so much earlier work
sized the political economic contexts in which messianic
on South American religion.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8598
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
CONCLUSION. Taken together historical and poststructural-
chival materials that describe religious practices of the time
ist approaches have had the singular effect of undermining
as well as an analysis of the Spaniards’ motives for initiating
the integrity and coherency of the very categories “religion”
the campaign.
and “indigenous” that animated so much earlier anthropolo-
Krickeberg, Walter, et al. Pre-Columbian American Religions.
gy in the region. For a majority of the anthropologists and
Translated by Stanley Davis. London, 1968. Contains survey
historians working in South America, it is no longer possible
articles by Hermann Trimborn and Otto Zerries. Informa-
to speak of indigenous communities, practices, identities, or
tive for its breadth of material, it has a sample of the types
beliefs without situating them in broader regional and na-
of analyses used by historians of religion in the German tra-
tional histories. As the notion of indigenous religion becomes
dition.
unhinged from its original location in the pristine, or sup-
Lévi-Strauss, Claude. Mythologiques. 4 vols. Paris, 1964–1971.
posedly pristine, life of the “Indian community,” it has be-
Translated into English by John Weightman and Doreen
come possible for scholars to think critically and historically
Weightman as Introduction to a Science of Mythology. 3 vols.
about the place of different Christian belief systems in South
New York, 1969. A collection and analysis of myths from the
Western Hemisphere by the originator of structuralist meth-
American indigenous life. Anthropologists have begun to
od in anthropology. It is best read along with Lévi-Strauss’s
study the Protestant evangelical and Catholic charismatic
earlier works, Tristes Tropiques (New York, 1974) and Struc-
sects that have become so prominent in many indigenous
tural Anthropology, 2 vols. (New York, 1963).
communities of South America. Wachtel, Antoinette
MacCormack, Sabine. Religion in the Andes: Vision and Imagina-
Fioravanti-Molinié, and others have analyzed the persistence
tion in Early Colonial Peru. Princeton, N.J., 1991.
of indigenous religious beliefs regarding threatening ñakaqs,
or spirits who extract body fat, in contexts of uncertainty and
Métraux, Alfred. Religions et magies indiennes d’Amérique du Sud:
Édition posthume établie par Simone Dreyfus. Paris, 1967.
change, including among urban indigenous groups. Similar-
Métraux was one of the founding figures of Americanist
ly the category of “popular Catholicism” that was first intro-
studies. This collection of his articles covers nearly all the
duced by Liberation theologists in the aftermth of Vactican
areas in which he did fieldwork, including Peru (Quechua),
II has become a stable of anthropological writing about in-
Bolivia (Uro-Chipaya and Aymara), the Argentinian Chaco
digenous religion, allowing for a similar extension of the cat-
(Guaraní), Chile (Mapuche), and Brazil (Tupi).
egory of indigenous religion to encompass a broader array of
Mills, Kenneth. Idolatry and Its Enemies: Colonial Andean Religion
ritual practices and beliefs that are more consonant with the
and Extirpation, 1640–1750. Princeton, N.J., 1997.
actual experiences of modern indigenous people living in na-
Nimuendajú, Curt. The Eastern Timbira. Translated and edited
tion states.
by Robert H. Lowie. Berkeley, Calif., 1946. One of several
An important inspiration for studies focused on subal-
detailed descriptive monographs of lowland social organiza-
tern or indigenous groups is the new work by historians such
tion and religion produced by Nimuendajú, a German field-
as Sabine MacCormack on the philosophical and theological
worker who lived most of his life among the indigenous peo-
origins of South American notions of idolatry, redemption,
ples of south-central Brazil and who adopted an indigenous
surname.
and the miracle and Kenneth Mills on the complex political
and religious forces behind the sixteenth-century campaigns
Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo. Amazonian Cosmos: The Sexual and
against indigenous “idolatry.” Through such works it be-
Religious Symbolism of the Tukano Indians. Chicago, 1971. A
comes possible to appreciate the long route that has been tra-
Freudian and ecological analysis of the lowland cosmology
(Tucano or Desána of the Vaupés River, Colombia) by one
versed from early scholarly obsessions with locating a pure
of Colombia’s leading anthropologists. His other books, Los
indigenous religion to the more historically grounded schol-
Kogi: Una tribu de la Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Colom-
arship in which religious practices are at once seen as fully,
bia, 2 vols. (Bogotá, Colombia, 1950–1951), and The Sha-
even paradigmatically modern, without for that reason ceas-
man and the Jaguar: A Study of Narcotic Drugs among the In-
ing to be any less “indigenous.”
dians of Columbia (Philadelphia, 1975) are also considered
classics in South American religious studies.
SEE ALSO Ge Mythology; Jensen, Adolf E.; Preuss, Konrad
Steward, Julian H., ed. The Handbook of South American Indians.
T.; Structuralism.
7 vols. Washington, D.C., 1946–1959. A compilation of ar-
ticles by archaeologists, historians, and anthropologists that
BIBLIOGRAPHY
provides the best overall introduction to the variety of reli-
Allen, Catherine J. The Hold Life Has: Coca and Cultural Identity
gious forms in South America as well as to the theoretical ap-
in an Andean Community. Washington, D.C., 1988. A sensi-
proaches that had, up until the time of the Handbook’s publi-
tive ethnography of daily life in the Peruvian Andes, focused
cation, informed their study. Its seven volumes are divided
on the ritualized use of coca. It highlights the pervasive pres-
by geographic area, with two volumes devoted to compara-
ence of the religious ideals and attachment to landscape that
tive studies.
shape social interaction.
Sullivan, Lawrence E. Icanchu’s Drum: An Orientation to Meaning
Duviols, Pierre. La lutte contre les religions autochtones dans le Pérou
in South American Religions. New York, 1988. A wide-
colonial: “L’extirpation de l’idolâtrie,” entre 1532 et 1660.
reaching survey of the religions of South America from the
Lima, Peru, 1971. A historical study of the Catholic
perspective of a historical of religions. It contains an unprece-
Church’s campaign against Andean religions. It contains ar-
dentedly thorough bibliography.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE ANDES IN THE PRE-INCA PERIOD
8599
Taussig, Michael T. Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man:
fifteenth centuries CE), who devised colossal irrigation works
A Study in Terror and Healing. Chicago, 1986. An explora-
that enabled them to bring extensive areas of desert under
tion of shamanism and religious healing in the Colombian
cultivation. The dramatic, abruptly changing topography of
Putumayo region in the context of regional histories and ex-
the eastern cordillera is covered by dense tropical vegetation.
periences of violence. Offers compelling evidence of the
Peoples of the intermontane valleys entered this region and
power and presence of indigenous religious beliefs and im-
built the cities of Machu Picchu and Pajatén, and they ter-
ages in the Colombian national imagination.
raced vast areas of the rugged, wooded hillsides to gain land
Tello, Julio C., with Prospero Miranda. “Wallallo: Ceremonias
for cultivation and to prevent erosion.
gentílicas realizadas en la región cisandina del Perú central.”
Inca 1, no. 2 (1923): 475–549. Written by the father of Pe-
The sheltered agricultural cultures of the Andes have in-
ruvian archaeology and published in the anthropological
terrelated since ancient times. The areas where such cultures
journal he edited, this article gives detailed descriptions of in-
did not develop, although geographically “Andean,” are not
digenous ritual practices in the central highlands of Peru,
considered part of the Andean cultural region. The territory
comparing them with the pre-Columbian religion.
of the central Andes—basically equivalent to present-day
Wilbert, Johannes, and Karin Simoneau, eds. Folk Literature of
Peru—became the center of the Andean cultural process.
South American Indians. 7 vols. Los Angeles, 1970–. A con-
The northern Andes (parts of present-day Colombia and Ec-
tinuing series containing compilations of myths from the Bo-
uador) was the scene of the Quimbaya and Muisca (Chibcha)
róro, Warao, Selk’nam, Yámana, Ge, Mataco, and Toba In-
cultures and of the earlier Valdivia culture, which may have
dians. It contains materials from the classic, early
given the initial impulse to the entire high-Andean culture.
ethnographies of these groups as well as from more recent an-
thropological studies. It is annotated by Wilbert, who has
More than ten thousand years have passed since human
also published extensively on the mythologies and cosmolo-
beings first trod the Andes. The earliest settlers were hunters
gies of indigenous groups in the Orinoco.
and Neolithic agriculturalists. By the third millennium BCE
Wright, Robin M. Cosmos, Self, and History in Baniwa Religion:
there appear incipient signs of complex cultures, such as that
For Those Unborn. Austin, Tex., 1998. An excellent example
of Aldas on the northern coast of Peru, whose people built
of new historical work on indigenous religion, including dis-
monumental temples. During the second and first millennia
cussions of shamanism and its relation to mythic and historic
BCE, the appearance of Valdivia and Chavín represented the
consciousness and the Baniwas’ conversion to Protestantism.
first flowering of developed culture, which set the foundation
DEBORAH A. POOLE (1987 AND 2005)
for the developments that eventually culminated in the Inca
empire. By the time that Europeans arrived in the Americas,
the Inca empire stretched for more than four thousand miles
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS
along the western part of South America, from southern Co-
This entry consists of the following articles:
lombia in the north to Maule, in south central Chile, in the
south. The empire passed into Spanish dominion in 1532,
INDIANS OF THE ANDES IN THE PRE-INCA PERIOD
INDIANS OF THE COLONIAL ANDES
when Atahuallpa, the thirteenth and last of the Inca sover-
INDIANS OF THE MODERN ANDES
eigns, was beheaded. From then on, the breakdown of indig-
INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST AMAZON
enous Andean cultural values is apparent.
INDIANS OF THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN AMAZON
INDIANS OF THE GRAN CHACO
SOURCES OF DOCUMENTATION. Study of Andean religion
rests on two principle sources: the reports of early chroniclers
and the archaeological documentation that presents a visual
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
record of Andean civilizations. A number of chronicles exist
THE ANDES IN THE PRE-INCA PERIOD
that were written in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
The Andean region is formed by the Andes mountain range,
by Indians, mestizos, and Spaniards (who based their ac-
which extends the entire length of western South America.
counts on the reports of native informants). There are also
This region can be divided into three geographically con-
other reports—files relating to the prosecution of cases of
trasting subareas: the highlands, the coast, and the eastern
“witchcraft”—that remain scattered in archives, mostly un-
cordillera. In the highlands the intermontane valleys lie at al-
edited. The detailed reports composed by the “eradicators of
titudes of between three and four thousand meters. These
idolatries” are of special value. For the most part, the chroni-
valleys were the places in which the Chavín (tenth to first
clers’ accounts are interwoven with evident prejudices of di-
centuries BCE), Tiahuanaco-Huari (eighth to tenth centuries
vers origin.
CE), and Inca (fifteenth century CE) cultures flourished. In
the region along the Pacific coast, composed mostly of low-
Even though the archaeological and iconographic evi-
lying desert plains, life was concentrated out of necessity in
dence is scanty, it may be that the conclusions drawn from
the valleys formed by the rivers that drain from the highlands
it are founded on a firmer basis than are those derived from
into the ocean. The coastal valleys in the Peruvian sector of
chroniclers’ reports. Naturally, study of iconography requires
the Andes region were the cradles of cultures such as the
specific hermeneutic methods, especially when drawings are
Moche (second to eighth centuries CE), the Paracas-Nazca
heavily loaded with symbols or are confusingly executed.
(second to eighth centuries CE), and the Chimú (twelfth to
Present-day Andean religious practices (especially in rural
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8600
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE ANDES IN THE PRE-INCA PERIOD
areas), which in many cases represent survivals of the pre-
attributes, however, Viracocha was thought by the sixteenth-
Conquest Andean religious world, represent a third source
century Spaniards to resemble the God of Christianity, al-
of documentation.
though Christian-Andean syncretism preserved some aspects
S
of Viracocha’s indigenous origin. Thus, according to the sto-
UBSISTENCE AND RELIGION. The peoples of the Andes are
predisposed toward mysticism and ceremonial; even today,
ries told about him, Viracocha molded humans in clay or
Andeans are steeped in an elaborate religious tradition. A sig-
sculpted them in stone. (They finally spring from the womb
nificant part of their intense religiosity may be explained by
of Pachamama, “mother earth,” which is sometimes repre-
ecological factors: No other agricultural society in the world
sented as a cave.) On the other hand, stories about Viracocha
has had to face a more hostile environment than that of the
also portray him as entering into confrontations with other
Andes region, with its vast areas of desert, its enormous
divine beings and as engaged in other tasks ordinarily associ-
wastes, and the heavy tropical vegetation that covers the
ated with culture heroes (for example, “teaching the created
mountains’ rugged eastern flanks. All physical effort, all orga-
people”). Evidence of Viracocha’s original character as a god
nization of human labor, and all technological solutions are
of sustenance may be found in the prayer to him that was
insufficient to counter the environment, to whose ordinary
transcribed by the seventeenth-century chronicler Cristobal
harshness are added nature’s frequent scourges, especially
de Molina, in which Viracocha is presumed to be based “in
droughts. This endemic state of crisis could only be exor-
thunder and tempests.” Franklin Pease (1973) assigns to him
cised, it seems, through intense magico-religious practices;
outright solar and fertility attributes.
only through manipulation of supernatural powers have An-
Pachacámac. The myth of Pachacámac (“animator of
dean peoples believed it possible to guarantee their existence.
the world”) links this Andean deity even more strongly than
The dramatic situation imposed by the environment
Viracocha with the creation of the first generation of human
perhaps explains why Andean religiosity appears to have been
beings. This deity is characterized, above all, as bringing to
unencumbered by the moralizing of other religious tradi-
humankind the food necessary for survival as a result of the
tions. Rules such as “Thou shalt not steal” and “Thou shalt
entreaties of a primordial woman, Mother Earth. The provi-
not commit adultery” were of course enforced, but theft and
sion of edible plants is shown in other myths: In one of these,
adultery were considered social offenses: It was the duty of
Pachacámac disguises himself, taking the form of the sun (in
the administrators of state law to punish offenders. There
some instances, the son, the brother, or even the father of
was no concept of a future expiation. The relationship be-
Pachacámac, according to the chronicler Francisco Lopez de
tween religion and morality was closest in regard to behavior
Gómara), who with his rays fertilizes the primordial woman,
toward the deities; if their worship was not properly carried
perhaps the incarnation of Pachamama. In another myth,
out, they were affronted, resulting in a series of calamities
Pachacámac kills what he has created, and this action may
that could be checked through prayers, weeping, and sacri-
be interpreted as the institution of human sacrifice to nour-
fices. The hostility of nature in the Andes led to a perma-
ish the food and fertility deities. When the victim is buried,
nently febrile state of religiosity.
his teeth sprout maize, his bones become manioc, and so on.
GODS OF SUSTENANCE. Andean deities jointly governed
Inti. According to both the surviving mythic literature
both individual and collective existence by providing suste-
and the images discovered by archaeologists, the masculine
nance. Soil fertility plays a significant role in Andean reli-
creative force was incarnated in Inti, the sun. He offers heat
gion, as demonstrated by the profuse worship given to the
and light, and his rays possess fertilizing powers, as is evident
deities that personified and controlled the forces of nature.
in the myth of Pachacámac. Mythic literature testifies to the
The gods, though individualized, form a hieratic unit and
Andeans’ reliance on the power of the sun and to their anxi-
share one focus: the economic state of the people. They are
ety that he may disappear, causing cataclysm and the destruc-
conceived in the image of nature, which simultaneously sepa-
tion of humankind (an event that would be followed by the
rates and conjoins the creative forces, masculine and femi-
creation of a new generation of humans). This anxiety ex-
nine. Thus the first basic division appears in the opposition
plains the redoubled prayers and supplications during solar
of Inti-Viracocha-Pachacámac and Quilla-Pachamama. Both
eclipses—rituals that ended with loud cries and lamentations
of these deity-configurations are creative forces, but in accor-
(even domestic animals were whipped to make them howl!).
dance with the social order of the sexes, the supremacy of the
Archaeological evidence of another form of magico-religious
former, masculine element is asserted. The powerful Illapa
defense against this premonition of the tragic disappearance
(“thunder, weather”) is also integrated into the sphere of
of the sun is found in stone altars called intihuatanas, a word
Inti-Viracocha-Pachacámac, but, above all his other func-
revealingly translated as “the place where the sun is tied.” Inti
tions, Illapa directly provides life-giving rain.
was also associated with fertility through water, as when the
Viracocha. Glimpses of a culture hero on whom divine
sun ceases to give light, yielding to clouds and rain (which
attributes have been superimposed can be seen in the figure
would seem a contradiction were it not for the fact that the
of Viracocha, and therefore Pierre Duviols (1977) and María
thunder and weather god Illapa was conjoined with the sun).
Rostworowski de Diez Canseco (1983) correctly deny him
In visual representations, particularly those at Chavín and
the character of a creator god. Because of these same divine
Tiahuanaco, Inti appears with big teardrops that surely sym-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE ANDES IN THE PRE-INCA PERIOD
8601
bolize rain. Gold was the symbol par excellence of the sun,
stress sexual characteristics, but, curiously, they seldom por-
and the robes of head shamans were covered with oscillating
tray pregnant women or women giving birth. Perhaps the an-
metal disks that reflected the sun’s rays and imitated its
thropomorphic figures with birdlike attributes that appear
radiance.
on the walls of Pajatén—which figures are shown in crouch-
ing positions with spread legs—are in fact female procreators
Pachamama-Quilla. Pachamama (“mother earth”)
(Kauffmann Doig, 1983, p. 531). Except for the cases of sex-
symbolized the feminine element of divinity for the Andeans.
ual representations from Vicus and, especially, in Moche art
Pachamama is incarnated as the primordial mother of mythic
(both from the northern coast of Peru), images of women
literature, and she is personified as Quilla, the moon. In this
found throughout the Andean culture region seem to under-
connection she is symbolized by silver; with this metal many
score that female sexuality was marked by modesty.
representations of Pachamama were made, especially in the
form of the half-moon (called tumi), which was one of the
Pachamama continues to play an important role in the
most important religious symbols of the Andes. The cult of
deeply rooted peasant magic of today’s Andean people. She
Pachamama was, and still is, extensive (Mariscotti de Görlitz,
is even venerated in Christian churches. In the Peruvian vil-
1978). Pachamama was held to be the producer of food, ani-
lage of Huaylas, for example, Saramama (a version of Pacha-
mals, and the first human. As primordial mother, she creates
mama) is venerated in the form of two female saints who are
through the fertilizing action of the Sun, and she later be-
joined in a single sculpture—like Siamese twins—to give vi-
comes co-donor of food plants, especially maize.
sual representation to a pathetic fallacy: the symbolization of
abundance that is identified in the double or multiple ears
The mythological literature tells of several female super-
of grain that maize plants often generously produce.
natural beings. These are likely regional versions of Pachama-
ma. Among them are Chaupiñanca, the primordial mother
Illapa. The deity Illapa (generally translated as “thun-
of Huarochirí mythology; Illa, who appears in the mythic
der,” “lightning,” or “weather”) occupies a preferential place
traditions of the Ecuadorian Andes; and Urpihuáchac, sister
in the Andean pantheon. Much of the mythological litera-
and wife of Pachacámac, who seems to be an expression of
ture makes reference to Illapa, who takes on regional names
Cochamama, the marine form of Pachamama. To Cochama-
and is expressed in varying forms: Yaro, Ñamoc, Libiac,
ma is attributed the creation of fish and of seabirds such as
Catequil, Pariacaca, Thunapa (possibly), and so on. To refer
the guanay, which latter act is in turn related to agricultural
to these beings as if they were separate would be artificially
productivity because of the use of guano to fertilize crops.
to crowd the Andean pantheon by creating too great a num-
ber of distinct deities—a trap into which many interpreters,
Ancient documents show that Pachamama was individ-
both early and recent, have fallen. Illapa may be seen as the
ualized ad infinitum to guarantee the abundance of specific
incarnation of Inti, the sun, in Illapa’s primary mythic form
produce—maize, for example. Andean iconography offers
of a hawk or eagle (indi means “bird” in Quechua), a form
representations of Pachamama incarnated in specific vegeta-
to which were added human and feline attributes; thus Inti-
ble forms: multiple ears of maize, for instance, or groups of
Illapa may be said to be a true binomial in the Andean
potatoes. In other instances these agricultural products meta-
pantheon.
phorically acquire human aspects, and they are also por-
trayed as being fertilized by a supernatural, anthropomorphic
Associated with meteorological phenomena such as
personage. Pachamama in her Cochamama aspect also ap-
thunder, lightning, clouds, and rainbows, Illapa personifies
pears to symbolize the presence of abundant water—essential
rain, the element that fecundates the earth. As the direct
for fertilizing the agricultural fields.
source of sustenance—giving rains to the highlands and riv-
ers and rich alluvial soils to the coastal valleys—Illapa is re-
The symbolism of Pachamama has implications regard-
vered in a special and universal way. Yet he is also feared: for
ing the social status of women: As compared with the male
the crash of his thunder, for lightning that kills, for cata-
element of divinity, Pachamama, the female, is clearly a pas-
strophic hailstorms, severe floods, and even perhaps earth-
sive and subaltern being. Her dependence on the male is es-
quakes. The worst of his scourges is drought. Proof of Illapa’s
tablished in the mythological literature. She uses her femi-
prestige is the major temple to him (individualized as the
nine attributes to win from the male gods favors, such as
ruler of atmospheric phenomena) that stood in Cuzco, the
irrigation canals, that are beneficial to the collectivity. Pacha-
Inca capital; according to the plan of Cuzco drawn by Gua-
mama also enshrines the modesty and passivity in sexual
man Poma and the description written by Molina, Illapa’s
matters that characterizes the Andean woman to this day.
temple was rivalled only by the Coricancha, the temple of
The attitude of sexual modesty is to be seen in the many rep-
the sun.
resentations that appear to show versions of Pachamama,
from the archaic terracotta figures of Valdivia to those of the
After the Conquest, Andeans fused Illapa with images
late Chancay civilization of the central coast of Peru. In all
of James the Apostle, a syncretism perhaps suggested by earli-
these, sexual characteristics are not pronounced: The figures
er Spanish traditions. In the realm of folklore, Illapa’s cult
seem to represent almost asexual beings, and they remind
may be said still to flourish in the veneration of hills and high
one of the existence of non-Christian sexual taboos (see
mountains, which are the nesting places of the huamani (fal-
Kauffmann Doig, 1979a). Not only do these figures rarely
cons) sacred to this deity. Also associated with Illapa are the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8602
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE ANDES IN THE PRE-INCA PERIOD
apus, the spirits of the mountains, and the spirits of the lakes,
of prey (a falcon?), represented naturalistically, in which ele-
which, if they are not worshiped, make the waves rise de-
ments of human anatomy are sometimes completely absent.
structively, and which are offended if approached by some-
This “winged feline” may be the most ancient and authentic
one not protected by the sacred coca leaf.
representation known to us of an Andean god. The convolut-
ed, baroque style of Chavín art is responsible for the fact the
When he appears as an incarnation of, or as joined to,
the “winged feline” has sometimes been identified as a cai-
Inti, Illapa may be represented by a male feline with human
man and sometimes as a lobster, a shrimp, or even a spider.
and avian attributes. According to iconographic studies, Illa-
These animals, however, do not appear in relation to the di-
pa’s image as the “flying feline,” or “tiger bird” (Kauffmann
vine sphere at any later stage of Andean culture.
Doig, 1967; 1983, p. 225) is still current in the Andes, as
witnessed in the oral documentation collected by Bernard
Supernatural beings of the highest category are to be
Mishkin (1963) regarding Qoa, a god who is ruler of meteo-
found in representations of the culture-heroes/gods Ai-apaec
rological phenomena. Qoa still appears as a flying cat, his
and Ñaymlap and of the gods at Tiahuanaco and Paracas-
eyes throwing out lightning and his urine transformed into
Nazca. All are anthropomorphic beings that combine traits
fertilizing rain. Pictorial representations of the “tiger bird,”
of both bird and feline; in this context they imply an evolu-
which have been made since the formative period, especially
tionary development of the older “winged feline” of Chavín.
in Chavín and allied art (see below) have recently been relat-
In the archetypical versions of Ai-apaec, the figure bears
ed to Qoa by Johan Reinhard (1985, pp. 19–20).
wings (Kauffmann Doig, 1976; 1983, pp. 362, 624). At
Paracas-Nazca, one figure seems to represent an evolution
ANDEAN ICONOGRAPHY. Iconographic portrayal of super-
from a purely birdlike body into one that incorporates
natural beings is abundant and dates back more than three
human elements (Kauffmann Doig, 1983, pp. 303, 325,
thousand years. In iconographic representations, supernatu-
331–332). Feline and ornithomorphic ingredients are evi-
ral beings are configured in complex ways; their hierarchal
dent in the large figures at Tiahuanaco and Huari; from their
aspects are emphasized, and some achieve the status of gods.
eyes fall large tears in the form of birds, which, since Eugenio
Supernatural beings other than gods are the figures repre-
Yacovleff (1932) and even before, have been interpreted as
sented in Sechín and in some Chavín art. Beings with the
symbolic of the fertilizing rainwater of Pachamama (Mama-
rank of gods are found in Chavín and related cultures—
pacha).
Vicús, Moche, Paracas-Nazca, Tiahuanaco, Huari, and oth-
ers (especially Lambayeque).
Connubial gods in which the male element radiates fer-
tilizing solar rays are found especially in the iconography de-
Mythological literature indicates that those male beings
rived from Huari and, more particularly, in the valleys of
who fertilize Mother Earth form the topmost division of the
Huara, Pativilca, and Casma on the coast of Peru (Kauff-
hierarchy of the Andean pantheon, which, again, is made up
mann Doig, 1979a, pp. 6, 60). The examples of Inca art that
of deities of sustenance. One of the most obvious expressions
have survived have but scant votive content. But both the fe-
of the Andean gods’ character as providers is the anthropo-
line and the falcon continue to occupy their place of honor
morphic wooden figure of Huari style adorned with symbols
among iconographic elements, as may be seen in the “heral-
referring to basic food products that was found in the tem-
dic shield” of the Inca rulers drawn by Guaman Poma.
ples of Pachacámac near Lima.
FORMS OF WORSHIP. Through acts of worship, the sphere
The image of a conspicuously superior being is found
of the sacred could be manipulated to benefit humankind.
in the initial stages of high Andean civilization (especially in
The effectiveness of human intervention into the realm of
Chavín and related cultures). This image, typically a human
the supernatural powers depended on the intensity with
form with feline and raptorial-bird attributes, is repeated in
which the rites were performed. In the Andean world, where
practically all the Andean cultures that succeeded Chavín,
natural factors put agricultural production and even exis-
with variations of secondary importance. At Chavín, such hi-
tence itself to a constant test, worship assumed an extraordi-
erarchal figures of the highest order appear on the Raimondi
nary intensity and richness of form. The calamities that en-
Stela; although lacking human elements, the figures on the
dangered personal and collective welfare were believed to
Tello Obelisk and the Yauya Stela, both Chavín in style, may
have been caused by offenses to supernatural beings and es-
also be considered as representations of the highest level of
pecially to a lack of intensity in worship. Offerings to the
being, because of their monumental stature and fine execu-
gods of sustenance and to other supernatural beings related
tion. The central figure of the Door of the Sun at Tiahuana-
to them complemented the cultic display. Cruel sacrifices
co is an almost anthropomorphic representation of the high-
were necessary to worship’s efficacy; in times of crisis they
est-ranking god. Attributes of a culture hero are perhaps also
were performed lavishly and included human sacrifices.
incorporated here.
The diversity of forms of worship in this region was due
A frequently encountered image of what was perhaps
in part to the variety of forms of divine or magical conditions
the same god as the one described above (but represented in
that these people perceived. These conditions were in general
a clearer and more accessible form) is that of a hybrid being
denoted by the term huaca, which can be translated as
that also had a form somewhere between a feline and a bird
“holy.” Huaca could refer to various unusual geographical
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE ANDES IN THE PRE-INCA PERIOD
8603
features (including special stones, hills, lakes, etc.), heavenly
abundant water, and the multiplication of domestic animals.
bodies, atmospheric phenomena, mummies, amulets, idols,
Often bodies were buried in the cultivated fields in order to
and even the Inca (i.e., the ruler) himself in his capacity as
enrich them. As has recently been reported from Ayacucho,
a living god.
Peru, this practice survives in secret, isolated cases even to
the present day: A mentally ill person is selected, intoxicated
The popular form of communication with huaca (i.e.
with liquor, thrown into a pit, and buried alive. Such
the entire supernatural world) was effected through the
“strengthening” rites were, according to sixteenth-century
muchay (“worship, reverence”). Muchay was performed by
chroniclers, also practiced in laying the foundations of hous-
removing one’s sandals, gesticulating, throwing kisses, mur-
es and bridges, and traces of these rites also have been recent-
muring supplications, bowing one’s shoulders in humility,
ly reported from the central Andes.
puffing out one’s cheeks to blow in the direction of the ob-
ject worshiped, and so on. Other forms of contact with su-
Funeral rites included expressions of grief such as loud
pernatural beings were made through oracles, whose tradi-
sobbing intermingled with chants in praise of the deceased;
tions go back to early forms of Andean cultures, such as the
a practice that also survives in isolated areas of the Andes.
Chavín. Oracles were represented in the form of idols located
The dead were mummified and taken to their tombs on
in sanctuaries such as the famous one of Pachacámac, near
stretchers. Peoples of the arid coast practiced earth burial,
Lima; these oracles rendered predictions about important fu-
but in the highlands mummies were placed—singly or in
ture events to shamans and priests.
groups—in pucullos, or chullupas (mausoleums that were
To make an offering was an act of paying tribute. Offer-
built on almost inaccessible outcrops of rock). Individual or
ings were made voluntarily, but they were also collected in
collective tombs were also hollowed out of extremely steep
the form of compulsory tribute, the administration of which
mountainsides. With few exceptions (e.g., among the
was centralized in temples. A widespread, popular offering
Moche), bodies were buried in seated positions. Frequently
was mullo, a powder made of ground seashells, which by as-
the hands held the head, perhaps to simulate the fetal posi-
sociation was linked to fertility through water; another was
tion. These “living” corpses were surrounded with food and
coca (Erythroxylon coca) in the form of a masticated wad.
drink, weapons, and other belongings meant to serve as pro-
Stone cairns in the high passes were places of worship; wads
visions in the hereafter; some were buried with their mouths
of coca would be thrown in a ritual act called Togana. The
open, both to express the terror of sacrifice and to voice sup-
mummified dead were offered special jars containing grains,
plications to the gods for success in agriculture.
fruits, and liquids. Guinea pigs and llamas served as impor-
Religious festivals were celebrated continuously in the
tant sacrificial offerings.
great plazas of Cuzco and at temples such as the Coricancha,
Among sacrifices, that of young boys and girls was the
the temple of the sun. Festivals dedicated to specific themes,
most important; sometimes human sacrifice was performed
especially in the context of food production, were held
by walling up a living female person. It appears that among
monthly with great pomp; the sovereign Inca presided, and
the Inca the sacrifice of boys and girls was received as a form
guests were invited at his expense. Great quantities of chicha
of tribute, called the capaccocha, from the provinces. The per-
(maize beer) were consumed, drunk from ceremonial wood-
son who was to serve as the capaccocha was delivered to the
en vessels (queros).
capital city of Cuzco in great pomp; after his death, his re-
Andeans have made pilgrimages since the remote times
mains were returned to his homeland and mummified; the
of Chavín, and one of the favorite huacas, or shrines, was the
mummy acquired votive rank and was the object of supplica-
sanctuary of Pachacámac. “Natural” shrines such as those on
tions for health and agricultural welfare. Necropompa
the peaks of high mountains were also popular with pilgrims.
(Span., “death rite”) was a special type of human sacrifice
The Collur Riti festival, a celebration that coincides with the
that consisted of immolations (voluntary or not) that were
Feast of Corpus Christi, follows ancient rites in which to this
performed on the occasion of the death of an illustrious per-
day people climb to heights of almost five thousand meters.
son (Araníbar, 1961). Decapitation of human sacrificial vic-
Some of the pilgrims dress as “bear men,” imitating the ges-
tims had been performed since ancient times: The Sechín
tures of animals and speaking in animal-like voices; they act
stone sculpture of northern Peru depicting this practice is
as intermediaries between other pilgrims and supernatural
over three thousand years old. Head shrinking was rare and
beings. Originally, the Collur Riti was dedicated to water,
there is no evidence of cannibalism in the Andean region.
and even today pilgrims return to their homes with pieces
(Though in the myths there are a number of supernatural be-
of ice carved from the mountain glaciers, symbolizing the fer-
ings, such as Carhuincho, Carhuallo, and Achké, who are an-
tility imparted by water. In the past, pilgrims fasted for vari-
thropophagous.) Human sacrifice, performed to achieve
able periods of time, abstaining from maize beer, ají (Capsi-
greater agricultural fertility, drew its rationale from the prin-
cum anuum), and sexual intercourse.
ciple that the Andeans believed governed nature: Death en-
MEDICINE AND MAGIC. Shamans use maracas in their heal-
genders life.
ing rites, a practice carried on into the present by Andean
The dead, mummified and revered, were expected to
curanderos (Span., “healers”). The curanderos also use halluci-
implore the supernatural powers for sustenance, soil fertility,
nogenic substances to cause them to enter the trance state.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8604
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE ANDES IN THE PRE-INCA PERIOD
The San Pedro cactus (Trichocereus pabhanoi) is a powerful
BIBLIOGRAPHY
hallucinogen used particularly on the Peruvian coast; it gives
Araníbar, Carlos. “Los sacrificios humanos entre los Incas, a través
the curandero the ability to discover the cause of an illness.
de las crónicas de los siglos XVI y XVII.” Ph. D. diss., Uni-
In the highlands the diagnosis is still made by rubbing the
versity of Lima, 1961.
body of a sick person with a guinea pig or with substances
Arguedas, José María. “Puquio: Una cultura en proceso de cam-
bio.” Revista del Museo Nacional (Lima) 25 (1956): 184–232.
such as maize powder. The cure was effected through the use
Cane, Ralph. “Problemas arqueológicos e iconográficos: Enfoques
of medicinal plants. Today, curanderos complement their an-
nuevos.” Boletín de Lima 37 (January 1985): 38–44.
cient remedies with modern pharmaceutical products.
Carrion Cachot de Girard, Rebeca. La religión en el antiguo Perú.
Divination was often performed under the influence of
Lima, 1959.
hallucinogens or coca. Several studies, among them those of
Cordy-Collins, Alana. “Chavín Art: Its Shamanistic/Halluci-
nogenic Origins.” In Precolumbian Art History, edited by
Alana Cordy-Collins (1977) and Ralph Cané (1985) specu-
Alana Cordy-Collins and Jean Stearn, pp. 353–362. Palo
late that the intricate art of Chavín originated in hallucino-
Alto, 1977.
genic experiences.
Curatola, Marco. “Mito y milenarismo en los Andes: Del Taqui
Oncoy a Incarrí: La vision de un pueblo invicto.” Allpanchis
Institutionalized worship gave rise to a rich range of folk
Phuturinqa (Cuzco) 10 (1977): 65–92.
magic. Thus, for example, there were magic love-stones (gua-
Duviols, Pierre. “Los mombies quechua de Viracocha, supuesto
cangui). Small stone sculptures of domestic animals, used to
‘dios creador’ de los evangeligadores.” Allpanchis Phuturinqa
propitiate the spirits of abundance, are still produced. Ce-
10 (1977): 53–63.
ramic figures representing vigorous bulls (toritos de Pucará)
Favre, Henri. “Tayta Wamani: Le culte des montanes dans le cen-
are still placed on rooftops, where they signify prosperity and
tre sud des Andes péruviennes.” In Colloque d’études péru-
fertility and offer magical protection of the home.
viennes, pp. 121–140. Aix-en-Provence, 1967.
Jijón y Caamaño, Jacínto. La religión del imperio de los Incas.
MESSIANISM. Andean mysticism and ritual experienced a
Quito, 1919.
vigorous rejuvenescence some thirty years after the Spanish
Jimenez Borja, Arturo. “Introducción al pensamiento araico per-
conquest in the form of the nativistic movement called Taqui
uano.” Revista del Museo Nacional (Lima) 38 (1972): 191–
Oncoy (see Duviols, 1977; Millones, 1964; Ossio, 1973;
249.
Curatola, 1977; Urbano, 1981). The aims of this sixteenth-
Karsten, Rafael. “Die altperuanische Religion.” Archiv für Reli-
century messianic movement were to drive the white invad-
gionswissenschaft 25 (1927): 36–51.
ers from the land and to reinstate the structures of the lost
Kauffmann Doig, Federico. El Perú arqueológico: Tratado breve
Inca past. The movement’s power was based on the worship
sobre el Perú preincaico. Lima, 1976.
of huacas, the popular form of Andean religiosity after the
Kauffmann Doig, Federico. Sexual Behavior in Ancient Peru.
Lima, 1979. Cited in the text as 1979a.
Sun had lost its credibility with the defeat inflicted by the
Kauffman Doig, Federico. “Sechín: Ensayo de arqueología icono-
Christian God. By a kind of magic purification, Taqui
gráfica.” Arqueológicas (Lima) 18 (1979): 101–142. Cited in
Oncoy sought to free the land from European intrusion after
the text as 1979b.
it was no longer possible to do so by force of arms. The
Kauffmann Doig, Federico. Manual de arqueología peruana. 8th
movement’s adherents believed that, with intensified suppli-
rev. ed. Lima, 1983.
cations and increased offerings, the huacas could become
Kauffman Doig, Federico. “Los dioses andinos: Hacia una carater-
powerful enough to help reestablish the old order. This
ización de la religiosidad andina fundamentada en testi-
movement declined after ten years, but the hope of a return
monios arqueológicos y en mitos,” Vida y espiritualidad
to the Inca past is still alive, although it is confined more and
(Lima) 3 (1986): 1–16.
more to middle-class intellectual circles in Peru and Bolivia.
Mariscotti de Görlitz, Ana Maria. Pachamama Santa Tierra: Con-
tribución al estudio de la religión autoctona en los Andes centro-
The messianic myth of Inkarri (from Span., Inca rey,
meridionales. Berlin, 1978.
“Inca king”) should also be mentioned here. Originally re-
Métraux, Alfred. Religions et magies indiennes d’Amérique du Sud.
corded by José María Arguedas (1956), the myth centers on
Paris, 1967.
a figure, Inkarri, who is the son of the Sun and a “wild
Millones, Luis. “Un movimiento nativista del siglo XVI: El Taki
woman.” According to Nathan Wachtel (1977), this arche-
Onqoy.” Revista peruana de cultura (Lima) 3 (1964).
typal “vision of a conquered people,” although of native ex-
Mishkin, Bernard. “The Contemporary Quechua.” In Handbook
traction, seems to be immersed in syncretism. The cult of In-
of South American Indians (1946), edited by Julian H. Stew-
ard, vol. 2, pp. 411–470. Reprint, Washington, D.C.,1963.
karri lacks the action that characterized the Taqui Oncoy
Ortiz Rescaniere, Alejandro. De Adaneva a Inkarrí. Lima, 1973.
movement. Inkarri is not an Andean god but rather a pale
Ossio, Juan M. “Guaman Poma: Nueva coronica o carta al rey:
memory of the deified sovereign of ancient times, who after
Un intento de approximación a las categorías del pensamien-
patient waiting will rise to life to vindicate the Andean world.
to del mundo andino.” In Ideología mesianica del mundo an-
dino, 2d ed., edited by Juan M. Ossio, pp. 153–213. Lima,
SEE ALSO Atahuallpa; Inca Religion; Inti; Viracocha.
1973.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE COLONIAL ANDES
8605
Pease, Franklin. El dios creador andino. Lima, 1973.
pacity for mobility, inclusion, and reimagination inherent in
Reinhard, Johan. “Chavín and Tiahuanaco: A New Look at Two
beliefs and practices surrounding images of Christ and the
Andean Ceremonial Centers.” National Geographic Research
saints offers up colonial Indian religion’s central trunk and
1 (1985): 395–422.
an analytical space from which other branches of colonial re-
Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, María. Estructuras andinas del
ligiosity and culture can be productively studied.
poder: Ideología religiosa y política. Lima, 1983.
Consider, first, an Andean system of meaning that ap-
Rowe, John Howland. “The Origins of Creator Worship among
pears to have encouraged native reception and understand-
the Incas.” In Culture in History, edited by Stanley Diamond,
ings of Christian images: beliefs surrounding, and the inter-
pp. 408–429. New York, 1969.
relationships between, Andean divinities known as huacas
Tello, Julio C. “Wira-Kocha.” Inca 1 (1923): 93–320, 583–606.
(material things that manifested the power of ancestral per-
Trimborn, Hermann. “South Central America and the Andean
sonalities, cultural founders, and also wider sacred phenome-
Civilizations.” In Pre-Columbian American Religions, edited
na [Mills, 1997, chap. 2; Salomon, 1991]). There is no es-
by Walter Krickeberg et al., pp. 83–146. New York, 1968.
caping the fact that one reads postconquest reflections upon
Valcárcel, Luis E. “Símbolos mágico-religiosos en la cultura an-
these older phenomena, and that, as with much about the
dina.” Revista del Museo Nacional (Lima) 28 (1959): 3–18.
Andean past, any process of learning involves an appreciation
Wachtel, Nathan. The Vision of the Vanquished: The Spanish Con-
of the needs of authors in a series of colonial presents (Grau-
quest of Peru through Indian Eyes, 1530–1570. New York,
bart, 2000; Julien, 2000). Yet the fact that most understand-
1977.
ings of huacas became “hybridic”—that is to say, authentical-
Yacovleff, Eugenio. “Las Falcónidas en el atre y en las creencias
ly native Andean and influenced, to one degree or another,
de los antiguos peruanos.” Revista del Museo Nacional (Lima)
by the thought worlds and vocabularies of Spanish Catholic
1 (1932): 35–101.
Christianity—is integral to the colonial processes and reali-
ties to be explored here. As will become abundantly clear,
New Sources
Burger, Richard L. Chavin and the Origins of Andean Civilization.
ideas about huacas and saints were soon shared not only
London, 1992.
among Spanish and Hispanicized Andean commentators,
but among native devotees around sacred images. Two origi-
Guinea Bueno, Mercedes. Los Andes antes de los Incas. Madrid,
1991.
nally disparate systems ceased only to repeat themselves and
were instead finding shared territories and conjoining to gen-
Isbell, William H., and Helaine Silverman. Andean Archaeology.
erate new understandings and religious forms (Sahlins,
New York, 2002.
1985). It is a case in which even the exceptions suggest the
Olsen Bruhns, Karen. Ancient South America. New York, 1994.
rule. By midcolonial times in the Andes, steadfast native op-
Stanish, Charles. Ancient Andean Political Economy. Austin, 1992.
ponents of the growing presence of Christian images in the
Stone-Miller, Rebecca. Art of the Andes: From Chavin to Inca. Lon-
hearts and minds of Indian commoners tellingly incorporat-
don, 2002.
ed within their rejections and counterteachings the very char-
Von Hagen, Adriana, and Craig Morris. The Cities of the Ancient
acterizations employed against their huacas (Mills, 1994,
Andes. New York, 1998.
pp. 106–107, passim; Cummins, 2002, pp. 159–160).
FEDERICO KAUFFMANN DOIG (1987)
And one can turn, finally, to the ways in which key
Translated from Spanish by Mary Nickson
Christian personalities such as Christ, the Virgin Mary, and
Revised Bibliography
other saints were brought inside Andean imaginations and
societies in colonial times. Space does not allow the concrete
exemplification required, but by sampling colonial Andean
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
transformations, a key to understanding religious change ap-
THE COLONIAL ANDES
pears. It lies in doing two things simultaneously: appreciating
A number of promising points of entry beckon the student
the novelty and seriousness of the early modern Catholic
of emerging religious systems among people of indigenous
project, namely total and obligatory Christianization, in the
descent in the colonial Andes. These beginnings include
Andes as elsewhere in Spanish America; and allowing the
transformations within native ritual specialists’ repertoires,
many consequences of this enterprise of “spiritual conquest”
customs surrounding death and the dead, and the expansion
to slip the noose of official intentions, expectations, and pre-
of elemental Catholic Christian catechization within families
scriptions. My explorations build upon what has already
(and of sacramental life in general). But no feature of colonial
been proposed by others and myself about the contest and
religiosity was more vital and dynamic than the emergence
compatibility of Andean ways with aspects of Catholic Chris-
of the cult of the saints as reconfigured and understood by
tianity; selectively, and in somewhat chronological order,
native Andeans. The acceptance of images of Christ, the Vir-
these include Kubler (1946), Millones (1969, 1979), Du-
gin, and the other saints into the Andean religious imagina-
viols (1971, 1977), Marzal (1977, 1983] 1988), Barnadas
tion in colonial times challenges us to understand why and
(1987), Sallnow (1987), Platt (1987); MacCormack (1991),
how new understandings emerged and developed. The ca-
Dean (1996, 2002); Mills (1997, 1994, 2003), Salles-Reese
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8606
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE COLONIAL ANDES
(1997), Saignes (1999), Cussen (1999), Cummins (2002),
ity. In crossing over the final threshold at the top of the pyra-
Gose (2003), and Estenssoro Fuchs (2003, 1996).
mid, the Spaniards faced what their Judeo-Christian tradi-
Evidence for the convergence between what one can
tion and experience had fully prepared them to identify as
surmise about an Andean huaca complex of beliefs and prac-
an “idol.” Here was a male figure carved at the top of a wood-
tices and those of the Catholic cult of the saints is compel-
en pole. It took no effort and less theology to perceive Pacha-
ling, especially in accounting for early transformations. But
cámac as Miguel de Estete did, as a thing beneath contempt,
such convergences are not confining, as if pre-Hispanic un-
a vile material form crafted by human hands and pilfering
derstandings of huacas had to dictate an entire colonial after-
the adoration human beings ought to reserve only for the
math of belief and action. What stands out, rather, is the un-
Christian God. The precious offerings, reportedly piled
remitting dynamism of that which came to converge, a
around the figure and adorning the site, showed only how
thrilling capacity for localized adaptation and translocal re-
much Andean peoples had been hoodwinked by an active
production shown both by huacas (Urton, 1990; Taylor,
devil who “appeared to those priests and spoke with them,”
1987; Salomon and Urioste, eds., 1991) and by Christian
conspiring to siphon “tribute” from up and down the entire
images in the hands and minds of native Andean people.
coast and demanding a respect that in Incan times was ri-
Saints, like huacas, were many and various, and they were re-
valed only by the Temple of the Sun in Lake Titicaca (Pizar-
producible in ways that defy simple notions of how copies
ro, [1533] 1920; Estete, [c. 1535] 1924). It mattered partic-
and peripheries relate to originals and centers. Evidence of
ularly to establish whether the famous voice and oracular
the often unofficial and overlapping diffusion of saintly cults
utterings of Pachacámac were the handiwork of the devil
and their devotional communities turns up everywhere and
speaking through him or, as Hernando Pizarro sought to
in ways that ought to revise not only elderly presentations
prove through interrogation of an Indian minister, artifice
of a “spiritual conquest of Indians” but also the most unidi-
worked by the false god’s attendants.
mensional portrayals of indigenous cultural agency and resis-
It was not long, however, before Pachacámac gave pause
tance. This brief entry emphasizes colonial Indians’ complex
to different minds. Pedro de Cieza de León, who blended his
motivations and continuing kinds of receptivity to ideas and
own observations and inquiries with information about the
practices that, whether sparked by non-Indian mobilizers or
coastal region gained from the Dominican Domingo de
not, often became operative in shared and transforming colo-
Santo Tomás, among others, can represent an uneasy transi-
nial terms.
tion. While still content to label his subject the “devil Pacha-
A P
cámac” and fascinated by tales of the vast quantities of gold
ROLIFIC PAST IS PERCEIVED. An exploration of the ways
in which the originally foreign power of saints was brought
and silver the “notables and priests” of Pachacámac were said
within and became vital parts of a colonial Andean cultural
to have spirited away in advance of Hernando Pizarro’s arriv-
and religious system begins with conquest-era perceptions.
al, Cieza also pushed harder and uncovered more (Cieza de
One of the first in a series of perceptions glides past the An-
León, [1553] 1995, pp. 214–215). His closer examinations
dean phenomena whose divine personalities and webs of re-
and those of others beginning in the 1540s and 1550s began
lations would guide early indigenous understandings of
to reveal the huacas’ multifaceted natures and interrelation-
Catholic Christian saints.
ships with other divine figures.
Pachacámac’s divine personality offers one of the more
When Hernando Pizarro and other members of his ad-
majestic but still broadly illustrative cases in point. While
vance raiding party wrote about their time in the coastal val-
consistently described across coastal and Andean regions
leys of Peru just south of what became the Spanish capital
as a predominant creative force “who gives being to the
of Lima in January 1533, theirs were among the first Europe-
earth” (Castro and Ortega Morejón, [1558] 1938, p. 246;
an minds with an opportunity to engage with fundamental
Santillán, [1563] 1968, p. 111b; MacCormack 1991,
native Andean religious forms and meanings.
pp. 351–352, 154–159), he coexisted with other divine fig-
Their encounter with Pachacámac, a venerable divine
ures. The other huacas, too, were sometimes creative found-
force of pan-Andean proportions, reveals Spanish instincts
ers, oracular voices, and otherwise translocally significant. In
in the period immediately after the seizure of the Inca Atahu-
some cases, sacred oral histories recounted these ancestral be-
allpa in Cajamarca. Despite learning from Andean infor-
ings’ origins, featured their contributions to local and region-
mants and from one of Pachacámac’s attendants of the divin-
al civilization, in many cases told of their lithomorphosis into
ity’s long oracular tradition, and of an awesome world-
the regional landscape, and, importantly, explained their in-
making and world-shaking might that had been taken
terrelationships and coexistence with other divine beings. Ex-
carefully into account by the Incas, Pizarro and his compan-
planations of the natural environment and entire histories of
ions were otherwise concerned. Accumulated offerings of
interaction between human groups were encapsulated within
gold and silver to Pachacámac caught their attention. They
the durably fluid form of the huacas’ narratives, which them-
admired, too, the jewels, crystals, and corals bedecking a
selves were remembered by ritual tellers, singers, and dancers
door at the very top of the pyramid structure.
(Salomon, 1991).
Pachacámac himself struck the treasure seekers both as
In Pachacámac’s midst, Dominican friars from the con-
hideous and as a sad indication of the native people’s gullibil-
vent at Chincha in the 1540s and 1550s learned much about
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE COLONIAL ANDES
8607
one of these other regional ancestors and “creators,” a divine
the “maker of the earth” whom Topa Inca sought. Yet Pacha-
figure named Chinchaycama. He was revered by the Yunga
cámac also explained that he was not alone as this kind of
people at a certain rock from which the divinity was said to
force. He explained that while he had made (literally “given
have emerged. And Chinchaycama had hardly been the only
being”) to all things “down here,” that is to say on the coast;
huaca of the Yunga. He was, rather, one of a number “who
the Sun, who “was his brother,” had performed the same cre-
responded” to the requests and entreaties of his people. Ac-
ative function “up there,” in the highlands. Delighted to hear
cording to what the Dominicans learned and could express
that such an understanding had been struck, the Inca and
about this set of relationships, the Yunga made choices and
his traveling companions sacrificed llamas and fine clothing
assigned precedence according to their own changing re-
in honor of Pachacámac. Their tone, according to Santillán’s
quirements (including economic and environmental stress,
report, continued as gratitude, “thanking him [Pachacámac]
and also political necessity). They effectively moved between
for the favour he had bestowed.” The Inca even asked Pacha-
huacas “who responded” and “this not always but only when
cámac if there was anything else he particularly desired. The
they had need of them.” This apparently selective horizon-
great coastal divinity replied that since he had a “wife and
tality did not much impress Spanish commentators, and
children,” the Inca should build him a house. Topa Inca
it has struck at least one modern historian as an approach
promptly had a “large and sumptuous” house for the huaca
that treated “matters of religion somewhat casually” (Castro
constructed. But the gifting in the interests of his progeny
and Ortega Morejón, [1558] 1938; MacCormack, 1991,
had only begun. Pachacámac also spoke of his “four chil-
p. 155).
dren.” They, too, would require houses, shrines. One was in
In fact, such glimpses of Chinchaycama’s place within
the valley of Mala just to the south, another in Chincha, and
a broader picture, and of Yunga attitudes towards their hua-
there was a third in the highlands, in Andahuaylas near
cas, suggest fundamental Andean religious notions. When
Cuzco. A fourth child of Pachacámac was conveniently por-
the Incas entered this coastal region in force, with settlers
table and would be given to Topa Inca for his safekeeping
from other zones, they built a shrine to their principal divini-
while he traveled about so that he could “receive responses
ty the Sun and impressed upon others the importance of this
to that for which he asked” (Santillán, [1563] 1968, p. 111;
divinity’s attributes and consecration of themselves as his
Rostworowski, 1992; Patterson, 1985).
children. But Inca expansionism tended to incorporate rath-
er than erase existing cults, effectively smoothing over neces-
Santillán’s story merits both caution and close attention.
sary conflict and injecting themselves into longer regional
Notably, privilege is granted to an Incan point of view, and
mythohistoric trajectories. Cieza found that the cult of
to the origin of relatively recent Incan constructions at an
Chinchaycama continued for the natives of Chincha, operat-
oracular cultic center that was over half a millennium old.
ing alongside those of other divinities, including those fa-
One is being treated to an explanatory narrative of political
vored by the arriving Incas (Cieza de León, [1553] 1995,
and religious incorporation in the interest of Incan overlord-
p. 220). Later fragments of learning, while steadily reflecting
ship. Scholars from a variety of disciplines have added differ-
more Cuzco-centered understandings of the historical and
ent perspectives to show this kind of action to have been rep-
spiritual interrelationships between Andean divinities and
resentative of how the Incas adopted certain oracular huacas
the Sun, point in similar directions. Plastic and practical rela-
in accordance to their need for effective regional influence
tionships between divine beings and between huacas and
and advice (Patterson, 1985; Gose, 1996; Topic et al., 2002).
their peoples marked something of a ruling principle.
Yet there is a simultaneous demonstration here of the corre-
sponding benefits of Inca sponsorship for Pachacámac and
One such multiply informative bit of colonial learning
his cult: alliance and support were the surest ways to ensure
was produced by the lawyer Hernando de Santillán amid a
that Pachacámac’s “children,” or new expressions, would
1563 response to a royal cédula inquiring about Inca taxa-
spread across the land. In Pachacámac’s case, one such ex-
tion. Along his purposeful way, Santillán rendered an oral
pression needs no place and is to be carried about by the trav-
tradition about Topa Inca Yupanqui on the eve of Inca ex-
eling Inca, ready to be consulted if the ruler should require
pansion into the coastal valleys of the Yunga. While Mama
a response.
Ocllo was pregnant with the child who would become Topa
Inca, his voice was said to have issued from within her belly
The story invites us to contemplate what Andean huacas
to inform her that a great “creator of the earth” lived on the
were and how they related to one another (Julien, 1998, esp.
coast, in the “Irma valley” (today the valley of Lurín, south
pp. 64–65). The matter of just how huacas’ multiple perso-
of Lima). When Topa Inca was older, his mother told him
nae, diffusions, and relationships with other divine figures
of the experience, and he set out to find this creator. His
might remain operative in colonial times—in cases where
wanderings led him to the sacred place of Pachacámac. Once
huacas endure and especially where Christian personalities
in the presence of the great huaca, the story stresses, the
enter the picture—must simply hover about us for the mo-
Inca’s gestures were those of a respectful supplicant, for he
ment. Pachacámac’s power continued to spread well beyond
spent “many days in prayer and fasting.”
the regional landscape in which he was revered as a founder
After forty days, Pachacámac was said to have broken
and creator because of developing relationships of cultic in-
the silence, speaking from a stone. He confirmed that he was
terdependence and his ability to replicate himself across time
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8608
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE COLONIAL ANDES
and space. Evidence of this prolific quality struck and clearly
Quite convinced of the devil’s wiles, but much closer to
troubled Hernando de Santillán. He explained it to himself
the ground of an early colonial local religiosity than either
and his imagined readership in the following way: “The
Acosta or Garcilaso, were the Augustinian friars stationed in
Devil, who speaks through them [the huacas], makes them
Huamachuco in the northern Andes in the 1550s. They met
believe that they [the huacas] have children,” Santillán wrote.
and attempted to destroy a number of provincial huacas in
“And thus,” he continued,
what had clearly been a bustling pre-Hispanic religious land-
they [native Andeans] built new houses for them, con-
scape but found themselves particularly embedded within
ceived of new forms of worship to the huacas from
the realm of a divinity named Catequil. As with Pachacámac
whom they believed themselves descended, and under-
on the central coast, the oracular fame of Catequil had been
stood them all to be gods. Some they worshipped as
fanned by close association with the Inca dynasty and, in his
men, others as women, and they assigned devotions to
case, with Huayna Capac. Despite the fact that this Inca’s
each one according to a kind of need: they went to some
son, Atahuallpa, had turned against this huaca after unfavor-
in order to make it rain, to others so that their crops
able news and attempted his destruction, Catequil’s essence
would grow and mature, and to [still] others to ensure
in a large hill and high rocky cliffs proved impossible to ex-
that women could become pregnant; and so it went for
tinguish. Because the children or expressions of Catequil had
all other things. What happened with so much multi-
plication is that soon almost every thing had its huaca.
already begun to spread, sometimes with resettled people and
And through the huacas the Devil had them [the Indi-
as part of Incan political policy in the time of Huayna Capac,
ans] so thoroughly deceived that herein lies the chief
he had other ways to endure (Topic et al., 2002, p. 326).
obstacle in that land to lodging the faith firmly among
What is more, his pattern of cultic diffusion appears only to
native peoples . . . to make them understand the de-
have continued as Catequil’s tangible “pieces,” or children,
ception and vanity of it all [reverence for these huacas].
were spread by mobilizing devotees. A perplexed Fray Juan
(Santillán, [1563] 1968, pp. 111–112)
de San Pedro, writing on behalf of the divinity’s newest ene-
Other Spanish commentators reported similarly upon the
mies, the Augustinians, claimed to have discovered some
Andean huacas’ ability to enjoy multiple selves, propagate be-
three hundred of Catequil’s “sons” arrayed through various
yond original territories, take over new specializations, and
towns and smaller settlements in the region. Most were par-
win local loyalties by making themselves indispensable. San-
ticularly beautiful stones that seemed easy enough to confis-
tillán himself noted the findings of his contemporary and fel-
cate and grind into dust, but in other ways Catequil seemed
low lawyer Juan Polo de Ondegardo, who claimed in 1561
to be everywhere at once. San Pedro believed that this multi-
to know of more than four hundred temples [adoratorios]
plication of “idols” had continued “after the arrival of
within one and a half leagues of Cuzco at which offerings
the Spaniards in the land” (San Pedro, [1560] 1992,
were actively made (Santillán, [1563] 1968, p. 112 and n.
pp. 179–180).
1). Expressions of alarm were often followed by attributions
As the words of these post-Pizarran commentators ac-
of diabolic authorship seen in Santillán’s account. More than
knowledged, in one way or another huacas’ cults were various
a decade later, for instance, the Jesuit José de Acosta claimed
and overlapping. While one divine being might remain root-
to have received a priest’s report in Chuquisaca (today Sucre,
ed in a precise physical landscape and connected to a certain
Bolivia) about a huaca named Tangatanga, whom that re-
association and responsibility (often as a founding ancestor),
gion’s Indians believed represented three divine identities in
others developed multiple roles and personalities that al-
one and one in three, like the Christian holy Trinity. “When
lowed them to transcend local beginnings and associations.
the priest shared his astonishment at this,” Acosta wrote,
In the cases of Pachacámac and Catequil, translocal signifi-
I believe I told him that the Devil always stole as much
cance and power were augmented by their association with
he could from the Truth to fuel his lies and deceits, and
members of the Inca line. Yet as the unparalleled narrative
that he did so with that infernal and obstinate pride
evidence collected in the late sixteenth- and early seven-
with which he always yearns to be like God (Acosta,
teenth-century province of Huarochirí would prove in the
[1590] 1962, p. 268).
case of the cult of Pariacaca, not every important regional
Writing almost two decades later, El Inca Garcilaso de
huaca with multiple identities and a vibrant supporting cast
la Vega went to some trouble to point out the fragility of the
of mythohistoric “relatives” who had been important in the
evidence upon which Acosta relied. But what stands out in-
times of Tawantinsuyu was so actively promoted by the Incas
stead is his conviction that this understanding of an Andean
(Taylor, ed., 1987; Salomon and Urioste, eds., 1991). In
divinity was a “new invention” of the Indians of Chuquisaca
fact, Pariacaca can stand as a most famous representative for
in colonial times, “constructed after they had heard of the
legions of other huacas not only in his region but across the
Trinity and of the unity of Our Lord God” (Garcilaso de la
Andes. While regionally powerful, these ancestral divinities
Vega, [1609] 1985, p. 54). While Garcilaso disapproves of
were not so completely adopted (or rejected) by the Incas.
what he depicts as a blatant effort to impress Spaniards and
Their intricate regional networks and transforming roles and
gain from a supposed resemblance, he raises the distinct pos-
significance for indigenous people continued deep into colo-
sibility that such colonial “inventions” were commonplace
nial times, especially in rural areas, where they were investi-
among native Andeans, and without the cunning he implies.
gated and harassed sporadically by inspectors of native Ande-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE COLONIAL ANDES
8609
an religious error through the seventeenth and early
parish status. “Arguments in stone,” or at least in adobe
eighteenth centuries (Mills, 1994; Mills, 1997).
blocks, could be made by native Andean Christians as well
as by hopeful church officials (Brown, 2003, pp. 29–32).
Spanish churchmen who were commissioned as inspec-
tors of “idolatry” in the seventeenth- and early eighteenth-
Sacred images and the voluntary lay religious associa-
century archdiocese of Lima sometimes found precisely what
tions (cofradías, confraternities) around them sometimes
an earlier Santillán or Acosta might have guessed they would
coaxed new religious allegiance directly out of older ones, as
find among so persistently credulous a people. They found
in the cases in which confraternities of Indians took over the
the latest, elastic work of the devil. Did it ever seem too easy
herds and lands dedicated to the kin groups’ huacas and mal-
to these inspectors when Indian witnesses who appeared be-
lquis. Like Andean people at the sacrament of baptism, and
fore them sometimes confessed that they ministered to fig-
like Indian towns themselves, members of the lay associa-
ures whom they called the devil? Part of what the devil repre-
tions took on a saint as an advocate and protector, and these
sented in this emerging religious reality was evidence of self-
became new markers of identity and difference. But if the
Christianization, that unpredictable by-product of uneven
rise of an image-centered, confraternity Christianity was en-
Spanish evangelization. After all, diabolic explanations for
couraged by a striking convergence of Andean needs with the
the huaca complex of beliefs and practices in pre-Hispanic
arriving European institution (Celestino and Meyers, 1981;
and emerging colonial Andean religious life had, for genera-
Garland Ponce, 1994), the reimagination of what came to-
tions, been broadcast in Quechua in schools for the sons of
gether, and the answers cofradías proferred to colonial lives,
regional nobles, during confession, and from the pulpits in
were just as crucial. The cofradías facilitated new kinds of be-
Andean churches. Not surprisingly, the huaca-like appear-
longing especially for displaced individuals and kin groups
ance, nature, and competences of these reported “devils”
in parts of the colonial world where older kinship ties had
were unmistakable and continued to change (Mills, 1997).
fragmented or where resettlements and work regimes kept
While the wild omnipresence of these Andean devils only
people far from their home territories. In these conditions,
served to confirm many Spanish churchmen in their under-
new generations were born. A parish and, even more, a co-
standing of who had spoken through the huacas and made
fradía, appears to have offered spaces in which members
them seem so powerful to indigenous people all along, it
might come together for each other and themselves. Indian
should signal rather more to us.
cofradías emerged in such great numbers by the late sixteenth
What remains pertinent is the fact that the devil was an
century that churchmen worried openly about their lack of
originally Spanish Christian idea that, through persistence of
supervision. Prelates from at least the time of the Third Pro-
association and gradual processes of selective appropriation
vincial Council of Lima (1582–1583) attempted to discour-
and reinvention, had been reconstituted and internalized by
age new foundations among Indians (Vargas Ugarte, 1951–
Indians. If reconfigured Andean “devils” had lodged inside
1954, vol. 1, p. 360). The discouragement was not always
a transforming huaca complex, what other originally foreign,
observed by churchmen, let alone by indigenous cofrades, nor
extraordinary things encouraged by Spanish Christian ef-
did thriving lay associations of Indians fall obediently into
forts, and simultaneously attractive and useful to native An-
decay. According to the Jesuit provincial Rodrigo de Cabre-
deans, had also been brought within the ordinary?
do, the principal Jesuit-sponsored confraternity of Indians in
Potosí, that of San Salvador (sometimes called Santa Fe),
A NATURALIZATION OF IMAGES AND INSTITUTIONS. Some
boasted “more than 1,000 Indian men and women” in 1602.
of the ways in which colonial Catholic Christianity was lived
Contemporary observers wrote admiringly of the religious
in the Andes recalled older indigenous forms and purpose,
leadership of female confraternity members in particular and
and thus encouraged a gradual transformative process. For
of the care they gave the image of the Baby Jesus in the Jesuit
example, when new population centers and administrative
church (“Carta anua del año de 1602,” [1603] 1986,
districts coincided or approximated older territorial under-
pp. 231–233; Ocaña, c. 1599–1608, fol. 181r).
standings, this integrative process began with the settling of
extended kin groups (ayllus) in new towns (reducciones de in-
Catholic Christianity’s convergence, through the saints,
dios). It is impossible to generalize about the consequences.
with structures that had guided the operations of an older
Proximity to huacas, and the bodies of mallquis too, com-
huaca complex do not offer straight and easy answers or a
bined with a sporadic or unevenly demanding Catholic cleri-
singular “way” in which change occurred. In the middle of
cal presence, encouraged everything from survivals through
the seventeenth century, the indigenous parishioners in the
coexistence to innovative fusions (Mills, 1994, 1997; Gose,
town of San Pedro de Hacas, Cajatambo, revealed something
2003). Even when such “new” communities failed in the
of the complexity of the colonial religiosity and culture at
wake of the late sixteenth-century epidemics, or were aban-
hand. In testimonies before an investigator of their “errors”
doned because of excessive tribute exactions or Spanish and
between 1656 and 1658, they explained how their local
mestizo interlopers, the more remote places and hamlets into
huaca, Vicho Rinri, was annually consulted on the eve of the
which Indian families settled reflected changes. The churches
Catholic festival of the town’s eponymous patron. What was
and chapels that went up in very small and remote places
more, their celebrations had come to feature sacred dances,
suggested more than a hankering for “annex” or secondary
indigenous ritual confessions, and Andean offerings to Saint
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8610
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE COLONIAL ANDES
Peter in the home of his standard’s honorary bearer. While
sociations between the images of saints and Christ and their
the officiating Spanish judge and his notary insisted that the
colonial groupings of people. Early-seventeenth-century Ay-
huaca was being asked permission (as the devil might wish)
mara speakers on the shores of Lake Titicaca, for instance,
and that the activities of the saint’s guardians and the inti-
were said to have bestowed the title of mamanchic (maman-
mate sacrifices before the representation were the height of
cheq), “mother of all,” upon Francisco Tito Yupanqui’s
irreverence, our interpretative options should not close so
sculpture of the Virgin of the Candlemas at Copacabana
readily. It seems more likely that for at least some of the pa-
(Ramos Gavilán, [1621] 1988; Salles Reese, 1997, p. 162).
rishioners of Hacas, Saint Peter had been brought within an
Similarly, their contemporaries, indigenous mineworkers
emerging system in ways that altered but did not interrupt
and their wives and families in Potosí, flocked to a miracu-
older religious allegiances and understandings (Mills, 1994).
lous painting of Our Lady of Guadalupe from Extremadura
in the church of San Francisco whom they called the señora
Reproducibility offers another critical theme to consid-
chapetona, “the new lady in the land” (Ocaña, c. 1599–1608,
er. Just as important huacas developed multiple personalities
fols. 159r). Such familiar and localizing designations abound
and specializations, generating expressions of themselves in
for images of Mary (Dean, 2002, pp. 181–182), but they
other places, so too was it common for saints to transcend
were not confined to her. As Thierry Saignes has found, the
their original forms, functions, and places through networks
inhabitants of main Andean towns sometimes included (and
of image “copies” and shrines. In this sense, the local reli-
subordinated) the sacred images of annex hamlets in a re-
gious enthusiasms of Spanish Christianity for images, newly
markably similar fashion: “the crosses and statues that deco-
defended and refortified at the Council of Trent (Christian,
rated the village chapels were considered the ‘sons-in-law’ of
1981a, 1981b) were planted in most fortuitous soil. In some
those belonging to the church in town” (Saignes, 1999,
cases, huacas themselves were Christianized, morphing into
p. 103).
saintly personages as their places became sacred shrines in the
Catholic system (Sallnow, 1987, p. 54). Like ambitious hua-
The Marian images featured above are, of course, only
cas who, through their ministers and often out of necessity,
two of many. They offer illustrative examples of the signifi-
tied their fortunes to Inca rulers or speculated through “chil-
cance of multiplication and circulation and of a wider range
dren” in widening locations, Christ, Mary, and the other
of devotional networks across the Andean zone and early
saints were amenable to being co-opted, copied, and reener-
modern world. It is to ponder only an inviting surface to
gized in new environments. Many sacred images, either
note that Tito Yupanqui’s Our Lady of Copacabana from the
brought originally from Europe or made in the Andes but
early 1580s both was and was not an Andean “original.” Her
based upon Old World models, both capitalized on their cu-
Indian maker famously modeled his Virgin of the Candlemas
rious novelty and shed their identity as foreigners, becoming
on a statue of Our Lady of the Rosary brought from Seville
“localized and . . . renewed” in the Andes, as elsewhere
to the Dominican convent and church in Potosí, an image
(Dean, 1996, p. 174; Gruzinski, 1990). Whether “new” ex-
that had caught his eye and fired his devotion when he was
pressions or faithful copies, saints became local originals, fa-
learning his art in the silver-mining center (Mills et al., 2003,
voring a horizontal approach to religious matters similar to
pp. 167–172). The miraculous image at Copacabana herself
that which Santillán, the Dominicans, and others had so
quickly spawned many sculpted and portrait “copies” that
worried over among the Yunga. William B. Taylor’s words
were enshrined in chapels across the Andes. These local cop-
on the character and development of “devotional landscapes”
ies grew more compelling to devotees by signaling their con-
in colonial Mexico apply just as usefully to our understand-
nection to the divine presence of their originals. Some began
ing of how saints appealed to and worked for the colonial
to sweat, others moved, and many were judged responsible
descendants of the Yunga and their Andean neighbors: “Peo-
for interceding with God to produce miracles, the narratives
ple were likely to be interested in more than one shrine or
of which spread in the street and were broadcast from the
saint,” Taylor writes, “and felt a more intense devotion to
pulpits and pages of clerical promoters and patrons. In the
one or another at a particular time, as the array of saints’ im-
case of a copy of the Virgin of Copacabana among a group
ages available in most churches suggests; and devotees may
of disgruntled, resettled Indians in Lima’s Cercado, the
never have actually visited the shrine of a favourite image or
image reportedly cried for attention and devotion, prompt-
relic” (Taylor, 2004).
ing decades of contest not only over the purported miracles
but over her rightful place and constituency. The intersect-
The working of saints’ images and their copies can be
ing roles of different Indian groups, African slaves, prelates,
partly explained through the “familiar” language and associa-
secular clergy, and Jesuits in this case defy simple expla-
tions used most often to elucidate divine connections and ex-
nations.
pansion. Spanish, Indian, and mestizo descriptions of huacas
as ancestors, husbands, wives, and progeny, and of them-
The image of the Virgin of Guadalupe de Extremadura
selves as the children of these beings, abound. Idioms of kin-
painted by Ocaña in Potosí can seem a more straightforward
ship and marriage that had symbolized interrelationships and
case, that of an official purveyor’s painstakingly faithful ex-
subtle hierarchies between huacas and their peoples offered
pression of a Spanish original being transplanted in the
affectionate titles and also a vocabulary for characterizing as-
Andes. Yet the localization and rooting of a new expression
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE COLONIAL ANDES
8611
here also repays closer inspection. The image’s creator, the
pened to be nurtured and championed by his religious order,
Jeronymite Diego de Ocaña, claimed to have rendered the
it can be tempting to throw in the towel. It was, he wrote,
image with the Indians’ self-identification and affections
as if the Virgin of Guadalupe in the north coastal valley of
foremost in mind: “Since I painted her a little dark, and the
Pacasmayo, the Virgin of Copacabana in Chucuito, and the
Indians are like that, they said that That Lady was more
Virgin of Pucarani (toward La Paz) were divinely linked and
beautiful than the other images, and [that] they loved her a
spread apart so as “to bless [beatificar] the different territories
lot because she was of their colour.” Among other aspects of
in which they are venerated, and so as not to tire travelers
his orchestration of new devotions around this image in Po-
and pilgrims when they go in search of them” (Calancha,
tosí, Ocaña quickly mobilized the Franciscan preacher Luis
[1638] 1974–1982, p. 1362). Yet we must view this as more
Jerónimo de Oré to preach to the Indians in their tongue
than Augustinian pride and claim-making against the en-
about the history of the original Virgin of Guadalupe and
croachments of other religious, and more, too, than simply
about the transfer of this celestial advocate’s powers through
a solemn register of God’s designs in these friars’ favor. Ca-
the new image to their place. (Ocaña, c. 1599–1608, fols.
lancha’s appeal is arguably also to native Andean devotees
159r, 163v; Mills, 2003). A miraculous narrative tradition
who he knows from experience had once moved across these
was being added to and reshaped in Potosí as new Andean
very territories according to earlier divine markers and
stories were being spun.
divisions.
AN ANDEAN CHRISTIAN INTERCULTURE. The cult of the
The representations of the Jesuit provincial Rodrigo de
saints offers an aspect of the Catholic Christian system that
Cabredo in 1600 as he described the work of padres from the
appealed to colonial native Andeans as much for its familiari-
Jesuit college at Cuzco in towns and villages in the region
ty as for its access to new local powers. In highly interactive
of Huamanga (modern Ayacucho) in 1599 offer an even
regions such as the Andean zones on which Spanish Chris-
more illuminating example for our purposes. In one place
tians began to impinge in the 1530s, that which was foreign
(probably San Francisco de Atunrucana), the Jesuits had set
was not unexpected. The foreign and novel might—like a
to building a new church to replace one struck by lightning
new huaca, like the concept of the devil—require under-
and burned to the ground. In the presence of many people,
standing initially in terms that would allow definition within
including the kuraka, sacred images of the town’s patrons
emerging systems of meaning and practice. But the allure
San Francisco and the Baby Jesus had been enshrined and
and utility of unfamiliar expressions of sacred power were
a sermon was given in commemorative thanks that local peo-
tied to their perceived ability to summon valuable powers
ple had been freed from their blindness and the clutches of
from “outside” (Helms, 1993). In time, visual expressions of
the devil. According to Cabredo:
Christ, the Virgin Mary, and other saints appear to have of-
fered this kind of power for many native Andeans. Closer
One of the principal fruits of this mission was teaching
the Indians about the veneration (adoración) of images,
studies need to be made of a variety of divine personalities
telling them [first] not to worship (adorar) them as In-
and sacred territories over time to understand whether the
dians do their huacas, and [second] that Christians do
associations and competences of particular huacas are related
not think that virtue and divinity resides in them [the
in any way to the specializations of saints as advocates and
images] themselves but, rather, look to what they repre-
if a tendency away from highly localised and specificist saints
sent. . . . [Teaching] this [matter] is of the utmost im-
and toward generalist advocates such as the Virgin and
portance, because a bad Christian with little fear of God
Christ proposed by William Christian (1981) for contempo-
had sowed a very pernicious and scandalous doctrine in
rary rural Castile plays out in cultic developments in the co-
this pueblo, saying many things against the honor and
lonial Spanish Americas. But what is clear is that the saints
reverence that the images deserve.
became principal inhabitants and powers within what
Cabredo’s emphasis falls ultimately on what was needed to
Thomas Cummins has called a contested but mutual “cul-
“remedy the poison the Devil had sown through his minis-
tural area between Catholic intention and Andean reception”
ter” (“Carta anua,” [1600] 1981, pp. 73–76). The notion of
(Cummins, 1995; 2002, p. 159).
a wandering “bad Christian” as the devil’s instrument, lead-
Discovering how the thoughts of contemporaries can
ing Indians astray with “pernicious and scandalous” confu-
inform us on such matters—and, more often than not, inter-
sions about images and huacas, does not fail to raise questions
preting their silences—offers a constant challenge. This is as
and suggest complications. For even if this “bad Christian”
true of representations of saints and their developing do-
did exist, he or she appears to have found a ready audience
mains as it is of renderings of the huacas’ pre-Hispanic na-
for comparative thoughts about saints’ images and huacas, an
tures and what had been their catchment areas. Yet even tri-
audience of Indians at the dawn of the seventeenth century
umphant declarations about the saints that seem to skate
about whom the Jesuits in Huamanga and well beyond had
over difficulties and ignore complex possibilities hold prom-
grown concerned.
ise for our project. For instance, when considering the fact
Cross-cultural thinkers and mobilizers—contemporary
that the seventeenth-century Augustinian Creole Antonio de
people who conceptualized, influenced, and reflected reli-
la Calancha carved up Peru into three devotional zones
gious in-betweens in the colonial Andes—offer perhaps the
watched over by miraculous images of Mary that just so hap-
most remarkable indications of why and how the cult of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8612
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE COLONIAL ANDES
saints came to underpin local Andean Christianities. As dis-
Near the heart of such further efforts, in this Jesuit’s
missive as the mestizo humanist El Inca Garcilaso de la Vega
opinion, should be “historical narration and . . . personal
had found himself in thinking over the possible interpreta-
conversations in which the saints’ lives are told and matters
tive needs of colonial Indians in Chuquisaca, as noted above,
of virtue are treated.” Picking up on what his contemporaries
he did concoct a definition of the concept of huaca with con-
the Creole Oré and the peninsular Ocaña also believed and
siderably more paths into emerging colonial understandings
were putting into action, the anonymous Jesuit wrote that
than dead ends. At its center was a denial that people in
if an evangelizer’s skills were such that he could translate
Incan times had understood huacas to be gods and a hint that
Christian narratives into the Indians’ languages, then so too
the appeal of Christian images and miracle stories to a native
could the articles of the faith, the commandments, the works
Andean might follow on naturally (Garcilaso de la Vega
of mercy, and the sacraments be rendered, allowing the arriv-
[1609] 1985, pp. 51–55, pp. 45–55; MacCormack, 1991,
ing religion, finally, to be deeply understood. His emphasis
pp. 335–338). Saints, like the extraordinary ancestral beings,
upon the gains which might come from “conversaciones par-
might be represented in forms, and stories of their deeds
ticulares” about the saints captures his understanding both
might be conveyed, collected, and retold by special humans.
of the intimate and horizontal manner in which the cult of
Luis Jerónimo de Oré, the experienced Franciscan Cre-
the saints had already begun to enter the hearts and minds
ole whom Diego de Ocaña had recruited to preach about the
of native Andeans, and of the way that self-Chris-
Virgin of Guadalupe in Potosí in 1600, was a figure who ap-
tianization—daily ritual activity, communication, and devel-
proached such matters of possible congruence directly, in the
oping understandings among Indian women and men, with-
course of evangelization. Engraved images of the Virgin
in families and lay sodalities, and between friends and ac-
begin and end his Symbolo Catholico Indiano of 1598, accom-
quaintances—would see this process continue. Saints could
panied by words to guide contemplation. Mary was also a
take on new Andean lives in Quechua. Only the older gener-
principal concern in the book itself, as Oré translated her and
ation of Indians and their oral traditions seemed to present
his faith through prayers and hymns, expounding doctrine
an obstacle to this vision. But for this too, the Jesuit had a
and mysteries for Quechua-speaking Christians (Oré, [1598]
suggestion. Indian children could begin “to sing before them
1992). The so-called anonymous Jesuit of the late sixteenth
[the adults] so that in this way they forget the ancient songs”
or early seventeenth century—possibly but not certainly the
(Jesuita Anónimo, [c.1594] 1968, pp. 80–81).
mestizo Blas Valera (Jesuita Anónimo [c. 1594] 1968, BNS
ms. 3177; Urbano, 1992; Hyland, 2003), offers another rich
The “ancient songs” stand in here for the huacas and,
case in point. He was an author immersed in a project of in-
in a certain sense, for the pre-Hispanic religious complex as
terpreting the Incan past as an ordered and moral anticipa-
a whole. This Jesuit’s optimistic view of his colonial present
tion for Catholic Christianity, particularly as directed by the
and his faithful glimpse into the future sees a gradual substi-
Jesuits in structured environments such as Lima’s resettled
tution of one set of songs, beliefs and practices for another,
enclosure for Indians, Santiago del Cercado. Yet he had also
the old for the new. But students of these matters are not
had much else to say en route.
obliged to think so instrumentally. The author’s acknowl-
edgment of what one might call a “creative tension” between
The Jesuit held, for instance, that the only mode of
modes of religious understanding and ritual remembrance in
entry into Christianity that was working for native Andeans
operation in the colonial Andes is more telling. He believes
in his day amounted to self-Christianization sustained by a
that a fundamental Andean religious aptitude and enthusi-
regular experience of the sacraments. Certainly the people
benefited from priests fluent in the Quechuan language to
asm for the saints, and for their hagiographic narratives and
administer to them, and they required good examples to ex-
edifying stories, had come from somewhere elastic and en-
cite their faith, just as his contemporary Acosta insisted more
during in native Andean cultural tradition. Evidence of the
famously. “But when they lack someone to instruct them,”
survival of huaca cults, and their relationships and sacred his-
the anonymous Jesuit added, “they look for ways to pick up
tories, exists into the eighteenth century and beyond and
what is required and teach it to their children.” Like Oré, this
suggests that he was correct. But what can be understood
Jesuit believed that native Andeans were inclined toward
about huacas should not stop just here, split off, as if the
Catholic Christianity by their pre-Hispanic understandings
study of pre-Hispanic phenomena, much less colonial “idola-
and that their depth in the faith depended most upon Chris-
try,” can be separated from the culturally dialogic reality of
tianity being enlivened by careful formulations in the
evangelization and response and from the emergence and
Quechuan language. Most Indian Christians were new and
fruition of Andean Christianities. Huacas, with their multi-
vulnerable, in his view, but this did not make them any less
ple personalities and translocality, provided Spanish and Hi-
genuine additions to the fold. The arrival at a moment when
spanicizing minds with ways of thinking and expressing reli-
the pace and character of religious change would depend
gious relationships, and they provide colonial indigenous
upon the Indians’ own efforts and controls was already at
people with ways of understanding the images of saints and
hand in some places, he implied, even if further work was
their “copies” as newly local repositories of beneficence and
needed on communicating key aspects of the faith.
power.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE COLONIAL ANDES
8613
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cultures: Art and Identity in Spanish America, edited by
Acosta, José de. De Procuranda Indorum Salute (1588), edited by
Diana Fane, pp. 171–182. New York, 1996.
Luciano Pereña et al. Vol. 1: Pacificación y colonización. Ma-
Duviols, Pierre. La Lutte contre les réligions autochtones dans le
drid, 1984.
Pérou colonial. Lima, 1971.
Acosta, José de. Historia natural y moral de las Indias (1590) Rev.
Duviols, Pierre. “Los nombres Quechua de Viracocha, supuesto
ed., edited by Edmundo O’Gorman. Mexico, 1962.
‘Dios Creador’ de los evangelizadores.” Allpanchis 10 (1977):
“Aviso de el modo que havia en el govierno de los Indios en tiem-
53–64.
po del Inga (Aviso de Chincha).” Transcribed and edited in
Estenssoro Fuchs, Juan Carlos. “Les Pouvoirs de la Parole. La
María Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, “Mercaderes del valle
prédication au Pérou de l’évangélisation à l’utopie.” Annales
de Chincha en la época prehispánica. Un documento y unos
(1996): 1225–1257.
comentarios.” In Revista Española de Antropología Americana
Estenssoro Fuchs, Juan Carlos. Del paganismo a la santidad: La in-
5 (1970): 135–177.
corporación de los indios del Perú al catolicismo, 1532–1750.
Barnadas, Josep M. “La vida cotidiana en Bolivia.” In Historia gen-
Lima, 2003.
eral de la Iglesia en América Latina, edited by Enrique Dussel
Estete, Miguel de. “Noticia del Perú” (c. 1535). In Colección de
et al., pp. 137–145. Salamanca, 1987.
libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Perú, 2d series,
Brown, Peter. The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Di-
vol. 8, pp. 38–39. Lima, 1924.
versity, A.D. 200–1000. 2nd ed. Oxford, 2003.
Garcilaso de la Vega, El Inca. Comentarios reales de los Incas
Calancha, Antonio de la. Corónica moralizada del Orden de San
(1609). Lima, 1985.
Agustín en el Perú (1638) Edited by Ignacio Prado Pastor. 6
Garland Ponce, Beatriz. “Las cofradías de Lima durante la
vols. Lima, 1974–1982.
Colonia.” In La venida del Reino: religion, evangelización y
“Carta anua de la provincia del Perú del año de 1599. P. Rodrigo
cultura en América, siglos XVI–XX. Cuzco, 1994.
de Cabredo to P. Claudio Aquaviva, Lima, April 20, 1600.”
Gose, Peter. “Oracles, Divine Kingship, and Political Representa-
In Monumenta Peruana (1600–1602), edited by Antonio de
tion in the Inka State.” Ethnohistory 43, no.1 (1996): 1–32.
Egaña and Enrique Fernández. Rome, 1981.
Gose, Peter. “Converting the Ancestors: Indirect Rule, Settlement
“Carta anua de la provincia del Perú del año de 1602. P. Rodrigo
Consolidation, and the Struggle over Burial in Colonial
de Cabredo to P. Claudio Aquaviva, Lima, April 28, 1603.”
Peru, 1532–1614.” In Conversion: Old Worlds and New, ed-
In Monumenta Peruana VIII (1603–1604), edited by En-
ited by Kenneth Mills and Anthony Grafton, pp. 140–174.
rique Fernández. Rome, 1986.
Rochester, N.Y., 2003.
Castro, Cristóbal, and Diego de Ortega Morejón. “Relación y de-
Graubart, Karen B. “Indecent Living: Indigenous Women and the
claración del modo que este valle de Chincha y sus comar-
Politics of Representation in Early Colonial Peru.” In Colo-
canos se governavan . . .” (1558). In Quellen zur Kultur-
nial Latin American Review 9, no. 2 (2000): 213–235.
geschichte des präkolumbinischen Amerika, edited by H.
Gruzinski, Serge. La Guerre de images de Christophe Colomb à
Trimborn, pp. 236–246. Stuttgart, 1938.
Blade Runner (1492–2019). Paris, 1990.
Celestino, Olinda, and Albert Meyers. Las cofradías en el Perú, re-
Helms, Mary W. Craft and the Kingly Ideal: Art, Trade, and Power.
gión central. Frankfurt, 1981.
Austin, Tex, 1993
Christian, William A., Jr. Apparitions in Late Medieval and Renais-
Hyland, Sabine. The Jesuit and the Incas: The Extraordinary Life
sance Spain. Princeton, 1981a.
of Padre Blas Valera, S. J. Ann Arbor, Mich., 2003.
Christian, William A., Jr. Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century
Jesuita Anónimo [Blas Valera?]. “Relación de las costumbres anti-
Spain. Princeton, 1981b.
guas de los naturales del Piru.” In Crónicas peruanas de interés
Cieza de León, Pedro de. Crónica del Perú: Primera parte (1553).
indígena, edited by Francisco Esteve Barba. Madrid, 1968.
Lima, 1995.
Julien, Catherine J. Die Inka. Munich, 1998.
Cummins, Thomas B. F. “From Lies to Truth: Colonial Ekphrasis
Julien, Catherine J. Reading Inca History. Iowa City, 2000.
and the Act of Crosscultural Translation.” In Reframing the
Kubler, George. “The Quechua in the Colonial World.” In The
Renaissance: Visual Culture in Europe and Latin America
Handbook of South American Indians, edited by Julian H.
1450–1650, edited by Claire Farago, pp. 152–174. New
Steward, vol. 2, pp. 331–410. Washington, D.C., 1946.
Haven and London, 1995.
MacCormack, Sabine. Religion in the Andes: Vision and Imagina-
Cummins, Thomas B. F. Toasts with the Inca: Andean Abstraction
tion in Early Colonial Peru. Princeton, 1991.
and Colonial Images on Quero Vessels. Ann Arbor, Mich.,
Marzal, Manuel M. “Una hipótesis sobre la aculturación religiosa
2002.
andina.” Revista de la Universidad Católica 2 (1977): 95–131.
Cussen, Celia L. “El Barroco por dentro y por fuera: Redes de de-
Marzal, Manuel M. La transformación religiosa peruana (1983).
voción en Lima colonial.” Anuario Colombiano de Historia
Lima, 1988.
Social y de la Cultura (Bogotá) 26 (1999): 215–225.
Millones, Luis. “Introducción al studio de las idolatrías.” Letras
Dean, Carolyn. “Familiarizando el catolicismo en el Cuzco colo-
(Papel no. 27 del Instituto de Literatura, Universidad Na-
nial.” In Incas e indios cristianos. Elites indígenas e identidades
cional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima, Peru) 78–79 (1969):
cristianas en los Andes colonials, edited by Jean-Jacques De-
5–40.
coster, pp. 169–194. Cuzco, 2002.
Millones, Luis. “Los ganados del señor: mecanismos de poder en
Dean, Carolyn. “The Renewal of Old World Images and the Cre-
las comunidades andinas, siglos XVIII y XIX.” América Indí-
ation of Colonial Peruvian Visual Culture.” In Converging
gena 39, no. 1 (1979): 107–145.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8614
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE MODERN ANDES
Millones, Luis, ed. El retorno de la huacas: Estudios y documentos
Salles Reese, Verónica. From Viracocha to the Virgin of Copaca-
sobre el Taqui Oncoy, siglo XVI. Lima, 1990.
bana: Representations of the Sacred at Lake Titicaca. Austin,
Mills, Kenneth. An Evil Lost to View? An Investigation of Post-
Tex., 1997.
Evangelisation Andean Religion in Mid-Colonial Peru. Liver-
Sallnow, Michael J. Pilgrims of the Andes. Regional Cults in Cuzco.
pool, 1994.
Washington, D.C., 1987.
Mills, Kenneth. Idolatry and Its Enemies: Colonial Andean Religion
Salomon, Frank. “Introductory Essay.” In The Huarochirí Manu-
and Extirpation, 1640–1750. Princeton, 1997.
script: A Testament of Ancient and Colonial Andean Religion,
Mills, Kenneth. “Diego de Ocaña’s Hagiography of New and Re-
edited by Frank Salomon and George L. Urioste, pp. 1–38.
newed Devotion in Colonial Peru.” In Colonial Saints: Dis-
Austin, Tex., 1991.
covering the Holy in the Americas, 1500–1800, edited by Allan
Salomon, Frank, and George L. Urioste, eds. The Huarochirí
Greer and Jodi Bilinkoff, pp. 51–76. New York, 2003.
Manuscript: A Testament of Ancient and Colonial Andean Reli-
Mills, Kenneth, William B. Taylor, and Sandra Lauderdale Gra-
gion. Austin, Tex., 1991.
ham. “Making an Image and a Shrine, Copacabana, Peru
San Pedro, Juan de. La persecución del demonio. Crónica de los pri-
(1582–1621).” In Colonial Latin America: A Documentary
meros agustinos del norte del Perú (c. 1560). Edited by Eric
History, edited by Kenneth Mills, William B. Taylor, and
E. Deeds. Málaga, 1992.
Sandra Lauderdale Graham, pp. 167–172. Wilmington,
Del., 2003.
Santillán, Hernando de. “Relación del origin, descendencia, polí-
tica y gobierno de los Incas” (1563). Crónicas peruanas de in-
Murúa, Martín de. Historia general del Perú (c. 1611), edited by
teres indígena, edited by Francisco Esteve Barba,
Manuel Ballesteros Gaibrois. Madrid, 2001.
pp. 97–149. Madrid, 1968.
Ocaña, Diego de. Untitled, but called the “Relación del viaje de
Taylor, Gerald, ed. Ritos y tradiciones de Huarochirí del siglo XVII.
Fray Diego de Ocaña por el Nuevo Mundo (1599–1605).”
Lima, 1987.
Biblioteca de la Universidad de Oviedo, Spain. M-215.
c 1599–1608.
Taylor, William B. “Process and Place: Toward a History of De-
votional Landscapes in Mexico.” Unpublished commentary
Oré, Luis Jerónimo de. Symbolo Catholico Indiano (1598). Edited
for symposium on “Devotional Landscapes: Mapping the
by Antonine Tibesar. Lima, 1992.
Shrines and Saints of New Spain,” held at the Geographic
Patterson, Thomas C. “Pachacámac: An Andean Oracle under
Information Center, University of California at Berkeley,
Inca Rule.” In Recent Studies in Andean Prehistory and Proto-
February 27, 2004.
history, edited by D. Peter Kvietok and Daniel H. Sandweiss,
pp. 169–175. Ithaca, N.Y., 1985.
Topic, John R., Theresa Lange Topic, and Alfredo Melly Cava.
“Catequil: The Archaeology, Ethnohistory, and Ethnogra-
Pizarro, Hernando. “Relación de Hernando Pizarro acerca de la
phy of a Major Provincial Huaca.” In Andean Archaeology I:
conquista” (1533). In Colección de libros y documentos refer-
Variations in Sociopolitical Organization, edited by William
ents a la historia del Perú, 2nd series, vol. 3, pp. 167–180.
H. Isbell and Helaine Silverman, pp. 303–335. New York,
Lima, 1920.
2002.
Platt, Tristan. “The Andean Soldiers of Christ. Confraternity Or-
Urbano, Henrique. “Introducción.” In Antigüedades del Perú, ed-
ganization, the Mass of the Sun and Regenerative Warfare
ited by Henrique Urbano and Ana Sánchez, pp. 7–38. Ma-
in Rural Potosí (18th to 20th Centuries).” Journal de la So-
drid, 1992.
ciété de Américanistes 73 (1987): 139–192.
Urton, Gary. The History of a Myth: Pacariqtambo and the Origin
Polo de Ondegardo, Juan. “Instrucción contra las ceremonias y
of the Inkas. Austin, Tex., 1990.
ritos que usan los Indios conforme al tiempo de su infideli-
dad.” In El catecismo del III Concilio Provincial de Lima y sus
Vargas Ugarte, Rubén, ed. Concilios Limenses (1551–1772). 3
complementos pastorales (1584–1585), edited by Juan Guiller-
vols. Lima, 1951–1954.
mo Durán, pp. 447–455. Buenos Aires, 1982.
KENNETH MILLS (2005)
Polo de Ondegardo, Juan. “Los errores y supersticiones de los in-
dios sacadas del tratado y averiguación que hizo el Lizenciado
Polo.” In El catecismo del III Concilio Provincial de Lima y sus
complementos pastorales (1584–1585), edited by Juan Guiller-
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
mo Durán, pp. 459–478. Buenos Aires, 1982.
THE MODERN ANDES
Ramos Gavilán, Alonso. Historia del santuario de Nuestra Señora
The Quechua and Aymara Indians of the Andes mountains
de Copacabana (1621), edited by Ignacio Prado Pastor. Lima,
are the largest group of Indians still existent in the New
1988.
World. Approximately 28 million Indians and mestizos (per-
Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, María. Pachacámac y el Señor de
sons of mixed Spanish and Indian descent) live along the Pa-
los Milagros: Una trajectoria milenaria. Lima, 1992.
cific coast and in the Andean highlands. About one-fourth
Sahlins, Marshall. Islands of History. Chicago, 1985.
of these Indians live and speak as they did before the Spanish
Saignes, Thierry. “The Colonial Condition in the Quechua-
conquest in the sixteenth century. Six million speak Que-
Aymara Heartland (1570–1780).” In The Cambridge History
chua and approximately 1 million speak Aymara. For the
of the Native Peoples of the Americas, vol. 3, South America,
purposes of this article, the religious systems of both the
part 2, edited by Frank Salomon and Stuart B. Schwartz,
Quechua and the Aymara will be treated together, and both
pp. 59–137. Cambridge, 1999.
groups will be referred to, collectively, as “Andeans.”
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE MODERN ANDES
8615
Although some Andeans have moved to large urban
is a universal deity, referring to all the earth and the universe
centers, such as La Paz, Bolivia, and Lima, Peru, the majority
because she represents the principle of nature that recycles
live in small communities (from twenty to five hundred fam-
life from death, and death from life. Pachamama is unlike
ilies) scattered throughout the Andes, with a population den-
the achachilas, the mountain spirits who represent certain
sity of three hundred persons per square kilometer of habit-
peaks.
able and arable land. Indians live in rectangular, single-
Ritually, Andeans libate Pachamama with drops of li-
family, adobe huts with thatched gable or hip roofs. The
quor before drinking and present her with three coca leaves
Aymara group their huts in extended-family compounds sur-
before chewing coca. The husband places coca leaves daily
rounded by a wall with a central patio. For both Aymara and
into the male family members’ earth shrine, an indentation
Quechua, marriage is monogamous, with trial marriages last-
within the adobe bench surrounding the inside of the patio,
ing several years. Residence is patrilocal, with bilateral inheri-
and the wife puts leaves under her household shrine, a table
tance among the Quechua and patrilateral inheritance
within the cooking house, so that Pachamama will provide
among the Aymara.
the family with food. Diviners also offer ritual meals (mesas)
Andeans practice intensive agriculture using crop rota-
to Pachamama during August, before Andeans begin plant-
tion, irrigation, dung fertilization, and terracing of fields.
ing. Andeans believe that the earth is open at that time and
They cultivate more than fifty species of domesticated plants,
needs to be given food and drink.
in a number of ecological niches: Potatoes, quinoa, and oca
Roman Catholic missioners attempted to replace Pacha-
are grown at the highest levels of cultivatable land; corn
mama with the Blessed Mother, but this resulted in beliefs
(maize) at lower levels; and beans, squash, sweet manioc, pea-
that associate the Blessed Mother with the bountifulness of
nuts, peppers, fruit trees, and cotton in the deep valleys and
the earth. For example, two major pilgrimage sites in the Bo-
along the coast. Herders graze alpacas, llamas, and sheep on
livian Andes are La Virgen de Copacabana and La Virgen de
fallow fields and in high, nonarable tundra regions (14,000–
Urkupiña. Nominally, these shrines refer to the Blessed
17,000 ft.). Although Andeans live dispersed over wide areas,
Mother, but Andeans associate them with Pachamama and
resource exchange unifies the people of different communi-
the earth (Urkupiña means “rock hill”). People travel to these
ties. The ecological band narrows as the altitude increases,
shrines in August to feed Mother Earth and thus ensure an
so that there are many distinct communities, each utilizing
abundant harvest and an increase in flocks, offspring, or,
the natural resources characteristic of its altitude. Because of
more recently, money. This illustrates how Catholicism be-
ecological specialization, exchange of resources is very impor-
came syncretized with the ecological symbols of the Andean
tant. Andean civilization arose through these efforts to utilize
religion.
many vegetational zones to furnish communities with a vari-
ety of resources.
Achachilas are mountain spirits, indistinct from the
mountains themselves, who are the masculine protectors of
Andeans have also adapted to this mountainous region
the earth and ancestors of the community. Diviners feed ac-
by means of a religion that is essentially a system of ecological
hachilas with ritual meals. Every Andean community has cer-
symbols. They use their ecological setting as an explanatory
tain bordering mountains that are considered sacred: For ex-
model for understanding and expressing themselves in my-
ample, the achachilas of La Paz, Bolivia, are the snow-crested
thology and ritual. Andeans are very close to their animals,
mountains (16,000–20,000 ft.) of Illimani (“elder brother”),
plants, and land. Their origin myths tell how in times past
Mururata (“headless one”), and Wayna Potosi (“youth-
llamas herded humans; in present times humans herd llamas
Potosi”). A more traditional Aymara community, Cacacha-
only because of a linguistic error when llamas misplaced a
qa, near Oruro, Bolivia, has eleven achachilas that together
suffix in Quechua, saying “Humans will eat us” instead of
encircle it and separate it from neighboring communities.
“We will eat humans.” Andeans consider coca (Erythoxylum
Each peak symbolizes an aspect of nature—a mineral, plant,
coca) a divine plant: “The leaves are like God. They have wis-
animal, bird, or person—that is suggested by its shape and
dom.” Diviners learn about nature by chewing coca and
its particular resources and natural environment. Condo, a
reading its leaves. Andeans see themselves as part of nature,
neighboring community north of Cacachaqa, shares with
intrinsically affected by its processes and intimately linked
Cacachaqa two achachilas, which shows how neighboring
with plants and animals. Moreover, Andeans believe they
communities are united by achachilas.
originated in the earth and will return to it.
Throughout the Andes, there are hierarchical relation-
PACHAMAMA AND ACHACHILAS. Earth and mountains pro-
ships among the achachilas. Ancestral achachilas are related
vide two principal Andean symbols, Pachamama and the ac-
to tutelary peaks of the community, the community’s tute-
hachilas. Pachamama means “mother earth,” but pacha also
lary peaks to the region’s, and the region’s to the nation’s.
refers to time, space, and a universe that is divided into heav-
Traditionally, the metaphor for this relationship is a kinship
en, earth, and a netherworld. For Andeans, time is encapsu-
pyramid: At the apex is the chief of the clan, followed by the
lated in space. Pacha is an earth that produces, covers, and
heads of the major lineages and then the leaders of the local
contains historical events, and Pachamama symbolizes the
lineages. Although clans are no longer found in the Andes,
fertile nature of the earth, which provides life. Pachamama
lineages are important, and Andeans refer to achachilas in
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8616
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE MODERN ANDES
kinship terms—machula (“ancestor”), apu (“leader”), awqui
individuals for their divining skills. A typical diviner reads
(“grandfather”), and tío (“uncle”). In sum, mountains exhibit
coca leaves by first selecting twelve perfect leaves. He marks
a hierarchy that is analogous to social and political systems.
them with insectlike bites and designates the significance of
The worship of these mountains, then, made Andeans con-
each: good luck, bad luck, community, road, a person’s
scious of social, political, and natural systems.
name, enemies, or whatever concerns the person paying for
E
the divination. He then casts the leaves, like dice, upon a
ARTH SHRINES. Diviners are responsible for naming and
feeding earth shrines (huacas), which are pre-Columbian in
cloth to see which leaves pair with good luck and which with
origin and are still ritually important. Earth shrines are natu-
bad luck. If the cast is unfavorable, the participants often
ral openings or small holes dug into the ground through
argue about the outcome and require another cast. Because
which the earth is ritually fed. They are found near passes,
coca leaves usually do not fall in a conclusive way, diviners
water holes, knobs, and rocks. Alongside the hole is usually
are free to suggest their insights. There are many kinds of di-
a rock pile, where Indians place their coca quids before fresh
viners: Some read the signs of nature and predict when to
leaves are put inside the hole. A shrine’s many names may
plant and harvest, others are skilled in social dynamics and
express history, humor, geography, and social relationships.
redress conflicts, and still others understand human prob-
For example, one earth shrine is called Jilakata’s Recourse,
lems and treat mental illnesses. A few possess mystical knowl-
because it was once a rest stop for Indian officials on their
edge and can reveal the inner nature of the Andean universe.
journey to pay tribute to the Spanish. This shrine’s knob sug-
Such people are highly esteemed, and Andeans travel long
gests its other names: Goat Corral, Bachelor’s Haven, Co-
distances to seek them out.
itus, and Chicha (corn beer) Bubble. Another earth shrine
Diviners conclude divinations with ritual meals (mesas),
was formed, according to legend, when a certain leader ex-
which are the basic rituals of the Andes. Although mesas vary
pelled his sister-in-law from his land and set her upside down
regionally, they follow a similar pattern. A diviner sets a table
alongside the road. She became a rock shaped in the form
(mesa) with a ritual cloth and scallop shells for plates, each
of buttocks and a vagina. Today, Andean travelers place coca
of which is assigned an achachila and an earth shrine. He
in the crotch of this earth shrine. Other earth shrines are ded-
places a llama fetus at the head of the table for Pachamama.
icated to irrigation canals, agricultural fields, and livestock.
Next, the diviner places white llama wool, coca, llama fat,
An apacheta is an earth shrine at a mountain pass, that is, the
carnation petals, and animal blood on the scallop shells, be-
highest point of the trail. Travelers rest at these sites, discard
seeching the invited deities to accept the offerings. The par-
their coca, and pray, “With this quid may my tiredness leave
ticipants imitate the diviner. There are other ritual foods, de-
me, and strength return.”
pending upon the ecological zone, but the three principal
Earth shrines are stratified according to ecological levels,
foods are coca, which symbolizes knowledge, fat, symboliz-
social groupings, time, and historical epochs. Individuals
ing energy, and blood (preferably from the llama), symboliz-
have their own earth shrines; an Andean baby receives an
ing vitality. Finally, the diviner wraps the food with the wool
earth shrine at birth, and must reverence it throughout his
to make about twelve bundles (kintos) and ties them to the
or her life. If they move from their natal village, they will pe-
back of the llama fetus. The diviner places this in an earth
riodically return to pay homage to their shrines, which con-
shrine, and burns it, which symbolizes the consumption of
tinually beckon for their return until they die and are buried
the food. Andeans say that if the fire sparkles and crackles,
with their ancestors near their sacred mountain. The patri-
then Pachamama and the achachilas have enjoyed the meal
lineage has its household shrines dug into the inside and out-
and will repay them with a good harvest.
side of the house; the community has its shrine correspond-
ing to its level on the mountain; and the ayllu, an
Sorcerers. Sorcerers are different from diviners. Divin-
economically and religiously related group of communities,
ers are usually male and feed the earth shrines with llama fat,
has its shrines up and down the mountain. Certain irrigation
llama fetuses, and white llama wool at specific times—
canals have earth shrines that are associated with the Inca civ-
Wednesday and Thursday nights. They are ritualists for ac-
ilization, and, in many villages, the chapel in the plaza is
hachilas, Pachamama, and earth shrines. In contrast, sorcer-
often interpreted as another earth shrine, reminiscent of the
ers are often female and feed the wind and river with pig fat,
Spanish conquest. Yet the earth is the center that perdures
rat fetuses, and black sheep wool on Tuesday and Friday
through time, and that unifies the different places and earth
nights. They are ritualists for the supaya, a term that has often
shrines.
been equated with the Spanish concept of the devil, although
it actually refers to certain of the dead who either have not
RITUALISTS. Ritual specialists of the Andes fall into two cate-
completed something in this life or have died in a strange
gories: diviners and sorcerers.
fashion. The supaya belong to the netherworld of the dead
Diviners. Andeans frequently consult with diviners, the
(ura pacha), but they act in the world of the living (kay pacha)
principal ritualists of the Andes. All Andean communities
as living shadows. Supaya enter the world of the living to
have diviners. Although they are identified from within the
gather companions for the netherworld. Symbolically, they
group by being associated with some extraordinary natural
represent the consumptive forces of nature, such as death and
event (commonly, a bolt of lightning), they are selected as
decay, which are necessary to renew life. When someone is
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE MODERN ANDES
8617
sick and a supaya is implicated, sorcerers attempt to appease
shrine for Curva and Chullina, neighboring ayllus. Earth
him by killing and substituting the life of a llama for that
shrines, when shared by several ayllus, religiously unite sepa-
of the sick person. They also offer pig fat and rat fetuses at
rate mountains, and so Qollahuaya Andeans claim that they
mesas de contra (“misfortune tables”), so called because the
are one people because they worship the same shrines. Pacha-
ritual items are contrary to those employed by diviners in a
qota, a large lake at the head of the mountain, is the “eye”
mesa de suerte (“good-luck table”) or mesa de salud (“health
into which the sun sinks; it symbolizes death, fertilization,
table”). Pig fat is inferior to llama fat because Andeans con-
and llamas. On the shores of the lake, the herders of the high-
sider the pig a tropical animal that lives on fecal matter and
land community of Apacheta celebrate the All Colors rite for
garbage. Rat fetuses, symbolizing destructive rodents, are in-
the increase of llamas. Pachaqota is also associated with the
ferior to llama fetuses, which symbolize an animal very bene-
lakes of uma pacha (at the top of a mountain), from which
ficial to Andean society.
animals and humans derive their existence and to which they
return after death.
Andeans select sorcerers by their reputation for either
removing or inflicting misfortunes. Some sorcerers claim re-
The Great Shrine (Jatun JunchDa), associated with the
sponsibility for as many as seven deaths, but others are secre-
liver and the central community of Kaata, is a major shrine
tive about their reputation because sorcerers are occasionally
of Ayllu Kaata because of its central location and physiogra-
killed in revenge by victims of unsuccessful sorcery. Sorcery
phy. The Great Shrine rests on a spur, which rises from the
takes many forms in the Andes, but one way sorcerers curse
slopes and resembles a small mountain. The Great Shrine is
people is by placing nail filings or hair of the victim inside
nourished at the rite of Chosen Field, in the middle of the
the skulls of a cat and a dog, whose teeth are locked as if in
rainy season, and it is also the site of a mock battle (tinku)
battle, which symbolizes that husband and wife are fighting.
between the elders and clowns during Carnival. The clowns,
(The breakdown of the household is a major tragedy in the
who sprinkle people with water, are symbolically put to
Andes because it is the unit of production and subsistence.)
death by the elders slinging ripe fruit at them.
The sorcerer hides the skulls inside the thatched roof of the
Similar ritual battles are fought throughout the Andes:
victim. If the victim is aware of this, he can remove the curse
The Aymara of the Bolivian Altiplano, for example, wage
by having another sorcerer perform a mesa de contra. Some-
theatrical warfare between the upper and lower divisions of
times the victim has the sorcerer brought before the magis-
the community. Tinku emphasizes the importance of con-
trate, who fines her and makes her take an oath not to do
trasting pairs, and in the Andes almost everything is under-
it again. Sorcery is taken seriously and is often the attributed
stood in juxtaposition to its opposite. Earth shrines, also,
cause for loss of livestock, crops, money, health, and even
have meanings corresponding to binary opposition. Cha-
life.
qamita and Pachaqota, for example, correspond to life and
THE AYLLU AND ITS EARTH SHRINES. The ayllu is basic to
death, as well as to the rising and setting of the sun, and each
Andean social organization. Although ayllus are often based
term explains the other; moreover, each leads to the other.
on kinship ties, they are also formed by religious, territorial,
The highlands, central altitudes, and lowlands of
and metaphorical ties. One contemporary example is Ayllu
Mount Kaata have community shrines reflecting their eco-
Kaata of the Qollahuaya Indians, who live in midwestern Bo-
logical zones, but from the viewpoint of the ayllu, the com-
livia. Ayllu Kaata is a mountain with three major communi-
munity shrine is only one part of the body of the mountain.
ties: Niñokorin, Kaata, and Apacheta. The people of Niño-
In some way every level must feed all the mountain’s shrines
korin are Quechua speakers who farm corn, wheat, barley,
during the allyu rites, such as the New Earth rite. The people
peas, and beans on the lower slopes of the mountain
of Apacheta, Kaata, and Niñokorin come together during
(10,500–11,500 ft.). The people of Kaata, who also speak
New Earth to recreate the mountain’s body. The upper and
Quechua, cultivate oca and potatoes on rotative fields of the
lower communities send leaders to Kaata for this rite, each
central slopes (11,500–14,000 ft.). In the highlands
bringing his zone’s characteristic product: a llama or some
(14,000–17,000 ft.), the Aymara-speaking people of Apa-
chicha (corn beer). The llama’s heart and bowels are buried
cheta herd llamas and sheep. The three communities use the
in the center fields, and blood and fat are sent by emissaries
metaphor of the human body to understand their ayllu: Apa-
to feed the earth shrines of the mountain. The body awakes
cheta corresponds to the head, Kaata to the trunk, and Niño-
to become the new earth.
korin to the legs. Just as the parts of the human body are or-
ganically united, so are the three levels of Ayllu Kaata.
The New Earth rite is one illustration, of which there
are many others throughout the Andes, of how Pachamama,
The thirteen earth shrines of Ayllu Kaata are understood
the achachilas, and earth shrines are holistically understood
in relation to the body metaphor and to ecological stratifica-
in terms of metaphor, ecology, and ayllu. The New Earth rite
tions. The three community shrines are Chaqamita, Pacha-
expresses how levels of land are understood in terms of a
qota, and Jatun JunchDa. Chaqamita, a lake located to the
body with a head, heart, bowels, and legs, through which
east near the legs, is related to the sun’s birth, fertility, and
blood and fat circulate when ritualists feed the earth shrines.
corn, making it a suitable shrine for Niñokorin, whose Corn
Specific earth shrines not only refer to specific ecologial
Planting rite reverences this site. This lower lake is also a
zones but also symbolize parts of the body that holistically
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8618
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE MODERN ANDES
constitutes the achachila and symbolizes the social and politi-
community. Traditionally, many Andeans believe that peo-
cal unity of Mount Kaata. Andeans experience the solidarity
ple originate from and return to the highland lakes of the
of their mountain and ayllu similarly to the way they experi-
mountain. They compare death to the eclipse of the sun:
ence the organic unity of their corporeal bodies. The individ-
Death is ecliptic, hiding the dead within the earth, where
ual’s corporeal life is dependent on environmental life. Thus,
they journey with the movements of the sun, seasons, and
the New Earth rite assures the individual’s organic life by
land.
awakening Mother Earth to provide a good harvest.
The Feast with the Dead is an annual rite of passage
RITUAL CALENDAR. Andeans insert themselves by ritual into
from the dry to the wet season and from the activity of the
the cycles of nature—not to control them, but to experience
dead to that of the living. The dry season connotes resting;
them and be in harmony with them. New Earth, for exam-
the wet season, growth. The living invite the dead to a meal
ple, is the second of three rites dedicated to the rotative field
when the harvest and festive times have ended and planting
of the year. Through these three rites the earth is gradually
rituals begin. At this pivotal point in the Andean year, the
awakened. One year before planting, the community leaders
dead visit the living, and then they are sent on another year’s
study the fertility of the fields lying fallow to see which one
journey with their share of the harvest.
is ready to begin another growth cycle of potatoes, oca, and
At noon on November 1, the leader of the community
barley. A diviner observes nature’s omens and asks the neigh-
awakens the dead with dynamite, and for twenty-four hours
boring mountains (achachilas) for their assistance. Once a
the dead are served food on tables that usually have three
field is picked, the people of the ayllu celebrate the rite of
tiers, symbolizing highlands, central altitudes, and lowlands.
Chosen Field (Chacrata Qukuy) in the middle of the rainy
The arrival of a fly or the flickering of a candle signals to the
season. Leaders dance across the field’s terraces to the music
living that the dead are present. The living and dead share
of flutes, and they offer a llama fetus to the earth shrine of
in a meal and communicate with each other by laments and
the selected field. The fetus brings new life to the soil, and
prayers. At noon the next day, everyone returns to the ceme-
thus the field becomes the anointed land for the year. Ande-
tery to place more food near the graves. Relatives of the de-
ans later fertilize their plots by spreading sheep dung along
ceased distribute food to friends, who pray for the dead rela-
the furrows where they will plant potatoes.
tives. Later the same afternoon, the fiesta ends with a meal
The rains continue to soak the anointed field, and near
and drinking.
the end of the rainy season, in April, Andeans prepare to
COSMOLOGY. For Andeans, the finality of death is alleviated
plow. But before the earth can be entered, it must be nur-
by their ecology. During life, Andeans become part of the
tured by the sacrifice of a grown llama during the rite of New
land that they work: As their bodies get older, their land in-
Earth. With this rite the land is vitalized; it is opened for
creases. When they die, they enter into the mountain, jour-
water, air, dung, and blood, until the time of Potato Plant-
ney upward, and have access to the land of the dead. More-
ing, when it is covered over again. Potato Planting (Khallay
over, the decay of their bodies enriches the land of the living.
Papa Tarpuna), in mid-November, is the field’s final ritual,
The visible levels of the living are only half of the mountain;
celebrated after the Feast with the Dead. According to Ande-
the other half consists of the subterranean waterways of the
an legends, the dead push the potatoes up from the inside
dead.
of the earth. Also in November, people of lower levels cele-
brate Corn Planting (Khallay Sara Tarpuna), and at Christ-
The Andeans’ worldview is an extension of the three
mastime herders sponsor their herding rituals, All Colors
mountain levels; they divide their universe into the heavens
(Chajru Khallay). Although each rite is concerned with the
(janaj pacha), this world (kay pacha), and the netherworld
animal and plant life of its zone, collectively the rites influ-
(ura pacha). Each place has an ancient, a past, and a present
ence the corporate life of the ayllu and region, and leaders
time, to which specific beings correspond. The heavens are
from the various communities participate in all of the rituals
where the elders of lightning, sun, and stars have dwelled
of the ayllu and the region.
since ancient times; where God, Jesus, and Santiago have
roamed since past times; and where dead baptized babies are
Between the cycle of the seasons there is a day when an-
descending to the uma pacha in present times. By their per-
cestors return to the community—2 November, the Feast
manent and cyclical features, the heavens suggest origination
with the Dead. Ancestor worship remains an important part
and restitution, whereas the experiences of this world are
of Andean religion. Prior to the conquest, Andeans mummi-
temporal and consecutive. The three times of this world are
fied the dead by wrapping them in cloth and seating them
symbolized by chullpas, the cross, and the graveyard, which
in chullpas, which are rock monuments above subterranean
refer respectively to the ancestor mummies, Jesus, and the re-
cists. The Incas dressed the mummies of their kings in fine
cent dead (those who have died within three years). The an-
textiles and kept them in the Temple of the Sun in Cuzco,
cestor mummies and the past and recent dead journey to the
where they were arranged in hierarchical and genealogical re-
highlands within the subterranean waterways of the nether-
lationships. Today, Andeans dress the dead person for a jour-
world, which is the recycling area between death and life.
ney, provide him or her with coca, potatoes, corn, and a can-
The supaya are dead unable to travel because of some unfin-
dle, and bury the deceased in a cemetery near the
ished business. They bridge the gap between the netherworld
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE MODERN ANDES
8619
and this world. The earth shrines denote being, space, and
and carnations from the lowlands, potatoes from the central
time, the metaphysical concepts for the universe, which are
lands, and llama fat and a fetus from the highlands. The
intertwined in each of the three gradient levels; thus the
gathering of the ritual items reinforces the concept that
mountain serves as an expression of Andean cosmology.
health is related to the utilization and exchange of resources
from different levels. Indirectly, the ritual affects health by
The uma pacha is the point of origin and return for tra-
reinforcing the need for a balanced diet. In this way, Andean
ditional Andeans. The highlands are the head (uma) of the
ritual promotes holistic health rather than merely removing
achachila. Bunchgrass grows near the summit of the moun-
disease.
tain, as hair on the head. The wool of the llamas that graze
on this grass resembles human hair. As human hair grows
Traditionally, Andeans distinguish between curanderos,
after cutting, so llama wool and bunchgrass grow continually
who cure with natural remedies, and diviners (yachaj), who
in the highlands. In a manner similar to the regeneration of
cure with supernatural remedies. Andeans have many classes
hair, humans and animals originate in the highland lakes, or
of curanderos, revealing a striking knowledge and classifica-
the eyes (nawi) of the achachila. The sun dies into these eyes
tion of anatomy and an enormous list of medical parapherna-
of the highlands, but from the reflections within the lake
lia. Because they have excelled in the practice of native medi-
come all living creatures. The lake’s reflections (illa) are the
cine, Andeans have adapted to an environment that produces
animals and people returning from inside the earth to this
many stresses (hypoxia, hypothermia, malnutrition, and epi-
world.
demics). Qollahuaya herbalists, for example, use approxi-
mately one thousand medicinal plants in curing. Andeans
Animals and people originate in and return to the head
visit both diviners and herbalists for treatment of a disease,
of the mountain. It is the place of origin and return, like the
because both kinds of specialist are needed to deal with all
human head, which is the point of entry and exit for the
the physical, social, spiritual, and ecological factors involved.
inner self. The dead travel by underground waterways to the
mountain’s head, the uma pacha, from whose lakes they can
CHRISTIANITY. Andeans have incorporated Catholicism into
arise to the land of the living. The living emerge from the
their traditional way of life by stratifying it according to place
eyes of the mountain (the lakes of the uma pacha), journey
and time and thus allowing it to function in ways analogous
across its head, chest, trunk, and legs (high, center, and low
to the function of an earth shrine. For many Andeans, Ca-
levels), and die in the lowlands. They are buried and return
tholicism is a state religion that replaced the Inca religion.
with the sun to the uma pacha, point of origin and return.
Every Andean community has a chapel with a statue of a
saint who is the patron protector of the village. Sculptors
SICKNESS AND HEALTH. Western medicine ascribes sickness
mold a realistic statue from plaster of paris, and seamstresses
to internal disorders of the body or to the malfunctioning
dress it with velvet and gold cloth. These statues appear al-
of organs within it, whereas Andean curing looks outside the
most alive, like waxworks. For some Andeans, the saint rep-
body to the malfunctioning of the social and ecological
resents a white rock; for others, the saints are transformations
order. Bodily illnesses are signs of disorders between the per-
of the dead ancestors whom they venerated during Inca
son and the land or between the person and his lineage. The
times.
diviner’s role is to reveal this conflict and to redress it by ritu-
al, which resolves the dispute or reorders the land. Diviners
Annually, each village celebrates a fiesta to its saint,
cure not by isolating the individual in a hospital, away from
whose statue is paraded around the four corners of the plaza
his land, but by gathering members of a sick person’s social
while brilliantly costumed groups dance to the music of
group for ritual feeding of the earth shrines of the achachila,
flutes, drums, and trumpets. The official sponsor, the preste,
because if their lineage and mountain are complete, then
walks alongside the saint, for which privilege he provides the
their body will also be complete (healthy). Community and
participants with alcohol, coca, and food. Ritual and natural
land are inextricably bound to the physical body, and disinte-
kin, as well as people in debt to the preste, contribute supplies
gration in one is associated with disorder in the other.
and sponsor dance groups. For the first day or two, the fiesta
is a celebration of great beauty and festivity, but by the third
One illustration of how diviners interrelate environ-
day it often degenerates into drunkenness and brawling. One
mental and social factors with sickness is the mesa de salud
reason is that during recent times raw alcohol has replaced
(“health table”), a commonly performed ritual in the Andes.
the traditional beverage, chicha, which has a much lower al-
This ritual begins with a preliminary divination session in
cohol content. However, alcohol and coca also relax the par-
which the diviner casts coca leaves to determine the causes
ticipants, making them susceptible to the liminal meanings
of an illness. Relatives of the sick person attend and contrib-
of the fiesta—the basic Andean meanings being expressed in
ute to the analysis of the causes. Diviners then redress social
the dance, music, and ritual. These elements are highly struc-
conflicts within the lineage. If the sick person, for example,
tured and communicate underlying symbolic patterns im-
has fought with her mother-in-law, the diviner delves into
portant to Andean culture.
the cause of this conflict and instructs the patient to gather
some ritual item from the mother-in-law’s household. The
Although the cult of the saints reflects the importance
participants then spend several days gathering ritual items
of Catholicism in contemporary Andean culture, Andeans
symbolic of the various altitudinal levels: chicha (corn beer)
are only nominal Catholics: They baptize their babies pri-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8620
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE MODERN ANDES
marily to prevent hailstorms and to obtain padrinos
viners are famous throughout the Andes. Rituals provide the
(“godfathers”), who provide social and political connections.
context for understanding the metaphorical relationship of
Sometimes couples marry in the church, but only after a trial
Andeans with their land.
marriage (iqhisiña) to see whether the wife is fertile. Catholic
Bastien, Joseph W., and John N. Donahue, eds. Health in the
catechists and Protestant missionaries have recently been
Andes. Washington, D.C., 1981. First part contains three ar-
converting Andeans to an evangelistic Christianity opposed
ticles on how rituals are used to cure sick Andeans. Other
to earth shrines, fiestas, and traditional Andean beliefs. Many
parts contain environmental information concerning
evangelistic Protestants emphasize literacy and the reading of
Andeans.
the Bible. Protestantism cannot be incorporated into the tra-
Cuadernos de investigación (La Paz, 1974). Pamphlets on Andean
ditional Andean system because it tends to be comparatively
culture and religion published by the Centro de Investiga-
barren of symbols and ritual. Consequently, converts to cer-
ción y Promoción del Campesinado. Especially insightful are
tain Protestant sects have radically changed their traditional
those by Javier Albo, Tristan Platt, and Olivia Harris.
cultural patterns. In sum, Catholicism has been adapted pe-
Isbell, Billie Jean. To Defend Ourselves: Ecology and Ritual in an
ripherally to traditional Andean religious practices, whereas
Andean Village. Austin, 1978. Describes marriage, hydraulic,
evangelistic Protestantism has been very effective in changing
harvest, and fertility rituals in the village of Chuschi, Ayacu-
traditional belief systems. This is because many Andeans see
cho Department, Peru. Treats the relationship between ecol-
ogy and ideology through the observation and analysis of rit-
traditional religious practices, which reflect verticality, re-
uals.
source exchange, ayllu solidarity, and ecology, as being unim-
portant to modernization, with its emphasis on literacy, hori-
Lewellen, Ted. Peasants in Transition: The Changing Economy of
zontal links, competition, and individuality.
the Peruvian Aymara. Boulder, 1978. Analyzes the impact of
Protestantism on social and economic factors of an Aymara
Nevertheless, the traditional religion retains a strong
community.
hold on Andeans, who continue to look to earth and nature
Millones Santa Gadea, Luis. Las religiones nativas del Peru: Recuen-
for their identity. Their land and their mountains continue
to y evaluación de su estudio. Austin, 1979. A review of studies
to be their deities—not as abstract symbols but as real entities
concerning Andean religion. Very useful for early studies on
with whom they live and work and with whom they share
Andean religion.
important relations of reciprocity. For these reasons, the An-
Núñez del Prado, Juan Victor. “The Supernatural World of the
deans built a high civilization in a mountainous land that
Quechua of Southern Peru as Seen from the Community of
they came to worship.
Qotobamba.” In Native South Americans, edited by Patricia
J. Lyon. Boston, 1974. Delineates the structure of the super-
B
natural world in southern Peru from the mythology and eth-
IBLIOGRAPHY
Allen, Catherine J. “Body and Soul in Quechua Thought.” Jour-
nographic data of two Quechua communities.
nal of Latin American Lore 8 (1982): 179–195. Explores the
Orlove, Benjamin S. “Two Rituals and Three Hypotheses: An Ex-
conceptual basis of “animistic” ideology, focusing on atti-
amination of Solstice Divination in Southern Highland
tudes toward death and the custom of “force feeding.” Excel-
Peru.” Anthropological Quarterly 52 (April 1979): 86–98.
lent description of relationship between ancestors and the
Describes two solstice divinations in Peru. Illustrates how
living.
Andeans weigh alternatives and make decisions.
Allpanchis Phuturinqa (Cuzco, 1969–). Published by the Instituto
Ossio, Juan M., ed. and comp. Ideología mesiánica del mundo an-
de Pastoral Andina, this review was founded to educate pas-
dino. Lima, 1973. Compilation of articles by anthropologists
toral agents about Andean culture and includes many articles
and historians concerning messianism among Andean peas-
on Andean religion.
ants. Many authors employ structuralist interpretations of
Andean religion.
Arguedas, José María. Deep Rivers. Translated by Frances Horning
Barraclough. Austin, 1978. Noted Peruvian novelist de-
Paredes, M. Rigoberto. Mitos, supersticiones y supervivencias popu-
scribes conflict within mestizos caught between the Andean
lares de Bolivia (1920). 3d ed., rev. & enl. La Paz, 1963. A
and Spanish cultural systems. Shows how myth bridges the
reference book for religious practices of the Aymara.
gulf between the magico-religious world of the Andean and
Sharon, Douglas. Wizard of the Four Winds: A Shaman’s Story.
the social reality of mestizo life. A penetrating book.
New York, 1978. Documents a modern shaman’s view of the
Arriaga, Pablo Joseph de. The Extirpation of Idolatry in Peru
world. Describes mesas performed by a shaman in Trujillo
(1621). Translated by Horacio Urteaga (Lima, 1920) and L.
Valley in the northern Andean highlands. A well-written and
Clark Keating (Lexington, Ky., 1968). An extirpator’s manu-
insightful book about Andean shamanism.
al accurately describing Andean religious practices of the six-
Taussig, Michael T. The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South
teenth and seventeenth centuries, many of which are still
America. Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980. Discusses the social sig-
found in the Andes. Shows how missioners suppressed Ande-
nificance of the devil in the folklore of contemporary planta-
an religion and attempted to replace it with Catholicism—
tion workers and miners in South America. The devil is a
and how Christianity got off to a bad start in the Andes.
symbol of the alienation experienced by peasants as they
Bastien, Joseph W. Mountain of the Condor: Metaphor and Ritual
enter the ranks of the proletariat.
in an Andean Ayllu. Saint Paul, 1978. A description and anal-
Tschopik, Harry, Jr. “The Aymara of Chucuito Peru.” Anthropo-
ysis of rituals performed by Qollahuaya Andeans, whose di-
logical Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 44,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST AMAZON
8621
pt. 2 (1951):137–308. Examines how ritual establishes social
and may, in the future, provide important elements for un-
equilibrium among the peasants of Chucuito, Peru. Includes
derstanding their religions. In any case, it is certain that the
detailed description of ritual paraphernalia.
vast majority of the societies of the Rio Negro, the main
Urton, Gary. At the Crossroads of the Earth and Sky: An Andean
northern tributary of the Amazon that connects with the
Cosmology. Austin, 1981. Examines the astronomical system
Orinoco via the Cassiquiare Canal, were Arawak-speaking
of Misminay, Peru, to understand celestial cosmology of
peoples. There were also significant numbers of Tukanoan-
modern Andeans. Shows how celestial formations interrelate
speaking peoples in the region of the Uaupés River and its
with the agricultural and ritual calendars.
tributaries; forest-dwelling Makuan peoples in a vast region
Valdizán, Hermilio, and Angel Maldonado. La medicine popular
from the lower to the upper Negro; Cariban-speaking peo-
peruana. 3 vols. Lima, 1922. An encyclopedia of minerals,
ples on the tributaries of the upper Orinoco; and Yanomami
plants, and animals used in healing and ritual.
populations in the mountainous forest regions north of the
Wachtel, Nathan. The Vision of the Vanquished: The Spanish Con-
Rio Negro.
quest of Peru through Indian Eyes, 1530–1570. Translated by
EARLY HISTORY OF THE REGION. A survey of the first histor-
Ben Reynolds and Siân Reynolds. New York, 1977. An ac-
ical sources and the earliest recorded traditions of the socie-
count of the structural disintegration of Inca society and cul-
ties of Northwest Amazon indicates the widespread distribu-
ture during the early years of the conquest. Illustrates how
a present-day fiesta in Oruro, Bolivia, enacts this drama.
tion of a ritual complex involving the use of sacred flutes and
trumpets, masked dances, and the practice of ritual whip-
New Sources
ping, associated with a mythology the central themes of
Bolin, Inge. Rituals of Respect: The Secret of Survival in the High
which included initiation, ancestors, warfare, and seasonal
Peruvian Andes. Austin, 1998.
cycles marked by festivals. Early observers noted that this rit-
Gade, Daniel W. Nature and Culture in the Andes. Madison,
ual complex was of central importance, and that the guard-
1999.
ians of the sacred trumpets formed an elite priestly class with
Larson, Brook, and Olivia Harris, eds. Ethnicity, Markets and Mi-
a supreme leader who was also a war chief. There are indica-
gration in the Andes: At the Crossroad of History and Anthro-
tions of ceremonial centers where rituals were celebrated
pology. Durham, N.C., 1995.
among societies of different language groups.
Van Cott, Donna Lee. Indigenous Peoples and Democracy in Latin
The evolution of this complex was drastically truncated
America. New York, 1994.
and transformed by the advance of the Portuguese and Span-
JOSEPH W. BASTIEN (1987)
ish slaving commerce in the seventeenth and eighteenth cen-
Revised Bibliography
turies. Many of the most powerful chiefs were co-opted into
destructive wars to obtain slaves, thus irremediably fragment-
ing political-religious formations, as well as leaving vast parts
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
of the Northwest Amazon region depopulated, as people
THE NORTHWEST AMAZON
were herded into mission-run settlements, where they were
forced to adapt to Western culture. By the late eighteenth
In principle, the Northwest Amazon includes, as its southern
century, even with a brief respite in the advance of coloniza-
limits, the region from approximately the Middle Amazon,
tion, many of the surviving societies had been introduced to
around the mouth of the Rio Negro, to the Upper Solimo˜es;
Christianity and had adopted its calendric festivals, if not its
all of the Rio Negro and its northern tributaries, including
belief system, into their religious patterns.
the Parima mountain range, up to the upper Orinoco Valley;
and an arc connecting the Upper Orinoco to the Upper
In the second half of the nineteenth century, as an early
Solimo˜es. Historically, the societies that inhabited this vast
reaction to exploitation by merchants, pressures from mis-
region, at least at the time of Spanish conquest in the six-
sionaries, and the waves of epidemics that decimated the In-
teenth century, were far more numerous than they are today,
dian population, a sequence of prophetic movements and re-
and far more complex in terms of their social and political
bellions broke out in the Northwest Amazon region.
organization and interrelations amongst each other. Un-
Dressing as priests and identifying themselves with Christ
doubtedly, their religious organizations and institutions were
and the saints, prophet-shamans led the people in the
more complex as well. Sixteenth-century chroniclers left tan-
“Dance of the Cross,” a fusion of traditional rituals with ele-
talizing notes describing the existence of chiefdoms and
ments of Catholicism that promised freedom from white op-
priestly societies in the Amazon floodplains region that were
pression and relief from the “sins” that were believed to be
similar to those of the circum-Caribbean region.
causing the epidemics. While many of these movements suf-
The usefulness of these notes for understanding native
fered repression, the prophetic tradition continued among
religions at the time of conquest is, however, limited and
both Tukanoan- and Arawak-speaking peoples until well
subject to much guesswork. Scholars are not even certain
into the twentieth century in areas that escaped the attention
which languages many of these societies spoke, much less
of missionaries and government officials.
what their religious beliefs were. Modern archaeology is just
CONTEMPORARY PEOPLES AND THEIR RELIGIOUS TRADI-
beginning to uncover the rich complexity of these societies
TIONS. For the indigenous peoples of the Northwest Amazon
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8622
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST AMAZON
today, religion is not an institution differentiated from other
birds who fly high; the tops of mountains; or even a head
aspects of their lives. When they use the term religion, they
adorned with a headdress of red and yellow macaw feathers,
are generally referring to the Christian religions introduced
which are the colors of the sun. In the same way, the under-
among them in their long history of contact with nonindige-
world can be the River of the Dead below the earth, the yel-
nous society. When they wish to refer to their own beliefs
low clay below the layer of soil where the dead are buried,
and practices that have to do with the sacred, they generally
or the aquatic world of the subterranean rivers. In any case,
use such phrasings as “our tradition” and “the wisdom of our
what defines the “sky” or the “underworld” depends not only
ancestors.” To understand these traditions, it is useful to
on the scale and context, but also on the perspective: at night,
consider four dimensions that characterize all religious tradi-
the sun, the sky, and the day are below the earth and the dark
tions: cosmogony (the meaning of the beginning); cosmolo-
underworld is on top.
gy (spatial and temporal structures of the universe); anthro-
In symbolic terms, the longhouse is the universe, and
pology (the relations among living beings, including
vice versa. The thatched roof is the sky, the support beams
“specialists” who mediate relations with the spirits and divin-
are the mountains, the walls are the chains of hills that seem
ities); and eschatology (the meaning of the end). This entry
to surround the visible horizon at the edge of the world, and
will seek to provide a minimum understanding of these di-
under the floor runs the River of the Dead. The longhouse
mensions from the rich and complex contemporary tradi-
has two doors: the one facing east, called the “water door,”
tions of the Tukanoan-speaking peoples, the Arawak-
is the men’s door; the other, facing west, is the women’s
speaking Baniwa and Kuripako, and the Maku of the Rio
door. A long roof beam called the “path of the sun” extends
Negro region and its main tributaries, the Uaupés and Içana;
between the two doors. In this equatorial region, the under-
the Yanomami of the Parima highlands on the border of Bra-
world rivers run from west to east, or from the women’s door
zil and Venezuela; and the Carib-speaking Makiritare of the
to the men’s door; completing a closed circuit of water; the
upper Orinoco Valley.
River of the Dead runs from the east to the west.
Tukanoans. Tukanoan-speaking peoples inhabit the
The longhouse is likewise a body—the “canoe-body” of
rainforest region on the border of Brazil and Colombia. Al-
the ancestral anaconda—which, according to the myth of
though they are divided into numerous linguistic groups,
creation, brought the ancestors of humanity, the children of
they nevertheless share a body of broadly identical mytholo-
the ancestral anaconda, inside it, swimming upriver from the
gy. Religious life revolves around these myths; the impor-
Amazon to the Uaupés in the beginning of time. These chil-
tance of sacred flutes and trumpets representing the ancestors
dren are the inhabitants of the longhouse, replica of the origi-
of each group; shamans and chant specialists; and a cosmolo-
nal ancestor, containers of future generations and they them-
gy centering on the themes of mortality and immortality,
selves are future ancestors. But if the longhouse is a human
death and rebirth, and the conjunction of male and female
body, its composition is also a question of perspective. From
principles in the creation and reproduction of culture.
the male point of view, the painted front of the longhouse
The myths explain the origins of the cosmos, describing
is a man’s face, the men’s door his mouth, the main beams
a dangerous, undifferentiated world with no clear boundaries
and side beams his spinal column and ribs, the center of the
of space and time and no difference between people and ani-
house his heart, and the women’s door his anus. From the
mals. They explain how the first beings created the physical
female point of view, however, the spinal column, ribs, and
features of the landscape, and how the world was gradually
heart are the same, but the rest of the body is inverted: the
made safe for the emergence of true human beings. A key ori-
women’s door is her mouth, the men’s door her vagina, and
gin myth explains how an anaconda-ancestor entered the
the inside of the house her womb.
world-house through the “water-door” in the east and trav-
In the Tukanoan life cycle, there is a notion of reincar-
eled up the Rio Negro and Uaupés with the ancestors of all
nation shared by all Tukanoans: at death, an aspect of the
humanity inside his body. Initially in the form of feather or-
dead person’s soul returns to the “house of transformation,”
naments, these spirit-ancestors were transformed into human
the group’s origin site. Later the soul returns to the world
beings over the course of their journey. When they reached
of the living to be joined to the body of a newborn baby
the center of the world, they emerged from a hole in the
when the baby receives its name. People are named after a
rocks and moved to their respective territories. These narra-
recently dead relative on the father’s side. Each group owns
tives give the Tukanoan peoples a common understanding
a limited set of personal names, which are kept alive by being
of the cosmos, of the place of human beings within it, and
transmitted back to the living. The visible aspect of these
of the relations that should pertain between different peoples
name-souls are the feather headdresses worn by dancers, or-
and between them and other beings.
naments that are also buried with the dead. The underworld
river is described as being full of these ornaments and, in the
The universe consists of three basic levels: the sky, earth,
origin story, the spirits inside the anaconda-canoe traveled
and underworld. Each layer is a world in itself, with its spe-
in the form of dance ornaments.
cific beings, and can be understood both in abstract and in
concrete terms. In different contexts, the “sky” can be the
Buried in canoes, the souls of the dead fall to the under-
world of the sun, the moon, and the stars; the world of the
world river below. From there they drift downstream to the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST AMAZON
8623
west and to the upstream regions of the world above.
tice. As a knowledgeable senior man, the kumu is typically
Women do not give birth in the longhouse, but in a garden
also a headmen and leader of his community and will exercise
located inland, upstream, and behind the house—also the
considerable authority over a much wider area. Compared
west. The newborn baby is first bathed in the river, then
to the sometimes morally ambiguous yai, the kumu enjoys
brought into the longhouse through the rear women’s door.
a much higher status and also a much greater degree of trust,
Confined inside the house for about a week with its mother
which relates to his prominent ritual role. The kumu plays
and father, the baby is again bathed in the river and given
an important role in the prevention of illness and misfortune.
a name. Thus, in cosmological terms, babies do indeed come
He also officiates at rites of passage and effects the major
from women, water, the river, and the west.
transitions of birth, initiation, and death, transitions that en-
sure the socialization of individuals and the passage of the
In the Tukanoan view, masa, the word for “people,” is
generations, and which maintain ordered relations between
a relative concept. It can refer to one group as opposed to
the ancestors and their living descendants. The kumu’s other
another, to all Tukanoans as opposed to their non-Tukanoan
major function is to officiate at dance feasts, drinking parties,
neighbors, to Indians as opposed to whites, to human beings
and ceremonial exchanges and to conduct and supervise the
as opposed to animals, and finally to living things, including
rituals at which the sacred instruments are played, rituals that
trees, as opposed to inanimate objects. In myths and sha-
involve direct contact with dead ancestors.
manic discourse, animals are people and share their culture.
They live in organized longhouse communities, plant gar-
The yearly round is punctuated by a series of collective
dens, hunt and fish, drink beer, wear ornaments, take part
feasts, each with its own songs, dances, and appropriate mu-
in intercommunity feasts, and play their own sacred instru-
sical instruments, which mark important events in the
ments. All creatures that can see and hear, communicate with
human and natural worlds—births, initiations, marriages,
their own kind, and act intentionally are “people”—but peo-
deaths, the felling and planting of gardens, the building of
ple of different kinds. They are different because they have
houses, the migrations of fishes and birds, and the seasonal
different bodies, habits, and behaviors and see things from
availability of forest fruits and other gathered foods. The
different bodily perspectives. Just as stars see living humans
feasts take three basic forms: cashirís (beer feasts), dabukuris
as dead spirits, so also do animals see humans as animals. In
(ceremonial exchanges), and rites involving sacred flutes and
everyday life, people emphasize their difference from ani-
trumpets. The rituals involving sacred musical instruments
mals, but in the spirit world, which is also the world of ritual,
are the fullest expression of the Indians’ religious life, for they
shamanism, dreaming, and ayahuasca visions (ayahuasca
synthesize a number of key themes: ancestry, descent and
being a psycho-active liquid that is drunk on ceremonial oc-
group identity, sex and reproduction, relations between men
casions), perspectives are merged, differences are abolished,
and women, growth and maturation, death, regeneration,
the past is the present, and people and animals remain as one.
and the integration of the human life cycle with cosmic time.
(For a complete description and analysis of these rites, and
In Amazonia, ritual specialists with special powers and
the symbolism of the sacred instruments, see Hugh-Jones,
access to esoteric religious knowledge are often referred to as
1979.)
“shamans.” In order to operate successfully in the world, all
adult men must be shamans to some extent. But those who
Effective missionary penetration among the Tukanoans
are publicly recognized as such are individuals with greater
began towards the end of the nineteenth century with the
ritual knowledge and a special ability to “read” what lies be-
arrival of the Franciscans. The Franciscans, and the Salesians
hind sacred narratives; they are individuals who choose to use
who followed them, saw native religion through the lens of
their skills and knowledge on behalf of others, and who ac-
their own closed religious categories. Without knowing or
quire recognition as experts. With rare exceptions, ritual ex-
caring about what Tukanoan religion meant, the missiona-
perts are always men, but the capacity of women to menstru-
ries set about destroying one civilization in the name of an-
ate and to bear children is spoken of as the female equivalent
other, burning down the Indians’ longhouses, destroying
of shamanic power.
their feather ornaments, persecuting the shamans, and expos-
ing the sacred instruments to women and children. They or-
Tukanoans distinguish between two quite different ritu-
dered people to build villages of neatly ordered single-family
al specialists, the yai and the kumu. The yai corresponds to
houses and send their children to mission boarding schools,
the prototypical Amazonian shaman whose main tasks in-
where they were taught to reject their parents’ and their an-
volve dealing with other people and with the outside world
cestors’ ways of life.
of animals and the forest. The shaman is an expert in curing
the sickness and diseases caused by sorcery from vengeful
If the missionaries were resented for their attack on In-
creatures and jealous human beings. Yai means “jaguar,” a
dian culture, they were also welcomed as a source of manu-
term that gives some indication of the status of the shaman
factured goods, as defenders of the Indians against the worst
in Tukanoan society. The kumu is more a savant and a priest
abuses of the rubber gatherers, and as the providers of the
than a shaman. His powers and authority are founded on an
education that the Indian children would need to make the
exhaustive knowledge of mythology and ritual procedures,
most of their new circumstances. From the 1920s onwards,
knowledge that only comes after years of training and prac-
the Salesians established a chain of outposts throughout the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8624
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST AMAZON
region on the Brazilian side of the frontier. At the beginning
they seek in their cures, for his body consists of all sicknesses
of the twenty-first century, the growing body of evangelicals
that exist in the world (including poison used in witchcraft,
apart, most Tukanoan Indians would consider themselves to
which is still the most frequently cited “cause” of death of
be Catholics. As more and more people now leave their vil-
people today), the material forms of which he left in this
lages and head for urban centers in search of education and
world in the great conflagration that marked his “death” and
employment, life in the longhouses and the rich variety of
withdrawal from the world. The shamans say that Kuwai’s
ritual life that went with it now persists only in the memories
body is covered with fur like the black sloth called wamu.
of the oldest inhabitants. On the Colombian side of the bor-
Kuwai ensnares the souls of the sick, grasping them in his
der, the more liberal Javerians preach tolerance of Indian cul-
arms (as the sloth does), and suffocating them until the sha-
ture and accommodation with its values and beliefs, allowing
mans bargain with him to regain the souls and return them
the Tukanoans to conserve much of their traditional religion
to their owners.
and way of life to this day.
In Baniwa cosmology, the universe is formed by multi-
Baniwa and Kuripako. The religious life of the Ara-
ple layers associated with various divinities, spirits, and
wak-speaking Baniwa and Kuripako of the Brazil/Venezuela/
“other people.” According to one shaman, it is organized into
Colombia borders was similarly based on the great mytho-
an enormous vertical structure of twenty-five layers or
logical and ritual cycles related to the first ancestors and sym-
“worlds”(kuma), there being twelve layers below “this world”
bolized by sacred flutes and trumpets, on the central
(hliekwapi) of humans, collectively known as Uapinakuethe,
importance of shamanism, and on a rich variety of dance rit-
and twelve above, collectively known as Apakwa Hekwapi,
uals called pudali, associated with the seasonal cycles and the
the “other world.” Each one of the layers below the earth is
maturation of forest fruits.
inhabited by “people” or “tribes” with distinctive characteris-
Baniwa cosmogony is remembered in a complex set of
tics (people painted red, people with large mouths, etc.).
numerous myths in which the main protagonist is
With the exception of the people of the lowest level of the
Nhia˜perikuli, beginning with his emergence in the primordi-
cosmos, and one other underworld, all other peoples are con-
al world and ending with his creation of the first ancestors
sidered to be “good” and assist the shaman in his search for
of the Baniwa phratries and his withdrawal from the world.
the lost souls of the sick. Above our world are the places of
Many of these myths recount the struggles of Nhia˜perikuli
various spirits and divinities related to the shamans: bird-
against various animal-tribes who seek to kill him and de-
spirits who help the shaman in his search for lost souls; the
stroy the order of the universe. More than any other figure
Owner of Sicknesses, Kuwai, whom the shaman seeks in
of the Baniwa pantheon, Nhia˜perikuli was responsible for
order to cure more serious ailments; the primordial shamans
the form and essence of the world; in fact, it may even be
and Dzulíferi, the Owner of Pariká (shaman’s snuff) and to-
said that he is the universe.
bacco; and finally, the place of the creator and transformer
Another great cycle in the history of the cosmos is told
Nhia˜perikuli, or Dio, which is a place of eternal, brilliant
in the myth of Kuwai, the son of Nhia˜perikuli, and the first
light, like a room full of mirrors reflecting this light. The sun
woman, Amaru. This myth has central importance in Bani-
is considered to be a manifestation of Nhia˜perikuli’s body.
wa culture for it explains at least four major questions on the
With the exception of the level of Kuwai, all other levels are
nature of existence in the world: (1) how the order and ways
likewise inhabited by “good people.” Some may “deceive” or
of life of the ancestors are reproduced for all future genera-
“lie” to the shaman, but only the “sickness owner” possesses
tions, the Walimanai; (2) how children are to be instructed
death-dealing substances used in witchcraft.
in initiation rituals about the nature of the world; (3) how
This world of humans is, by contrast, considered to be
sicknesses and misfortune entered the world; and (4) what
irredeemably evil. Thus, of all the layers in the universe, four
is the nature of the relation among humans, spirits, and ani-
are considered to be comprised of wicked people. It is re-
mals that is the legacy of the primordial world. The myth
markable how, in the context and from the perspective of the
tells of the life of Kuwai, an extraordinary being whose body
most elaborate cosmic structure thus far recorded amongst
is full of holes and consists of all the elements of the world,
the Baniwa, the theme of evil in this world of humans clearly
and whose humming and songs produce all animal species.
stands out. In shamanic discourse, this world is frequently
His birth sets in motion a rapid process of growth in which
characterized as maatchikwe (place of evil), kaiwikwe (place
the miniature and chaotic world of Nhia˜perikuli opens up
of pain), and ekúkwe (place of rot [due to the rotting corpses
to its real-life size.
of the dead]), contrasting it with the world of Nhia˜perikuli,
The myth of Kuwai marks a transition between the pri-
which is notable for its sources of remedies against the sick-
mordial world of Nhia˜perikuli and a more recent human
nesses of this world. This world is considered to be contami-
past, which is brought directly into the experience of living
nated by the existence of sorcerers and witches. Shamanic
people in the rituals. For that reason, the shamans say that
powers and cures, by contrast, are characterized in terms of
Kuwai is as much a part of the present world as of the ancient
the protective, beneficial, and aesthetically correct: to make
world, and that he lives “in the center of the world.” For the
the world beautiful; to make this world and the people in it
shamans, he is the Owner of Sicknesses and it is he whom
better and content; to not let this world fall or end (meaning,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE NORTHWEST AMAZON
8625
to be covered in darkness and overrun by witches); to retrieve
ern Brazil and southern Venezuela. Accounts of creation vary
lost souls and make sick persons well—all are phrases that
considerably among the groups, although a common theme
appear in shamanic discourses about journeys to the other
holds that after the destruction of the primordial world by
world. In all phases of this journey, the beauty, goodness,
a cosmic flood, humans originated from the blood of the
unity, order, and truth—in a word, the “light”—of the other
Moon. The souls of deceased Yanomami, whose bone ashes
world (with the exception of the places of Kuwai) stand in
are consumed during the rituals of reahu, are incorporated
contrast with this world of multiple pain and evil. In one
into the blood-lakes of the Moon, where they are regenerated
sense, then, the shaman’s quest would seem to be one of
and later reincarnated, through falling rain, to a new exis-
“beautifying” this world by seeking to create order and pre-
tence on earth.
venting the darkness of chaos.
The Yanomami word urihi designates the forest and its
In the 1950s, the majority of the Baniwa converted to
floor. It also signifies territory or the region currently inhab-
evangelical Protestantism, introduced by missionaries of the
ited. The phrase for “the forest of human beings,” the forest
New Tribes Mission. Their mass conversion was historically
that Omama, the creator, gave to the Yanomami to live in
continuous with their participation in prophetic movements
generation after generation, is “Yanomami land” or “the
ever since the mid-nineteenth century; however, evangelical-
great forest-land.” A source of resources, for the Yanomami,
ism provoked a radical break from their shamanic traditions,
urihi is not a simple inert setting submitted to the will of
as well as serious divisions and conflicts with Catholic Bani-
human beings. A living entity, it has an essential image and
wa and those who sought to maintain their ritual traditions.
breath, as well as an immaterial fertility principal. The ani-
Today, after half a century, evangelicalism is now the pre-
mals it shelters are seen to be avatars of mythic human/
dominant form of religion in over half the Baniwa communi-
animal ancestors of the first humans, who ended up assum-
ties, although there is a growing movement among non-
ing their animal condition due to their uncontrolled behav-
evangelicals to revitalize the initiation rituals and mythic tra-
ior, an inversion of present-day social rules. Lurking in the
ditions.
tangled depths of the urihi, in its hills and its rivers, are nu-
Maku. The universe of the nomadic Maku Indians of
merous malefic beings, who injure or kill the Yanomami as
the interfluvial region in the Northwest Amazon takes the
though they were game, provoking disease and death. On
form of an upright egg, with three levels or “worlds”: (1) the
top of the mountains live the images of the animal-ancestors
subterranean “world of shadows,” from where all the mon-
transformed into shamanic spirits, xapiripë. The xapiripë
sters come, such as scorpions, jaguars, venomous snakes, the
were left behind by Omama to look after humans. The entire
river Indians, and whites; (2) “our world”; that is, the forest,
extent of urihi is covered by their mirrors, where they play
and (3) the “world of the light” above the sky, where the an-
and dance endlessly. Hidden in the depths of the waters is
cestors and the creator, the Son of the Bone, live. Light and
the house of the monster Tëpërësiki, father-in-law of
shadow are the two basic substances from which all beings
Omama, where the yawarioma spirits also live; their sisters
are composed in varying proportions. Light is a source of life.
seduce and enrage young Yanomami hunters, thereby en-
Shadow is a source of death. In “our world,” leaves and fruit
abling them to pursue a shamanic career.
are the beings with the highest concentration of light, while
The initiation of shamans is painful and ecstatic. Dur-
carnivores have the highest concentration of shadow. For this
ing initiation, which involves inhaling the hallucinogenic
reason, it is better to avoid eating carnivores and restrict one’s
powder ya˜ko˜ana (the resin or inner bark fragments of the
diet to herbivores. In the world of light after death, people
Virola sp. tree, dried and pulverized) for many days under the
nourish themselves with delicious fruit juices and become
supervision of older shamans, they learn to “see” or “recog-
eternal adolescents.
nize” the xapiripë spirits and to respond to their calls. The
The main mythological cycle of the Maku relates the
xapiripë are seen in the form of humanoid miniatures deco-
epic tale of the Son of the Bone, whose name varies with the
rated with colorful and brilliant ceremonial ornaments.
subgroup. The myth describes the survivor of a fire that put
Above all, these spirits are shamanic “images” of forest enti-
an end to the previous creation. His attempts to recreate the
ties. Many are also images of cosmic entities and mythologi-
world resulted in a series of blunders: conflicts, sickness, and
cal personae. Finally, there are the spirits of “whites” and
death, all resulting from the mess left behind. After his wife
their domesticated animals.
is abducted by his youngest brother, the Son of the Bone
Once initiated, the Yanomami shamans can summon
leaves this world behind forever, going to live in the world
the xapiripë to themselves in order for these to act as auxiliary
of light, above the sky and the thunder, from where he some-
spirits. This power of knowledge, vision, and communica-
times emits an expression of revenge. Coincidence or not, in
tion with the world of “vital images” or “essences” makes the
real life, brothers often fight among themselves, in dispute
shamans the pillars of Yanomami society. A shield against the
over the same women, or with their affines, in accordance
malefic powers deriving from humans and nonhumans that
with the clan system.
threaten the lives of members of their communities, they are
Yanomami. The Yanomami comprise four linguistic
also tireless negotiators and warriors of the invisible, dedicat-
subgroups inhabiting the mountainous rainforests of north-
ed to taming the entities and forces that move the cosmologi-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8626
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN AMAZON
cal order. They control the fury of the thunder and winds
BIBLIOGRAPHY
brought by storms, the regularity of the alternation between
Albert, Bruce. “Yanomami.” In Povos indígenas no Brasil. Instituto
day and night, or dry season and rainy season, the abundance
socioambiental (Socio-Environmental Institute), 1999.
of game, and the fertility of gardens; they keep up the arch
Available in Portuguese and English from http://
of the sky to prevent its falling (the present earth is an ancient
www.socioambiental.org/website/pib/epienglish/yanomami/
fallen sky), repel the forest’s supernatural predators, and
yanomami.shtm. Basic information on Yanomami society,
culture, and cosmology.
counterattack the raids made by aggressive spirits of enemy
shamans. Most importantly, they cure the sick, victims of
De Civrieux, Marc. Watunna: An Orinoco Creation Cycle. Edited
human malevolence (sorcery, aggressive shamanism, attacks
and translated by David M. Guss. San Francisco, 1980.
on animal doubles) or nonhuman malevolence (coming from
Major myth cycle of the Makiritare Indians of the upper Ori-
noco, collected by the author during twenty years of field-
malefic në waripë beings).
work.
Makiritare. The Makiritare, Carib-speaking peoples of
Hugh-Jones, Stephen. The Palm and the Pleiades: Initiation and
the upper Orinoco Valley, recount the story of their creation
Cosmology in Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge, U.K., 1979.
in the great tradition called Watunna. According to this tra-
One of the earliest and most important monographs on the
dition, the primordial sun brought the heavenly creator
ritual and religious life of an indigenous peoples, the Tu-
Wanadi into being. Through his shamanic powers, Wanadi
kanoan-speaking Barasana of the Northwest Amazon. Struc-
created “the old people” and then, in his desire to place
turalist analysis of initiation rites, myths, and cosmology.
“good people” in houses on the earth, he dispatched three
Pozzobon, Jorge. “Maku.” In Povos indígenas no Brasil. Instituto
aspects of himself to earth. The first buried his own placenta
socioambiental (Socio-Environmental Institute), 1999.
in the earth, which gave rise to an evil being, called Odosha,
Available in Portuguese and English from http://www. so-
who then sought to destroy every creative effort and intro-
cioambiental. org / website / pib / epienglish / maku /
duced death into the world. The second aspect of Wanadi
maku.shtm. Basic information on Maku society, culture, and
was sent to teach the people that dying is an illusion and that
cosmology.
dreaming holds the true power of reality. He brought good
Sullivan, Lawrence. Icanchu’s Drum: An Orientation to Meaning
people, as sounds, inside a stonelike egg to earth, where they
in South American Religions. New York, 1988. Outstanding
would be born, but Odosha prevented this from happening.
source on native South American religions by a historian of
Wanadi then hid them in a mountain to wait until the end
religions. Examines the cosmogonies, cosmologies, anthro-
of the world and the death of Odosha. Wanadi’s third aspect,
pologies, and eschatologies of native peoples across the conti-
Attawanadi, then came to earth to create the enclosed struc-
nent. Masterful work of interpretation of myths, rituals, and
ture of the earth, which was then shrouded in the darkness
beliefs.
created by Odosha. A new sky, sun, moon, and stars were
Wright, Robin. Cosmos, Self, and History in Baniwa Religion: For
created in this house, village, universe. Then there ensued a
Those Unborn. Austin, Tex., 1998. Monograph on the Bani-
struggle between Odosha and Attawanadi in which Odosha
wa peoples of the Northwest Amazon, focusing on cosmogo-
is initially victorious, but Attawanadi outsmarts the evil
ny, cosmology, eschatology, and conversion to Protestant
being by assuming elusive guises. As trickster, Attawanadi
evangelicalism.
thwarts Odosha’s constant attempts to destroy existence in
Wright, Robin, with Manuela Carneiro da Cunha. “Destruction,
a sort of negative dialectic of the sacred. Thus cosmic history
Resistance, and Transformations—Southern, Coastal, and
was set in motion.
Northern Brazil (1580–1890).” In The Cambridge History of
the Native Peoples of the Americas, Vol. 3: South America, ed-
Other episodes of this important cycle relate the de-
ited by Stuart Schwartz and Frank Salomon, part 2,
struction through deluge of the primordial beings and their
pp. 287–381. New York and Cambridge, U.K., 1999. Histo-
world, and the origins of periodicity, differentiation, and
ry of three centuries of contact between indigenous societies
bounded spaces. The deluge was the result of the killing of
in three regions of Brazil, and the expanding colonial
a primordial anaconda-monster. After this destruction,
frontier.
Wanadi decided to make houses and “new people,” who live
ROBIN M. WRIGHT (2005)
in a symbolic world in which, through song, ritual, and
weaving, they recall these primordial events. The landscape
of the Makiritare world provides constant reminders of the
primordial times. The center of the universe is a lake in
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
Makiritare territory where, in ancient times, waters poured
THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN AMAZON
forth from the cut trunk of the tree that originally bore all
The vast region covered by the central and eastern Amazon
fruit. This lake contains the sea that once flooded the earth
may, for the purposes of this entry, be delimited by the Río
and is now bounded at the edges of the world.
Negro at the western end, the mouth of the Amazon to the
Although numerous Makiritare communities converted
east, the Guyana highlands to the north, and the central pla-
to Protestant evangelicalism in the 1980s, many others re-
teau of Brazil to the south. Within this region many of the
jected conversion, maintaining firm belief in the Watunna
great language families of South America are represented: Ar-
tradition.
awak, Tupi, Carib, Ge, and Timbira. Besides this diversity
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN AMAZON
8627
the area is also notable for some of the most complex prehis-
by diseases, as mission industries and towns struggled to sur-
torical cultures, such as Marajoara and Santarém. This entry
vive. With the depopulation of the main tributaries, expedi-
provides an overview of the religious systems of prehistoric
tions penetrated ever farther into the interior to “persuade”
and contemporary indigenous peoples as well as of peasants
whole populations to relocate to ethnically mixed, mission-
or caboclos.
run settlements. This process led to the formation of a
neoindigenous stratum of the population, whose original
PREHISTORIC CULTURES AND RELIGIOUS MANIFESTATIONS.
cultural and linguistic differences had been neutralized, dis-
Archaeological excavations at Marajó Island in the Amazon
solving ethnic diversity into the homogeneity of generic In-
Delta reveal the existence of a complex society of Mound
dians that eventually gave rise to the caboclo or mixed popu-
Builders spanning the period from roughly 500 to 1300 CE.
lation of the region.
The abundance of ceremonial and funerary remains on the
higher mounds attests to the existence of political and cere-
With the decline of colonial control by the end of the
monial centers. Differential burials, houses for the dead, and
eighteenth century, many peoples withdrew from colonial
possibly temples indicate ancestor cults. Marajoara ceramics
settlements to reorganize and reconstitute their societies,
are marked by the use of animal motifs with clear supernatu-
often in new territories and with new sociopolitical and reli-
ral and mythical connotations that modern studies have
gious forms of organization. From the mid–nineteenth cen-
sought to interpret in terms of Amerindian perspectivism.
tury until well into the twentieth, rubber extraction and ex-
The symbolism of death and rebirth, shamanic motifs, bina-
portation became the dominant form of labor organization
ry images, abstract geometric patterns, and bodily images are
in the Amazon, and with the severe droughts in northeastern
all characteristic of Marajoara ceramics, indicating a complex
Brazil at the end of the nineteenth century, there was a mas-
religious system (see Schaan, 2001). Similarly the prehistoric
sive influx of northeastern migrants into the Amazon region.
Santarém culture at the mouth of the Tapajós was the center
By the late twentieth century even the most isolated regions
of a great chiefdom from the tenth century to the sixteenth
of the central and eastern Amazon, which until then had
century. Female fertility is a predominant element in ceramic
served as a refuge for many indigenous peoples, were invaded
motifs; the famous caryatid vessels display bicephalous hu-
by highways, miners, and ranchers.
manlike zoomorphic figures (especially the king vulture), re-
calling the transformations experienced in shamanic trance
CONTEMPORARY INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS. The religions of
or in great collective rituals using psychoactive substances in
several peoples will be briefly considered. Those included are
which great trumpets representing the divinities were played.
the Palikur (Arawak) of the state of Amapá; the Araweté and
Finally, mention should be made of the many cemeteries
Juruna (Tupian) of the state of Pará; the Kayapó and Xikrin
with large funerary urns discovered near the Maracá River
(Ge) of the state of Pará; the Canela and Krahó (Timbira)
on the lower Amazon. These urns display anthropomorphic
of Maranha˜o; and the Arara (Carib) of Pará.
or zoomorphic figures, with the anthropomorphic figures,
Palikur (Arawakan). For the contemporary Palikur,
often female, being seated, decorated, and painted. It has
the creation and structuring of the universe and all that is
been suggested that the Maracá culture was linked to early
part of it is the work of the Christian God. They usually dis-
Arawakan populations that were possibly ancestors of the
parage the beliefs of their ancestors, declaring that they were
Palikur.
superstitions, and cite as an example the constitution of the
BRIEF HISTORY OF CONTACT. The size and complexity of
universe in layers. In the early twenty-first century they
Amazon floodplain societies astonished the first European
“know that the world is round.” Nevertheless they possess
explorers in the mid-sixteenth century. Their populations
a vast repertoire of myths that reveals a good part of their an-
were dense, internally stratified, and settled in extensive vil-
cient cosmology.
lages capable of producing surpluses for a significant in-
tertribal commerce. The sociopolitical organization of what
The myths can be divided into two categories: cosmo-
observers called “provinces” was far more elaborate than any
gonic myths that tell of the emergence of the Palikur and
indigenous society since then, with reports of local chiefs
their relations with the environment or with other ethnic
subordinate to regional chiefs endowed with sacred qualities,
groups of the region, and those myths that speak of the rela-
hierarchically organized lineages, sacrifice of concubines at
tion with the “beings of the other world.” The myths are gen-
the deaths of chiefs, ancestor cults with the preservation of
erally further classified into two types: “stories of the old
the corpse through rudimentary techniques, and other evi-
times, of the past, a long time ago” and “false stories.” They
dence of social and ritual stratification.
always refer to a time past, in which the “true” belief, the
Christian religion, was unknown. At times, however, narra-
None of this resisted the advance of the European slave
tors reflect and point out that the fact in question is real and
hunters, spice collectors, diseases, and missionaries who, by
still occurs, revealing the ambiguity with which the Palikur
the end of the seventeenth century, had penetrated well into
regard the myths. It is exactly this ambiguity that has allowed
the Amazon Valley. Their advance resulted in the dispersion
for the coexistence of indigenous mythology with Christian
and captivity of a majority of the riverine peoples such that
religion, but that has not occurred with the rituals, for which
the eastern Amazon was practically depopulated and infested
reason they are no longer held. Myth is consciously relegated
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8628
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN AMAZON
to an inferior position in relation to the Christian religious
causing the sky to crash down. The ultimate cause of all
system.
deaths is the will of the Máï, who are conceived as being at
once ideal Araweté and dangerous cannibals. The Máï are
The mythical universe appears to be divided into three
not thought of as creators, but their separation from humani-
layers: the world below, the terrestrial plane, and the celestial
ty produced old age and death. Among the hundreds of types
plane. The first is the mythical space par excellence, for in
of Máï, most of which have animal names, the Máï hete (real
it dwell the supernatural spirits. Located just below the sur-
gods) are those who transform the souls of the dead into
face of the earth, its parallel position in relation to the terres-
Máï-like beings by means of a cannibal-matrimonial opera-
trial level facilitates contact between the two worlds, a neces-
tion. That is, following its arrival in the celestial realms, the
sary condition for the existence of the mythical world, since
soul of the dead is killed and devoured by the Máï, after
this plane only makes sense in connection with the world of
which it is resurrected by means of a magical bath and made
humans. The representation of the passage between the two
into a godlike being who will be married to a Máï and live
worlds is physical: there is a “hole” in the terrestrial level that
forever young. Besides the Máï, there are also Ani forest spir-
allows for displacement from one sphere to another. The
its, savage beings who invade settlements and must be killed
switch from one plane to another is marked by the transfor-
by the shamans, and the powerful Master of the River, a sub-
mation of supernatural beings that, in their world, have
aquatic spirit who delights in kidnapping women’s and chil-
human form but, to come up to the terrestrial level, need to
dren’s souls, which must then be retrieved by shamans.
“clothe themselves” with a “cloak” that gives them animal
form.
The most important shamanic activity is bringing down
the Máï and the souls of the dead to visit the earth and par-
On the terrestrial level live human beings, plants, ani-
take of ceremonial meals. In these ceremonial banquets col-
mals, and occasionally supernatural beings. This level has a
lectively produced food (honey, fish, and cauim, a fermented
topography that is analogous to this earth, about which there
corn beverage) is offered to the celestial visitors before being
are many mythical narratives; however, geographical loca-
consumed. The cauim festival is the climax of ritual life and
tions are fluid and vary from one narrative to another.
contains religious and warrior symbolism. The leader of the
Finally, the celestial plane seems to be a space that is
dances and songs that accompany the consumption of cauim
dominated exclusively by Christian cosmology—represented
is ideally a great warrior, who learned the songs directly from
as Eden, inhabited by the Trinity, and reserved for the cho-
the spirits of dead enemies. Singing is thus the heart of cere-
sen, meaning those who have “accepted Jesus” before the
monial life. The “music of the gods” sung by shamans and
“end of time.” In terms of Palikur myths, heaven appears to
the “music of the enemies” sung by warriors are the only two
be empty. But even while fragmentary, several aspects of in-
musical genre known to the Araweté, and both are formed
digenous cosmology still occupy space in this domain. The
by the words of “others” quoted in complex ritual formulas.
Palikur believe there are six unnamed levels. Among these,
The souls of the recently deceased often come to earth
two have notable inhabitants: on the second level lives the
in the shaman’s chants to talk to their living relatives and tell
two-headed king vulture and on the sixth is Jesus Christ,
them of the bliss of the afterlife. After two generations they
awaiting the chosen “in the celestial Eden made of gold.”
cease to come, for there will be no more living contempo-
The other levels are described as “display windows” of purga-
raries who remember them; they are not ancestors, however.
tory, in which one sees the souls of those who do not attain
eternal life. These souls are anthropomorphic, with a human
Juruna cosmology has three basic coordinates. First is
body up to the neck dressed in a white cloak and the head
the opposition between life and death. This is far from being
of an animal (monkey, alligator, and so on).
a drastic dichotomy as in Western cosmology, because there
are various transitions, such as minor temporary “deaths,” as
In 1926 Curt Nimuendajú mentioned the existence of
in sleep, that typically take the form of dreams. The relation
three heavens: Inoliku, the lowest, Mikene, and Ena. Just
between life and death involves not so much the notion that
above the first there was a special heaven, Yinoklin, inhabited
if someone is dead he or she cannot be alive but rather that
by the Yumawali spirits (or “demons,” as Nimuendajú called
someone can be dead in one place but alive in another or that
them) of the mountains. This division of the sky by named
he or she may be alive here but already dead somewhere else.
levels does not exist now, but with small alterations, the
In other words, the relation is one of relative disjunction,
names given to the heavens are confirmed.
which allows for important conjunctions. Juruna shamans
used to be masters at such transitions.
Araweté and Juruna (Tupian). The guiding thread of
Araweté religion is the relationship between humanity and
Second, the world axes are formed by the oppositions
the Máï, the immortal beings who left the earth at the dawn
between river and forest and sky and earth, each being articu-
of time and now live in the sky. Humans define themselves
lated with the opposition between the presence and absence
as the “abandoned ones,” or “forsaken,” meaning those who
of cannibalism. The river and the sky have a positive link
were left behind by the gods. Humans and Máï are related
with cannibalism. One can say that all existence can be divid-
as affines, for the souls of the dead are married to the gods.
ed into these oppositions: human beings (river peoples and
The Máï may, and in the long run will, destroy the earth by
forest peoples), spirits of the dead (those living in the cliffs
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN AMAZON
8629
on the banks of the Xingu, who do not like human flesh, and
Other Canela myths explain the origin of fire and corn.
those living in the sky), mammals (forest species and those
A boy brought fire for his people after having stolen it from
living on the river bed), and so on. In addition the Juruna
the hearth of a female jaguar. Star Woman fell in love with
believe everything that exists on earth also exists in the sky,
a Canela and so came down to live for a while among his
which is a kind of earth resembling that of humans. Even
family members. During her stay she indicated that corn
though the Juruna do not consider the river to be a copy of
would grow in the forest, and she taught them that it was
the forest, they say it can be viewed by some river inhabitants
good to eat. This was the origin of gardens. She then re-
as a copy of the earth, except that the forest in their earth
turned to the sky with her mate and both transformed into
resembles human gallery forests, and their gardens are por-
twin stars, known as Castor and Pollux.
tions of land broken off from the river banks. Finally, there
Krahó. Krahó origin myths are similar to those of the
is an opposition between the viewpoints—or perspectives—
Canela. Indeed these myths seem to suggest that everything
of living, conscious human subjects and alien beings, such
in Krahó culture, even shamanism, came from the outside.
as animals, spirits, and the dead. The dynamism and com-
Like the Canela, the Krahó believe all of their culture was
plexity of Juruna cosmology depends on the confrontation
created by the twins Sun and Moon. The Krahó disapprove
between these discordant viewpoints.
of the actions of Moon not only because he was less skilled
Juruna shamanism used to be composed of two systems,
than Sun but also because he insisted that Sun do what he
each related to a society of the dead. Rarely was it possible
requested, for it was from these requests that the evils that
for a shaman to practice both types of shamanism. The spirits
afflict humans entered the world.
of the dead inhabiting the river cliffs fear those living in the
sky, whose society is composed of the souls of warriors and
Other myths tell how the Krahó studied agriculture, ob-
their leader. Indeed the Juruna fear these spirits of the sky
tained fire, and learned the rituals and songs. Generally the
the most, and thus this form of shamanism was considerably
myths tell the story of an individual who leaves the village
more powerful, dangerous, and difficult to perform. Each
and, in the world outside, learns something important, later
system of shamanism was associated with a great festival in
returning to the village where he or she transmits the new
honor of its particular category of the dead. The festival for
knowledge. In the case of agriculture, however, a being from
the dead of the river cliffs was accompanied by the sound of
nature brings the knowledge of planting to the villagers and
flute music and songs performed by the dead through the
then withdraws to the outside world. The myth of Auke,
mouth of the shaman. Another festival was accompanied by
which is important for understanding Krahó participation in
the music of a set of trumpets. When the Juruna offered food
messianic movements in the 1960s, follows the same pattern.
to the souls of warriors during their festival, they said they
But Auke, on entering the village, is not given the opportuni-
would rather eat the flesh of roasted Indians brought from
ty to teach the Indians what he knows, for they are afraid of
the other world; they also refused to drink manioc beer, say-
him and end up violently expelling him from the village.
ing they were already drunk enough. By contrast, the spirits
Auke then creates white humans. Several other myths tell of
from the river cliffs would drink plenty after eating the meal
individuals who, having been expelled from the village, do
from their hosts, spicing up the manioc beer made by Juruna
not return with new things that could be used by its inhabi-
women with a dose of beer brought from the other world.
tants; rather, they stay in the world outside, transforming
The last of these celebrations was held in the 1970s. Despite
themselves into animals or monsters.
the changes in their ritual life, the Juruna continue to cele-
The Krahó have many rituals. Some are short and linked
brate beer parties and two major festivals every year, each
to individual life crises (such as the end of seclusion after the
held for approximately one month.
birth of a first child, the end of a convalescence, and the last
Ge-Timbira. Ge-Timbira religiosity is marked by a
meal of a deceased person) or to occasional collective initia-
strong dualism. That characteristic divides creation, nature
tives (such as exchanges of foods and services). Others are as-
and society, and the groups that make up society.
sociated with the annual agricultural cycle, for instance,
those that mark the dry and wet seasons, the planting and
Canela. A Canela origin myth recounts that Sun and
harvesting of corn, and the harvesting of sweet potatoes. Yet
Moon walked over the land, transforming the world that al-
other rites form part of a longer cycle, associated with male
ready existed and thus creating the norms for social life. Sun
initiation, that must take place in a certain order; nowadays
established the norms favorable to life, whereas Moon modi-
this cycle is difficult to reconstitute, in part because one of
fied them to test its imperfections. Sun created ideal men and
the rites has been abandoned. Various rites related to the an-
women, whereas Moon created those with twisted hair, those
nual and initiation cycles have myths that explain their ori-
with dark skin, and those seen as deformed. Sun allowed ma-
gins. However, there is not a strict correspondence between
chetes and axes to work by themselves in the gardens, where-
the sequence of myths and that of rites, although they over-
as Moon made them stop. Consequently people had to work
lap in some ways.
hard to make their gardens—the origin of work. There are
at least a dozen episodes of this myth that recount the begin-
The first human who acquired magical powers was car-
ning of death, floods, and forest fires, why the buriti palms
ried up to the heavens by vultures, where he was cured and
are tall, why the moon has its spots, and other conditions.
received powers from the hawk. There is apparently no
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8630
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN AMAZON
trance among Krahó shamans, which might suggest that they
names are borrowed from nature. Shamans enter into con-
are not true shamans. But each shaman explains how, like
tact with the natural spirits and learn new songs and names
the man who went up to the sky in a myth, he was initiated
from them, introducing them into culture through the large
through a sort of spontaneous rite of passage. He became sick
naming ceremonies.
and was abandoned, he was rescued by an animal (or other
being) that cured him and gave him magical powers, which
On these occasions most of the ritual sequences take
he tested, and then he was sent home with his new powers.
place in the village’s central plaza, where an inversion of ordi-
In some cases there seems to occur a transformation of the
nary social space may be noted. The center of the village,
shaman into the being that gives him powers, for example,
normally organized on the basis of friendship and nonkin-
the animal puts parts of his own organism into the body of
ship, is converted into the domain of activities in which both
the shaman, makes him eat the same food, and so on.
personal family bonds and natural—and therefore “wild” el-
ements, such as the personal names or those of killed prey—
Kayapó. As among the Timbira, the village is the center
are central. The true nature of “beauty” is not only visual but
of the Kayapó universe and the most socialized space. The
also refers to an inner beauty that results from the group’s
surrounding forest is considered an antisocial space, where
activity, from the common effort required to “socialize” the
humans can transform into animals or spirits, sicken without
names of people or of other precious objects.
reason, or even kill their relatives. Beings who are half-
animal, half-people dwell there. The farther one goes from
Xikrin. For the Xikrin, the center of the world is like-
the village, the more antisocial the forest becomes, and its as-
wise represented by the center of the circular village plaza,
sociated dangers increase. As there is always the danger that
where rituals and public life in general unfold. The symbol
the “social” may be appropriated by the natural domain, es-
of the center of the world and the universe is the rattle, a
caping human control, the Kayapó engage in a symbolic ap-
round, head-shaped musical instrument, played as the Indi-
propriation of the natural, transforming it into the social
ans sing and dance following a circular path that accompa-
through curing chants and ceremonies that establish a cons-
nies the solar trajectory. The Indians say that, when dancing,
tant exchange between humans and the world of nature.
they return in time to their mythic origins, thereby re-
creating the energy required for the continuity and stability
The section of forest in which the village population
of the environment and the resources needed for survival, the
hunts, fishes, and cultivates land is first socialized by the at-
continual reproduction of life, and the different social insti-
tribution of place names. Thereafter human modifications
tutions that ensure the equilibrium indispensable to life in
of the natural world are accompanied by rituals. The opening
the community.
of new gardens is preceded by a dance presenting many struc-
tural similarities to the war ritual. Opening up new gardens
The Xikrin define distinct natural spaces of their uni-
can be interpreted as a symbolic war against a natural rather
verse: the earth, divided into open tracts and forest, the sky,
than human enemy. Returning from the hunt, men must
the aquatic world, and the subterranean world. These are
sing to the spirits of the game they themselves have killed in
thought to possess distinct attributes and inhabitants,
order for the spirits to remain in the forest. Each animal spe-
though related among themselves in different ways. The for-
cies designates a song that always begins with the cry of the
est is home to different ethnic sets of enemies, terrestrial ani-
dead animal.
mals, and plants. Disrespectful appropriation of the animal
world causes the fury of the spirit owner-controller of the an-
Kayapó rites express basic values of their society, reflect-
imals who, through sorcery, regulates the predatory activities
ing the image the group has of itself, the society, and the uni-
of humans. On the other hand, the forest is also the source
verse. Each rite translates a part of this cosmological vision
of important attributes of Xikrin sociability, for there, in
and establishes a link between humans and nature, in which
mythical times, the Indians acquired fire and ceremonial lan-
above all the human-animal relationship is reinforced.
guage. Clearings—places formed by the village or the swid-
Kayapó rituals are many and diverse, but their importance
dens—are the site for kinship and alliance relations and for
and duration varies greatly. They are divided into three main
the individual’s socialization, in other words, for the defini-
categories: the large ceremonies for confirming personal
tion of Xikrin humanity. The aquatic domain provides the
names; certain agricultural, hunting, fishing, and occasional
possibility for strengthening physical and psychological as-
rites, for example, performed during solar or lunar eclipses;
pects of the individual, because water causes rapid matura-
and rites of passage. The last are frequently solemn affairs,
tion through ritual immersions yet without altering the
though short and only rarely accompanied by dances or
being’s substance. Water is a creative element in contrast to
songs. Examples of rites of passage include all ceremonies
fire, which is a transformative element. An owner-controller
qualified by the term merêrêmex (people who extend their
also exists in the aquatic domain whose relationship with hu-
beauty), a reference to the highly elaborate way in which peo-
mans is one of solidarity. It was the owner-controller of the
ple decorate themselves on such occasions. Such ceremonies
waters who taught humans to cure sicknesses. Medicinal
are group-based activities whose goal is to socialize “wild” or
plants come from the terrestrial domain, but their knowledge
antisocial values. This applies to the attribution of names, a
and the rules for manipulating them were acquired in the
central theme of most Kayapó ceremonies; in fact personal
aquatic world through the mediation of a shaman. The sub-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN AMAZON
8631
terranean world is linked with blood, raw food, and canni-
over from the primeval cosmological floor that broke up and
balism, representing a truly antisocial condition in which hu-
fell from the sky after the combat. That floor was also the
mans are prey rather than predators. It represents all that
edge of the domain where all benign beings used to live. Out-
humans do not want to be. In the celestial domain, the East
side that domain, there were only malicious beasts who con-
is the place of humanity par excellence, the place where the
stantly fought, living a horrifying existence. With the shatter-
Xikrin originated. The Xikrin have two myths that conse-
ing of the cosmos, the coexistence of all types of living beings
crate them as inhabitants of the earth, in opposition to the
became a necessity. Consequently extraordinary and evil
sky where they originated and in opposition to the subterra-
creatures even now can appear on the terrestrial plane. To
nean inhabitants, whom they succeeded in eliminating
distinguish what is ordinary and beneficial from what is ex-
forever.
traordinary and vicious, one must develop expertise through
shamanic experiences.
In Xikrin society an individual becomes a shaman after
he survives an ordeal, in which he climbs a giant spider web
As an institution Arara shamanism is dispersed, dif-
and reaches celestial space with its eternal light, where the
fused, and generalized among the men. Acting as healers and
nape of his neck is symbolically perforated by a large harpy
agents for mediating with powerful metaphysical beings, all
eagle and he thus acquires the capacity to fly. As in other na-
the men are initiated and practice at least some part of the
tive societies, the shaman has the power to transit between
shamanic techniques and arts. They are also responsible for
the human world and the natural and supernatural worlds.
ensuring, with metaphysical beings, the conditions for the
In life humans accumulate over time attributes from differ-
hunts and rites that in turn ensure the circulation of game
ent cosmic domains, but the shaman lives, shares, and con-
meat and beverages among the various subgroups. Game
stantly communicates with these domains. In his role of in-
meat and drink make up an integral part of a system whose
termediary, he lives in human society, shares the social world
main axis is the native doctrine concerning the circulation
of animals and the supernatural, and has the capacity to ma-
of a vital substance called ekuru. Passing from the blood of
nipulate the different domains. He negotiates with the
killed animals to the earth and from there to the liquids that
owner-controllers of the animal world for plentiful game or
nourish and stimulate the growth of plants, this vital sub-
an abundant catch of fish. He has the capacity to “see” in
stance is the main object of desire—not only of human be-
the widest sense, perceiving what is invisible to humans.
ings, but also of all beings who inhabit the world. Humans
seek to acquire ekuru through the deaths of animals during
When a community has enough people and thus human
the hunt and the transformation of plants into a fermented
resources, the cycle of rituals is continuous. During rituals
drink called piktu—a primordial source for acquiring these
individuals acquire knowledge of aspects of social organiza-
vital substances for humans.
tion and reproduction. Song, choreography, and decora-
The capacity of the earth to reprocess vital substances,
tions, which humans acquired in mythical time, are repro-
transforming them into plant nutrients with which humans
duced in ritual as manifestations of the present situation of
produce beverages, also shapes Arara funeral practices. In
humanity in the cosmos. The most important rituals are
general the Arara do not bury their dead but construct a plat-
those focused on male and female naming and male initia-
form for them in the forest inside a small funeral house built
tion, consisting of five phases, each of which is symbolically
especially for the occasion. Raised above the earth, the de-
related to one of the particular cosmic domains. These rituals
ceased gradually dries out, losing the body’s vital substances
are sometimes inserted within others, such as the new maize
that are absorbed by metaphysical beings that lurk around
festival or merêrêmei, “beautiful festival,” which takes place
corpses and feed on the elements that previously gave life to
during the transitional period between the dry and rainy sea-
the deceased. The Arara funeral is thus a kind of an eschato-
sons; the festivals incorporating new members of a ceremoni-
logical exchange or reciprocity with the world’s other beings.
al society, such as the armadillo society; the marriage ritual
On the other hand, the circulation of ekuru takes place
or mat festival; and the funerary rituals and ritual fishing
among the living through the exchange of meat for drink in
using timbó vine poisons. There are also newly introduced
the rites that follow the return of the hunters. Consequently
rituals, such as Kworo-kango, or the manioc festival, which
rituals are the mode through which the circulation of vital
comes from the Juruna people. At certain periods, the ritual
substance conjoins various subgroups through reciprocity
cycle attains its climax and develops over several days with
and mutual dependence. Through their overall symbolism,
high intensity and lavish style. Ceremonial life also acts as
the prominent rites associated with the collective hunting
a crucial context for the expression of the ways in which the
trips are an efficient mechanism through which ethical and
Xikrin reflect on the relationships developed with the white
moral values become manifest and serve to constitute a na-
world.
tive idea of their own collectivity. An intricate network of
Arara (Carib). The history of the formation of the
values and principles of interaction related to good conduct,
Arara cosmos states that the primordial cosmos was shattered
kindness, solidarity, and generosity finds its primary medium
after a fight occurred between two people related as ipari
of expression in the rituals.
(matrilateral cross-cousins or, more generally, affines). The
CABOCLO RELIGION. The caboclo population lives in com-
land on the terrestrial level now is said to be what was left
munities from the mouth of the Amazon to its headwaters
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8632
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE GRAN CHACO
and on many of its tributaries. Caboclos are the mixed descen-
McEwan, Colin, Cristiana Barreto, and Eduardo Neves, eds. Un-
dants of Indians and whites, and their religiosity consists of
known Amazon: Culture in Nature in Ancient Brazil. London,
an intermixture of the rituals and beliefs of indigenous sha-
2001.
manism and popular Catholicism. Both forms are ways of
Melatti, Júlio César. O Messianismo Krahó. Sa˜o Paulo, Brazil,
explaining and dealing with the powers of the universe.
1972.
The shamanic universe is populated by “enchanted be-
Nimuendaju, Curt. “Os índios Palikur e seus Vizinhos.” Unpub-
lished manuscript in process of translation by Thekla Hart-
ings,” which were left by God as guardians of the forest, the
mann. 1926.
waters, game animals, and so on. They are entities with pow-
ers of enchantment, metamorphosis, and hypnosis and can
Schaan, Denise. “Into the Labyrinth of Marajoara Pottery: States
be either generous or vengeful. They include the “father” or
and Cultural Identity in Prehistoric Amazonia.” In Unknown
Amazon: Culture in Nature in Ancient Brazil, edited by Colin
“caboclo of the forest,” protector of the forest; the caipora, re-
McEwan, Cristiana Barreto, and Eduardo Neves,
sponsible for game animals; and the “caboclos of the water,”
pp. 108–133. London, 2001.
which can take humans to the bottom of rivers and streams.
Sullivan, Lawrence E. Icanchu’s Drum: An Orientation to Meaning
There are also animals (snakes, deer, and turtles) with human
in South American Religions. New York, 1988.
features that can protect, deceive, hypnotize, or make pacts.
Teixeira-Pinto, Márnio. Ieipari: Sacrifício e vida social entre os ín-
The presence of these entities in nature makes the rela-
dios Arara (Carib). Sa˜o Paulo, Brazil, 1997.
tions of the caboclo to the forest, rivers, and game highly ritu-
Turner, Terence. “The Sacred as Alienated Social Consciousness:
alized. Daily activities, such as going into the forest or fish-
Ritual and Cosmology among the Kayapó.” In Icanchu’s
ing, are marked by prayers or requests from the spirit entities
Drum: An Orientation to Meaning in South American Reli-
to hunt or fish; the failure to do so could bring panema (bad
gions, edited by Lawrence Sullivan, pp. 278–298. New York,
luck), a force that infects humans, animals, or objects and
1988.
makes them incapable of action. As there are procedures to
Vidal, Lux Boelitz. Morte e vida em uma sociedade indígena bra-
cure panema, there are also procedures to enhance the power
sileira: Os Kayapó-xikrin do Rio Cateté. Sa˜o Paulo, Brazil,
of the hunter, sometimes called “pacts,” in which, for exam-
1977.
ple, the hunter exchanges the blood of the animal for greater
Wagley, Charles. Uma comunidade amazônica: Estudo do homem
productivity in the hunt. The relation of the caboclo to na-
nos trópicos. Sa˜o Paulo, Brazil, 1977.
ture is thus one of dependence that is kept in balance by re-
R
specting norms of relations with its inhabitants and the ex-
OBIN M. WRIGHT (2005)
ploitation of its resources.
The other aspect of caboclo religiosity is popular Cathol-
icism, which, far from being opposed to the supernatural be-
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
ings, consists of entities and practices that are integral parts
THE GRAN CHACO
of a single religious field. In general appeals are made to the
The Gran Chaco (chaco, derived from Quechua, means
Catholic saints to deal more with human affairs, whereas the
“hunting land”) is an arid alluvial plain in the lowlands of
enchanted beings and pacts have relatively more to do with
south-central South America. Approximately 725,000 square
relations to nature. As in other regions of Brazil, popular Ca-
kilometers in area, it lies between the Andes in the west and
tholicism involves saint day festivals, collective reciting of the
the Paraguay and Paraná rivers in the east, and between the
rosary, novenas, devotion to patron saints, and making vows.
Mato Grosso to the north and the Pampas to the south. The
The actual presence of church representatives (priests) is in-
scrub forests and grasslands of the Gran Chaco, though
frequent in this region, as it is restricted to annual visits to
sparsely populated, were the home of numerous indigenous
administer the Sacraments.
groups. In the main they were hunters, fishers, and gatherers,
moving seasonally in search of food and practicing supple-
B
mentary farming. Few still follow their traditional way of life.
IBLIOGRAPHY
Capiberibe, Artionka. “Os Palikur e o Cristianismo: A construça˜o
The religion of the indigenous groups of the Gran
de uma Religiosidade.” In Transformando os Deuses, vol. 2:
Chaco can be understood through an examination of their
Igrejas Evangélicas, Pentecostais e Neopentecostais entre os Povos
mythic narratives, which contain their primary structures of
Indígenas no Brasil, edited by Robin M. Wright. Campinas,
meaning. These myths give an account of a primordial time
Brazil, 1999.
in which an ontological modification was produced by the
Castro, Eduardo Viveiros de. Araweté: Os Deuses Canibais. Rio de
actions of various supernatural beings who shaped present-
Janeiro, 1986.
day cultural reality. This rupture may be caused by a lawgiver
Crocker, William H., and Jean Crocker. The Canela: Bonding
(who frequently has the appearance of a trickster), or it may
through Kinship, Ritual, and Sex. Fort Worth, Tex., 1994.
be the result of infractions by ancestors or by the transforma-
Lima, Tânia Stolze. O Dois e seus Múltiplos: Reflexo˜es sobre o per-
tions of ancestors. Numerous supernatural beings with
spectivismo em uma cosmologia tupi: Mana. Rio de Janeiro,
avowedly demonic characteristics monopolize the realm of
1996.
fear and danger; their ambivalent intentions toward human
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE GRAN CHACO
8633
beings are usually resolved through malevolent action that
sóri) describe an offense inflicted on lightning by the
manifests itself in illness, culminating in the death of the in-
nanibahai, their punishment in the form of a continual
dividual. The general notion of power, such as the la-ka-áyah
rain that inundated the world, and the survival of a few
of the Mataco, or specific powers, such as the uhopié of the
Ayoré, who became the first aquatic animals.
Ayoré, are the structures that ontologically define the super-
(4) The cycle of “water that washes away.” These tales de-
natural beings as well as people who have been consecrated
scribe a flood (yotedidekesnasóri) similar to that that ap-
by them.
pears in the preceding cycle, which was caused by
The spectrum of supernatural beings encompasses ev-
Diesná (“cricket”), the ruler of water.
erything from shamans and witches, in the cases of the
(5) The cycle of the Asohsná bird. This bird (Caprimulgidae
Guiacurú or the Mataco, to the state of “amorous exaltation”
spp) is surrounded by numerous puyák. The central tale
known to the Pilagá. For an integral understanding of the
of this cycle relates the life of the female ancestor who
peoples of the Chaco it is important to consider the contri-
created this bird. Asohsná is a supernatural being who
butions of these special personages and states of being, which
established the annual ceremony that divides the year
contribute a unique cultural identity to each group’s cosmol-
into two segments, one of which is characterized by an
ogy. In almost all the ethnic groups of the Gran Chaco the
incalculable quantity of restrictions.
shaman occupies the central role in religious tasks, some-
times defending and protecting, and, at other times, injur-
(6) The cycle of Asningái. This cycle relates the courage of
ing. When engaged in healing practices, he can combine var-
an ancestor named Asningái (“courage”), who threw
ious techniques, such as singing, shaking rattles, blowing,
himself onto the fire, transforming himself into an ani-
and sucking, and can command the collaboration of familiar
mal with certain morphological characteristics. It also
spirits who are generally powerful owing to their demonic
established the meaning of slaughter, an important in-
nature. An important aspect of Gran Chaco religions is the
stitution among the Ayoré, since an individual could
idea that one or many souls are incarnated in an individual.
rise to the status of chief (asuté) through contamination
Once the individual is dead, these souls, or spirits, enter a
by spilled blood.
demonic state. Although they are directed to an established
Illness is thought to be caused in almost all cases by the indi-
underworld, they continue to prey upon human communi-
vidual’s violation of puyák. The cure is entrusted to the iga-
ties.
sitái, those who have knowledge of sáude, whose power can
THE ZAMUCO FAMILY. The two members of the Zamuco
undo the illness through the powerful word of the ancestors.
language group are the Ayoré and the Chamacoco of Para-
The shaman, or daihsnái, arrives at this state through an ini-
guay, in the northeastern Chaco.
tiation that involves the ingestion of a strong dose of the juice
The Ayoré. The religion of the Ayoré (Ayoreo, Ayor-
of green mashed tobacco, which enables him to assume a spe-
eode) is expressed primarily in an extensive set of myths. All
cial potency called uhopié. When an individual dies, the body
natural and cultural beings have their origins related in
(ayói) and mind (aipiyé) are destroyed; the soul (oregaté)
mythic tales, and in certain cases in various parallel myths.
moves to the underworld (nahupié).
The morphology of the myths centers upon the metamor-
The Chamacoco. The narrative of the Chamacoco,
phosis of an ancestral figure into an entity of current reality.
which recounts sacred events, is called “The Word of
Each tale narrates events that occurred in primordial times
Eˇsnuwérta.” This tale constitutes the secret mythology of
and is accompanied by one or more songs, which may be
those men who have undergone initiatory ordeals and con-
used for therapeutic (sáude) or preventive (paragapidí) pur-
tains the social and religious knowledge of the group.
poses.
Eˇsnuwérta is the primordial mother. The myth is connected
Despite the abundance of tales, it is possible to classify
to the women of primordial times who were surprised by
the Ayoré myths in different cycles as they relate to a particu-
harmful supernatural beings (axnábsero). “The Word of
lar supernatural being or theme:
Eˇsnuwérta” includes the actions of these axnábsero, charac-
(1) The cycle of ancestors. Each tale in this cycle recounts
ters to whom Chamacoco reality is subordinated. The physi-
events in the life of an ancestor (nanibahai). These gen-
ognomy of these supernatural beings is similar to that of the
erally end with the ancestor’s violent transformation
Ayoré ancestors in that current reality originates from their
into an artifact, plant, animal, or some other entity of
transformations and their deaths. The distinctive characteris-
the cosmos, and with the establishment by the ancestor
tic of the axnábsero is their malignant power (wozós) over
of cultural prescriptions (puyák) governing the treat-
people.
ment of the new being and punishments for ignoring
The foundation of the social order is presented in this
these prescriptions.
myth, since Eˇsnuwérta instituted the clans as well as the male
(2) The cycle of Dupáde. A celestial supernatural being, Du-
initiation ceremonies in which the participants identify
páde is associated with the sun; he causes the metamor-
themselves with the principal deities of the myth.
phosis of the ancestors.
The Chamacoco shaman (konsáxa) exercises a power ap-
(3) The cycle of the Flood. The tales of the Flood (gedekesna-
propriate to a specific region of the cosmos; for this reason
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8634
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE GRAN CHACO
there are shamans of the sky, of the water, and of the jungle.
possible for them to overpower passersby. The gabioamá or
The shaman initiation begins with a vision of Eˇsnuwérta,
iliabün act as the spirit familiars of the shaman, and with him
who reveals the cosmos as well as the practices appropriate
their role is ambivalent in a positive sense. For example, they
to the work of the shamans. Another custom originating
are in charge of recapturing and restoring the souls of the
from Eˇsnuwérta is called kaamták and has to do with a ritual
sick.
offering of food; it relates to the impurity of blood, among
According to Angaité myth, fire was obtained by a theft
other themes.
in which a bird was the intermediary; it was stolen from a
THE TUPI-GUARANÍ FAMILY. The Tupi-Guaraní language
forest demon, one of the iek Damá, who are anthropomorphic
family includes the Chiriguano of Bolivia and the Tapuí of
but have only one leg. Also anthropomorphic is the soul-
Paraguay.
shadow (abiosná), whose eyes are its distinguishing feature.
The Chiriguano. The tale of the mythical twins
The concept of corporal material as such does not exist, ex-
Yanderú Túmpa and Áña Túmpa is the most prevalent myth
cept for the iek Damá (“living cadaver” or “skeleton”), which
among the Chiriguano (Miá) and appears in conjunction
is what remains after death.
with lunar mythology. The celestial supernatural being
During the initiation process, the shaman goes into the
Yanderú Túmpa made the cosmos and bestowed its goods
depths of the forest or to the banks of the river, where the
on the Chiriguano, at the same time instructing them in cul-
familiar spirits (pateaskóp or enzlép) come to him in a dream.
tural practices. He conceived and made Áña Túmpa, who,
He communicates with the familiars through ecstatic dreams
because of envy, attempts to undermine all Yanderú
and songs. His therapeutic labors include sucking harmful
Túmpa’s works. Áña Túmpa received from his maker power
agents from the bodies of the sick and applying vegetable
(imbapwére), which he in turn gives to other beings (áñas)
concoctions whose efficacy resides in their “bad smell.”
who aid him in his malignant activities. As a result the world
There are shamans with purely malignant intentions, such
has undergone a profound alteration. It is now the actions
as the mamohót, who are responsible for tragic deaths among
of the áñas that determine the condition of the Chiriguano
members of the group. The benevolent shaman is responsible
world, and they have introduced calamities such as illness
for discovering the identity of the bewitching shaman and
and death. The expression túmpa is difficult to comprehend,
for quartering and burning the body of the victim as a restor-
but it appears to designate a quality that transforms the vari-
ative vengeance. The Angaité do not have “lords” or “fathers”
ous entities into “state beings.” The terms áña and túmpa de-
of the species; the figures closest to this theme are Nekéñe
fine the supernatural nature of these beings, that is to say,
and Nanticá, male and female supernatural beings respec-
they emphasize that they are extraordinary.
tively, who are anthropomorphic and whose realm is the
The shaman and the sorcerer are both initiated by the
depths of the waters.
acquisition of power from the áñas. The initiation itself is
The Lengua. The anthropogenic myth of the Lengua
centered on the áñas. Due to their ambivalence, an initiate
(Enlhít, Enslet) attributes the formation of giant supernatu-
can become a shaman (ipáye) if their intent is benevolent; if
ral beings and the ancestors of the Lengua to Beetle, who uti-
their intent is malevolent, the initiate receives only malignant
lized mud as primary material. After giving these beings a
power that causes misfortune to the people and the com-
human form, he placed the bodies of the first enlhíts to dry
munity.
on the bank of a lake, but he set them so close together that
Tapuí and Guasurangwe. The religion of the Tapuí
they stuck to one another. Once granted life, they could not
and the Guasurangwe, or Tapieté (an offshoot of the for-
defend themselves against the attacks of the powerful giants,
mer), does not differ essentially from that of the Chiriguano;
and Beetle, as supreme deity, separated the two groups.
the same structures of meaning and the same supernatural
Eventually the inability of the enlhíts to resist pursuit and
beings may be observed.
mistreatment by the giants became so grave that Beetle took
away the giants’ bodies. The giants’ souls gave birth to
LENGUA-MASCOY FAMILY. The Lengua-Mascoy language
kilikháma who fought to regain control of the missing bo-
group of Paraguay includes the Angaité, Lengua, Kaskihá,
dies, and it is for this reason that they torment present-day
and Sanapaná peoples.
humans.
The Angaité. The religious nature of the Angaité (Cha-
The important Lengua myths include the origin of
nanesmá) has undergone syncretism owing to their proximi-
plants and fire and the fall of the world. Ritual dramatiza-
ty to the Mascoy and Guaranian groups. Their mythology
tions of the myths are part of the celebrations for female pu-
makes reference to three levels—the underworld, the terres-
berty (yanmána), male puberty (waínkya), the spring and au-
trial world, and the celestial world—all of which are inhabit-
tumn equinoxes, the summer solstice, war, the arrival of
ed by supernatural beings characterized by their ambivalent
foreigners, marriage, and mourning.
actions toward humans. The deity of the dead, Moksohanák,
governs a legion of demonic beings, the enzlép, who pursue
Human reality consists of a “living soul” (valhók), whose
the sick, imprison them, and carry them to the “country of
dream existence is important. At death, a person is transport-
the dead,” which is situated in the west. At night it is even
ed to vangáuk, which is a transitory state that leads to the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE GRAN CHACO
8635
kilikháma state. The apyoxólhma, or shaman, receives power
by the shamans, in both individual and communal form,
(siyavnáma) through visions and apprenticeship to the song
with the objective of expelling illnesses according to Tokh-
of the plants, whose ingestion, though lacking hallucinogenic
wáh’s teachings.
properties, produces ritual death. Once he obtains siyavná-
ma, the shaman commands the kilikháma, who control nu-
The shamanic initiation includes possession (welán) by
merous beings and realms of the universe. The territory of
a demonic spirit (ahát) and the consequent separation of the
the dead (pisisl), situated toward the west, is the destination
initiate’s soul (o Dnusék), which undertakes journeys to the dif-
of the souls of the dead, although some remain close to the
ferent realms of the cosmos. When the initiation is complete,
living.
the shaman has achieved an ontological alteration in the state
of his soul—he has been transformed into a demonic being.
The Kaskihá. The “masked celebration” of the Kaskihá
The smoking or inhalation of the dust of the sumac (Anade-
is of particular interest. It is based on a myth that describes
nanthera macrocarpa) is a frequent shamanic practice.
the origin of the festive attire following the quartering of the
water deity Iyenaník. The practice of kindáian, which is a
The Chulupí. The mythology of the Chulupí (Nivaklé,
dance, is the only medium for invoking the power of such
Aslusláy) comprises three narrative cycles on the deities who
deities.
acted in primordial times, but who then distanced them-
selves from humanity and the earthly world. The Xitscitt-
The Sanapaná. The rich mythic narrative of the Sana-
sammee cycle describes a supernatural being comparable to
paná focuses on the war between the heavenly world, inhab-
an almost forgotten deus otiosus. The cycle of the supernatu-
ited by the ancestors (inyakahpanamé), and the terrestrial
ral being Fitsók Exíts includes prescriptions for the rites of
world, inhabited by the fox (maalék). The ancestors, who dif-
female initiation; myths recounting the origin of women, of
fer morphologically from present-day humanity, introduced
the spots on the moon, and of honey, among other things;
the majority of cultural goods. Among the fundamental
and the tale of the expulsion from the universe of the super-
structures distinguished by the Sanapaná is the “dream,” the
natural creator. The Kufiál cycle relates the cataclysmic
soul’s life in its wanderings separate from the body. Death
events accompanying the fall of heaven and the subsequent
is understood as theft of the soul by demonic forces, the souls
actions of the demiurge Kufiál, to name a few of its themes.
of the dead that stalk during the night in forests and marshes.
The demonic spirits are anthropomorphic. Some are malig-
A structure essential to the Chulupí religion is siˇc Dee, or
nant, including those whose mere appearance can cause im-
ultimate power, which defines and dominates a vast group
mediate death. There are also benevolent spirits who are the
of beings and actions. In effect, siˇc Dee is the strange made
familiars of shamans (kiltongkamák). The shaman’s initiation
powerful, which can manifest itself in unexpected guises—in
involves fasting and other tests.
human or animal form, by means of a sound or a movement
like a whirlwind, or as master of the spirits of the forest. The
MATACO-MAKKÁ FAMILY. The Mataco-Makká language
siˇc Dee plays a significant role in the initiation of the shaman
family of the central Chaco includes the Mataco, Chulupí,
(siˇc Dee): He appears to the shaman in the guise of an old man,
Choroti, and Makká.
for example, who offers the shaman power and grants him
The Mataco. The religious universe of the Mataco
the spirit familiars called wat Dakwáis. By fasting, enduring
(Wichí) centers on the notion of power (la-ka-áyah), which
solitude in the woods, and drinking potions made of various
is the property of innumerable supernatural beings of de-
plants, the initiate achieves a revelatory experience rich in vi-
monic (ahát) or human (wichí) nature, personifications of
sions, many of which are terrifying. The Chulupí idea of ani-
such phenomena as the sun, moon, stars, and thunder. The
mistic reality is extremely complicated and varied, given that
Mataco recognize a dualism of body (opisán) and spirit
the soul can appear in any number of manifestations.
(o Dnusék) in humans. Death changes the oDnusék into a malev-
The Choroti. The principal cycles of the Choroti are
olent supernatural being.
five in number. The cycle of Kixwét describes a supernatural
The central character in Mataco mythic narrative (pah-
being, of human appearance but gigantic, whose role com-
lalís), Tokhwáh, is the one who imposes cosmic and ontolog-
prises the duplicity of both the demiurge and the trickster.
ical order on the present-day world. The actions of this su-
The cycle of Ahóusa, the Hawk, the culture hero par excel-
pernatural being, who has a demonic nature, are
lence, recounts how he defeated the beings of primordial
incorporated in his trickster aspect; nonetheless, he is per-
times, stealing and distributing fire and teaching humans the
ceived by the Mataco as a suffering and sad being. In his law-
technique of fishing and the making of artifacts. The cycle
giving role he introduces economic practices and tools; hu-
of Woíki, the Fox, who partakes of the intrinsic nature of
manizes the women who descend from the sky by
Kixwét and is a very important figure in indigenous cultures,
eliminating their vaginal teeth; institutes marriage; and
contains myths describing his creation of various beings and
teaches the people how to get drunk, to fight, and to make
modalities of the present-day world. The cycle of WeDla, the
war. He also introduces demonic spirits who cause illnesses
Moon, relates the formation of the world. The cycle of Tse-
(aités) and establishes the shamanic institution (hayawú) and
matakí alludes to a feminine figure characterized by her ill
death. The most important Mataco ceremony is carried out
will toward men and her uncontainable cannibalism.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8636
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF THE GRAN CHACO
The Choroti shaman (aíew) receives power (i-tóksi)
of illness, the death of domestic animals, the destruction of
from the supernatural beings (thlamó), and the strength of
farms, or a poor harvest of fruit from wild plants. Such con-
his abilities depends on the number of familiars (inxuélai) he
cepts as the “master-dependent” (logót-lamasék) and the
has.
“center-periphery” (laiñí-laíl) allow the Pilagá to classify be-
ings and entities according to a hierarchy of power.
The Makká. The Makká mythology can be classified as
eclectic, as it demonstrates cultural contact with almost all
The initiation of women takes place at the onset of men-
the other indigenous groups of the Gran Chaco. The Makká
ses. The young girl is locked in a corner of her hut and forced
cycle of the fox is similar to the narrative cycle surrounding
to fast rigorously. When males reach adolescence, they sub-
the Mataco supernatural being Tokhwáh and demonstrates
mit to scarification of their arms and legs by a shaman, and
similar themes, such as the origin of women and the toothed
the young man is given the characteristics of the species of
vagina. The Makká hero Tippá, who possesses an immense
animal whose bone was used as a scarifier. Throughout entire
penis, is somewhat reminiscent of Wéla, the Mataco moon
lives, men continue to scarify themselves, especially when
deity.
preparing for the hunt or going into battle.
The Toba. The principal themes of Toba (Kom) narra-
In earlier times, power (t Dun) was obtained by capturing
tive are celestial cosmology and mythology, which appear in
a scalp, after which a complex ceremony was held in which
stories about Dapicˇi and the Pleiades; cataclysms; the origin
the scalp was discarded but the soul (le sinkál) of the dead
of specific entities; stories of animals; stories of the trickster
enemy was retained as a personal familiar, or spirit helper.
WahayakaDlacigu, the lawgiver TaDankí, and Aˇsien, a super-
This familiar would manifest itself during sleep by means of
natural being with a repulsive appearance; and encounters
a song that even today is sung during drinking bouts. Cere-
between Toba people and the supernatural being Nowét.
monies of drinking bouts among adults permit the regula-
The morphology of these characters, all of whom were pow-
tion of power among people. The ceremony of female initia-
erful in the primordial times, fluctuates between the human
tion is also important, as is true throughout most of the Gran
and the animal.
Chaco.
For the Toba, the central structure of the cosmology is
The organization of the traditional religious universe
nowét, which appears in the forms of the masters of animals
was altered through the introduction of Christianity by Gen-
and of the spheres. Nowét, as a supernatural being, initiates
eral J. Belaieff, who brought the Makká from the interior of
the shamans (pi Dogonák) and grants them power that can be
the Chaco to the outskirts of Asunción. The icon of Belaieff
used equally to heal or to harm. Outside the shamanic
is now a central theme in Makká shamanism. Just as among
sphere, all special skills—hunting, fishing, dancing, and so
the Mataco, the shaman (weihet Dx) is charged with control-
on—derive from power given by Nowét. Dreams are struc-
ling the demonic supernatural beings (inwomét).
tures that have importance in the relations between humans
GUIACURÚ-CADUVEO FAMILY. The Guiacurú-Caduveo lan-
and Nowét. Shamanic power is established by the possession
guage family of the Gran Chaco and Brazil includes the
of spirit familiars (ltawá), who help shamans cure serious ill-
tribes known as the Pilagá, the Toba, the Caduveo, and the
nesses, which are considered intentional and also material.
Mocoví.
Therapy combines singing, blowing, and sucking as methods
The Pilagá. Certain mythic cycles may be distinguished
of removing the harmful agent from the victim’s body.
in the Pilagá mythology. One cycle describes the celestial
Some of the important ceremonies of the Toba are
deity Dapicˇi, to whom is attributed the inversion of the cos-
name giving, the initiation of young boys, the offering of
mic planes and the transference of some animals and plants
prayers to Dapicˇi, matutinal prayers to the heavenly beings,
to the sky. In the past, prayers were offered for his help in
and the supplications of the hunters to some supernatural
the most diverse activities. Another cycle describes Wayay-
being in a nowét state.
kaláciyi, who introduced death, made the animals wild, and
The Caduveo. Go-neno-hodi is the central deity of
established hunting techniques, modifying the Edenic habits
Caduveo mythology; he is maker of all people and of a great
of an earlier time. Among the eminent supernatural beings
number of the cultural goods. His appearance is that of a
is Nesóge, a cannibalistic woman who determines the prac-
Caduveo, and he is without evil intention. In his benevo-
tices of the witches (konánagae). Such characters and themes
lence, he granted the Caduveo, in ancient times, an abun-
as the Star Woman and the origin of women appear in Pilagá
dant supply of food, clothes, and utensils, as well as eternal
myths.
life, but the intervention of Hawk, astute and malicious,
Among the significant structures, the payák is the most
made Go-neno-hodi modify the primordial order. Nibetád
important. This notion defines nonhuman nature, which is
is a mythical hero identified with the Pleiades; he greeted the
peculiar to supernatural beings, shamans (pyogonák), ani-
ancestors during the ceremony celebrating the annual reap-
mals, plants, and some objects. Relations with the payák de-
pearance of this cluster of stars and the maturation of the al-
termine conditions in the indigenous world. Either people
garoba (mesquite).
acquire payáks as familiars who aid them in their customary
The shamanic institution is actualized in two different
activities, or the payáks inflict suffering on them in the form
individuals: the nikyienígi (“father”), who protects and bene-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
8637
fits the community, and the otxikanrígi, the cause of all
There are only a few specific works that deal with particular
deaths, illnesses, and misfortunes in the group. Celebrations
groups; among those few are Los indios Ayoreo del Chaco Bore-
that are particularly worthy of note are the lunar ceremonies,
al by Marcelo Bórmida and myself (Buenos Aires, 1982).
the rites celebrating the birth of the chief’s son, and the initi-
Branislava Susnik has also given attention to the Chulupí na-
ations of young men and women.
tives in Chulupí: Esbozo gramatical analítico (Asunción,
1968). Also worthy of mention are Miguel Chase-Sardi’s
The Mocoví. Prominent in the scattered Mocoví mate-
Cosmovisión mak’a (Asunción, 1970) and El concepto Nivaklé
rial is the myth of an enormous tree that reached to the sky.
del Alma (Lima, 1970). Bernardino de Nino wrote an Ethno-
By climbing its branches, one ascended to lakes and to a
grafía Chiriguano (La Paz, 1912). In reference to the Cadu-
river. An angry old woman cut down the tree, extinguishing
veo culture, see Darcy Ribeiro’s Religia˜o e mitologia Kadiuéu
the valuable connection between heaven and earth.
(Rio de Janiero, 1950). One can also consult Johannes Wil-
bert’s Folk Literature of the Mataco Indians and Folk Litera-
Gdsapidolgaté, a benevolent supernatural being, pre-
ture of the Toba Indians (both Los Angeles, 1982).
sides over the world of the living. His activity contrasts with
that of the witches. Healing practices among the Mocoví are
New Sources
Arce Birbueth, Eddy, et al. Estrategias de Sobrevivencia entre los
the same as those of the other shamans of the Gran Chaco,
Tapietes del Gran Chaco. La Paz, 2003.
with the addition of bloodletting. The Mocoví, like all the
Clastres, Pierre. Mythologie des Indiens Chulupi. Edited by Michael
Guiacurú, believe in the honor of war and value dying in
Carty and Hélène Clastres. Leuven, 1992.
combat as much as killing. When they return from a battle
they hang the heads of the vanquished on posts in the center
Fritz, Miguel. Los Nivaclé: Rasgos de una cultura paraguaya. Quito,
1994.
of town and they sing and shout around them. The horse
plays an important role in daily life and in the hereafter;
Fritz, Miguel. Pioneros en El Chaco: Misioneros oblatos del Pilcoma-
yo. Mariscal Estigarribia, 1999.
when the owner of a horse dies, the horse is sacrificed and
buried beside the owner to bear him to his final destination
Tomasini, Alfredo. El Shamanismo de los Nivaclé del Gran Chaco.
in the land of the dead.
Buenos Aires, 1997.
Tomasini, Alfredo. Figuras protectoras de animales y plantes en la
ARAWAK FAMILY. The extensive Arawak family of languages
religiosidad de los indios Nivaclé:Chaco Boreal, Paraguay.
includes the Chané of Argentina. Fundamental distinctions
Quito, 1999.
cannot be made between the corpus of Chané myths and that
of the Chiriguano; similarities abound between them, partic-
MARIO CALIFANO (1987)
Translated from Spanish by Tanya Fayen
ularly with respect to the figure of the shaman. There are two
Revised Bibliography
kinds of shamans: one with benevolent power (the ipáye) and
another dedicated exclusively to malevolent actions that
cause death (the ipayepóci). The mbaidwá (“knower, investi-
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS
gator”) has dominion over the individual destinies of
This entry consists of the following articles:
humans.
HISTORY OF STUDY
One of the most important aspects of Chané religion is
MAINLAND CULTURES
INSULAR CULTURES
the carnival of masks (also celebrated by the Chiriguano).
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN INSULAR CULTURES
Some of the masks are profane, representing animals and fan-
tastic anthropomorphic characters. The sacred masks repre-
sent Áña, and these are deadly playthings that cannot be sold
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
to travelers. When the carnival is finished, the masks become
STUDY
dangerous and must be destroyed.
Southeast Asia straddles one of the two trade routes linking
East Asia and the Mediterranean. For many centuries, mer-
B
chants traveled through the Straights of Malacca to points
IBLIOGRAPHY
One can find an abundant bibliography on indigenous groups of
further east, bringing spices, gold, and other precious com-
the Gran Chaco in Ethnographic Bibliography of South Ameri-
modities, and with them came religious texts, modes of ritual
ca, edited by Timothy O’Leary (New Haven, Conn., 1963).
practice, iconographies, and other religious systems. A conse-
The Handbook of South American Indians, 7 vols., edited by
quence of this strategic location is that virtually all of the
Julia H. Steward (Washington, D.C., 1946–1959), offers
major religions of the world can be found in Southeast Asia.
general characteristics on habits and customs of the peoples
Today by far the most common religious traditions are
of this cultural area. The Censo indígena nacional (Buenos
Therava¯da Buddhism, Islam, Roman Catholicism, and the
Aires, 1968) is restricted to the Argentine Chaco. Fernando
Vietnamese variant of traditional Chinese religion. Yet there
Pagés Larraya’s Lo irracional en la cultura (Buenos Aires,
are also communities of Balinese and Tamil Hindus, Protes-
1982) studies the mental pathology of the indigenous people
of the Gran Chaco and then reviews their religious concep-
tant Christians, Sikhs, and Zoroastrians. Prior to the Second
tions. Scripta ethnológica (1973–1982), a periodical pub-
World War there were significant Jewish communities. One
lished by the Centro Argentino de Ethnología Americana,
can also find a vast array of indigenous religions in tradition-
Buenos Aires, contains more systematic information about
ally isolated portions of the region that are either upland or
the aboriginal peoples of the Gran Chaco.
on remote islands far from the trade routes.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8638
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
The diversity of religion in Southeast Asia has attracted
means through which Europeans sought to dominate and
area specialists in almost all religious traditions to study the
domesticate potentially hostile religious elites. Much the
region, and the theoretical orientations and methodologies
same can be said of colonial scholarship on Southeast Asia.
employed in the study of religion in the region are nearly as
Such works as compilations of customary law and gazet-
diverse as the religions of the region itself. The academic
teers describing local customs and periodic rituals were of
study of religion in Southeast Asia began in the early decades
immediate value to colonial officials and other resident Euro-
of the nineteenth century. The earliest works are largely de-
peans. They remain valuable resources for scholars concerned
scriptive. Most of them were written by colonial officials or
with religious change, and are particularly important for
Christian missionaries. Stamford Raffles, John Crawfurd,
scholars of the indigenous religions of tribes of the region.
and Christiaan Hurgronje were among the colonial officers
An overwhelming number of these groups converted to
who made enduring contributions to the study of religion
Christianity in the first half of the twentieth century. As their
in Southeast Asia. Among the most important works by mis-
traditional religions were orally transmitted, European writ-
sionary scholars are Hans Scharer’s studies of the indigenous
ings provide the only available information about those early
religions of Kalimantan (Borneo) and Paul Bigandet’s study
religions.
of Burmese Buddhism. Subsequent scholars have employed
a variety of philological, archeological, historical, literary-
The study of religion also provided instruments for
critical, political-science, and anthropological approaches.
domination in a more subtle sense. Many of the monumen-
Many more general works provide important data for schol-
tal works of colonial scholarship, including Stamford Raf-
ars of religion. Among the most important of these are dis-
fles’s History of Java (1817) and Paul Mus’s Barabud:ur
trict gazetteers and other publications of colonial govern-
(1935), locate the greatness of Southeast Asian cultures in
ments. These often provide the only available materials for
the distant past. These studies provided support for colonial-
the study of the history of religion at the local level. James
ist apologetics, a major theme of which was that Southeast
Scott’s Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States (1900–
Asian cultures had become decadent and corrupt and that
1901) and John Crawfurd’s History of the Indian Archipelago
benevolent Europeans were assisting these cultures with colo-
(1820) are outstanding examples. Novels and other works of
nial rule. While intended for a European audience, these
fiction can also provide valuable information. A clear exam-
works were also read by many Southeast Asians and are in
ple is Pramoedya Ananta Toer’s four-volume novel Buru
part responsible for the sense of cultural dislocation so vividly
Quartet (1996), which is a fictionalized account of the reli-
described by Toer in his novels.
gious and cultural forces that contributed to the rise of Indo-
Islam and Buddhism were equally misrepresented,
nesian nationalism.
though in very different ways. Raffles and Theodore Pigeaud
Despite this double diversity, one can detect the follow-
went to great lengths to deny the Islamic character of Indo-
ing general themes and questions that have shaped the aca-
nesian and particularly Javanese civilization. For them, Islam
demic study of religion in Southeast Asia:
was a threat to colonial authority. Portraying Indonesia as a
Hindu culture was part of a strategy of colonial domination.
• Links between scholarly agendas and the agendas of co-
Indonesian elites educated in Dutch schools were taught that
lonial and postcolonial states.
their culture and religion were an amalgamation of Hindu-
• Relations between religion and politics in traditional
ism and Mahayana Buddhism, and were discouraged from
Southeast Asian states.
learning more than the rudiments of Islam. Christiaan Hur-
• The development of increasingly nuanced understand-
gronje, the greatest Islamicist of the colonial era, also con-
ings of the nature of religious traditions.
tributed to this agenda. His studies of the Achehnese and the
Southeast Asian community in Mecca were as much political
• The emergence, in the last decades of the twentieth cen-
briefings as they were scholarship. The Dutch were involved
tury, of a symbiotic relationship between religious
in a bitter war with the Achehnese and regarded Mecca as
studies and the social sciences, particularly cultural an-
a dangerous source of rebellion.
thropology.
Buddhism was misrepresented in a different way. Many
These four factors interact in very complex ways in the aca-
of the early works on Therava¯da Buddhism in Southeast Asia
demic discourse about religion in Southeast Asia.
were written by scholars who, if not Buddhists themselves,
POLITICAL AGENDAS. The political agendas of colonial and
were extremely sympathetic towards a particular understand-
postcolonial states did much to shape the development of
ing of Buddhism. James Scott, Harold Fielding-Hall, and
scholarly traditions. They have influenced the topics scholars
others understood Buddhism as an abstract rational science
have chosen to investigate and the interpretation of their
of the mind with little use for spirits, gods, or what they un-
findings. The academic study of religion in Southeast Asia
derstood as superstitious practice. They regarded what are
dates back to the early decades of the nineteenth century at
now clearly understood as Buddhist ritual practices as either
a time when the British, French, Dutch, and Spanish were
the superstitions of the lower classes or remnants of a heathen
consolidating colonial empires. Edward Said has argued that
past. Like many other earlier European interpreters of Bud-
in the Middle East, colonial scholarship was among the
dhism, they imagined Buddhism as they wished it to be.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
8639
The academic study of religion continues to be political-
survived from the precolonial period, a substantial number
ly significant in the region. This is especially true of scholar-
concern theories of kingship. This concern is also found in
ship published in the languages of the region. Religious
nineteenth-century texts, many of which are preserved in li-
studies are not well developed in the region, but with the ex-
braries and archives in Holland, Great Britain, and France,
pansion of modern education since the end of the colonial
as well as Southeast Asia. Other important sources of the role
era, studies of religion by Southeast Asian scholars have be-
of religion in politics include Chinese texts, inscriptions on
come increasingly common. Many Southeast Asian scholars
monuments, and archeological sites, such as Pagan, Angkor,
of religion are trained in history; others in area, Buddhist,
Ayutthaya, and Borobudur. George Coedes, Robert Heine-
or Islamic studies. In many instances the lines between aca-
Geldern, Stanley Tambiah, and others have found that
demic and committed scholarship is a fine one. In Southeast
Southeast Asian kingdoms were structured as representations
Asia many scholars of religion are actively engaged in politi-
of Hindu or Buddhist cosmologies and that kings were often
cal causes, movements, or parties. In addition to more tradi-
described as divine or semidivine beings. Muslim kingdoms
tional academic venues, intellectuals regularly publish in
retain some of the symbolism of the Hindu and Buddhist
daily papers and weekly news magazines. Among the issues
past and also describe Sultans as descendants of the Prophet
of concern to these scholars are economic development, eco-
Muhammad and as representatives of God on earth.
logical degradation, human rights, social justice, and democ-
A substantial body of scholarship focuses on the role of
ratization. There are no systematic studies of the writings of
traditional religious concepts in contemporary Southeast
scholar-activists in European languages. In the Islamic socie-
Asian politics. Benedict Anderson, Clifford Geertz, and oth-
ties of the region, questions concerning banking and finance
ers suggests that traditional concepts of power and authority
are also important because of the traditional Islamic prohibi-
continue to inform political discourse and the conduct of
tion on interest. Most of this literature is inaccessible to non-
politics throughout the region. In modern Southeast Asia, re-
specialists because there are very few translations.
ligion has been used to legitimize the political programs of
More conventional scholarship may also be pointed.
states, leaders, and parties, be they authoritarian or liberal.
Muslim Indonesia provides a cogent example. Indonesian
ON THE NATURE OF RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS. For most of
scholars are familiar with Western scholarship that has de-
its history, the academic study of religion has looked to an-
picted traditional cultures as being only trivially Muslim. Is-
cient, philosophically complex texts for the essence of reli-
lamists often cite the works of Clifford Geertz as proof that
gious traditions and has assumed that popular and contem-
their own critiques of religious traditionalists are valid. To
porary variants of these texts are in some sense corrupt. This
establish the orthodoxy of their positions, traditionalists have
understanding of world religions is apparent in many impor-
produced countertexts that can be read simultaneously as
tant studies of contemporary Southeast Asian religions, in-
history and theology. Zamakhsyari Dhofier’s The Pesantren
cluding Melford Spiro’s Buddhism and Society (1982) and
Tradition (1999) is a ready example. In this way academic
Clifford Geertz’s The Religion of Java (1960). As Boone ob-
scholars of religion are drawn into Southeast Asian religious
serves, this has lead to the construction of artificial canons
discourse.
recognized only by Western or Western-trained scholars.
Political considerations have also influenced which
The tendency to understand world religions as philosophical
communities are studied and which are not. Politically sig-
systems embodied in ancient texts has contributed to the
nificant communities receive greater attention than minori-
view that Southeast Asian Buddhists, Hindus, and Muslims
ties. Scholarly neglect of Southeast Asian Christianity, tradi-
are only superficially such and that indigenous animisms re-
tional Chinese religion, and Tamil Hinduism is especially
main the most important of Southeast Asian religions. This
apparent. Neglect of Southeast Asian Christianity is among
view was articulated by Raffles in the early nineteenth centu-
the most serious problems confronting the field. The conver-
ry and has been subject to serious criticism only since the
sion of many tribal and Chinese people to Christianity has
mid-1970s.
fundamentally altered the religious landscape of Southeast
As scholars of religion have become increasingly con-
Asia. In general, there has been very little research on the in-
cerned with religion as lived experience, many have come to
teraction of religious communities in any Southeast Asian
question the assumptions of traditional philological scholar-
country. The religions of Myanmar (Burma) have also suf-
ship. As a result, there is a greater appreciation of noncanoni-
fered from scholarly neglect, but for a different reason: very
cal texts and the relation of religion to daily social life. This
few scholars have been able to conduct research there since
has lead to a creative convergence of religious studies and cul-
the middle of the twentieth century.
tural anthropology.
RELIGION, POLITICS, AND CULTURE. Many scholars of
RELIGIOUS STUDIES AND CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY.
Southeast Asian religions have been concerned with the role
Since the 1970s the distinction between cultural anthropolo-
of religion in indigenous political systems and the interrela-
gy and religious studies has been muted by developments in
tion of religion and culture. Archeologists and historians
both disciplines. Earlier generations of anthropologists gen-
have attempted to discern the religious foundations of
erally focused on exclusively oral traditions. Even those who
Southeast Asian statecraft. Of the few manuscripts that have
studied Buddhists, Muslims, and other adherents of literary
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8640
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
religions paid scant attention to religious texts. This state of
ential study of the religious orientations of premodern
affairs began to change in the 1960s and 1970s as anthropol-
Southeast Asian States.
ogists became increasingly concerned with systems of sym-
Hurgronje, Christiaan Snouck. Mekka in the Later Part of the 19th
bols and meanings and as scholars of religion turned their
Century: Daily Life, Customs, and Learning of the Moslims of
attention to contemporary versions of world religions. This
the East-Indian-Archipelago. Leiden, 1931. Reprint, 1970.
convergence began in communities of scholars focused on
One of the few ethnographic accounts of Muslim Mecca. It
Therava¯da Buddhism and Balinese Hinduism and has prog-
focuses on Southeast Asian Muslims resident in the holy city.
ressed to the point where works by cultural anthropologists
Lithai, King of Sukhothai. The Three Worlds According to King
and scholars of religion are difficult to distinguish. Its great-
Ruang: A Thai Buddhist Cosmology. Translated by Frank Rey-
est impact is seen in the study of Southeast Asian Islam,
nolds and Mani Reynolds. Berkeley, Calif., 1982. A transla-
which has moved from the margins to the mainstream of
tion of a Thai text describing the Therava¯da Buddhist
scholarly discourse on Southeast Asian religion and the Is-
cosmos.
lamic tradition more generally.
Luce, Gordon. Old Burma—Early Pagan. 3 vols. Locust Valley,
CONCLUSIONS. Southeast Asia offers a wealth of research op-
N.Y., 1969–1970. A massive study of Buddhism, art, and ar-
portunities for scholars of many disciplines concerned with
chitecture in ancient Myanmar (Burma).
the study of religion. Scholars can study particular variants
Lukens-Bull, ed. Sacred Places and Modern Landscapes: Sacred Ge-
of most of the major religions of the world or social and cul-
ography and Social Religious Transformations in South and
tural systems comprising multiple religious communities,
Southeast Asia. Tempe, Ariz., 2004. Includes papers on con-
with their different religious traditions and languages.
temporary Buddhist, Muslim and Christian sacred geogra-
phies in the region.
SEE ALSO Anthropology, Ethnology, and Religion; Bud-
Mus, Paul. Barabud:ur: Sketch of a History of Buddhism Based on
dhism, article on Buddhism in Southeast Asia; Fiction, arti-
Archaeological Criticism of the Texts (1978). Translated by Al-
cle on Southeast Asian Fiction and Religion; Hinduism in
exander W. Macdonald. New Delhi, 1998.
Southeast Asia; Islam, article on Islam in Southeast Asia.
Pigeaud, Theodore. Java in the Fourteenth Century: A Study in
Cultural History. 5 vols. The Hague, 1960–1963. Based on
BIBLIOGRAPHY
a translation of an old Javanese text discover in Bali. Includes
Anderson, Benedict. Language and Power: Exploring Political Cul-
a vast amount of material on religion, culture, and politics
tures in Indonesia. Ithaca, N.Y., 1990. Explores the religious
in Indic Java.
and cultural foundations in modern Indonesian political dis-
course and praxis.
Raffles, Stamford. The History of Java. London, 1817. Reprint,
Bigandet, Paul. The Life or Legend of Gaudama, the Budha of the
New York, 1965. An early description of Javanese religion
Burmese. Rangoon, 1858.
and culture focusing primarily on the pre-Islamic period.
Boon, James. Affinities and Extremes: Crisscrossing the Bittersweet
Scott, James. Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States. 2 vols.
Ethnology of East Indies History, Hindu-Balinese Culture, and
Rangoon, 1900–1901. Includes a vast quantity of informa-
Indo-European Allure. Chicago, 1990. A rich, interdisciplin-
tion about northern Myanmar (Burma) shortly after the
ary account of the history of Balinese religion and culture.
British annexation.
Coedes, George. The Indianized States of Southeast Asia. Edited by
Smith, Bardwell, ed. Religion and Legitimation of Power in Thai-
Walter Vella. Translated by Susan Cowing. Honolulu, 1968.
land, Laos, and Burma. Chambersburg, Pa., 1978. Includes
The standard work on the Indianization of Southeast Asia
articles on Thai Buddhism by historian of religion Frank E.
from the first to the fourteenth century.
Reynolds.
Crawfurd, John. History of the Indian Archipelago: Containing an
Spiro, Melford. Buddhism and Society: A Great Tradition and Its
Account of the Manners, Arts, Languages, Religions, Institu-
Burmese Vicissitudes. 2d, expanded ed. Berkeley, Calif., 1982.
tions, and Commerce of Its Inhabitants. Edinburgh, 1820.
A psychologically oriented ethnographic account of
One of the earliest account of the territory that is now Indo-
Therava¯da Buddhism in Myanmar (Burma).
nesia.
Tambiah, Stanley. World Conqueror and World Renouncer: A Study
Dhofier, Zamakhsyari. The Pesantren Tradition: The Role of the
of Buddhism and Polity in Thailand against a Historical Back-
Kyai in the Maintenance of Traditional Islam in Java. Tempe,
ground. Cambridge, U.K., 1976. The classical study of Bud-
Ariz., 1999. A detailed studies of the Islamic boarding
dhist notions of kingship and political authority in Thailand.
schools (pesantren) of east Java.
Toer, Pramoedya Ananta. The Buru Quartet. New York, 1996. A
Fielding-Hall, Harold. The Soul of a People. London, 1898. An
series of four novels (This Earth of Mankind; Child of All Na-
early British interpretation of Therava¯da Buddhism in
tions; Footsteps; House of Glass) depicting the life and times
Myanmar (Burma).
of a young Dutch-educated Javanese aristocrat.
Geertz, Clifford. The Religion of Java. New York, 1960. The clas-
sic study of popular religion in Java, though subsequent
Woodward, Mark. Islam in Java: Normative Piety and Mysticism
studies demonstrate that Geertz underestimated the impor-
in the Sultanate of Yogyakarta. Tucson, Ariz., 1989. Empha-
tance Islam in Javanese culture.
sizes the Islamic character of royal and popular religion in
Java.
Heine-Geldern, Robert. Conceptions of State and Kingship in
Southeast Asia. Ithaca, N.Y., 1956. A classic and highly influ-
MARK R. WOODWARD (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: MAINLAND CULTURES
8641
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: MAINLAND
ic language that was transformed under the influence of Chi-
CULTURES
nese. The distinctive Karennic languages spoken by peoples
Mainland Southeast Asia has been termed the “crossroad of
living on the eastern border of Burma and in parts of western
religions,” for in this region, today divided into the countries
Thailand are thought by linguists to be descendants of Tibe-
of Burma, Thailand, and Laos, Cambodia (Kampuchea), and
to-Burman stocks. Speakers of Miao-Yao languages, distantly
Vietnam, a large diversity of autochthonous tribal religions
connected to Tibeto-Burman and Sinitic language families,
are intermingled with Hinduism, Therava¯da and Maha¯ya¯na
have migrated from southern China into mainland Southeast
Buddhism, Daoism, Confucianism, Islam, and Christianity,
Asia only within the past century or so. Major migrations
as well as the modern secular faith of Marxist-Leninism. Be-
from China and India, spurred by the economic changes
neath this diversity there are many religious practices and be-
during the colonial period, also led to the introduction into
liefs that have common roots in the prehistoric past of peo-
the region of large numbers of speakers of Sinitic, Dravidian,
ples of the region. This is not to say, as have some scholars,
and Indo-European languages.
that the historic religions are merely a veneer and that those
PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS. People have lived in mainland
Southeast Asians who adhere to religions such as Buddhism
Southeast Asia for as long as there have been Homo sapiens,
have been, as Reginald LeMay said of the Northern Thai, an-
and there is evidence of Homo erectus and even earlier homi-
imists from time immemorial. Although certain beliefs and
nid forms in the region as well. Paleolithic hunting-and-
practices can be seen as linking peoples of the present to an-
gathering peoples must have constructed their religious un-
cient Southeast Asian religions, they have often been refor-
derstandings of the world out of images drawn from their ex-
mulated to make sense within worldviews shaped by historic
periences in their environments and from the workings of the
religions. The processes of religious change have, moreover,
human body. Beyond this, little can be said, for there is no
intensified in the wake of radical shaking of traditional orders
mainland Southeast Asian equivalent of the cave paintings
taking place throughout the twentieth century.
of Lascaux to provide insight into the world of Paleolithic
Mainland Southeast Asia is not only a region of religious
humans. It would, moreover, be quite illegitimate to project
diversity; it is also a veritable Babel. Insofar as historical lin-
the religious beliefs of the Negritos of the Malay Peninsula,
guistics permits a reconstruction of the past, it would appear
the last remaining significant groups of hunter-gatherers in
that most of the earliest inhabitants of the region spoke Aus-
the region, into the prehistoric past, for these beliefs have de-
troasiatic languages ancestral to such modern-day descen-
veloped through as long a period as have other religions and
dants as Khmer and Mon. Many of the tribal peoples living
have, moreover, been influenced by the religions of neigh-
in the highlands of central Vietnam and Laos, as well as a
boring peoples.
few groups found in northern Thailand and as far distant as
The first significant evidence of religious beliefs and
Assam in India and Hainan Island belonging to China, speak
practices in mainland Southeast Asia comes from the period
Austroasiatic languages. Speakers of Austronesian languages,
when humans in the region first began to live in settled agri-
whose major modern-day representatives are the peoples of
cultural communities. The domestication of rice, which may
Indonesia, Malaysia, Micronesia, and Polynesia, as well as
have taken place in mainland Southeast Asia before 4000
parts of Melanesia and Madagascar, were also present from
BCE, led to the emergence of a powerful image that was to
prehistoric times in what is today southern Vietnam and the
become incorporated in almost all of the religious traditions
Malay Peninsula. Cham living in southern Vietnam and in
of the region. To this day, most Southeast Asians think of
Cambodia, as well as tribal peoples such as the Rhadé and
rice as having a spiritual as well as a material quality; rice,
Jarai in southern Vietnam, speak Austronesian languages. In
like humanity, has a vital essence and is typically associated
the northern uplands of the region and in what is today
with a feminine deity. The recognition of rice as fundamen-
northeastern India and southern China most peoples in pre-
tal to life among most peoples in mainland Southeast Asia
historic times appear to have spoken languages belonging to
has been intertwined in religious imagery with the nurturing
the Tibeto-Burman language family. The present-day Bur-
attribute of a mother.
mans and such tribal peoples as the Chin, Kachin, Lisu,
Akha, and Lahu all speak Tibeto-Burman languages. Speak-
Neolithic burial sites, many only recently discovered,
ers of Tai (or Daic) languages seem to have originated in
are proving to be sources of knowledge about prehistoric reli-
southern China and did not begin to settle in mainland
gions in Southeast Asia. The very existence of such sites sug-
Southeast Asia until much before the tenth century CE.
gests that those who took so much trouble to dispose of the
Today, however, Thai (or Siamese), Lao, Northern Thai (or
physical remains of the dead must have had well-formed
Yuan), and Shan—all speakers of Tai languages—constitute
ideas about the afterlife and about the connection between
the major peoples of Thailand, Laos, and the Shan state of
the states of the dead and the living. In the mass burial sites
Burma, and Tai-speaking tribal peoples such as the Tho, Red
of Ban Chiang and Non Nok Tha in northeastern Thailand,
Tai, Black Tai, and White Tai are found in northern Viet-
the graves contain many items, including pottery, tools, and
nam as well as northeastern Laos. Modern-day Vietnamese,
metal jewelry. The items found in the graves may be inter-
which linguists assign to the distinctive Viet-Muong lan-
preted, on the basis of ethnographic analogy, as constituting
guage family, is believed to have evolved from an Austroasiat-
goods believed to be used by the dead in the afterlife. In com-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8642
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: MAINLAND CULTURES
munities in northeastern Thailand today, the dead are cre-
tinctive religious traditions. Even though drums were widely
mated in accord with Buddhist custom, but the practice of
traded throughout the region, they were most certainly put
burning personal belongings of the deceased at the same time
to different ritual purposes by different peoples.
perpetuates a pre-Buddhist tradition.
An older generation of scholars, best represented by
In a Neolithic burial site in western Thailand, the grave
Robert Heine-Geldern, posited an underlying unity of pre-
of an old man was found to contain a perforated stone disk
historic Southeast Asian religions that stemmed from the dif-
and an antler with the tines sawed off. Per So⁄rensen, the ar-
fusion of a cultural complex from a single European source.
chaeologist who excavated the site, believes these items may
While there were certainly contacts among peoples widely
represent the headdress of a shaman; if so, they would be the
separated in Southeast Asia in prehistoric times, and while
earliest evidence of shamanism in mainland Southeast Asia.
these contacts resulted in the diffusion of some practices and
Shamanism must have an ancient pedigree in the region be-
beliefs, most basic similarities must be understood to reflect
cause it is found among most tribal peoples. Among the most
the ordering of similar experiences (for example, those relat-
intriguing Neolithic burial sites are ones in central Laos
ed to death, human fertility, cultivation of rice) that follow
where large stone jars were found containing cremated
universal modes of human thought.
human remains. This discovery suggests either that crema-
Drawing on later historical data as well as ethnographic
tion predates Indian influence in Southeast Asia or that the
analogy, Paul Mus, a distinguished student of Southeast
jars were used long after they had originally been constructed
Asian civilization argued that the autochthonous religions of
as depositories of remains by peoples who had adopted the
protohistoric Southeast Asia coalesced around cults he
Buddhist practice of cremation.
termed “cadastral.” Such cults were organized around images
Sites mainly in northern Vietnam and southern China
drawn from the local worlds of everyday experience. Spirits,
dating to the first millennium BCE contain bronze drums as-
such as the nats of various Tibeto-Burman peoples or the ph¯ı
sociated with assemblages termed Dong-Son after a site in
of the Tai, populated these worlds. Humans were able to act
northern Vietnam. Dong-Son-type drums were later distrib-
in their worlds because they had “vital spirits,” often con-
uted widely not only in mainland Southeast Asia but in the
ceived of as multiple, as with the Vietnamese hon, Khmer
islands of the region as well, although manufacture of the
pralu Dn, or Tai khwan. These vital spirits, which only in some
drums apparently continued to be restricted to a rather small
cases constituted souls that gained immortal states after
area in northern mainland Southeast Asia. In more recent
death, could leave the body for periods of time, but unless
times, drums have been used by tribal peoples such as the
called back and secured—a practice widely seen among many
Karen in funerary rites, and some archaeologists believe that
peoples in Southeast Asia—the person would weaken and
the drums were always associated with death customs. Boat
die.
designs found on some of the Neolithic drums have been in-
These cadastral cults constituted the religions of agricul-
terpreted as being symbols of the means whereby souls of the
tural peoples who had long since made rice their staple, al-
dead were conveyed to the afterworld. The soul-boat image
though some cultivated it by swidden or slash-and-burn
is found in a number of Southeast Asian cultures today, and
methods and others cultivated by irrigation. Rice also was be-
a prehistoric notion may have persisted also in transformed
lieved to possess a vital spirit. Even today, peoples as diverse
form in the Buddhist symbol of the boat that conveys the
as the Chin in Burma, Lawa in northern Thailand, Lao in
saved across the sea of sam:sa¯ra to nibba¯na (Skt., nirva¯n:a).
Laos, Jarai in southern Vietnam, and Khmer in Cambodia
The designs on the drums, including concentric circles,
all perform rites after the harvest to call the spirit of the rice
frogs, birds, snakes or dragons, human figures in headdresses,
to ensure that it will provide essential nourishment when
buildings, and in some southern Chinese drums miniature
consumed. Some peoples also believe that other beings—
scenes of rituals, have been variously interpreted. Some un-
especially the water buffalo used for plowing in wet-rice
derstand these as indicating a type of shamanism in which
communities and elephants used for war and heavy labor—
the drum played a part; others have seen them as having to-
also have vital spirits.
temic significance. It is quite probable that at least some
The cosmologies of protohistoric Southeast Asian farm-
drum designs encode a dualistic cosmology, symbolized in
ers, like those of primitive peoples throughout the world,
part by an opposition between birds and snakes/dragons. Of
were structured around fundamental oppositions. In South-
particular interest are the images of buildings on piles, which
east Asia, the oscillation between the rainy rice-growing sea-
may probably be regarded as a type of ritual hall or perhaps
son and the dry fallow season found expression in such reli-
a men’s house, and which are clearly related both to those
gious imagery. The fertility of the rainy season is widely
found in many tribal communities today and to the dinh, the
associated with a female deity, the “rice mother,” although
communal ritual hall of the Vietnamese.
a male image, that of the na¯ga, or dragon, and sometimes a
There was never a uniform Dongsonian culture in
crocodile, is also found in many traditions. In some cases—
northern mainland Southeast Asia. Peoples of the region in
such as among the Cham, as attested by seventh-century CE
late prehistoric times were often isolated from each other by
inscriptions—the female deity is a na¯g¯ı. The dry season finds
the numerous ranges of hills and must have developed dis-
expression in images of male creator gods associated with the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: MAINLAND CULTURES
8643
sun. To this day, many peoples who have long been Bud-
ic” and “autocratic” communities found among tribal peo-
dhists still engage in rites that entail a dualistic conception
ples such as the Kachin of Burma even in recent years. What
of the cosmos. The Lao perform a rite toward the end of the
made it possible for Southeast Asians to imagine themselves
dry season, heavy with sexual symbolism, at which they set
as parts of communities whose members, both living and
off rockets to inform the gods that it is time to send the rains.
dead, were not all known personally was the introduction of
At the end of the rainy season, when the rivers have flooded,
religious conceptions fixed in written texts.
another ceremony is held at which men compete in boat
races. The boats, representing na¯gas, serve to ensure that the
Some evidence, especially from among tribal peoples in
earth as supreme na¯ga will accept the flood waters before they
what is today southern China, suggests that writing was in-
drown the rice. The concern with the power of the earth con-
vented independently by Southeast Asian peoples. However,
tinues after the harvest when attention is turned to the Rice
the historical fact is that the earliest written records are either
Mother, who is propitiated at the same time that the vital
in some form of Indian script or in Chinese logographs.
spirit of the rice is called.
With these borrowed writing systems came Indian and Chi-
nese texts, rites rooted in the texts, and institutions to per-
The world in which protohistoric peoples lived was
form the rites and perpetuate the textual traditions.
marked by uncertainty: Crops might fail as a consequence
of late rains or devastating floods; women might be barren,
Sinitic influences. Chinese influences appear first in
die in childbirth, or lose child after child; and both men and
conjunction with the Han conquest of what is now northern
women might die young. Hence, people wished to influence
Vietnam. Between the first Han movement into the area, in
the spirits and cosmic forces that controlled fertility and life.
124 BCE, and 43 CE, when the Chinese suppressed a rebellion
The fundamental method of gaining the favor of spiritual
led by the legendary Trung sisters, Chinese influence appears
powers was through sacrifices. Human sacrifice was rare in
to have lain rather lightly on the Vietnamese. From the first
mainland Southeast Asia, although the Wa of northern
century CE, however, the Vietnamese came increasingly to
Burma and southern China even in recent times took heads
see themselves as part of a Sinitic world, which they knew
to offer at New Year rites. Most peoples sacrificed domestic
through the same texts as were used in China proper. This
animals, with lesser rites requiring a chicken and more im-
sense of belonging to a Chinese world remained even after
portant rites, a pig or even a carabao. In tribal groups such
the Vietnamese gained independence from China in the elev-
as those in Burma and northeastern India, those men who
enth century.
organized large-scale sacrifices and the so-called feasts of
The Chinese model was most significant for literati—
merit associated with them acquired not only the esteem of
the Confucian mandarinate, Maha¯ya¯na Buddhist monks,
their fellows but also a spiritual quality that was believed to
and even some Daoist priests—who derived their cultural
persist even after their death. Such tribal chiefs are assumed
understanding of the world from Chinese and Sino-
to be similar to what O. W. Wolters calls “men of prowess,”
Vietnamese texts. As none of these literati ever attained the
who were the heads of protohistoric chiefdoms. What is
role of a dominant priesthood in the villages, pre-Sinitic tra-
noteworthy about the tribal chiefs, and presumably about the
ditions, centered on a multitude of local spirits and deities,
earlier men of the same type, is that because of the vagaries
continued to be perpetuated by spirit mediums, soothsayers,
of life, their potency could never be firmly established. At-
and sorcerers (thay). Those Vietnamese who moved out of
tempts were made to fix this potency by making the remains
the Red River delta in the “push to the south” that began
of men of prowess objects of cultic attention, especially by
in the thirteenth century and continued into recent times
those who succeeded them. Rough stone monuments associ-
came into contact with other traditions—those of the hind-
ated with early Cham culture in southern Vietnam and up-
uized Cham and Khmer, the Buddhist Khmer, and local
right stones found together with the prehistoric stone jars in
tribal peoples. In part because of significant non-Sinitic in-
Laos have been interpreted, by analogy with the practice by
fluences in southern Vietnam, the impress of Chinese culture
such modern tribal peoples as Chin of Burma and related
was somewhat less evident in the popular culture of that re-
groups in northeastern India, as monuments that perpetuat-
gion than in that of northern Vietnam. Vietnamese in south-
ed and localized the potency of men who had succeeded dur-
ern Vietnam have to the present often turned to non-Sinitic
ing their lifetimes in effecting a relationship between the so-
religious practitioners—montagnard sorcerers and Thera-
ciety and the cosmos. Such monuments were to lend
va¯da monks, for example—for help in confronting funda-
themselves to reinterpretation in Hindu-Buddhist terms
mental difficulties in their lives. Many of the religiously in-
when Indian influences began to appear in Southeast Asia.
spired peasant rebellions originating in southern Vietnam as
HISTORICAL TRANSFORMATIONS. Prior to the adoption of
well as some modern syncretic popular religons have drawn
Indian or Chinese models, there appears to have been no
inspiration from non-Chinese sources. This said, Vietnamese
priesthood in any Southeast Asian society capable of enforc-
religion in all parts of the country has assumed a distinctly
ing an orthopraxy among peoples living over a wide area. As
Sinitic cast, being organized primarily around ancestor wor-
the ritual effectiveness of men of prowess waxed and waned,
ship in the Chinese mode. Elsewhere in mainland Southeast
so did the relative power of the polities they headed, thus giv-
Asia, only migrant Chinese and those tribal peoples such as
ing rise to a classic pattern of oscillation between “democrat-
the Hmong and Mien who have lived long in Chinese-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8644
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: MAINLAND CULTURES
dominated areas show similar concern with ancestor wor-
similation of the king to Siva, as represented by a lingam.
ship.
The capital was a place where, through erection of temples,
dedicated not only to S´iva but also to Vis:n:u and other Hindu
Indian influences. In those areas of mainland South-
gods and to bodhisattvas, each king could ensure that his
east Asia where Indian influences first appeared in the early
man:d:ala was a microcosm of the cosmos. While the Ang-
centuries of the common era, individuals were rarely apothe-
korean empire experienced a number of defeats by rulers of
osized for being apical ancestors in a line of descent. If, how-
other man:d:alas, it was not until the fifteenth century that it
ever, a man (but rarely a woman) succeeded in his lifetime
finally ended; by this time, the religious orientations of the
in demonstrating through effective action in ritual and in
populace had begun to change radically.
warfare that he possessed some charismatic quality, this qual-
ity could continue to be influential after the individual’s
On the western side of mainland Southeast Asia, Bur-
death by giving him a cosmic body to replace his worldly
mese kings also succeeded in establishing a man:d:ala, that of
one. The earliest monuments of indianized civilization in
Pagan, that between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries ri-
Southeast Asia appeared in significant numbers between the
valed the splendor and power of Angkor. Although the Bur-
fourth and eighth century CE. Particular examples are S´iva
mese kings promoted cults that usually equated them with
lin:ga¯ of the Cham in southern Vietnam, the Buddhist sema¯
the Buddha rather than with Hindu gods, the stupas and
(Skt., s¯ıma¯) or boundary markers with scenes from the life
temples they built were like the Hindu and Maha¯ya¯na tem-
of the Buddha or from the Ja¯takas in bas-relief found in
ples at Angkor; they were both funerary monuments in
Dva¯ravat¯ı sites in northeastern Thailand, and the stupas at
which the kings became immortalized, albeit in this case
Beikthano and S´r¯ıks:etra in central Burma, Thaton in lower
in Buddhist terms, and recreations of the sacred cosmos. In
Burma, and Nakhon Pathom in central Thailand. These
both Pagan and Angkor, Meru, the sacred mountain that lies
monuments can best be interpreted as having been put up
at the center of the universe and is also an axis mundi, was
to elevate a man of prowess to a divine form. Whereas an
represented in the temple or stupa erected by a king.
older generation of historians often associated early historical
The man:d:ala organized around a shrine that served as
sites in mainland Southeast Asia with large kingdoms, most
an axis mundi became the model for villages as well as capi-
historians now accept that there were many petty kingdoms
tals. In nearly every village in Buddhist Southeast Asia, a
in the area whose power waxed and waned much as did that
stupa has been erected. Those who contribute to its construc-
of the chiefdoms that preceded them. The proliferation of
tion believe they gain merit that will ensure a better rebirth
monuments, a pattern that climaxes in the classical civiliza-
and perhaps even rebirth at the time of the next Buddha,
tions of Angkor in Cambodia and Pagan in Burma, most
Metteyya (Skt., Maitreya). The localized cults of the relics
likely represents a continuing effort by new kings, their fami-
of the Buddha link Southeast Asians not only with early Indi-
lies, and their rivals to establish their own claims to be identi-
an Buddhism but also with the cosmographic practices of the
fied with divine and cosmic power.
rulers of the classical indianized states and beyond that with
Influential mainland Southeast Asians who worked with
the cadastral cults of pre-indianized Southeast Asia.
Indian texts made minimal use of the Indian idea that one’s
The cult of the relics of the Buddha does not constitute
place within the world was fixed at birth by some cosmic
the whole of Buddhism as practiced in Southeast Asia. Be-
plan. The caste system did not survive the voyage across the
tween the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, missionary
Bay of Bengal except in a very modified form, whereby kings
monks established a Therava¯da Buddhist orthodoxy among
claimed to be ks:atriya; even then a man of quite lowly origins
the majority of peoples, both rural and urban, living in what
could become a ks:atriya by successfully usurping the throne
are today Burma, Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia. In a sense,
and clothing himself in sacralized regalia.
orthodox Buddhism made sense to Southeast Asians because
of the pre-Buddhist idea that religious virtue is not a product
The process of indianization in Southeast Asia included
solely of descent from particular ancestors but also a conse-
identifying a power believed to be embodied in a local shrine
quence of one’s own religiously effective actions. In Buddhist
with divine or cosmic powers known in Indian texts. This
terms, this idea was formulated so that people understood
made possible the creation of larger polities, since peoples in
that although they were born with a certain karmic legacy
very different parts of a realm saw themselves as part of the
of both merit and demerit they also continually acquire new
same cosmos and worshiped the same gods, often gods who
merit and demerit from morally significant acts.
were also equated with the rulers. The polity was a man:d:ala,
the “circle of a king,” a domain in which a particular ruler
Those who became adherents of Therava¯da Buddhism
succeeded in being viewed as the link between the world and
also retained pre-Buddhist beliefs in spirits and deities. These
the cosmos. The kings who founded Angkor near the Great
beliefs were given new significance in the context of a Bud-
Lake in Cambodia in the ninth century were notably success-
dhist worldview. Some of the supernatural beings were uni-
ful in establishing a cult of the devara¯ja, a god-king, whose
versalized and identified with Hindu deities also known to
man:d:ala included at its height all of present-day Cambodia,
Buddhism. More significantly, spirits and deities were ac-
the Mekong Delta of southern Vietnam, and central and
corded a subordinate place within the Buddhist cosmic hier-
northeastern Thailand. The devara¯ja cult centered on the as-
archy generated by the law of karman. Beliefs in pre-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: MAINLAND CULTURES
8645
Buddhist concepts of the vital spirit—the leikpya of the Bur-
Chinese. An interesting variant on the myth is found among
mese, the khwan of the Tai, the pralu Dn of the Khmer—also
some Karen in Burma, who were converted in significant
remained and continued to be part of ritual. These beliefs
numbers to Christianity beginning early in the nineteenth
were, however, reformulated to take into account the Bud-
century. Their myth tells how the book will be returned to
dhist teaching that the soul is not immortal and that “con-
them by foreign brothers who are identified with the West-
sciousness” (Pali, viñña¯n:a) links one life with the next.
ern missionaries. Even among Karen, however, more have
become Buddhist than have become Christian.
The Therava¯da revolution in mainland Southeast Asia
did not lead to the demise of the man:d:ala; on the contrary,
Missionization—not only by Christians but in recent
it led local lords to demonstrate their effectiveness by claim-
years by Buddhists—and the spread of modern systems of
ing to be righteous rulers and validating such claims by as-
compulsory education have rendered tribal religions increas-
serting their independence or even embarking on military
ingly peripheral. So, too, have improved health care and sec-
ventures to extend their domains at the expense of other
ular education undermined beliefs in spirits that were previ-
lords. Despite the political fragmentation of premodern
ously elements of the religions of Southeast Asian Buddhists
Buddhist societies, all could conceive of being part of a com-
and Vietnamese. Moreover, as agriculture has been trans-
mon Buddhist world. Such a conception was expressed, for
formed by large-scale irrigation works and the introduction
example, in the recognition of important pilgrimage
of new technology and new high-yield varieties of rice, peo-
shrines—ones containing relics of the Buddha—that lay in
ples in the region have become less inclined to credit super-
other domains.
natural powers with the control over fertility. They may con-
The success of Therava¯da Buddhism led to a much
tinue to perform traditional rites, but these are becoming
sharper distinction between the religious traditions of the
more secular celebrations than sources of religious meaning.
peoples of the western part of mainland Southeast Asia and
Nonetheless, even as the worlds of Southeast Asians are radi-
those east of the Annamite cordillera. Not only were the
cally transformed by political-economic forces and cultural
Vietnamese becoming increasingly sinicized, but the Cham,
changes that have occurred over the past century and a half,
who had once had an important indianized culture in south-
there still remains among many the ancient idea of cultivat-
ern Vietnam, turned from this tradition and embraced Islam,
ing virtue through morally effective action.
a religion that was becoming established among other Aus-
S
tronesian-speaking peoples in major societies of the Indone-
EE ALSO Ancestors, article on Ancestor Worship; Boats;
Buddhism, article on Buddhism in Southeast Asia; Burmese
sian archipelago and on the Malay Peninsula.
Religion; Drums; Folk Religion, article on Folk Buddhism;
Tribal peoples in Southeast Asia, mainly located in
Islam, article on Islam in Southeast Asia; Khmer Religion;
highland areas where they practiced swidden cultivation, did
Kingship, article on Kingship in East Asia; Lao Religion;
not remain totally isolated from the changes occurring in the
Megalithic Religion, article on Historical Cultures; Merit,
lowlands. A myth among many tribal peoples in the northern
article on Buddhist Concepts; Na¯gas and Yaks:as; Nats; Ne-
part of the region tells of a “lost book” or “lost writing.” The
grito Religions; Pilgrimage, article on Buddhist Pilrimage in
Kachin version of the myth is typical. Ninggawn wa Magam,
South and Southeast Asia; Sam:gha, article on Sam:gha and
the deity from whom humans acquired culture, called all the
Society in South and Southeast Asia; Stupa Worship; Thai
different tribes of humans together. To each tribe he gave a
Religion; Therava¯da; Vietnamese Religion.
book to help them in their lives. Shans and Burmans received
books written on palm leaves; Chinese and foreigners (i.e.,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Westerners) received books on paper; and Kachin received
Robert Heine-Geldern interprets archaeological and ethnographic
a book of parchment. The Kachin, not truly understanding
evidence with reference to a diffusionist thesis that posited
the significance of the book, ate it and have been without
the source of a prehistoric “megalithic complex” in Europe.
writing ever since. The myth reveals a sense on the part of
His most recent formulation of his position appears in
tribal peoples of being culturally deprived relative to those
“Some Tribal Art Styles in Southeast Asia,” in The Many
who have writing.
Faces of Primitive Art, edited by Douglas Fraser (Englewood
Cliffs, N.J., 1966), pp. 161–214. Kenneth Perry Landon, in
When tribal peoples have turned to expand their hori-
Southeast Asia: Crossroads of Religion (Chicago, 1969) and
zons, they have tended to do so through acquiring access to
Pierre-Bernard Lafont, in “Génies, anges et démons en Asie
the literature of their lowland neighbors. The Lawa, an Aus-
du Sud-Est,” in Génies, anges et démons (Paris, 1971), provide
troasiatic tribal people in Thailand, see themselves as Bud-
introductions to Southeast Asian religions in other than dif-
dhists, like their Northern Thai neighbors, but unable to
fusionist terms. By far the most detailed comparison of be-
liefs and practices relating to agriculture found among peo-
practice the religion in the hills where they have no monks
ples not only in mainland Southeast Asia but also on the
to instruct them. When they move down from the hills,
islands of the region is Eveline Porée-Maspero’s Étude sur les
however, they quickly transform themselves into Northern
rites agraires des Cambodgiens, 3 vols. (Paris, 1962–1969).
Thai. Mien, who are found more in southern China than in
Also see in this connection P. E. de Josselin de Jong’s “An
Southeast Asia, long ago developed a tradition of craft litera-
Interpretation of Agricultural Rites in Southeast Asia, with
cy, with ritual specialists being able to read Daoist texts in
a Demonstration of Use of Data from Both Continental and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8646
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: MAINLAND CULTURES
Insular Asia,” Journal of Asian Studies 24 (February 1965):
Perspectives, discusses the man:d:ala model, a model also dis-
283–291. A general introduction to Southeast Asian reli-
cussed at somelength under the rubric of the “galactic polity”
gions with reference to their social context is provided in my
by Stanley J. Tambiah in World Conqueror and World Re-
book The Golden Peninsula: Culture and Adaptation in Main-
nouncer (Cambridge, 1976).
land Southeast Asia (New York, 1977).
A. Thomas Kirsch in “Complexity in the Thai Religious System:
The volume Early South East Asia: Essays in Archaeology, History,
An Interpretation,” Journal of Asian Studies 36 (February
and Historical Geography, edited by R. B. Smith and William
1977): 241–266; Melford E. Spiro in Burmese Supernatural-
Watson (Oxford, 1979), contains information on prehistoric
ism, 2d ed. (Philadelphia, 1978); and Stanley J. Tambiah in
and protohistoric religion; the work also has a good bibliog-
Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-East Thailand
raphy. H. G. Quaritch Wales’s Prehistory and Religion in
(Cambridge, 1970) discuss the relationship between pre-
Southeast Asia (London, 1957), although dated and relying
Buddhist and Buddhist beliefs in Thai and Burmese religion.
too heavily on diffusionist theory, still remains the only work
Similar attention to pre-Sinitic religious beliefs in Vietnam-
to attempt a synthesis of prehistoric evidence. Per So
ese religion is given by Leopold Cadière in Croyances et pra-
⁄ rensen
reports on the find he interprets as evidence of prehistoric
tiques religieuses des Viêtnamiens, 3 vols. (Saigon and Paris,
shamanism in “‘The Shaman’s Grave,’” in Felicitation Vol-
1955–1958). See also Pierre Huard and Maurice Durand’s
umes of Southeast-Asian Studies Presented to Prince
Connaissance du Viêtnam (Paris and Hanoi, 1954).
Dhaninivat, vol. 2 (Bangkok, 1965), pp. 303–318. The
Kirk Endicott’s Batek Negrito Religion (Oxford, 1979) describes
model of the “cadastral cult” was advanced by Paul Mus in
the religion of the last remaining major population of hunt-
India Seen from the East: Indian and Indigenuous Cults in
ing-and-gathering people on the mainland. Karl Gustav Izi-
Champa, translated by I. W. Mabbett and edited by I. W.
kowitz’s Lamet: Hill Peasants in French Indochina (Göteborg,
Mabbett and D. P. Chandler (Cheltenham, Australia, 1975).
1951), Peter Kunstadter’s The Lua D (Lawa) of Northern Thai-
O. W. Wolters, in History, Culture, and Region in Southeast
land: Aspects of Social Structure, Agriculture and Religion
Asian Perspectives (Brookfield, Vt., 1982), proposes the no-
(Princeton, 1965), and H. E. Kauffmann’s “Some Social and
tion that “men of prowess” was a general type in prehistoric
Religious Institutions of the Lawa of Northwestern Thai-
and protohistoric Southeast Asia. His interpretation is based,
land,” Journal of the Siam Society 60 (1972): 237–306 and
in part, on A. Thomas Kirsch’s argument developed in a
65 (1977): 181–226, discuss aspects of religious life among
comparison of Southeast Asian tribal ethnography in Feasting
Austroasiatic-speaking tribal peoples. Among the more de-
and Social Oscillation: A Working Paper on Religion and Soci-
tailed accounts of the religions of Hmong (Meo) and Mien
ety in Upland Southeast Asia (Ithaca, N.Y., 1973). Kirsch, in
(Yao) peoples are Jacques Lemoine’s Yao Ceremonial Paint-
turn, has elaborated on the idea of oscillation between “dem-
ings (Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1982); Guy Morechand’s
ocratic” and “autocratic” chiefdoms first advanced by Ed-
“Principaux traits du chamanisme Méo Blanc en Indochine,”
mund Leach in Political Systems of Highland Burma (Cam-
Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient 54 (1968):
bridge, Mass., 1954).
58–294; and Nusit Chindarsi’s The Religion of the Hmong
Ñua (Bangkok, 1976). Theodore Stern in “Ariya and the
Vietnamese scholars have shown considerable interest in recent
Golden Book: A Millenarian Buddhist Sect among the
years in tracing the Southeast Asian origins of Vietnamese
Karen,” Journal of Asian Studies 27 (February 1968): 297–
civilization. Much of their work is discussed by Keith Weller
328, and William Smalley’s “The Gospel and Cultures of
Taylor in The Birth of Vietnam (Berkeley, Calif., 1983). The
Laos,” Practical Anthropology 3 (1956): 47–57, treat some as-
process of “indianization” and the relationship between this
pects of religious change among tribal peoples.
process and what H. G. Quaritch Wales called “local genius”
in the shaping of Southeast Asian religious traditions has
New Sources
Benjamin, Geoffrey, and Cynthia Chou, eds. Tribal Communities
been most intensively explored by George Coedès in The In-
in the Malay World: Historical, Cultural and Social Perspec-
dianized States of Southeast Asia, edited by Walter F. Vella
tives. Singapore, 2002.
and translated by Susan Brown Cowing (Canberra, 1968);
H. G. Quaritch Wales in The Making of Greater India, 3d
Do, Thien. Vietnamese Supernaturalism: Views from the Southern
rev. ed. (London, 1974) and The Universe Around Them:
Region. London, 2003.
Cosmology and Cosmic Renewal in Indianized Southeast Asia
Kipp, Rita Smith, and Susan Rodgers, eds. Indonesian Religions in
(London, 1977); O. W. Wolters in “Khmer ‘Hinduism’ in
Transition. Tucson, 1987.
the Seventh Century,” in Early South East Asia: Essays in Ar-
Lemoine, Jacques and Chiao Chien, eds. The Yao of South China:
chaeology, History and Historical Geography and in History,
Recent International Studies. Paris, 1991.
Culture and Region in Southeast Asian Perspectives (both cited
Morrison, Kathleen D., and Laura L. Junker, eds. Forager-Traders
above); Hermann Kulke in The Devaraja Cult, translated by
in South and Southeast Asia: Long-term Histories. New York,
I. W. Mabbett (Ithaca, N.Y., 1978); and I. W. Mabbett in
2002.
“Devaraja,” Journal of Southeast Asian History 10 (September,
Swearer, Donald K. The Buddhist World of Southeast Asia. Albany,
1969): 202–223; “The ‘Indianization’ of Southeast Asia: Re-
1995.
flections on Prehistoric Sources,” Journal of Southeast Asian
Tarling, Nicholas, ed. The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia.
Studies 8 (March 1977): 1–14; “The ‘Indianization’ of
Cambridge, 1992.
Southeast Asia: Reflections on the Historical Sources,” Jour-
nal of Southeast Asian Studies 8 (September 1977): 143–161;
Wijeyewardene, Gehan. Ethnic Groups across National Boundaries
and “Varn:as in Angkor and the Indian Caste System,” Jour-
in Mainland Southeast Asia. Singapore, 1990.
nal of Asian Studies 36 (May 1977): 429–442. O. W.
CHARLES F. KEYES (1987)
Wolters, in History, Culture and Region in Southeast Asian
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: INSULAR CULTURES
8647
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: INSULAR
islands some sailing skills were abandoned, but a coastal or
CULTURES
riverine orientation was generally maintained. During most
The cultures of insular Southeast Asia are made up predomi-
of their protohistory, Austronesian populations lived in im-
nantly of peoples speaking Austronesian languages, and the
permanent settlements and combined shifting cultivation
traditional religions of the area, despite substantial diversity
with hunting and gathering. The development toward cen-
and extensive borrowing from other sources, retain signifi-
tralized states began on Java, on the coast of Sumatra, and
cant features that reflect a common origin. Linguistic evi-
in several other coastal areas that were open to trade and out-
dence indicates that the point of origin of the languages of
side influences. Chief among these influences were religious
present-day Austronesians was the island of Taiwan (Formo-
ideas and inspiration that derived variously, at different peri-
sa) and possibly also the adjacent coastal region of southeast-
ods, from Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity.
ern China. The initial expansion of the Austronesians began
The earliest Hindu inscriptions found in insular South-
in the third millennium BCE and proceeded, by stages,
east Asia date from the fourth century CE; their location and
through the Philippines and the islands of Indonesia, then
composition, however, suggest a long period of prior regional
east to the islands of the Pacific, and eventually west as far
contact with Indian religious ideas. By the fifth century,
as the island of Madagascar.
Hinduism is reliably reorted to have been established on
In the first stage of this expansion, migrating Austrone-
Java, and by the sixth century, there is evidence of Buddhist
sian groups possessed a basic cultural technology that includ-
influence on Sumatra and Java, with the port of Srivijaya de-
ed the domesticated dog and pig, a knowledge of the cultiva-
veloping into a major Buddhist center of learning in the sev-
tion of rice, millet, and sugarcane, and a developing
enth century. Javanese monuments dating from the eighth
craftsmanship in pottery, weaving, and barkcloth making. At
to the fourteenth centuries indicate a lively development and
a later stage in the course of this continuing expansion, the
interrelation of Saivaite, Vaisnavite, and Buddhist traditions.
Austronesians developed further forms of cultivation involv-
By the thirteenth century, Islam had begun to spread
ing breadfruit, bananas, taro, and yams and the use of a vari-
through the islands and exert a major influence. By the fif-
ety of fruit-bearing or starch-yielding palms. By this time
teenth century, Catholicism had reached the region with the
they also possessed domesticated chickens and had developed
arrival of the Portuguese and Spanish, and by the sixteenth
sails for their canoes and some of the sailing techniques that
century, Protestantism had made its appearance with the
were to carry them from island to island. By about 2500 BCE
Dutch and English. In addition, the popular traditions of
they had expanded through the southern Philippines and
Taoism and Confucianism were brought to the region by
into Borneo and had begun to penetrate the islands of both
Chinese traders and settlers. Both individually and together
eastern and western Indonesia.
these religions have had a profound effect in shaping reli-
gious practice in the region.
Because this expansion involved a scattering of numer-
ous small groups through thousands of islands over several
At present, 88 to 89 percent of the Indonesian popula-
millennia, it gave rise to considerable linguistic and cultural
tion is classified as Muslim, although a significant portion
diversity. Earlier island populations were undoubtedly assim-
of this population, particularly on Java, still adheres to tradi-
ilated, although there is very little linguistic evidence on
tional practices that are not considered orthodox. In the Phil-
these peoples except for those in Melanesia.
ippines, approximately 84 percent of the population is Cath-
olic; 3 percent is Protestant; and a further 5 percent are
Regional variation is indicated by the various linguistic
classified as Aglipayan, followers of an independent Philip-
subgroups of Austronesian that are currently recognized.
pine Christian church. Muslims constitute a small minority
Formosan languages are distinguished from Malayo-
of approximately 5 percent in the Philippines, while Chris-
Polynesian languages within the Austronesian family and the
tians make up about 9 percent of the Indonesian population.
Malayo-Polynesian languages are divided into (1) a western
In Indonesia, Bali forms a traditional Hindu-Buddhist en-
subgroup that includes the languages of the Philippines, Bor-
clave but there has occurred a recent resurgence of Hinduism
neo, Madagascar, and western Indonesia as far as the island
on Java and elsewhere. Many members of the Chinese popu-
of Sumbawa, (2) a central subgroup that begins in eastern
lation of Indonesia are officially considered Buddhists, al-
Sumbawa and comprises the languages of the Lesser Sundas
though some continue to practice forms of Taoism or Con-
and most of the Moluccas, and (3) an eastern subgroup that
fucianism. A considerable portion are also Christian. Official
includes the languages of southern Halmahera and all of the
statistics from Indonesia and the Philippines thus indicate
languages of the Pacific.
only a small minority of the population in either country as
In the course of migration, natural ecological variation
official adherents of some form of traditional religion. In Sa-
as well as numerous outside influences led to the develop-
rawak and Sabah, adherents of tradition constitute a high
ment, emphasis, or even abandonment of different elements
percentage of the population of their local area, but in Ma-
of a general Neolithic culture. In the equatorial zones, for ex-
laysia as a whole they are a minority. In Brunei, similar
ample, reliance on rice and millet gave way to a greater de-
groups form an even smaller minority.
pendence on tubers and on fruit- and starch-gathering activi-
National policies of the countries of the region affect the
ties. As populations moved into the interior of the larger
practice of traditional religions. Indonesia gives official rec-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8648
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: INSULAR CULTURES
ognition only to Islam, Protestantism, Catholicism, Hindu-
in Sabah, the Dusun, Murut, and Lun Dayeh; all of these
ism, and Buddhism, with the result that in effect no tradi-
tribal populations and other small groups as well have under-
tional religion is regarded as a religion. In some areas a tacit
gone conversion to Christianity in varying degrees.
tolerance of traditional practices has developed, but in gener-
Other adherents of traditional religion are more difficult
al there is mounting pressure to assimilate to an officially rec-
to classify. Some form small enclaves, often consisting of no
ognized religion. On the basis of early cultural borrowings
more than a few villages, whose traditional practices repre-
and some similarity in forms of worship, various ethnic
sent nonacceptance of the dominant religion of their region.
groups have gained recognition of their traditional religion
Such groups would include the Badui (or Kanekes) of West
as a Hindu sect. In the Philippines, missionary efforts by
Java, the Tengger of East Java, and the Waktu Tiga villagers
both Catholics and Protestants have been directed to conver-
of Lombok. All of these three groups maintain special priest-
sion of the remaining adherents of tribal religions. In Sara-
hoods. Badui priests are confined to an inner territorial
wak and Sabah, there is pressure to convert to Islam as well
realm, whereas among the Tengger, there is one priest for
as to Christianity. In all the countries of the region the adher-
each of twenty-eight villages. Both groups claim to preserve
ents of traditional religions are minorities whose distinct
an “Agama Budha,” which refers not to a form of Buddhism
ways of life are under pressure to change. Generally, they par-
but to a pre-Islamic fusion of Indic and local practice. The
ticipate only at the margins of national life.
Tengger priests, for example, follow an ancient Saiva liturgy
The tribal religions of the region vary according to the
that is kept secret from the village population, who see their
groups that continue to practice them. These groups include
worship as an ancestral cult.
small, often isolated peoples whose economy is based primar-
Many of the millenarian movements that have occurred
ily on hunting and gathering with limited cultivation. Exam-
in Indonesia and the Philippines can be seen as religious
ples of such groups are the Sakkudei of the island of Siberut
movements and the communities of members of these move-
off the coast of western Sumatra; various wandering bands
ments, such as the Kesepuhan in West Java, the Samin of
of Kubu scattered in the interior forests of Sumatra; groups
Central Java, or the Rizalistas of Luzon, may also be consid-
of a similar kind in Kalimantan who are referred to generical-
ered as traditional religious adherents. In addition, many
ly as Punan; as well as a variety of other small-scale societies
other individuals and groups carry on traditional rituals
on other islands—the Agta and other Aeta of Luzon, the
under nominal adherence to another formally recognized re-
Batak of Palawan, the DaDa or To Lare of Sulawesi (Celebes),
ligion. On the island of Flores, for example, the people of
or the Alifuru groups, such as the Huaulu and Nuaulu, of
Tana Wai Brama continue to maintain their traditional cere-
Ceram in eastern Indonesia. Many of these groups, with
monial cycle, even though they are formally classified as
their simplified technology, no longer possess the range of
Catholics. The same is true for other populations, both
economic pursuits attributed to the early Austronesians.
Christian and Muslim, throughout the islands. Official sta-
Other adherents of traditional religions include the uncon-
tistics are therefore often misleading in assessing the extent
verted members of larger, economically and socially more
of traditional religious adherence.
complex populations: some Batak, particularly Karo, from
north Sumatra; Ngaju communities in Kalimantan; various
Studies of traditional religion, many of which have been
Toraja peoples in Sulawesi; as well as the Sumbanese,
written by missionaries or colonial administrators, document
Savunese, and Timorese in eastern Indonesia. Sumba has the
beliefs and practices that have since been either abandoned
distinction of being the only island in Indonesia where a ma-
or modified through the process of conversion. Significant
jority of the population profess to follow their traditional
evidence on traditional religion is also derived from present
religion.
practices and general conceptions that have been incorporat-
ed and retained in the major recognized religions in the
Some of these Indonesian populations have formally es-
course of their accommodation to the traditions of the
tablished religious associations to preserve their traditional
region.
practices and some have come to be identified as followers
of Hindu-Dharma, a status that affords them official govern-
Chief among these basic conceptions and practices are
ment recognition. This is one possibility available to mem-
the following: (1) the prevalence of complementary duality;
bers of the Toraja “Alukta,” the Batak “Pelbegu,” the Ngaju
(2) the belief in the immanence of life and in the interdepen-
“Kaharingan,” and the Bugis “Towani.”
dence of life and death; (3) the reliance on specific rituals to
mark stages in the processes of life and death; and (4) the cel-
In the Philippines, a majority of the indigenous peoples
ebration of spiritual differentiation. All of these notions may
in the mountains of northern Luzon (among them the Isneg,
be regarded as part of a common Austronesian conceptual
Ifugao, Bontok, Ibaloi, Kalinga, and Ilongot), in Mindoro
heritage.
(the Hanunoo, Buhid, and Alangan), and in the interior of
Mindanao (the Subanun, Bukidnon, Tiruray, Manobo, Ba-
THE PREVALENCE OF COMPLEMENTARY DUALITY. Forms of
gabo, and Mandaya) have retained their traditional religions
complementary dualism are singularly pervasive in the reli-
despite increasing missionary efforts. In Sarawak, similar
gions of the region. Such dualism figures prominently, for
tribal peoples include the Iban, Kayan, Kenyah, and Kelabit;
example, in a wide variety of myths of the origin of the cos-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: INSULAR CULTURES
8649
mos that combine themes of reproduction and destruction.
So plant an areca nut at her foot
Among the Ngaju of Kalimantan (Borneo) creation begins
And Soma Lopo has perished
when the mountain abodes of the two supreme deities clash
So plant a coconut at her head
repeatedly, bringing forth the upperworld and underworld
Let the coconut grow fruit for her head
and various of its parts; in the next phase of the creation,
And let the areca nut grow flowerstalks for her feet.
male and female hornbills of the two deities, perched on the
This parallelism, which is a common feature of oral composi-
tree of life, renew the struggle, destroying the tree but in the
tion, resembles in form the parallelism that is to be found
process creating the first man and woman. Among the Toraja
in the sacred literatures of other peoples of the world. (Both
of Sulawesi the universe originates from the marriage of
the Psalms and the Popol Vuh of the Quiche Maya provide
heaven and earth: Heaven lies upon the broad earth and, as
good examples of such canonical parallelism.) Myths of the
they separate, the land is revealed and all their divine chil-
Batak, of the people of Nias, of the Ngaju, Kendayan, and
dren, including the sun and moon, come forth. Among the
Mualang Dayak, of the Toraja, and of a majority of the peo-
Mambai of east Timor, a formless hermaphroditic being
ples of eastern Indonesia adhere to relatively strict forms of
molds and shelters Mother Earth and Father Heaven; they
parallelism, whereas the myths of other traditional religious
separate and the pregnant Mother Earth bears the first
adherents follow freer forms of parallel compositions. In all
mountain, known as the Great Father. Heaven descends
cases, a form of duality is an essential part of the very process
upon Earth again and from their union are born the first
of composition.
trees and rocks and the first men and women. At each birth,
Conceptions of complementary dualism continue to
the waters of the world increase, until Father Heaven eventu-
pervade even those societies that have adopted Hinduism,
ally abandons Mother Earth, who is left to decompose and
Islam, or Christianity. Balinese society is replete with dual-
disintegrate.
ism. The opposition between Barong and Rangda, which
Ideas of complementary duality are reflected in ideas
forms one of Bali’s best-known dramatic temple perfor-
about the principal divinity, who is often conceived of as a
mances, is a particularly striking example of complementary
paired being (Mahatala/Jata among the Ngaju, Amawolo/
dualism. The Javanese wayang, or shadow theater, is similarly
Amarawi among the Sumbanese, or Nian Tana/Lero Wulan
based on forms of dual opposition. Although the initial basis
among the Ata Tana Ai); in ideas about categories of spirits,
for many of the most important dramas was Indian, the Java-
heroes, and other ancestral figures; in ideas about the division
nese have developed and extended these dramas to suit local
of sacred space: upperworld and underworld, upstream and
conceptions. In the Bha¯ratayuddha (in the Javanese version
downstream, mountainward and seaward, or inside and out-
of the Hindu epic Maha¯bha¯rata), the Pandawa heroes defeat
side; and above all, in ideas about classes of persons and the
and destroy their cousins, the Korawa. Yet according to the
order of participants in the performance of rituals.
Korawasrama, an important Javanese text for which there ex-
Major celebrations based on this complementarity can
ists no Sanskrit equivalent, the Korawa are resuscitated to
become a form of ritual combat that reenacts the reproduc-
continue their struggle with Pandawa for, as the text asserts:
tive antagonisms of creation. To choose but one example, the
“How could the world be well ordered if the Korawa and
Savunese of eastern Indonesia gather on the day preceding
Pandawa no longer existed? Are they not the content of the
the night of a full moon to form male and female groups ac-
world?”
cording to lineage affiliation; they position themselves at the
BELIEF IN THE IMMANENCE OF LIFE. Virtually all of the tra-
upper and lower end of a sacred enclosure on the top of a
ditional religions of the region are predicated on a belief in
particular hill. There they engage in ceremonial cockfighting
the immanence of life. In the literature this concept is often
that is timed to reach its crescendo precisely at noon. This
simplistically referred to as “animism.” In traditional my-
high cosmological drama is based on a series of complemen-
thologies, creation did not occur ex nihilo: The cosmos was
tary oppositions: the conjunction of male and female, the
violently quickened into life and all that exists is thus part
union of the upper and lower divisions of the cosmos, and
of a living cosmic whole. Life is evident everywhere in a mul-
the antagonism of spirits of the mountain and sea, all of
titude of forms whose manifestation can be complex, par-
which are timed to climax when the sun is at its zenith and
ticularistic, but also transitory. There are many different
the moon at its fullest.
classes of beings, including humans, whose origin may be
identified in some mythological account but the system is in-
A significant feature of the traditional religions of the
herently open and other classes of beings may be recognized
region is the preservation of sacred knowledge through spe-
whose origin is unknown, even though their manifestation
cial forms of ritual language that are characterized by the per-
is evident. In many of the traditional religions there is no sin-
vasive use of parallelism. Parallelism is a form of dual phrase-
gle origin of humankind. Commonly, humans either de-
ology and, in its most canonical form, results in a strict
scended from a heavenly sphere or emerged from earth or
dyadic expression of all ritual statements. The following
sea; yet, often, the origin of some categories of humans is left
lines, excerpted from a traditional Rotinese mortuary chant,
unexplained. The openness of these systems does not neces-
give an idea of the parallelism of such ritual poetry:
sarily involve indifference so much as a recognition of the
Delo Iuk has died
limitations of human knowledge.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8650
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: INSULAR CULTURES
Although there exists an ultimate ground of identity to
inently in the religious activities of the living and the tombs
all manifestations of life, the traditional view makes no as-
of the dead are often sources of religious benefit. In some
sumption of identity or equality among particular manifesta-
areas, as on Sumba, the tombs of the dead occupy the
tions. The result is a general acceptance of a plurality of be-
center of the village; elsewhere they form the focal point of
ings and at the same time, especially in the mystic traditions
pilgrimage.
elaborated in Java, a recognition of the oneness of the indi-
The chief sacrificial animals in the traditional religions
vidual with the whole in the commonality of life.
are the chicken, the dog, and the pig (although among those
The traditional religions differ markedly, however, in
populations that keep them the water buffalo is by far the
their classification of categories or classes of beings. Priests
most important sacrificial animal). Sacrifice generally in-
of the Ifugao, for example, are reported to be able to distin-
volves creative analogies on an ordered scale. The people of
guish over fifteen hundred spirits or deities, who are divided
Nias, who perform spectacular pig sacrifices, describe them-
into forty classes. By contrast, the Rotinese recognize two
selves as “God’s pigs.” In the mortuary ceremonies of the
broad classes of spirits—those of the inside and those of the
Toraja, the sacrificial water buffalo is identified with the de-
outside—and are only concerned with naming the spirits of
ceased but, in other contexts, can represent the entire descent
the inside. The traditional religions also differ significantly
group. Among the Rotinese, as among other peoples of
in attitudes to the spirit world. For some, all spirits are poten-
Southeast Asia, the water buffalo can also be analogically
tially malevolent and must be placated; in others, benevolent
identified with the whole of the cosmos and sacrifice can thus
spirits are called upon to intervene against troublesome spir-
be conceived as a reenactment of creation.
its. In the majority, however, attitudes vary according to
The entrails of chickens and the livers of pigs frequently
types of spirits. The result is a kind of spiritual empiricism
provide a means of divination within a sacrificial context.
in which various ritual procedures are employed as experi-
These forms of divination, as well as others, such as the augu-
ments to see what occurs. Often this is highly individualistic:
ry of birds or divination by spear, together with spirit posses-
What works for one person may not work for another. In
sion form part of a complex revelatory process by which hu-
general, all traditional religions aim to achieve some form of
mans seek to interpret the wishes and intentions of the spirit
ritual balance that accords each category of life its appropri-
powers.
ate due.
RITUALS OF LIFE AND DEATH. The rituals of the different
Although rarely accorded philosophical justification ex-
traditional religions of the region invariably constitute part
cept in the more consciously elaborate traditional religions,
of a continuing process or cycle and are primarily concerned
there exists the underlying assumption that, since all is part
with the enhancement of life, either the life of particular per-
of a whole, any part can stand for the whole. Among the sim-
sons or the life of large collectivities, including that of the
plest but most common microcosmic representations of the
cosmos as a totality. Life-cycle rituals mark the process of life
macrocosm are rock and tree, whose union is variously inter-
and death. They may be seen to begin with marriage—the
preted as the primordial source of life and as the progenitori-
union of male and female—and proceed through specific
al conjunction of male and female. Other representations
stages. Prominent among these rituals are those that mark
abound. Ceremonial space may be constructed to mirror the
the seventh month of a woman’s pregnancy, haircutting,
whole: Villages, houses, or ships may be symbolically ar-
tooth filing, circumcision (which may have had a pre-Islamic
ranged on a macrocosmic basis, or particular objects, such
origin but has been given increased significance through the
as the kayon that is held up to begin and end a wayang perfor-
influence of Islam), the coming of adulthood through mar-
mance, the four-cornered raga-raga rack that hangs suspend-
riage, and the formation of an autonomous household,
ed in a traditional Batak house, or merely a flag and flagpole,
which in many societies centers on the celebration of the
can be vested with all-embracing cosmic significance. Fre-
completion of a house. In numerous societies, tattooing is
quently, the human body itself may represent the whole of
a physical marking of this process of development and special
the cosmos. All such representations have a potency that is
tattoos are used to identify individuals who can claim out-
centered, ordered, and ultimately diffused outward.
standing achievements. Often tattoos are regarded as a pre-
requisite for admission as well as individual identification in
A fundamental feature of the traditional religions is
the world after death.
their recognition that life depends upon death, that creation
derives from dissolution. This is the emphatic theme of most
Death rituals are part of the same process as those of life
myths of creation and is repeated in origin tales and in much
and in general are celebrated throughout the region with
folklore. In widespread tales of the origin of the cultivation
great elaboration. Death rituals are also performed in stages
of rice, millet, or of various tubers, for example, the first
commencing with burial and continuing sometimes for
sprouts or shoots of the new crop come from the body of
years. Such rituals are believed to chart, or even effect, the
some ancestral figure. Moreover, since life comes from death,
progress of the spirit of the deceased in its journey or eleva-
the ancestral dead or specific deceased persons, whose lives
tion through the afterworld. Major celebrations often occur
were marked by notable attainments, are regarded as capable
long after initial burial, when only the bones of the deceased
of bestowing life-giving potency. Thus the dead figure prom-
remain. These bones, separated from the flesh, may either be
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: INSULAR CULTURES
8651
reburied in a special sepulcher or reunited in a single tomb
In social terms, these spiritual premises are conducive
with the bones of other members of the descent group. Often
to notions of precedence and hierarchy. No society in the re-
the groups involved in performing these mortuary rituals
gion is without some form of social differentiation. Even in
complete and reverse the exchanges that began at the mar-
the simplest of tribal societies the birth order of the children
riage ceremony of the parents of the deceased, thus ending
of the same parents becomes a means for such distinctions.
one phase and beginning the next phase of a continuing
In many societies—perhaps a majority of the societies of the
cycle. On Bali, a Hindu cremation marks a comparable stage
region—forms and degrees of differentiation are endowed
following a similar pattern, whereas in Java and elsewhere,
with considerable importance. The populations of many of
despite an Islamic requirement of immediate burial, the spir-
these societies regard themselves as derived of different ances-
its of the dead are given regular offerings and the tombs of
tral origins or even of different classes of creation. Thus, for
former great rulers and leaders are prominent places of
example, the ranked class structures of the Ngaju of Kali-
pilgrimage.
mantan, of the Bugis of south Sulawesi, or of the peoples of
Sumba or Tanimbar in eastern Indonesia are all predicated
A feature of many of the rituals of life and death is their
on distinct creations.
botanic idiom, which reflects a common Austronesian agri-
cultural inheritance. The rituals describe a process of plant-
Equally, the same spiritual premises may promote no-
ing, growing, and ripening into old age; after the harvest
tions of achievement. A recurrent image of life involves the
comes the renewal of the cycle with the planting of new seed.
metaphor of the “journey of achievement.” Myths recount
Thus the rituals of the life cycle often parallel those of the
the founding journeys of the ancestors, folk tales extol the
agricultural cycle. Conceptually they are part of the same
attainments of heroic journeys, and dreams and séances can
process.
take the form of a spiritual journey. Furthermore, many so-
cieties encourage a period of journeying in early adult-
Headhunting was once a prominent feature of the social
hood as a means of gaining knowledge, wealth, fame, and
life of many of the peoples of the region. Although this form
experience.
of limited warfare was given various cultural interpretations,
Literally and spiritually, individuals are distinguished by
headhunting was frequently linked in rituals to the general
their journeys. Rank, prowess, and the attainment of wealth
cycle of death and renewal. In this sense, headhunting was
can be taken as evident signs of individual enhancement in
a form of “harvest” in which particular individuals were able
a life’s odyssey, and this enhancement may be celebrated
to achieve great reknown.
through major rituals, both in life and after death. In many
THE CELEBRATION OF SPIRITUAL DIFFERENTIATION. In the
traditional religions, mortuary rituals and the feasting that
traditional religions of the region, there is no presumption
generally accompanies them are the primary indicators of a
of identity attached to any of the manifestations of life. Cre-
person’s social and spiritual position and are intended to
ation produced myriad forms of being and the processes of
translate this position into a similarly enhanced position in
life that began in the past continue to the present. Generally,
the afterlife. These rituals invariably invoke a journey, often
not even humankind is credited with a single origin or source
described as the sailing of the ship of the dead, and by these
of being. The result is an essential openness to life, a basic
rituals the living act to accord the deceased a proper spiritual
acceptance of life’s many manifestations, and ultimately a
position. (Often heaven or the underworld are considered to
celebration of spiritual differentiation.
have many layers through which the soul of the dead wanders
to find its proper abode.)
The tendency in most traditional religions is to person-
In return for the performance of the mortuary ritual, the
alize whatever may be considered a manifestation of life. In-
deceased ancestor becomes capable of returning benefits to
cluded among such manifestations are the heavenly
the living. In ancient Java, these ideas were given an Indic
spheres—the sun, moon, and stars; the forces of nature—
interpretation in the mortuary elevation of rulers to identifi-
thunder, lightning, or great winds; points of geographical
cation with S´iva or the Buddha. Similar ideas still underlie
prominence—high mountain peaks, volcanic craters, water-
major temple rituals on Bali, megalithic tomb building
falls, caves, or old trees; places endowed with unusual signifi-
among the Sumbanese, the spectacular mortuary ceremonies
cance as the result of past occurrences—sites of abandoned
and cliff burial of the SaDdan Toraja, or the simple, less ob-
settlement, a former meeting place of some spirit, or the
trusive rituals of rock and tree elsewhere in the archipelago.
point of a past, powerful dream; and simpler iconic represen-
tations of life—ancient ancestral possessions, royal regalia,
Today throughout insular Southeast Asia, the basic
amulets, and other objects of specially conceived potency.
premises of traditional religions are under challenge from re-
Veneration for all such objects is accorded to the potency
ligions such as Islam and Christianity that preach transcen-
that the objects are considered to possess, but only as long
dence in place of the immanence of life and assert spiritual
as this potency is evident. Confrontation with any new
equality rather than celebrate spiritual differentiation. These
source of unknown power requires a kind of ritual empiri-
religions are also under challenge from modernizing national
cism to discover precisely what is that power’s appropriate
governments that insist upon bureaucratic homogeneity and
due.
positive rationalism. Yet despite present pressures, traditional
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8652
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN INSULAR CULTURES
ways of thinking and acting continue to show remarkable re-
McAmis, Robert Day. Malay Muslims: The History and Challenge
silience and continuity with the past.
of Resurgent Islam in Southeast Asia. Grand Rapids, Mich.,
2002.
SEE ALSO Balinese Religion; Batak Religion; Bornean Reli-
Schiller, Anne Louise. Small Sacrifices: Religious Change and Cul-
gions; Buddhism, article on Buddhism in Southeast Asia;
tural Identity among the Ngaju of Indonesia. New York, 1997.
Bugis Religion; Drama, article on Javanese Wayang; Islam,
Wessing, Robert, and Roy E. Jordaan. “Death at the Building
article on Islam in Southeast Asia; Javanese Religion; Mega-
Site: Construction Sacrifice in Southeast Asia.” History of Re-
lithic Religion, article on Historical Cultures; Melanesian
ligions 37 (1997): 101–121.
Religions, overview article; Toraja Religion.
JAMES J. FOX (1987)
Revised Bibliography
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A useful starting point for the study of Southeast Asian religions
is Waldemar Stöhr and Piet Zoetmulder’s Die Religionen In-
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: NEW
donesiens (Stuttgart, 1965). A French translation of this vol-
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN INSULAR
ume is available: Les religions d’Indonésie (Paris, 1968). Stöhr
CULTURES
examines various specific traits of the tribal religions of Indo-
Uprisings with religious content have occurred throughout
nesia and the Philippines on a regional basis, while Zoet-
insular Southeast Asian history, but religious movements
mulder provides a succinct introduction to Hinduism, Bud-
dhism, and Islam in Indonesia, together with an excellent
show a distinctive focus. They are not anarchic protests but
discussion of the Balinese religion. Stöhr has since extended
organized efforts, of national or international scope, to
his general examination in Die Altindonesischen Religionen
achieve reforms or some other positive objective. Such move-
(Leiden, 1976). Both volumes have extensive and useful bib-
ments are apparent especially since the beginning of this cen-
liographies. The general study of animism by the Dutch mis-
tury. By limiting the discussion to such movements, we can
sionary-ethnographer A. C. Kruijt, Het animisme in den In-
at least begin to summarize a complicated fabric of history
dischen archipel (The Hague, 1906), is of historic interest as
in which local processes are as varied as they are fascinating.
is the study of the Batak religion by the German missionary
For the sake of simplicity, it is convenient to group the myri-
Johannes G. Warneck, Die Religion der Batak (Leipzig,
ad insular Southeast Asian religious movements under the
1909). Three studies of particular traditional religions by
three streams of religious tradition from which they draw,
Leiden-trained anthropologists emphasizing features of com-
in part, their inspiration: Buddhism and Hinduism, Islam,
plementary duality are Richard Erskine Downs’s The Reli-
gion of the Bare De-Speaking Toradja of Central Celebes (The
and Christianity. These are discussed with reference to the
Hague, 1956), Hans Schärer’s Ngaju Religion, translated by
major island or peninsular areas of Southeast Asia: Indonesia,
Rodney Needham (1946; reprint, The Hague, 1963), and
Singapore, Malaysia, and the Philippines.
Peter Suzuki’s The Religious System and Culture of Nias, Indo-
HINDU-BUDDHIST MOVEMENTS. The first important twen-
nesia (The Hague, 1959). Roy F. Barton has provided con-
tieth-century Hindu-Buddhist movement was Budi Utomo
siderable documentation on the Ifugao, including a study of
(“high endeavor”) founded in 1908 by three students from
their religion, The Religion of the Ifugaos (Menasha, 1946);
the colonial Netherlands Indies medical school (STOVIA).
Clifford Geertz has contributed enormously to the study of
The movement gained early adherents in other colonial tech-
Java, particularly with an influential book, The Religion of
Java (Glencoe, Ill., 1960). Our understanding of traditional
nical schools, those for veterinarians and engineers, suggest-
religions has also been greatly enhanced by a series of recent
ing that the Western technical training was leaving the native
ethnographies: Erik Jensen’s The Iban and Their Religion
students without any cultural or religious grounding, and
(Oxford, 1974), Michelle Z. Rosaldo’s Knowledge and Pas-
that such grounding is what they sought in movements like
sion (Cambridge, 1980), Gregory L. Forth’s Rindi (The
Budi Utomo. Budi Utomo hoped to revitalize the deeply
Hague, 1981), and Peter Metcalf’s A Borneo Journey into
cherished Hindu-Buddhist-Javanist core of the Indonesian
Death (Philadelphia, 1982), as well as by a number of as yet
identity, so that a meaningful and respectable alternative
unpublished Ph.D. dissertations: Elizabeth Gilbert Traube’s
could be found to the values offered by the West. Looking
“Ritual Exchange among the Mambai of East Timor” (Har-
to India’s Rabindranath Tagore and Mohandas Gandhi as
vard University, 1977), Robert William Hefner’s “Identity
inspirations in the revival of these traditions, Budi Utomo
and Cultural Reproduction among the Tengger-Javanese,”
(University of Michigan, 1982), E. D. Lewis’s “Tana Wai
was controlled by the aristocracy and intelligentsia and never
Brama” (Australian National University, 1982), and Janet
gained a broad popular following, although it had amassed
Alison Hoskins’s “Spirit Worship and Feasting in Kodi,
some ten thousand members within a year of its founding.
West Sumba” (Harvard University, 1984).
Another movement, Taman Siswa (“garden of learn-
New Sources
ing”), has a cultural grounding similar to that of Budi
Gibson, Thomas. Sacrifice and Sharing in the Philippine High-
Utomo, but, unlike the earlier movement, it emphasized ed-
lands: Religion and Society among the Buid of Mindoro. Lon-
ucation. Taman Siswa was founded by Suwardi Surjaningrat,
don and Dover, N.H., 1986.
later known as Ki Hadjar Dewantara (“teacher of the gods”).
Kipp, Rita Smith, and Susan Rodgers, eds. Indonesian Religions in
Inspired by Tagore as well as such critics of Western ed-
Transition. Tucson, 1987.
ucation as Maria Montessori, Dewantara founded schools
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN INSULAR CULTURES
8653
designed to restore lost traditions and identities by combin-
Asian Muslims, many of whom remained in the Near East
ing Western and Javanist-Hindu-Buddhist values. Taman
for study, to make the pilgrimage to Mecca. By the begin-
Siswa schools taught the Javanese arts to encourage the child
ning of the twentieth century, several Malay, Indonesian,
to express its inner identity, and they encouraged a family
Arab, and Indian citizens of insular Southeast Asia had come
like school community in which students and teachers were
under the influence of the proponent of Islamic modernism,
mutually involved as “brothers in learning.” By 1940, De-
Muhammad Abduh of Cairo’s al-Azhar center of learning.
wantara had succeeded in building some 250 schools
Returning to Singapore or other ports of embarkation and
throughout the islands, some of which survive today.
disembarkation to the Near East, these students founded
schools, journals, and associations that spread through the
A third major Hindu-Buddhist movement is really
islands and were known as the Kaum Muda (“new faction”)
many movements and cannot be reduced to any single date
of Southeast Asian Islam.
of founding. These are known as kebatinan, from the Java-
nese word (of Arabic origin) batin, meaning “inner.” Some-
Pressing for a return to the fundamental truths of text
thing in the range of one thousand different kebatinan sects
and tradition, the QurDa¯n and the h:ad¯ıth, while rejecting the
now flourish, primarily on Java, most founded since the be-
authority of teachers, scholars, and the ornate speculations
ginning of the twentieth century but rooted in practices and
of medieval Islam, modernists extolled the method of itjiha¯d:
beliefs that go back to the beginnings of the Javanese Hindu-
analysis of the original Arabic scriptures in order to read for
Buddhist civilizations in the eighth century CE.
oneself the word of God. Paradoxically, the return to scrip-
ture stimulated an advance to modernity, at least in certain
The aim of Javanese kebatinan is to mute the crude feel-
respects. Folk practices that were not in the text were excised,
ings and perceptions of the material world in order to experi-
while proper reading was held to demonstrate an Islamic
ence the underlying reality that is simultaneously god, self,
basis for modern economics, science, medicine, and law. In
and cosmos. The techniques are ascetic practice (abstinence
what they themselves termed a “reformation” (reformasi), the
from food, sleep, or sex), philosophical and psychological
devout Muslim could rediscover a pure identity and inspira-
speculation, and meditation. Guidance in kebatinan meet-
tion while equipping himself for the challenges of modernity.
ings is provided by a teacher who is believed to possess charis-
matic and sacral qualities. The objective is not only to reach
Gaining impetus first in Singapore, where returning
ultimate truth but also to balance and unify the self and, in
scholars founded such still-existing schools as Alsagoff, the
this way, the wider society and world. Some kebatinan move-
Kaum Muda encountered resistance in Malaya but spread
ments, such as Subud, have established branches in the West,
rapidly throughout the islands of Indonesia. Of the many In-
while others, such as Sumarah, have attracted Westerners to
donesian organizations standing for the Kaum Muda view-
Java; but, on the whole, kebatinan movements remain a
point, the most successful is the Muh:ammad¯ıyah, founded
quintessentially Javanese phenomenon.
in 1912 by Kiai H. A. Dahlan, in the court city of Jogjakarta,
Java. Muh:ammad¯ıyah worked not only to purify Islamic
While Budi Utomo, Taman Siswa, and kebatinan are
practice to accord with QurDa¯n ic teaching but also in educa-
primarily Javanese movements, Balinese Hinduism has been
tion and welfare, building a large system of schools as well
an important stimulus for a revival of Hindu traditions as an
as clinics, orphanages, and hospitals. Muh:ammad¯ıyah has
organized movement spreading through Java as well as Bali.
been notable, too, in the strength of its women’s movement,
Associated with this Neo-Hinduism is a Neo-Buddhism that
Aisjajah. Having survived periods of turmoil and repression,
claims as a root the only surviving folk-Buddhist population,
Muh:ammad¯ıyah now boasts some six million members.
the Tengger, who live near Mount Bromo on Java. The In-
donesian Buddhist Association claims to have built ninety
In reaction to Kaum Muda, the so-called Kaum Tua
monasteries and acquired fifteen million adherents since
(“old faction”) took steps to cement its cherished traditions,
1965 (when, following the massacre of an estimated half-
which the reformers threatened to sweep away. In Malaya,
million so-called Communists, all Indonesians were required
where Islam was identified with the state, the old could be
to declare some explicit religion or risk being branded atheis-
buttressed simply by stiffening the established hierarchy of
tic and, therefore, Communist). These revivals, which hold
Islamic officialdom. In Indonesia, lacking such an establish-
massive celebrations at such revered monuments as Lara
ment, reaction took the form of a counterreformation. In
Janggrang and Borobudur, combine indigenous Bali-Java
1926, Indonesian traditionalists founded the Nahdatul
traditions with Hindu-Buddhism.
Ulama (“union of Muslim teachers”) to withstand the threat
MUSLIM MOVEMENTS. Where the Hindu-Buddhist move-
of reformism. Ruled by a dynasty centered around a famous
ments of insular Southeast Asia have been confined primarily
religious school in East Java, Nahdatul Ulama has out-
to Java and Bali, the Muslim movements have ranged more
stripped Muh:ammad¯ıyah in gaining support from the rural
widely: throughout the three thousand miles of Indonesian
masses. While Nahdatul Ulama’s membership is larger, its
islands and into Singapore, Malaysia, and the southern Phil-
organization is looser, and this organization has not equalled
ippines. The stimulus for these movements was the opening
Muh:ammad¯ıyah in educational and welfare activities.
in 1870 of the Suez Canal and associated increase in steam-
CHRISTIAN MOVEMENTS. Although significant Christian
ship travel, which encouraged great numbers of Southeast
populations are found in Indonesia—especially among the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8654
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN INSULAR CULTURES
Batak, the Amboinese, the Toraja, and the Minahas—and
ernment party, but in this highly modernized, formally plu-
among the Chinese throughout insular Southeast Asia, the
ralistic society, religious movements have not played a post-
only Christian nation is the Philippines. More than 80 per-
war role equal to that in the other insular Southeast Asian
cent of the Philippine population is Roman Catholic but an
nations.
estimated 350 distinct Christian bodies exist there today,
In all of these countries, religious movements were
many of which could be termed “movements.” Most signifi-
dominant sources of nationalism and creative ferment in the
cant, perhaps, is the Iglesia Filipina Independiente (IFI, or
early twentieth century. Later, as the impetus toward inde-
Philippine Independent Church). The foundations for this
pendence was seized by more purely political movements,
offshoot of the Roman Catholic church were laid during the
the religious movements became relatively less important.
Philippine revolt against Spain in 1896, but the IFI was offi-
After independence was achieved, the regimes in these coun-
cially founded in 1902 by Gregorio Aglipay, who became its
tries (especially the two largest, Indonesia and the Philip-
first archbishop. When the Spanish were defeated, the Filipi-
pines) have tended to become authoritarian, while religious
no priests of the IFI took over parishes held by the friars and
movements (such as the Muslim fundamentalists) have
achieved a membership of 1.5 million, or 25 percent of the
eclipsed the Communists and others as the locus of aspira-
Christian population. Highly nationalistic, the IFI has been
tion independent of the government. The beginning of the
known to raise the Philippine flag at the time of the consecra-
twenty-first century could parallel the beginning of the twen-
tion of the Host in the Mass.
tieth, in that the stage is set for religious movements to re-
At one time the IFI canonized José Rizal, the Filipino
sume their earlier role as a reformative force independent of
novelist and nationalist martyr, and other movements, too,
the central power.
deify Rizal as a Christ of the Malays. An example is Iglesia
SEE ALSO Buddhism, article on Buddhism in Southeast
in Cristo, founded in 1914 by Feix Manalo and now a highly
Asia; Christianity, article on Christianity in Asia; Gandhi,
organized movement based on a special method of medita-
Mohandas; Islam, article on Islam in Southeast Asia; Ta-
tion. Another Rizalist group, Lapiang Malaya, attacked the
gore, Rabindranath.
city of Manila in 1967. Believing themselves immune to bul-
lets, they provoked the police and military into violent reac-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
tion and thirty-three of them died. Such movements fuse
An outstanding account of religiously grounded uprisings before
Christian inspiration with nativism, nationalism, and mille-
the twentieth century is P. B. R. Carey’s Babad Dipanagara:
narianism, often opposed to westernization, modernization,
An Account of the Outbreak of the Java War, 1825–1830
and oppression.
(Kuala Lumpur, 1981). Other excellent accounts for Java in-
clude Sartono Kartodirdjo’s The Peasants’ Revolt of Banten in
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY IN
1888: Its Conditions, Course and Sequel; A Case Study of Social
INSULAR SOUTHEAST ASIA. At different periods and in differ-
Movements in Indonesia (The Hague, 1966). For Sumatra,
ent places, these religious movements have contributed dif-
see Christine Dobbin’s Islamic Revivalism in a Changing
ferently. Most of them, regardless of affiliation, were inspira-
Peasant Economy: Central Sumatra, 1784–1847 (London,
tional catalysts in giving rise to the striving for independence
1983).
and modernity that led to the more directly political nation-
On Budi Utomo, see Bernard H. M. Vlekke’s Nusantara: A Histo-
alist movements that began in the early twentieth century
ry of Indonesia, rev. ed. (The Hague, 1959), pp. 348–391.
and culminated in the independence of these new nations
On Taman Siswa, see Ruth T. McVey’s “Taman Siswa and
soon after World War II. Since independence, their role has
the Indonesian National Awakening,” Indonesia 4 (October
1967): 128–149; on Sumarah, David Gordon Howe’s “Su-
varied. In Indonesia, the Muslims have generally acted as an
marah: A Study of the Art of Living” (Ph. D. diss., University
oppositional force complementing the government, while
of North Carolina, 1980); on kebatinan, J. A. Niels Mulder’s
the Hindu-Buddhist streams have either fed into the Javan-
Mysticism and Daily Life in Contemporary Java: A Cultural
ist-oriented national culture and government or provided
Analysis of Javanese Worldview and Ethics as Embodied in Ka-
personal fulfillment outside the governmental arena.
batinan and Everyday Experience (Amsterdam, 1975).
In Malaysia, the Muslims have identified more strongly
For Islamic reformism in Malaya and Singapore, see chapters 2
with the government, while Hindu-Buddhism has not
and 3 of William R. Roff’s The Origins of Malay Nationalism
claimed a place in the national political culture equal to that
(New Haven, 1967). For Indonesia, see Taufik Abdullah’s
Schools and Politics: The Kaum Muda Movement in West Su-
of Hindu-Buddhism in Indonesia. In the Philippines, Islam
matra, 1927–1933 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1971); my Muslim Puri-
has been oppositional, entrenched in the south against Chris-
tans: Reformist Psychology in Southeast Asian Islam (Berkeley,
tian incursions identified with the national polity; Christian-
1978); and, specifically for Muhammadiyah, see Howard M.
ity has been identified more with governmental authority, al-
Federspiel’s “The Muhammadijah: A Study of an Orthodox
though Christianity, too (exemplified by such movements as
Islamic Movement in Indonesia.” Indonesia 10 (October
the Christians for National Liberation and church support
1970): 57–79.
of Corazon Aquino during her rise to power in 1986), has
A good summary of the religious situation in the Philippines can
had an oppositional role. In Singapore, the Muslims have
be found in David Joel Steinberg’s The Philippines: A Singu-
played an oppositional role in relation to the dominant gov-
lar and a Plural Place (Boulder, Colo. 1982.)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
8655
For an overview of contemporary movements, see Robert W. Hef-
systems and institutions discussed here indeed still exist
ner’s (ed.) The Politics of Multiculturalism: Pluralism and Cit-
widely but are not the sole beliefs or practice of whole popu-
izenship in Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia (Honolulu,
lations.
2001); Raymond L. M. Lee’s and Susan E. Ackerman’s Sa-
cred Tensions: Modernity and Religious Transformation in Ma-
CONCEPTS OF GOD. Throughout southern Africa there is an
laysia (Columbia, S.C., 1997); and Tony Day’s Fluid Iron:
apprehension of God as a numinous being associated with
State Formation in Southeast Asia (Honolulu, 2002).
light, brightness, and sheen. God may be represented by a
J
high mountain glittering with snow, a tree symbolizing the
AMES L. PEACOCK (1987 AND 2005)
mountain, or a sacred grove. There is a lively belief in the
survival of the dead and in their power over the living, a
power closely akin to that which living senior kinsmen have
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS
over their juniors. There is a belief in medicines—material
This entry consists of the following articles:
substances which can be manipulated for good or ill, healing
AN OVERVIEW
or murder, and which include poisons put in food as well
SOUTHERN BANTU RELIGIONS
as ointments which are rubbed on the body to make a hunt-
er’s aim true, a warrior “slippery,” a candidate successful in
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN
examinations, or a choir or rugby team victorious in compe-
OVERVIEW
tition. Everywhere the power of evil is feared—a power
There is a basic similarity in religious practice, symbols, and
thought to be incarnate in certain persons or familiars they
ideas throughout southern Africa, from Uganda to the south-
control, which is called witchcraft. The notion of witchcraft
ern sea, from the east coast to Cameroon. This is the area
involves the personification of anger, hate, jealousy, envy,
in which Bantu languages are spoken, and there is a link,
lust, and greed—the negative feelings which people observe
though no absolute coincidence, between language family
in themselves and in their neighbors. All these beliefs are gen-
and religious symbolism. Some of the religious symbols of
eral, but they appear in infinite variety, modified by kinship
Africa also occur in Europe: The divine king of the Ganda,
and political structure, by economy, and by poetic imagina-
the Bemba, the Nyakyusa, and the Zulu appeared in the
tion, and they have changed through time.
Grove of Nemi in ancient Italy and in Stuart England; but
How clearly God is distinguished from the first human,
there are many other symbols of more limited provenance,
or from the founding heroes of a particular lineage, also var-
such as fire, symbol of lordship or authority, and blowing out
ies with place and time. Among some peoples, at least, the
water, or “spitting,” a symbol of the confession of anger and
distinction became clearer as outside contacts extended and
the act of forgiveness and goodwill.
the known world was no longer confined within a frame of
Religious belief in southern Africa can best be under-
kinship. Over many centuries Hebrew, Christian, and Islam-
stood through its symbolism, for religion here is expressed
ic ideas of God, with their symbolism of monotheism and
more through drama and poetry than through dogma or
of God on high, have impinged on other ideas in Africa, no-
theological speculation. The invisible is embodied in tangible
tably the association of the dead with the earth; in some
symbols which are bent to human purposes. Hence attention
places a process of change may be traced over the past hun-
must focus on the rituals celebrated.
dred years.
Among any one people there are likely to be dominant
Throughout southern Africa God has been remote, ap-
symbols which recur in one ritual after another, and full un-
proached only by exceptional priests or by the “elders.” The
derstanding of them depends upon analysis of the whole ritu-
dead are regarded as alive, and it is the shades, or ancestors,
al cycle. Examples of such symbols are the mudyi tree (with
the senior dead kin, who are the mediators between humani-
a milky latex), which among the Ndembu represents
ty and divinity, communicating human needs to the divine.
matriliny, motherhood, and womanhood, and the plantain
Prayer or direct offerings to God himself rarely occur in tra-
and sweet banana—the leaves, flowers, fruit, succoring
ditional practice, but awe of God is constantly manifested,
stem—which among the Nyakyusa represent male and fe-
as fear of contamination, as a distancing of humanity from
male respectively. These symbols are as obvious to a Nyakyu-
God, and avoidance of such emblems of sacred power as the
sa as the skirt and trousers used to differentiate gender on
thunderbolt, the tree struck by lightning, and the python in
washroom signs are to a European or an American.
the grove. One does not speak readily of God, and one speaks
The present tense is used for observations made during
of him not at all if he is near. Once, when this writer was
the twentieth century (with some references to earlier observ-
at school in London, a fellow student (later a head of state
ers); but since rapid change is going on throughout Africa
in Africa) started in his seat when this writer was so rash as
and since traditional African practice exists side by side with,
to discuss lightning on a day when the Lord was muttering
and interacts with, modern Christian and Islamic practice,
overhead. Unusual fecundity, such as twin birth, is also of
this article should be read in conjunction with others in the
God and fearful, hence twins and their parents are isolated
encyclopedia. What is described here is but a fragment of
from the normal village community and, because of their di-
current religious practice in southern Africa: The symbolic
vine connection, they function as “herds” to drive off storms.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8656
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
Gabriel M. Setiloane, himself a Methodist minister, ar-
The living and the dead are so closely associated in
gues cogently in The Image of God among the Sotho-Tswana
southern Africa that it is common for a man’s heir (a brother,
(Rotterdam, 1976) that the first missionary to the Tswana,
son, or sister’s son) and a woman’s heir (a sister, daughter,
Robert Moffat (the father-in-law of David Livingstone), mis-
or brother’s daughter) to take the property, the name, the so-
understood the Tswana language (into which he translated
cial position, and the responsibilities of the deceased. Hence
the New Testament) and hence the Tswana experience of
one may be told that the holder of some office—a priest,
God. But it is John V. Taylor who shows, in The Primal Vi-
chief, king, or senior kinsman—is “Mswati the third” (or
sion, that in Africa God is both there and not there, that he
tenth, as the case may be). A founding hero frequently has
is both sought and rejected. Bishop Taylor fastens upon the
a living representative in this sense, a “divine king,” that is,
“significance of this ambivalence,” saying that humans have
a ruler or priest on whose health and virility the health and
been aware of the numinous and their dependence upon it
fertility of men, cattle, and land are thought to depend. Even
but have sought to separate themselves from it.
into the twentieth century, a divine king who was ailing or
feeble would be smothered—he must “die for the people”—
SHADES. Among southern African peoples shades are of two
and then be replaced.
categories: the dead senior kin (male and female) of each
family or lineage and the founding heroes. Family shades are
Founding heroes typically are associated with a bed of
relevant only for their junior kin who celebrate “rituals of
reeds, from which the first man is said to have sprung; with
kinship”; founding heroes (male or female) have relevance
a river source along the watershed between the Zambezi and
for political units, that is, chiefdoms, groups of chiefdoms,
Kongo rivers; with a pool in one of the rushing rivers of the
or regions which honor a hero and his or her descendants
south; with a hole in the ground (from which men and cattle
in “communal rituals.” The ancestors of a ruling lineage,
emerged) on the dry edge of the Kalahari Desert; or with a
where one exists, commonly claim descent from the found-
grove of trees. Like family shades, heroes are of the earth and
ing hero; or the hero may be thought of as a benefactor or
water, not of the sky. The place of celebration has moved as
prophet who left no descendants but who is celebrated in
groups of kinsmen have moved, as chiefs have been installed
some grove or cave by a lineage or priests. The ancestors of
and later buried, and as trees planted as boundary marks or
a chief, it is believed, retain power over the country they once
on graves have spread into thickets.
ruled, so in addition to rituals for founding heroes there may
RITUAL LIFE. Communal rituals are of various sorts, includ-
be a series of offerings to past chiefs.
ing offerings to the founding heroes, their living representa-
Like God, the shades are associated with brightness,
tives, and chiefly descendants. Such offerings are celebrated
light, radiance, and whiteness. Among the Zulu and Xhosa
by the leading men of the region, chiefdom, or village. The
a gray-leafed helichrysum, whose leaves and pale gold flowers
common people know little of the details; they are aware
both reflect light, is linked with the shades; in Pondoland
only that a celebration has taken place.
“the medicine of the home” is a small, yellow-flowered sene-
But there is also a type of purification ritual that con-
cio which gleams in the veld. The beads offered to shades and
cerns everyone. Sometimes it is linked to a celebration of first
worn by a diviner, novice, or pregnant bride are white, and
fruits; at other times it is accompanied by a military review.
when an animal is slaughtered and offered to the shades, the
At the break of the rains in tropical Africa, or at the summer
officiants wipe their hands in the chyme, a strong bleaching
solstice farther south, and in any general emergency such as
agent. But again, as with God, contact with the shades is seen
plague or war, the people may be called upon to purify them-
to be somehow contaminating. A shade must be “pushed
selves, to sweep the homesteads, throw out the old ash from
away a little”; it must be kept from continually “brooding”
hearths, and rekindle new fire. Among at least some peoples
over humans as a hen broods over its chicks. The dead must
everyone is expected to “speak out,” that is, to confess anger
be separated from the living and then “brought home,” that
and grudges held against neighbors and kin, or against fellow
is, transformed.
priests and leading men. It is a spring-cleaning of hearts and
minds as well as homesteads.
Although they are numinous, the shades are held in far
less awe than is God himself. To many Africans the shades
In the Swazi kingdom today—as formerly in other
are constantly about the homestead, evident in a tiny spiral
Nguni kingdoms and chiefdoms on the southeastern coast
of dust blowing across the yard or through the banana grove,
of Africa—all the men of the country, and many women
or in the rustling of banana leaves; thought to be sheltering
also, gather at the time of the summer solstice to celebrate
near the byre or in the shade of a tree, or sipping beer left
the first fruits and strengthen their king, while regiments
overnight at the back of the great house. Their presence is
dance and demonstrate their loyalty. The Zulu form of this
so real in Pondoland that (into the twentieth century) a wife
ritual was powerfully interpreted by Max Gluckman (1954)
of the homestead carefully avoids the yard and the byre
as a “ritual of rebellion,” but it now seems that this early anal-
where men sit, even at night, lest the shades be there, and
ysis was based on a mistranslation. According to Harriet
as she walks through a river associated with her husband’s
Ngubane (1977), a Zulu anthropologist, the key phrase used
clan she lets her skirts trail in the water, for to tuck up her
in the ritual expresses a rejection of pollution: “What the
skirts would insult his shades.
king breaks to pieces and tramples upon is a gourd that sym-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
8657
bolizes the evil of the past year.” This exactly parallels rituals
offering milk or a slaughtered animal. If the people cultivate,
farther north for “cleansing the country” in which the popu-
beer is added. Among banana-eating peoples the altar is set
lation of entire regions “throw out the rubbish,” especially
in a plantain grove, at the base of a succoring stem which rep-
ashes from all the hearths, and distribute newly kindled fire.
resents the patrilineage; among hunting peoples it may be a
The Ngonde (Malawi) chant: “Let us dance, let us fight that
tree or branch on which are placed trophies of the chase. To
the homesteads may be peaceful. . . . Let us throw out the
the Lele, who live on the southern edge of the equatorial for-
ashes that death may leave the homesteads and they be at
est belt, the forest is holy and is associated with men; the
peace.” Close analysis shows that such rituals symbolically
grassland, where villages are built, has no prestige and is asso-
cast out the anger in people’s hearts. The Taita of Kenya cele-
ciated with women. Among other peoples the cleavage is be-
brate a similar rite of casting out anger, as Grace Harris
tween the open pastureland or bush (the veld) and the vil-
(1978) has shown.
lage; or, within the village itself, between the byre and its
These cleansing rites speak repeatedly of ridding the
gateway-where prayer and offerings are made and men gath-
people of “the dirt” of the past year. The similarity to ancient
er—and the great hut occupied by the senior woman of the
Hebrew rituals is obvious, although published reports from
homestead. But everywhere the hearth and house, especially
southern Africa make no mention of any symbolism having
the doorway of the house, are sacred also, for among some
to do with driving out a scapegoat. Rather, the symbols
peoples explicitly, and probably for all implicitly, the house
which recur here are those of heat and coolness. Heat is asso-
represents the mother, the hearth stands for the marriage,
ciated with pollution, which in turn is closely associated with
and the doorway is the passage through which children are
anger and sexual activity; coolness is associated with rain,
born. Taboos surrounding the hearth, the fire, and the whole
tranquility, and purification. These symbols are familiar to
reproductive process may be seen as an expression of the holi-
all Sotho-Tswana-speaking peoples and to others also.
ness of normal fertility and procreation, processes which are
thought to be controlled by the shades.
Throughout southern Africa communal rituals have to
do with rain, especially the dramatic “break of the rains,” so
Offerings to the shades consist of staple foods, especially
eagerly awaited after the dry season. Local rituals celebrate
choice foods such as a tender cut of beef eaten by the one
seedtime and harvest; the firing of pasture to destroy unpalat-
on whose behalf prayer is made (the same cut from the right
able grass and bush which harbor tsetse flies; game drives or
foreleg is used by peoples from Tanzania to the southern
a fishing battue; murrain or plague; war and peace; the coro-
coast of Africa); a libation of fermented milk or beer; a sprin-
nation of a chief and/or the handing over of power from one
kling of flour or porridge; seeds of pulses, cucurbits, and
generation to the next. Details of such celebrations vary both
grains. A strongly pastoral people will cling to the symbolism
with economy and with political structure. Regional rituals
of slaughtering an animal—shedding blood—even when
may involve the distribution of once-scarce goods, such as
they live in a city. White goats may yet be seen grazing on
salt and iron tools, which in former times were brought to
the outskirts of the African quarters of Cape Town, or one
the shrine from beyond the boundaries of the political unit.
may see them being led along a country road or wandering
The priests who brought the goods were sacred people:
about on some modern farm where African laborers are em-
Among the Nyakyusa these priests traveled in safety, an-
ployed. They are there to be used as offerings at times of
nouncing their status by drumbeat. Other rituals may be
birth or death, sickness or initiation, when meat from the
connected with the growth of chiefdoms. J. Matthew Schof-
butcher will not suffice; at such times informed authority
feleers has written about the spread of the Mbona cult with
turns a blind eye. The beer poured out may be made of sor-
the development of MangDanga chiefdoms in Malawi.
ghum, millet, bananas, bamboo, or even maize or cassava,
KINSHIP RITUALS. Unless they concern a royal family, the
which reached the coasts of Africa only in the sixteenth cen-
rituals of kinship have no political overtones. They are cele-
tury and parts of the interior only in the nineteenth century.
brated on the great occasions of a person’s life: at birth and
Whatever the material used, the intention of the offer-
death, at maturity and marriage. In southern Africa each
ing is the same: The shades are called to feast, and what is
family or lineage directs its celebrations to its own dead se-
offered is a communion meal for living and dead kinsmen.
nior kinsmen, who are not sharply distinguished from living
If an ox has been slaughtered or much beer brewed, friends
seniors. The living may indeed be referred to by the term for
and neighbors will be asked to gather with the kinsmen, but
a shade as they grow old. In 1931 in Pondoland this writer
they do not share in the sacred portions set aside for kin, who
heard the word itongo (“a shade”) used in reference to an el-
first eat and drink in a place set slightly apart from the main
derly father’s living sister. Living as well as dead seniors are
gathering. At an offering to the shades it is essential that kins-
thought to bring sickness, sterility, and other misfortunes—
men be present—the range of kin summoned depending
even failure to secure a job or a residence pass—on insolent,
upon the gravity of the occasion—and that they be loving
quarrelsome, or neglectful juniors.
and charitable to one another. Any quarrels must be admit-
Family rituals vary with the economy, for the place of
ted and resolved. This writer has heard the officiant at such
the shrine and the form of the offering depend upon the sta-
a ritual urging all the kinsmen present to “drink up and speak
ple foods. Among a pastoral people the altar is the byre, the
out.” Sometimes a funeral feast, or a feast celebrating the re-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8658
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
turn of a prodigal son to his father, may seem like a cursing
Americans. Setiloane describes the vitality of such rites in
match as one after another participant admits “anger in the
Sotho-Tswana families of professing Christians.
heart,” a grudge against kinsmen. This writer heard individu-
All the kinship rituals, but especially funerals, are an af-
al women complain that they had not been received with due
firmation of kinship and the unity of the extended family,
respect by a brother’s wife when they visited and the broth-
and the efficacy of the ritual depends upon the presence, in
er’s wife reply that her sister-in-law had been seen picking
love and charity, of a network of kin. Exactly who is involved
and stealing, taking green food from the garden as she passed
varies both with the people—be they Ndembu, Bemba,
through, and so forth. Unspoken anger, festering in the
Zulu, or Sotho—and with the occasion. The celebrations are
heart, is thought both to be the root of witchcraft and to in-
a strong conservative force, for the health and well-being of
validate an offering to the shades, for quarreling between
the whole kinship group is thought to depend on “following
kinsmen infuriates the shades.
the customs of the ancestors” in observing the ritual. This
When an offering is made, an officiant, usually the se-
is evident even in a city.
nior man of the lineage, or occasionally a dead father’s sister
Maturity rituals have many aspects; the extent to which
or a grandmother of the homestead, addresses the shades,
any one aspect is stressed varies from one society to another.
calling them by name, explaining why the offering has been
This article has classed maturity rituals as religious, since they
made—that is, what is troubling the homestead—and re-
are explicitly concerned with fertility, which in turn is con-
questing help. The calling of ancestors by name is in itself
trolled by the shades; often they involve an offering and invo-
a form of praise, and the manner of speech is that used in
cation to the shades, whose blessings are sought. Frequently,
the presence of a senior kinsman, or (as among the Nguni)
perhaps always, there is a symbolic death, a period of seclu-
that used to honor a chief. Prayer and praise are here barely
sion when the novice must observe taboos associated with the
distinguishable.
world of the dead, which is followed by a rebirth after which
The occasions of family rituals are constant throughout
he or she returns to ordinary life. The rituals are viewed as
the area: death and birth, especially abnormal birth such as
a proper prelude to, if not a condition of, marriage and pro-
that of twins; maturity, whether physically or socially de-
creation. Rituals of maturity for boys often (but not invari-
fined; marriage; misfortune and serious illness; reconciliation
ably) involve circumcision: Those for girls may or may not
after a quarrel; and the first fruits that the family celebrates
involve clitoridectomy or some lesser operation.
after the national or regional ritual. Thanksgiving rituals also
Circumcision is most often celebrated for a group, and
occur, particularly after escape from danger in war or hunt-
those who have endured this rite together share a bond for
ing, or on the return home of a migrant laborer or a person
life. The boys’ group may become a unit in the army, and
released from imprisonment; and there are rituals invoking
in areas where the political structure is based on age, its
blessing for an important new tool such as a plough, but
members may graduate together as elders holding legal and
these are less general than the rituals of life crises. Everywhere
administrative office, and finally, as old men, share ritual
the death rituals persist through time and are adapted to the
functions. Where there are chiefs, a royal youth is sought to
new economy. In the south funeral parlors with facilities for
lead each circumcision group, and those circumcised with
keeping a corpse exist even in some country districts, and fu-
him become his closest followers. The circumcision school
nerals are delayed until close kin, scattered at work centers,
draws a youth out of the immediate network of kin and es-
can gather. Sometimes the corpse of a town worker who has
tablishes links with scattered contemporaries and political
not visited the country for years is brought “home” to the
authority, links sometimes expressed in an esoteric language
country to be buried. Great numbers of people come to
known only to those initiated.
mourn, and, relative to the family’s earnings, enormous sums
are spent on traveling, funeral expenses, and food for guests.
Girls’ initiation, on the other hand, is most often an in-
Many guests bring a contribution of money, but even so the
dividual celebration at the first menstruation, and wider links
family may be crippled financially. Whether a man has been
with contemporaries or political authority are not treated as
buried in a Johannesburg township or a remote village, as of
important. But among a few peoples, notably the Sotho-
1982 family status still depended on lavish expenditure just
Tswana and the neighboring Venda in precolonial times,
as it did among the Nyakyusa in 1935, when a hundred cat-
girls’ initiation was a group affair with political implications;
tle might be slaughtered on the death of a rich chief.
a women’s regiment was linked to a men’s regiment, and,
like its male counterpart, it might be called out for public
Although funerals have been adapted to the new econo-
service.
my, they include certain traditional rites, notably a washing
and purification rite after the burial and a lifting of mourn-
Maturity rituals are everywhere concerned with incul-
ing after about a year. Among the Nguni peoples of the
cating respect for authority: respect for seniors, shades,
southeast coast a commemoration dinner may replace the
chiefs, and respect of a wife for her husband. A man must
rite of “bringing home” the shade and implies an awareness
learn to keep secrets and never reveal the affairs of his chief
of the continuing existence of the dead which is much greater
or the secrets of the lodge. A woman likewise must learn to
than that experienced by many contemporary Europeans and
hold her tongue; she must not create conflict through gossip
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
8659
or reveal the affairs of her husband. Often there are taboo
these rituals do not occur at all, and among peoples with a
words and riddles with a set answer, knowledge of which are
long tradition of distant trade, such as the Shona and Tson-
taken as proof of initiation. In Chisungu Audrey I. Richards
ga, possession is often interpreted as being the work of an
(1956) admirably demonstrates the use of songs, mimes, de-
outsider, not that of a family shade. This phenomenon has
signs, and models to inculcate in a Bemba girl the proper be-
appeared recently among the Zulu, as Harriet Ngubane
havior of a wife. Always the rituals instruct the novice in the
(1977) has shown, and, according to John Beattie (1969),
behavior required of an adult man or woman, and a transfor-
it exists among the Nyoro of Uganda as well.
mation from childish behavior to responsible behavior is
expected.
Diviners are thought to be in a peculiarly close relation-
ship with their shades, who reveal themselves in dreams and
The rituals assert the authority of a senior generation
trances. Communication with the shades is fostered by
over a junior: The initiated secure the young novice’s sub-
cleansing and purging, observance of taboos (including sexu-
mission through the pain of an operation, beating, scolding,
al abstinence), fasting, isolation in the bush, offerings to the
and threats, or by playing upon the novice’s fear of the un-
shades, and dancing to clapping or drums. The emotion is
seen and longing to become an honored and fertile man or
often intense when, with an insistent beat of clapping pro-
woman. The ritual creates a fraternity or sorority of those
vided by a packed crowd, a novice speaks of what she has
who have undergone the ordeal: Those who have not under-
seen in dreams. In Western society the closest analogue to
gone it are outsiders, but all who have endured are free to
the diviner in this respect is the medium, and among some
participate in the admonition of their juniors. A determina-
peoples—notably the Shona of Zimbabwe—a state of trance
tion to use circumcision rites to bolster civil authority was
undoubtedly occurs. Even though it may be a stranger spirit
made explicit in October 1981 when the Ciskei, later an “in-
who possesses the medium, she remains in close contact with
dependent state” on the border of the Republic of South Af-
her family shades.
rica, passed legislation empowering a chief to compel a
young man to be circumcised, on the ground that “it is well
Most mediums deal with the domestic problems and
known that circumcision causes irresponsible youths to be-
health of clients who come to consult them. Occasionally,
have in a responsible manner.” This happened at a time
however, a medium may influence public events, as did Non-
when opposition by school boys and students to Ciskeian po-
gqause, the Xhosa girl who in 1856 urged all Xhosa on the
litical authority was intense.
eastern frontier of the Cape of Good Hope to kill their cattle
and destroy their grain, prophesying that when they did so
Why maturity rituals have survived among some peo-
the dead would rise up and sweep the whites into the sea,
ples but not others, or for one sex but not the other, in fast-
or the Shona medium who in 1898 urged resistance against
changing societies can only be demonstrated by analyzing
whites in what is now Zimbabwe. During the colonial period
historical events in particular areas. What is certain is that
old prophecies of the coming of whites were repeatedly re-
in some areas changes in practice have occurred since the
corded, and these may be seen partly as a reconciliation of
eighteenth century, rites spreading or being abandoned; but
old and new. To at least some Nyakyusa Christians, such
there is also eyewitness evidence from survivors of wrecks on
prophecies were evidence of the reality—“the truth”—of an-
the southeastern coast of Africa which suggests minimal
cient institutions, the prescience of past prophets. Had not
change in circumcision rites among Xhosa and Thembu peo-
the prophecy been fulfilled?
ples over three centuries.
WITCHCRAFT. In southern African belief, evil does not come
CULTS OF AFFLICTION, SPIRIT POSSESSION, AND DIVINA-
from the shades, who are essentially good. They discipline
TION. Besides the cycle of rituals associated with families and
erring descendants, sending sickness or sterility if they have
the birth, maturity, and death of individuals, and the cycle
been starved (for in a real sense the shades partake of the
celebrated for a chiefdom or region, there is a cycle of rituals
communion meal—that is, the beer and flesh—and are satis-
for those individuals “called” by their shades to become di-
fied by it) or neglected, not informed of a marriage, or af-
viners, or for sufferers whose sickness has been relieved by
fronted by the quarrels of their juniors. But they are con-
what Victor Turner has called a “ritual of affliction.” Cults
cerned about the welfare of their children and are held to be
or guilds are formed of those who have suffered a particular
the source of blessing. Rather, evil comes from another
travail and been cured by a particular ritual. Their experience
source: witchcraft. It is thought to be embodied in a ser-
entitles them to participate in any celebration for a sufferer
pent—a “python in the belly” (Nyakyusa), a “snake of the
of the same category. Rituals for diviners who have been
women” (Pondo); or it takes the form of a baboon, or a fabu-
called (as opposed to herbalists who learn certain medicines)
lous hairy being with exaggerated sexual organs (Xhosa), and
and rituals of affliction are much less widespread than those
so forth. Such creatures are as real in imagination as was the
for birth, maturity, and death, or those for a chiefdom or re-
pitchfork-wielding Devil to the medieval European, and like
gion. They are not contained within the frame of kinship or
him they walk the earth seeking those whom they may de-
locality and seem to have proliferated with trade and travel,
vour. The witch familiars (and witchcraft generally) personi-
but of that process not much is yet known. What is certain
fy the evil recognized as existing in all humans, specifically,
is that among some isolated peoples (such as the Nyakyusa)
anger, hatred, jealousy, envy, lust, greed. Even sloth appears,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8660
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
in the belief that certain evil people have raised others from
confessions have at times been extracted forcibly (through a
the dead to work their fields for them.
poison ordeal or torture), since the recovery of the victim is
held to depend upon the witch’s confession and subsequent
The form of witch belief varies with the social structure,
expression of goodwill toward the victim.
as does the relationship of victim and accused, for the points
of friction in a society vary with the form of residence and
RITUAL, ORDER, AND THE RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE. Analy-
economic cooperation (i.e., who lives and works together),
sis of ritual is important in any study of religion, for ritual
the occasions of competition, and the location of authority.
enshrines the dogma and values of participants. There is al-
Injury is thought to come from those with whom one has
ways a gap between the values expressed and everyday prac-
quarreled: a co-wife, mother-in-law, half sibling, fellow em-
tice, but ideals and ideas of ultimate reality are embodied in
ployee, rival claimant for inheritance, affine claiming mar-
ritual action. In southern Africa there is constant emphasis
riage cattle, litigant in court against whom judgment has
on fertility—of human beings, stock, and fields; on health;
been given, or fellow priest. In some societies it is mostly
on goodwill between kinsmen and neighbors; on amity
women, poor men, and juniors who are accused; but in socie-
among the ruling men of the region; on respect of juniors
ties where egalitarian values are stressed the rich man is sus-
for seniors and the responsibility of seniors toward their de-
pect, as is the successful grower of cash crops who is thought
pendents; on the continuation of life after death.
to have attracted the fertility of his neighbors’ fields to his
Order exists in the universe, and the natural and social
own. The one legitimately greater than the commoner (i.e.,
orders are felt to be interrelated: As in King Lear, disharmony
the chief) may covet the cattle of a wealthy stock owner, who
in the world of humans is reflected both in the world of phys-
is then accused of some wrongdoing—or so outsiders have
ical elements and in the tempest within a person’s mind—in
thought.
madness. If the divine king breaks a taboo, drought or flood
Again and again during the colonial period, “witch-
may follow; if the ritual for a widow or a nubile girl is ne-
finding” movements arose when some prophet would call on
glected, she may become distraught. Right order is expressed
his people to reject evil, to purge themselves of witchcraft
in traditional custom, and in their essence, rituals—whether
and medicines used for sorcery. Over large regions people in
positive action or negative avoidance—express the sacredness
fact complied, bringing out horns of medicines or other ob-
both of physiological processes, that is, menstruation, co-
jects to throw publicly on a pyre and implicitly or explicitly
ition, parturition, and death, and of the approved relation-
admitting evil in themselves and expressing goodwill to all.
ships of men and women, old and young, leaders and follow-
The bamucapi movement which swept through what are
ers. Both family and communal rituals are occasions of
now Zambia, Malawi, and parts of Zimbabwe and Tanzania
emotion, and the celebrations themselves arouse emotion, as
in 1934 was followed by a somewhat similar movement in
is obvious to any observer who listens to the drumbeat and
much the same area (but with greatest influence in what is
watches the dancing. Rituals, then, channel emotion and
now Tanzania) between 1956 and 1964. Long before these
teach the mourner, the adolescent, or the parent what it is
movements arose, the Xhosa of the eastern Cape frontier had
proper to feel. Nyakyusa mourners were required to express
repeatedly been urged to purify themselves and reject witch-
the passion of grief and fear to the men “fighting death” in
craft. In 1856 Nongqause, a sixteen-year-old medium, re-
the war dance and to widows, mothers, and sisters weeping
ported to the noted diviner Mhlakaza, her father’s brother,
violently and smearing themselves with ash and mud; but the
that the shades had told her they would come to the rescue
rituals reveal little of the actual experience of the individual.
of their Xhosa descendants in their long war with whites over
land on the eastern frontier, on condition that the living pu-
Any understanding of religious experience must come
rify themselves and kill all their cattle. In the famine that en-
primarily from what individuals report of their own lives.
sued, twenty thousand people died. There is no evidence that
Firsthand accounts are meager, but there is evidence that an
such revivalist movements began in the colonial period: They
awareness of the numinous exists. The talk of priests hints
may well have happened periodically before that, although
at their fear of a grove in which a founding hero or chief has
certain characteristics of movements in colonial times, nota-
been buried; at a communion meal of living and dead kins-
bly millennialism, were related to Christian missionary
men, there is a sense that the shades are present and that the
teaching.
participants find satisfaction in their company; people speak
of the comfort felt in a moment of danger when a man or
People are known to confess to the practice of witch-
woman has called on the shade of a parent or grandparent
craft, usually following an accusation and pressure to confess.
and sensed its presence; the fear aroused by a nightmare may
One young mother in Pondoland explained to this writer
be interpreted as the attack of a witch. Dreams are indeed
that her baby had at first refused to nurse because she had
the most common experience of the unseen, and so real that
had a witch-lover (who appeared in the form of a young man
in recording the experiences of southern Africans I often had
she named). The mother had then confessed, complying
to ask, “Were you asleep or awake when this happened?”
with the instructions of the midwives and giving her account
Those closest to their shades, and hence most aware of the
precisely in terms of current beliefs; she was now being
numinous, are the hereditary priests, or rainmakers, and di-
cleansed, and the baby was nursing all right. In some areas
viners who have been “called” and who practice as mediums.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
8661
SEE ALSO Affliction, article on African Cults of Affliction;
Kenyatta, Jomo. Facing Mount Kenya (1938; New York, 1962).
Bemba Religion; Central Bantu Religions; Interlacustrine
A valuable firsthand account of Kikuyu ritual and belief.
Bantu Religions; Khoi and San Religion; Kongo Religion;
Mbiti, John S. African Religions and Philosophy. New York, 1969.
Luba Religion; Mbona; Ndembu Religion; Nyakyusa Reli-
Mbiti, John S. Concepts of God in Africa. London, 1970. Useful
gion; Shona Religion; Swazi Religion; Tswana Religion;
on the concept of time in East Africa. Makes clear that ances-
Witchcraft, article on African Witchcraft; Zulu Religion.
tors are not worshiped; offerings to them are family celebra-
tions with the “living dead.”
BIBLIOGRAPHY
To supplement the relatively few works cited in the text, the works
McAllister, P. A. “Work, Homestead and the Shades: The Ritual
listed herein range over all parts of the enormous area of
Interpretation of Labour Migration among the Gcaleka.” In
southern Africa. Many of the books cited here were written
Black Villagers in an Industrial Society, edited by Philip
by missionaries, who provided most of the early published
Mayer, pp. 205–253. Cape Town, 1980. Evidence on a very
evidence of the traditions of peoples in the area.
conservative section of Xhosa on the southeast coast.
Beattie, John, and John Middleton, eds. Spirit Mediumship and
Middleton, John, and E. H. Winter, eds. Witchcraft and Sorcery
Society in Africa. London, 1969. Firsthand accounts by
in East Africa. London, 1963. Essays based on firsthand ob-
trained observers of spirit mediums in thirteen African socie-
servation.
ties, with a comparative introduction.
Ngubane, Harriet. Body and Mind in Zulu Medicine. London,
Berglund, Axel-Ivar. Zulu Thought-Patterns and Symbolism. Lon-
1977. Particularly illuminating on the ancestors and illness,
don, 1976. By far the best study of the symbolism of an
pollution, color symbolism in medicine, and possession by
Nguni people (on the southeast coast), written by a mission-
evil spirits. An important work by an observer whose mother
ary who grew up speaking Zulu as a second language.
tongue is Zulu.
Bernardi, Bernardo. The Mugwe: A Failing Prophet. London,
Ranger, T. O., and Isaria N. Kimambo, eds. The Historical Study
1959. A competent account of a hereditary priest in Meru,
of African Religion. Berkeley, Calif., 1972.
Kenya, written by a Consolata priest who was a missionary
Richards, Audrey I. “A Modern Movement of Witch-finders.” Af-
in the area.
rica 8 (October 1935): 448–461. Describes the bamucapi
Callaway, Henry. The Religious System of the Amazulu (1870). Re-
movement of 1934.
print, Cape Town, 1970. Contains valuable statements of
Richards, Audrey I. Chisungu: A Girl’s Initiation Ceremony among
belief by Zulu. Includes Zulu texts and English translations,
the Bemba of Northern Rhodesia. London, 1956. The most
with notes, by the Reverend Canon Callaway, a Zulu-
vivid account yet written on girls’ initiation; interprets sym-
speaking missionary who sought to understand traditional
bols and explains methods of inculcating certain lessons.
ideas.
Roscoe, John. The Baganda. London, 1911. Written by a mission-
Colson, Elizabeth. The Plateau Tonga of Northern Rhodesia. Man-
ary who worked closely with James G. Frazer. Includes an ac-
chester, 1962. One volume of a longterm study by an an-
count of founding heroes and rituals at their shrines.
thropologist; gives an account of ancestral spirits and rain
shrines.
Setiloane, Gabriel M. The Image of God among the Sotho-Tswana.
Rotterdam, 1976.
Crawford, James R. Witchcraft and Sorcery in Rhodesia. London,
1967. Based on records of court cases.
Smith, Edwin W., and Andrew Murray Dale. The Ila-Speaking
Peoples of Northern Rhodesia (1920). 2 vols. Reprint, New
Douglas, Mary. The Lele of the Kasai. London, 1963. A brilliant
Hyde Park, N.Y., 1968. Smith was a missionary, Dale a mag-
essay on Lele symbolism, first published in African Worlds,
istrate, and both were very competent linguists. They lived
edited by Daryll Forde (London, 1954).
among the Ila of the Zambezi from 1902 and 1904, respec-
Douglas, Mary. Natural Symbols. New York, 1970. Discusses the
tively, until 1914. The sections on religion are chiefly the
relationship between symbols and inner experience.
work of Smith, who later served as president of the Royal An-
Douglas, Mary, ed. Witchcraft Confessions and Accusations. New
thropological Institute, London. The book is a classic of early
York, 1970. Sets witch beliefs in comparative perspective.
African ethnography.
Fortes, Meyer, and Germaine Dieterlen. African Systems of
Smith, Edwin W., ed. African Ideas of God. London, 1950. A sym-
Thought. London, 1965.
posium with twelve contributors and an introductory essay
Gluckman, Max. Rituals of Rebellion in Southeast Africa. Manches-
by Smith. Five contributors refer to southern Africa.
ter, 1954.
Swantz, Marja-Liisa. Ritual and Symbol in Transitional Zaramo So-
Hammond-Tooke, W. David. Boundaries and Belief: The Struc-
ciety, with Special Reference to Women. Uppsala, 1970. An ac-
ture of a Sotho World View. Johannesburg, 1981.
count of the ritual and symbolism of the Zaramo of the Tan-
Harris, Grace Gredys. Casting Out Anger: Religion among the Taita
zanian coast. “Every occasion of prayer,” Swantz argues, “is
of Kenya. Cambridge, 1978. A discussion of rejection of
a restatement of the position of the family in relation to their
anger, through spraying out water or beer, as the central reli-
elders and to their present leadership and authority.”
gious act among the Taita.
Taylor, John V. The Primal Vision: Christian Presence amid African
Junod, Henri A. The Life of a South African Tribe. 2d ed., rev. &
Religion. Philadelphia, 1963. A penetrating study based on
enl. 2 vols. London, 1927. A classic by a missionary; first
Taylor’s experience in Uganda and elsewhere in Africa.
published as Les Ba-Ronga (1898; reprint, New Hyde Park,
Turner, Victor. The Forest of Symbols. Ithaca, N.Y., 1967. This
N.Y., 1962).
volume was followed by Turner’s The Drums of Affliction
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8662
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: SOUTHERN BANTU RELIGIONS
(Oxford, 1968), The Ritual Process (Chicago, 1969), and
Venda, but their lands still lie principally in Mozambique.
Revelation and Divination in Ndembu Ritual (Ithaca, N.Y.,
In spite of these people’s cultural diversity, their ceremonies
1975); together they constitute a profound study of Ndembu
as well as their conceptions of the world have sprung from
ritual and symbolism.
the same fundamental cosmology, either through derivation
Willoughby, William C. The Soul of the Bantu. New York, 1928.
from a common heritage or else from interactions.
Based on the experience in Botswana of a missionary who be-
A THERMODYNAMIC CONCEPTION OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND
lieved that “ritual is a variety of the vernacular.”
OF THE UNIVERSE. The opposition between hot and cold is
Wilson, Monica. Reaction to Conquest. London, 1936. Includes
fundamental to many different rites found among the south-
eyewitness accounts of animal offerings and prayers to the
eastern Bantu-speaking peoples. J. D. Krige and Eileen Jen-
shades.
sen Krige have shown the importance of this opposition
Wilson, Monica. “Witch Beliefs and Social Structure.” American
among the Lovedu. In effect, heat upsets equilibrium and
Journal of Sociology 56 (January 1951): 307–313.
causes dysphoria. To end severe drought, ward off the dan-
Wilson, Monica. Rituals of Kinship among the Nyakyusa. London,
gers associated with premature birth, and heal sickness, a
1957. This work and its companion volume, Communal Rit-
cooling treatment is applied. This is also done after the birth
uals of the Nyakyusa (London, 1957), describe the whole
of twins, for the whole country risks becoming dry.
cycle celebrated; they quote the texts and describe the situa-
tions on which interpretation of symbols is based.
The Venda also use this dialectic. Similarly, the Zulu
make a sacrificer avoid warmth before undergoing an immo-
Wilson, Monica. “Co-operation and Conflict.” In The Oxford
lation to the ancestors, who are associated with water and
History of South Africa, edited by Monica Wilson and Leon-
sperm. The day before, he has to give up drinking beer, stop
ard Thompson, vol. 1. Oxford, 1969. Shows that the Xhosa
cattle killing of 1856 was one of a series led by prophets who
making love, and keep away from fire. Communication with
urged purification from witchcraft and sacrifice to the
the ancestors is possible only if all participants are cool—
shades.
neither angry nor spiteful. According to the Tsonga, sick per-
sons give off heat, as do menstruating or pregnant women
Wilson, Monica. Religion and the Transformation of Society. Cam-
bridge, 1971. Discusses the change in traditional religion as
and excited warriors who have just killed an enemy. The cos-
the scale of societies in Africa increases.
mic order is threatened by the birth of twins because the
mother “has gone up to the sky” during pregnancy, a period
Wilson, Monica. “Mhlakaza.” In Les Africains, edited by Charles-
of dangerous overheating inside her womb. The Pedi even
André Julien et al., vol. 5. Paris, 1977. The Xhosa cattle kill-
ing has been seen by various writers as a plot of the chiefs to
recommend that pregnant women not go outside whenever
drive the Xhosa to war, as a plot of the whites to destroy the
it rains. The Tswana say that the hot blood of pregnant
Xhosa, and as a resistance movement. Little attention has
women counteracts rain medicine. Moreover, their rainmak-
been paid to its fundamental religious aspect, which is dis-
ers and chiefs must abstain from sexual intercourse through-
cussed here. (The text is, alas, marred by many mistakes in
out most of the rainy season.
the French printing of names.)
The Tsonga liken the normally born baby to a pot that
MONICA WILSON (1987)
has not cracked when baked. The mother and child are se-
cluded until the umbilical cord falls off. The father cannot
approach his wife because she is considered to be too hot.
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: SOUTHERN
If the baby is male, the father runs a special risk. A series of
BANTU RELIGIONS
rites gradually separates the infant from the mother’s burning
body and integrates him into the father’s sphere. The cooling
Patrilineal herdsmen and farmers belonging to the large
process can be clearly observed during Tsonga funerals for
Bantu linguistic group, which is widely spread over central
infants. If death follows soon after birth, the body is put in-
and eastern Africa, moved into southern Africa in distinct
side a cracked pot that is covered with a layer of ashes. If
waves. They appeared in the region as distinct cultural
death occurs before the Boha Puri tribal integration, which
groups probably between 1000 and 1600 CE. The Sotho
allows the parents to resume sexual intercourse and is per-
(Pedi, Matlala, et al.) and the related Tswana settled on the
formed when the child reaches the age of one, the body is
arid inland plateau where the San were hunting and the Khoi
buried in a humid place. If the child dies after this rite, the
were raising livestock. The Nguni (Zulu, Swazi, and Xhosa)
funeral is conducted like that of an adult, and the corpse is
spread out along the southeastern coast. The Lovedu and
buried in dry earth.
Venda, two closely related peoples who became strongly
amalgamated with the Sotho in the twentieth century, suc-
The same thermal code underlies rites of passage that,
cessively broke away from the Karanga in ancient Zimbabwe;
though differing in form, are basically similar. An example
the last Venda migration may have crossed the Limpopo
is the presentation to the moon. A cooling feminine princi-
River after 1600 CE, but their predecessors were probably
ple, the moon is responsible for watching over the child’s
among the first inhabitants of the northeastern Transvaal.
growth and is often likened to a paternal aunt. During the
The Tsonga, or Thonga, migrated in the early nineteenth
first new moon visible after birth, the Pedi place the baby
century into the Transvaal, where they ran into Sotho and
on the ground for a few seconds, and water, symbolizing
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: SOUTHERN BANTU RELIGIONS
8663
rain, is poured through the roof and onto the infant. Three
ing a python during the rainy season is strictly forbidden.
months after birth, the Tsonga present the baby to the new
During the dry season, its carcass is thrown into water, al-
moon, throwing a torch toward it. Once the torch goes out,
though the head and tail are buried in the cattle fold in order
the baby is separated from his or her mother and laid on a
to bring prosperity. People use its fat to protect themselves
pile of ashes. This example keenly reveals the transformation-
from burns and to prevent fires.
al process that brings these rites within a single symbolic sys-
Most Bantu cosmogonies are fundamentally dualistic.
tem: the Tsonga replace rain with an extinguished torch.
Thus opposite Python is Raluvhumba, who has often been
Moreover, whenever twins, as “sons of the sky,” assist at fu-
mistaken for a supreme being. His name evokes the eagle,
nerals, their fontanels are smeared with ashes because they
luvumba. Raluvhumba’s voice is thunder, and during storms
are seen as burning, hence dangerous creatures.
he is visible as a big flame. He controls the sun, which could
THE PYTHON CULT. A major divinity known as the python
burn the earth if it came too near. His complementarity with
spirit among southeastern Bantu-speaking peoples symbol-
Python stands out in a royal ceremony that is no longer ob-
izes the coolness that is responsible for individual, social, and
served. After communicating with Raluvhumba in a sacred
cosmic equilibrium. He is undoubtedly part of the most ar-
cave, the Venda king used to order his people to perform Py-
chaic Bantu cultural substratum, and both the Swazi and
thon’s dance (tshikona) for two nights. Much like other,
Venda perform ceremonies in his honor. Among the Luba
neighboring societies, the Venda believe that the universe’s
in Zaire, he has a celestial manifestation, that of the rainbow.
equilibrium depends upon the joint action of two fundamen-
The Zulu and Luba reverse his climatic functions. Nkon-
tal principles—water and fire, coolness and heat. Water and
golo, the Luba python, is, like the Zulu one, associated with
coolness have the advantage of having originated first; fire
terrestrial waters. As the rainbow, however, he burns rain
and heat are always menacing because they threaten life.
rather than bringing it. In contrast, the Zulu hold the python
Therefore, the Venda put out all fires when their king dies.
and rainbow to be two distinct spirits whose beneficial ac-
The Lovedu do the same because the earth is “hot” whenever
tions with regard to water are complementary. “Coolest of
their queen (who is responsible for keeping the rain medi-
all animals” according to Axel-Ivar Berglund, Python licks
cine—and keeping it cool) passes away.
the fat of the black sheep that rainmakers sacrifice to him.
These myths and rites parallel various fragmentary tales
On the other hand, the rainbow princess, iNkosazana, is the
collected among the Karanga. The Korekore, a branch of the
virgin daughter of the lord of heaven (and of thunderbolts),
Karanga, worship Dzivaguru (“big pool”). This rain spirit
whose changing moods are dreaded by men. She intercedes
lived on earth before he disappeared into a pool on a moun-
so that he regularly sends gentle, soaking rain. Her rays of
taintop. He was forced to vanish by the magic of a rival chief
light plunge into the waters. Virgin girls, disguised as war-
who coveted his wealth and put on red attire (the color of
riors, offer her vegetables and beer on top of a mountain for-
fire). Like the Venda Python, this vanquished spirit was the
bidden to men. The feminine rainbow cult stands opposite
primordial ruler of the world. By going down into water, he
the masculine python rite of sacrifice. Only princes may kill
brought darkness over the earth. His opponent had to use
this venerated animal provided that they not spill its blood.
a new magical trick to bring the sun back. Dzivaguru said
Its fat goes into medicines that specialized magicians use
that he would accept only sheep as offerings—the same ani-
against thunderbolts.
mal that the Zulu sacrifice to Python.
The rainbow princess cult is found specifically among
This tale is apparently a variation of a Hungwe myth,
the Nguni. Traces of it are found among the Swazi, who in-
taken down by Leo Viktor Frobenius, that accounts for the
augurate the annual Ncwala ceremony during the southern
origin of the mighty Zimbabwe kingdom, whose stone ruins
summer solstice with a quest for the waters of the world. Na-
are unique in the Bantu-speaking world. In olden times, a
tional priests lead two separate processions, one in search of
poverty-stricken people known as the Hungwe were dwelling
river water and the other in search of seawater. Carried on
on a mountain. They ate food raw because their chief, Madz-
a shield at the head of each procession is a ritual calabash,
ivoa, had lost the fire that his daughters kept in a sealed horn
called “princess.” These two calabashes represent the rain-
containing oil. Hunters from the north, the Hungwe’s ances-
bow princess. This extraordinarily complex ceremony, which
tors, came into the land. They had fire and ritually smoked
principally regenerates the king’s mystical force, ends with
a pipe to sustain their magical force. Their chief gave fire to
a purifying bonfire that is supposed to be put out by rain.
Madzivoa, married his daughter, and became the first “king”
(mambo). Many people united around him, and even Madz-
Although the Swazi apparently have no python cult,
ivoa became his servant. The name of this fallen autochtho-
Venda religion honors the python, and snake cults thrive
nous chief derives from dzivoa (“lake” or “pool”), also found
among the Karanga. According to Venda cosmogony, the
in the name Dzivaguru. These two similarly named figures
whole creation took place inside Python’s stomach. This pri-
met up with parallel fates at the hands of newcomers who
mordial, aquatic demiurge vomited nine creatures who
seized their power and wealth.
roamed over the soggy earth, which was still in darkness.
They became the sun, moon, and stars. Controlling fertility
The new mythical rulers of fire had to accommodate the
and rain, Python also presides over girls’ puberty rites. Kill-
demiurges associated with water, as told in another Karanga
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8664
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: SOUTHERN BANTU RELIGIONS
story collected by Frobenius. A snake spirit used to dwell in
of sacred kingship from the Karanga while the Sotho and
a lake on the Zimbabwe plain. The king’s daughters are
Tswana did not (sacred kingship is not apparently a feature
thought to copulate with this spirit to keep the sacred pool
of Sotho or Tswana culture despite the existence among
and rain from disappearing. The vaginas of these princesses,
them of some powerful military chieftaincies). The Swazi es-
who enjoyed total sexual freedom, had to be continuously
tablished a political and symbolic system remarkably similar
moist. Victims to be sacrificed for rainfall were chosen from
to that of the Venda. Sacred kingship is widespread through-
among them. A second group of princesses had to stay
out Africa. Surprisingly constant characteristics are thus at-
chaste. They were associated with a ritual fire kept by the
tributed to African, particularly Bantu-speaking, kings: they
king’s incestuous wife, Mwiza, who represents the morning
are uncommon beings; they take paramountcy through
star.
transgression (often incest); they are surrounded by prohibi-
The Venda myth transposes these elements. Python
tions; and they are condemned to die early unless other vic-
lived with two wives. Only the first one knew his real nature
tims make it possible for them to continue reigning.
and could visit him freely during daytime. The second could
The Swazi king, master of thunderbolts and of the sun,
draw near him only at night when she was soaked. Driven
rules along with a queen mother associated with the moon
by curiosity, she broke this rule and caught her husband
and with lush vegetation. Together they control the rains.
smoking a pipe. Angrily, Python went down into a lake. To
The king has the privilege of marrying his real or classificato-
end the subsequent drought, the guilty wife had to sacrifice
ry sisters. While young, he succeeds his father with the title
herself and join her husband in the water. The Venda pri-
“child,” and when adult he takes full power by marrying the
mordial Python clearly brings to mind Zimbabwe’s aquatic
“queen of the right hand,” with whom he commingles blood
serpent, of whom Dzivaguru and Madzivoa are avatars.
to become twins. But his real so-called twin is his mother.
These variant myths relate both the incompatibility of
During the summer solstice, his force weakens, and the
water and fire and their complementarity. The duality of the
whole nation goes through a crisis. He then performs the
Karanga princesses with dry and moist vaginas expresses the
Ncwala ceremony, which opens with the previously de-
southeastern Bantu dialectic of coolness and heat. The
scribed quest for water. He is proclaimed “bull of the nation”
Venda myth about the python who secretly smoked a pipe
after the sacrifice of an ill-treated black ox, which represents
recounts the same theme as the Hungwe one about a myste-
him. Following several events that alternately show his weak-
rious foreigner who drew force out of smoking and prevailed
ness and his force, he consumes the first fruits and is then
over Madzivoa, an aquatic spirit who used to keep fire in a
disguised as the spirit of vegetation.
horn. The sacrifice of the Venda Python’s second wife obvi-
ously corresponds to the sacrifices demanded of the Karanga
According to the Venda founding myth, the first two
princesses. Karanga symbolism vividly distinguishes a pri-
sovereigns were Sun and Moon, his twin sister as well as in-
mordial spirit associated with both terrestrial and rain waters
cestuous wife. Paradoxically, the Venda king rules with a pa-
from a ruler of fire who was his opponent or else became his
ternal aunt (Makhadzi, a title also used to refer to the moon);
ally through marriage. The Korekore see these two spirits as
an agnatic half sister takes the aunt’s place during the next
rivals but ultimately invoke Dzivaguru whenever there is no
reign. His principal wife, often a real or classificatory sister,
rain. However, this cosmogony has been obscured by the
belongs to the royal family. The king, “light of the world,”
cults of possession dedicated to regional or particularistic
controls rain through both Python and Raluvhumba. Al-
gods. The ubiquity of these cults, borrowed from the Shona,
though no ritual marks the summer solstice, Makhadzi pre-
has distracted researchers from the still-present ancient gods.
sides over the first-fruit ceremony.
In fact, Dzivaguru is the only local spirit with no medium.
Venda and Swazi symbolic configurations are related
The Venda, however, have made an original transposi-
through transformations. In practice, the Venda put agnatic
tion of the ancient dualism. Python, ruler of waters, and
ties in place of the incestuous uterine (or twin) ties of their
Raluvhumba, ruler of celestial fire, are ritually complementa-
myth. The Swazi, on the contrary, maintain these mythical
ry. In Zimbabwe, neighboring Karanga worship Mwari, a su-
ties through a fiction. Mirrored by a queen who is the king’s
preme being who combines the attributes of both. This “pos-
agnatic half sister, the Venda queen aunt obviously fills the
sessor of heaven” is also called Dzivaguru. Mwari’s
same ritual position as the Swazi queen mother, who is a
representative, the python, is venerated as a spirit of the
“twin” to her son. The queen of the right hand, who is both
mountains, whereas a water snake keeps rivers and springs
the king’s wife and fictive twin, is a substitute for the queen
from going dry.
mother. More meaningful parallels exist. The “twin body”
COSMOLOGY AND SACRED KINGSHIP. James G. Frazer was
of the Swazi kingdom expresses a great power of life; it is
the first to describe as “divine kingship” a political institution
completed by the male tinsila, the sovereign’s symbolic twins
whose primary function is control over fertility and natural
associated with his right and left hands. A similar pair in the
forces. I prefer to use the term “sacred kingship” because the
Venda kingdom corresponds to the paternal uncle and ag-
particular chiefs who are essential to this institution are not
natic half brother, respectively Makhadzi’s and the queen sis-
actual gods. The Venda and Lovedu inherited the institution
ter’s masculine doubles.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: SOUTHERN BANTU RELIGIONS
8665
The Lovedu’s mythic and historical traditions throw
corresponds to the Venusian cycle. Mwiza represents Venus,
light upon this structural transformation of the ideal twin
the morning star. Recall that Mwiza was surrounded by
model. A very long time ago, Princess Dzugudini, the daugh-
chaste, dry princesses. They greeted the first rising of the
ter of the king of Monomotapa, bore a son, Muhale, to her
morning star. On the other hand, the second group of humid
uterine brother. Their mother kept their secret, stole her hus-
princesses, who had intercourse with the snake spirit of the
band’s rain medicine, and gave it to her daughter, who fled
waters, probably had to do with the evening star.
southward with her young son. With some supporters, they
This cosmological system obviously differs from the
reached the Lovedu land, where Muhale, who had brought
Venda’s, even though the Karanga origins of the Venda king-
fire along, founded a kingdom. The incestuous uterine cou-
dom are beyond doubt. In charge of the rains, Karanga and
ple are thus closely associated with the ritual couple formed
Venda kings are related to aquatic snake spirits. In the Venda
by a son (keeper of fire) and mother (supplier of rain medi-
myth, both Venusian wives belonged to Python, but only the
cine). The Swazi have simply combined these two images to
daytime one could be with her husband whenever he smoked
present the queen mother as her son’s twin sister. Succession
(i.e., used fire). The morning/evening star opposition exists
in the Lovedu royal house later came into the hands of
but is concealed. Moreover, the Venda sovereign was not
women. The first queen was born out of incest between a
lunar. The first king was none other than Sun, whom Python
king and his daughter. Even though the model for perpetuat-
vomited out. Present-day rulers proclaim to be descended
ing sacred kingship through the union of a brother and his
from Raluvhumba, who controls thunderbolts and is sym-
uterine sister (ideally between twins of the opposite sex) has
bolized by the eagle. The thunderbird’s role in Karanga royal
shifted agnatically, the Lovedu did not adopt the Venda solu-
cosmogony needs to be better known. Thomas Huffman, an
tion. Their rain queen reigns alone but reputedly has inter-
archaeologist, has suggested that Zimbabwe’s famous stone
course with a brother in order to bear an heiress.
birds represent successive rulers in the form of fish eagles. In
Lovedu traditions have kept alive the incestuous mar-
old Zimbabwe, this brightly feathered bird was the mediator
riage of sacred chiefs in the ancient Karanga civilization. The
between humanity and Mwari, the celestial demiurge and
king of Monomotapa reigned with Mazarira, his sister and
congener of the Venda Raluvhumba. Recall that the Hung-
wife. A later account (Frobenius) states that, in ancient Zim-
we, whose name literally means “fish eagle,” brought fire to
babwe, Mazarira was the monarch’s own mother. The heir
the destitute folk ruled by the aquatic Madzivoa. The com-
apparent lived in incest with a sister who became his princi-
plementarity of the eagle and serpent restores the fundamen-
pal wife with the name Mwiza (in Monomotapa, Nabwiza).
tal opposition between fire and water.
When enthroned along with her brother, she lit the new ritu-
Two diverging traditions relate the origin of fire, the ce-
al fire for her keeping.
lestial symbol of sovereignty. The Venda king is apparently
associated with the second. He went ahead of Raluvhumba
Unlike the Venda one, the Karanga founding myth does
when the latter appeared on earth as a big, thundering flame.
not mention a primordial monarchy of the Sun and Moon
The stick that the king uses to stir his porridge is called “the
twins. Moon, the first king, emerged from the primeval wa-
fire lighter.”
ters. For two years he lived chastely with Morning Star, who
brought him fire and bore vegetation before being taken back
Whereas the Karanga moon kings were killed after they
by Mwari, the supreme being. Moon received a second wife,
reigned a short time (or whenever their physical forces failed,
Evening Star, who invited him to have sexual intercourse.
as in Monomotapa), the Venda kings enjoy long lives provid-
She bore mankind and animals. Moon became “ruler”
ed they do not have children after enthronement. They have
(mambo) over a large population. Two years later, Evening
to take a drug that inhibits their sexuality. Comparisons with
Star left him to go live with Snake, master of the rains. When
central Africa lead to the conclusion that this practice aims
Moon tried to take her back, Snake bit him. Moon pined
at containing the king’s dangerous, almost sorcerous, magical
away. Rain stopped falling. His children strangled him and
power. Among the Pende in Zaire, some sacred chiefs are
buried him with Evening Star who had decided to die with
forced to refrain from sexual intercourse after taking office.
him. After that the children chose a new king. This myth
Lovedu ritual ascribes power over the rains to a secretly inces-
perfectly illustrates the cosmological function of sacred king-
tuous queen who had to commit suicide. It has its place in
ship, here under the sign of the moon. Having lost his power
the same system of symbolic transformations, which goes
over nature, the weakened king was condemned to an early
back to a common ideology.
death. The rulers of Monomotapa were killed whenever they
THE RITUAL COMPLEX OF CIRCUMCISION. Neither the Ka-
showed the least physical failing, whether sickness or impo-
ranga nor the Shona practice circumcision. However, all ac-
tence. The following ceremony clearly associated them with
counts agree that this custom and its related initiation are a
the moon. At the rising of the new moon, the king had to
time-honored institution among the Sotho and Tswana, who
mock fight invisible enemies in the presence of the realm’s
have passed it on to the Lovedu, Venda, and Tsonga. Girls’
dignitaries. According to several accounts, the sacred chiefs
puberty rites usually correspond to male circumcision. Girls
of the Karanga and related peoples were eliminated after
undergo a pretended circumcision that amounts to slightly
reigning either two or four years. In the myth, this period
cutting the clitoris (Lovedu) or upper leg (Tswana) or to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8666
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: SOUTHERN BANTU RELIGIONS
placing a knife between the legs (Pedi). The southern Sotho
Sotho symbolism can be compared to that surrounding the
designate both feminine initiation and masculine circumci-
Swazi lion king, associated with the sun and fire, who rules
sion with the same word (lebello). The Pedi, a northern Sotho
along with an elephant queen mother, associated with the
people, make boys go through two successive rites (Bodika
moon. During the Ncwala ceremony, the weakened king
and Bogwera), but girls undergo a single collective rite
runs after the summer solstitial sun. He finally has sexual in-
(Byale). The Lovedu have adopted the latter; they call it
tercourse with the queen of the right hand, a notorious ac-
Vyali and correlate it with the second masculine initiation.
tion comparable to the solar quest for virility by newly cir-
Those peoples with Karanga origins initially held only indi-
cumcised Sotho youth. During their retreat, Pedi initiates are
vidual rites (the Venda Khoba or Lovedu Khomba) at the
as weak as the Swazi king during the Ncwala. They try in
first menstruation.
vain “to run past the sun.” The king’s successor is chosen
Among the Sotho circumcision enables young men to
from among his very young sons. This child king is the only
become warriors. Each new class of circumcised youths forms
Swazi male who, at adolescence, goes through a circumci-
a regiment in their chief’s service. Although chiefs lack the
sion-like ceremony. Otherwise, the Nguni do not hold cir-
attributes of sacred kings, the symbolisms of Sotho initiation
cumcision or related initiation ceremonies, although they
and of the Swazi kingdom are strikingly close. Major Pedi
might have in the past. The Swazi seemingly concentrate the
chiefs keep a tribal fire that neither women nor uncircum-
symbolism of Sotho initiation within their royal institution.
cised boys may approach. From it initiates take a brand to
The Swazi king may never drink water, just as those under-
light the fire that will burn continuously in the center of their
going Sotho initiation may not. At the end of initiation, the
circular bush camp during the dry season. After being cir-
newly circumcised jump into water while their camp is set
cumcised, they gather each morning around this fire, the “lit-
ablaze; the Ncwala ends as the Swazi king washes while a pu-
tle lion,” and stage a feigned attack. They “pierce the laws.”
rifying bonfire is lit. Like this king, the Pedi who have com-
The solar symbolism of the lion fire is indicated by its bed
pleted initiation become lions and brave warriors. Just as
lying along an east-west axis. The sun symbolizes the adult
Pedi initiation leads to the formation of new military regi-
Pedi man. The “spotted white hyena” represents the lunar
ments, so the Swazi military age grades actively participate
feminine principle but also refers to a small conical tower for-
in the Ncwala, under the sign of the moon. Throughout the
bidden to those undergoing initiation. Built at the camp’s
Sotho region, circumcision camps fall under the chiefs’ direct
eastern entry with carefully polished stones grouted with cin-
control. The Swazi Ncwala and Sotho puberty rites are varia-
ders, it stands alongside a smaller structure, its child. At the
tions of the same symbolic and sociological themes.
end of initiation, the newly circumcised follow the “hyena’s
tracks,” a trail of cinders inside the camp, from the western
Similarities lie even closer. Recall how the lion fire in
entry northward to the eastern one. This path depicts the
the Pedi initiatory camp is lit. The chief’s principal wife has
moon’s apparent movement eastward, opposite to the sun’s.
a function like that of the Swazi queen mother—to keep rain
The discovery of the hyena monument by initiates brings to-
medicine. To be wedded, she appears at sunset as all fires are
gether pairs of opposites: sun and moon, male and female.
put out. The fire ignited in her dwelling is used to renew the
When the masculine ceremony ends, girls who have just had
tribal fire. The fire in the chief’s keeping (which he gives to
their first period begin collective initiation. They experience
those undergoing initiation) and the rain medicine kept by
a pretend circumcision and are secluded for a month under
his principal wife (who gives birth to his successor) are both
the authority of the chief’s principal wife.
complementary and opposite. The newly circumcised
youth’s solar/lunar quest for a woman is also a search for rain.
The Matlala have made interesting changes in this cere-
Strictly kept apart from the opposite sex, initiates gather
mony. The fire bed, called “lion,” also lies along an east-west
around the solar lion fire during the dry season. Ritual chants
axis. Initiates are awakened at dawn while the morning star
invite them to follow the elephant’s (woman’s) tracks “when
is shining. Since looking at the sun is forbidden during the
it rains,” for then this animal has “no more force” and can
first phase of initiation, the boys turn their faces westward.
be killed easily. Such phrases mean that a man may approach
During the second phase, they look eastward and expose the
a woman only after her menstrual period. The cycle of fertili-
right half of their bodies to the fire’s heat. During this “night
ty is linked to the change of seasons; menstruation suspends
of change,” a stake is erected and its top decorated with os-
trich feathers. Greeted as grandmother, this stake replicates
sexual relations and, like the dry season, falls under the sign
the Pedi’s lunar monument. Throughout their retreat, initi-
of fire.
ates pretend to attack the moon. The Matlala use obviously
The Tsonga and Venda use this cosmological code.
phallic metaphors to liken the waning moon to a female ele-
They borrowed and also adapted the institution of circumci-
phant that has to be “stabbed” and “made to fall.” Pedi initi-
sion camps from their Sotho neighbors. A feminine elephant
ation songs also mention a mysterious elephant, an image
fire replaces the masculine lion fire in initiation camps. How
that instructors take explicitly to mean the dangerous men-
should this inversion be understood? For many southeastern
struating woman.
Bantu-speaking peoples, particularly the Swazi and Sotho,
Just as the lion is in opposition to the elephant, so a solar
the masculine sun is complementary to the feminine moon
fire along an east-west axis is in opposition to the moon. This
(associated with rain and lush vegetation). But in general fire
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: SOUTHERN BANTU RELIGIONS
8667
is feminine and terrestrial water masculine. Menstruation
the mysteries of feminine fire. Circumcision definitively cuts
and pregnancy have to do with heat. The profound symbolic
the maternal bond and marks the beginning of a young
changes separating Sotho and non-Sotho circumcision rites
man’s search for a wife. Wives are normally taken from
come down to a fundamental alternative: should the ritual
among pubescent girls who, excessively hot during their first
fire be given masculine and solar attributes or the hot proper-
menstruation, undergo a collective cooling rite, which is the
ties of menstrual blood? The Sotho have made the first, the
reverse of the masculine ceremony. Every morning during
lion fire, their choice; the Tsonga and Venda have opted for
their month-long retreat, they are led, with faces veiled, to
the second, the elephant fire.
a pool and dunked into water up to their necks. Back in the
hut, they are not allowed to warm themselves near the fire.
Moreover, the Tsonga do not put political authorities
During Pedi initiation, girls are also dunked into a stream
in charge of initiation. Unlike the Pedi, they entrust the ritu-
al fire to the chief’s principal wife, who keeps it burning in
to take away heat caused by menstruation, but this occurs
her dwelling in order to smoke medicine objects. Further-
at sunset. The Tsonga and Venda both apply cooling treat-
more, the moon is dissociated from the sun; Moon’s hus-
ments to lower girls’ temperatures.
band is Evening Star. For all these reasons, solar/lunar sym-
Solar symbolism remains a vital part of the Tsonga cere-
bolism sinks into the background. Instead, all symbolism
mony. Initiates leave for the place of circumcision at dawn
related to Tsonga circumcision is dominated by the opposi-
while the morning star heralds the sun, which will pull them
tion between masculine water and feminine fire, as shown
out of the “darkness” of childhood. In addition to putting
by the ritual formulas taught during initiation.
a feminine elephant fire in place of the Pedi masculine lion
Three animals successively figure in these formulas.
fire, the Venda (and probably also the Tsonga) change its di-
Symbol of the circumcising knife that makes boys fit for re-
rection along a north-south axis. According to a widespread
production, the crocodile “moves heavily across fords and in
conception in southern Africa, the sun travels from its north-
the rushes.” The hippopotamus “opens the road for ele-
ern to its southern houses between dry and rainy seasons.
phants toward the ford.” The elephant “walks slowly on dry
Like the Pedi, the Tsonga hold initiation ceremonies during
ground” where rain will fill her tracks. These metaphors
the dry season. As the southern summer solstice and the first
strongly contrast the aquatic, masculine domain of the croc-
rains draw near, the newly initiated may start “following the
odile with the solid ground of the female elephant. Between
elephant’s tracks”—fearlessly approaching women. The op-
these two lies the road opened up by the hippopotamus,
position between the elephant’s dry ground and the croco-
which is associated with a virgin girl whom young boys rape.
dile’s watery place is a sign of the changing seasons. Sexuality
They thus open the way to the female elephant, the adult
corresponds, as among the Pedi, to the cosmic order gov-
woman who becomes fertile only after menstruation, which
erned by the sun’s course.
supposedly stops with the start of the rainy season. The ele-
Thus the symbolic system of circumcision is based upon
phant fire is a sign of both feminine sterility and the dry sea-
a kind of thermodynamics that characterizes all thought
son. Every day, initiates confront this fire and “stab” it with
among the southeastern Bantu-speaking peoples. Moreover,
a phallic stick while they sing, “Elephant, stay calm!” Signifi-
circumcision resembles the mukanda complex of rituals that
cantly, they may not drink any water during their retreat.
is diffused among such matrilineal Bantu-speaking peoples
When the camp is burned down at the end of initation, they
as the Ndembu and Chokwe in western central Africa. Con-
jump into a pool as they proclaim their virility. How to inter-
sequently it brings to light a particularly interesting historical
pret this sequence? Circumcision, the necessary condition for
problem. Did the matrilineal societies in the region that is
procreative functioning, falls under the sign of masculine
now comprised of Zambia, Angola, and northwest Zaire
water. Separated from this element during seclusion, initiates
maintain a very old Bantu cultural tradition that was lost by
are brought close to a feminine fire, which they cannot extin-
other groups (much like the patrilineal Sotho and their near
guish before the rainy season. The symbolic space around the
neighbors did in southern Africa)? This hypothesis cannot
elephant fire in the center of the initiation camp and the
be dismissed a priori. However many arguments support an-
crocodile’s watery place outside the camp are clearly delimit-
other interpretation (de Heusch, 1982). It seems more plau-
ed. The elephant fire corresponds to menstruation, dry earth,
sible that the southern Bantu-speaking zone should be con-
and feminine sterility; the crocodile’s watery realm to cir-
sidered as the center of diffusion of this institution to central
cumcision, terrestrial water, and masculine fertility.
Africa. This type of diffusion would have taken place in the
By playing on these oppositions, the Tsonga merely ad-
land of the Lozi, or Rotse, where the Kololo conquerors (of
justed Sotho symbolism to the thermodynamic code with
Sotho origin) took power in 1836. They ruled until 1864
which all their rites of passage comply. Recall that newborn
and set up circumcision camps there that were associated
Tsonga children, created inside burning wombs, undergo
with the military formation of young men. Among the
cooling rites and that the growth of boys is placed under the
Ndembu these rites also make one a warrior. Everything
sign of the moon. Just before puberty, the ritual process is
leads one to believe that during the nineteenth century the
reversed, for sexuality is a new source of heat to be carefully
circumcision camps inaugurated by the Sotho conquerors
controlled. Tsonga circumcision rites are an initiation into
were gradually adopted by neighboring populations who
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8668
SOUTHERN SIBERIAN RELIGIONS
added to the circumcision rituals their own practice of using
Warmelo, N. J. van. Contributions toward Venda History, Religion
masks. Naturally, in each case the model is transformed from
and Tribal Ritual. Union of South Africa, Department of
one region to another, but this transformation always takes
Native Affairs, Ethnographical Publications, vol. 3. Pretoria,
place within the logic of symbolic thought already at work
1932.
in southern Africa.
Weischhoff, H. A. The Zimbabwe-Monomotapa Culture in South-
west Africa. Menasha, Wis., 1941.
SEE ALSO Swazi Religion.
New Sources
Bernardi, Nernardo. The Mugwe: A Blessing Prophet: A Study of a
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Religion and Public Dignitary of the Meru of Kenya. Nairobi,
Ashton, Hugh. The Basuto: A Study of Traditional and Modern Le-
1989.
sotho. 2d ed. London, 1967.
M’Inanyara, Alfred M. The Restatement of Bantu Origin and Meru
Berglund, Axel-Ivar. Zulu Thought-Patterns and Symbolism. Lon-
History. Nairobi, 1992.
don, 1976.
Ruel, Malcolm. Belief, Ritual and the Securing of Life: Reflexive Es-
Beyer, Gottfried. “Die Mannbarkeitsschule in Südafrika, speziell
says on a Bantu Religion. New York, 1997.
unter den Sotho in Nordwest-Transvaal.” Zeitschrift für Eth-
nologie 58 (1926): 249–261.
LUC DE HEUSCH (1987)
Translated from French by Noal Mellott
Daneel, M. L. The God of the Matopo Hills: An Essay on the Mwari
Revised Bibliography
Cult in Rhodesia. The Hague, 1970.
Gelfand, Michael. Shona Ritual: With Special Reference to the
Chaminuka Cult. Cape Town, 1959.
Gelfand, Michael. Shona Ritual: With Special Reference to the Ma-
SOUTHERN SIBERIAN RELIGIONS. South-
korekore. Cape Town, 1962.
ern Siberia is a region covered by a large wooded band, called
Hammond-Tooke, W. David, ed. The Bantu-speaking Peoples of
taiga, that stretches from the Ural Mountains to the Pacific
Southern Africa. 2d ed. London, 1974.
Ocean and is bordered by two treeless zones, the tundra to
the north and the steppe to the south. The taiga evokes an
Heusch, Luc de. Essais sur le symbolisme de l’inceste royal en Afrique.
Brussels, 1958.
entire procession of images: It is here where images of impen-
etrable immensity and absolute refuge mix with the intimacy
Heusch, Luc de. The Drunken King, or The Origin of the State.
of nature alone. The dense mass of huge dark trees is pene-
Bloomington, Ind., 1982.
trated only by the great rivers (Ob, Yenisei, Lena, and tribu-
Heusch, Luc de. Mythes et rites bantous, vol. 2, Rois nés d’un cœur
taries) that roll their vast waters toward the Arctic Ocean,
de vache. Paris, 1982.
flooding their valleys in the summer and offering their frozen
Heusch, Luc de. “Nouvelles remarques sur l’oncle maternel. Ré-
surfaces as bridges in the winter.
ponse à J. C. Muller.” Anthropologie et sociétés 6 (1982):
165–169.
Throughout history the natural environment has pro-
hibited any concentration of population; people continue to
Krige, Eileen Jensen. The Social System of the Zulu (1936). Pieter-
live in small scattered groups and to devote themselves to var-
maritzburg, 1950.
ious kinds of hunting, fishing, and harvesting, which causes
Krige, Eileen Jensen, and J. D. Krige. “The Lovedu of the Trans-
population shifts, varying in number and distance, through-
vaal.” In African Worlds: Studies in the Cosmological Ideas and
out the year. These forest groups (from small isloated ethnic
Social Values of African Peoples, edited by Daryll Forde,
pp. 55–82. London, 1954.
groups like the Ket—1,100 in 1979—to much larger
groups) belong to one or the other of two great families of
Krige, Eileen Jensen, and J. D. Krige. The Realm of a Rain-Queen:
the Siberian peoples: Uralic to the west of the Yenisei River
A Study of the Pattern of Lovedu Society (1943). London,
and Altaic to the east. Moreover, the majority of both groups
1965.
live in the zones bordering the forest; these areas serve as pas-
Kuper, Hilda. “Costume and Cosmology: The Animal Symbolism
toral land, while the forest is a hunting ground. Hence, one
of the Ncwala.” Man 8 (1973): 613–630.
finds ethnic groups divided between taiga and tundra or be-
Mönnig, H. O. The Pedi. Pretoria, 1967.
tween taiga and steppe. It must be noted, however, that for-
Ngubane, Harriet. Body and Mind in Zulu Medicine: An Ethnogra-
est peoples of different families are more similar to each other
phy of Health and Disease in Nyuswa-Zulu Thought and Prac-
than to steppe or tundra peoples of their own family; there
tice. London, 1977.
are specific religious features associated with hunting life in
Roumeguère-Eberhardt, Jacqueline. Pensée et société africaines: Es-
the forest.
sais sur une dialectique de complémentarité antagoniste chez les
This distribution between taiga and tundra or taiga and
Bantu du Sud-Est. Cahiers de l’homme, n. s. 3. Paris, 1963.
steppe encourages a comparative approach, deliberately fo-
Schapera, Isaac. Rainmaking Rites of Tswana Tribes. Leiden, 1971.
cusing on the specific religious implications of the forest, as
Stayt, Hugh A. The Bavenda. London, 1968.
opposed to the steppe and the tundra. However, in order to
Walk, Leopold. “Initiationszeremonien und Pubertätstriten der
avoid the pitfall of ecological determinism, the form of soci-
südafrikanischen Stämme.” Anthropos 23 (1928): 861–966.
etal organization and mode of thought must be considered
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHERN SIBERIAN RELIGIONS
8669
with the natural environment (more precisely, the means of
in the nineteenth century. The Tuva and Tofa combine this
access to natural resources). This approach can also be ham-
with the raising, riding, and milking of deer. Each clan of
pered by the nature of the sources and facts themselves. The
the Shor has its own hunting ground; any infraction of the
representations described in this article are those of the
system entails vengeance. Each Shor hunter is entitled to
pre-Soviet period, that is, of the beginning of the twentieth
hunt in the grounds of his wife’s clan and must share his
century.
booty with her father.
THE FOREST PEOPLES. The Uralic and Altaic families each
The Mongol branch is represented in the forest by the
may be divided into smaller units. The two Siberian branches
Ekhirit-Bulagat Buriats who are native to the Cisbai-kalian
of the former are the Ob-Ugrian and the Samoyed. The Ob-
forests. These people were not influenced by the Mongolian
Ugrian people, essentially a forest-dwelling group, consists
empire. Although they did borrow animal breeding from
of the Khanty and the Mansi, known in the eleventh century
their Mongolian cousins of the steppe in the sixteenth centu-
as the Yugra to the Russians of Novgorod, who traded with
ry, they have nonetheless retained an authentic hunting cul-
them for skins and furs. After their entrance into the Russian
ture as well as the remaining visible traces of a social organi-
empire in the seventeenth century they became known as the
zation divided into exogamic moieties (Ekhirit and Bulagat),
Ostiaks and Voguls, respectively. At the time of the 1979
with each moiety further subdivided into several patrilineal
census there were 21,000 Khanty and 7,600 Mansi (a minor
clans.
increase from the 1926 figures of 17,800 and 5,700, respec-
Stemming from the Tunguz branch are the Eveny
tively).
(12,000 in 1979), the various Tunguz groups along the
Because of their proximity to European Russia, the
Amur River, and the Evenki, the Tunguz of the taiga
Khanty and Mansi were severely exposed to the impact of
(28,000 in 1979 as compared to 38,804 in 1926). Contrary
colonialism. Far worse than the burden of taxation, the ap-
to the other Siberian peoples whose populations are concen-
pearance of new illnesses, and the exactions from civil ser-
trated in a particular region (albeit in scattered groups), they
vants were the appropriation of the best land, that bordering
are scattered throughout all of eastern Siberia. Still identifi-
the rivers, by Russian peasants and the forced conversion to
able in spite of a variety of lifestyles, the traditional Tunguz
Orthodox Christianity; both actions provoked strong oppo-
is a hunter, an unparalleled observer and indefatigable travel-
sition. Nevertheless, rather than staging a revolt, which
er who is also incessantly driven by the search for game. It
would be quickly crushed, some preferred submission and as-
was the Tunguz who were chosen as guides by all explorers
similation while others elected to escape into the depths of
of Siberia.
the forest. The traditional society of the Khanty and Mansi
HUNTING, ALLIANCE, AND THE HORIZONTAL CONCEPTION
is organized in exogamic moieties—the “hare moiety” and
OF THE WORLD. Considered in terms of the life they lead
the “bear moiety,” each having descended through the male
and the type of society in which they live, the Siberian hunt-
line from one clan, which eventually divided into many.
ers’ conceptions are based on a series of principles that create
The Samoyed branch, settled primarily in the tundra,
a structural analogy between the social, economic, and reli-
also has groups living in the forest: the Selkup, in particular,
gious domains and that inform the mechanism of the inter-
and a small group of the Nentsy. The Selkup (6,000 in 1926;
action of these domains. Hunting is conceived of as an alli-
3,600 in 1979; called the Yenisei Ostiaks in the past when
ance in which the game is equivalent to the woman: The
the Ket were included) were forced back from the Yenisei
exchanging partners in each case are on the same plane, thus
Valley to valleys situated farther west (Taz, Turukhan, and
the world is thought of as horizontal.
Yeloguy) with the onset of Russian farming. Here too,
Natural beings that supply sustenance are thought to be
each exogamic moiety—“eagle” and “nutcracker crow”—
organized, like humans, into clans and linked to each other
includes several patrilineal clans divided into various territo-
as well as to human clans through relations of alliance and
rial units.
vengeance. To be outside the clan is anomalous, and brings
illness, death, and other trouble; everything possible is
The other major group of forest people, the Altaic fami-
done to avoid such an anomaly. This conception applies pri-
ly, is divided into the Turkic, Mongol, and Manchu-Tunguz
marily to game that is consumed but is in general not applied
branches; these comprise the principal population of eastern
either to fish or to game hunted for fur, an occupation that
Siberia. The Turkic branch (722,500 in Siberia in 1979), the
is engaged in to meet external demand, thus making the
most important of the three, is barely represented in the for-
game simple merchandise. Although fishing is a traditional
est. However, certain ethnic groups, while primarily settled
practice and often supplies an important part of their subsis-
in the tundra (Yakuts) or steppe (eastern Tuva, Tofa, south-
tence, fish is still thought of simply as food, and rarely in-
ern Shor), are found in the adjacent mountainous forest area
volves the same ritual treatment as game. (On the other
as well.
hand, marine mammals on the coast of the Sea of Okhotsk
On the other hand, the Toj-Tuva of the upper Yenisei
are considered to be hunted and not fished; they are classified
River, the Tofa of the Sayan Mountains, and the Shor of the
under the category of consumed game.) Nor is this concept
Altaic forest still practiced the traditional kinds of hunting
applied to gathered products, which are not conceived of as
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8670
SOUTHERN SIBERIAN RELIGIONS
beings and which depend on a woman’s activity without
which amounts to an exchange of sisters. Whereas this sys-
symbolic value. Likewise, only game that is consumed forms
tem is sociologically simple and efficient considering the pre-
the subject of sociologically pertinent collective practices
carious conditions of life known to the Siberian hunters, it
(hunting, ritual of consumption) and popular discourse
is nevertheless lacking in the constraints (debt of one side,
(myths, tales, stories).
claim from the other) necessary for its perpetuation: Partners
are released immediately through the simple act of exchange.
Birds appear to be particularly rich in symbolic value,
However, the system is conceived of by people who bring it
a value that derives primarily from their signaling function.
into operation as though it involves three stages or three part-
Thus, birds of prey and birds living on carrion, which signal
the presence of game, serve as evocations of hunting. Migra-
ners, thereby preventing a person from perceiving himself as
tors, which signal the coming and going of the seasons, evoke
both giver and taker at the same time with respect to the
the voyage to the supernatural world and the circulation of
same partner and delaying the obligation of exchange. Thus,
souls between the world of the living and that of the dead.
the taker’s and giver’s positions toward the same partner al-
ternate from one generation to the next. In this way the sys-
Species-specific hunting and consumption restrictions
tem becomes self-perpetuating within a patrilineal line:
are imposed upon each clan based on the mythical animal
Compensation for the wife taken by the father is a daughter
that is regarded as the clan’s founder. This system has led
of this same woman given by the son.
many writers to speak of totemism, but the theory linked
with this term is outdated today and even forgotten. Such
The hypothesis of the analogy of hunting with the mat-
a distribution of symbolic attributes—found in other places
rimonial system leads both to the discovery of what compen-
in the world—is to be understood as the clans’ way of assur-
sation the hunter gives for the game he has taken and to an
ing networks of relationships among themselves and the nec-
understanding of what are otherwise inexplicable practices:
essary complementarity for general cohesion. However, the
These come from the need for a third partner to create dy-
facts are insufficient to allow a systematic establishment of
namics in the exchange system. The compensation for game
the roots of the symbolic exploitation of one animal species
taken is one of the same nature as the game itself—food—
or another, except those whose relationship can be assimilat-
and is given by the hunter’s wife to small tame animals (most
ed to that of a hunter and a guide (e.g., the eagle or crow).
of which belong to species that are neither hunted nor used:
eagles, swans, cranes, nutcracker crows, foxes, etc.) as well as
In the representations and the ritual treatment of the
animal representations (furs, wooden figurines, etc.). The
slain animal, the taking of game is reduced to a taking of
latter (Selkup, khekhe; Tuva, eeren; Buriat, ongon; Tunguz,
meat. The bones are not destroyed but are disposed of (along
singken, sevek), made at the time of marriage, are “fed” pieces
with the head and other parts believed to contain the vital
of meat through their mouths, smeared with blood, and
breath of life) in such a way that the animal will be reincar-
anointed with animal fat. In this way, the food taken from
nated or that another animal of the same species will appear.
the animal world is symbolically returned. From the point
Seemingly out of gratitude to the animal that came to offer
of view of a tripartite system, these tame animals or animal
its flesh, the hunter treats it as a guest of honor and invites
representations occupy the taker position with respect to the
it to return. That he symbolically takes only meat and not
hunter and the debtor position with respect to the forest spir-
the animal as such prevents the hunt from being likened to
it, the giver of game. If they are not fed, these spirits suppos-
the murder of a member of another clan, which would un-
edly prevent the hunter from taking game and cause him and
leash a chain of vengeance. It also happens that the death of
his family to fall ill and even die.
the animal is recognized, but the responsibility for it is attri-
buted to a stranger belonging to another tribe.
Built on an analogous model, these two systems—
matrimonial and economic—also make use of mutual com-
Just as there is a system of matrimonial alliance that le-
pensation. Frequently, the myths and tales attribute a loss in
gitimizes the individual’s taking a wife, there is a system of
the realm of alliance (abduction of the hunter’s wife or sister
economic (or one could say “food”) alliance that justifies the
while he is away hunting) to excessive hunting. In the Evenk
hunter’s taking of game. These two systems are often com-
ritual called the Feast of the Bear, the taker of a wife becomes
pared in detail in mythical discourse, as are their subjects and
a supplier of game for his wife’s brother. The numerous re-
their protagonists: wife and game, the taker of wife and hunt-
strictions concerning the hunter’s sexual activity before the
er, giver of wife and giver of game. As opposed to the others,
hunt, on the one hand, and the wife’s behavior (notably con-
the giver of game is an imaginary being, generally called the
cerning menstrual blood) with respect to hunting weapons
“spirit of the forest” and qualified as “rich.” With this title
on the other, may also be interpreted in terms of maintaining
and that of “owner of hunted species,” he is indeed a “super-
a balance between hunting and alliance. Furthermore, in
natural” power in the etymological sense of the word.
these two systems, the act of taking requires the observance
In societies divided into two exogamic moieties, the
of strict rules vis-à-vis the giver, such as the giving of specific
matrimonial system is one of restricted exchange, which is
offerings and demonstrating the qualities of taker. One will
realized in the marriage of bilateral cross-cousins (children
note that what is offered to the forest spirit (incense, tobacco,
of both the mother’s brother and the father’s sister) and
amusing stories) is intended to put him in a good mood and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOUTHERN SIBERIAN RELIGIONS
8671
make him laugh, so that he will be easily persuaded to release
The taking (or retaking) of these souls cannot be real-
the game: The catch involves some cunning.
ized by the shaman without the aid of what is usually called
his “auxiliary spirits,” equivalent to such equally essential
Whereas these two systems and their interaction nor-
auxiliaries as the intermediary in the marriage and the beater
mally function autonomously, they are dependent both
or guide in the hunt. He sends these spirits to search for the
structurally and functionally upon the third system, shaman-
soul that has strayed from the sick and to track down venge-
ism, which is built on an analogous model. Based on the idea
ful spirits, descended from the frustrated souls of those who
that the life of the body is subordinate to what is convenient-
died violent deaths, to keep them from doing harm. The
ly called the “soul” that dwells in it, this system ensures the
Selkup rite involving the “dark tent” is held in total darkness
exchange of souls between their supernatural dispensers and
in the presence of the shaman’s kin and consists of the sha-
their natural human and animal supports. Upon death, the
man’s proving to them his ability to stir up his auxiliary spir-
souls return to the spirits (which suggests the hypothesis of
its and summon their services. His power increases with their
their reincarnation within the same clan). The artisan of this
number and promptness in hastening to his call. Their remu-
circulation is the shaman, who, it is believed, obtains the
neration is found in the type of offering given them (primari-
souls of game and people from their supernatural dispensers.
ly food) and, for those descended from wandering souls, in
From the standpoint of the system, the shaman is ho-
their reinstatement.
mologous to both the wife-taker and the hunter, a fact that
In each system, the relationship between the taker and
is often clearly demonstrated by the idea that he has a sym-
his auxiliary has the character of a personal contract, updat-
bolic wife who is the daughter of either the forest spirit or
able and reversible, corresponding to an exchange of services.
water spirit (Selkup), or of the earth spirit Khosedam, as the
These services, which are not identical but complementary,
Ket believe. The office of the shaman is generally transmitted
are not organized into a hierarchy: Thus, hunter and beater
through the patrilineal line, usually from grandfather to
or guide have an equivalent status and an equal part regard-
grandson; agnatic relatives oversee the rites of investiture and
less of the catch. This relationship between taker and auxilia-
control the position and the exercise of the shamanic func-
ry is based on the general principle of a dualist organization
tion. Thus, among the Selkup, the death of every adult blood
of the operating units from various levels, which finds expres-
relative entails the destruction of the shaman’s drum and its
sion in the very name of the Khanty-Mansi (bear, hare) or
replacement by a larger one. In fact, the shaman’s power in-
Selkup (eagle, crow) moieties (in the myths of origin, the
creases as each soul of a deceased relative rejoins the spirit
moieties being descended either from two brothers-in-law or
world. The very presence of the shaman in the midst of his
from two brothers, forming separate lines), in the custom of
group guarantees the existence of a relationship with the
nomadic camping set up by two allied families, and so on.
soul-giving spirits. This relationship can be reinforced by cer-
The Feast of the Bear, celebrated by most of these peoples,
tain detailed roles, such as the Buriat shaman acting as godfa-
is still the totalizing ritual par excellence, despite some differ-
ther to newborns and the Tunguz shaman leading the souls
ences. There, the organization in moieties of the different
of the dead to the otherworld. However, the shaman’s active
units and the three systems of exchange come into play, a fact
intervention is essential whenever there is a disturbance: scar-
that illustrates the exceptional symbolic versatility of the
city of game; lack of descendants; or departure of a soul,
bear.
which, by leaving the body vacant, renders it sick and soon
dead. The shaman, who performs a divination procedure
While the forest world is at once aerial and terrestrial
(throwing an object that falls on the “good” or “bad” side,
and dominates symbolic space, the aquatic world also plays
answering his questions “yes” or “no”), then determines the
an important role. The souls of the dead descend along the
cause of the disturbance. The two major causes considered
course of the great rivers; boats or representations of boats
are infractions of the rules governing the exchanges (excessive
appear in certain funerary or commemorative rites. Because
or insufficient hunting or alliances, inadequate amount of
of the orientation of the rivers, both the north and down-
food given to tamed animals and figurines, violation of ta-
stream water are associated with death. Symmetrically, up-
boos concerning hunting, etc.) and the death of any animal
stream water and the south have a positive connotation.
or human surviving outside the framework of the clan and
Birds that migrate from the south are offered ritual recep-
thus outside the system, which results in a wandering, unin-
tions upon arrival and invitations to return upon leaving, as
tegrated soul that is consequently harmful. Mediator par ex-
if to materialize the rebirth of life (since it is believed that
cellence, the shaman then negotiates a return to order with
they bring the souls of newborns). The simultaneous pres-
the spirits, tricking them somewhat, but also giving them of-
ence of quadrupeds and birds does not really affect the
ferings or a new cult (for example, by making a new figurine
uniqueness of the forest, represented by the omnipresent but
to be fed, zoomorphic in the event of a hunting infraction
indivisible element that is the tree. The declivity of the rivers
and anthropomorphic in the event of a deceased outsider to
there does not result in a separation of “upstream” from
be reinstated). Thus, he symbolically secures the reappear-
“downstream.” “Up” and “down” are not superposed posi-
ance of game, the birth of children, the return of the soul
tions; rather, they are contiguous in the depth of the same
to the ailing person’s body, and so on.
horizontal plane, a plane in which forest and water are essen-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8672
SOUTHERN SIBERIAN RELIGIONS
tial constituents conceived of, respectively, as giver of game
The Russian empire instituted Peter the Great’s idea of
and giver of fish.
“only one God, only one Tsar.” At the same time, the Ortho-
dox church searched for (or created) indigenous equivalents
CATTLE BREEDING AND THE VERTICAL CONCEPTION OF
compatible with its own concepts and refused all compro-
THE WORLD. The notion of superposed worlds—and correl-
mise with other beliefs. The traditional spirits were lowered
atively of a vertical liaison between them—develops from the
to the rank of “devils and demons” and confined to the un-
opposition of upstream/downstream, which is reinterpreted
derworld. The promotion of heavenly bodies (sky, sun) to
in terms of up/down and then divided into the oppositions
the rank of supreme being owes as much to the Christian at-
of sky/earth and earth/lower (or subterranean) world. This
tempt to support the idea of God as to the native effort to
is due to the combined influence of two factors: the adoption
set up a rival against it and make more powerful their tradi-
of animal breeding and incorporation into a state organiza-
tional view of the world (since a God is conceived of as
tion, the Russian empire.
“higher” than mere ancestors).
In that the adoption of animal breeding (or, with a sub-
The case of the sun (Num, Nom) among the Uralic peo-
tle difference, agriculture) creates a patrimony to be handed
ples is an example of this process. Its artificially constructed
down (herds, fields), ties of descent filiation develop and the
image as a supreme being is vague, fluctuating, and without
systems of relationships tend to become vertical. Thus the
ritual importance. In the myths of creation attributed to it
alliance increasingly attempts to postpone reciprocity and be-
the only constant element is its opposition to Nga, its (or his)
gins to follow the model of a “generalized exchange” (accord-
son or brother-in-law, depending upon the case, an opposi-
ing to which the clan from which one takes a wife is not the
tion that, rather than illustrating the Christian notion of a
same as the clan to which one gives a sister). Instead of be-
relationship between God and the devil, is indicative of a
coming segmented, the clans organize their lineages into a
fundamental problem of kinship among the Uralic peoples
hierarchy. In the economic system, alimentary compensation
concerning the opposition between older and younger peo-
is given to a “consecrated” or “tabooed” reindeer (or other
ple that is the framework of the creation myths. The same
domestic animal), fed along with its own herd but never uti-
is true with the Tunguz concerning the bugha (“sky,” derived
lized. Whereas the ritual treatment of the bones of the game
from an earlier meaning, “moose”). Relationships with the
animal aimed at its reincarnation on earth, the sacrifice of
spirits are reinterpreted. That which was nothing but a reac-
the domestic animal (always slaughtered in a manner differ-
tion by the spirits (beneficial or baleful) to the treatment re-
ent than the hunted wild animal) is intended to increase the
ceived from humans is radicalized into a moral opposition
herds of spirits. The animal gradually becomes less a being
of good and evil. The shaman’s “voyages” to the forest and
and more a product; the proportion of zoomorphic represen-
aquatic worlds are replaced by an ascension into the sky or
tations decreases. This ideological change, only initiated with
descent to the underworld. Nevertheless, the traditional
the animal breeding in the forest, expresses itself through the
pragmatic sense remains: The icons of the saints, interpreted
obviously production-oriented breeding found in the steppe
as the souls of the dead, are “fed” in the same way as tradi-
(and, to a lesser degree, in the tundra). Associated with the
tional representations in order to ensure the proper continua-
hierarchical centralization, it lays the groundwork for the
tion of domestic life.
emergence of transcendental entities and is receptive to
the adoption of a world religion with dogma and clergy, such
SEE ALSO Bears; Birds; Khanty and Mansi Religion; Num;
as Russian Orthodoxy or Buddhism.
Ongon; Samoyed Religion; Shamanism; Tunguz Religion;
Yakut Religion.
It is significant that the animal breeders living in the for-
est consider their own shamans as decadent and the shamans
BIBLIOGRAPHY
of their neighbors, who remained, for the most part, depen-
Delaby, Laurence. Chamanes toungouses. Études mongoles et
dent on hunting, as powerful. Such is the case with the Nen-
sibérienes, no. 7. Paris, 1976. Analytical bibliography of
tsy toward the Entsy, the Entsy toward the Selkup and the
Tunguz shamanism with a carefully documented general
Ket, and with all of them toward the Tunguz. This is because
presentation.
in the cattle breeders’ ideology the giver is now conceived of
Delaby, Laurence, et al. L’ours, l’autre de l’homme. Études mon-
in terms of the irreversible mode of filiation and therefore
goles et sibériennes, no. 11. Paris, 1980. Collection of docu-
ments and analyses on the symbolism of the bear, which
acquires the status of absolute superiority. He is no longer
serves to conceptualize “the other”: the allied or the deceased.
a partner with whom one negotiates, but a master on whom
The mechanism of the alliance seen through the Evenk Feast
one is dependent. The shaman’s capacity to act is therefore
of the Bear is analyzed by A. de Sales.
necessarily reduced in principle (since he is more dependent
Diószegi, Vilmos, ed. Popular Beliefs and Folklore Tradition in Si-
and has fewer opportunities to negotiate). As for the spirits,
beria. Uralic and Altaic Series, no. 57. Budapest, 1968. Col-
the pastoral ideology organizes them into a hierarchy, multi-
lection of articles, primarily by Soviet and Hungarian
plies and localizes them (which leads to the notion of spirit-
authors.
master of separate places), and also develops supporting
Diószegi, Vilmos, and Mihály Hoppál, eds. Shamanism in Siberia.
myths and figures of the founders and creators over the
Translated by S. Simon. Budapest, 1978. Collection of arti-
ancestors.
cles on various subjects.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SOZZINI, FAUSTO PAVOLO
8673
Donner, Kai. Among the Samoyed in Siberia. Edited by Genevieve
Jacobson, Esther. The Deer Goddess of Ancient Siberia: A Study in
A. Highland and translated by Rinehart Kyler. New Haven,
the Ecology of Belief. New York, 1993.
1954. The account of a long voyage through eastern Siberia
Martynov, Anatolii Ivanovich. The Ancient Art of Northern Asia.
from 1911 to 1913, originally published in German in 1926,
Translated and edited by Demitri B. Shimkin and Edith M.
is filled with ethnographical notations hitherto unpublished.
Shimkin. Urbana, 1991.
Hadjú, Péter. The Samoyed Peoples and Languages. Translated by
Marianne Esztergar and Attila P. Csanyi. Uralic and Altaic
ROBERTE HAMAYON (1987)
Series, no. 14. Bloomington, Ind., 1963. A good manual and
Translated from French by Sherri L. Granka
guide that reviews and classifies the knowledge on the various
Revised Bibliography
Samoyed groups.
Hoppál, Mihály, ed. Shamanism in Eurasia. 2 vols. Göttingen,
1984. Collection of articles on various subjects.
SOZZINI, FAUSTO PAVOLO (1539–1604), was
Levin, G. M., and L. P. Potapov, eds. The Peoples of Siberia.
an antitrinitarian theologian, known in Latin as Faustus So-
Translated by Stephen P. Dunn. Chicago, 1964. Historico-
cinus. Sozzini was born in Siena on December 5, 1539.
ethnographical encyclopedia, according only very limited
When his uncles fell under suspicion of heresy, and the In-
space to social and religious facts.
quisition threatened the Sozzini family, Sozzini left Italy on
Lot-Falck, Eveline. Les rites de chasse chez les peuples sibériens. Paris,
April 21, 1561, for Lyons, France. After the death of his
1953. General panorama organized by topic, including the
uncle Lelio Sozzini on May 14, 1562, Fausto acquired Lelio’s
clan organization of animals, rites intended to permit the
manuscripts, which decisively turned his interests from liter-
“resurrection” of game, and the abundance of rules that re-
ary studies to religious studies, specifically to doctrinal re-
lease the hunter from guilt and legitimize his catch.
form. His Explicatio primae partis primi capitis Ioannis (Ex-
Mazin, Anatolii Ivanovich. Traditsionnye verovaniia i obriady
planation of the First Part of the First Chapter of John’s
Evenkov-Orochonov (konets XIX-nachalo XX v.). Novosibirsk,
Gospel), written in 1562 during his stay in Zurich and Basel,
1984. An excellent description of hunting rites and shaman-
ism among a Tunguz tribe (the Orochon).
developed more fully Lelio’s view of Christ as the person who
revealed God’s new creation by his teachings and his life.
Paproth, Hans-Joachim. Studien über das Bärenzeremoniell, vol. 1,
Bärenjagdriten und Bärenfeste bei den tunguschen Völkern.
Sozzini returned to Italy in 1563, where he served at the
Uppsala, 1976. Comprehensive panorama of facts on the
court of Cosimo I, duke of Florence (later grand duke of
Feast of the Bear.
Tuscany). In 1574, after Cosimo’s death, he returned to
Vasilevich, G. M. Evenki: Istoriko-etnograficheskie ocherki (XVIII-
Switzerland and spent the following three years in Basel
nachalo XX v.). Leningrad, 1968. A remarkable book, the re-
studying scripture and theology. In his greatest work, De Jesu
sult of a long period of work on the subject of the Evenki.
Christo Servatore (On Jesus Christ, the Savior), completed in
Vdovin, I. S., ed. Priroda i chelovek v religioznykh predstavle-niiakh
1578, he attacked the doctrine that God requires satisfaction
narodov Sibiri i Severa. Leningrad, 1976. Collection of pa-
for human sins, argued that Christ is savior by his teachings
pers devoted to religious representations about man and na-
and exemplary life, and emphasized the importance of faith,
ture in Siberia. Contains very valuable materials.
as trust in God and in Christ, as essential for salvation. In
Vdovin, I. S., ed. Khristianstvo i lamaizm u korennogo naseleniia
his response to Francesco Pucci (a widely traveled Italian hu-
Sibiri. Leningrad, 1979. Collection of articles tracing the his-
manist from Florence) in 1578, De statu primi hominis ante
tory of religious contacts and presenting the various effects
lapsum (On the State of the First Man before the Fall), Soz-
of their influence. The introduction, a global assessment of
zini argued that humanity is mortal by nature; immortality
christianization, takes into account the linguistic obstacle
is a gift of God. He next traveled to Kolozsvár, Transylvania,
and the refusal of Christianity to compromise with local
beliefs.
to attempt to dissuade the Hungarian theologian Dávid
Ferenc (Francis Dávid) from his opposition to prayer to
Vdovin, I. S., ed. Problemy istorii obshchestvennogo soznaniia abori-
Christ (a view known as nonadorantism—that is, a denial
genov Sibiri. Leningrad, 1981. Many papers in this volume
concern shamanism in Siberia, based on data collected in the
that either religious worship or prayers for aid should be ad-
nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
dressed to Christ). When Dávid refused to change his stance,
Sozzini went on to Cracow, Poland, in 1579.
Voyages chamaniques. 2 vols. Special issue of L’ethnographie (Paris),
nos. 74–75 (1977) and nos. 87–88 (1982).
Although he was not admitted as a full member of the
New Sources
Minor Reformed Church of Poland (the Polish Brethren)
Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam. Shamanism: Soviet Studies of Tradi-
because he did not regard adult baptism as essential for
tional Religion in Siberia and Central Asia. Armonk, N.Y.,
church membership, Sozzini became the outstanding theolo-
1990.
gian of that church, uniting its various groups. He wrote nu-
Buell, Janet. Ancient Horsemen of Siberia. Brookfield, Conn.,
merous works defending the church against attacks on its an-
1998.
titrinitarian theological views and its pacifist social and
Diószegi, Vilmos, and Mihály Hoppál, eds. Folk Beliefs and Sha-
political views. In De Sacrae Scripturae auctoritate (On the
manistic Traditions in Siberia. Translated by S. Simon and
Authority of Holy Scripture), which was published under a
Stephen P. Dunn. Budapest, 1996.
pseudonym in 1580, Sozzini used rational and historical ar-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8674
SPACE, SACRED
guments to refute the skeptical views of those who doubted
SPACE, SACRED SEE SACRED SPACE
the divine authority of the Bible.
In 1586, Sozzini married Elzbieta Morsztyn, who died
SPARAGMOS
within a year. The Inquisition cut off his income from Italy,
SEE DISMEMBERMENT
and university students tried to kill him as a heretic. In 1589
he moved from Cracow to Luclawice. His colloquies with his
followers in 1601 and 1602 at Raków presented his mature
SPEAKING IN TONGUES SEE GLOSSOLALIA
views. Sozzini died at Luclawice on March 3, 1604.
Sozzini viewed Christ as unique, a man who is divine,
SPEECH, SACRED SEE LANGUAGE, ARTICLE
not by nature, but by virtue of his office, for God instructed
ON SACRED LANGUAGE
Christ, resurrected him, and gave him all power over the
church in heaven and on earth. He opposed the nonadorant-
ism of Dávid and others, insisting on prayer to Christ for
SPEKTOR, YITSH:AQ ELH:ANAN (1817–1896)
guidance and for aid. He regarded scripture as God’s revela-
was an Orthodox rabbi and foremost traditional Jewish legal
tion and denied that God can be known through a natural
authority during the last half of the nineteenth century. Born
theology. He held that humankind is mortal by nature and
in Rosh, in the Grodno district of Russia, Spektor was raised
that only the righteous will be resurrected. At death, sinners
in a highly traditional milieu and as a young boy mastered
suffer eternal extinction.
the study of Talmud under the tutelage of his father, YisraDel
Sozzini’s theological analyses and arguments elicited in-
Isser. After his arranged marriage at the age of thirteen, Spek-
tense controversies, which resulted in significant changes in
tor went to live with his in-laws in Volkovysk, where
the thought of some Protestant theologians, particularly on
Binyamin Diskin instructed him in rabbinics and ordained
the doctrine of the atonement. The Polish Brethren modified
him as a rabbi. Spektor occupied his first rabbinical post at
and continued his biblical, rational theology in their famous
the age of twenty and served as rabbi in several Russian
Racovian Catechism.
towns, including Nishvez and Novogrudok, centers of tradi-
tional Talmudic scholarship. In 1864 Spektor became rabbi
of Kovno, where he also headed the kolel (advanced rabbinic
BIBLIOGRAPHY
academy) until his death.
Works by Sozzini
Spektor’s piety, his absolute command of traditional
Alodia Kawecka-Gryczowa has provided detailed information on
rabbinic sources and methods, and his virtually unparalleled
the original publications of Sozzini’s works in Arian´skie ofi-
genius in rendering Jewish legal decisions made him the
cyny wydawnicze Rodeckiego i Sternac-kiego: Dzieje i bibliogra-
communal leader of Orthodox Jewry in Russia during his
fia / Les imprimeurs des antitrinitaires polonais Rodecki et
day. He participated in a host of charitable and civic affairs
Sternacki: Histoire et bibliographie (Cracow, 1974),
on behalf of Russian and world Jewry, arbitrated Jewish com-
pp. 177–187, 290–323. The principal comments on each
work are in Polish and in French. Sozzini’s works have been
munal disputes throughout the world, and was a staunch
collected and reprinted as Socini opera, volumes 1 and 2 of
supporter of Jewish colonization in Palestine. In addition,
Bibliotheca Fratrum Polonorum quos Unitarios vocant (Am-
Spektor attempted to defend traditional Judaism against
sterdam, 1656). Ludwik Chmaj has added detailed notes to
many of the onslaughts of modernity. He himself was unable
his Polish translation of Sozzini’s correspondence, Listy, 2
to speak Russian and was an opponent of the Haskalah (Jew-
vols. (Warsaw, 1959). Letters discovered since that date have
ish Enlightenment); he forbade the translation of the Tal-
been published in various scholarly journals.
mud into Russian and opposed the creation of modern rab-
binical seminaries where secular subjects would be taught.
Works about Sozzini
The Radical Reformation (Philadelphia, 1962), by George H. Wil-
Spektor’s first volume of responsa (Jewish legal deci-
liams, gives an authoritative account of the historical con-
sions), Be Der Yitshaq (1858), was published when he was thir-
texts and main themes of Sozzini’s work. The most complete
ty-one years old, a relatively young age for such a work. Two
study available, Ludwik Chmaj’s Faust Socyn, 1539–1604
other collections of responsa—Nahal Yitshaq (1872, 1884)
(Warsaw, 1963), is in Polish with one-page summaries in
and EEin Yitsh:aq (1889, 1895)—further enhanced his stat-
Russian and English. George H. Williams has illuminated
ure. His decisions, marked by an astonishing ability to cite
many issues in Sozzini’s theology in “The Christological Is-
the whole range of rabbinic literature in arriving at a judg-
sues between Francis Dávid and Faustus Socinus during the
ment, display a tendency toward leniency. They remain a
Disputation on the Invocation of Christ, 1578–1579,” in
valuable and authoritative source for contemporary Ortho-
Antitrinitarianism in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century,
dox rabbis in dealing with Jewish legal issues. The largest Or-
edited by Róbert Dán and Antal Pirnát (Leiden, 1982),
pp. 287–321.
thodox rabbinical school in the United States, the Rabbi
Isaac Elchanan Theological Seminary of Yeshiva University
JOHN C. GODBEY (1987)
in New York, is named after him.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPELLS
8675
BIBLIOGRAPHY
sometimes require musical backgrounds, specially prepared
The most comprehensive work yet written on Spektor’s life is
settings, appropriate instruments, prudent timing, and atten-
Ephraim Shimoff’s “Rabbi Isaac Elchanan Spektor: His Life
tion to taboos that might be violated, such as sex, the lack
and Works” (Ph.D. diss., Yeshiva University, 1959). Samuel
of initiation, or impurity.
K. Mirsky has also written an article, “Isaac Elchanan Spek-
tor,” in Guardians of Our Heritage (New York, 1958), edited
Spells can serve either collective ends, such as victory in
by Leo Jung. While both these pieces provide valuable infor-
battle, the banishing of plagues and epidemics, or the bring-
mation for an understanding of Spektor’s life, a definitive
ing of rain, or they can serve personal ends, such as the at-
critical study remains to be completed.
tainment of love, health, power, wealth, virility, fertility,
New Sources
finding out who has stolen something, or causing harm to
Rakeffet-Rothkoff, Aaron. “Rabbi Yitshak Elhanan Spektor of
an enemy. The former collective spells require a complex cer-
Kovno, Spokesman for ‘agunot.’” Tradition 29 (1995):
emony and initiates. The latter, usually carried out on a pop-
5–20.
ular level, generally need only to be repeated continually or
D
for a magical number of times.
AVID ELLENSON (1987)
Revised Bibliography
As a general rule, spells accompany the preparation of
potions, amulets, weapons, magical paraphernalia, scepters,
and objects of sorcery. They are recited over sick people, ad-
SPELLS belong to the general context of magical thought.
dressed to the natural elements one wants to control, or mur-
They consist of words or sets of words that issue a command
mured softly and continuously. Rarely are they repeated
that is efficacious merely because it has been pronounced.
by large groups of people, although this does happen occa-
Spells represent one of the many techniques used to control
sionally.
nature and the evils arising in a given society. They are found
POWERFUL SOUNDS AND WORDS. Many scholars have con-
universally and are probably as old as language itself, having
centrated on the study of the word as a symbol. These schol-
been in existence since the Lower Paleolithic.
ars include linguists, sociologists, anthropologists, philoso-
phers, educators, psychiatrists, and occultists. Many of these
The basis of the power of spells is the primitive idea that
researchers are inclined to give an onomatopoeic value to
nothing exists without a name and that to know the names
sounds: For example, /m/ and /n/ are related to the mother
of things is to possess them. Thus, to give orders with the
because of the sound made during breastfeeding; /g/ is relat-
appropriate words is to ensure success, made even more cer-
ed to water, because that is how it sounds when swallowed;
tain when the speaker is a witch, shaman, holy person, or
and /a/ is an imperative for calling attention. Since ancient
anyone else whose profession it is to deal with mystery.
times, philosophers such as Plato (in his dialogue Cratylus)
Stated in other terms, spells are all-powerful spoken for-
have remarked on how words somehow take on the form of
mulas, words, or phrases of power. They are definitive: Once
the things they name.
uttered, the desired chain of events is set irrevocably in mo-
tion. Each word, once enunciated, has a magical value and
Nevertheless, a serious analysis yields very few sounds
weight that none can control.
or words that have the same value in all cultures. Greater uni-
versality can be found, perhaps, in the language of gestures:
The order given in the spell, addressed to deities, spirits,
assenting by moving the head up and down, negating by
or the forces of nature, can be creative, destructive, protec-
moving it from right to left, beckoning with the arm and
tive, or medicinal; it can demand triumph over an enemy,
hand, pointing things out with the index finger or the eyes
or the attainment of impossible powers or things. It can be
and brows, or threatening by raising a fist.
used to break spells, cast spells, or obtain love.
In Qabbalah, the interest in a knowledge of sounds,
CONDITIONS OF SPELLS. According to magical thought, only
written letters, and words was intensified. Each sign was
prayers can be spoken by anyone at any time and remain ef-
given a magical value that had a religious meaning and a nu-
fective. Spells, by contrast, and other such magical activities,
merical relationship. For example, the Hebrew letter alef be-
have many prerequisites. Spells in particular must be pro-
came the symbol of humankind and the abstract principle
nounced by a person who is initiated into the mysteries or
of material objects; it is the trinity in unity and its numerical
endowed with supernatural powers, and who is sexually, di-
value is 1 (Scholem, 1974). Freemasonry also produced spec-
etetically, and socially pure. The person casting the spell
ulations in this field, but it assigned many meanings to the
must know with precision the words he or she will pro-
same letter. The letter A became an emblem of the first of
nounce, the time when they must be uttered, the cardinal
the three faculties of divinity—creative power—in addition
point toward which one will face, what one will stand or sit
to being the abbreviation for the word architect (Powells,
on, how his or her person must be arranged, the clothing,
1982). This association of the word with creation is found
colors, ornaments, and objects to be used, the number of
among many peoples of the world.
times one must repeat the words, and the psychological
attitude and manners one must assume. Everything must be
The history of religions has provided several words or
precise. As a part of religious and magical activities, spells
short phrases that have been believed to be particularly pow-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8676
SPELLS
erful. The gnostics of North Africa, for instance, made an
they developed high levels of art, magic, and religion. The
abundant use of talismans and incantations. Two words in
preparation of a scarab, carved from semi-precious stone to
particular have survived to this day: abraxas and abracadabra.
replace the heart of the deceased, required that the artisan
The word abraxas represents the supreme deity and his su-
recite the following spell: “I am Thoth, the inventor and
preme power. Numerically (a = 1, b = 2, r = 100, a = 1, x
founder of medicine and letters; come to me, thou who art
= 60, a = 1, s = 200) it adds up to 365, or the number of
under the earth, rise up to me, great spirit.” This spell was
days in the solar year, the cycle of divine action. The word
to be uttered without fail on a set number of days after the
was carved into stone as a talisman and pronounced as a pro-
new moon (Idries Shah, 1968). Many similar spells are
tective device. The word abracadabra, derived from the Ara-
known to have been used, usually with apotropaic intent. In
maic phrase “Avreiq Ead havraD ” (“Hurl thunderbolts to
addition, the Egyptian Book of Going Forth by Day records
[unto? at?] darkness”), was used to invoke the aid of the su-
spells that were to be used for each moment after a person’s
preme spirits. Inscribed as an inverted triangle, with one less
death.
letter on each successive line, it was considered a powerful
Mesopotamia. The earliest Mesopotamian cultures
talisman.
have left very few records of their magico-religious thought.
The Jews, a people rich in esoteric and magical lore,
Later Assyro-Babylonian translations make it seem that one
were the inventors of Qabbalah, which includes one of the
of the most crucial concerns of these peoples was the evil eye,
most important techniques for the numerological analysis of
the evil that surrounds people on all sides and affects them
words and letters, intended to reveal their esoteric meaning.
especially in the form of the envy of enemies. One spell
Four words in particular deserve mention. Adonai, which
against the evil eye went as follows:
means “supreme lord,” was spoken as an infallible invocation
Let the finger point to the evil desires,
of aid. Haleluyah, translated as “hymn to the lord,” also
the word of ill omen.
served as an invocation. Amen was a term that gave a full and
Evil is the eye, the enemy eye,
definitive meaning to whatever was expressed. It was under-
eye of woman, eye of man,
stood as “So be it,” but with the magical sense that things
eye of a rival, anyone’s eye.
could not be otherwise. Some think it was derived from invo-
Eye, you have nailed yourself to the door
cations to Amun. Golem referred to the basic substance from
and have made the doorsill tremble.
which God created humans. When deprived of a soul, it
You have penetrated the house. . . .
could be used to create evil beings, who could be controlled
Destroy that eye! Drive out that eye!
only by pronouncing the true and secret name of God.
Cast it off! Block its path!
Within Islam, three phrases are believed by some to
Break the eye like an earthen bowl! (Garcia Font, 1963)
have a magical power. The phrase “La¯ ila¯ha illa¯ Alla¯h”
The old spells used in Assyrian medicine had something of
(“There is no god but God”) has been used to perform mira-
a mythical nature. Take, for instance, this spell for toothache:
cles (Idries Shah, 1968). The phrase “Alla¯h akbar” (“God is
great”) serves as a basis for white magic, and the words “Ism
After Anu made the heavens, the heavens made the
al-aEz:am” are used to subjugate or subdue evil spirits.
earth, the earth made the rivers, the rivers made the ca-
nals, the canals made the swamps, and the swamps, in
Among Christians, the names Christ and Jesus serve to
turn, made the Worm. The Worm, crying, approached
stave off evil. Roman Catholics may seek triple insurance by
Shamash, and he approached Ea, spilling tears: “What
naming all three members of the holy family: “Jesus, Mary,
will you give me to eat and what will you give me to
and Joseph.”
destroy?” “I will give you dried figs and apricots.” “Of
what use are they to me? Put me between your teeth and
For Tibetan Buddhists, the phrase “Om: man:i padme
let me live in your gums, so that I can destroy the blood
hu¯m:” contains many occult meanings. It is believed that the
of the teeth and gnaw at the marrow of the
first word, om:, emanates from the cosmic vibration essential
gums. . . .” “Since you have spoken thus, O Worm,
to creation. Some scholars maintain that it is equivalent to
let Ea crush you with his powerful fist.” (Hocart, 1975)
the Amin of the Muslims and the Amen of the Jews. It is the
This was repeated until the pain disappeared.
basic name of the creator god. The complete phrase expresses
a desire to be pure and to be part of the universal spirit.
Greece. The Greeks imagined their gods as having
human form and character, and they occasionally ordered
SPELLS IN THE HISTORY OF RELIGIONS. Since ancient times
them to help the needy by means of magical formulas, as in
people have uttered and written words, phrases, and formu-
the following spell addressed to Hekate:
las that they have believed to have some magic power or irre-
sistible influence. Spells to ward off what is evil or undesir-
Come, infernal, earthly and heavenly one . . . goddess
able and to bring about what is good or desirable are known
of the crossroads, bearer of light, queen of the night,
in many cultures.
enemy of the sun, friend and companion of the dark-
ness; you who are happy with the barking of dogs and
Egypt. The basic esoteric activity of the ancient Egyp-
bloodshed, and who wander in the darkness, near the
tians was preparation for life after death. For this purpose
tombs, thirsty for blood, the terror of mortals, Gorgon,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPELLS
8677
Mormon, moon of a thousand forms, accept my sacri-
of Varuna, I invoke the burning force of love, in thee, for
fice. (Caro Baroja, 1964)
thee. The desire, the potent love-spirit which all the gods
Medieval Europe. In Europe, the practitioners of
have created in the waters, this I invoke, this I employ, to
witchcraft developed multiple spells for defense against ene-
secure thee for me” (Idries Shah, 1968).
mies, always preceded by the name of God and the archan-
China. One result of China’s use of ideograms is that
gels. Terrible spells that try to control enemies have also been
its magic produces mostly written talismans, although spells
found. In the anonymous medieval work Clavicula Salomonis
abound, greatly influenced by their historical past. A spell
(Small Key of Salomo), one reads: “Man or woman! Young
written on the blade of a sword could make it invincible: “I
man or old! Whoever might be the evil person trying to harm
wield the large sword of Heaven to cut down specters in their
me, either directly or indirectly, bodily or spiritually . . .
five shapes; one stroke of this divine blade disperses a myriad
MALEDICTUS ETERNAM EST, by the holy names of Ad-
of these beings” (Idries Shah, 1968).
onai, Elohim, and Semaforas. Amen.” After reciting this
spell, a candle was extinguished as a sign of the finality of
Mesoamerica. As in most cultures, magic in pre-
the curse.
Conquest Mexico was highly specialized, permitted only to
initiates. The spells themselves prove this, since their lan-
Sudan. The Sudan covers a territory between Egypt and
guage was comprehensible only to occultists of the time; for
Ethiopia, where the magic of Egyptian antiquity and the later
example, a spell for alleviating intestinal pain—very com-
Muslims is mixed with primitive animistic magic. Popular
mon in tropical countries—was recorded in the seventeenth
sorcerers and magicians abound, openly offering their ser-
century by Jacinto de la Serna:
vices. Frequently they exalt their own powers, which they ob-
tain through their spells. For example, when a hunter hires
Ea, white serpent, yellow serpent, observe that you are
damaging the coffer . . . the tendons of meat. . . .
one to obtain luck at hunting, the magician says: “I am a ma-
But the white eagle already goes ahead, but it is not my
gician, all powerful in spells. What I say comes true. I say,
intention to harm or destroy you, I want only to stop
‘Give victory to so and so.’ He will have victory in all things.”
the harm you cause by withdrawing . . . by stopping
Afterward, the magician goes about filled with the desire that
your powerful hands and feet. But should you rebel and
events might occur that will instill the hunter and the warrior
disobey, I will call to my aid the pledged spirit Huactzin
with luck. This is accompanied by whistlelike sounds and by
and also call the black chichimeco, who is also hungry
facing toward different cardinal points, whistling three times
and thirsty, and who rips out his intentines, to follow
in each direction while holding a receptacle of water. The Su-
you. I will also call my sister, the one with the skirt of
danese believe that spells are more powerful when pro-
jade, who soils and disorders stones and trees, and in
nounced over running water.
whose company will go the pledged leopard, who will
go and make noise in the place of the precious stones
The Sudanese also have spells to give power to certain
and treasures: the skeletal green leopard will also accom-
leaves that are used in the preparation of medicines. The
pany her. (de la Serna, [1656] 1953)
spells are recited over the leaves a specific number of times
The serpents mentioned at the beginning are the intestinal
in order to bring about the desired effect.
maladies (intestinal worms, pinworms, tapeworms, etc.) that
To obtain the love of the opposite sex, the magician
harm the stomach and intestines. They are threatened with
draws a magic circle within which the magician prepares a
the eagle, which represents the needle used to pierce the
potion of herbs and feathers. In order to give the potion the
stomach for bloodletting. They are also threatened with the
necessary potency, the magician repeats the following spell:
spirit of medicinal plants and liquids.
“I am a magician, O Pot, you contain the medicines of love,
Modern-day spells. With the development of experi-
the spell of love, of passion. My heart throbs like the drum,
mental science, one would expect magic and religion to de-
my blood boils like water.” This is repeated three times, and
cline. In fact all three remain active, although magic has cer-
afterward another spell is intoned: “Bring my desire to me,
tainly yielded ground. (Magic tends to gain ground in times
my name is so-and-so, and my desire is the one whom I
of crisis.) One finds both ancient and modern spells dis-
love.” This spell requires solemnity and precision. To make
guised in the folk tales recorded by the brothers Grimm, such
it more effective, one has to open and close one’s eyes four
as the traditional “Magic wand, by the powers you possess,
times, slowly, while saying it.
I command you to make me [rich, invisible, etc.].”
Such spells are not taught to laypersons, only to initi-
Mexico provides an interesting example of the survival
ates. To be able to pronounce them one has to undertake a
of ancient spells. In pre-Conquest Mexico, death was be-
series of purifications, such as abstaining from food and sex
lieved to be a change of life, and it was thought that the god
for forty to sixty days (Idries Shah, 1968).
of the underworld, Mictlantecuhtli, was a disembodied, skel-
India. The sheer number of spells used in the sacred
etal being with whom those who died natural deaths were
books of India is noteworthy in itself. The Atharvaveda in
united in burial. After the Spanish conquest, the figure was
particular is full of them. Here will be mentioned only one,
assimilated, ending up as a being who lends aid when the re-
dedicated to obtaining a man’s love: “By the power and laws
quest is made in the appropriate fashion. Thus today, at the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8678
SPENCER, BALDWIN
entrance to thousands of churches throughout Mexico, one
Selected Studies on Ritual in the Indian Religions: Essays to D.J.
can buy prayers and spells “To Most Holy Death.” The most
Hoens. Ria Kloppenborg, ed. Leiden, 1983.
common of these tries to obtain the love of some indifferent
Versnel, H. S. “Some Reflections on the Relationship Magic-
person and says: “Death, beloved of my heart, do not sepa-
Religion.” Numen 38 (1991): 177–197.
rate me from your protection; do not leave him a quiet mo-
BEATRIZ BARBA DE PIÑA CHÁN (1987)
ment, bother him every instant, frighten him, worry him so
Translated from Spanish by Erica Meltzer
that he will always think of me.” This is repeated as often
Revised Bibliography
as possible, with the interjection of Catholic prayers.
The new mythology is even felt in the kitchen. For ex-
ample, when there is some fear the the cooking will not turn
SPENCER, BALDWIN SEE GILLEN, FRANCIS
out well, the following spell is recited: “Saint Theresa, you
JAMES, AND BALDWIN SPENCER
who found God in the stew, help my stew not to be [salty,
burned, overcooked, etc.].” It must be admitted, however,
that this and many other spells are usually said out of habit,
SPENCER, HERBERT
not from a certainty that the words, through their intrinsic
(1820–1903), was an English
power, will bring the desired results. Nevertheless, a belief
philosopher who became the most influential exponent of
in the power of spells can still be found among marginal
social evolutionism. Born in Derby, England, and educated
groups even today, as it has been found in the past.
largely in an atmosphere of religious dissent (and especially
influenced by Quakers and Unitarians of the Derby
SEE ALSO Incantation; Language; Magic; Names and Nam-
Philosphical Society), Spencer combined a practical bent (for
ing; Om:; Postures and Gestures.
railway engineering, inventions, etc.) with a constant search
for scientific principles. He became assistant editor at the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Economist in London in 1848. After an early essay (1852) on
Caro Baroja, Julio. The World of Witches. Translated by O. N. V.
the “development hypothesis” (concerning the laws of prog-
Glendinning. Chicago, 1984.
ress), he settled on evolution as the basic principle governing
Cassirer, Ernst. Language and Myth. Translated by Susanne K.
all change in the universe and began propagating a theory
Langer. New York, 1948.
of evolution even before Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of
Cirlot, J. E. Simbolismo fonetico. Barcelona, 1973.
Species appeared in 1859.
Garcia Font, Juan. El mundo de la magia. Madrid, 1963.
The core of Spencer’s literary output was published in
Hitschler, K. Pouvoirs secrets des mots et des symboles. Paris, 1968.
several volumes under the general title A System of Synthetic
Hocart, A. M. Mito, ritual y costumbre. Barcelona, 1975.
Philosophy; this huge endeavor was left unfinished at Spen-
cer’s death. Its bearing on religion was at least fourfold. First,
Idries Shah, Sayed. Oriental Magic. New ed. London, 1968.
the prefatory volume, called First Principles (1862), contains
Jung, C. G. Symbols of Transformation, vol. 5 of Collected Works
the earliest philosophic exposition of the position known as
of Carl G. Jung. 2d ed. Edited by Gerhard Adler and translat-
agnosticism. Proceeding beyond the fideism of William
ed by R. F. Hull. Princeton, N. J., 1967.
Hamilton and Henry Mansel, both of whom maintained
Powells, L. La sociedad secreta y la iluminación interior. Buenos
that the existence of God was a matter of faith rather than
Aires, 1982.
certain knowledge, Spencer argued that the force behind the
Scholem, Gershom. Kabbalah. New York, 1974.
cosmic process of evolution was unknown and unknowable.
Serna, Jacinto de la. Manual de Ministros de Indios para el conoci-
Second, this work and his books The Principles of Biology
miento de sus idolatrías y extirpación de ellas (1656). Reprint,
(1864–1867) and The Principles of Psychology (1855–1870)
Mexico City, 1953.
defended evolution as a universal natural process of develop-
Suares, Carlo. The Sepher Yetsira: Including the Original Astrology
ment from simple and homogenous to more complex and
according to the Qabala and Its Zodiac. Translated by Vincent
differentiated forms of life over millions of years. Thus Spen-
Stuart. Boulder, Colo., 1976.
cer became embroiled with Darwin, T. H. Huxley, and oth-
New Sources
ers in the debate with those who held to a literal interpreta-
Ancient Christian Magic. Marvin Meyer and Richard Smith, eds.
tion of Genesis or who denied the simian ancestry of human
Princeton, 1999.
beings. Spencer also used the evolution debate as a forum to
Betz, Hans Dieter. Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Including
attack the idea of established religion.
the Demotic Spells. Chicago, 1992.
Social evolutionism was the third and most important
Gager, John G. Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from Antiquity
of his system’s implications for religious questions. In The
and the Ancient World. New York, 1992.
Principles of Sociology (1876–1896), he presented a barely
Magic Spells and Formulae: Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity.
qualified unilineal account of religious evolution and also
Joseph Naveh and Shaul Shaked, eds. Jerusalem, 1993.
fleshed out the first “sociology of religion” (at least in En-
Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion. Christopher A.
glish). Spencer thought that the origins of religion lay in the
Obbink and Dirk Obbink, eds. New York, 1991.
worship of ghosts or ancestors; he extrapolated this view
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPENER, PHILIPP JAKOB
8679
from the balance of evidence found among “primitives,” or
tion-oriented educational philosophy, especially that of John
what he had no hesitation in describing as “the lowest races
Dewey, has been more durable.
of mankind.” Although primitive religions had, according to
Spencer, barely evolved, he believed that marks of progress
BIBLIOGRAPHY
could be found in the religions of the greater civilizations,
Other works by Herbert Spencer include Social Statics (1851; re-
and he tended to plot Greco-Roman and Hindu polythe-
print, New York, 1954), The Study of Sociology (London,
isms, the “cruder” monotheisms of Jews and Muslims, and
1873), The Man versus the State (1884; reprint, London,
the relative refinements of Catholicism and Protestantism on
1950), and An Autobiography, 2 vols. (London, 1904). There
an ascending scale, envisaging his own agnostic, scientific po-
is no monograph especially devoted to Spencer’s ideas about
sition as the pinnacle in the history of religious conscious-
religion, although one-half of my “The Origins of the Com-
ness. Apart from suggesting that history reflected progress to-
parative Study of Religions” (M.A. thesis, Monash Universi-
ward more mature insights and institutional complexity,
ty, Clayton, Australia, 1967) analyzes these in depth. Of
published works on Spencer’s social theory, J. D. Y. Peel’s
Spencer outlined the kinds of religious activity worth investi-
Herbert Spencer: The Evolution of a Sociologist (London,
gation. He isolated ceremonial institutions, for example—a
1971) and David Wiltshire’s The Social and Political Thought
category in which he placed laws of intercourse, habits and
of Herbert Spencer (Oxford, 1978) are the best. See also J. W.
customs, mutilations, and funeral rites, as well as ecclesiasti-
Burrow’s Evolution and Society (London, 1966) on Spencer
cal institutions.
in the context of British evolutionist thought as a whole; Eric
J. Sharpe’s Comparative Religion: A History (London, 1975)
Finally, his system also carried ethical implications. In
on placing Spencer in the history of the field of comparative
The Principles of Ethics (1879–1893), and in various social
religion; and my “Radical Conservatism in Herbert Spencer’s
essays (especially those in his book Education: Intellectual,
Educational Thought,” British Journal of Educational Studies
Moral, and Physical, 1861), he was seen as a liberal and an
(1969): 267–280, on religious and philosophical assump-
“individualist” who opposed punitive child-rearing, narrow
tions underlying Spencer’s views on education.
biblicist morality, and state legislation that interferes in pri-
vate affairs or with the entrepreneurial spirit.
New Sources
Agnosticism: Contemporary Responses to Spencer and Huxley. Bristol,
Spencer’s book sales were poor during his lifetime, and
U.K., 1995.
he eked out a frugal existence as a London bachelor until he
Duncan, David. The Life and Letters of Herbert Spencer (1908).
was taken in by two elderly women in his old age. Through
London, 1996.
the later popularization of his ideas, however, his influence
Fitzgerald, Timothy. “Herbert Spencer’s Agnosticism.” Religious
was immense, especially in the United States. His work and
Studies 23 (1987): 477–491.
that of E. B. Tylor were crucial in conditioning the wide-
spread preoccupation in English-speaking scholarship with
GARRY W. TROMPF (1987)
the evolution of religion. Always ready for a lively inter-
Revised Bibliography
change with other scholars and literati, Spencer struck up
close intellectual friendships with George Eliot and her com-
panion Henry Lewes and debated with Max Müller about
SPENER, PHILIPP JAKOB (1635–1705), is the
mythology and the origins of religion. Spencer combined
most widely recognized representative of early Pietism.
cautious distinctions and vitriolic attacks in an attempt to
Spener was born in Rappoltsweiler, Alsace, on January 13,
dissociate himself from Comtism and the views propounded
1635. He grew up in a Lutheran home in which the prevail-
by Frederick Harrison, an English disciple of Auguste
ing religious atmosphere was heavily influenced by Johann
Comte.
Arndt’s True Christianity, the widely beloved devotional
Spencer’s written approach to religion suffered from a
guide of seventeenth-century Lutheranism. Thus Spener was
certain dilettantism: His knowledge of foreign languages was
naturally predisposed toward Arndtian piety. Being an om-
limited, and his educational background provided him no
nivorous reader, even at a tender age, he acquainted himself
basis for the in-depth study of any single historical religion.
early with Puritan works that had been translated into Ger-
He barely traveled outside Great Britain, although his ency-
man, as well as with those coming out of the reform party
clopedic tendencies, as well as his ability to collect data
within Lutheranism, the avowed aim of which was the fur-
through travelers’ accounts and mission reports from all over
therance of religious devotion and ethical sensitivity within
the world, made him a precursor to the armchair scholarship
the Lutheran churches.
associated with James G. Frazer and The Golden Bough.
After he had completed the necessary preliminary
At the turn of the twentieth century, the liveliest popu-
studies, Spener matriculated at the University of Strasbourg
larizer of Spencer’s ideas was W. H. Hudson, and his most
in 1651. His student life manifested what was considered,
cogent critic in matters of religious sociology was Émile
by the prevailing standards of the day, an unusually ascetic
Durkheim. His impact has waned with the decline of social
tendency, insofar as he abstained from excessive drinking,
evolutionism, but his influence on cosmological theory (that
revelry, and generally rude behavior. The dominant intellec-
of Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, for instance) and on evolu-
tual influence upon him during his university days was exert-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8680
SPINOZA, BARUCH
ed by his theology professor, Johann Konrad Dannhauer
ship and appropriate literature, the holy life expressed in love
(1603–1666), who, among other things, deepened Spener’s
for God and humans, the need for religious fellowship of
lifelong interest in the teachings of Martin Luther. Upon
like-minded people, and the hope of being able to reform the
completion of his studies, Spener spent some years in travel.
church for the purpose of reshaping a sinful world. Spener
That he did so largely in Reformed territories seems to say
was opposed chiefly because of his often expressed vision of
something about his appreciation of the piety found in vari-
a better future for the church, which implied that the church
ous Reformed circles. During his itinerary he visited Basel,
was in need of renewal; for his insistence on religious instruc-
where he studied Hebrew under Johann Buxtorf (1599–
tion and on a way of life calculated to be a protest against
1664). At Geneva the fiery French representative of Re-
the moral laxity of the day, which in the eyes of his oppo-
formed Pietism, Jean de Labadie (1610–1674), impressed
nents marked him as a zealot; and for instituting private
Spener so much that in 1667 he published a translation of
meetings (collegia pietatis), which were seen as having the po-
one of Labadie’s edificatory tracts. During an extended visit
tential to fragment the church.
to Tübingen he set in motion various impulses toward the
development of Swabian Pietism. Upon his return to Stras-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
bourg (1663) he worked for his doctoral degree, taught and
Toward the end of his life Spener published some of his writings
in his Theologische Bedencken, 4 vols. in 2 (Halle, 1700–
preached, and married Susanne Ehrhardt. They had eleven
1702), to which Karl Hildebrand von Canstein posthumous-
children.
ly added Letzte theologische Bedencken, 3 vols. (Halle, 1711).
Spener was called to a succession of pastorates, begin-
Since then many of Spener’s works have been published sin-
ning with his appointment in 1666 to the position of senior
gly, and a long series of unsuccessful attempts have been
made to bring out a complete edition of his writings. Toward
pastor at Frankfurt am Main, where his emphasis on the cat-
the end of the nineteenth century Paul Grünberg, the noted
echization of children and on confirmation began to evoke
Spener scholar, edited a modernized version of Spener’s
critical reactions. So did his introduction of private meetings
Hauptschriften (Gotha, 1889). The Historical Commission
among the laity for the purpose of promoting a life of person-
for the Study of Pietism (Kommission zur Erforschung des
al piety. Here, too, began his correspondence with highly
Pietismus) has begun publication of a multivolume edition
placed people, which gradually helped to make him the most
of Philipp Jakob Spener Schriften, edited by Erich Beyreuther
influential pastor in Germany during his time. Then, weary
(Hildesheim, 1979–). Spener’s best-known work, his Pia de-
of the controversies that his activities and writings had pro-
sideria, has been translated into very readable English and
voked, Spener accepted a call to Dresden, in Saxony, where
supplied with an introduction by Theodore G. Tappert
in 1686 he became chaplain of Elector Johann Georg III.
(Philadelphia, 1964).
However, the elector’s lack of sympathy for Spener’s con-
The classic biography of Spener is still Paul Grünberg’s Philipp
cerns prompted him to move to Berlin in 1691. As rector
Jakob Spener, 3 vols. (Göttingen, 1893–1906); volume 3
contains an exhaustive bibliography. The major contempo-
of the Church of Saint Nicholas, as a member of the Luther-
rary work on Spener is Johannes Wallmann’s Philipp Jakob
an consistory, and as inspector of churches he was now at the
Spener und die Anfänge des Pietismus (Tübingen, 1970). Mar-
zenith of his effectiveness. Enjoying the confidence of the
tin Kruse’s Speners Kritik am landesherrlichen Kirchenregiment
ruling house of Prussia and of a large segment of the German
und ihre Vorgeschichte (Witten, 1971), and Jan Olaf Rütt-
nobility, he was instrumental in opening up many pastorates
gardt’s Heiliges Leben in der Welt: Grundzüge christlicher Sit-
throughout Germany to the appointment of pastors with Pi-
tlichkeit nach Philipp Jakob Spener (Bielefeld, 1978), are im-
etist leanings. Spener died on February 5, 1705, having ex-
portant studies of Spener’s attitude toward the church
pressed the wish that he be buried in a white coffin, a symbol
government of his day and of his ethics, respectively.
of his hope that the church on earth might expect better
F. ERNEST STOEFFLER (1987)
times.
A prolific writer, Spener published many hundreds of
SPINOZA, BARUCH
letters; sermons; edificatory and catechetical tracts; works on
(1632–1677; known as Bento
genealogy, history, and heraldry; and writings of a polemical
in Portuguese, Benedictus in Latin) was a Jewish rational nat-
nature. The most famous of his literary productions was his
uralist of Marrano descent and the author of a rigorously mo-
Pia desideria, which appeared as a preface to Arndt’s Postil
nistic interpretation of reality expressed through an inter-
in 1675 and later was published separately at various times.
locking chain of propositions demonstrated in the
In it he proposed his program for the moral and spiritual re-
geometrical manner. Spinoza’s relentless drive for the naked
form of individuals, church, and society, which he followed
truth was of singular intensity, and his scientific assessment
throughout his life.
of traditional Jewish thought thoroughly uncompromising.
His aim was to contemplate things as they really are rather
The major emphases of Spener’s works are typical of Pi-
than as we would like them to be. Anthropocentrism is pe-
etism, namely, natural humanity’s lost estate, the necessity
remptorily and unceremoniously banished from his philo-
of its religious renewal, the possibility of its conscious experi-
sophical purview. Despite Spinoza’s unadorned style, consid-
ence of God’s regenerating and sustaining presence, the de-
erable controversy still envelops the interpretation of the very
sirability of continued spiritual nourishment through wor-
foundations of his thought.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPINOZA, BARUCH
8681
LIFE AND WORKS. On July 27, 1656, Bento de Spinoza was
Jonathan Israel, on the other hand, has argued eloquent-
excommunicated by the ma’amad (ruling board) of the Am-
ly and persuasively that it was Spinoza’s public and provoca-
sterdam Jewish community into which he had been born.
tive repudiation of the fundamentals of Rabbinic Judaism
His father, Mikael, had been born in Vidigere (modern-day
that made it impossible for the synagogue authorities not to
Figueira), Portugal, and had a close personal and financial
expel him (Israel, 2001, pp. 162–174). This is reinforced by
relationship with the Portuguese merchant Abraham de Spi-
the exceptional severity of the excommunication formula
noza of Nantes, who was both his uncle and his father-in-
used in his case. Israel points out that if the core ideas of Spi-
law. Bento was the son of Mikael’s second wife, Hanna De-
noza’s mature system were already outlined in Spinoza’s
bora, who died when the child was scarcely six. Spinoza was
Short Treatise (1660–1661), and if he was capable of con-
never trained to be a rabbi, as previously thought, and was
vincing Oldenburg in 1660 that he had outflanked Carte-
never a full-time pupil of Sha’ul Levi Morteira, a senior in-
sianism, then it seems most unlikely that if one assumes, as
structor in Talmud-Torah Ets Hayyim, although he may
most scholars do, that Spinoza started his philosophical odys-
have attended an adult group known as Yeshivat Keter Torah
sey around the time of his excommunication in 1656, just
that was led by Morteira. He apparently left school at age
four years before, that he could conceivably have reached
thirteen or fourteen to work in his father’s business. From
such a level of achievement so speedily. One must conclude
1654, the year of Mikael’s death, to 1656, the firm Bento
that he had begun his philosophical phase long before this,
y Gabriel de Spinoza was managed by Bento and his younger
as indicated by various strands of evidence. Thus Jarig Jelles
brother Gabriel. In March 1656, several months before his
affirms in his preface to Opera Posthuma that long before the
excommunication, Spinoza decided to take advantage of a
ban in 1656, Spinoza had seriously engaged the Cartesian
Dutch law that protected minors who had been orphaned,
philosophy, rebelling inwardly against the teachings of the
and dispossessed himself of his father’s estate, which was
synagogue. Similarly, the eighteenth-century historian of
heavily burdened by debts.
Amsterdam Sephardic Jewry, David Franco Mendes, stresses
that, even as a boy, Spinoza vacillated in his Jewish belief as
The manuscript of the ban, written in Portuguese, the
a result of his philosophical excursions. But the clearest
language of all documents of the Amsterdam Jewish commu-
proof, argues Israel, is what Spinoza reveals in the autobio-
nity, is still preserved in the municipal archives of Amster-
graphical passage of the Emendation of the Intellect (1658),
dam but contains no signatures. Other contemporary docu-
where he dwells on the long inner struggle he experienced
ments suggest that young Spinoza’s heretical views, which
before he could tear himself loose from the double existence
led to his excommunication, were reinforced especially by
he had been leading, in which outward conformity was un-
Juan (Daniyye’l) de Prado. Excommunicated in 1658, de
easily joined with inner turmoil. Spinoza was finally able to
Prado was also a member of Morteira’s Keter Torah circle
cut the Gordian knot when, by 1655, his family business was
and had attacked biblical anthropomorphism, poked fun at
ruined and his father’s estate became encumbered by sizable
the idea of Jewish chosenness, and asserted that the world
debts.
was eternal and the immutable laws of nature constituted the
only form of divine providence. A report of Tomas Solano
According to Israel, the only personage who seems likely
y Robles to the Inquisition of August 8, 1659 also indicated
to have guided Spinoza in a radical direction was his ex-Jesuit
that Prado and Spinoza were excommunicated because they
Latin master Franciscus van den Ende. Thus was Spinoza’s
thought the Law (Torah) untrue, that souls die with the
precocious genius caught up in the Cartesian ferment that
body, and that there is no God except philosophically
swept the Netherlands, and the resulting identity crisis that
speaking.
smoldered within him since his early teens finally came to
a head through a confluence of circumstances, in 1656. The
The precise reasons for the excommunication of Spino-
ban was consequently the inevitable outcome of a long intel-
za have been much discussed and debated. Steven Nadler has
lectual struggle that could no longer be contained.
argued strongly that it was Spinoza’s denial of personal im-
mortality of the soul that played the key role (Spinoza’s Here-
Apart from the report in Lucas’s biography of Spinoza,
sy, 2001). In seventeenth-century Amsterdam, four commu-
which elevates Spinoza to the status of a philosopher saint,
nity rabbis are especially prominent, and each one of them
there is no evidence of an appeal by the Jewish community
composed treatises in defense of immortality (Isaac Aboab,
that Spinoza be banished from the city of Amsterdam, and
Sha’ul Levi Morteira, Moses Raphael d’Aguilar, and
no legal record of any forced exile of Spinoza. In fact, says
Menasseh ben Israel). Moreover, Morteira and Menasseh
Nadler, Spinoza appears to have been in that city throughout
tended to lump together the three doctrines that seem to
most of the period of his excommunication in 1656 to the
have played a role in Spinoza’s ban: the truth of the Torah,
beginning of his correspondence in 1661 (Nadler, 1999,
divine providence, and immortality. Admittedly, the Dutch
pp. 156–158, 163). It also appears that sometime before
may not have been unduly concerned with the goings on in
early 1659 he was either staying in or making periodic visits
the Jewish community, but what is significant here is the psy-
to Leiden to study at the university there. By early 1661, Spi-
chology of the community that banned Spinoza, convinced
noza was already well known as one who “excelled in the
as it was of the reality of such a threat.
Cartesian philosophy.” Nadler further suggests that it may
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8682
SPINOZA, BARUCH
have been his association with university life, where all in-
dread quarrels” (Ep. 6; Curley, 1985, p. 188; Nadler, 1999,
struction was in Latin, that first moved Spinoza to use the
p. 191).
Latinized version of his first name, Benedictus.
In April 1663 Spinoza moved to Voorburg, near The
It is to the final years of his Amsterdam period that Spi-
Hague, thus gaining the advantage of proximity to a major
noza’s earliest philosophical writings belong. According to
city. Before leaving, however, he visited his old friends in
Nadler, following Mignini, there are good reasons for think-
Amsterdam, whereupon Jarig Jelles and Lodewigk Meyer
ing that the Treatise on the Emendation of the Intellect (Trac-
prevailed upon him to expand his Euclidean exposition of
tatus de intellectus emendatione), an unfinished work on
Descartes’s Principia philosophiae and allow its publication
philosophical method and language, is the first of Spinoza’s
together with his Cogitata metaphysica (Metaphysical
extant philosophical treatises (Nadler, 1999, pp. 175–176).
thoughts). This was the only book of Spinoza’s to appear in
Its content and terminology suggest a dating before the Short
his lifetime under his own name. In 1670, after Spinoza’s
Treatise on God, Man and His Well-Being (Korte Verhandeling
move to The Hague, his Tractatus Theologico-Politicus was
van God de mensch en des zelfs welstand), which he probably
published anonymously under a false imprint in Amsterdam.
began sometime in late 1660 or early 1661.
A few months thereafter, the Reformed Church Council of
Amsterdam pronounced its condemnation of the book, and
To devote himself more fully to his philosophical inves-
a series of lesser councils and consistories swiftly followed the
tigations, Spinoza decided in the summer of 1661 to settle
example. In July 1674 the Court of Holland condemned the
in the small village of Rijnsburg, a few miles outside of Lei-
Tractatus and prohibited its printing, distribution, and sale.
den. This sleepy village had been the center of Collegiant ac-
Although the great Dutch statesman Johan De Witt seems
tivity in Holland, and Spinoza may have been directed there
to have preferred not to proceed to a formal provincial ban
by his Collegiant friends, though its proximity to Leiden,
of the Tractatus, it is a mistake, according to Jonathan Israel,
with its university where he probably still had friends from
to deduce from this that he viewed it in any way favorably
the time he had studied there, must have added to its attrac-
(Israel, 2001, pp. 277–278). A surviving fragment from a
tion for Spinoza. In the back of the house in which he lodged
diary of the classicist Jacob Gronovius reveals that in the
was a room where Spinoza set up his lense-grinding equip-
Dutch governing circles Spinoza was then deemed the most
ment, where in addition to lenses he also made telescopes
dangerous of the Dutch atheists and considered by De Witt
and microscopes. Problems in optics were an abiding interest
a miscreant deserving imprisonment. Given the vehemence
for Spinoza, and Christian Huygens, a scientist of interna-
of the outcry against him, Spinoza became apprehensive
tional reputation, considered himself, Spinoza, and the
when he learned that a Dutch translation of his Tractatus was
mathematician Johannes Hudde to be the three leading spe-
about to be published, and he contacted his faithful friend
cialists who were seeking to improve and extend the capabili-
Jelles to stop the printing. The need for caution was under-
ties of the microscope. Huygens got to know Spinoza person-
lined by the trial of Adrian Koerbagh, in which the prosecu-
ally in the early 1660s and often conferred with him about
tor questioned him about his relations with Spinoza and at-
scientific matters.
tempted to obtain from him a confession that his book
While Spinoza was still in Amsterdam, his friends soon
contained Spinoza’s teachings. Koerbagh was condemned to
became aware of the originality of his philosophical approach
ten years in prison but died shortly after, in jail, in October
and persuaded him to provide them with a concise exposi-
1669. It was Adrian’s tragic end, observes Nadler, “in Spino-
tion of his developing ideas so they could study and discuss
za’s eyes a sign of collusion between the secular and the sec-
them. Acceding to their request, Spinoza composed a work
tarian authorities, that gave him the impetus to put the final
in Latin probably sometime between the middle of 1660 and
touches on his Tractatus and prepare it for publication”
his departure for Rijnsburg. When his friends asked for a
(Nadler, 1999, p. 269).
Dutch version, Spinoza reworked the text, while making
In 1672 came the French invasion of Holland and the
many additions and revisions. Fully conscious of the novelty
murder of De Witt, events that cast a dark shadow on Spino-
and daring of his thought, he urged them “to be very careful
za’s last years. In February 1673 he received an invitation
about communicating these things to others” (Nadler, 1999,
from the elector palatine Karl Ludwig to accept a professor-
p. 186). Spinoza worked on the Short Treatise throughout
ship at Heidelberg. Spinoza refused it for fear that it would
1661 and into 1662, transcribing and emending it. This
interfere with his “further progress in philosophy,” and be-
short work outlines most of the essentials of Spinoza’s ma-
cause of his misgivings about a statement in the invitation
ture system as exhibited in the Ethics. Moreover, Short Trea-
concerning the prince’s confidence that Spinoza would not
tise, discovered about 1860 and of which two Dutch versions
misuse his freedom in philosophical teaching to disturb the
are available, bears witness to the birth pangs of Spinoza’s
public religion (Nadler, 1999, p. 313).
thought, which, with its strong pantheistic coloring, is still
couched in language that is clearly theological. Spinoza hesi-
Late in the summer of 1675, Spinoza completed his
tated to publish it for fear of the Calvinist theologians who
magnum opus, the Ethica ordine geometrico demonstrata (Eth-
might be deeply offended by it and, as Spinoza himself puts
ics), and went to Amsterdam to arrange for its publication.
it, will “with their usual hatred attack me, who absolutely
There, as he wrote to Henry Oldenburg, “while I was negoti-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPINOZA, BARUCH
8683
ating, a rumor gained currency that I had in the press a book
imagination, meaning Christ possessed a mind far superior
concerning God, wherein I endeavored to show there is no
to those of his fellow men. Moreover, because Christ was
God” (Letter 68, September 1675). He therefore decided to
sent to teach not only the Jews but the whole human race,
put off the publication.
it was not enough that his mind be attuned only to the Jews;
it was attuned to ideas universal and true. If he ever pro-
Spinoza’s last major work, the Tractatus Politicus, writ-
claimed any revelations as laws, he did so because of the igno-
ten in 1676–1677, abandoned the theological idiom em-
rance of the people. To those who were allowed to under-
ployed in the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus and offered in-
stand the mysteries of heaven, he taught his doctrines as
stead a straightforward analysis of aristocracy, monarchy, and
eternal truths. To Spinoza, the biblical doctrine of the
democracy in an attempt to demonstrate how a stable gov-
chosenness of the Hebrews implies on their part a childish
ernment could be ensured. This work was unfortunately in-
or malicious joy in their exclusive possession of the revelation
terrupted by Spinoza’s death on February 21, 1677. Another
of the Bible. The doctrine is to be explained by the fact that
late work that remained incomplete was his Latin Compendi-
Moses was constrained to appeal to the childish understand-
um of Hebrew Grammar, which he “undertook at the request
of certain of his friends who were diligently studying the Sa-
ing of the people. In truth, he claims, the Hebrew nation was
cred Tongue” (Bloom, 1962, p. 11). Spinoza was buried in
not chosen by God for its wisdom—it was not distinguished
the New Church on the Spuy, and his Opera posthuma, ed-
by intellect or virtue—but for its social organization. Spinoza
ited by Jelles, Meyer, and Georg Hermann Schuller, ap-
explains the extraordinary fact of Jewish survival by the uni-
peared in November 1677 with only the initials B. D. S.
versal hatred that Jews drew upon themselves. From Jeremiah
9:23, Spinoza deduces that the Jews were no longer bound
BIBLICAL CRITIQUE. Spinoza’s excommunication left a psy-
to practice their ceremonial law after the destruction of their
chological scar that explains, partly at least, much of his sub-
state. The Pharisees continued these practices more to op-
sequent bitterness toward his own people and their tradi-
pose the Christians than to please God. (Spinoza’s view of
tions. Although his pioneering biblical critique is frequently
the Pharisees is consistently derogatory. He attributes to
illuminating (for example, his view that Moses did not write
them economic motives in their quarrel with the Sadducees
the Pentateuch was already openly expressed by Isaac La
and goes so far as to say that Pontius Pilate had made conces-
Peyrère, whose work Prae-Adamitae Spinoza possessed),
sion to the passion of the Pharisees in consenting to the cru-
much of his writing in the Tractatus is marred by a onesided-
cifixion of Christ, whom he knew to be innocent. Maimoni-
ness that distorts his judgment. Although it is undoubtedly
des is pejoratively termed a Pharisee, and Spinoza dismissed
true that Spinoza’s intended audience was a Christian one,
his interpretation of scripture as harmful, useless, and ab-
and that this dictated his partiality toward the figure of
surd.) Moreover, on the basis of Ezekiel 20:25, Spinoza finds
Christ and the Apostles, the unnecessary slurs against the
the explanation of the frequent falling away of the Hebrews
Pharisees and the Rabbis and the unmistakable hostility that
from the Law, which finally led to the destruction of their
sometimes surfaces in a number of his formulations point to
state, in the fact that God was so angry with them that he
the psychological effects, conscious or unconscious, of his ex-
gave them laws whose object was not their safety but his ven-
pulsion from the Jewish community. Spinoza characterizes
geance. To motivate the common individual to practice jus-
his new method of investigating scripture as an empirical ap-
tice and charity, certain doctrines concerning God and hu-
proach that accepts the biblical text as a natural datum. Since
mans, says Spinoza, are indispensable. These, too, are a
prophecy claims to surpass human understanding, Spinoza
product of the prophetic imagination, but they will necessar-
must somehow take it at its word. For the sake of the masses,
who cannot be reached by reason alone, Spinoza is willing
ily be understood philosophically by those who can do so.
to grant that prophecy is possible. There may be, he says,
This universal scriptural religion is distinguished both from
laws of imagination that are unknown to humans, and the
philosophical religion, which is a product of reason and is
prophets, who received their revelations from God by means
independent of any historical narrative, and from the vulgar
of the imagination, could thus perceive much that is beyond
religion of the masses, which is a product of the superstitious
the boundary of the intellect. Although Moses is the chief
imagination and is practiced through fear alone; it consists
of the prophets, his eminence consisted only in his receiving
of seven dogmas. The first four concern God and his attri-
his prophecies through a real voice rather than an imaginary
butes of existence, unity, omnipresence, and power and will.
one. In other respects, however, Moses’ imagination was not
The other three deal with people’s religious acts, and seem
especially distinguished, for he was not sufficiently aware of
to derive from a Christian context: human beings’ worship
God’s omniscience, and he perceived the Decalogue not as
of God, their salvation, and their repentance. Each of the
a record of eternal truths but as the ordinances of a legislator.
seven dogmas can be understood either imaginatively, in
Spinoza set up the figure of Christ in contrast to Moses. If
which case they would all be false, though useful, or philo-
Moses spoke with God face-to-face, Christ communed with
sophically, in which case they would all be true. Presumably,
him mind-to-mind (a probable allusion to the Johanine con-
the average individual’s score would be a mixed one.
ception of Christ as the Logos, as noted by Leavitt in Chris-
THOUGHT. Spinoza begins and ends with God. He is con-
tian Philosophy of Spinoza [1991]). No one except Christ re-
vinced that upon reflective analysis individuals become im-
ceived the revelations of God without the aid of the
mediately aware that they have an idea of substance, or that
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8684
SPINOZA, BARUCH
which is in itself and is conceived through itself. Because sub-
ers them natural facts to be studied and understood. Vice is
stances having different attributes have nothing in common
impotence, whereas virtue is power. Individuals act when
with one another, and because if two things have nothing in
anything is done of which they are the adequate cause; they
common, one cannot be the cause of the other, then it is evi-
suffer when anything is done of which they are only the par-
dent that all the entities of which humans have experience,
tial cause. The first law of nature (as the Stoics had already
including themselves, must, because they all have extension
noted) is the impulse, or effort (conatus), by which each thing
in common, constitute one substance. Although a human
endeavors to persevere in its own being. Humans do not de-
being is also characterized by thought, which has nothing in
sire anything because they think it good, but humans ad-
common with extension, since one is aware of one’s own ex-
judge a thing good because they desire it. Desire is activity
tension, these two attributes cannot denote two substances
conducive to self-preservation; pleasure marks its increase,
but must be instead two parallel manifestations of one and
pain its decrease. Spinoza offers a pioneering psychological
the same substance. Spinoza thus insists that humans have
analysis of the ways through which the human imagination
a clear and distinct idea of substance or God having at least
acts and discusses in some detail the various laws of what he
two parallel attributes. (In Ethics 1.11 he defines God as con-
calls the association and imitation of the emotions.
sisting of infinite attributes, each one of which expresses eter-
Spinoza calls active emotions those which are related to
nal and infinite essence, but some scholars believe that Spi-
the mind insofar as it acts and of which an individual is the
noza is here using the term infinite as a synonym for all, and
adequate cause. Of these there are only two: desire, or the
that what he means to say in this proposition is that God ex-
effort of self-preservation in accordance with the dictates of
ists in every possible basic way. Although he elsewhere hints
reason, and pleasure, or the enjoyment experienced from the
that there may be more than two attributes, he stops short
mind’s contemplation of itself whenever it conceives an ade-
of saying that there are. Even more controversial is the ques-
quate or true idea. In the conflict of emotions, weaker emo-
tion whether the attributes are to be understood as subjective
tions are removed by stronger ones, as Plato had already indi-
or objective.) Although this conception of substance is ulti-
cated in the Timaeus. Knowledge of good and evil can be a
mately derived from empirical observation, it is not depen-
determining factor only insofar as it is considered an emo-
dent on any particular observation as such but follows from
tion—that is, a consciousness of pleasure and pain. Inas-
the analysis of ideas and is therefore a product of the power
much as happiness consists in humans’ preservation of their
of the mind to think ideas and analyze their logical structure.
own beings and they act virtuously when effecting their self-
It is in this sense that knowledge of substance, or God, is a
preservation in accordance with their full powers, humans
priori, deriving essentially from an analysis of a given true
must seek to maximize their power to act, which means re-
definition contained within the human mind. Spinoza desig-
moving their passive emotions to the greatest possible extent
nates knowledges of this kind as intuitive; he ranks it as the
and substituting for them active emotions.
highest form of knowledge humans have, above deductive
reasoning, which is mediated by the syllogistic process, and
Spinoza suggests various remedies for the passive emo-
imagination, which is based either on hearsay or random ex-
tions, which he describes as mental diseases (already de-
perience. For Spinoza, the only adequate or clear and distinct
scribed by the Stoics). Since a passive emotion is a confused
ideas humans possess are those related to God, simple ideas,
idea, the first remedy is to remove confusion and transform
and common notions, or axioms, and what is deduced from
it into a clear and distinct idea. Another remedy is to realize
them. Knowledge derived from syllogistic reasoning (which
that nothing happens except through the necessity of an infi-
yields universal knowledge) and intuitive knowledge (which
nite causal series. Humans should also endeavor to expel the
represents the power of the mind itself, on which syllogistic
many ghosts that haunt their minds by contemplating the
reasoning ultimately rests) are necessarily true.
common properties of things. Indeed, the emotions them-
selves may become an object of contemplation. The sover-
God is eternally in a state of self-modification, produc-
eign remedy, however, is the love of God. The mind has the
ing an infinite series of modes that are manifested under ei-
capacity to cause all affections of the body to be related to
ther of his attributes. Under the attribute of extension, there
the idea of God; that is, to know them by intuitive knowl-
is the immediate infinite mode, motion and rest; and under
edge. Spinoza endeavors to demonstrate the immortality of
thought, the absolutely infinite intellect, or the idea of God.
the human mind (stripped of sensation, memory, and imagi-
Finally come the finite modes, or particular things. Sub-
nation) but insists that even during a lifetime one can experi-
stance with its attributes is called natura naturans, the cre-
ence that state of immortality which he calls blessedness and
ative or active divine power, whereas the entire modal sys-
describes as union with, or love for, God. The intellectual
tem, the system of what is created, is called natura naturata.
love of God, which arises from intuitive knowledge, is eternal
Spinoza’s God is thus not identical with the natural world
and is part of the infinite love with which God loves himself.
as such but only with the creative ground that encom-
passes it.
INFLUENCE ON LATER THOUGHT. Among the major philos-
ophers, Spinoza was the only one who did not found a
While others consider human actions and appetites as
school. During the first hundred years after Spinoza’s death,
virtues and vices to be bewailed or mocked, Spinoza consid-
his name was connected principally with the Tractatus
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPINOZA, BARUCH
8685
Theologico-Politicus, and as Isreal has emphsized, “no one else
the heart and his denial of free will and final causes, and
rivalled his notoriety as chief challenger of revealed religion”)
called unjustified his attack on the Pharisees and on the Mo-
(Isreal, 2001, p. 259). Only toward the end of the eighteenth
saic authorship of all of the Pentateuch. Nahman Krochmal’s
century did Spinoza begin to arouse enthusiasm among men
son, Avraham, wrote an apologetic work, Eben ha-ro’shah
of letters. In 1778, Johan Gottfried Herder equated Spinoza
(1871), in which he defended Spinoza, whom he reverently
with John himself as the apostle of love, and in 1780 Got-
called Rabbenu (Our Master) Baruch (an epithet already ap-
thold Ephraim Lessing declared to Friedrich Jacobi that
plied to Spinoza by Moses Hess (1812–1875) in 1837, and
“there is no other philosophy than that of Spinoza” (Vallée,
later also adopted by Einstein). Hermann Cohen later
Spinoza Conversations, 1988, p. 86). Although a follower of
mounted a virulent attack against Spinoza, as impassioned
Christian Wolff, who directed a formidable critique against
as that by Luzzatto, in Cohen’s “Spinoza über Staat und
Spinoza, Moses Mendelssohn hailed Spinoza as early as 1775
Religion, Judentum und Christentum” (1905; 1924,
as a martyr for the furthering of human knowledge. As a re-
pp. 290–372).
sult of the publication of Mendelssohn’s Morgenstunden in
Shortly after arriving at Sedeh Boker on December 13,
1785, in which he sought to attribute to Lessing a purified
1953, in order to settle at a kibbutz in the Negev, first prime
form of pantheism, Jacobi countered with a work called Über
minister of Israel, Ben Gurion, published an article in the
die Lehre des Spinoza (“On the teaching of Spinoza,” 1785),
newspaper Davar titled “Let Us Make Amends,” in which
in which he branded Spinozism as atheism and the Jewish
he expressed the wish “to restore to our Hebrew language
Qabbalah as a confused Spinozism. Goethe, on the other
and culture, the writings of the most original and profound
hand, eagerly devoured Spinoza’s Ethics, noting that it
thinker that appeared amongst the Hebrew people in the last
“agreed most with his own conception of nature,” and that
two thousand years.” The injustice that required mending
“he always carried it with him.” Goethe shared two of Spino-
was thus not the excommunication of Spinoza, since in Ben
za’s most fundamental principles, his monism and his theory
Gurion’s eyes that was nothing but a historic curiosity, which
of necessity (Bell, 1984, pp. 153, 168). Salomon Maimon,
in the course of time had been automatically nullified. What
the first to call Spinoza’s system acosmic, spoke admiringly
still needed mending was the literary cultural fact that He-
in his autobiography of the profundity of Spinoza’s philoso-
brew literature remains incomplete as long as it does not in-
phy, and his first book, Versuch über die Transendentalphilo-
clude the entire corpus of Spinoza’s writings as one of the
sophie (An essay on Transcendental philosophy, 1790), was an
greatest spiritual assets of the Jewish nation. Ben Gurion’s
attempt to unite Kantian philosophy with Spinozism. Ac-
wish has now finally been fulfilled with the appearance of all
cording to G. W. F. Hegel (1770–1831), there was “either
of Spinoza’s major works in Hebrew translation, and with
Spinozism or no philosophy,” and Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph
the establishment of a Spinoza Institute in Jerusalem which
von Schelling (1775–1854) wrote that “no one can hope to
holds biannual conferences devoted to Spinoza’s thought.
progress to the true and complete in philosophy without hav-
This piece of historical irony by which Spinoza’s philosophi-
ing at least once in his life sunk himself in the abyss of Spino-
cal legacy has now been emphatically included in the intel-
zism” (McFarland, 1969, p. 103).
lectual life of Israel would undoubtedly have afforded Spino-
Appreciation for Spinoza in England was due especially
za a measure of supreme delight. (See Dorman, 1990,
to Samuel Taylor Coleridge, who wrote in about 1810 that
pp. 154–163).
only two systems of philosophy were possible, that of Spino-
Spinoza has been regarded as the founder of scientific
za and that of Immanuel Kant (1724–1804). In a letter of
psychology, and his influence has been seen in the James–
1881, Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900) expressed his aston-
Lange theory of the emotions and in some of the central con-
ishment at the kinship between Spinoza’s position on moral-
cepts of Freud (see Bidney, 1962). A more recent version of
ity and his own, although elsewhere he is severely critical of
this kind of influence is found in the work of the noted neu-
Spinoza. Martin Buber (1878–1965) found much inspira-
rologist Antonio Damasio, Looking for Spinoza: Joy, Sorrow,
tion in Spinoza, seeing in him the highest philosophical ex-
and the Feeling Brain (New York, 2003). Spinoza has also re-
emplification of Judaism’s unique quest for unity, but he
ceived an enormous amount of attention in the former Soviet
criticized the Spinozistic attempt to depersonalize God.
Union. Spinoza’s concept of nature as self-caused, infinite,
and eternal was first singled out for comment by Friedrich
In the 1850s, Shemu’el David Luzzatto stirred up a lit-
Engels in his Dialectics of Nature. From the Soviet viewpoint,
erary polemic concerning Spinoza after having been aroused
Spinoza’s materialism is unfortunately wrapped in a theolog-
by the first laudatory biography of Spinoza in Hebrew
ical garb, but his consistent application of the scientific
(1846), written by the poet Me’ir Letteris; by the essays of
method is seen as overshadowing “the historically transient
Schelling’s student Senior Sachs from 1850 to 1854, in
and class-bounded in his philosophy” (see Kline, 1952,
which he links together Shelomoh Ibn Gabirol, Avraham ibn
p. 33)
Ezra, the qabbalists, and Spinoza; and by Shelomoh Rubin’s
Moreh nevukhim he-hadash (1857), which contains a positive
In America, the transcendentalists of the eighteenth cen-
account of Spinoza’s thought. Luzzatto attacked Spinoza’s
tury held Spinoza in very high regard. Oliver Wendell
emphasis on the primacy of the intellect over the feelings of
Holmes (1841–1935) read and reread Spinoza’s Ethics, and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8686
SPINOZA, BARUCH
his famous formulation that freedom of thought reached a
tum und Christentum,” (1905), reprinted in Cohen’s Jüdis-
limit only when it posed a “clear and present danger” appears
che Schriften (Berlin, 1924) 3.290–372; and Menahem Dor-
to have been made under Spinoza’s influence. Moreover,
man, The Spinoza Dispute in Jewish Thought (Hakibbutz
Spinoza had special appeal for the young American Jewish
Hameuchad, 1990; in Hebrew). For Spinoza and modern
intellectuals who were children of the first wave of immi-
psychological theory, see David Bidney, The Psychology and
grants from eastern Europe. Morris Raphael Cohen (1880–
Ethics of Spinoza (reprint, New York, 1962); and Antonio
Damazio, Looking For Spinoza: Joy, Sorrow, and the Feeling
1947) had, as a youthful Marxist, valued Spinoza the cosmo-
Brain (New York, 2003). For Spinoza in the former Soviet
politan who had rejected Judaism, and Lewis Feuer described
Union and in America, see G. L. Kline, Spinoza in Soviet Phi-
Horace M. Kallen’s The Book of Job as a Greek Tragedy (New
losophy (London, 1952); and Lewis S. Feuer, “Spinoza’s
York, 1918) as “embedded in a Spinozist matrix.” Some of
Thought and Modern Perplexities: Its American Career,” in
the greatest Jewish scientists and philosophers in modern
Barry S. Kogan, ed., Spinoza: A Tercentenary Perspective
times, such as Albert Einstein, Samuel Alexander, and Henri
(Cincinnati) pp. 36-79. A good brief introduction to Spino-
Bergson, also felt a deep affinity with Spinoza (see Feuer,
za is Stuart Hampshire’s Spinoza (Baltimore, 1951). The
pp. 36–79).
most detailed and illuminating commentary on Spinoza’s
Ethics is Harry A. Wolfson’s The Philosophy of Spinoza, 2
vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1934). A comprehensive introduc-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
tion and commentary (in Hebrew) on the Short Treatise,
The best critical edition of Spinoza’s works is that by Carl Geb-
along with a Hebrew translation by Rachel Hollander-
hardt, Spinoza Opera, 4 vols. (Heidelberg, 1925; a fifth vol-
Steingart, can be found in Ma’amar qatsar ’al Elohim, ha-
ume was added in 1987). According to Nadler, this will be
adam, ve-oshero, edited by Joseph Ben Shlomo (Jerusalem,
superseded by an edition from the Groupe de Recherches
1978). A similar edition of De Intellectus Emendatione with
Spinozistes. A useful edition with translation and notes of
Hebrew commentary is Ma’amar ’al tiqqun ha-sekhel, trans-
Spinoza’s Tractatus Politicus is by A. G. Wernham, Benedict
lated by Nathan Spiegel and edited by Joseph ben Shlomo
de Spinoza, The Political Works (Oxford, 1958). For Spino-
(Jerusalem, 1972). Detailed analyses of Spinoza’s Theologi-
za’s Compendium of Hebrew Grammar, see Baruch Spinoza,
cal-Political Treatise can be found in Sylvan Zac, Spinoza et
Hebrew Grammar, ed. and trans. by Maurice J. Bloom (New
l’Interpretation de l’Ecriture (Paris, 1965); Leo Strauss, Spino-
York, 1962). A new and reliable translation of Spinoza’s
za’s Critique of Religion (New York, 1965); and André Malet,
works by E. M. Curley is The Collected Works of Spinoza, vol.
Le Traité Theologico-Politique de Spinoza et la pensée biblique
l (Princeton, N.J., 1985; vol. 2, forthcoming). In the mean-
(Paris, 1966). See also the important study of J. Samuel
time, there has appeared Spinoza, Complete Works, with
Preus, Spinoza and the Irrelevance of Biblical Authority (Cam-
translations by Samuel Shirley, edited with introduction and
bridge, U.K., 2001); Steven Frankel, “Politics and Rhetoric:
notes by Michael L. Morgan (Indianapolis, 2002). A com-
Spinoza’s Intended Audience in the Tractatus Theologico-
prehensive bibliography of Spinoza up to 1942 is Adolph S.
Politicus,” Review of Metaphysics 52.4 (June 1999): 897–924;
Oko’s The Spinoza Bibliography (Boston, 1964), which has
Steven Frankel, “The Piety of a Heretic: Spinoza’s Interpre-
been supplemented by Jon Wetlesens’s A Spinoza Bibliogra-
tation of Judaism,” Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy
phy, 1940–1970, 2d rev. ed. (Oslo, 1971). See also E. M.
11.2 (November 2002): 117–134; Shlomo Pines, Studies in
Curley’s bibliography in Spinoza: Essays in Interpretation, ed-
the History of Jewish Thought, edited by Warren Z. Harvey
ited by Eugene Freeman and Maurice Mandelbaum (LaSalle,
and Moshe Idel (Jerusalem, Israel, 1997), 660–734 (The
Ill., 1975), pp. 263–316; Wilhelm Totok’s Handbuch der
Collected Works of S. Pines, vol. 5); and Frank Leavitt, “The
Geschichte der Philosophie, vol. 4, Frühe Neuzeit 17 (Frank-
Christian Philosophy of Benedict de Spinoza,” Daat 26
furt, 1981), pp. 232–296; and Theo van der Werf, H. Sieb-
(1991): 97–108 (Hebrew).
rand, and C. Westerveen’s A Spinoza Bibliography, 1971–
1983 (Leiden, 1984).
Indispensable collections of documents on Spinoza’s life are I. S.
Révah’s Spinoza et le dr. Juan de Prado (Paris, 1959) and
The best biography of Spinoza is Steven Nadler, Spinoza: A Life
“Aux origines de la rupture spinozienne,” Revue des études
(Cambridge, U.K., 1999); supplemented by his Spinoza’s
juives 3 (July–December 1964): 359–431, and A. M. Vaz
Heresy: Immortality and the Jewish Mind (Oxford, 2001). See
Dias’s Spinoza Mercator & Autodidactus (The Hague, 1932),
also A. Kasher and S. Biderman, “Why was Baruch De Spi-
translated from Dutch in Studia Rosenthaliana 16 (Novem-
noza Excommunicated?” In Sceptics, Millenarians, and Jews,
ber 1982) and supplemented by four related articles. A sti-
edited by David S. Katz and Jonathan Israel (Leiden, 1990),
mulating account of the social-political context of Spinoza’s
pp. 98–141. For Spinoza’s Marranism and his relationship
work is Lewis S. Feuer’s Spinoza and the Rise of Liberalism
to later thinkers, see Yirmiyahu Yovel, Spinoza and Other
(Boston, Mass., 1958). Two important and provocative in-
Heretics: The Maranno of Reason and The Adventure of Imma-
terpretations of Spinoza from the viewpoint of contemporary
nence (Princeton, N.J., 1989) 2 vols. Thomas McFarland,
philosophy are E. M. Curley’s Spinoza’s Metaphysics: An Essay
Coleridge and the Pantheist Tradition (Oxford, 1969); David
in Interpretation (Cambridge, Mass., 1969) and Jonathan
Bell, Spinoza in Germany from 1670 to the Age of Goethe
Bennett’s A Study of Spinoza’s Ethics (Indianapolis, Ind.,
(London, 1984). For the Pantheism Controversy, see Freder-
1984).
ick C. Beiser, The Fate of Reason (Cambridge, Mass., 1987)
44-108; and Gerard Vallée, J. B. Lawson, and C. G. Chap-
Useful collections of essays on Spinoza include Studies in Spinoza:
ple, The Spinoza Conversations between Lessing and Jacobi
Critical and Interpretive Essays, edited by S. Paul Kashap
(Lanham, Md., 1988). For Jewish critiques of Spinoza, see
(Berkeley, Calif., 1972); Spinoza: A Collection of Critical Es-
Hermann Cohen, “Spinoza über Statt und Religion, Juden-
says, edited by Marjorie Grene (Garden City, N.Y., 1973);
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRIT POSSESSION: AN OVERVIEW
8687
Speculum Spinozanum, 1677–1977, edited by Siegfried
the speech expressing the joy of inflicting hurt or curs-
Hessing (London, 1977); Spinoza: New Perspectives, edited
ing God and the universe, addressing terrible threats
by Robert W. Shahan and J. I. Biro (Norman, Okla., 1978);
now to the doctor, now to the patient herself. . . . The
The Philosophy of Baruch Spinoza, edited by Richard Ken-
most dreadful thing was the way in which she raged
nington (Washington, D.C., 1980); Spinoza, His Thought
when she had to submit to be touched or rubbed down
and Work, edited by Nathan Rotenstreich and N. Schneider
during the fits; she defended herself with her hands,
(Jerusalem, 1983); Spinoza’s Political and Theological
threatening all those who approached, insulting and
Thought, edited by C. De Deugd (Amsterdam, 1984); God
abusing them in the vilest terms; her body bent back-
and Nature: Spinoza’s Metaphysics, edited by Yirmiyahu Yovel
ward like a bow was flung out of the chair and writhed
(Leiden, 1991); Spinoza on Knowledge and the Human Mind,
upon the ground, then lay there stretched out full
edited by Y. Yovel (Leiden, 1994); Desire and Affect: Spinoza
length, stiff and cold, assuming the very experience of
as Psychologist, edited by Y. Yovel (New York, 1999); The
death. (quoted in Oesterreich, 1930, p. 22)
Cambridge Companion to Spinoza, edited by Don Garrett
(Cambridge, U.K., 1996); Spinoza: Metaphysical Themes, ed-
Some of the possessed, those who suffer what the German
ited by Olli Koistinen and John Biro (Oxford, 2002); Spino-
scholar Traugott K. Oesterreich has called a somnambulistic
za, edited by Gideon Segal and Y. Yovel (Burlington, Vt.,
form of possession, remember nothing of their possession.
2002). For Spinoza and his relationship to Judaism, see Gen-
Others experience a more “lucid” form and remember it. In
evieve Brykman, La Judeite de Spinoza (Paris, 1972); Zeev
this case the possessed become passive spectators of an “inter-
Levy, Baruch or Benedict: On Some Jewish Aspects of Spinoza’s
nal” drama. Often they are said to be inhabited simulta-
Philosophy (New York, 2002); Jewish Themes in Spinoza’s
neously or sequentially by several spirits, and their behavior
Philosophy, edited by Heidi M. Ravven and L. E. Goodman
varies according to the different possessing spirits. Although
(New York, 2002). For Spinoza and the Enlightenment, see
possession is sometimes considered desirable, as in spirit
the superb study of Jonathan Israel, Radical Enlightenment:
mediumship, more often, at least initially, it is considered
Philosophy and the Making of Modernity 1650–1750 (Oxford,
2001); and Adam Sutcliffe, Judaism and Enlightenment
undesirable, an affliction requiring a cure. Cures, or exor-
(Cambridge, U.K., 2003). On the troubled question of
cisms, may be simple affairs involving only the exorcist and
whether there were qabbalistic influences on Spinoza’s
his patient, or they may be elaborate, highly theatrical perfor-
thought, see the good summary and analysis of this issue by
mances involving the patient’s whole community.
Nissim Yosha, Myth and Metaphor: Abraham Cohen Herrera’s
Philosophical Interpretation of Lurianic Kabbalah (Jerusalem,
In one form or another, spirit possession occurs over
Israel, 1994; in Hebrew) pp. 361–374.
most of the world. The anthropologist Erika Bourguignon
found that in a sample of 488 societies 74 percent believe in
DAVID WINSTON (2005)
spirit possession. The highest incidence is found in Pacific
cultures and the lowest in North and South American Indian
cultures. Belief in possession is widespread among peoples of
SPIRITISM SEE AFRO-BRAZILIAN RELIGIONS;
Eurasia, Africa, and the circum-Mediterranean region and
KARDECISM; NECROMANCY
among descendants of Africans in the Americas. It occurs
more frequently in agricultural societies than in hunting and
gathering ones, and women seem to be possessed more often
SPIRIT POSSESSION
than men. However, altered states of consciousness, such as
This entry consists of the following articles:
trance, are not always interpreted as spirit possession. In
AN OVERVIEW
Bourguignon’s 488 societies, 437 societies (90%) have one
WOMEN AND POSSESSION
or more institutionalized forms of altered states of conscious-
ness, but only 251 of these (52% of the total) understand
SPIRIT POSSESSION: AN OVERVIEW
them in terms of spirit possession.
Spirit possession may be broadly defined as any altered or
Scholars have attempted to classify possession phenome-
unusual state of consciousness and allied behavior that is in-
na in many ways. Some have based their classification on the
digenously understood in terms of the influence of an alien
moral evaluation of the spirit. The French scholar Henri
spirit, demon, or deity. The possessed act as though another
Jeanmarie argues that exorcism aims at the permanent expul-
personality—a spirit or soul—has entered their body and
sion of the possessing spirit in societies that regard the spirit
taken control. Dramatic changes in their physiognomy,
as essentially evil, whereas exorcism in societies that regard
voice, and manner usually occur. Their behavior often is gro-
the spirit as morally neutral aims at the transformation of the
tesque and blasphemous. Justinus Kerner, a nineteenth-
“malign” spirit into a “benign” one. Other scholars have
century German physician and disciple of the philosopher
looked to the cultural evaluation of the possession state itself.
Friedrich Schelling, describes a demonically possessed
In Ecstatic Religion (1971) the anthropologist I. M. Lewis
woman in his native Swabia:
distinguishes between central and peripheral spirit posses-
In this state the eyes were tightly shut, the face grimac-
sion. The former are highly valued by at least a segment of
ing, often excessively and horribly changed, the voice
society and support the society’s moral, political, and reli-
repugnant, full of shrill cries, deep groans, coarse words;
gious assumptions. In these cases possession is considered de-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8688
SPIRIT POSSESSION: AN OVERVIEW
sirable, and the spirits are generally thought to be sympathet-
rocco to describe extreme rage, sexual excitement, love, pro-
ic. Peripheral possession does not support, at least directly,
longed erections, morbid depressions, and on occasion those
the moral, political, and religious order. In these cases posses-
conditions in which the subject did not want to accept the
sion is considered undesirable and requires some form of
consequences of his or her own desires. In the West, posses-
cure, and the spirits are thought to be malign. Still other
sion metaphors also occur—for love, extreme anger, deper-
scholars, such as Oesterreich, have sought the basis for classi-
sonalization, multiple personality, autonomous behavior—
fication in the phenomenology of the experience. Oester-
in short, for any experience in which the subject feels “beside
reich divides possession into involuntary or spontaneous pos-
himself.” Such metaphors may be a residue of an earlier belief
session and voluntary or artificial possession.
in spirit possession.
Oesterreich’s distinction plays an implicit role in many
The discussion in the remainder of this article will be
other classification systems. For example, in Tikopia Ritual
restricted to spirit possession as defined by Firth. Exorcisms
and Belief (1967, p. 296), the anthropologist Raymond
will be divided into the permanent and the transformational.
Firth distinguishes “spirit possession,” “spirit mediumship,”
Permanent exorcisms aim at the complete expulsion of the
and “shamanism” on the basis of the host’s control of the
possessing spirit; the patient is liberated from all spirit influ-
spirit. According to Firth, spirit possession refers to “phe-
ence. Transformational exorcisms strive to change the nature
nomena of abnormal behavior which are interpreted by other
of the spirit from malign to benign; as a result the relation-
members of the society as evidence that a spirit is controlling
ship between spirit and host also changes. In transformation-
the person’s actions and probably inhabiting his body.” Spir-
al exorcisms, the patient is usually incorporated into a cult
it mediumship involves the “use of such behavior by mem-
that sponsors periodic ritual occasions when the patient can
bers of the society as a means of communication with what
again experience possession and reaffirm his relationship
they understand to be entities in the spirit world.” The medi-
with his possessing spirit.
um’s behavior must be fairly regular and intelligible. Firth
ALTERED STATES OF CONSCIOUSNESS. An altered state of
applies the term shamanism “to those phenomena where a
consciousness refers to any mental state subjectively recog-
person, either a spirit medium or not, is regarded as control-
nized or objectively observed as a significant deviation from
ling spirits, exercising his mastery over them in socially rec-
“normal” waking consciousness. Sleep, dreaming, hypnosis,
ognized ways.” In the case of spirit mediumship and shaman-
brainwashing, mental absorption, meditation, and various
ism, at least after the initial possession, the state of possession
mystical experiences are all altered states of consciousness.
is often deliberately induced by inhalation of incense or me-
These states are characterized by disturbances in concentra-
phitic fumes (as at the Delphic oracle in ancient Greece), by
tion, attention, judgment, and memory; by archaic modes
ingestion of drugs (as in North Africa and the Middle East)
of thought; by perceptual distortions, including those of
or emotionally laden substances (such as the blood of a sacri-
space, time, and body; by an increased evaluation of subjec-
ficial victim in parts of India), or by mechanical means (such
tive experiences, a sense of the ineffable, feelings of rejuvena-
as drumming, dancing, hyperventilation, or the incantation
tion, loss of a sense of control, and hypersuggestibility.
of repetitive prayers).
The altered state of consciousness most frequently asso-
All these classifications impose on the reality of spirit
ciated with spirit possession is trance (Lat., trans, “across,”
possession a conceptual rigidity that distorts the essential flu-
and ire, “to go”; cf. OFr., transir, “to pass from life to
idity of the phenomena. Often the host moves in and out
death”), defined as “a condition of dissociation, characterized
of all of Firth’s three states—if not in one séance then in the
by the lack of voluntary movement and frequently by autom-
course of his relationship with the spirit. The anthropologist
atisms in act and thought, illustrated by hypnotic and medi-
Esther Pressel found that in the African American cults of
umistic conditions” (Penguin Dictionary of Psychology, Har-
Brazil initial possessions tended to be involuntary and subse-
mondsworth, 1971, p. 38). The subject experiences a
quent ones voluntary as the host gained control of his or her
detachment from the structured frames of reference that sup-
spirit. One Moroccan woman with whom this writer worked
port his usual interpretation and understanding of the world
suffered periodic possessions in which she was very much the
about him. The subject is, as the Balinese say, “away,” quite
victim of her possessing spirit (jin¯ı). At times, however, she
literally dissociated (Lat., de, “from,” and socius, “compan-
was able to gain some control over the spirit and convey its
ion”), removed from companionship and from society.
messages to those about her. It was rumored, though this
writer never witnessed this, that she would sometimes force
Ritual trance, the trance of possession, is induced by
her possessing spirit to perform nefarious deeds for her and
various physiological, psychological, and pharmacological
her secret clientele.
means. The most common techniques involve sensory bom-
bardment (an increase in exteroceptive stimulation), sensory
Too rigid a definition of spirit possession precludes rec-
deprivation (a decrease in exteroceptive stimulation), or an
ognition of its power as an authentic and believable meta-
alternation between the two. Techniques of bombardment
phor for other conditions not usually associated by the West-
include singing, chanting, drumming, clapping, monoto-
ern observer with altered states of consciousness or with
nous dancing, inhaling incense and other fumes, and experi-
trance. For example, possession metaphors were used in Mo-
encing the repetitive play of light and darkness. Techniques
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRIT POSSESSION: AN OVERVIEW
8689
of deprivation include ideational and perceptual restrictions,
process involves the subjectification of the “external” ele-
blindfolding, and isolation. Fasting and other dietary restric-
ments, the symbols, of the spirit idiom.
tions, hypo- and hyperventilation (during incantations, for
example), and ingestion of drugs (tobacco, cannabis, and var-
It is important to stress the belief in the existence of the
ious psychedelic substances) may also be used. Psychosocial
spirits on the part of the possessed and those about him or
factors—group excitement, heightened expectations, theatri-
her in order to grasp adequately the spirits’ articulatory func-
cality, costumes and masks, a generally permissive atmo-
tion. The spirit idiom provides a means of self-articulation
sphere, and the presence of strong behavioral models—all fa-
that may well radically differ from the self-articulation of the
cilitate trance.
Westerner. Much of what the Westerner “locates” within the
individual may be “located” outside the individual in those
Although trance is considered the hallmark of posses-
societies in which the spirit idiom is current. This movement
sion, it is important to recognize that “possession” has been
inward is perhaps seen on a literary level in the gradual inter-
used to describe nontrance states and that the experience of
nalization of the “double” in nineteenth- and twentieth-
possession is neither continuous nor unchanging. The pos-
century European and American literature.
sessed person moves in and out of dissociation. There are
Spirits, as exterior to the individual, are not projections
some moments of ordinary lucidity, other moments when
in the psychoanalytic sense of the word. For the psychoana-
consciousness appears to have surrendered to the possessing
lyst, projection is the subject’s attribution to another of feel-
spirit, and still other moments of complete unconsciousness.
ings and desires the subject refuses to recognize in him or her
Frequently there is a “doubling of consciousness” (Verdop-
self. Projection occurs only after introjection. The movement
pelungserlebnis), whereby one of the two (or more) conscious-
is centrifugal, from inner to outer. If “external” spirits repre-
nesses looks on passively at what is happening and is quite
sent as “outside” what the Westerner would regard as within,
capable of remembering what Oesterreich has called “the ter-
then, strictly speaking, there can be no projection, for there
rible spectacle” of possession. At other times consciousness
is nothing within to project. The movement here is centripe-
is submerged, and the actor loses all awareness and memory
tal, from outer to inner.
of the spectacle; recall of the trance experience is confused,
dreamlike, and often stereotypic. The possessed person
A construction of human experience so radically differ-
makes frequent use of mythic plots and symbols when re-
ent from that of the Westerner is difficult to convey; none-
counting the experience, although his tales are not as elabo-
theless, it has been suggested by many scholars who have
rate as those of the shaman describing, for example, his voy-
worked with the spirit-possessed. The anthropologist God-
age to the netherworld.
frey Lienhardt, for example, refers in his study of the Dinka,
T
a Nilotic people, to “Powers” (spirits) as extrapolations or
HE POSSESSION IDIOM. The interpretation of dissociation,
ritual trance, and other altered states of consciousness as spir-
images that are the active counterpart of the passive element
it possession is a cultural construct that varies with the belief
in Dinka experience. Since the Dinka have no conception
system prevalent in a culture. Although the relationship be-
of mind as a mediator between self and world, the images—
tween spirit and host has been described in many different
the powers or spirits—mediate between self and world:
ways, most indigenous descriptions suggest the spirit’s en-
Without these Powers or images or an alternative to
trance, intrusion, or incorporation into the host. The rela-
them there would be for the Dinka no differentiation
tionship is one of container to contained. Usually, in any sin-
between the experience of the self and of the world
gle culture a wide variety of metaphorical expressions are
which acts upon it. Suffering, for example, would be
employed. The spirit is said to mount the host (who is lik-
merely “lived” or endured. With the imaging of the
ened to a horse or some other beast of burden), to enter, to
grounds of suffering in a particular Power, the Dinka
take possession of, to have a proprietary interest in, to haunt,
can grasp its nature intellectually in a way which satis-
fies them, and thus to some extent transcend and domi-
to inhabit, to besiege, to be a guest of, to strike or slap, to
nate it in this act of knowledge. With this knowledge,
seduce, to marry, or to have sexual relations with the host.
this separation of a subject and an object in experience,
In part, this variety reflects changes in the spirit-host rela-
there arises for them also the possibility of creating a
tionship, a relationship that should not be regarded as static,
form of experience they desire and of freeing themselves
well-defined, and permanent but rather as dynamic, ill-
symbolically from what they must otherwise passively
defined, and transitory.
endure. (Lienhardt, 1961, p. 170)
Although it is often of analytic significance to distin-
Of utmost significance in both projection and articulation
guish between the psychobiological condition of the pos-
through “external” spirits is the status accorded the vehicle
sessed (the trance state) and the cultural construct (“spirit
within the individual’s culture. A Western paranoid who be-
possession”), it should be recognized that the construct itself
lieves he or she is pursued by secret agents responds to domi-
affects the structure and evaluation of the psychobiological
nant cultural images, just as does an African who believes
condition. The construct articulates the experience, separat-
himself hounded by ancestral spirits. Both give expression to
ing it from the flow of experience and giving it meaning. The
feelings of persecution and suffer the consequences of that
experience itself instantiates the interpretive schema. The
expression. In the first instance, the secret agents are not gen-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8690
SPIRIT POSSESSION: AN OVERVIEW
erally thought to exist by anyone other than the paranoid.
ous. Unlike their Haitian counterparts, many North African
In the second instance, the ancestral spirits are generally rec-
spirits have no “biographies.”
ognized by others. The consequences of this difference are
While the spirits must not be so specifically character-
immense. The haunted person does not necessarily suffer the
ized as to discourage individual elaboration and specifica-
same social isolation, loneliness, derision, and feelings of
tion, this does not entail that they be simply random refrac-
abandonment as does the paranoid. He or she enters a new
tions of individual desires, as some scholars, notably the
symbolic order. The paranoid learns the language of the spir-
German classicist Hermann Usener, have argued. The spirits
its and of possession and submits to its grammar; and is af-
must resonate with both the psychological and the social cir-
forded the possibility of therapeutic intervention.
cumstances of the possessed. Psychologically, they may mir-
This is not meant to suggest that the idiom of spirit pos-
ror some aspect of the individual that he refuses to accept or
session is more conducive to cure than the “psychological”
some desire that he denies. Or they may compensate for defi-
idiom of the modern Western world. Both have their suc-
ciencies in his relations with others. Thus, I. M. Lewis
cesses and failures. In societies with spirit possession some
(1971) relates the high frequency of possession among
individuals articulate their experiences in terms of spirits in
women and marginal men to their “inferior” position in soci-
purely idiosyncratic ways and hence do not respond to indig-
ety. The spirits relate to the social world of the individual.
enous therapeutic intervention. In Medusa’s Hair Gananath
In his study of Tikopian spirit mediumship Raymond Firth
Obeyesekere compares two patients who were exorcised at
writes, “The idiom in which these personal phenomena of
a shrine in Sri Lanka:
anxiety, conflict, illness, and recovery was couched was one
in which the physical and psychological syndrome of trance
One woman possessed by a demonic spirit ran around
was described in terms of social constructs, including notions
the ritual arena threatening to tear her clothes off. Her
of spirit powers and spirit action” (Firth, 1967, p. 329).
behavior was perfectly intelligible in terms of the preta
Whether elaborated or unelaborated, the spirits may relate
[spirits of the dead] or demonic myth model. The other
to specific social groupings. In many societies that are orga-
patient, a male, was pulling and pinching her skin, say-
nized into lineages, in Africa for example, the spirits are
ing that demons were residing under it. Later on he
abused the gods, the very beings who should help him
thought to be lineage members or to have some other signifi-
to banish the demons. None of this was intelligible to
cant relationship with a lineage. Often they are conceived of
the exorcist and his subculture in terms of available
as ancestral shades or lineage or household spirits. Diagnosis
myth models. Demons do not get under one’s skin in
of the spirit possessed involves discovering the spirit’s identi-
this culture, and it is unheard of for the gods to be
ty, the cause of his displeasure that led to the possession, and
abused in this manner. (Obeyesekere, 1981, p. 161)
the nature of his demands. Therapy involves the regulation
of the relationship between the possessed and the spirit.
The first patient was amenable to cure; the second was not.
(Many anthropologists have understood this regulation as
When Obeyesekere asked the exorcist what could be done
symbolic of a regulation of the possessed’s “real” social rela-
for the second patient, the exorcist suggested taking him to
tions.). In societies with looser social organizations, for ex-
a Western-trained psychiatrist! Exorcists are usually clever di-
ample in many urban centers, the spirits are not so closely
agnosticians and avoid treating those patients whom they
related to specific social groups. They are “open” to a larger
cannot cure.
variety of social relations, but they are not devoid of symbolic
The spirit idiom must be flexible enough to accommo-
social attachment.
date the individual if it is to establish itself and remain pow-
INITIAL POSSESSION. A first possession may be conceived of
erful. It may be composed of a highly elaborate demonology,
as an articulatory act. The possessed is thrust into a new sym-
as in Sri Lanka, Brazil, or Haiti. In these cultures the spirits
bolic order. His or her initiation frequently takes the shape
have attributes and make specific demands on their hosts. In
of a dramatic illness—paralysis, mutism, sudden blindness,
Haitian Voodoo, for example, the lwa, or possessing spirits,
or profound dissociation—or contrary behavior, such as a
have highly developed characters. Legba, the master of the
wild and seemingly destructive flight into the bush or, for
mystic barrier between men and spirits, is described as a fee-
women, nursing the feet of a newborn infant. Many psychi-
ble old man in rags who smokes a pipe, slings a knapsack over
atrically oriented observers have considered these symptoms
his shoulder, and walks painfully with a crutch. He is terribly
to be of a hysterical nature, but careful study reveals that they
strong, however, and anyone possessed by him suffers a vio-
may be symptoms of other forms of mental disturbance or
lent trance. Dambala-wédo, another lwa, is pictured as a
reactions to the stresses and strains inherent in the individu-
snake; he forces those whom he possesses to dart their tongue
al’s social position. Even with such dramatic symptoms, the
in and out, crawl on the ground sinuously, and fall like a boa
diagnosis of possession is not necessarily immediate. There
from roof beams headfirst. Ezili-Freda-Dahomey, a sea spirit,
may be other options within the “medical” system of the par-
personifies feminine grace and beauty. (She has been likened
ticular society. The initial symptoms may, however, be far
to Aphrodite.) Men and women possessed by her behave in
less dramatic. The neophyte may have been attending a pos-
a saucy, flirtatious manner. By contrast, in other cultures, for
session ceremony when seized by the spirit. Such “contagious
example in North Africa, spirits are ill defined and ambigu-
possession” has been frequently described in the literature of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRIT POSSESSION: AN OVERVIEW
8691
spirit possession. (Aldous Huxley gives a particularly readable
The neophyte must learn to recast conflicts in the spirit
account of contagious possession in The Devils of Loudun,
idiom and to articulate essentially inchoate feelings in that
1952, a study of demonic possession in seventeenth-century
idiom, feelings of persecution or inferiority, of fear or brava-
France.)
do, of hatred or love. This process may proceed by trial and
error, or it may occur through the guidance of a curer. The
Often the initial possession is articulated in retrospec-
Puerto Rican Espiritistas “work” their patients through vari-
tive accounts in a stereotyped manner. These may be elabo-
ous levels of possession and develop in them, when possible,
rate, particularly where the possessed becomes a curer, the
mediumistic faculties. (Such development resembles the
account providing the possessed with a culturally acceptable
mystic’s passage through various stages of ecstasy.) The
charter for his or her profession, or they may be a simple sen-
movement from initial illness to accommodation with
tence or two. Alice Morton records the story given her by
the spirit and incorporation into the cult is often accompa-
an Ethiopian curer, Mama Azaletch.
nied by an indeterminate period during which the possessed
resists the call of the spirit and suffers depression, extreme
In 1936, I was caught by a certain spirit. I ran away
from my home in Bale to the desert, and there I lived
alienation, dissociation, and even fugues. Such a period,
in a cave. I would not see anyone or speak to anyone,
analogous in many respects to what mystics refer to as the
and I became very wild. But there was one woman of
“dark night of the soul,” may be symbolized as a period of
high rank there who was interested in my case, and she
wandering or isolation. Mama Azaletch’s life in the cave may
would send her son to bring me beans and unsalted
refer to such a period.
bread. I stayed there in that place, eating very little and
EXORCISM. Spirit possession has the tripartite ritual structure
seeing no one, for four years and eight months. If they
first delineated by the folklorist Arnold van Gennep in 1908.
had tried to take me from that cave and put me in a
The possessed is removed from the everyday world by the
house with other people, I would have broken any
bonds and escaped back to the desert. It was the spirit
possessing spirit. The possessed enters a liminal world—the
that made me wild that way. (Crapanzano and Garri-
world of possession, dissociation, trance—and through exor-
son, 1977, p. 202)
cism (which replicates the tripartite structure of possession
itself) is returned to the ordinary world. Exorcisms may be
Morton calls attention to Mama Azaletch’s stereotypic flight
permanent or “transformational.” In permanent exorcism,
into the wild, her fasting in the desert, and her renunciation
the patient is returned to the world from which the patient
of family. Mama Azaletch’s story was told in both public and
came, ideally as he or she was before he was possessed. Not
private. Many Moroccans with whom the writer of this arti-
much is known about such patients. Have they undergone
cle had worked had less elaborate but stereotypic stories of
some sort of social or psychological transformation through
their “slippage” into the spirit idiom. They were at a posses-
possession and exorcism? It would seem that they have been
sion ceremony, mocked the possessed or possessing spirit,
marked by the spirit: They have been possessed, and they
and were immediately struck by the spirit.
have been cured. In transformational exorcism, the patient
is explicitly transformed. He or she has undergone a change
The initiatory illness itself is an eloquent symbol, for not
in identity and are now, to speak figuratively, more than
only does it focus attention on the possessed (who must be
their self; he or she is in intimate relationship with a spirit
cured!), but it also requires definition. Such definition occurs
whose demands must be recognized. Usually the possessed
through a variety of diagnostic and healing procedures. The
is incorporated into a cult, which not only provides legiti-
initiate has to learn to be possessed and undergo exorcism.
mate occasions for future possessions but also supplies a new
This is particularly evident where possession involves incor-
social identity. Often, as a member of such a cult, the
poration into a cult. Technically, the initiate must learn to
possessed becomes an exorcist or a member of a team of
enter trance easily, to carry out expected behavior gracefully,
exorcists.
and to meet the demands of his spirit. Almost all reports of
spirit possession emphasize the clumsiness of the neophyte
Exorcisms may comprise little more than simple prayers
and the necessity of learning how to be a good carrier for the
or incantations sung over the possessed, as happens in Chris-
spirit. Members of the Moroccan religious brotherhood, the
tian and Islamic contexts. Sometimes exorcisms involve tor-
Hamadsha, who mutilate themselves when in possession
turing the possessed (pulling the ear, flagellating, or burning)
trance, can explain how they learned to slash their scalps with
until the possessing spirit has revealed its identity and de-
knives and halberds without inflicting serious injury. Many
mands or has released the patient. In many societies that sup-
have serious scars from their initial possession when, as they
port possession cults, the exorcisms are semipublic or public
put it, they had not yet learned to hit themselves correctly.
occasions. Such ceremonies tend to be highly dramatic.
Similar stories have been reported from Sri Lanka, Malaysia,
There is music, most frequently drumming but also music
and Fiji by adepts of the Hindu god Murukan who skewer
of woodwind, reed, and string instruments, and dancing,
themselves with hooks and wires. For possessions involving
which may be simple or quite complex. In Sri Lanka and
complex theatrical behavior, dancing, and impersonification,
elsewhere in Southeast Asia comic or other dramatic inter-
as in Sri Lanka or Indonesia, the learning process can be
ludes often play a role. The exorcist, the possessed, and other
quite rigorous.
performers may don masks, wear special costumes, and take
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8692
SPIRIT POSSESSION: AN OVERVIEW
on the part of well-known mythic and legendary figures. The
Possession cults aim to transform the relationship be-
ceremonies are often accompanied by sacrifices and commu-
tween spirit and host much as the Furies were transformed
nal meals, and last through the night. This passage from light
into the gentle Eumenides in Aeschylus’s Oresteia. The trans-
through darkness to light again seems to parallel the tripartite
formation usually involves the conversion of a “wild” posses-
ritual movement that culminates with the “rebirth” of the
sion, an illness, into an institutionalized, ritualized, and per-
patient as cured or transformed.
iodized possession in which negative metaphorical attributes
Patient, exorcist, and other spectators may all fall into
become for the occasion metonymic ones. It is as though the
trance. There is considerable variation in the depth and style
host were allowed to play out in a sanctioned manner who
of these trances. In some the possessed fall into an ill-defined,
he is not and to give expression to desires that he cannot ex-
seemingly superficial, dreamy trance. In others they become
press in everyday life. This movement from metaphor to me-
frenetic and out of control. And in still others they take on
tonymy is neither direct nor simple. The changing, essential-
the character of the spirit that possesses them, responding
ly complex relationship between host and spirit or spirits is
only to special songs, dancing characteristic dances, talking
given a sort of theatrical representation. The two may enter
in a distinctive language (glossolalia), and demanding special
into conversation with one another in a friendly or inimical
costumes, perfumes, or objects. In many parts of the world,
manner, they may struggle with each other, or the host may
the possessed perform uncanny feats, such as walking over
succumb to the spirit. Often, as in Sri Lanka, the possession
burning coals (in the Greek Anastenaria), piercing them-
includes a comic interlude that plays an important part in
selves with skewers and pins (the followers of Murukan in
the exorcism itself. The comedy of exorcism, Bruce Kapferer
Sri Lanka, Malaysia, and Fiji), slashing their heads with
(1983) has suggested, displays through its very irrationality
knives and halberds (the Hamadsha of Morocco), playing
the rationality of the world and allows the host to reformu-
with poisonous snakes (the rattlesnake cults of Appalachia),
late his self in accordance with that rationality. Although this
or stabbing themselves with swords and spears without harm
movement toward the discovery or rediscovery of the ratio-
(in Java, Bali, and among the Cape Malay in South Africa).
nality of the world is not immediately apparent in many sim-
The exorcisms provide an occasion for both an individ-
pler possessions, even these tend to bring about a transforma-
ual and a transcendent drama of order and disorder, of con-
tion of the way the possessed sees his world. He takes on the
trol and the absence of control. At least in societies that con-
view of his cult. He is attached to the demon, who becomes
sider the spirit demonic, possession reveals the underside of
a primary orientation point for his understanding of himself
social, cultural, and psychological order. Possession negates
and the world about him.
the “rational” order of everyday life; it displays the world in
If the exorcism is successful, the patient has to become
reverse. Ritual and exorcism restore order and rationality to
fully possessed and then released by the spirit. To be released
that world. The anthropologist Bruce Kapferer has written
from the spirit’s influence the possessed must meet the spir-
that in Sri Lanka the demons embody human suffering and
it’s demands, whatever they may be. In Morocco, for exam-
symbolize the destructive possibilities of the social and cul-
ple, the spirit requires the host to wear certain colors, burn
tural order. They provide a “terrifying commentary on life’s
special incense, make regular pilgrimages to the spirit’s fa-
condition and individual experience in it.” They cast the in-
vored sanctuaries. Often the demand includes the sacrifice
dividual’s experience into a wider social and cultural order,
of an animal with which, as the anthropologist Andras Zem-
and the encounter with the demonic becomes a metaphor for
pléni (1984) has suggested, the spirit’s host is identified.
his or her “personal struggle within an obdurate social world”
Thus the host is separated by the power of the sacrifice from
(Kapferer, 1983).
the spirit with which the host has become one. So long as
Exorcisms regulate the relationship between spirit and
the possessed follows the spirit’s commands, the host is
host. Formally, spirit possession may be understood as a se-
blessed, protected, and generally favored. A failure to follow
ries of transformations of usually negative metaphorical attri-
the commands usually leads to a renewal of the possession
butions into occasionally positive and at least ritually neutral
crisis: The host falls ill, becomes paralyzed, or is blinded. A
metonymic ones in a dialectical play of identity formation.
new exorcism is then required.
The spirit often represents what the possessed is not or does
not desire. The Moroccan man who is inhabited by the fe-
Without doubt the spirit and its commands are of sym-
male spirit EADisha Qandisha is no woman; the chaste Haitian
bolic import to the host, resonating with significant events
woman possessed by the promiscuous Ezili-Freda-Dahomey
in the host’s biography, reflecting the host’s present situa-
would disclaim any of Ezili’s promiscuous desires. The host’s
tion, and orienting the host toward the future. The com-
identity and desires are here the opposite of the spirit’s. Dur-
mands may symbolize adherence to the social and moral ob-
ing possession, however, the host becomes nearly identical
ligations and commitments the individual has in his or her
with the spirits. The Moroccan man comes as close to being
everyday life; a failure to follow the commands may represent
EADisha Qandisha, a female, as possible; the Haitian woman
a failure to live up to these obligations and commitments;
as close to the flirtatious, saucy Ezili as possible. A negative
the possession may make articulate feelings that in other
metaphor is transformed into a positive metonym, even to
“psychological” idioms are described as feelings of guilt. The
the limit of identity within a very special context.
roles played by the spirits and their commands, by “wild”
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRIT POSSESSION: AN OVERVIEW
8693
and institutionalized possessions, differ in each individual
Kapferer, Bruce. A Celebration of Demons: Exorcism and the Aes-
case. Generalizations tend to become overgeneralizations.
thetics of Healing in Sri Lanka. Bloomington, Ind., 1983. A
The spirit idiom is subtle and, as the existentialists would say,
detailed symbolic anthropological study of spirit possession
reflects the subtility of the individual in situation. It is, of
and exorcism in Sri Lanka.
course, important to recognize that possession also plays an
Leiris, Michel. La possession et ses aspects théâtraux chez les Éthio-
important role for those who witness it, providing them with
piens de Gondar. Paris, 1958. An insightful study of Ethiopi-
an often theatrical representation, an objectification, of their
an spirit possession by one of France’s most original anthro-
pologists and poets.
cultural presuppositions, their social situation, and their psy-
chological conditions. For them and for the possessed, pos-
Lewis, I. M. Ecstatic Religion: An Anthropological Study of Spirit
session confirms belief in the spirits. Exorcism affirms faith
Possession and Shamanism. Harmondsworth, 1971. A broad
social-anthropological study of possession.
in a social and cultural order, an order that gives perhaps only
the illusion of mastering the “irrational forces” that surround
Lienhardt, Godfrey. Divinity and Experience: The Religion of the
Dinka. Oxford, 1961. A brilliant study of the religion, in-
and on occasion besiege its members.
cluding spirit belief, of a Nilotic people.
SEE ALSO Affliction; Consciousness, States of; Demons, arti-
Métraux, Alfred. Voodoo in Haiti. Translated by Hugo Charteris.
cle on Psychological Perspectives; Devils; Enthusiasm; Exor-
New York, 1959. The classic study of Haitian Voodoo.
cism; Frenzy; Glossolalia; Oracles.
Monfouga-Nicholas, Jacqueline. Ambivalence et culte de possession.
Paris, 1972. A study of possession among the Hausa of West
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Africa.
Bastide, Roger. Le condomblé de Bahia. Paris, 1958. A detailed
Obeyesekere, Gananath. Medusa’s Hair: An Essay on Personal Sym-
study of Afro-Brazilian possession.
bols and Religious Experience. Chicago, 1981. A psychoanalyt-
Beattie, John, and John Middleton, eds. Spirit Mediumship and
ically oriented anthropological study of ecstasy and posses-
Society in Africa. New York, 1969. An anthology of social an-
sion at the Hindu-Buddhist pilgrimage center of Kataragama
thropological studies of spirit mediumship and possession in
in Sri Lanka.
Africa.
Oesterreich, Traugott K. Possession, Demoniacal and Other, among
Belo, Jane. Trance in Bali. New York, 1960. A detailed, descrip-
Primitive Races, in Antiquity, the Middle Ages, and Modern
tive study of trance in Bali.
Times. Translated from the German by D. Ibberson. New
York, 1930. A classic compendium of case material on spirit
Bourguignon, Erika. “The Self, the Behavioral Environment, and
possession.
the Theory of Spirit Possession.” In Context and Meaning in
Cultural Anthropology, edited by Melford E. Spiro,
Ortigues, Marie Cécile, and Edmond Ortigues. Oedipe africaine.
pp. 39–60. New York, 1965. Anthropological consideration
Paris, 1966. A psychoanalytic study, owing much to Jacques
of the relationship between self- and spirit possession.
Lacan, of spirit possession in Senegal.
Crapanzano, Vincent. The Hamadsha: An Essay in Moroccan Eth-
Prince, Raymond, ed. Trance and Possession States. Montreal,
nopsychiatry. Berkeley, Calif., 1973. An anthropological
1958. An anthology of religious, anthropological, and psy-
study of a Moroccan Islamic religious brotherhood whose
chophysiological studies of trance and spirit possession.
adepts mutilate themselves when in possession trace.
Sargant, William Walters. Battle for the Mind. Garden City, N.Y.,
Crapanzano, Vincent, and Vivian Garrison, eds. Case Studies in
1957. A Pavlovian psychophysiological study of, among
Spirit Possession. New York, 1977. An anthology of case
other things, spirit possession.
studies of spirit possession from around the world. For a
Spiro, Melford E. Burmese Supernaturalism. Exp. ed. Philadelphia,
more detailed account of the arguments in this entry the
1978. A study of Burmese belief in spirits and spirit posses-
reader is referred to the introduction to the book.
sion.
Firth, Raymond. Tikopia Ritual and Belief. London, 1967. In-
Tart, Charles T. Altered States of Consciousness. New York, 1969.
cludes an interesting discussion of spirit possession and
A useful anthology of psychophysiological studies.
mediumship among these Pacific Islanders.
Tremearne, A. J. N. The Ban of the Bori: Demons and Demon-
Goodman, Felicitas D. Speaking in Tongues: A Cross-Cultural
Dancing in West and North Africa. London, 1914. An early
Study of Glossolalia. Chicago, 1972. A study of speech pat-
comparative study of spirit possession among the Hausa and
terns in trance.
in North Africa.
Goodman, Felicitas D., Jeanette H. Henney, and Esther Pressel.
Wirz, Paul. Exorcism and the Art of Healing in Ceylon. Leiden,
Trance, Healing and Hallucination. New York, 1974. Three
1954. A highly detailed account of Sinhala exorcism and
studies of trance and possession, on St. Vincent, Brazil, and
curing.
the Yucatan.
Walker, Sheila S. Ceremonial Spirit Possession in Africa and Afro-
Huxley, Aldous. The Devils of Loudun. New York, 1952. A semi-
America. Leiden, 1972. An important survey.
novelistic study of spirit possession in seventeenth-century
Zempléni, Andras. “Possession et sacrifice.” Temps de la reflexion
France.
5 (1984): 325–352. A carefully argued analysis of the rela-
Jeanmarie, Henri. Dionysos: Histoire du culte de Bacchus. 2 vols.
tionship between spirit possession and sacrifice.
Paris, 1951. A study of Dionysian worship in the ancient
New Sources
world that draws parallels with North African possession
Behrend, Heike, and Ute Luig, editors. Spirit Possession: Modernity
cults.
& Power in Africa. Madison, 1999.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8694
SPIRIT POSSESSION: WOMEN AND POSSESSION
Caciola, Nancy. “Mystics, Demoniacs, and the Physiology of Spir-
spirit possession is exemplary of the situation in which hu-
it Possession in Medieval Europe.” Comparative Studies in
mans negotiate with a will that is not of human origin. These
Society and History 42, no. 3 (1999): 268–306.
three revaluations are examined below after attending to the
Foster, Byron. Heart Drum: Spirit Possession in the Garifuna Com-
translational issues involved in employing spirit possession
munities of Belize. Belize, 1986.
as a category of comparative study. A survey of the thematics
Garrett, Clarke. Spirit Possession and Popular Religion: Fom the
of power found in possession studies concludes the entry.
Camisards to the Shakers. Baltimore, 1987.
Spirit possession can refer to a spectrum of experiences
Lambek, Michael. “Spirit Possession/Spirit Succession: Aspects of
in which the person involved negotiates with or is overcome
Social Continuity among Malagasy Speakers in Mayotte.”
by a force such as an ancestor, deity, or spirit that employs
American Ethnologist 15 (1988): 710–731.
the human body to be its vehicle for communicating to
McDaniel, June. “Possession States among the Saktas of West
human communities. Ann Grodzins Gold provides a useful
Bengal.” Journal of Ritual Studies 2 (Winter 1988): 87–99.
definition and discussion of the term spirit possession in her
McVeigh, Brian J. “Spirit Possession in Sukyo Mahikari: A Vari-
study of possession in rural Rajasthan (1988, p. 35): “any
ety of Sociopsychological Experience.” Japanese Religions 21
complete but temporary domination of a person’s body, and
(July 1996): 283–297.
the blotting of that person’s consciousness, by a distinct alien
Rasmussen, Susan J. Spirit Possession and Personhood among the Kel
power of known or unknown origin.” This definition high-
Ewey Tuareg. Cambridge, U.K., 1995.
lights the problem of subjectivity and agency; the possessed
Rosenthal, Judy. Possession, Ecstasy, and Law in Ewe Voodoo. Char-
person is not a conscious individual but rather has a blotted
lottesville, 1998.
consciousness and has become an instrument for the will of
Smith, Frederick M. “The Current State of Possession Studies as
an alien power. While the term spirit possession is rarely used
a Cross-Disciplinary Project.” Religious Studies Review 27,
outside of the Western European tradition, Gold argues that
no. 3 (July 2001): 203–212.
the term does not “radically violate indigenous categories and
Stoller, Paul. Embodying Colonial Memories: Spirit Possession,
does facilitate controlled comparisons with similar phenome-
Power, and the Hauka in West Africa. New York, 1995.
na in other linguistic regions” (p. 39) if, she emphasizes, re-
gional nominations are brought to bear. Applying Gold’s
Sutton, Donald S. “Rituals of Self-Mortification: Taiwanese Spir-
it-Mediums in Comparative Perspective.” Journal of Ritual
logic, the term spirit possession is used below with caution,
Studies 4 (Winter 1990): 99–125.
noting: (1) the importance of translating specific linguistic
terms (discussed below); and (2) that the term possession car-
Wafer, Jim. Taste of Blood. Philadelphia, 1991.
ries with it many overdetermined connotations regarding
VINCENT CRAPANZANO (1987)
Western notions of property and subjectivity as epitomized
Revised Bibliography
in the idea of a self-possessed individual.
TRANSHISTORICAL AND CROSS-CULTURAL CONTEXT. Spirit
possession exists on all continents and throughout most of
SPIRIT POSSESSION: WOMEN AND
Western history as well. In part because of the often spectac-
POSSESSION
ular nature of possession accounts and because spirit posses-
Spirit possession has largely been interpreted by scholars as
sion demands a witness or a community response, we have
a phenomenon that impacts “traditional people,” the poor,
evidence of spirit possession in legal, medical, historical, lit-
the uneducated, and women. The conjunction of spirit pos-
erary, and theatrical texts. As Western missionaries and aca-
session with oppressed or vulnerable persons has produced
demics began recording information about other cultures,
theories that Susan Starr Sered has called “deprivation theo-
the force and vivacity of spirit possession repeatedly drew au-
ries” (1994, pp. 190–191) that begin with the assumption
thors to describe and discuss possession, producing a tremen-
that possessions are abnormal behaviors and result from so-
dous volume of materials. A proliferation of spirit possession
cial, physical, and mental deprivations. From a feminist per-
ethnographies in the late twentieth and early twenty-first
spective, deprivation theories are suspect, and a revaluation
centuries indicates that spirit possession is a major force in
of spirit possession suggests that: (1) the cross-cultural and
a globalized world because the practice survives dislocations
transhistorical prevalence of accounts of spirit possession
and relocations of culture, and women predominate in these
present a familiar rather than an exotic model of religious
accounts. This prevalence of material is particularly impor-
subjectivity to most human communities across the broadest
tant in the study of women’s religious lives because the re-
spectrum of history; (2) the capacity to be possessed by an
cords provide information when other references are mini-
ancestor, deity, or spirit is best approached, as Sered and Jan-
mal or nonexistent. Important examples include the
ice Boddy (1989) argue, as an ability, like musical or athletic
maenads of Greek antiquity who appear in Greek tragedies
ability, although in the case of spirit possession it is likely that
such as Euripides’ Bacchae; women possessed by the mono no
the person being possessed does not choose to develop the
ke spirit described in The Tale of Genji, a masterpiece of me-
ability to receive the spirit but rather cannot choose other-
dieval Japanese literature (Bargen, 1997); and the dybbukim
wise in the face of the spirit’s demands; and (3) possession
of medieval Eastern European Hasidic Jews described in the
is the formal root of religious experience in general, in that
acclaimed play The Dybbuk, by S. Y. Ansky. The diaspora
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRIT POSSESSION: WOMEN AND POSSESSION
8695
hosts of African and syncretic spirits found in vodou, San-
male, possessed persons are likely to be evaluated for their
tería, and Candomblé in all regions of the African diaspora
receptivity. The gendered configurations of spirit possession
(Brown, 1987; Olmos and Paravisini-Gebert, 1997) have fig-
take many forms. Women are possessed by male and female
ured prominently in anthropology and literature of the dias-
deities, men are possessed by male and female deities, and
pora. Where information is scarce about women’s lives in
in all cases gendered tropes are employed. For example, in
Asia and the Pacific, we have information about Korean
the Hasidic tradition (Schwartz, 1994, p. 72.), the name for
housewives participating in Kut rituals (Kendall, 1985) and
the possession of a male was ibur (pregnant), and such a pos-
the tangki of Taiwan (Wolf, 1992). Islamic traditions in the
session was highly valued by the community, while posses-
Middle East, Saharan Africa, Pakistan, and India describe
sion of women was widely interpreted to be malevolent pos-
women’s predisposition to possession by jinn and regional
session by dybbukim and was not considered ibur. Helen
spirits such as the hantu of Malay (Ong, 1987) and empha-
Hardacre (1992) discusses the prominent role women have
size how women’s possession activities are tolerated, al-
had in Japanese new religious movements founded since
though authorities address women’s need to maintain vigi-
1800, noting the gender transformations that were central
lance through prayer and sanctity to avoid possession. With
to the theology of Deguchi Nao, whom Hardacre calls a ge-
an increased emphasis on the study of women’s lives, as well
nius of Japanese religious history. Nao was a middle-aged
as the lives of the poor and lower castes in Hinduism has
woman whose theology, written by her younger, male col-
come a wave of studies of spirit possession (Egnor, 1984; In-
league while she was in a trance, turned traditional Buddhist
glis, 1985; Gold, 1988; Stanley, 1988) by the gods and god-
wisdom on its head, proclaiming that Nao was The Trans-
desses of Hindu traditions. In most indigenous traditions
formed Male who signaled the arrival of a new era.
some elements of spirit possession continue to appear, as
SPIRIT POSSESSION AS EXEMPLARY RELIGIOUS SUBJECTIVI-
with African traditional religions (Mbiti, 1991), including
TY. The subjectivity of the possessed woman is radically non-
those regions of Africa where Muslim and Christian influ-
autonomous, but rather than seeing this as an aberration it
ences are strong (Boddy, 1989; Maaga, 1995; Stoller, 1989
can be viewed as exemplifying religious subjectivity in gener-
and 1995).
al. The broad spectrum of roles humans have played in reli-
The controlled comparison of similar phenomena across
gious history, from mystics to prophets, are all variations on
traditions allows one to identify culturally specific models of
this very central theme. Hence Marilyn Robinson Waldman
religious subjectivity. Indigenous terms for the dynamic and
and Robert M. Baum (1992) compare the subjectivity of a
role of the possessed person are rich with conceptual and rhe-
Diola woman prophetess who reached adulthood at the be-
torical depth, related to receptivity, the mandatory element
ginning of World War II on the border between French Sen-
of the human’s agency in a possession. In many vodou tradi-
egal and Portuguese Guinea with the subjectivity of the
tions the possessed person is considered to be a chwal, or
prophet Muh:ammad in that both channeled communication
horse, who is mounted by her spirits (Brown, 1987, p. 54),
from an extrahuman source to oppose the status quo. From
an activity that is often sexualized. In her study of Hinduism,
this perspective, it is not important to create categorizations
Kathleen Erndl (1984) notes that the Goddess plays those
in which people can be placed; rather, the spectrum in which
whom she possesses and that the Punjab word for a theatrical
people experience themselves negotiating with a force of
play, khel, is the same word used to describe a possession.
nonhuman origin is the common, formal ground of religious
David Lan (1985, p. 59) notes that among the Korekore, a
subjectivity in general.
Shona group in Zimbabwe, the spirits are considered to grab
What makes spirit possession unique is the degree to
their mediums, who may be referred to as homwe, which
which the human has become an instrument for the will of
means “pocket” or “little bag.” In all of these instances, a
the intervening agency. In terms of voice, for example, Mi-
complex model of human agency is evoked by the notion
chel de Certeau (1988) makes the following observation in
that the human will and consciousness have been overcome,
his study of the seventeenth-century nuns of Loudun, whose
and that the human body has become receptive to the inter-
nunnery was disrupted by a series of possessions:
vening agency of the possessing spirit.
RECEPTIVITY TO POSSESSION AS GENDERED ABILITY. In
That the possessed woman’s speech is nothing more
contrast to deprivation theories, Sered argues that women’s
than the words of her ‘other,’ or that she can only have
preponderance in possession traditions can be related to their
the discourse of her judge, her doctor, the exorcist or
roles in nonautonomous experiences such as childbirth and
witness is hardly by chance . . . but from the outset
this situation excludes the possibility of tearing the pos-
their receptive role in heterosexual intercourse (1994,
sessed woman’s true voice away from its alteration. On
pp. 190–191). From this perspective, receptivity to the inter-
the surface of these texts her speech is doubly lost.
ventions of ancestors or deities is understood as an element
(p. 252)
of a feminine-gendered ability. From an androcentric per-
spective, receptivity has often been negatively evaluated as
If, at the formal level, we are dealing with speech that is dou-
passivity, but spirit possession requires a shift in perspective
bly lost, we are dealing with a model of subjectivity that is
critical of the claims that a self-possessed, impermeable sub-
radically instrumental (as with a flute that is played, or a
ject is the norm of human experience. Whether male or fe-
hammer that is wielded) rather than with an individual who
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8696
SPIRIT POSSESSION: WOMEN AND POSSESSION
is speaking. As a model of subjectivity it is the instrumentali-
tive but that elides the agency of a pouncing hantu or the
ty rather than the autonomy that marks the possessed per-
devil in a dollar. If, on the other hand, religious subjectivity
son’s speech and actions. Social psychologists and ethnopsy-
is itself understood to be a kind of work, then the efforts
chologists have suggested that the difference found in the
made by the Malay women to decrease their vulnerability to
model of subjectivity of a possessed person and the model
the spirits through prayer and vigilance indicates that they
of subjectivity employed by modern psychology (that of an
are working with the forces of global capitalism and the
individual whose sickness is located in an individual psyche)
forces of possessing spirits. So also, the devils associated with
leads to different levels of community-wide mental health.
the dollars of international mining companies in South
In her study of possession in India and in his study of posses-
America are not merely symbols to be interpreted, but rather
sion in African American communities, Waxler (1977) and
are working forces in the religious lives of the miners.
Csordas (1987) argue that possessions often function prag-
matically to heal community problems, perhaps more effec-
In terms of the wars engaged by possessed women’s bo-
tively than modern psychiatry in some instances.
dies, there are two central types: gender conflict and territori-
al conflict. Doris Bargen (1997) argues that spirit possession
The speech of possessed persons is not only doubly lost
was a woman’s weapon in medieval Japan because a woman
but is often replete with critical, symbolic value, leading
who was spoken-through by a possessing spirit could say
some ethnographers studying spirit possession to employ
things to public audiences that women were not otherwise
psychoanalytical interpretations of the speech in a way simi-
tolerated for saying. Ann Braude (2001) discusses the spiritu-
lar to the analysis of dreamwork. Willy Apollon (1999),
alism that coincided with the women’s suffrage movement,
Susan J. Rasmussen (1995), and Judy Rosenthal (1998)
noting that women who were inspired by the spirit were al-
bring contemporary French psychoanalytic theory (Jacques
lowed a public forum in which to speak. These approaches
Lacan) to the analysis of possessed language. Postcolonial lit-
can suggest that possession is a guise for political struggles.
erary scholars (Cooper, 1992; Henderson, 1993) have noted
From a revalued perspective, however, the religious person
the significance of the possessed woman as a literary trope
is approached as a training and disciplining person, whose
that signifies the experience of having multiple languages and
body is prepared to enact the will of its deity, and thus there
heritages speak through a subject, particularly women. Spirit
is no viable distinction between a religious and a political
possession metaphorically depicts the sensibility of post-
struggle. In the case of the Shona in Zimbabwe, spirit posses-
colonial subjectivity, a subjectivity that is not pure but rather
sion by powerful land-governing ancestors (mhondoro) was
spoken-through by many forces. By the turn of the twenty-
largely the remit of men, but two women who were possessed
first century, questions of agency, voice, and body theory had
by the spirit of Nehanda, a female ancestor of an early Shona
coincided with a growing effort by historians and ethno-
dynasty, were central to the struggle for indigenous rule
graphers to produce a significant number of possession
(Lan, 1985; Keller, 2001). In two chimurengas, or battles for
studies, granting the “Third World woman” a profound po-
freedom (1890 and 1950–1970), an older woman possessed
sition in possession studies. Signifiers of possessed subjectivi-
by Nehanda significantly inspired and focused the fight
ty that cross the historical spectrum of case studies include
against colonizers. The Nehanda mhondoro from the first chi-
nonautonomous models of agency, heteroglossia, and volatil-
murenga was tried and hung by the British, using old British
ity that attracts the attention of a community and relates to
witchcraft laws, but was revered for her claims that her bones
gendered notions of the ambivalent power of receptivity.
would rise again to secure victory. Nehanda was revered in
THEMATICS OF POSSESSION AND POWER. From a revalued
the songs of the socialist-inspired armies of the second, suc-
approach to the power of possession, it is the work, war, and
cessful chimurenga, and the Nehanda mhondoro of the second
performance of possessions that merit analysis. In each sce-
chimurenga inherited the potent legacy of the first Nehanda.
nario the possessed body’s power is exerted in ambivalent
Territorial wars and gender wars have been waged through
ways, deeply implicated with the social symbolic of the com-
the body of a possessed woman who serves as an instrumental
munity. In Malaysia, for example, indigenous possession tra-
agency in the struggles for power that religious bodies have
ditions have survived, and accounts of possessed women in
been trained and tempered to engage.
multination free trade zones have caught the attention of
news media and scholars. Possessed women work in free
As Gold notes (1988, p. 37), the performative elements
trade zones. The women stop work when possessed by hantu
of possession have received great attention in Sri Lanka and
(ambivalent ghosts or spirits) and weretigers (akin to were-
across South Asia. Possessions are inherently performative.
wolves) in the factories. Aihwa Ong (1987) analyzes these
Without an audience, the possession has not effectively tran-
possessions from a feminist and materialist perspective. Simi-
spired because the possessed person is not conscious during
larly, in The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America
the event to report on what has happened. Also, possessions
(1980), Michael Taussig interprets indigenous spirits as a
are often violent, volatile, laden with sexual innuendo, and
critical reaction to commodity fetishism in South America.
dramatic in the knowledge they produce. While anthropolo-
The danger is that these materialist analyses dismiss the pos-
gists have invoked performance theory to explore this ele-
sessing ancestors or spirits as mystifications, a categorization
ment of the power of possession, the question of subjectivity
that might be more comfortable from a materialist perspec-
is again raised because performance theory largely begins
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRIT POSSESSION: WOMEN AND POSSESSION
8697
with the assumption that an actor wills herself into a perfor-
women’s suffrage movement, Braude argues that the Spiritu-
mative mode. Most possession traditions have rigorous tests
alist platform provided women with a place for public speak-
with which they judge the validity of a possession in order
ing and provided reassurances for the public regarding their
to assure that it is not a performance by an agent. Not only
recently deceased family and friends in a time of national
are rigorous tests applied by the communities, but, as Gold
turmoil.
notes, in Sri Lanka as well as in rural Rajasthan, the theatrical
Brown, Karen McCarthy. “Alourdes: A Case Study of Moral
traditions of these communities show high levels of critical
Leadership in Haitian Voudou.” In Saints and Virtues, edited
analysis in their employment of possessions in plays. Some
by John Hawley. Berkeley, Calif., 1987. A focused argument
plays depict fake possessions, which the entire audience rec-
based on Brown’s larger research project into the life of
Mama Lola, a Haitian immigrant in New York City.
ognizes as fake and laughs at, while other theatrical perfor-
mances might spontaneously produce possessions that the
Chajes, J. H. “Judgements Sweetened: Possession and Exorcism
audiences regard as authentic. Gold identifies “ethno-
in Early modern Jewish Culture.” Journal of Early Modern
performance theory” (p. 37) as the cultural backdrop against
History 1, no. 2 (1977): 124–169. Chajes provides the socio-
historical context of Christian spirit possession and early
which the performative power of possession has long been
modern Jewish spirit possession to evaluate the growing pres-
analyzed by these traditions.
ence of possession in Jewish resources of the time.
Viewed as a prevalent and exemplary model of religious
Cooper, Caroline. “Something Ancestral Recaptured: Spirit Pos-
subjectivity in general, the specific historical and geographi-
session as Trope in Selected Feminist Fictions of the African
cal accounts of spirit possession provide resources for ex-
Diaspora.” In Motherlands, edited by Susheila Nasta. New
panding the horizons against which women’s religious sub-
Brunswick, N.J., 1992. An important analysis of spirit pos-
jectivity is understood and evaluated in the context of
session as a literary trope in African diaspora fiction.
instrumental struggles for power and meaning.
Csordas, Thomas J. “Health and the Holy in African and Afro-
American Spirit Possession.” Social Science and Medicine 24,
SEE ALSO Gender and Religion, articles on Gender and Af-
no. 1 (1987): 1–11. Based on interviews with a Brazilian psy-
rican Religious Traditions, Gender and North American In-
chiatrist who is also an initiated elder of Candomblé, this et-
dian Religious Tradition; Human Body, article on Human
hnopsychiatric study argues that an approach that attends
Bodies, Religion, and Gender; New Religious Movements;
to both religious and medical motives in spirit possession
Religious Experience.
cults is intrinsic to the goals of contemporary medical an-
thropology.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
De Certeau, Michel. The Writing of History. Translated by Tom
Ansky, S. The Dybbuk and Other Writings by S. Ansky, edited by
Conely. New York, 1988. De Certeau focuses on the histori-
David G. Roskies, translated by Golda Werman. New York,
ographer’s problem of studying discourse that is altered using
1992.
the case of the nuns of Loudun (1632–1638).
Apollon, Willy. “Vodou: The Crisis of Possession.” Translated by
Egnor, Margaret Trawick. “The Changed Mother or What the
Peter Canning and Tracy McNulty. Jouvert 13, nos. 1 and
Smallpox Goddess Did When There Was No More Small-
2. Available from http://social.chass.ncsu.edu/jouvert/v3i12/
pox.” Contributions to Asian Studies 18 (1984): 24–45.
con312.htm. Using Lacanian theory in his review of vodou
Studying one of the most important healing deities in Ma-
studies, Apollon asks, “How can possession be made to pass
dras, Mariamman, the Smallpox Goddess, Egnor discusses
through writing?”
why Smallpox has been deified as a feminine, maternal divin-
ity in Madras, while most of the Sinhalese disease demons
Arthur, Marilyn. “The Choral Odes of the Bacchae of Euripides.”
took male forms. Egnor discusses the negotiated relationship
Yale Classical Studies 22 (1972): 145–180. Arthur criticizes
between Mariamman and Sarasvati, her servant, and traces
the argument that the Bacchic chorus is irrational and in-
the changing role of Mariamman with the eradication of
stead traces the subtle thematic development of its odes, de-
smallpox.
picting its steady and consistent power, born in part through
its receptivity to Dionysos, making it powerful over Pentheus
Erndl, Kathleen. “The Play of the Goddess: Possession and Perfor-
and his hypermasculine effort to resist Dionysos.
mance in the Panjabi Cult of Seranvali.” Paper presented at
the Conference on South Asia, Madison, Wisconsin, 1984.
Bargen, Doris G. A Woman’s Weapon: Spirit Possession in The Tale
Discusses the polyvalent Punjabi notion of play and applies
of Genji. Honolulu, 1997. The Tale of Genji is a masterpiece
this linguistic context to her study of goddesses who play
of medieval Japanese literature, and Bargen studies the role
their mediums.
of spirit possession among women from an interdisciplinary
Gold, Ann Grodzins. “Spirit Possession Perceived and Performed
perspective.
in Rural Rajasthan.” Contribution to Indian Sociology 22,
Boddy, Janice. Wombs and Alien Spirits. Madison, Wis., and Lon-
no.1 (1988): 35–63. Detailed descriptions of contrasting
don, 1989. An examination of Zar possession in northern
events of spirit possession in rural Rajasthan that Gold lo-
Sudan.
cates within the context of a sophisticated indigenous ethno-
Braude, Ann. Radical Spirits: Spiritualism and Women’s Rights in
performance theory.
Nineteenth-Century America, 2d ed. Bloomington, Ind.,
Hardacre, Helen. “Gender and the Millennium in Omoto Kyo-
2001. Developing the historical context in which a growing
dan: The Limits of Religious Innovation.” In Religion and
Spiritualist movement coincided with the burgeoning
Society, vol. 31, Innovation in Religious Traditions. Berlin and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8698
SPIRIT POSSESSION: WOMEN AND POSSESSION
New York, 1992. Studying the case of Deguchi Nao, a ge-
Santería, Obeah, Quimbois, and Gaga in specific communi-
nius of Japanese religious history who began her career as a
ties in the Caribbean.
possessed woman in 1892 at the age of fifty-six, Hardacre
Ong, Aihwa. Spirits of Resistance and Capitalist Discipline. Albany,
studies the radical gender equality of Nao’s symbolic universe
N.Y., 1987. Materialist and feminist analysis of spirit posses-
and the limitations of that symbolic to interrupt traditional
sion among indigenous Malay women working in the free
gender roles.
trade zones of Malaysia.
Henderson, Mae Gwendolyn. “Speaking in Tongues: Dialogics,
Rasmussen, Susan J. Spirit Possession and Personhood Among the
Dialectics, and the Black Woman Writer’s Literary Tradi-
Kel Ewey Tuareg. Cambridge, 1995. An ethnography of the
tion.” In Aesthetics in Feminist Perspective, edited by Hilda
Air Mountain region of Niger, focusing on the unofficial but
Heine and Carolyn Korsmeyer. Bloomington, Ind., 1993.
tolerated women’s cult in which women are possessed by
With reference to Bakhtin, Henderson studies heteroglossia
spirits called “the People of Solitude.”
as a literary device in black women’s writing.
Rosenthal, Judy. Possession, Ecstasy, and Law in Ewe Voodoo. Char-
Inglis, Stephen. “Possession and Pottery: Serving the Divine in a
lottesville, Va., 1998. An ethnographic study of two orders
South Indian Community.” In Gods of Flesh, Gods of Stone:
of vodou religion (Gorovodu and Mama Tchamba) in Togo,
The Embodiment of Divinity in India, edited by Joanne
Benin, and Ghana using indigenous interpretation and femi-
Punzo Waghorne and Norman Cutler. Cambersburg, Pa.,
nist-influenced Lacanian psychoanalysis.
1985. Noting that the phrase “divine vessels” is used to de-
scribe clay images and “god dancers” (possessed dancers) in
Schwartz, Howard. “Spirit Possession in Judaism.” Parabola 19,
a Tamilnadu lineage, Inglis notes that this particular lineage
no. 4 (1994): 72–76. Provides a broad and generalized over-
is perceived to be particularly fitted for the work of making
view of spirit possession with specific reference to mystic tra-
clay images in which the deities manifest themselves by mak-
ditions.
ing their bodies receptive to divine interventions.
Sered, Susan Starr. Priestess, Mother, Sacred Sister. Oxford, 1994.
Keller, Mary. The Hammer and the Flute: Women, Power and Spir-
A comparative study of religions in which women predomi-
it Possession. Baltimore, 2001. Methodological argument for
nate, most of which include spirit possession practices.
comparative study of spirit possession including overview
Stanley, John M. “Gods, Ghosts, and Possession.” In The Experi-
of the field and case studies of spirit possession
ence of Hinduism: Essays on Religion in Maharashtra, edited
in Malaysia, Zimbabwe, Greek antiquity, and Hasidic
by Eleanor Zelliot and Maxine Berntsen. Albany, N.Y.,
traditions.
1988. In his study of two types of possession found in popu-
Kendall, Laurel. Shamans, Housewives and Other Restless Spirits.
lar religion in four districts of Maharashtra, possession by
Honolulu, 1985. Ethnography of Korean women whose
ghosts and possession by gods, Stanley discusses gendered
dominant role in Kut rituals, both as shamans and as specta-
susceptibility to the entry of ghosts and gods and women’s
tors, is an exception to their traditional roles.
particular receptivity at times of menstruation and child-
birth.
Laderman, Carol. Taming the Wind of Desire: Psychology, Medicine
and Aesthetics in Malay Shamanistic Performance. Berkeley,
Stoller, Paul. Embodying Colonial Memories. London, 1995. Eth-
Calif., 1991. Interdisciplinary study of Malay shamanism
nographic study of the Hauka movement, possession by spir-
highlighting the humoral aesthetic that underlies Malay sha-
its that mimic the French colonialists among the Songhay of
manism and medicine.
Niger.
Lan, David. Guns and Rain: Guerrillas and Spirit Mediums in Zim-
Taussig, Michael. The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South
babwe. London and Berkeley, Calif., 1985. Ethnographic
America. Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980. An ethnography of peas-
study of the relationship between spirit mediums and social-
ants in Columbia and Bolivia and their indigenous religious
ist-inspired fighters during the 1960s and 1970s battle for
practices regarding the presence of the devil in the money of
Zimbabwe’s independence from the White Rhodesian Front.
the capitalist developments in their regions.
Lewis, I. M., Ahmed Al-Safi, Sayyid Hurreiz, eds. Women’s Medi-
Tsing, Anna L. In the Realm of the Diamond Queen. Princeton,
cine: The Zar-Bori Cult in Africa and Beyond. Edinburgh,
1993. An ethnography of the Meratus Dayaks of Indonesia
1991. Tracks the dynamics and movement of women’s in-
with special attention given to Oma Adang, a female sha-
volvement in Zar-Bori and the tension between Muslim au-
man, and with critical reflection on ethnography and “the
thorities and women’s practice.
gaze.”
Maaga, Mary. “Liminal Women: Pneumatological Practices
Waldman, Marilyn Robinson, and Robert M. Baum. “Innovation
Among West African Christians.” In Images of African
as Renovation: The ‘Prophet’ as an Agent of Change.” Inno-
Women: The Gender Problematic, edited by Stephanie Ne-
vation in Religious Traditions. Berlin and New York, 1992.
well. Stirling, U.K., 1995. Provides a feminist critique of
Comparing the life and times of a Diola woman prophetess
Victor Turner’s theory of liminality and evaluates the pneu-
and Muh:ammad in terms of their respective roles within
matological practices among Christian women in the Inde-
their communities as speakers of a privileged kind of com-
pendent Church Movement in West Africa.
munication.
Olmos, Margarite Fernández, and Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert,
Waxler, Nancy E. “Is Mental Illness Cured in Traditional Socie-
eds. Sacred Possessions: Vodou, Santeria, Obeah, and the Carib-
ties? A Theoretical Analysis.” Culture, Medicine and Psychia-
bean. New Brunswick, N.J., 1997. Thirteen comparative and
try 1 (1977): 233–253. Drawing from social labeling theory,
interdisciplinary studies of African-based religious systems in
Waxler interprets her comparative social psychological re-
the Caribbean, analyzing the nature and liturgies of vodou,
search in Canada and India to argue that the prognosis is
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE
8699
brighter for a person whose community considers them pos-
tions besides his own when he noted that “whoever travels
sessed than is the prognosis for a person whose community
without a guide needs two hundred years for a two day’s
considers them to be psychotic.
journey.”
Wolf, Margery. A Thrice Told Tale. Stanford, Calif., 1992. Thirty
C
years later, Wolf returns to field notes of an incident in
ONNOTATIONS OF THE TERM. The word discipline is a par-
which a rural Taiwanese community responded to the appar-
ticularly apt one. To some people it rings of punishment,
ent spirit possession of a marginalized woman and explores
which in some cases is the point. But this certainly is not the
the representational issues involved as she rewrites the inci-
primary meaning of the term, which carries a good number
dent in different academic formats.
of connotations. The scope of its etymological cousins shows
the broad applications the term can have in the study and
MARY L. KELLER (2005)
practice of religion.
The word discipline may be derived through one of two
ways, or, more likely, in a semantic combination of the two
SPIRITS SEE ANGELS; DEMONS; DEVILS; FAIRIES;
ways. It may come from the Latin discere, “to learn,” and thus
GHOSTS; MONSTERS
be directly related to the English word disciple, “one who fol-
lows the instructions of a teacher.” Discere itself reflects the
Indo-European root *dek- (“take, accept”), which also ap-
SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE.
pears in the English decent, docent, docile, dogma, and dog-
Throughout history, re-
matic; doctrine, doctor (“one who teaches doctrine”), and thus
ligious traditions have noted that those people who long for
indoctrinate; as well as dignity, “to be acceptable,” and deco-
a transformative or complete understanding of themselves
rous, “elegant, worthy of respect, graceful.”
and of their place in the world must somehow find a teacher
or set of teachings to help them along. That guide may be
Perhaps the word comes from the Latin disciplus,
a person, an idea, or a set of values; whatever it is, it establish-
“pupil,” from discapere, “to grasp,” in the sense of “to take
es the orientation and outlines the procedures the seekers
hold of mentally” and thus “to understand.” If so, then the
should follow in order to make real the transformation for
word discipline derives primarily from the Indo-European
which they hope. Many traditions further maintain that,
*kap- (“grab hold of”) and is related to such words as the En-
having found (or having hoped eventually to find) that
glish captivate, capture, and captive; accept, precept, concept;
guide, the seeker then must practice various regimens that
and participate. Often that sense of reception (a related word)
will help him continue along the way to ultimate transforma-
is described as a safe and protected experience, as would be
tion. Such endeavors constitute spiritual discipline, the
the sense of the Germanic derivative of the root *kap-,
means by which people find their fullest potential in the con-
*hafno, appearing in the Old English haefen, which leads in
text of any particular religious ideology.
turn to the modern English haven, “place of refuge.”
The practice of spiritual discipline marks the notion
To be disciplined, then, is to be caught up by the teach-
that one who is in search of the guide is not only a human
ings of a guide—whether that guide be a person, an ethic,
being but also a human “becoming,” one on his or her way
a community, a historical tradition, or a set of ideas—and
toward an ideal. Images of such discipline, therefore, often
to organize one’s behavior and attitude according to those
include themes of movement or passage. Maha¯ya¯na Bud-
teachings. The person who undertakes such discipline may
dhists describe the spiritual endeavor as bodhicarya¯vata¯ra,
be understood, then, to be a disciple of that which is felt to
“entering the path to enlightenment”; Jewish traditions
be true, a captive of that which is valuable. Religious tradi-
speak of religious norms as halakhah, “the way to go”; and
tions do not tend to view this as “punishment.” Rather, they
traditional Hindu literatures outline the three sacred “paths,”
generally stress the notion that this very captivity allows one
marga, of proper action, proper meditation, and proper de-
to become who he or she really is, or really could be. As Zen
votion. Not infrequently, religious systems refer to the sacred
Buddhists have long noted, one is most free when one is most
cosmos as a whole with terms meaning “the Way,” like the
disciplined.
Chinese dao.
TYPES OF SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE. Just what kind of teacher
The perfection such a person seeks may take a number
the student follows and what type of relationship exists be-
of forms, each reflecting the fundamental worldview pres-
tween the two varies from tradition to tradition and within
ented by the pertinent religious system. It may be the fulfill-
each tradition itself, so any typological classification of spiri-
ment of being or the return to nonbeing; it may be personal
tual disciplines runs the risk of oversimplification. Classed
or impersonal; it may be the enjoyment of the good life or
very generally, however, the different kinds of spiritual disci-
the release of the good death. Whatever the goal, spiritual
pline may be understood as heteronomous, autonomous, or
disciplines claim to offer their adherents the means by which
interactive in nature. (Within these types one can discern
the religious ideal may be reached.
various modes of discipline, to which this article shall re-
Without discipline, the seeker founders. The S:u¯f¯ı mys-
turn.) These three should be understood as ideal types only:
tic Jala¯l al-D¯ın Ru¯m¯ı spoke perhaps for many religious tradi-
Analysis of different examples of actual spiritual endeavors
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8700
SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE
will show that individual disciples and specific traditions
tion holds that Muh:ammad first received these lessons one
practice a combination of all three.
night during Ramad:a¯n when he was visited by the angel Ga-
briel. After cleansing Muh:ammad’s body and spirit, Gabriel
Heteronomous discipline. In heteronomous disci-
swept him up into the air, carrying him first to the sacred
pline, the disciple submits in his or her search for realization,
shrine at Mecca and then upward through the seven heavens
completion, or genuine understanding to the guidelines pres-
to the throne of God. There, surrounded by mystic light, the
ented by an external authority. While this authority may be
Prophet received divine instructions on proper religious ac-
personal or impersonal in nature, the structure of the rela-
tion, specifically the practice of the five daily prayers (s:ala¯t),
tionship between guide and disciple is often represented as
objective and depicted in oppositional images: creator/
in which the Muslim is to cleanse himself and touch his fore-
creature; lord/subject; teacher/apprentice; parent/child;
head to the ground as he bows toward Mecca in the early
shepherd/sheep; wise one/foolish one; judge/judged. In
morning, at noon, in midafternoon, at sunset, and in the eve-
obeying the commands or by imitating the paradigmatic ac-
ning. According to traditional stories, Muh:ammad then re-
tions of the central authority, the seeker finds the way to ful-
turned from the heavens and shared those instructions with
fillment and meaning.
the human community on earth. “The key to paradise is
s:ala¯t,” Muh:ammad is reported to have said; and the practice
One sees the ideals of heteronomous discipline in any
of the daily purification and prayer remains today one of the
account of a disciple who serves a master: the Chan Buddhist
Five Pillars of Islamic faith. The four remaining pillars are
who sweeps the floor and washes the pots for his teacher; the
shaha¯dah (the profession of faith), zaka¯t (care for the unfor-
American Indian who follows the instructions discerned in
tunate through almsgiving), s:awm (fasting during the month
the tones of a coyote’s call; the orthodox Hindu who obeys
of Ramad:a¯n), and h:ajj (pilgrimage to the KaEbah in Mecca).
the social regulations prescribed by the Dharma´sa¯stras. Het-
eronomy is found in those cases where people find meaning
According to Islamic mystical traditions, primarily
and validity in their actions as defined by an external authori-
those influenced by S:u¯f¯ı ideologies and practices, a person
ty of some kind.
intent on gaining a direct experience of God’s presence and
power first seeks out a teacher (Arab., shaykh; Pers., p¯ır) who
Sometimes the teacher is so distant, either in time or in
guides the disciple (Arab., mur¯ıd, “one who wishes to enter
space, that the disciple first must learn from a fellow, but
[the path]”) through the stages of the spiritual journey. The
wiser, seeker who knows the teachings if not the teacher and
teacher then watches over the mur¯ıd carefully, for the path
who, having traveled it, can illumine the difficult passage
(t:ar¯ıqah) is a long and difficult one. The master comes to
from one mode of being and understanding to another. Such
know the disciple at the most intimate of levels. The master
is the case, for example, in the Jewish figure of the rabbi, the
reads the student’s mind and sees into the student’s dreams
Christian pater spiritualis, the Buddhist arhat and bodhisatt-
in order to advise as the disciple moves through the anxiety
va, the Chinese sage, and the Siberian shaman—although
and doubt inherent in the religious transformation. The
the particular ideologies in which each of these figures pres-
master may make the mur¯ıd practice ascetic meditation for
ent their teachings vary immensely.
periods of forty days at a time and demand that the pupil
A good example of heteronomous discipline appears in
direct all of his attention to God; or the master may require
Islamic spiritual traditions. Muslims repeatedly hear in the
the student to live in a community of fellow seekers in order
QurDa¯n the notion that a person’s sole purpose in life is to
to benefit from the support a group can give. The master is
serve the will of God (Alla¯h) by cultivating his or her poten-
careful to keep the disciple attentive to his or her spiritual
tial in accordance with God’s “command” (amr). This sub-
duties as the disciple progresses through the “stations” (sg.,
mission (isla¯m) to God is the purpose for which God sends
maqa¯m) on the path: repentance (tawbah), abstinence
through prophets and revealed literatures the divine “guid-
(wara E), renunciation (zuhd), fasting (s:awm), surrender to
ance” (hida¯yah). The central revelation, the QurDa¯n, de-
God (tawakkul), poverty (faqr), patience (s:abr), gratitude
scribes itself as an invitation to come to the right path (hudan
(shukr), the cultivation of ecstatic joy (bast:) through con-
li-al-na¯s) and is the source of the Islamic sacred law (shar¯ı Eah,
straint of the ego (qabd:), and—finally—love (mah:abbah)
literally “the way to the water hole,” an appropriate image
and mystic annihilation (ma Erifah) into the being of God.
for spiritual travelers in a desert region). Islamic tradition
Bringing the student through these stages, the S:u¯f¯ı master
notes that examples of such guiding laws include what is
shows the way to fana¯ D, in which the seeker disposes of all
known as fard: or wa¯jib—those duties and actions all Mus-
human imperfections and takes on the qualities of the divine.
lims must obey, such as daily prayer (s:ala¯t), almsgiving
Autonomous discipline. The typological opposite of
(zaka¯t), and fasting during the holy month of Ramad:a¯n
heteronomous discipline is characterized by ideologies in
(s:awm).
which the guide is said not to live or exist somewhere outside
The paradigmatic disciple in this case is the prophet
of the seeker but, rather, to inhabit the very depths of one’s
Muh:ammad, who is said to have heard the sacred instruc-
personal being. There, deep within the heart, the teacher
tions from divine teachers and then to have obeyed the order
rests timelessly beneath the swirling currents of the seeker’s
to recite (qur Da¯n) those teachings to the community. Tradi-
confused identity, unaffected by the vagaries of the objective
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE
8701
world. The adept’s task is to discover that inner wisdom. The
in which one refuses to kill another creature, take what is not
discipline that arises from this notion of the guide may be
given, or enjoy illicit sexual relations; correct livelihood
called autonomous in nature because the aspirant’s spiritual
(samma¯-a¯j¯ıva), to earn a living only by ways in which living
endeavors are self-contained and independent of external au-
beings are not injured; correct exertion (samma¯-va¯ya¯ma),
thority.
characterized by dispassion and benevolence; correct mind-
fulness (samma¯-sati), the remembrance of the Four Noble
A good example of autonomous discipline would be the
Truths; and correct meditative concentration (samma¯-
set of practices and assumptions reflected in the stories of
sama¯dhi), which allows one to understand the harmful na-
Siddhartha Gautama’s enlightenment and subsequent life as
ture of selfish desire. The Eightfold Path thus combines the
the Buddha. According to traditional accounts, the prince
practice of proper wisdom (namely, correct views and
led a comfortable and secure life in his father’s palace until,
thoughts), morality (correct speech, action, and livelihood),
as a young man, he was shocked and utterly disillusioned
and meditation (correct mindfulness and concentration).
with the passing enjoyments of the material world by the
sight outside the royal walls of an old person, a sick person,
Buddhist tradition firmly maintains that the Buddha
and a corpse, sights that his father’s protection had hitherto
gained this insight by himself. Records of the Buddha’s first
prevented him from seeing. After encountering a wandering
discourse after his enlightenment note that he told his fol-
ascetic who seemed to have attained a certain equanimity in
lowers, “No one in any of the worlds—neither the gods, nor
the world of sickness and death, Gautama at age twenty-nine
Ma¯ra, nor Brahma¯, nor ascetics or priests or gods or human
left his father’s palace in search of a teacher who could help
beings—had ever gained this highest complete enlighten-
him understand the nature of life. He is said to have found
ment. I [alone] knew this. Knowledge arose in me, insight
successively two highly respected masters, but eventually left
that even my mind cannot shake.” No teacher is said to have
each one, unsatisfied, because he had become their equal in
given this insight to the Buddha; the implicit lesson here is
wisdom and yet still did not understand. He despaired of any
that other people, too, can gain such knowledge if they culti-
teachings from another person, because even the most
vate autonomous discipline. Gautama himself seems to have
knowledgeable people did not know the full truth.
resisted the role of a master. One text records his encourage-
ment to others that “as wise people test gold by burning, cut-
Traditional accounts say that Gautama then went alone
ting and rubbing it, so are you also to accept my teachings
into the forest, where he found a quiet place to fast and to
only after examining them and not simply out of loyalty to
control his breathing in order to enter into a trance in which
me” (Jña¯nasa¯ra-samuccaya 31).
he could gain transcendent knowledge. Eventually abandon-
ing even some of these techniques because they led to what
Interactive discipline. In another form of discipline,
he experienced as a debilitating and therefore counterpro-
the teacher is neither completely external nor completely in-
ductive physical weakness, he developed his own kind of
ternal to the seeker. Rather, teaching and learning occur in
meditation, which was neither austere nor self-indulgent.
a continuing and flexive process. The discipline needed here
While meditating in this “middle way,” he was confronted
centers on a dialectical way of seeing or knowing that in itself
by demonic forces who tempted him, unsuccessfully, with
brings the seeker to the desired transformation. Outside au-
worldly power and prestige.
thority exists in the form of tradition, ethos, or structures of
the natural world; but that authority is affected in various de-
Gautama is said to have entered into four successive le-
grees by the hopes, worldviews, and training of the disciple.
vels of meditation (Pali, jha¯na), each one giving him deeper
Similarly, internal authority holds sway, but it is defined and
awareness of the origins and nature of suffering. Finally, at
given form by external structures. Interactive discipline cen-
the dawn ending the night of the full moon, he gained com-
ters on practices that arise in an open-ended or multivalent
plete understanding and stood up, alone. At that point he
relationship between the seeker and what he seeks.
became the Buddha, the Enlightened One. He understood
what have come to be known as the Four Noble Truths: (1)
Representative examples of interactive discipline might
that all conditioned existence is permeated by suffering; (2)
best come from the aesthetic arena. One thinks of a New En-
that there is a cause of suffering (namely, desire); (3) that
gland Shaker crafting a perfectly simple wooden chair; a sita¯r
there is a way to end suffering (namely, to cease desiring);
player quietly practicing a morning ra¯ga in the Indian dawn;
and (4) that the way to cease desiring is to follow a set of
an Italian sculptor lovingly fashioning an image of the Virgin
principles that became known as the Noble Eightfold Path.
Mother out of a piece of marble. In such cases the disciple
undergoes experiences in which the ideal is made real
Traditional Buddhist hagiographies and commentaries
through his or her own creative power, but that ideal itself
note that one follows that path by maintaining and practic-
determines the form in which the disciple can make it real.
ing the following disciplines: correct views (samma¯-dit:t:hi) to
Not only is there disciplined action; there is also a cultivated
see things as they really are rather than as one wishes them
interaction between the disciple and the discipline itself.
to be; correct thoughts (samma¯-sankappa), directed only to
the goal of enlightenment; correct speech (samma¯-va¯ca¯), in
At times the artist seems to be the effective agent in the
which one does not say anything that would harm his or
creative process who brings his or her work to fruition
other people’s integrity; correct action (samma¯-kammanta),
through bold assertion. “This is not the moment for hesita-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8702
SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE
tion and doubt,” Vincent van Gogh wrote of the creative
of the world that led the haiku poet Jo¯so¯ (1661–1704) to
process, “the hand may not tremble, nor may the eye wander,
find transformative appreciation in the following image:
but must remain fixed on what is before one.” Yet, no matter
Mizu soko no
Under the water,
how subjective or personal this creative discipline may be, it
Iwa ni ochitsuku
On the rock resting,
frequently is described almost paradoxically as a participation
Kono ha kana.
The fallen leaves.
in an impersonal event that transcends the idiosyncracies of
Or Basho¯, in a moment’s notice of
the artist. “Everything vanishes around me,” Paul Klee once
noted to himself, “and works are born out of the void. . . .
Nomi shirami,
Fleas, lice,
My hand has become the obedient instrument of a remote
Uma no nyo suru
The horse pissing
will.” The artist cultivates a vision and undertakes a disci-
Makuramoto.
Near my pillow.
pline in which the objective and subjective worlds converge
The freedom to experience the world as it arises from such
and yet remain distinct.
cognitive or perceptual discipline occurs only when the
poet’s mind is in perfect harmony with the rhythms of life
Interactive discipline thus involves a kind of “attentive
itself. “Wonder of wonders!” Ho¯ Koji exclaimed in an
selflessness.” Or perhaps it would be better to say that it cen-
eighth-century verse, “I carry firewood, I draw water!”
ters on an “attentive wholeness”—for one who perfects this
type of discipline is said to experience himself or herself as
There are no heteronomous or autonomous authorities
a creative and vital participant in the larger scope of life itself.
in this type of discipline, for to distinguish between object
Techniques of interactive discipline are different from those
and subject is to bifurcate the essential unity of being. Inter-
of heteronomous and autonomous discipline in that the for-
actional discipline takes a person beyond all dualities, includ-
mer do not revolve around conceptual knowledge. The mas-
ing the duality of “self” and “other” or “disciple” and “mas-
ter is both external and internal, and neither external nor in-
ter.” Interactive discipline in the haiku tradition eventually
ternal, to the disciple.
frees the disciple from the need for a teacher. Such discipline
recognizes that the guide, the way, and the wayfarer are one.
Interactive experience, like the artistic experience, cen-
MODES OF SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE. The three types of spiri-
ters on what the Japanese call myo¯, the wondrous mystery
tual discipline just outlined should not be understood as mu-
and rhythmic flow of life. One who disciplines himself or
tually exclusive. Despite the autonomous ideals reflected in
herself toward this experience seeks to know eternal truths
his early discourses, for example, even Gautama’s followers
within the mysteries of the constantly changing world. Such
directed their lives according to the instructions given them
discipline is exemplified, to choose one of any number of
by their master and subsequently codified in the Vinaya
possibilities, in the Japanese haiku tradition, in which poets
Pitaka, a canonical collection of community rules and regula-
compose short verses in moments of sublime understanding
tions established by the Buddha and his immediate followers.
of the world. These poems reveal the unmediated nature of
Conversely, even the S:u¯f¯ı mystic who advances through the
the world as it exists objectively but also the fond and atten-
stages of the path under the heteronomous guidance of a
tive regard the poet holds for that world. Basho¯ (1643–1694)
shaykh finally experiences fana¯ D, the annihilation of ego-
is said to have set the haiku tradition with this verse, translat-
consciousness that brings knowledge of the unity of reality
ed by D. T. Suzuki:
in a state similar to that called jam E, “unification.” The Mus-
Furu ike ya!
The old pond, ah!
lim, in fact, learns from the QurDa¯n itself that God is “closer
Kawazu tobikomu,
A frog jumps in:
to man than is man’s jugular vein” (50:16) and that God has
Mizu no oto.
The water’s sound!
placed within each person an “inner torch” (taqwa¯), which,
if allowed to burn brightly, guides that person toward fulfill-
Quite typically, the images presented in haiku come from the
ment. And the Japanese notion of immediacy of myo¯ is said
ordinary world, but the terseness with which they are de-
to be taught at first by a master, who teaches the student ei-
scribed comes from the poet’s discerning vision of that world
ther through example or through specific instructions how
as an entirely remarkable place. The poet Buson (1716–
to see and to experience sublime beauty himself.
1783) once exclaimed:
In all three types of discipline, therefore, the seeker and
Tsuri-gane ni
On the temple bell
the path on which that seeker travels are inextricably linked.
Tomarite nemuru
Perching, sleeps
Within the general parameters of these three types of spiritu-
Kocho kana.
The butterfly, oh!
al discipline, one may recognize a number of ways in which
If perfected, such interactive awareness of the world is said
the disciple actually practices the regimens deemed necessary
to lead to satori (enlightenment), which finds its meaning in
for movement along the path. For simplicity’s sake, these
one’s everyday activities such as eating, sleeping, and moving
modes of activity can be classified in the following categories:
one’s body. The meaning that satori illumines in these activi-
ecstatic discipline, constructive discipline, discipline of the
ties does not come from outside; it is in the event itself. It
body, discipline of the mind, discipline of the heart, and dis-
is beingness, or life itself. Better still, it is the “is-as-it-isness”
cipline of enduring personal relationships.
of something, the quality that in Japanese is known as kono-
It should be stated, once again, that these categories
mama or sono-mama. It is this discipline of “seeing the isness”
serve typological purposes only; they are not rigid classifica-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE
8703
tions but general descriptive groupings of a variety of prac-
lies at the very center of religious ideology itself. Perhaps the
tices and ideas.
best example is that of the Tibetan traditions based on the
notion of bar do’i sems can (or simply bar do), the “intermedi-
Ecstatic discipline. Many religious traditions maintain
ate stage” through which a departed soul moves over the in-
that the desired state exists outside of the human realm. It
terval of forty-nine days between death and rebirth. Tibetan
may lie in some other place such as in the heavens, across the
priests read a series of instructions—most frequently from
mountains, or at the bottom of the sea; or it may take place
the the Bar do’i thos grol (often transliterated and simplified
in some other time, typically the past or the future. Whatever
as Bardo Thodal, the Tibetan Book of the Dead)—to the
the case, in order to reach that extraordinary state personally
dying or dead person to help him through the dangers of the
or in order to be able to communicate with spirits from that
bar do and to help him gain a comfortable rebirth or, ideally,
other world, the seeker must somehow cultivate the ability
freedom from the cycle of rebirth itself.
to move out of his or her physical body, because that body
is limited by the confining structures of time and space. Such
Immediately upon death—in fact, before a person even
out-of-the-body experience is classified generally as “ecstasy”
knows he or she is dead—a departed soul is said first to enter
and is attested in a variety of religious traditions throughout
the ’chi kha state, a realm of pure light and bliss. Reading set
history.
instructions from the Book of the Dead, the priest tells the de-
ceased that this is the ultimate reality and encourages the de-
The discipline needed to attain ecstasy typically includes
ceased to sever all emotional ties to the world left behind in
practices in which the seeker deprives himself or herself of
order to remain free in this state. Most spirits are afraid of
normal bodily pleasures in order to be free of his or her phys-
such freedom, however, and turn from it toward a second
ical body. Such deprivational or ascetic discipline may begin
state known as chos nyid, in which the dead person encoun-
with the seeker’s withdrawal into solitude and spiritual tute-
ters wondrous and beautiful creatures. The priest tells the
lage under a master. It often culminates in the visitation by
person that these beings are images of his or her self that have
a guardian spirit and subsequent transformative vision or in
been constructed through the person’s own selfishness and
an experience of death and resurrection.
that the person must renounce all attachment to them be-
Ecstatic discipline appears, for example, in North Amer-
cause they will soon turn into demonic monsters. Fearing
ican Indian practices centered on what has come to be
these terrors, the person then enters a third state, srid pa, in
known as the vision quest. In such a quest practiced among
which the person panics and flees into a new birth on earth
the Thompson River Indians, for instance, a young man ob-
as a way to avoid the horrors that have been experienced in
served severe dietary restrictions and fasts, cleansed his spirit
the intermediate realm. The priest attempts to keep the per-
with such rituals as sweat bathing and immersion in a cold
son from moving through the second two of these realms—
river, purged his body of impurities by forcing himself to
and thereby allowing the person to remain in the state of
vomit or by taking sacred medicines, and camped alone on
pure light and bliss—by reciting lessons and offering encour-
a mountaintop, where he forsook sleep for nights on end.
agement in the highly structured discipline of the long funer-
There he hoped to be visited by a guardian spirit who would
ary ritual.
teach him sacred ways and lead him through the dangers of
Constructive discipline. This mode of discipline does
life. The Ojibwa Indians of the Algonquin tribe near Lake
not seek in general to deprive the spiritual aspirant of un-
Superior demanded that a boy entering puberty set up camp
wanted or harmful characteristics; rather, it helps that person
alone under a red pine tree, where he was to fast and to lie
perfect his or her being by building on desirable characteris-
awake for days, waiting for a vision that would allow him to
tics that are already there.
see who he was in the context of the sacred cosmos as a
whole. These visions were often described as journeys taken
Such constructive discipline often takes the form of per-
into the worlds of the spirits, where the seeker was intro-
sonal imitation of a paradigmatic figure or figures who are
duced to divine teachers who would guide him throughout
said to embody desirable qualities or to have undertaken ben-
his life.
eficial actions. Many times, therefore, such discipline takes
the form of the correct performance of a ritual. “We do here
Such ecstatic practices often included the seeker’s ritual-
what the gods did in the beginning,” the priests report while
ized symbolic death and resurrection. Shamanic initiates
explaining why they officiate at the sacred rites of Vedic
among the Pomo and Coast Miwok Indians of California lay
India (see S´atapatha Bra¯hman:a 7.2.1.4). For those priests, all
on the ground and were covered with straw as if they had
work performed as part of the ritual thus becomes a disci-
died and been buried; standing up and casting off the straw,
plined imitation of a divine model. So, for example, the artist
the initiate was then known to have been resurrected from
who fashions the utensils and ritual paraphernalia expresses
the dead. Among the Tlinglit Indians of coastal Alaska, a
artistry in a religious context: “Those works of art produced
man was recognized as a potential shaman when he fell to
here by a human being—[an image of] an elephant, a goblet,
the ground in a deathlike trance and subsequently revived.
a sacred robe, a gold figure, a chariot—are works of art only
In some instances of ecstatic discipline, the value of an
because they imitate the art of the gods” (Aitareya Bra¯hman:a
enduring, rather than temporary, out-of-the-body experience
6.27).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8704
SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE
But it need not be explicit ritual behavior only that em-
own command” (33). According to Benedict, monks were
bodies the ideals and techniques of constructive discipline.
to “let one pound of bread be enough for one day, whether
Such discipline appears in any system which assumes that
there be one meal only, or both dinner or supper,” and “wine
within the seeker lie qualities that, although perhaps dor-
is not appropriate for monks at all” (39–40). Benedict never-
mant, can be brought to the surface so that the ideal can be
theless admitted, “Since it is not possible these days to con-
made real. “Be faithful imitators of Jesus, and perfect imita-
vince the monks of this, let us agree at least on this: we
tors of Mary,” the fifteenth-century monk Thomas à Kempis
should not drink excessively nor to the point of satia-
wrote to his fellow Christians in his Imitation of Mary. “Be
tion. . . . one pint of wine a day is enough for each one”
simple, like the simple children of God, without deception,
(40).
without envy, without criticism, without murmuring, and
Benedict’s Rule thus reflects the value he placed on the
without suspicion.” In his Imitation of Christ, Thomas simi-
monk’s renunciation of material goods, the primary purpose
larly taught others to “learn to turn from worldly things, and
of which is to satisfy the body. “He should have nothing at
give yourself to spiritual things, and you will see the King-
all as his own: neither a book, nor tablets, nor a pen—
dom of God come within you” (2.1).
nothing at all” (33). Six centuries later, Francis of Assisi re-
Elements of constructive discipline may also be seen in
stated and modified for his fellow monastics many of Bene-
the Chinese, specifically the Neo-Confucian, tradition of the
dict’s rules, telling them, for example, “to go and sell all that
cultivation of sagehood. Zhangzai (1021–1077) defined the
they have and carefully give it to the poor,” and that “all the
sage as one who understands the harmonious and holistic na-
brothers shall wear humble garments, and may repair them
ture of oneself and one’s relationship to the world. According
with sack cloth and other remnants” (Rule of St. Francis 3.2).
to his teachings, a human being’s essential nature (xing) is
It may be, however, that the best classical example of
identical with all of nature (tiandi), and the sage understands
the discipline of the body comes from the ra¯jayoga tradition
the principle (li) that unites his essential nature with all
of India, particularly as represented by Patañjali’s Yoga Su¯tra
things. According to Neo-Confucian thought, transforma-
and its principal commentaries, Vya¯sa’s Yogabha¯s:ya and
tive understanding of this unity can be obtained through var-
Va¯caspati Mi´sra’s Tattvavai´sa¯rad¯ı. According to that tradi-
ious techniques reflecting the ideology of constructive disci-
tion, the path to the ultimate goal of meditation practices—
pline. Gao Pan Long (1562–1626), for example, advocated
namely, complete autonomy (kaivalya)—involves eight
a combination of several attitudes and practices: the cultiva-
stages or “branches” (an˙ga) and is therefore known as the
tion of an open-minded reverence (jing) for all things; an in-
“eight-limbed discipline” (as:t:a¯n˙gayoga).
tuitive exploration (ge wu) of the unifying principle that links
the inner and outer worlds; a pervasive appreciation of the
The first of the eight steps given by Patañjali is known
natural world; a sense of one’s place in history; and a practice
as restraint (yama) and is centered on injunctions not to kill,
he generally characterized as “quiet sitting” (jing zuo) in
not to lie, not to steal, not to enjoy sexual contact, and not
which the student brings the body and mind together into
to envy other people’s possessions (Yoga Su¯tra 2.30). The
a whole. Gao described this latter technique as “ordinary”
second stage is comprised of the five traditional spiritual
(ping chang) because it reflects the basic unified nature of
practices (niyama) of cleanliness, mental equanimity, asceti-
being itself.
cism, scriptural study, and devotion to a master (2.32). At
the third level, the yogin masters the various limber body
In his Fu qi gui Gao notes that one may practice such
postures (a¯sanas, e.g., the lotus position) that strengthen the
quiet sitting by observing some general procedures:
body against the rigors of severe asceticism (2.46), some of
Burn incense and sit in the lotus position. . . . Try not
which take many years of training before they can be prac-
to be lazy. After eating one must walk slowly for a hun-
ticed without the risk of dangerous injury. The fourth level
dred steps. Do not drink too much wine or eat too
consists of breath control (pra¯n:a¯ya¯ma) in which the adept
much meat or you will stir up the muddy waters. When
slows down his rate of respiration, sometimes to the point
resting do not take off your clothes. If you feel sleepy,
of stopping his breathing altogether for long periods of time,
then lie down. As soon as you awaken, get up.
and in so doing releases for his disciplined use all of the life
Discipline of the body. There is a general recognition
force (pra¯n:a) that is said to reside within the breath itself
among religious traditions that the body’s tendency to please
(2.49–51).
its own senses tends to distract the spirit from its more ethe-
At the fifth stage of the eight-limbed discipline, the
real tasks. Therefore, most spiritual disciplines involve the
yogin withdraws all senses from their objects in an enstatic
seeker’s control and restraint of his or her physical body.
process known as pratyahara, which includes in part focusing
Christian monastic traditions provide a good example
all attention thus retrieved from external distractions on a
of such discipline of the body. “The life of a monk should
single object—such as the spot between his eyebrows—in a
always be as if Lent were being observed” even though “few
technique described as eka¯grata¯, the sustained concentration
people have the fortitude to do so,” wrote Benedict of Nursia
on one thing (Yogabha¯s:ya 2.53). Mastering this technique
in the sixth century (Rule of St. Benedict 49), for “monks
gives the yogin power over all of his body, which possesses
should have not even their bodies or their wills under their
an almost immeasurable amount of energy.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE
8705
The sixth level, known as dha¯ran:a¯, a term that might
less, Yama asserts that “by discerning That, one is liberated
best be translated as “mental concentration,” is a form of
from the jaws of death” (3.15).
eka¯grata¯ in which the yogin, under strict guidance of a mas-
Another Upanis:ad notes that the master should accept
ter, concentrates all powerful attention on a single sacred syl-
as a disciple only a student “whose mind is tranquil and who
lable (mantra) or visual diagram (yantra) in such a way that
has attained peace. He teaches in its very truth that knowl-
the mind ceases to wander about in its constant fluctuations
edge of brahman [absolute reality] by which one knows the
and the yogin comes to know and experience the unity of
true eternal soul” (Mun:d:aka Upanis:ad 1.2.12–13).
his or her soul (a¯tman) with the soul of the universe.
The adept who disciplines his or her mind undergoes
In these first six stages of the eight-limbed discipline, the
here a kind of “unknowing” of all of the categories through
adept subdues and controls the instincts, desires, move-
which one’s self, the world, and divine reality is normally un-
ments, respiration, senses, and mental activities of the physi-
derstood. Part of this mental discipline involves the practice
cal body. This is done in order to prepare for the seventh and
of seeing the essence of things as distinct from their form.
eighth levels of discipline, which may be said to transcend
In a classic teaching recorded in the Br:hada¯ran:yaka
corporal existence. The seventh stage is known as dhya¯na
Upanis:ad, the Upanis:adic sage Ya¯jñavalkya repeatedly asserts
(deep meditation) in which the adept experiences the light
(see 4.5.15, for example) that the eternal soul is “not this,
of the Absolute within his or her own eternal soul. The final
not this.”
stage, sama¯dhi, brings the yogic discipline to its fruition. At
Christian mystical traditions centered on the via nega-
this point the yogin knows pure being, absolute conscious-
tiva present similar teachings regarding the need in one’s
ness, and complete bliss and is released from all suffering en-
spiritual advancement to break down the categories to which
tailed in the cycle of rebirth.
one’s undisciplined empirical mind clings. In his work The
Discipline of the mind. Many religions teach that
Mystical Theology, Dionysius the Areopagite (sixth century)
one’s mind tends to distract one from the necessities of spiri-
taught that “the universal and transcendent Cause of all
tual growth and that it, like the body, must be restrained.
things is neither . . . a body, nor has He a form or shape,
Sometimes religious masters admonish their students not to
or quality, or quantity, or weight; nor has He any localized,
daydream. Sometimes they scold their students for being too
visible, or tangible existence; He is not sensible or percepti-
analytical. In either case, they encourage them to retain con-
ble” (Happold, 1970, p. 212). Dionysius accordingly en-
trol over the mind.
couraged his followers to “leave behind the senses and the
The Kat:ha Upanis:ad records a mythic conversation be-
operations of the intellect, and all things sensible and intel-
tween Naciketas, a young boy desirous of sacred knowledge,
lectual, and all things in the world of being and nonbeing,
and Yama, the lord of the dead. One sees reflected in Yama’s
that thou mayest arise, by knowing, towards the union, as
teachings the notion, cited often in ancient India, that the
far as is attainable, with Him Who transcends all being and
mind must be restrained the way a charioteer must control
all knowledge” (op. cit., pp. 216–217).
his horses:
Discipline of the heart. Some religious traditions teach
that the final universal truth centers on a profound, delicate,
Think of the true self as [riding in] a chariot
and enduring love. According to these traditions, everything
and that the body is the chariot.
that is real arises from and returns into love; and it is through
Think of the intellect as the charioteer
the openhearted awareness of that love that one comes closer
and the mind as the reins.
to divine truth. The cultivation of those attitudes and actions
He who has no understanding, whose mind is out of
that help one see and know that love may therefore be called
control—
the discipline of the heart.
his senses are unchecked
At times such discipline of the heart is described as a way
Like wild horses [when unrestrained by a bad] charioteer.
of seeing the world in its sublime nature. As the S:u¯f¯ı poet
He, however, who has understanding,
Muh:ammad G¯ısu¯dara¯z (d. 1422) proclaimed,
whose mind is always under control—
his senses are checked
You look at the beautiful one and see figure and statue—
Like the obedient horses [of a good] charioteer. (3.3–6)
I do not see anything save the beauty and art of the
creator.
The lord of the dead continues to teach Naciketas that the
search for the absolute truth residing within the self is diffi-
Jala¯l al-d¯ın Ru¯m¯ı (d. 1273) saw the structures of the natural
cult because it “cannot be known through language, nor by
world as expressions of universal love:
the mind, nor by sight” (6.12). According to Yama, one rea-
If this heaven were not in love, then its breast would
son it is so difficult to comprehend the nature of the self is
have no purity,
that it has no discernible qualities or characteristics: It is
and if the sun were not in love, in his beauty would be
“without sound, without touch, without form, imperishable
no light,
. . . without taste, eternal, odorless, without a beginning
and if earth and mountain were not lovers, grass would
and without an end, beyond the great, constant.” Neverthe-
not grow out of their breast.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8706
SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE
The Hebrew Song of Songs (whose verses date as early as the
best achieved through the observation of principles that serve
tenth century BCE) presents classic love imagery set in a dia-
to uphold the relationship between the human community
logue between a bride and her bridegroom. Traditional com-
and the deity or to maintain important familial and other in-
mentaries have interpreted the relationship between the
terpersonal bonds.
characters of the bride and groom in four ways: literally, as
A classical example of such relational discipline appears
a man and a woman in love with each other; figuratively, as
in the traditions centered on and developed from the Jewish
a model on which proper marriage should be based; allegori-
notion of mitsvah (“commandment”; pl., mitsvot), a rule of
cally, as the people of Israel and their god; and anagogically,
discipline that is understood to have divine sanction. The
as the account of an individual soul’s perfected relationship
rabbinic tradition of Judaism notes that God has given the
to God. Whatever its reference, the love between these two
people of Israel 613 mitsvot outlining the 248 positive in-
finds vivid expression:
structions and 365 negative injunctions the people are obli-
Bride: Night after night on my bed
gated to honor. The most general and most familiar of the
I have sought my true love;
mitsvot are known as the Ten Commandments (see Exodus
I have sought him but not found him,
20:2–14 and Deuteronomy 5:6–18), which combine strict
I have called him, but he has not answered.
monotheistic ideology with rules against destructive social
Groom: How beautiful you are, my dearest, how
behavior. According to these rules of discipline, the people
beautiful! . . .
of Israel are to believe in no other god but Yahveh, not to
Your lips are like a scarlet thread, and your words are
construct idols, to keep the commandments, not to misuse
delightful;
God’s name, to observe the day of rest, to honor their par-
your parted lips behind your veil are like a pomegranate
ents, not to commit murder, not to commit adultery, not to
cut open. . . .
steal, not to testify falsely against their neighbors, and not
Your two breasts are like two fawns, twin fawns of a
to be envious of other people’s possessions. Rabbinic tradi-
gazelle.
tions are careful to say that the Ten Commandments do not
Bride: I am my beloved’s, his longing is all for me.
exhaust mitsvot, and remind the people of Israel of the reli-
Come, my beloved, let us go out into the fields to lie
gious duty incumbent on all Jews, for example, to marry and
among the henna bushes. (3.1–7.11)
have at least two children in accordance with the divine com-
mandment to “be fruitful and multiply” (Gn. 1:22).
The Cistercian monks of twelfth-century Europe tended to
see the religious quest as an ongoing apprenticeship in the
Such relational discipline finds similar expression in
ways of love. In his Sermons on the Song of Songs, Bernard of
Paul’s teachings to the hellenized Jewish-Christians at Thes-
Clairvaux urged his readers to remember that “when God
salonica that the true disciple must “not [give] way to lust
loves, he wants nothing else than to be loved; for he loves
like the pagans who are ignorant of God; and no man must
for no other purpose than that he may be loved, knowing
do his brother wrong in this matter, or invade his rights, be-
that those who love him are blessed by that very love” (83.4).
cause, as we have told you before with all emphasis, the Lord
Christian mystics of that era often defined God in masculine
punishes all such offenses.” Paul further noted to those disci-
and the soul in feminine terms and described the religious
ples that we are “taught by God to love one another” in a
life as a relationship between the two. Richard of Saint-
selfless way and that “anyone who flouts these rules is flout-
Victor, for example, outlined in The Four Degrees of Passion-
ing not man but God” (1 Thes. 4:4–9).
ate Charity the stages through which the soul moves in its
Discipline based on the maintenance of proper relation-
relationship to the loving God:
ships also appears in another way in the classical Hindu no-
In the first degree, God enters into the soul and she
tion of varn:a¯´sramadharma, the sacred duties determined by
turns inward into herself. In the second, she ascends
one’s vocation and stage of life. An entire science (´sa¯stra) of
above herself and is lifted up to God. In the third, the
such sacred duties developed in Brahmanic India in order to
soul, lifted up to God, passes over altogether into Him.
interpret and preserve those rules by which orthodox Hindus
In the fourth the soul goes forth on God’s behalf and
are to act in society.
descends below herself.
According to the texts of that tradition, the Dharma-
Discipline of the heart carries the seeker further and further
´
sa¯stras, society is divided into four classes (varn:as, sometimes
into the depths, or heights, of divine love. This is seen in
translated as “castes”) of people. Each varn:a has its own par-
India, too. As Kr:s:n:a (i.e., God) is reported in the
ticular function, and the whole system may be understood
Bhagavadg¯ıta¯ to have told his disciple, Arjuna:
as a symbiosis in which all parts depend on the others. The
Through loving devotion [bhakti] he comes to know
priests (bra¯hman:as) perform rituals that ensure the favor of
Me—my measure, and who, in very truth, I am.
the gods for specific individuals or for society in general.
Then, knowing Me in that complete truth, he enters
Warriors (ks:atriyas) protect the society from foreign inva-
immediately into Me. (18.55)
sions and increase its land holdings. The responsibilities of
Discipline of enduring personal relationships. Ac-
production and distribution of material goods throughout
cording to some religious ideologies, religious fulfillment is
society fall to the merchants (vai´syas), and the laborers
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE
8707
(´su¯dras) perform the manual work the other classes need in
The Path of Purification (Berkeley, Calif., 1976), vol. 2,
order to fulfill their responsibilities.
pp. 583–584. For commentaries on the First Sermon, see
Nalinaksha Dutt’s Aspects of Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism and Its Re-
Dharma´sa¯stra literatures similarly outline the four stages
lations to H¯ınaya¯na (London, 1930), pp. 129–202. An exam-
(a¯´sramas) of one’s individual life, each having its own disci-
ple of Maha¯ya¯na Buddhist spiritual discipline can be found
plined requirements. According to a representative text, the
in Marion L. Matics’s translation and study of S´a¯ntideva’s
Ma¯nava Dharma´sa¯stra (the Laws of Manu, second century
Bodhicarya¯vata¯ra entitled Entering the Path of Enlightenment
BCE), a student (brahmaca¯rin) must study the Vedic scrip-
(New York, 1970). Robert C. Lester discusses Therava¯da
tures under the guidance of a master until he is old enough
Buddhist ideals in Theravada Buddhism in Southeast Asia
to marry. Becoming a householder (gr:hasthin), one must
(Ann Arbor, Mich., 1973).
raise a family and secure its well-being. Having carried out
The quotation from Vincent van Gogh comes from Dear Theo,
these responsibilities long enough to see one’s grandchildren
translated and edited by Irving Stone (New York, 1969),
grow to be adults, one leaves the demands of family life to
p. 114; that from Paul Klee is taken from The Diaries of Paul
the children and enters the stage of the forest-dweller
Klee, 1898–1918, edited by Felix Klee (Berkeley, Calif.,
(va¯naprasthin) in order to offer private oblations to his ances-
1964), p. 386.
tors and various deities. Only if one lives long enough, and
Selections of Japanese haiku poetry appearing above come from
has met all of these other responsibilities, can one then be-
D. T. Suzuki’s Zen and Japanese Culture, 2d ed. (Princeton,
come a wandering ascetic (sam:nya¯sin) who, having finally
1959), pp. 215–268. See also R. H. Blyth’s Haiku, 4 vols.
abandoned all possessions and family obligations, seeks the
(Tokyo, 1949–1952).
inner wisdom that will bring eternal release.
On the American Indian practices centered on the vision quest,
see Ruth Benedict’s “The Vision in Plains Culture,” Ameri-
SEE ALSO Asceticism; Eremitism; Ecstasy; Martial Arts;
can Anthropologist 24 (1922): 1–23; Benedict’s The Concept
Meditation; Monasticism; Mortification; Obedience; Reli-
of the Guardian Spirit in North America (1923; Millwood,
gious Communities, article on Christian Religious Orders;
N.Y., 1974; Ake Hultkrantz’s The Religions of the American
Retreat; Yoga.
Indians (Los Angeles, 1979), pp. 66–83; and Sam D. Gill’s
Native American Religions: An Introduction (Belmont, Calif.,
1982). For personal accounts of the vision, see Gill’s Native
BIBLIOGRAPHY
American Traditions: Sources and Interpretations (Belmont,
Readers interested in discussions of spiritual disciplines in several
Calif., 1983). On patterns of initiation in North America,
traditions not outlined above and interpreted from a variety
see Edwin M. Loeb’s Tribal Initiations and Secret Societies
of approaches by eminent scholars will want to consult Pa-
(Berkeley, Calif., 1929). The best general discussion of sha-
pers from the Eranos Yearbooks, vol. 4, Spiritual Disciplines,
manism around the world remains Mircea Eliade’s Shaman-
edited by Joseph Campbell (New York, 1960), a collection
ism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, rev. & enl. ed. (New York,
of papers read over several years at the Eranos meetings in
1964).
Ascona, Switzerland.
Translations of the Bar do’i thos grol into English may be found
On the development of Islamic shar¯ı Eah and its relationship to
in W. Y. Evans Wentz’s The Tibetan Book of the Dead, 2d
personal piety, see Marshall G. S. Hodgson’s The Venture of
ed. (London, 1949), and in Francesca Fremantle and
Islam, vol. 1, The Classical Age of Islam (Chicago, 1974),
Chögyam Trungpa’s The Tibetan Book of the Dead: The
pp. 315–409; Fazlur Rahman’s Islam (New York, 1966),
Great Liberation through Hearing in the Bardo (Berkeley,
pp. 100–116; and Frederick Mathewson Denny’s An Intro-
Calif., 1975). The notion of dao in China is discussed by Ar-
duction to Islam (New York, 1985), pp. 216–292. On Islamic
thur Waley in The Way and Its Power (New York, 1958).
spiritual traditions and mystical poetry, see Annemarie
Rodney L. Taylor offers a concise discussion of Neo-
Schimmel’s Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill, N. C.,
Confucian sagehood in The Cultivation of Sagehood as a Reli-
1975), esp. pp. 98–227 and 287–343; Reynold A. Nichol-
gious Goal in Neo-Confucianism (Missoula, Mont., 1978).
son’s Studies in Islamic Mysticism (Cambridge, 1921); and
The translation from Gao Pan Long’s Fu qi gui is taken from
William C. Chittick’s The Sufi Path of Love: The Spiritual
Taylor’s work.
Teachings of Rumi (Albany, N.Y., 1983). One of the better
The only available complete English translation of the S´atapatha
translations of the QurDa¯n remains A. J. Arberry’s The Koran
Bra¯hman:a is by Julius Eggeling, The S´atapatha Bra¯hman:a,
Interpreted (London and New York, 1955). For an elucidat-
5 vols., “Sacred Books of the East,” vols. 12, 26, 41, 43, 44
ing introduction to QurDanic thought, see Fazlur Rahman’s
(Oxford, 1882–1900). The Aitareya Bra¯hman:a has been
Major Themes of the Qur Da¯n (Chicago, 1980).
translated by Arthur Berriedale Keith in his Rigveda
Translations of traditional accounts of the Buddha’s enlighten-
Bra¯hman:as: The Aitareya and Kausiktaki Bra¯hman:as of the
ment, mostly from Pali sources, appear in E. J. Thomas’s The
Rigveda, “Harvard Oriental Series,” no. 25 (Cambridge,
Life of Buddha as Legend and History, 3d rev. ed. (London,
Mass., 1920). The best English translations of the Upanis:ads
1949), pp. 38–96, esp. pp. 61–80, and in Edward Conze’s
are Robert Ernest Hume’s The Thirteen Principal Upanis:ads,
Buddhist Scriptures (Harmondsworth, 1959), pp. 34–66,
2d ed. (London, 1931), and Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan’s The
which is a translation of A´svaghos:a’s Sanskrit work,
Principal Upanis:ads (London, 1953). There are many trans-
Buddhaca¯rita (Acts of the Buddha). For a traditional com-
lations of the Bhagavadg¯ıta¯. One of the best remains Frank-
mentary on the Noble Eightfold Path, see Buddhaghosa’s Vi-
lin Edgerton’s Bhagavad Gita¯ (Chicago, 1925), which in-
suddimagga 16.77–83, translated by Bhikkhu Ñya¯namoli as
cludes helpful studies and a summary. Patañjali’s Yoga Su¯tra
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8708
SPIRITUAL GUIDE
with commentaries by Vya¯sa and Va¯caspati Mi´sra has been
Hinduism is not alone in its insistence that the spiritual
translated by James Haughton Woods as The Yoga-System of
bond (vidya¯sambandha) that exists between the spiritual pre-
Patañjali (1914), 3d ed. (Delhi, 1966).
ceptor (guru) and his disciple (´sis:ya) is no less real than a
Those interested in the writings of Thomas à Kempis might look
blood relationship. Taking Socrates as the model preceptor,
to The Imitation of Mary, edited and translated by Albin de
Kierkegaard maintained that the maieutic relationship be-
Cigala (Westminster, Md., 1948) and his far better-known
tween teacher and disciple was the highest possible relation-
The Imitation of Christ, translated by Leo Sherley-Price (Har-
ship between man and man. Socrates, writes Kierkegaard,
mondsworth, 1953). Those wishing to read Benedict’s rule
entered into the role of midwife, not because his thought
have available many translations, a good one being The Rule
lacked “positive content,” but because he “perceived that this
of St. Benedict, edited and translated by Justin McCann
(London, 1921). For Bernard of Clairvaux, see Étienne Gil-
relationship is the highest that one human being can sustain
son’s The Mystical Theology of Saint Bernard, translated by
to another” (Kierkegaard, 1962, p. 12; cf. Plato, Theaetetus
A. H. C. Downes (London and New York, 1940). Transla-
150).
tions from Dionysius the Aeropagite come from F. C. Hap-
Whether he is regarded as a midwife, daimo¯n, or bodhi-
pold’s Mysticism: A Study and an Anthology (Harmonds-
worth, 1970), pp. 212, 216–217. The same is true for the
sattva, the paradigmatic feature of the spiritual guide is al-
translation from Richard of Saint Victor’s The Four Degrees
ways his intermediate status; in a hierarchically ordered cos-
of Passionate Charity (see Happold, pp. 241–248, esp.
mos, the guide is situated in an intermediary world of subtle
p. 242). Happold’s book contains short selections drawn
possibilities, between the realms of pure matter and pure
from mystical tracts from a variety of classical religious tradi-
spirit, between earth and heaven, or, one might say, between
tions around the world.
the exoteric and esoteric. The mythological paradigm for this
For studies on rabbinic understanding of Jewish sacred law and
idea finds expression in a variety of forms: Eros is the half-
custom, both written and oral, one might turn first to The
mortal, half-immortal daimo¯n of special significance to Soc-
Code of Maimonides, 15 vols. (New Haven, 1949–1980).
rates (See Plato, Symposium 202); in Twelver Shiism the
Less imposing works include A Maimonides Reader, edited by
guide is the Hidden Ima¯m who lives unseen in the third
Isidore Twersky (New York, 1972), and Maimonides’ Mish-
world of the esoteric Church, a Paradise in potentia, between
neh Toreh, 3 vols., edited and translated by Moses Hyamson
the physical and spiritual cosmos; and as Hermes, he is both
(New York, 1949). For other codes, see Code of Hebrew Law:
the messenger of the gods and their interpreter (hermeneut¯es),
Shulh:an EAruk, 5 vols., edited and translated by Chaim N.
Denburg (Montreal, 1954–), or Code of Jewish Law: Kitzur
an intermediary between the terrestrial and celestial worlds
Shulhan Aruh, 4 vols., annot. rev. ed., compiled and translat-
who has an additional function as the “guide of the souls of
ed by Solomon Ganzfried and Hyman E. Goldin (New York,
the dead.”
1961). Otherwise, see Alan Unterman’s Jews: Their Religious
The legitimacy of the unearthly, inner guide has been
Beliefs and Practices (Boston, 1981); A Rabbinic Anthology,
vouchsafed by all traditions; but the “masterless master” who
edited by C. G. Montefiore and Herbert Loewe (New York,
1974); and The Mishnah, edited and translated by Herbert
has been initiated and guided by the inner spiritual guide
Danby (Oxford, 1933).
without first having been counseled by an outer, human
guide (as in the case of Ibn al-EArab¯ı, the “disciple of Khid:r”;
WILLIAM K. MAHONY (1987)
see Corbin, 1969) is especially rare. Hui-neng, the sixth
Chan patriarch, said that if a man cannot gain awakening on
his own
SPIRITUAL GUIDE. Since ancient times, the figure
of the spiritual guide has stood at the center of contemplative
he must obtain a good teacher to show him how to see
and esoteric traditions. It would appear that all such tradi-
into his own self-nature. But if you awaken by yourself,
tions stress the necessity of a spiritual preceptor who has im-
do not rely on teachers outside. If you try to seek a
teacher outside and hope to obtain deliverance, you will
mediate knowledge of the laws of spiritual development and
find it impossible. If you have recognized the good
who can glean from the adept’s actions and attitudes his re-
teacher within your own mind, you have already ob-
spective station on the spiritual path as well as the impedi-
tained deliverance. (Yampolsky, 1967, p. 152)
ments that lie ahead. Furthermore, the guide is responsible
for preserving and advancing the precise understanding of
On the other hand, the Indian guru Maharaj has suggested
the teaching and spiritual discipline to which he is heir, in-
that it is the inner guru who leads the disciple to the outer
cluding both a written tradition and an oral tradition “out-
guru, and it is the outer guru who reveals the inner guru
side the scriptures,” which at its highest level is passed on
(Maharaj, 1973).
from master to succeeding master and to certain disciples ac-
ANCIENT GREECE. Pythagoras and Socrates remind us that
cording to their level of insight. The precarious nature of this
the worthy figure of the spiritual guide is not confined to the
transfer has been recognized by all traditions, but no one has
strict forms of religion but can also be identified in various
described the situation more succinctly than the fifth Chan
fraternities, orders, and academies whose primary concern is
patriarch, who warned that from “ancient times the trans-
the self-transformation and spiritual enlightenment of their
mission of the Dharma has been as tenuous as a dangling
members. As is often the case with founders of religions and
thread” (Yampolsky, 1967, p. 133).
lineages, there are no writings that have been attributed to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRITUAL GUIDE
8709
Pythagoras or Socrates. The first written material on the
which has never been known. (Plato, Symposium 219,
“master” or founder of these traditions emerges often only
trans. Hamilton)
after a long gap, so that in the instance of Pythagoras we find
Many other of Socrates’ extraordinary attributes are de-
many of the earliest accounts idolizing and mythologizing
scribed by Alcibiades in the dialogue, including Socrates’ ri-
him, attributing numerous miracles to him but remaining si-
diculous and yet perfect choice of words (221), so that one
lent as to the essentials of his teaching.
might finally agree with Alicibiades that Socrates’ “absolute
According to Aristotle, the Pythagoreans taught that
unlikeness to any human being that is or ever has been is per-
among rational beings there is that which is God, that which
fectly astonishing” (221).
is man, and “that which is like Pythagoras” (Arist., frag.
JUDAISM. Although it is difficult to speculate on the figure
192). The spiritual guide, as in the case of Pythagoras, stands
of the spiritual guide as he might have existed in ancient Ju-
between the human and the suprahuman worlds, between
daism, as, for example, suggested in the texts of Psalms and
the mundane and the sacred; the guide is the intermediate
Ecclesiastes, the dominant figure of later times became the
par excellence, mediating energies from above and attracting
rabbi. The title is derived from rav (“master” or “teacher”)
disciples from below. The idea is further exemplifed by the
and a suffix of possession; hence its literal meaning is “my
tradition quoted by Diogenes Laertius that Pythagoras was
master” or “my teacher.” In modern times the Western world
the son of Hermes in a previous incarnation and that he re-
has come to regard the rabbi as a congregation leader, but
ceived from his father a memory of all things that had hap-
his original function as a “master” is indicated in the New
pened to him (Diogenes Laertius 8.4).
Testament where Jesus is frequently referred to as rabbi. Sim-
ilarly John the Baptist is indicated by the title in a singular
The historical Pythagoras, however, remains a mystery;
instance (Jn. 3:26). Jesus, when he warned his disciples not
we have inherited a fragmentary picture of his ascetic prac-
to call themselves rabbis, surely meant that this title was not
tices, taboos, sumbola, and orally transmitted maxims, but
to be taken lightly.
nowhere does the man Pythagoras emerge.
In Talmudic times the rabbi was an interpreter and
The problem with Socrates is somewhat different.
teacher of the Bible and the oral law (Mishnah). Like many
Whereas Pythagoras had no single student to organize his
teachers in the nonmonastic traditions of the East, the rabbi
teaching into a “system,” Socrates was followed by his disci-
derived no income from these activities but had an additional
ple Plato. But the problem here is trying to separate the real
occupation that produced private income; most often he was
Socrates, whose stature as an exemplary guide emerges even
a simple artisan or craftsman. According to doctrine, all rab-
in the dialogues, from Plato’s literary achievement “Socra-
bis are mutually equal, while reserving their individual free-
tes.” Jacob Needleman’s study of the Symposium (in The
dom to give ordination to suitable disciples. However, the
Heart of Philosophy, New York, 1982) reminds us of certain
rabbinical mysticism of the medieval period emphasized hi-
aspects of Socrates’ personality and energy as a guide, aspects
erarchy in other ways; to belong to the inner circle of disci-
that have been long overlooked by philosophers. Socrates, as
pleship presupposed an extraordinary degree of self-
in the other dialogues, is allowed to speak for himself to the
discipline. Furthermore, the most esoteric level of exegesis
extent that he alone among Athenians admits that he does
and transmission of teaching was reserved for the most select:
not know; he is a man who is questioning. The state of ques-
“It is forbidden to explain the first chapters of Genesis to
tioning once again reflects the idea of the intermediate; it
more than one person at a time. It is forbidden to explain
represents an intermediate state of unknowing, free at least
the first chapter of Ezekiel even to one person unless he be
from false and unexamined views. Similarly, Alcibiades, as
a sage and of original turn of mind” (Hag. 2.1).
the “authentic” pupil of Socrates, is also alone in that, unlike
the other Athenians, he is neither for nor against Socrates;
The title was adopted and altered to rebe by Hasidism
many times he wishes Socrates were dead, and yet he realizes
in the eighteenth century. The didactic and often humorous
that his death should make him more sorry than glad. Alcibi-
stories told by the rebeyim of Poland and East Europe were
ades is, alas, at his “wit’s end” when he enters the sympo-
passed on by tradition, so that collections exist today that
sium. A glimpse of Alcibiades’ estimation of Socrates is given
faithfully reflect the scope and activity of these remarkable
after the former recounts his failed amorous advances:
guides (see Buber, 1947–1948 and 1974).
What do you suppose to have been my state of mind
CHRISTIANITY. The foundation for guidance and disciple-
after that? On the one hand I realized that I had been
ship in the Christian tradition is naturally found in the re-
slighted, but on the other I felt a reverence for Socrates’
ported actions of Christ: he called his disciples to him; they
character, his self-control and courage; I had met a man
lived with him and were taught by his actions, words, and
whose like for fortitude I could never have expected to
gestures.
encounter. The result was that I could neither bring
myself to be angry with him and tear myself away from
For Christianity in general, Christ has remained the un-
his society, nor find a way of subduing him to my
equaled teacher, rabbi, a transcendent inner guide through
will. . . . I was utterly disconcerted, and wandered
whom man seeks salvation. Over and beyond this tendency
about in a state of enslavement to the man the like of
toward reliance on a transcendent guide, Eastern Orthodox
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8710
SPIRITUAL GUIDE
Christianity has stressed the importance of the startsy, or el-
ISLAM. It has been suggested that much of the wit, humor,
ders, who guide one’s spiritual and practical work. The pri-
and fullness of the image of the spiritual guide in the writings
mary texts of this tradition (called hesychasm) are contained
of the Desert Fathers and subsequent accounts of spiritual
in the Philokalia. They represent an unbroken tradition of
fathers in early Christianity has been gradually diluted and
practical guidance based on the teachings and disciplines of
extracted through generations in an attempt to make the
the Desert Fathers, having been written between the fourth
writings more generally palatable. The S:u¯f¯ı master remains,
and fifteenth centuries by spiritual masters of the Orthodox
as in the case with various Buddhist guides, a robust and vig-
tradition. The texts show the way to awaken and develop at-
orous man, full of life, paradox, and humor.
tention and consciousness, and they describe the conditions
Shaykh or p¯ır. The shar¯ı Eah, or divine law, is meant
that are most effective.
for all Muslims, but beyond that lies the t:ar¯ıqah, or spiritual
Many of the writings indicate the difficulty of accepting
path, for the mur¯ıd (literally “he who has made up his will,”
the vocation of spiritual guidance and attempt to discourage
i.e., to enter the path). In order to enter the path, it is essen-
the false guide from destructive actions and consequences.
tial that the adept find and be accepted by a spiritual master,
Nilus the Ascetic (d. around 430) writes:
a shaykh (Arabic) or p¯ır (Persian); as a h:ad¯ıth (tradition) says:
“When someone has no shaykh, Satan becomes his shaykh.”
But what if someone, not from any choice of his own,
is obliged to accept one or two disciples, and so to be-
Many accounts are given of adepts who have undergone
come the spiritual director of others as well? First, let
seeming rejection and Abu¯se by the master who must test the
him examine himself carefully, to see whether he can
resolve and serious intent of the mur¯ıd. After this testing
teach them through his actions rather than his words,
(sometimes the adept is made to wait for years), the mur¯ıd
setting his own life before them. . . . He should also
will only then actually begin on the path under the guidance
realize that he ought to work as hard for his disciples’
of his master.
salvation as he does for his own; for, having once ac-
cepted responsibility for them, he will be accountable
The Sheikh would teach him how to behave in each
to God for them as well as for himself. That is why the
mental state and prescribe periods of seclusion, if he
saints tried to leave behind disciples whose holiness was
deemed it necessary. It was well known that the meth-
no less than their own, and to change these disciples
ods could not be alike for everybody, and the genuine
from their original condition to a better state. (Philo-
mystical leader had to have a great deal of psychological
kalia, vol. l, p. 223)
understanding in order to recognize the different talents
and characters of his mur¯ıds and train them according-
Not only is there a great temptation for the more advanced
ly. (Schimmel, 1975, p. 104)
monks to consider themselves as highly evolved spiritual
guides or directors, but the novice must face the temptation
The keen attention paid by the guide to the daily activities
of relying merely on himself and trusting his own judgment
of the adept gradually developed in the course of time to the
when he has as yet insufficient material to understand the
image of the shaykh “who acutely supervised every breath of
guile and cunning of the “enemy.” The monk should bring
the mur¯ıd.” The problem of finding and dwelling in the
his thoughts and confessions to an elder so that he might
presence of an authentic shaykh is particularly acute, for the
learn the gift of true discrimination. John Cassian (d. c. 435)
adept must choose a guide (or be chosen by a guide) who
relates: “The devil brings monks to the brink of destruction
possesses the qualifications for guiding that particular disci-
more effectively through persuading him to disregard the ad-
ple. “Not every sheikh is a master for every disciple. The disci-
monitions of the fathers and follow his own judgment and
ple must seek and find the master who conquers his soul and
desire, than he does through any other fault” (ibid., p. 104).
dominates him as an eagle or falcon pounces upon a sparrow
in the air” (Nasr, 1970, p. 144).
But in confessing one’s thoughts and concerns there is
still the pitfall of following the pseudoguide. John Cassian
The absolute necessity of a spiritual guide is so central
further encourages monks to seek out spiritual masters who
to the credo of Sufism that at least one biography of the S:u¯f¯ı
truly possess discrimination and not those whose hair has
master Abu¯ SaE¯ıd ibn Ab¯ı al-Khayr (d. 1049 CE) reports the
simply “grown white with age.” He relates: “Many who have
maxim that “if any one by means of asceticism and self-
looked to age as a guide, and then revealed their thoughts,
mortification shall have risen to an exalted degree of mystical
have not only remained unhealed but have been driven to
experience, without having a P¯ır to whose authority and exam-
despair because of the inexperience of those to whom they
ple he submits himself, the S:u¯f¯ıs do not regard him as belong-
confessed.” Unseen Warfare, a text with roots in both the
ing to their community” (Nicholson, [1921] 1976, p. 10).
Western and Eastern traditions of Christianity, echoes the
In this way the transmission of doctrine, method, and
necessity of a qualified teacher: “A man who follows their
exercises is secured in a continuous lineage traced back
guidance and verifies all his actions, both inner and outer,
through a series of dead pirs or shaykhs to the Prophet. The
by the good judgments of his teachers—priests in the case
appearance of Muh:ammad and his son-in-law, EAl¯ı, at the
of laymen, experienced startzi in monasteries—cannot be ap-
head of a list fits in more with necessary fiction than strict
proached by the enemy” (Kadloubovsky and Palmer, 1952,
historicity; the S:u¯f¯ıs maintained they were the legitimate
p. 165).
heirs of the esoteric teachings of the Prophet. Abu¯ SaE¯ıd’s lin-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRITUAL GUIDE
8711
eage is traced by his biographer through ten p¯ırs to
Ima¯m in both Shiism and Sufism. The Hidden Ima¯m is the
Muh:ammad; the twentieth-century S:u¯f¯ı saint Shaykh
pole (qut:b) with whom all S:u¯f¯ı masters are inwardly con-
Ah:mad al-EAlaw¯ı (d. 1934) is credited with a “tree of spiritu-
nected.
al mastery” including scores of generations as well as sectari-
As Annemarie Schimmel writes:
an connections complex enough to require a navigator (see
The veneration shown to the ima¯m and the qut:b, as
Lings, 1973, appendix B).
manifested in the mystical preceptor, is common to Su-
Although the shaykh has certainly undergone the ascetic
fism and Shiism. The Shia teaches: “who dies without
and meditative training through which he guides his pu-
knowing the ima¯m of his time, dies an infidel,” and
Jala¯ludd¯ın Ru¯m¯ı (d. 1273), though a relatively moder-
pils—dhikr (“remembrance” [of God]), fasting, deprivation
ate S:u¯f¯ı, said: “He who does not know the true sheikh—
of sleep, intense physical labors, and so on—he abides in the
i.e., the Perfect Man and qut:b of his time—is a ka¯fir,
fullness of life, active and yet detached from his actions. “The
an infidel.” (Schimmel, 1975, p. 200)
true saint,” states Abu¯ SaE¯ıd, “goes in and out amongst the
HINDUISM. The idea of a spiritual preceptor to guide one’s
people and eats and sleeps with them and buys and sells in
study of religion and philosophy has been a constant influ-
the market and marries and takes part in social intercourse,
ence on the religion of India since the most ancient times.
and never forgets God for a single moment” (Nicholson,
Already in the R:gveda we see him referred to as the r:s:i (“seer”)
1921, p. 55). For this reason the shaykh’s actions often ap-
or muni (a sage, or “silent one”); as such, he is the possesser
pear paradoxical or inconsistent with Islamic doctrine. Nich-
of deep spiritual insights (often resulting from performing
olson relates yet another story of Shaykh Abu¯ SaE¯ıd from the
austerities) and is considered to be the “author” of the sacred
Asra¯r: when the shaykh was holding one of his lavish feasts
hymns. In later times we find him referred to as a¯ca¯rya,
and entertainments, an arrogant ascetic—ignorant of the
brahma¯n:a, and sva¯mi (swami), but he has most dramatically
shaykh’s novitiate and forty years’ austerities—challenged
captured the attention of the West as the guru.
him to a forty-day fast, hoping to humiliate the shaykh be-
fore his pupils and thereby earn their respect. The shaykh ac-
Only knowledge that was gained from a teacher was ca-
cepted and ate nothing while the ascetic continued to eat the
pable of successfully leading one to one’s aim (Cha¯ndogya
small amounts of food allowed by the practice. Throughout
Upanis:ad 4.9.3). And from Cha¯ndogya Upanis:ad 6.4.1f., it
the forty days the S:u¯f¯ıs continued by order of Abu¯ SaE¯ıd to
appears that the spiritual guide is also necessary in order to
be served delicious food while the two looked on. Finally the
cut through and disperse mundane, empirical knowledge
ascetic, no longer strong enough to perform his obligatory
and to become conscious of true spiritual knowledge.
prayers, confessed his presumption and ignorance.
There is also the prevalent concern for the secret trans-
mission of esoteric knowledge. Hence, Cha¯ndogya Upanis:ad
The Perfect Human Being. The idea of the Perfect
3.11.5 states that a father can teach the esoteric doctrine to
Human Being (insa¯n-i ka¯mil) seems first to have been em-
“his eldest son or to a worthy pupil, and to no one else, even
ployed by the S:u¯f¯ı theosophist Ibn al-EArab¯ı (d. 1240) and
if one should offer him the whole earth”; see also Aitareya
somewhat later in a more technical sense when al-J¯ıl¯ı
A¯ran:yaka 3.2.6.9: “Let no one tell these sam:hita¯s to one who
(d. between 1408 and 1417) systematized his predecessor’s
is not a resident pupil, who has not been with the teacher
work. Although the idea of the Perfect Human Being has re-
for at least a year, and who is not himself to become a teach-
ceived several different treatments, a general definition might
er.” That the pupil is often tested by the guru and admitted
describe him as “a man who has fully realised his essential
only sometimes after a novitiate or probation is attested to
oneness with the Divine Being in whose likeness he is made”
in several sources (e.g., Cha¯ndogya Upanis:ad 8.7.3; Pra´sna
(Nicholson, 1921, p. 78). The saint (wal¯ı) is the highest
Upanis:ad 1.2).
knower of God, and consequently he occupies the highest
of all human degrees, saintship (wala¯yah), as the Perfect
It would seem that the word guru is used in the sense
Human Being par excellence. Al-J¯ıl¯ı maintained that the Per-
of “teacher” or “spiritual guide” for the first time in
fect Human Being of any period was the outward manifesta-
Cha¯ndogya Upanis:ad, but one should also point out that its
tion of the Prophet Muh:ammad’s essence, claiming that his
original adjectival sense (“heavy one” or “weighty”) is illus-
own spiritual guide was just such an appearance. According
trative of the widespread belief that holy persons are charac-
to the system of Ibn al-EArab¯ı and al-J¯ıl¯ı, the S:u¯f¯ı shaykhs
terized by uncommon weight, not necessarily in the outer,
are “vicegerents” of Muh:ammad, invested with the “prophe-
physical sense. Hendrik Wagenvoort and Jan Gonda have
cy of saintship” and brought back by God from the state of
both commented on this (Gonda, 1947, 1965; Wagenvoort,
fana¯ D (“annihilation”) so that they might guide the people
1941). Wagenvoort has shown that guru is etymologically re-
to God. Something of this idea is reflected in the definition
lated to Latin gravis, which is remarkable only because its de-
by Mah:mu¯d Shabistar¯ı (d. 1320) of the Perfect Human
rivative, gravitas, was frequently used in connection with the
Being as he who follows a twofold movement: down into the
nouns auctor and auctoritas. The Latin expression gravis auc-
phenomenal world and upward to the divine world of light.
tor (“the important or true authority”) also carries the same
general sense of a guru as a man of influence who takes the
Mention must also be made of the S:u¯f¯ı master’s rela-
initiative, in other words, a man who can “do” and have an
tionship to the role of the twelfth ima¯m, who is the Hidden
effect on others.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8712
SPIRITUAL GUIDE
Although the tendency to deify the guru only gradually
a similar transformation. It is upon this fundamental attitude
gained a doctrinal position, the idea can already be seen in
that the Buddhist tradition of spiritual guidance takes its pre-
the S´veta¯´svatara Upanis:ad 6.23, which speaks of a man who
cedence.
has the highest love and devotion for God and for his guru
Unlike some Indian traditions that tend to view the
as for God. In later times this distinction is erased so that the
guru as an incarnation of divinity or as an intermediary to
guru is identified with the gods. The great poet and mystic
the sacred, early Buddhism emphasized the humanity of the
Kab¯ır (d. c. 1518) taught that the guru should be recognized
guide and his own attainment of spiritual knowledge. The
as the Lord himself; a view echoed by Caitanya (d. 1533) and
term designated by the texts for the guide or teacher is “good
his followers. This process of deification (no doubt aided by
or virtuous friend” (Pali, kalya¯n:amitta; Skt., kalya¯n:amitra).
the conception of avata¯ras) went to such extremes that the
The kalya¯n:amitra provides guidance based entirely on the in-
guru might be said to have usurped and displaced the gods
sight he has gained from personal experience. In one instance
in importance. Thus, the S´aiva texts teach that if S´iva be-
the Sam:yutta Nika¯ya reports that when A¯nanda suggested to
comes angry, “then the guru can pacify him, but if the guru
the Buddha that reliance on “virtuous friends” was half the
becomes angry, no one can pacify him.”
holy life, the Buddha corrected him by declaring it the whole
It is in relation to this theme that the idea of the “guru’s
of the holy life. The same text (1:88) relates an episode in
grace” arose, a concept of particular force even today. Many
which the Buddha describes himself as the “virtuous friend”
Indian seekers feel that the mere presence of the guru (as in
par excellence, as a spiritual guide who leads sentient beings
satsang, or keeping spiritual company) can somehow lead the
to freedom from birth, old age, suffering, and death.
pupil to liberation. This view, however, is not held universal-
Bodhisattva. At the core of the development of
ly. One can easily find numerous exceptions that suggest that
Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism was the role to be performed by the
the intensity of the disciple’s wish for knowledge and his ear-
bodhisattva (“enlightenment being”). Maha¯ya¯na doctrine ar-
nest striving are all that is necessary; the guru’s only true
gues that the old order was decidedly individualistic and that
function then is to act as a messenger. Seen in this light, one
the emphasis on desiring a personal liberation, or nirva¯n:a,
can easily understand the statements that contend there is no
was actually a hindrance to the full development of one’s
lack of gurus, only of qualified and true disciples.
spiritual potentialities, stopping the larger movement toward
“complete enlightment.” The bodhisattva relinquishes his
That the prestige and influence enjoyed by gurus has
personal enlightenment and vows to work for the enlighten-
persisted to modern times is attested to by certain teachers
ment of all sentient beings. After attaining the requisite in-
of our century who possess the force and unmistakable ring
sight (prajña¯), the final stage of the bodhisattva’s career is de-
of authenticity. One need only mention by way of example
voted to the welfare of others as practiced via skillful means
the writings by and about Nisargadatta Maharaj, Ramana
(upaya). The doctrine maintains that prajña without upaya
Maharshi, and Shri Anirvan. Although in modern times
leads to the incomplete quietistic enlightenment, while pos-
there has been a great deal of speculation and criticism about
session of upaya without prajña results in continued bondage
the claims made by many spiritual guides of India, especially
to samsara. Therefore, the skillful guidance of others toward
those offering their services to the West, it would be difficult
enlightenment, as an expression of compassion, becomes
and perhaps a mistake to attempt to judge those teachers on
paramount to the spiritual progress of the bodhisattva;
the basis of their outward actions. For no one, as Maharaj
through this process of guidance something “more” is gained
has said, could know the motives behind the actions of a
by him.
truly realized guru. To illustrate this point, Maharaj tells the
The employment of skillful means or technique is essen-
story of a sam:nya¯sin (world-renouncing ascetic) who was told
tially intended for use by those spiritual guides or masters
by his guru to marry. He obeyed and suffered bitterly. But
who possess a complete and perfect knowledge of the teach-
all four of his children became the greatest saints and r:s:is of
ings and the methods of practice and who are themselves free
Maharashtra.
from the delusions of the mind and emotions. The bodhisatt-
BUDDHISM. Accounts of the Buddha’s early life indicate that
va perceives through spiritual insight (prajña) the inner barri-
he retired to the forest in order to receive the teaching and
ers and the potentialities of the pupil and can respond to each
guidance of various celebrated hermits and teachers. Howev-
accordingly. Candrak¯ırti (fl. 600–650 CE) argued that con-
er, after practicing a series of austere yogic exercises for sever-
tradictory teachings would naturally arise because the Bud-
al years, the Buddha determined that their guidance was in-
dhas were physicians rather than teachers; in considering the
sufficient and set out on his own to attain enlightenment.
mental and spiritual stations of their disciples, the Buddhas
Once the Buddha attained his enlightenment he remained
would vary their teachings accordingly. The idea that the
in a blissful state of meditation for several days and contem-
master could teach people by playing various roles while re-
plated the trouble he would cause himself should he attempt
maining inwardly free was presented in its ultimate form by
to share his vision and offer guidance to a deeply deluded and
the Vimalak¯ırti Su¯tra, which declared that even the Ma¯ras
ignorant mankind. He overcame this final temptation of re-
are all bodhisattvas dwelling in an “inconceivable liberation”
maining secluded and private in his vision, resolving to share
and “playing the devil in order to develop beings through
his knowledge with other seekers and to guide them towards
their skillful means.”
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRITUAL GUIDE
8713
Lama. In what historians have termed the “second dif-
tion. It is said that Milaraspa became “even greater than his
fusion of the teaching” in Tibet, the Buddhist masters em-
teacher” and he is today remembered in Tibet as the greatest
phasized the necessity of an authoritative tradition of teach-
of Buddhist “saints.” Later, when Milaraspa took on his own
ing, the validity of which was assured by direct transmission
pupils, one disciple suggested that he must have been the in-
from master to disciple. The first two schools of Buddhism
carnation of a Buddha or great bodhisattva owing to the ex-
to appear in Tibet were the Bka’rgyudpa (Kagyüpa) and
tent of the trials and ascetic practises he had undergone and
Bka’gdamspa (kadampa), founded by Marpa (d. 1096 or
based on his great devotion to his lama. Milaraspa replied
1097) and At¯ı´sa (d. 1054) respectively. With regard to the
tersely that he had never heard whose incarnation he was.
esoteric tradition of initiation and oral transmission, both
Zen patriarchs and Zen masters. It has been observed
schools recognize the same Indian teachers. It is also clear
that every tradition emphasizes the importance of an oral tra-
that the first objective of both Marpa and At¯ı´sa was to gather
dition of instruction for the guidance of adepts. The founda-
around them tested disciples who would be capable of trans-
tion of Chan (Jpn., Zen) Buddhism is based squarely upon
mitting the tradition. When asked by a disciple whether
this premise, as is indicated in the following verses attributed
scripture or one’s teacher’s instructions were more impor-
to the “founder” and first Chan patriarch in China, Bodhid-
tant, At¯ı´sa replied that direct instruction from one’s teacher
harma (d. before 534):
was more important; if the chain of instruction and transmis-
sion is broken, the text becomes like a corpse, and no power
A special tradition outside the scriptures;
can bring it new life. Marpa’s Indian teacher, Na¯ropa
No dependence upon words or letters;
(d. 1100), gave him similar instruction when he declared:
Direct pointing at the soul of man;
Seeing into one’s own nature, and the attainment of
Before any guru existed
Buddhahood.
Even the name of Buddha was not heard.
(Dumoulin, 1963)
All the buddhas of a thousand kalpas
Only came about because of the guru.
Hui-neng, the sixth patriarch, was said to have been illiterate,
(Nalanda Translation Committee, 1982, p. 92)
and it is reported in a story that is most probably apocryphal
that he ordered all of the su¯tras of his monastery thrown into
There is, perhaps, nowhere in world literature a more
a heap and burned in order to teach his disciples not to rely
dramatic and haunting portrayal of the kind of guidance pro-
on word and texts but direct experience only.
vided by a great master than is found in the Life of Milarepa,
an account of Marpa’s most famous disciple, Milaraspa
The golden age of Chan in China (the period from Hui-
(d. 1123). Milaraspa came to Marpa filled with remorse for
neng’s death until the persecution of Buddhism in the ninth
the evil he had done by sorcery in his youth; he sought in-
century) was a time in which Chan masters of the most re-
struction that could free him from the karmic consequences
markable originality won the day. These were vigorous and
in his future lives. But, as Lobsang P. Lhalungpa has pointed
effusive men who sought to bring their disciples to new levels
out, Marpa clearly perceived that, as a result of his previous
of insight by demonstrating their own inexpressible experi-
actions, Milaraspa could not gain the desired transformation
ences of enlightenment by shocking and often violent meth-
by means of any normal training. “Thus, as the condition
ods.
of receiving the Dharma, Mila was required to fulfill a series
One such figure was Mazu (d. 786). A robust and un-
of bitterly demanding and dispiriting tasks. In enforcing the
flinching presence, Mazu is described in a Chan chronicle of
great ordeals, Marpa used shifting tactics and seemingly de-
the period as a man of remarkable appearance: “He strode
ceitful ways” (Lhalungpa, 1977, p. x). During the so-called
along like a bull and glared about him like a tiger.” He was
ordeal of the towers Milaraspa was commanded by Marpa
the first to use shouting (especially the famous cry “ho!”
to build single-handedly a tower. But each time Milaraspa
[Jpn., “katsu”]) as a means to shock the disciple out of his
had completed a tower, Marpa ordered him to tear it down,
habitually duality-conscious mind. In one famous story it is
claiming he had not paid enough attention to the plans or
related that after a typically paradoxical dialogue with one
that he had been drunk when he gave the “Great Magician”
of his disciples, Mazu grabbed him by the nose and twisted
directions. Finally, having constructed a ten-story tower
it so violently that the pupil cried out in pain—and attained
(which is still said to exist today) and at the brink of suicide,
enlightenment.
Milaraspa at last received from Marpa the secret teaching.
Not just Milaraspa but Marpa’s wife and several of his disci-
For Mazu the important thing was not a deluded attach-
ples were baffled by the apparent cruelty and irrationality of
ment to quiet sitting in meditation but enlightenment,
the lama Marpa, of the verbal and physical abuse he show-
which could express itself in everything. This was impressed
ered on Milaraspa and his seeming lack of compassion.
upon Mazu by his own master, Huairang (d. 744). While
Marpa countered the doubts of the uninitiated by saying that
still a student, Mazu was “continuously absorbed in media-
he merely tested Milaraspa in order to purify him of his sins.
tion.” On one occasion Huairang came across Mazu while
the disciple was engaged in meditation and asked, “For what
After these trials, Marpa led his disciple through initia-
purpose are you sitting in meditation?” Mazu answered, “I
tions and offered instruction and consultation on medita-
want to become a Buddha.” Thereupon the master picked
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8714
SPIRITUAL GUIDE
up a tile and started rubbing it on a stone. Mazu asked,
guiding others in their quest for enlightenment, the Zen
“What are you doing, Master?” “I am polishing this tile to
master “smashes the brains of monks everywhere, and pulls
make a mirror,” Huairang replied. “How can you make a
out the nails and knocks out the wedges.” With typical Zen
mirror by rubbing a tile?” exclaimed Mazu. “How can one
irony Hakuin describes the worthy successor he has pro-
become a Buddha by sitting in meditation?” countered the
duced who is qualified to transmit the teaching: “Without
master (Dumoulin, 1963, p. 97f.).
the least human feeling he produces an unsurpassedly evil,
stupid, blind oaf, be it one person or merely half a person,
Linji (d. 866) led his numerous disciples toward enlight-
with teeth sharp as the sword-trees of hell, and a gaping
enment by continuing and enlarging the use of shouting, ad-
mouth like a tray of blood. Thus will he recompense his deep
ding to that his own favorite method of beating disciples.
obligation to the Buddhas and the Patriarchs” (Yampolsky,
The “shouting and beating” Chan of Linji was not intended
1971, p. 39).
as punishment or random mischief. Experience had taught
Linji that harsh and unexpected encounters with “reality”
SEE ALSO Authority; Leadership.
could lead more quickly and certainly to enlightenment than
endless lectures and discourses.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Buber, Martin. Tales of the Hasidim. 2 vols. Translated by Olga
An unrelenting giant among Japanese Zen masters was
Marx. New York, 1947–1948.
Hakuin (d. 1769). Born in a “degenerate” period of Bud-
Buber, Martin. The Tales of Rabbi Nachman. Translated by Mau-
dhism in Japan, Hakuin revived the Rinzai form of Zen
rice Friedman. London, 1974.
begun by Linji, particularly emphasizing the investigation of
Dumoulin, Heinrich. A History of Zen Buddhism. Translated by
ko¯ans and “sitting in the midst of activity.” Throughout
Paul Peachey. New York, 1963.
Hakuin’s life he attacked forms of “silent-illumination Zen,”
Gonda, Jan. “À propos d’un sens magico-religieux de skt. guru-.”
which he consistently referred to as “dead-sitting.” In his
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 12
youth, Hakuin tells us, his ko¯an meditation was poor, and
(1947): 124–131.
as a result he engaged in dead-sitting until his Zen-sickness
Gonda, Jan. Change and Continuity in Indian Religion. The
was cured by the instruction of an insightful teacher, the her-
Hague, 1965.
mit Hakuyu. As a result, Hakuin was totally uncompromis-
Guénon, René. “Hermes.” In The Sword of Gnosis, edited by Jacob
ing in his insistence of a right understanding of meditation;
Needleman, pp. 370–375. Baltimore, 1974.
his ironic and acerbic tone seems to have been inherited from
Gunaratna, Henepola. The Path of Serenity and Insight. Columbia,
the harsh patriarchs and Zen masters of the past:
Mo., 1984.
How sad it is that the teaching in this degenerate age
Kadloubovsky, Eugènie, and G. E. H. Palmer, trans. Unseen War-
gives indications of the time when the Dharma will be
fare, Being the Spiritual Combat and Path to Paradise as Edited
completely destroyed. Monks and teachers of eminent
by Nicodemus of the Holy Mountain and Revised by Theophan
virtue, surrounded by hosts of disciples and eminent
the Recluse. London, 1952.
worthies, foolishly take the dead teachings of no-
Kerényi, Károly. Hermes, Guide of Souls. Translated by Murray
thought and no-mind, where the mind is like dead
Stein. Zurich, 1976.
ashes with wisdom obliterated, and make these into the
Kierkegaard, So⁄ren. Philosophical Fragments. 2d ed. Princeton,
essential doctrines of Zen. They practice silent, dead sit-
1962.
ting as though they were incense burners in some old
mausoleum and take this to be the treasure place of the
Lhalungpa, Lobsang P., trans. The Life of Milarepa. New York,
true practice of the patriarchs. They make rigid empti-
1977.
ness, indifference, and black stupidity the ultimate es-
Lings, Martin. A Moslem Saint of the Twentieth Century: Shaikh
sence for accomplishing the Great Matter. (Yampolsky,
Ahmad al-Alawi. 2d ed. Berkeley, 1973.
1971, p. 170)
Maharaj, Sri Nisargadatta. I Am That. Bombay, 1972.
It has been argued that the ultimate purpose of the Zen
Nalanda Translation Committee under the direction of Chögyam
Trungpa, trans. The Life of Marpa the Translator. Boulder,
master is one thing alone: to produce a disciple who can carry
1982.
on the teaching and preserve the transmission of the Dhar-
ma. The lineages of many famous monks became extinct
Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. “The Sufi Master as Exemplified in Persian
Sufi Literature.” Studies in Comparative Religion 4 (Summer
after a generation or two because they had no disciples to
1970): 140–149.
hand down their teachings.
Needleman, Jacob. “The Search for the Wise Man.” In Search:
The biography of Bozhang (d. 814) states: “He whose
Journey on the Inner Path, edited by Jean Sulzberger,
view is equal to that of his teacher diminishes by half his
pp. 85–100. New York, 1979.
teacher’s power. He whose view exceeds that of his teacher
Needleman, Jacob. The Heart of Philosophy. New York, 1982.
is qualified to transmit the teaching.” Hakuin was keenly
Nicholson, Reynold A. Studies in Islamic Mysticism (1921). Re-
aware of the necessity of producing a worthy disciple and in
print, Cambridge, 1976.
fact sanctioned several of his own pupils to carry on his
Palmer, G. E. H., Philip Sherrard, and Kallistos Ware, eds. and
teaching. Armed with spiritual powers and techniques for
trans. The Philokalia, vol. 1. London, 1979.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRITUALISM
8715
Schimmel, Annemarie. Mystical Dimensions of Islam. Chapel Hill,
of Louis Alphonse Cahagnet’s description of conversations
N.C., 1975.
with entranced clairvoyants, The Celestial Telegraph. The
Yampolsky, Philip, ed. and trans. The Platform Su¯tra of the Sixth
term Spiritualism came from mesmerism and referred to the
Patriarch. New York, 1967.
concept of an exalted expanse opened to clairvoyants travel-
Yampolsky, Philip, trans. The Zen Master Hakuin. New York,
ing without the body to realms where spirits could commu-
1971.
nicate secrets to them.
STUART W. SMITHERS (1987)
The disappearance or surrender of one’s identity to an-
other was a theme of the seventeenth-century mystical writ-
ings of Madame Guyon and Francois Fénelon, who empha-
SPIRITUALISM
sized the individual’s surrender of the will to divine love.
is a widespread and generally unorga-
These writings were popular among American antebellum
nized movement that arose in the United States at the end
Protestant intellectuals. The Romantic movement fostered
of the 1840s, was influential through the nineteenth century
a similar surrender of the self, or hypersensitivity to spiritual
in the United States and elsewhere, and persists at the begin-
or psychic “impressions.” Goethe had depicted such sensitiv-
ning of the twenty-first century. At its core is the belief that
ity in his novels The Sorrows of Young Werther (1744) and
the living can conduct conversations with spirits of the de-
Elective Affinities (1809), and it was exemplified in Bohe-
ceased through a sensitive instrument (either a mechanical
or electronic device) or a human medium.
mian wanderlust, the desire to follow personal “monitions”
rather than conventional expectations. The abandonment of
Spiritualism’s advent was occasioned by two events. The
the self to holy enthusiasm and impulse was also encouraged
first was the publication of Andrew Jackson Davis’s visionary
in the religious revivals of the time. The Gothicism of the
cosmology and universal history, The Principles of Nature,
period resulted in the enormous popularity of Catherine
Her Divine Revelations, and a Voice to Mankind, in 1847.
Crowe’s 1848 collection of stories about uncanny phenome-
The second was the production of audible rapping that was
na, The Night-Side of Nature.
interpreted as coded responses of spirits to questions posed
by two young sisters, Margaret and Kate Fox. Others soon
The concern with reconciling science and religion, as
reproduced the sounds during “spirit circles” or séances
well as matter and spirit, coincided with a popular interest
around the country. Spiritualists later annually commemo-
in the newly translated writings of Swedish engineer and vi-
rated the rappings as having begun on March 25, 1848.
sionary Emanuel Swedenborg, who had conversations with
Practitioners said Spiritualism was precipitated when
spirits about their lives in other worlds that intersected with
spirits, including that of electrical experimenter Benjamin
this one. Transcendentalists urged a spiritualization of the
Franklin, established a practical “spiritual telegraph” be-
natural world, and Perfectionists suggested that the earthly
tween this world and the spirit world. Those who were not
could be reformed into, or revealed to be, the heavenly, sti-
Spiritualists looked elsewhere for the sources of the move-
mulating seekers to set up utopian communities founded on
ment, crediting demons, mass delusion, human folly, fraud,
the ideas of French socialist Charles Fourier. Also influential
or simply to the influence of social and religious trends in
in the birth of Spiritualism was an efflorescence of trance vi-
the larger culture.
sions among Shakers during the late 1830s and 1840s, which
S
presaged many of the features of Spiritualism.
PIRITUALISM’S THEORY AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND.
The “harmonial philosophy” of Davis and his sympathizers
Spiritualism promoted the notion of surrendering the
envisioned a harmonization of past, present, and future; of
will to the inspiration of spirits, but it simultaneously elevat-
matter and spirit; of reason and intuition; of men and
ed the importance of the individual’s perception and judg-
women; and of individuals and society. It provided an osten-
ment. It assented to testing the reality of the spirits, ranking
sibly rationalist stock onto which was grafted a variety of ex-
empirical experience over traditional authority. It made a
otic psychic phenomena, such as mesmeric trance and the
“scientific” appeal to evidence available to anyone. It also
Fox sisters’ rappings. The result was “Modern Spiritualism,”
adopted the individualism and anticlericalism of the Protes-
as it was called, which was optimistic about the destiny of
tant dissenting tradition, evident in the Pietistic origins of
each individual after death and of human society in the long
the religious groups—such as the Universalists, the Unitari-
run, and egalitarian insofar as it accepted the revelations of
ans, and Quakers—among whose members Spiritualism
women, children, and others who lacked education or cre-
flourished. Spiritualism, by and large, was antiauthoritarian
dentials.
and Spiritualists valued the liberty of individual conscience.
Spiritualism was part of the larger culture’s effort to rec-
The movement was associated with progressive politics and
oncile science and religion. In the United States and Europe
social theory, and was most popular in the northern United
the intersection of matter and spirit had been explored in ex-
States. Southerners often saw spiritualism as one strand of
periments with mesmerism. Influential books included the
a twisted skein of Yankee fanaticism that also included such
1845 translation of Justinus Kerner’s case study of a som-
causes as utopian socialism, women’s rights, and the aboli-
nambulist, The Seeress of Prevorst, and the 1855 translation
tion of slavery.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8716
SPIRITUALISM
Spiritualists accepted the naturalistic idea of geological
perings of spirits. These scientists believed this explanation
and biological change and development, and they extended
was more naturalistic.
the idea to religion, which they believed also evolved and
In nineteenth-century America, Spiritualism bore the
progressed. Spiritualists supposed that individuals progressed
marks of the progressive wing of Protestantism. Local varie-
as well, continuing beyond this life into the afterlife, and
ties, however, sometimes drew from other sources, such as
Spiritualism thus expanded the realm of natural law into the
the Spiritualism of New Orleans, which incorporated Ca-
supernatural. They did not view the Fox sisters’ rappings or
tholicism’s traditions of intercessory saints and sacraments,
other Spiritualistic phenomena as miracles in the sense of a
as well as voodoo. The Spiritualism practiced in some parts
suspension of natural law, but they saw such phenomena as
of the United States incorporated Native American methods
the ultimately rational—although not yet understood—
of divination, trance induction, and spirit possession, and
effects of the interaction between this world and the higher
white mediums often discovered that their spirit guides were
world. The clairvoyant travels of spirit mediums also resem-
Indians. Modern Spiritualism was largely a phenomenon of
bled the travels of naturalist explorers of exotic cultures, such
white Americans, however, with some notable exceptions,
as, for example, A. J. Davis’s travels while in “the superior
such as Sojourner Truth and Pascal Beverly Randolph. Nev-
state” to the afterlife, which he envisioned as “The Summer-
ertheless, Spiritualists believed that spirit contact was at the
land,” a socialist community of enlightened souls. The “sci-
heart of all religion, and they believed they found support
entific” tendencies of Spiritualists led some of their early reli-
for this view in the Bible, in ancient accounts of the Sibylline
gious opponents to refer to them as “rationalists.”
oracles and of prophets and druids, and in historical records
Many personal accounts described conversion to Spiri-
of witchcraft and haunting.
tualism as a joyful liberation from a bleak Calvinist belief
Some opponents of Spiritualism argued for replacing
that the soul was powerless to affect its final disposition, or
the term Spiritualism with spiritism. As they saw it, Spiritual-
even liberation from an arid materialist belief that denied life
ism was a word with wide application but only appropriate
after death. Other accounts described the adoption of Spiri-
as a contrast to materialism. They insisted that spiritism was
tualism as only a small step from the beliefs of liberal church-
the proper term for what was commonly called “Spiritual-
es that already had a tenuous relationship with traditional
ism,” which, according to them, was merely a submission or
Christian doctrine. Many Spiritualists saw themselves as
unhealthy attachment to spirits. Their argument had little
“come-outers,” that is, as part of a group that had left Chris-
effect on popular usage, and gained no acceptance by Spiritu-
tianity, just as their spiritual forebears had left corrupted
alists.
churches. Many other Spiritualists, however, believed that
they were simply finding their way back to the true core of
Spiritism, however, was used by French seer Hippolyte
Christianity and called themselves “Christian Spiritualists.”
Léon Denizard Rivail, writing under the pseudonym Allan
Spiritualists were early advocates of “higher criticism” of the
Kardec. Kardec’s publications in the late 1850s and 1860s
Bible and they were convinced that apocrypha, such as Gnos-
influenced many in the French-speaking world to accept the
tic texts, contained a true picture of Jesus’s life and teachings.
reality of spirit contact. They also accepted the existence of
Spiritualists generally accepted the rococo speculations of
reincarnation, whereas American and English Spiritualists, at
comparative religion as it was practiced by such savants as
least for the first decades of the movement, rejected it.
Louis Jacolliot, who believed that the biblical story of Christ
was a fiction based on the Hindu myth of Kr:s:n:a.
In general, European Spiritualism was more influenced
than was American Spiritualism by occult traditions, such as
Traditional churches vigorously opposed Spiritualism,
Hermeticism, Rosicrucianism, irregular orders of Freema-
attributing it to the devil and equating it with previous forms
sonry, and ideas from the eastern lands that Europeans had
of necromancy. Traditional churches also opposed Spiritual-
colonized. Nevertheless, American spirit mediums spread
ism because it made revelation deliberately open-ended and
their variety of Spiritualism to Europe by lecturing and hold-
subject only to individual judgment. Spiritualism moved re-
ing séances there. Maria Trenholm Hayden, for example, vis-
ligion from churches, which were public places subject to the
ited England and made an early convert of socialist Robert
control of traditional (male) authority, to home parlors,
Owen. Daniel Dunglas Home traveled throughout Europe
which were private places subject to domestic (female) senti-
and gave spectacular performances, some of which powerful-
ment, or, as opponents put it, dark places where people were
ly affected the czarist court.
free of restraint. Opponents also took issue with Spiritualists’
equating the authority of the Bible with that of the messages
Doctrinal controversies arose within the movement:
and wonders produced at séances and in other religions.
Did spirits provide tangible assistance or mere comfort? In
trance, was the will erased or exalted? Was Spiritualism’s es-
Most of the public and most scientists, with a few excep-
sence a public platform of progressive reform, or the phe-
tions, treated Spiritualism as delusion, fraud, or mental dis-
nomenal manifestations of the séance? Why were revelations
order. Some scientists attributed séance messages to the me-
from trance mediums contradictory? Controversies also arose
dium’s ability to read the thoughts of others in the spirit
on the specifics of the afterlife (Were animals reborn there?
circle, rather than to the medium’s ability to hear the whis-
Was retrogression possible after death?) and on the interac-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRITUALISM
8717
tion between spirit and body (Did sexual prompting signal
“trance lecturers” Cora L. V. Scott Richmond, Emma Hard-
an attraction of true spiritual “affinities”?).
inge Britten, Hannah Frances Brown, Achsa White Sprague,
Lizzie Doten, Ada Hoyt Foye, and Amanda Britt Spence—
THE FORMS AND PRACTICES OF SPIRITUALISM. Spiritualists
drew enthusiastic audiences, thrilled to see women on a plat-
developed their own church services, with congregational
form speaking fearlessly and authoritatively.
singing of hymns, lectures, and Sunday schools (“lyceums”)
for children. Spiritualists also encouraged the development
Spiritualists believed that one feminine aspect of Spiri-
of mediums who could conduct séances or give lectures
tualism was its focus, not on the abstract intellect, but on
under the influence of spirits.
subjective feeling and on the body. They believed that spirits
had begun to affect the biological elevation of the human
The séance was meant to be a ritual communion of the
race by exerting spiritual influence over the conception and
saints still in the flesh with those who had left it, but the sé-
development of the human embryo. They also believed the
ance was also meant to be a proof test of the reality of the
spirits could free women from undesired sex, which literally
afterlife. The earliest Spiritualists formed spirit circles similar
degraded their offspring. Women had to be made equal to
to those that mesmerists already used to investigate “animal
men, and each woman had to be given sole authority over
magnetism,” where men and women touched hands around
when, and how often, and with whom she would have sex
a table, forming a “magnetic battery.” Mesmeric investiga-
and children. Some Spiritualists were the first public advo-
tors had produced trance, clairvoyance, eruptions of tics or
cates of women’s reproductive rights, and Spiritualists occu-
automatisms, sometimes involving writing or speaking, and
pied the most radical wing of the early women’s rights move-
the tilting of tables and levitating of people, furniture, and
ment.
musical instruments. Now sitters attributed these to discar-
nate spirits rather than to their own manipulations of energy.
Spiritualists made effective prophets, perhaps, but not
loyal group members. They attempted to organize, but with
Personal messages voiced or written by the medium
only sporadic successes. Many were leery of setting up a hier-
from the sitters’ deceased friends and family were always the
archy that would judge individual practices or experiences.
main products of a séance, with the sitters conducting their
On the other hand, they valued communion, association,
conversation with the spirits through the medium. But the
and small spirit circles as aids to amplify a medium’s sensitiv-
medium might also give voice to the spirits of famous people
ity. In addition, groups fortified the camaraderie of believers,
who corrected or supplemented the ideas for which they had
inculcated children in the belief in spirit communion,
been known while living. Other phenomena produced at a
trained mediums, and sponsored lecturers. Local associations
séance might include musical sounds, disembodied voices,
licensed mediums, ministers, and lecturers to protect them
floating lights and phosphorescent hands, and the material-
from ordinances against fortune telling and “jugglery.” They
ization of coins, flowers, letters, or birds. Mediums produced
also investigated charges of mediumistic fraud or immorality
spirit-inspired songs, poetry, paintings, scriptures and narra-
to protect Spiritualism from abuse by con artists or from em-
tives of travel to other times or worlds, revelations of hidden
barrassment by anti-Spiritualist opponents.
treasures or lucrative business opportunities, chalk messages
on slate boards, spirit images on photographic plates, and
Spiritualists also formed state, regional, and national as-
novel plans for inventions and for political or social reforms.
sociations, with varying success, and they held conventions.
Mediums also reported the ability to read minds, to see the
Propaganda for the movement was carried out by word of
future, and to escape from tied ropes or locked jail cells. At
mouth, by experiments with séances, by lectures from travel-
séances in the 1870s and 1880s mediums might extrude
ing mediums, and by the publication of pamphlets and
from their bodies a pale diaphanous substance eventually
books. Spiritualist newspapers connected far-flung and often
called “ectoplasm,” or they might conduct “dark cabinet ma-
isolated believers into a community of faith. The most influ-
terializations” in which they were locked in a cabinet and
ential were Spiritual Telegraph, New-England Spiritualist,
produced spectral forms who walked among the audience.
Herald of Progress, Religio-Philosophical Journal, and Banner
of Light.
Mediums also diagnosed disease. Their reputed clair-
voyance allowed them to see into a person’s body to the
The first Spiritualist camp meeting was held in a field
source of illness, and, sometimes with assistance of the spirits
outside Malden, Massachusetts, in the summer of 1866.
of famous physicians, to prescribe treatment. This often in-
Camp meetings became very influential in the movement,
cluded the medium’s manipulation of the energy “aura” sur-
sometimes drawing as many as twenty thousand attendees to
rounding the patient’s body through the laying on of hands.
such rural surroundings as Lake Pleasant, Massachusetts, or
Many mediums made their living through healing, rather
Cassadaga, New York (the forerunner of the center for the
than through conducting séances or giving lectures.
Spiritualist movement today at Lily Dale, New York, and the
namesake for another settlement in Florida).
Far more women than men were spirit mediums, and
male mediums often characterized their sensitivity as a femi-
SPIRITUALISM’S PROGRESS THROUGH THE NINETEENTH
nine power. Spiritualist lecturers, on the other hand, were
CENTURY AND BEYOND. The popularity and influence of
often men, although the exceptions—such as self-styled
Spiritualism rose and fell. Little solid evidence exists for judg-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8718
SPIRITUALITY
ing the number of Spiritualists during these years because the
present-day postmodernism, Spiritualism judged the objec-
organizations of Spiritualism were transient, and the criteria
tive, external, matter-of-fact world to be essentially devoid
of who counted as a Spiritualist were extremely elastic. In the
of truth. Truth lay instead in a dematerialized, spiritual,
United States population of thirty million on the eve of the
inner realm. One goal of Spiritualism was to demonstrate
Civil War in 1860, estimates of the number of Spiritualists
this. As a result, some Spiritualists tacitly believed that if in-
have varied from a few hundred thousand to eleven million.
transigent fact had to be helped along by hidden manipula-
At the time, however, both proponents and opponents of
tion, hoax, fiction, or impersonation in order to turn the
Spiritualism often accepted as reasonable the figure of two
world into, or reveal it as, or convince an observer that the
to three million Spiritualists.
world was, a magical one in which mind ruled matter, then
there was little or no fault, but rather virtue, in doing so.
By the 1880s, Spiritualism’s influence had receded.
Some Spiritualists defected to the newer systems of Christian
SEE ALSO Christian Science; New Religious Movements, ar-
Science, New Thought, and Theosophy. Some who were
ticle on New Religious Movements and Women; New
more politically radical were drawn into Freethought, Anar-
Thought Movement; Quakers; Shakers; Swedenborgianism;
chism, and Communism, losing their religious outlook. At
Theosophical Society; Transcendental Meditation.
the same time, Spiritualism’s influence had diffused through
the culture, most notably in the idea of artistic and religious
inspiration.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Braude, Ann. Radical Spirits: Spiritualism and Women’s Rights in
Meanwhile, Spiritualism’s séance phenomena had de-
Nineteenth-Century America. 2d ed. Bloomington, Ind.,
volved into elaborate materializations that were often indis-
2001.
tinguishable from stage magic, inviting well-publicized expo-
Britten, Emma Hardinge. Modern American Spiritualism: A Twen-
sures of fraudulent mediums by such people as magician
ty Year’s Record of the Communion between Earth and the
Harry Kellar, who blazed a trail later followed by Harry
World of Spirits. New York, 1870; reprint, New Hyde Park,
Houdini. Scientists investigating Spiritualism also developed
N.Y., 1970.
more rigorous protocols for what they began to call “psychi-
Buescher, John B. “More Lurid than Lucid: The Spiritualist In-
cal research,” which eventually allowed the field of psycholo-
vention of the Word Sexism.” Journal of the American Acade-
gy to distance itself from the need to consider spirit as a sub-
my of Religion 70, no. 3 (2002): 561–593.
ject for empirical research. Sigmund Freud’s development of
Buescher, John B. The Other Side of Salvation: Spiritualism and the
a compelling theory of the unconscious also helped render
Nineteenth-Century Religious Experience. Boston, 2003.
the notion of the paranormal uninteresting to psychologists,
Carroll, Bret E. Spiritualism in Antebellum America. Bloomington,
with some exceptions, notably Carl Jung. By the turn of the
Ind., 1997.
century, Spiritualism no longer seemed to many potential
Moore, R. Laurence. In Search of White Crows: Spiritualism, Para-
converts as a progressive, avant-garde reconciliation of reli-
psychology, and American Culture. New York, 1977.
gion and science, but as an antique.
Owen, Alex. The Darkened Room: Women, Power, and Spiritualism
Nevertheless, Spiritualism has continued throughout
in Late Victorian England. Philadelphia, 1990.
the world, with periodic revivals, to this day, with an umbrel-
Podmore, Frank. Modern Spiritualism: A History and a Criticism.
la organization—the National Spiritualist Association of
2 vols. London, 1902; reprinted as Mediums of the 19th Cen-
Churches—founded in 1893, forty-five years after the Fox
tury. New Hyde Park, N.Y., 1963.
sisters’ rappings. Interest in Spiritualism grew in England
Taves, Ann. Fits, Trances, and Visions: Experiencing Religion and
after World War I, sometimes linked to the desire by survi-
Explaining Experience from Wesley to James. Princeton, 1999.
vors for comfort and reassurance, not just concerning the fate
of their loved ones who had died, but perhaps also for the
JOHN B. BUESCHER (2005)
old order of society. Since the late 1960s a revival of Spiritu-
alism has taken place under the banner of the New Age
movement. A strong element of theatrics, nearly always pres-
SPIRITUALITY is the concern of human beings with
ent in Spiritualism, is continued in television shows in which
their appropriate relationships to the cosmos. How the cos-
psychics face studio audiences in order to contact, or even
mic whole is conceived and what is considered appropriate
“channel,” the spirits.
in interacting with it differ according to worldviews of indi-
From the beginning, Spiritualists criticized Christian
viduals and communities. Spirituality is also construed as an
miracles and superstition. Nevertheless, they also claimed as
orientation toward the spiritual as distinguished from the ex-
true the manifestation of physical phenomena that have yet
clusively material. This entry considers classic spiritualities,
to be empirically verified. Spiritualists sometimes said that
contemporary spiritualities, and spirituality as an alternative
the evidence was real but only anecdotal, and that the spirits’
to religion. By the end of the twentieth century spirituality,
ability and willingness to manifest themselves were con-
long considered an integral part of religion, was increasingly
strained by the testing requirements imposed by skeptical in-
regarded as a separate quest, with religion being distin-
vestigators. On the other hand, like ancient Gnosticism and
guished from secular spiritualities. A predilection to speak of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPIRITUALITY
8719
having spirituality rather than having religion indicated a
Moreover, they may see their spirituality as an alternative to
change in worldview and a transition from exclusive religious
religion.
traditions to inclusive, overlapping expressions of commit-
C
ment to world and community.
ONTEMPORARY SPIRITUALITIES. Contemporary spirituali-
ties combine practices of particular religious traditions with
CLASSIC SPIRITUALITIES. Each religion has a characteristic
concern for the global situation and the life of the planet.
way of living in the world. Each embraces an attitude and
Like classic spiritualities, approaches to spirituality that were
outlook rooted in its particular worldview and has developed
developed in the last quarter of the twentieth century are also
a set of disciplines that assists devotees in pursuing their rela-
concerned with cultivation of the self and have generated
tionship to the cosmos. Thus, one speaks, for example, of Is-
many volumes on self improvement. Contemporary spiritu-
lamic spirituality, Christian spirituality, indigenous Austra-
alities are pluralistic and diverse; they search for a global
lian spirituality, or Hindu spirituality. By spirituality one
ethic, are concerned with ecology, encourage the cultivation
denotes the characteristic sentiments and way of life of those
of healthy relationships, support feminism, and pursue
who were born into, or came to embrace, a particular tradi-
peace.
tion. Thus, Crossroad Publishing’s series, World Spirituality:
In A Spirituality Named Compassion and the Healing of
An Encyclopedic History of the Religious Quest, which
the Global Village, Humpty Dumpty, and Us (1979) Matthew
treats spirituality as essential to religious traditions, has pub-
Fox pointed toward spirituality as an alternative to religion
lished volumes on world religions and on indigenous reli-
and, indeed, as resistance toward traditional religion. Fox
gious traditions. However, recognizing the trend that
was concerned with compassion as the mode of spirituality
emerged in the second half of the twentieth century of not
that the world needed. Aware of regional and international
confining spirituality to religious contexts, the series includes
conflicts, some of them provoked by religious differences, he
volumes titled Modern Esoteric Movements and Spirituality
sought to discover how the members of the global communi-
and the Secular Quest. In a preface, the series editor, Ewert
ty might learn to live and survive together. “Now that the
Cousins, states:
world is a global village we need compassion more than
The series focuses on that inner dimension of the per-
ever—not for altruism’s sake, nor for philosophy’s sake or
son called by certain traditions “the spirit.” This spiritu-
theology’s sake, but for survival’s sake” (p. 11). Thus, from
al core is the deepest center of the person. It is here that
within his Roman Catholic heritage, Fox began to promote
the person is open to the transcendent dimension; it is
what he said was “a spirituality named compassion,” a spiri-
here that the person experiences ultimate reality. The
tuality that did not belong to a particular religious tradition,
series explores the discovery of this core, the dynamics
but that could be adopted by anyone genuinely committed
of its development, and its journey to the ultimate goal.
to the world community. “Survival’s sake,” as Fox put it, is
It deals with prayer, spiritual direction, the various
also the focus of those who, with him, advocate an ecological
maps of the spiritual journey, and the methods of ad-
vancement in the spiritual ascent. (Olupona, 2000,
spirituality. For them it is not only the survival of human
p. xii)
communities that is at stake, but also the survival of animal
and plant populations and of the earth itself. “Green spiritu-
Spirituality regarded as a dimension of religious expression
ality” has increasingly become part of religious traditions.
may describe the sensibility and practices of schools, orders,
David Kinsley, in Ecology and Religion: Ecological Spirituality
or denominations within a tradition. Spiritual leaders and
in Cross-Cultural Perspective (1995), showed how concern
scholars of Christianity distinguish approaches to the spiritu-
with the environment becomes part of ongoing religious
al life of various Catholic and Protestant groups—for in-
commitments, building on and reinterpreting the resources
stance, Jesuit spirituality, Franciscan spirituality, Anglican
of existing traditions and, perhaps, adding to them. This was
spirituality, and Calvinist spirituality. Each spirituality em-
the concern, too, of the Harvard University Center for the
ploys resources of the Christian tradition (Bible reading, sac-
Study of World Religions when in the late 1990s and early
raments, prayers, good works) to develop a life based on the
2000s it conducted a series of conferences on “Religions of
example of Jesus Christ and the New Testament. Similarly,
the World and Ecology.” The participants reflected on the
each of the schools and movements within Hinduism, Bud-
literary, doctrinal, and ritual resources that help traditions to
dhism, and Islam has its characteristic spirituality.
think about and respond to the earth. Many of the contribu-
tors recognized that religions stand in need of dialogue with
The difference between classic spirituality and those
each other and with the disciplines of science, education, and
who claim to have spirituality but not religion is not so much
public policy. An openness to other traditions and disciplines
a disagreement about what constitutes spirituality. The latter
is a characteristic of many spiritual quests at the turn of the
may agree with Cousins that spirituality has to do with “the
century.
deepest center of the person” and with experiences of “ulti-
mate reality.” Both see spirituality as a way of situating the
Some, though, have sought not so much to expand tra-
self in the world. However, while the practitioners of classic
ditional religious spirituality to incorporate environmental
spiritualities see spirituality is an aspect of religion, those on
concern as to abandon traditional religious beliefs and prac-
contemporary spiritual quests do not limit it in this way.
tice in favor of commitment to the environment. Faithful-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8720
SPIRITUALITY
ness to earth as their home, and solidarity with the creatures
bers search to become more attuned to contemporary cir-
of the earth as their community, shape their orientation to-
cumstances. The shift in terminology that led people to say
ward the world. Some call their quest and their commitment
that they do not have “religion” but do have “spirituality”
spirituality rather than religion. With a broad definition of
marked a change in consciousness, representing both a rejec-
religion, environmentally concerned spirituality could be
tion of the perceived shortcomings of religion—such as in-
seen as a new kind of religion—an ecological religion—but
flexibility, dogmatism, and authoritarianism—and an em-
such terminology at the beginning of the twenty-first century
bracing of spiritual paths that are both individual and
was still in the making. All religion may have been turning
inclusive. Moreover, this shift in terminology pointed to new
to ecology as some people left behind more organized forms
visions of the world.
of religion and adopted more flexible and personal forms.
Those who wanted spirituality, but not religion, desired
Classic spiritualities prescribed practices to help the per-
to develop themselves in their own ways. They embarked on
son come closer to the ideal upheld by the religion. The self-
a quest for authenticity—a quest with promise and prob-
cultivation aspect of contemporary spirituality has been pres-
lems. The promise lay in the potential for genuine engage-
ented in much popular writing, including that of Thomas
ment with the world in which they lived, with their own
Moore. In the early 1990s his trilogy on the soul—the first
being, and with whatever they considered sacred. The prob-
volume called The Care of the Soul: A Guide for Cultivating
lems were the dangers of self-indulgence and self-delusion
Depth and Sacredness in Everyday Life (1992), the second Soul
against which classic spiritualities warned their devotees. The
Mates: Honoring the Mysteries of Love and Relationship
latter-day emphasis on the self may be at odds, for example,
(1994), and the third The Re-Enchantment of Everyday Life
with classic Christian spirituality, which expects the Chris-
(1996)—were on the New York Times best-seller list. His
tian to be selfless in love and good works, and with the Bud-
later works have also been popular. Moore advised readers
dhist emphasis on overcoming the self. Reflecting on the fact
and workshop participants to attend to relationships, to cul-
that many people pursue their spiritual quests without rela-
tivate a sense of place, and to make time for music. Many
tionship to organized religion James J. Bacik urged respect
people who belong to organized religions and many who do
for, and use of, classic religious ways when he wrote: “Indi-
not have found his nonjudgmental approach and encourage-
viduals who pursue spiritual growth without benefit of tradi-
ment of authenticity in daily life appealing. Yet, he has suf-
tional religious wisdom are in danger of adopting faddish ap-
fered scathing criticism by those who see his work as pander-
proaches or muddling along without a clear goal or a
ing to self-indulgence.
disciplined regimen. Even those who seem to be making
good spiritual progress may be missing opportunities for
Contemporary spirituality contended with the many
even greater personal growth” (1997, p. viii).
changes the world underwent in the second half of the twen-
tieth century. James Conlon, the director of the Sophia Cen-
The discourses of religion and spirituality represent dif-
ter in Culture and Spirituality at Holy Names College in
ferent, but often overlapping, understandings of self and
Oakland, California, wrote in The Sacred Impulse: A Plane-
world. The language of “religion” points to the shared past
tary Spirituality of Heart and Fire (2000) of a new vision of
of particular groups as a basis for living now. It includes well-
the world and of ways of living authentically within that vi-
honed doctrines and disciplines. It tells devotees how the
sion. Expressing hope for where this would lead he asserted:
world is and how they should live in it. Many of the new
spiritualities are eclectic, adopting texts and practices from
This new vision will involve a synthesis of the wisdom
of science, mystical and prophetic traditions, women,
various sources to fashion something that works for the indi-
indigenous peoples, and other groups that have not pre-
vidual. Eclecticism can be offensive to those from whom it
viously been heard. We will strive to create a culture
borrows. Workshops in the United States that use Native
that will foster new energy and a zest for life, a culture
American traditions have drawn the ire of Native people who
based on interaction and choice, identity and purpose,
object, for example, that their purificatory sweat lodge cere-
images and stories, values and structures that will give
monies have been removed from traditional social and reli-
renewed expression to harmony, balance, and peace.
gious contexts and inserted into the New Age seeker’s reper-
This will be a culture that celebrates diversity and plu-
toire. Native American scholars, including Christopher
ralism at every level—pluralism revealed in the lives and
Ronwanièn:te Jocks, have called appropriators of indigenous
stories of people and groups whose diversity is manifest
traditions, such as Carlos Castenada and Lynn Andrews, to
in language, lifestyle, temperament, economics, and a
capacity for inclusion. (pp. 30–31)
task for their distortion of Native traditions.
SPIRITUALITY AS AN ALTERNATIVE TO RELIGION. Among
The late twentieth-century discourse of spirituality re-
people who say that they do not have a religion but do have
flected the struggle of people seeking authenticity and want-
spirituality are some who say they once had a religion but
ing to affirm a meaning to life, but not willing to concede
that they outgrew it or it let them down. In North America
control over meaning to religious institutions. The disavowal
and elsewhere, affirmation of spirituality while criticizing re-
of doctrine may, indeed, be a hallmark of their spirituality.
ligion has been particularly evident in New Age groups, but
Among emerging forms of spirituality were New Age, Wic-
has been seen, too, within traditional religions as their mem-
can, feminist, twelve step, and earth spiritualities. Many, too,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPITTLE AND SPITTING
8721
saw spirituality expressed through sport, music, art, and
Bacik, James J. Spirituality in Action. Kansas City, Mo., 1997.
other aspects of cultural life. Thus, jazz, with its improvisa-
Conlon, James. The Sacred Impulse: A Planetary Spirituality of
tional direction, was seen as a manifestation of the spirit of
Heart and Fire. New York, 2000.
the twentieth century. Not everyone who sought spirituality
Dean, William. The American Spiritual Culture: And the Invention
joined a group, while others went from group to group or
of Jazz, Football, and the Movies. New York, 2002.
belonged to several simultaneously. Seekers of spirituality,
usually committed to authentic living, may exhibit great
Fox, Matthew. A Spirituality Named Compassion and the Healing
of the Global Village, Humpty Dumpty, and Us. Minneapolis,
courage in pursuing a life that is faithful to family, friends,
1979; reprint, San Francisco, 1990.
and environment.
Fox, Matthew. Creation Spirituality: Liberating Gifts for the Peoples
At least since Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900), modern
of the Earth. San Francisco, 1991.
Western culture has spoken of the death of God or the ab-
Gottlieb, Roger S. A Spirituality of Resistance: Finding a Peaceful
sence of God. As the theologian Wolfhart Pannenberg noted
Heart and Protecting the Earth. Lanham, Md., 2003.
in his Taylor lectures at Yale Divinity School, “Talk about
the death or the absence of God points to the fact that the
Jocks, Christopher Ronwanièn:te. “Spirituality for Sale: Sacred
interpretation of the world, as well as the behavior of human
Knowledge in the Consumer Age.” In Native American Spiri-
tuality: A Critical Reader, edited by Lee Irwin, pp. 61–77.
beings in the everyday life of modern culture, gets along
Lincoln, Neb., 1997.
without reference to God” (1983, p. 71). Similarly, it seems
that many human beings can get along without reference to
Kinsley, David. Ecology and Religion: Ecological Spirituality in
religion, the system that in Western cultures is built around
Cross-Cultural Perspective. Princeton, N.J., 1995.
commitment to God. Roots of secular spirituality in Western
Moore, Thomas. The Care of the Soul: A Guide for Cultivating
cultures can be found both in ancient Greek philosophy and
Depth and Sacredness in Everyday Life. New York, 1992.
in Enlightenment thinkers who were concerned with linking
Pannenberg, Wolfhart. Christian Spirituality. Philadelphia, 1983.
the self to the larger whole without recourse to religion.
Plaskow, Judith, and Carol P. Christ, eds. Weaving the Visions:
While the classic usage of the term spirituality remains, the
New Patterns in Feminist Spirituality. San Francisco, 1989.
term has broadened so that in popular usage spirituality has
Wuthnow, Robert. After Heaven: Spirituality in America since the
become something that one might embrace not as a disci-
1950s. Berkeley, 1998.
pline of religion or as a characteristic style of religion, but
instead of religion. Spirituality has come to denote a realm
MARY N. MACDONALD (2005)
of concern with nonmaterial life that may include both reli-
gious and secular attitudes. Given the increasing scholarly at-
tention in conferences and publications to the role of spiritu-
SPITTLE AND SPITTING. In the past, spittle was
ality in contemporary culture, it is clear that the academy has
generally believed to have magical properties. Early humans,
recognized spirituality as a subject of study both within and
seeing themselves at the center of the universe, perceived
independent of the study of religion.
connections between their own bodies and cosmic bodies,
S
gods, and demons. They related parts of their bodies to col-
EE ALSO New Age Movement; Religious Experience.
ors, plants, elements, and directions. Spittle, blood, sperm,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
sweat, nails, and hair became magical substances not only as
a result of this unity but also because, after leaving the body,
Series
Cousins, Ewert, ed. World Spirituality: An Encyclopedic History
they would retain some essence of that person. Spittle could
of the Religious Quest series. Crossroad Publishing. New
therefore be positive or negative, depending on the intent of
York, 1985–. As of 2003, there were twenty-five volumes.
the spitter. Spitting and blood rites have many parallels, since
Payne, Richard J., ed. The Classics of Western Spirituality series.
both involve holy fluids that signify psychic energy and are
Paulist Press. New York, 1978–. As of December 2003, there
necessary for sustaining physical life. Connections are still
were 107 volumes in this series, most concerned with aspects
made between body fluids and feelings: anger makes one’s
of, and figures in, the Jewish, Christian, and Islamic tradi-
blood “boil”; people spit from contempt or “spit out” words
tions.
in hatred; and our mouths water at the thought of some de-
Tucker, Mary Evelyn, and John Grim, eds. Harvard University
light or become dry from fear.
Center for the Study of World Religions, Religions of the
In early myths, life created by spitting is equivalent to
World and Ecology series. Harvard University Press. Cam-
the breath of the creator or the divine word. In one version
bridge, Mass., 1997. These volumes highlight the nature
of an Egyptian creation myth, the primeval god Atum spits
spirituality that is part of all religious traditions and the chal-
lenges to traditional spiritualities occasioned by awareness of
out his children Shu and Tefnut. Shu was the god of air (e.g.,
the environmental crisis.
breath), Tefnut was the goddess of moisture (e.g., spittle),
and the mouth was their place of birth.
Books
Albanese, Catherine, ed. American Spiritualities: A Reader. Bloom-
In Norse mythology a being called Kvasir was formed
ington, Ind., 2001.
from the spittle of the gods. To commemorate a peace treaty
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8722
SPORT
among them, all the gods spat into a jar, and from this mix-
magpies (animals associated with witches), hearing names of
ture Kvasir was created. He was so wise that there was no
dead people (for fear they might return), or smelling a bad
question he could not answer. Later he was slain by two
odor (to avoid contamination) are all occasions when spitting
dwarfs who mixed his blood with honey and concocted the
becomes a safeguard. Before discarding hair or nails, one
mead of inspiration. By cunning, the high god Odin swal-
should spit so as to prevent their being used by witches in
lowed every drop of the mead, changed himself into an eagle,
black magic. Because of the same belief that something of
and returned to the waiting gods, who were holding out ves-
the person continues to exist in the saliva, great care was
sels for Odin once again to spit out the mead. A drink of this
taken not to be seen spitting. Behind the custom of spitting
mead bestowed the gift of poetry on men. On his flight back,
on money found in the street lies the fear that, as a fairy gift,
however, Odin had lost some of the mead when pursued by
it might disappear.
a giant who had also assumed the form of an eagle. This part
Good luck can also be invoked by spitting. And the fa-
of the mead became known as the fool-poet’s portion.
miliar custom of spitting on one’s hands before starting a
In this myth, the holy spittle and blood have become
strenuous task, thus adding power, also reveals some linger-
identical, one being transformed into the other. Mead,
ing faith in the magic of spittle.
blood, and spittle are three familiar sources of inspiration,
here combined in one myth. The Norse gods’ making a cove-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. H. Godbey presents a well-documented study of various cus-
nant by spitting is related to the custom of becoming blood
toms involving spitting in his article “Ceremonial Spitting,”
brothers. Similarly, to spit into each other’s mouth is a way
The Monist 24 (January 1914): 67–91. Additional material
to pledge friendship in East Africa.
can be found in three encyclopedic works: James G. Frazer’s
To transmit something of themselves, holy persons in
The Golden Bough, 3d ed., 13 vols. (New York, 1955), relates
principles of magic and religion to local customs and rituals;
their blessings will use some form of physical contact.
The Mythology of All Races, 13 vols., edited by Louis Herbert
Muh:ammad spat into the mouth of his grandson H:asan at
Gray and George Foot Moore (Boston, 1916–1932), gives
his birth. Similarly, at ordination the priest or exorcist in an-
numerous examples of the spitting motif in myths through-
cient Babylon acquired his powers by having his mouth spat
out the world; and the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics,
into, presumably receiving the spittle of the god. Among the
edited by James Hastings, vol. 11 (Edinburgh, 1920), offers
Luba of present-day Zaire, a candidate being initiated into
an extensive article on saliva, concentrating on superstitious
the order of sorcerers drinks a brew containing spittle from
beliefs.
each of the elders; he becomes, thereby, not only blessed with
ANNMARI RONNBERG (1987)
their power but also placed forever under their control.
The role of saliva as a part of healing is well known all
over the world. Sometimes the emphasis is on the curative
SPORT SEE GAMES; L¯ILA¯; PLAY
effect of the spittle itself, which is known from the fact that
wounds in the mouth heal faster. The observation of wild
animals licking their wounds added to this belief. Spittle of
SPORTS AND RELIGION. Throughout human
people fasting is widely reported to be particularly effective,
history, sports and religion have been closely linked. Like re-
and it has even been thought strong enough to kill snakes.
ligion, sports convey important lessons about values and cul-
turally appropriate behavior. The lessons they teach are simi-
Particular significance has been attributed to the spittle
lar, and both religion and sports use symbols as their primary
of people with unique powers. In his healing, Muh:ammad
means of communication. In most of the contemporary
mixed clay with spittle. Similarly, Christ made mud of spittle
world, however, religion and sports occupy separate but
and clay and anointed the eyes of a blind man, thus restoring
complementary conceptual realms. Religion focuses on the
his sight. When he spat and touched the tongue of a mute
idea that, as one anthropologist put it, “there is something
(presumably with saliva) the man could speak. Conferring
more to the world than meets the eye” (Bowen, p. 4). In reli-
power of speech on an object spat upon is found in many
gion, that “something” is the domain of the divine or of spirit
folk tales.
beings; in sport, that “something” is the triumph of the
Sickness is often considered a form of possession by de-
human spirit.
mons who can be exorcised by spitting. In the Babar archi-
Scholars from a variety of disciplines typically describe
pelago of Indonesia, all the sick people expectorate into a
religion as operating in the realm of the sacred and as ad-
bowl that is then placed in a boat to be carried out to sea.
dressing the relationship of human beings to the supernatural
In one Buddhist tale, even sins and misfortunes vanish, if one
or the transcendent. In modern terms, sport is seen as a secu-
spits upon a holy ascetic.
lar pursuit, concerned with the relationship of human beings
Spittle is also a protective agent. In southern Europe,
to each other. In fact, sport and religion are closely related
praise is sometimes accompanied by spitting to avert the evil
on a number of levels:
eye. Fear of the gods’ envy makes some people spit three
1. Historically, many sports developed as part of religious
times, since three is a lucky number. Seeing a black cat or
festivals;
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPORTS AND RELIGION
8723
2. Sport is often used as a metaphor for religious striving;
dedicated to Herakles in Thasos, on an island in the Aegean
Sea. Theogenes, whose name means “god-born,” claimed
3. Sporting events evoke passionate commitment similar
that he was the son of Herakles rather than the priest. Statues
to that of religious festivals;
of Theogenes were erected at Olympia, Delphi, and Thasos.
4. Religion and sport are symbolic systems that emphasize
By all accounts, Theogenes was an arrogant and unpleasant
similar values and goals, including transcendence of lim-
man who earned the wrath of a number of enemies. During
ited personal desires in favor of nonmaterial achieve-
his lifetime his enemies were powerless against him, but after
ments or experiences and an emphasis on cooperation
his death, one of them sneaked out at night and flogged his
and personal sacrifice for the good of the group;
statue at Thasos. The statue fell on the man and killed him.
5. Both religion and sport convey their message by means
Since the statue was guilty of the man’s death, it was taken
of powerful symbols.
out to sea and thrown overboard. Soon afterwards, Thasos
was plagued by crop failures resulting in famine. A consulta-
NATIVE AMERICANS AND ANCIENT GREEKS. The Central
tion with the oracle at Delphi resulted in the order that Tha-
American ball game, played by both the Aztec and Maya be-
sians should recall their political exiles. All living political ex-
fore the arrival of Spanish conquistadores in the sixteenth
iles were duly recalled, but the famine continued. Another
century, was associated with the ritual of human sacrifice.
consultation with the oracle at Delphi produced the remind-
Ball courts were commonly located in the temple complex
er that Theogenes remained at large. The statue of the athlete
near the racks where skulls of human sacrificial victims were
was restored to its base, and the famine ended.
displayed. Players were sacrificed as food for the gods. The
divine origins of the ball game are recounted in the Mayan
Foot races were part of religious rituals among a number
creation myth Popol Vuh, which describes the defeat in a ball
of Native American groups, and there were secret running
game of the underworld gods of sickness and death by the
societies throughout the Americas. Prior to the introduction
hero twins Hunter (Hun Hunahpu) and Jaguar Deer (Xba-
of the horse by the Spanish, swift runners were important
lanke). In The Blood of Kings (1986), Linda Schele and Mary
for carrying messages between groups and during times of
Ellen Miller suggest that, among the Maya, the ritual ball
battle. Within twenty-four hours of the landing of Hernán
game provided a conquering ruler with a means of validating
Cortés (1485–1547) on the east coast of what is now Mexico
his reign and a defeated rival with an opportunity to achieve
in May 1519, local runners had described his ship, men,
an honorable death.
horses, and guns to Moctezuma (1466–1520) at Tenochti-
tlán, 260 miles away. Ceremonial runners among the
The four great games of ancient Greece—the Olympi-
Mesquakie in Iowa took a vow of celibacy, adhered to strict
an, the Pythian, the Isthmian, and the Nemean —were asso-
dietary rules, and dedicated their lives to running. In many
ciated with worship of the gods. The Olympian games were
cases, runners represented their clans in races and in religious
held in honor of Zeus, ruler of the sky, whose worship was
rituals. Zuni runners painted the symbol of their matrilineal
centered on Mount Olympus, also the site of his marriage
clan on their chests and the symbol of their father’s clan on
to Hera. The Pythian games were held at Delphi, the site of
their back. The ball was believed to hold magical power that
Apollo’s oracle, and were said to have been established by the
pulled the runner along with it.
god as compensation for his killing of the great serpent Py-
thon. The Pythian games eventually came to include both
The Rarámuri, or Tarahumara (which may be translated
physical and intellectual competitions, including musical, lit-
as “foot runners”), of the Sierra Madre in Mexico incorporate
erary, and dramatic events. The stadium at Delphi was also
wrestling matches in their Easter rituals, which are aimed at
the site of religious rituals.
protecting God and his wife Mary from his evil rival the
Devil. The Rarámuri were introduced to Roman Catholi-
The Isthmian games, held on the Isthmus of Corinth
cism in the seventeenth century, and their Easter rituals ex-
every second year, included poetic and musical competitions
hibit a syncretism of Christianity and their own religious
as well as athletic events. According to one legend, the Isth-
symbols. Since Rarámuri social life centers on the family,
mian games were initiated by the Greek hero Theseus, who
they cannot conceive of God as being a bachelor, because
slew the Minotaur. Theseus was fabled to be the son of Posei-
that would consign him to a lower social status. In “God’s
don, and the Isthmian games were dedicated to this god. The
Saviours in the Sierra Madre” (1983), the anthropologist
legendary origins of the Nemean games are traced to an event
William L. Merrill states that the idea that Christ died on
in which an army led by Polynices, a son of Oedipus, slew
the cross to redeem the sins of the world makes little sense
a serpent that had killed the infant Opheltes (Snake Man).
to the Rarámuri, so they have adapted his strange (to them)
The Nemean games, held in honor of Zeus, also included
story to their own vision of the relationship between God
poetry and music competitions in addition to athletic con-
and the Devil, which is that the Devil and his family threaten
tests.
the well-being of God and his family. Ultimately, though
Greek athletes were sometimes accorded the status of
they fight on behalf of God, Merrill suggests, the Rarámuri
gods. Theogenes excelled both in boxing and the pankration,
believe they must appease both God and the Devil.
a virtually no-holds-barred sport that combined elements of
CHRISTIAN AND PERSIAN THOUGHT. Even where sport is
boxing and wrestling. He was the son of a priest at a temple
not a part of religious ritual, it is metaphorically linked to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8724
SPORTS AND RELIGION
religion. The apostle Paul compared religious discipline to
perfect serenity. Zen archery proceeds through eight smooth-
sport on several occasions. In his first epistle to the Corinthi-
ly executed stages which seem to flow as a single unit. At the
ans he writes, “Do you not know that in a race all the runners
sixth stage, the body of the archer is on a line with the target.
compete, but only one receives the prize? So run that you
The name of this stage is kai, or “meeting.” Release of the
may obtain it” (I Cor. 9:24). Later he includes the metaphor
arrow at the seventh stage is seen as an act of volition by the
of boxing: “I do not run aimlessly,” he writes, “I do not box
arrow rather than the archer:
as one beating the air; but I pummel my body and subdue
Like a heavy drop of water. . . that decides to be free,
it, lest after preaching to others I myself should be disquali-
the arrow liberates itself.
fied” (I Cor. 9:26–27). In summing up his evangelical career,
The term for the seventh stage is hanare, or “release.” At this
Paul writes, “I have fought the good fight, I have finished
point, it is believed that there is an explosion of energy flow-
the race, I have kept the faith” (II Tm. 4:7).
ing through the body of the archer.
Sport involves an all-out effort toward achieving an elu-
The martial art of kung fu was believed to have been de-
sive goal. Thus, it is an appropriate metaphor for the spiritual
veloped by the Bodhidharma (d. c. 530), the legendary
quest or for the often elusive goals of life itself. The Persian
founder of Zen (Chan) Buddhism at the Shaolin Monastery
poet Nizami (c. 1141–1203 or 1217) compared life to a polo
in China. It is said that the Bodhidharma meditated for long
game: “The Horizon is the boundary of your polo ground,
hours in a cave and developed kung fu as a means of keeping
the earth is the ball in the curve of your polo stick. Until the
his body flexible after long, motionless meditation.
dust of non-existence rises from annihilation, gallop and urge
on your steed because the ground is yours.”
In his book Mountaineering Essays (1980), John Muir
(1838–1914) describes his explorations with religious fervor,
HINDU DOCUMENTS. The R:gveda, perhaps the oldest of
often using religious terminology. He writes of Cathedral
Hindu documents, draws on the chariot race as a metaphor
Rock in California’s Sierra Nevada Mountains:
for the pursuit of immortality. Hymn 3.31 of the R:gveda
says: “Soon, Indra, make us winners of cows.” Winners of
No feature, however, of all the noble landscape as seen
chariot races won prizes of cows, whose milk is a symbol of
from her seems more wonderful than the Cathedral it-
immortality. This verse, which asks “Make us victors among
self, a temple displaying Nature’s best masonry and ser-
men; make us more like you, O powerful one; and bring us
mons in stones. How often I have gazed at it from the
tops of hills and ridges, and through openings in the
immortality,” can be interpreted, and no doubt was intend-
forests on my many short excursions, devoutly wonder-
ed, to evoke multiple levels of meaning. In the R:gveda, milk
ing, admiring, longing! This I may say is the first time
is associated with seed, semen, and rain, all life-giving forms.
I have been at church in California, led here at last,
The Upanis:ads are Hindu sacred documents, the oldest
every door graciously opened for the poor lonely wor-
of which may date from as early as the sixth century
shiper. In our best times everything turns into a reli-
BCE. The
gion, all the world seems a church and the mountains
Mundaka Upanis:ad urges readers to aim for unity with
altars. And lo, here at last in front of the Cathedral is
Bra¯hman:, the creative energy underlying the universe:
blessed cassiope, ringing her thousands of sweet-toned
Affix to the Upanishad, the bow, incomparable, the
bells, the sweetest church music I ever enjoyed. (p. 19)
sharp arrow of devotional worship; then, with mind ab-
This passage is comparable in religious fervor to writings of
sorbed and heart melted in love, draw the arrow and hit
such mystics as Teresa of Ávila (1515–1582), who describes
the mark—the imperishable Bra¯hman:. OM is the bow,
her feelings after a vision in which she was cautioned against
the arrow is the individual being, and Bra¯hman: is the
her longing to escape city life for meditation in the desert:
target. With a tranquil heart, take aim. Lose thyself in
him, even as the arrow is lost in the target.
Here suddenly came upon me a recollection with an in-
terior light so great it seemed I was in another world.
Though this translation by Swami Prabhavananda and Fred-
And my spirit found within itself a very delightful forest
erick Manchester refers to Bra¯hman: as “him,” Bra¯hman: has
and garden, so delightful it made me recall what is said
no gender, since it is the source of all being, male and female.
in the Song of Songs: Veniat dilectus meus in hortum
JAPAN, THE UNITED STATES, AND EUROPE. In the preceding
suum. (From Song of Solomon 5:1: I am come into my
examples, sport is a metaphor for religious striving. However,
garden, my sister, my spouse. . . .)
Zen archery, or kyudo, is a ritual, a religious act. In the Japa-
MODERN SPORTS. In his book From Ritual to Record: The
nese tradition of Zen Buddhism, the object of kyudo is to
Nature of Modern Sports (1978), Allen Guttmann describes
achieve a balance among mind, body, and bow, which gives
the secularization of sport as though it were a fall from grace.
rise to a unity that links the spirit to the target. Achieving
When it had its original close link to religion, Guttmann
this balance is more important than hitting the target,
suggests, sport was a meaningful enterprise that upheld the
though hitting the target is expected to follow naturally from
noblest ideals of a group and was integral to other activities
achieving a balance among mind, body, and bow. The ritual
of the group. Modern sports, Guttmann writes, have become
includes practicing correct breathing techniques to control
centered on the quest for quantification in the form of set-
the mental and physical force—or ki— believed to be cen-
ting distance or other records and evaluating performance in
tered below the navel. Proper technique ultimately leads to
terms of statistical data:
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SPORTS AND RELIGION
8725
The bond between the secular and the sacred has been
life. Modern sports, which are largely the product of western
broken, the attachment to the realm of the transcendent
Europe, have undergone secularization at the same time as
has been severed. Modern sports are activities partly
other institutions. European governments became secular-
pursued for their own sake, partly for other ends which
ized as monarchs broke away from the authority of the
are equally secular. We do not run in order that the
Roman Catholic Church. The United States was founded on
earth be more fertile. We till the earth, or work in our
the ideal of separation of church and state. This was an at-
factories and offices, so that we can have time to play.
(p. 26)
tempt to avoid the religious rivalries and persecution that
drove a number of groups to leave their European homes and
In his Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play Element in Culture
settle in the land that became the United States. The French
(1950), the Dutch historian Johan Huizinga describes hu-
achieved their ideal of separation of church and state only
mans as “Homo ludens,” the player, and asserted that all of
in the early twentieth century, a hard-won accomplishment
culture has its origins in the spontaneous activities of play.
that in 2004 led the French government to ban religious ap-
Like Guttman, Huizinga considers the rules and regulations
parel in the public schools. Modern science emerged as such
characteristic of sports to be antithetical to the spirit of play,
thinkers as Nicolaus Copernicus (1473–1543) and Galileo
and he blames what he regards as the deplorable conditions
Galilei (1564–1642) supplanted religious dogma with em-
of modern sports on the English. He attributes the rise of ball
pirically derived data. At the time of the Enlightenment in
games to English competitions between villages and schools;
the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, writers
to “the specifically Anglo-Saxon bent of mind” (p. 197); to
such as Voltaire (1694–1778) rejected the domination of ec-
the emphasis on “association and solidarity” occasioned by
clesiastical authority. In the process, theater, the visual arts,
English social life; to the need for physical exercise in the ab-
literature, and music became secularized.
sence of obligatory military training; and to the English ter-
rain, which provided ideal playing fields. Huizinga sums up
Scholars generally regard the secularization of govern-
the English sensibility for sport: “Everybody knows the de-
ment, education, science, and the arts as positive, since it lib-
lightful prints from the first half of the 19th century, show-
erates these institutions from the constraints of dogma and
ing the cricketers in tophats. This speaks for itself” (p. 197).
subjugation to religious hierarchies. Why then, do Gutt-
He adds:
mann and some other scholars bemoan the secularization of
sport? In their view, sport alone seems to call for an alliance
The great competitions in archaic cultures had always
formed part of the sacred festivals and were indispens-
with an institutionalized moral and religious order. In Sport
able as health and happiness-bringing activities. This
as Symbol: Images of the Athlete in Art, Literature and Song,
ritual tie has now been completely severed; sport has be-
Mari Womack argues that the secularization of sport is com-
come profane, “unholy” in every way and has no organ-
monly viewed as degradation rather than liberation precisely
ic connection whatever with the structure of society,
because sport has retained its close symbolic ties to religion,
least of all when prescribed by the government. The
whereas the other institutional forms have drifted further
ability of modern social techniques to stage mass dem-
away.
onstrations with the maximum of outward show in the
field of athletics does not alter the fact that neither the
Athletes may no longer be viewed as gods, but they re-
Olympiads nor the organized sports of American Uni-
tain their role as heroes. Athletes are held to higher standards
versities nor the loudly trumpeted international con-
than musicians, actors, artists, or writers. Only government
tests have, in the smallest degree, raised sport to the
officials, educators, and religious leaders excite similar de-
level of a culture-creating activity. However important
grees of outrage in the wake of scandal. American sportswrit-
it may be for the players or spectators, it remains sterile.
ers often lament the behavior of athletes who violate cultural
The old play-factor has undergone almost complete at-
rophy. (p. 198)
norms, but in fact the failures of heroes in all domains often
educate us as much as their successes. Could any sermon
Huizinga acknowledges that his view of modern sport
teach the perils of arrogance and hubris better than the fic-
may not be a popular one: “This view will probably run
tional baseball hero in Ernest Lawrence Thayer’s 1888 poem,
counter to the popular feeling of today, according to which
“Casey at the Bat”? In a similar situation, the real-life baseball
sport is the apotheosis of the play-element in our civilization.
hero Babe Ruth (1895–1948) succeeded where Casey failed.
Nevertheless popular feeling is wrong” (p. 198).
The Sultan of Swat called his shot during the fifth inning of
Although Guttmann agrees with Huizinga in general,
the third game of the 1932 World Series, in what has been
he acknowledges that even modern sport sometimes has its
called “the most magnificent gesture ever made on a baseball
moments of transcendence: “It is actually one of the happier
diamond.” (Durant and Bettman, p. 239). It was a grudge
ironies of modern sports that we can lose ourselves in play
match between the New York Yankees and the Chicago
and forget the creative and sustaining (and restricting) social
Cubs at the Cubs’ own Wrigley Field:
organization and cultural assumptions that have been a cen-
tral concern of this book” (p. 160).
The score was tied at four runs each when Babe Ruth
came up to bat for the Yankees. He was greeted by a
Those who bemoan the secularization of sport do not
barrage of abuse from the Chicago bench. He took a
express similar criticisms of other aspects of human social
strike and then defiantly pointed to the centerfield
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8726
SPORTS AND RELIGION
bleachers. He took another strike and again indicated
the relationship of religion to sports, including ethics, sport
his target as Cubs players jeered from the bench. On the
as ritual, the use of rituals by professional athletes, and such
next pitch, he hammered the ball to the deepest part of
experiential aspects of sport as runner’s high. Christianity is
the centerfield bleachers, the exact spot he had indicat-
the only religion considered in any depth.
ed. Unlike Casey, the mighty Babe Ruth did not strike
Huizinga, Johan. Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play Element in
out. (Womack, 2003, p. 150)
Culture. Boston, 1950. Huizinga asserts that all cultural
In this case, Babe Ruth taught a different lesson: he defied
forms arise from play, and from this he deduces that play is
the unsportsmanlike behavior of the opposing team and
older than culture. He then analyzes play as a “civilizing
demonstrated a form of valor that is undeterred by opposi-
function” with respect to law, war, poetry, philosophy, and
art while taking a less positive view of sport, which he consid-
tion. Womack writes, “The same existential conflict that lies
ers antithetical to the spontaneity of play.
at the heart of religion also gave rise to the sporting contest”
(2003, p. 220). “Sports symbolism,” she states, “usually ex-
Merrill, William L. “God’s Saviours in the Sierra Madre.” Natural
History 93, no. 3 (1983). The Rarámuri (Tarahumara) of
presses themes of epic proportions: responsibility to oneself
Mexico’s Sierra Madre have adapted the essential message of
and others, the moral choice of Right and Wrong, the dilem-
Christianity to their own experience of the relationship be-
mas of power, and the agony of loss and betrayal. Often, it
tween good and evil. Merrill notes that the Rarámuri see
is clear that the ‘game’ is life itself, played out in a hazardous
themselves as the protectors of God and his family against
universe” (2003, p. 14).
the designs of the Devil and his family. However, the Rará-
In a pluralistic society, sport makes mythological themes
muri consider it necessary to placate both God and the Devil.
accessible to people from many different backgrounds. It is
Morford, Mark P. O., and Robert J. Lenardon. Classical Mytholo-
a fact of modern life that no one religion has a secure hold
gy. 4th ed. New York, 1991. The authors include a brief
on the imagination of its adherents. No matter how strongly
summary of the importance of the Olympic and Pythian
games for Greek symbolism in their analysis of the complexi-
one believes, one knows that others do not believe. This chal-
ties of relationships among the gods of Greece.
lenges the absoluteness of one’s faith. The various competing
Muir, John. Mountaineering Essays. Salt Lake City, Utah, 1980.
religions do not provide an overarching symbolic system that
Muir describes in religious terms his awe at exploring the
explains ultimate reality, including right and wrong, for all
natural wonders of the West.
members of the group. Precisely because it is secularized,
Scarborough, Vernon L., and David R. Wilcox, eds. The Me-
sport provides a symbolic system that unifies rather than di-
soamerican Ballgame. Tucson, Ariz., 1991. Scarborough and
vides. It addresses overarching symbolic themes, not specific
Wilcox have compiled a comprehensive analysis of the ritual,
theological issues. It deals not with the nature of God, but
representation, and social context of the Central American
with the nature of human beings.
ball game based on the archaeological evidence, ranging from
the American Southwest to Central America.
SEE ALSO Ballgames.
Schele, Linda, and Mary Ellen Miller. The Blood of Kings: Dynasty
and Ritual in Maya Art. Forth Worth, Tex., and New York,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1986. Schele and Miller conclude that ball games played in
Bowen, John R. Religions in Practice: An Approach to the Anthro-
the Maya sphere dramatize the military and religious might
pology of Religion. 2d ed. Boston, 2002. Rather than attempt-
of Mayan rulers, adding that the outcome of the ball game
ing to develop a unitary definition of religion, Bowen surveys
was prearranged to result in the victory of the ruler and the
consistencies and variations in the practice of religion in a va-
sacrifice of his opponent. Thus, the symbolic victory of the
riety of contexts.
ruler in the ball game dramatized his military victory over his
Durant, John, and Otto Bettman. Pictorial History of American
rival on the battlefield.
Sports. Cranbury, N.J., 1952. The authors do not deal specif-
Womack, Mari. “Risk and Ritual in Professional Sports.” Paper
ically with the relationship between sport and religion, but
presented at the meeting of American Anthropological Asso-
their richly illustrated book eloquently demonstrates the his-
ciation Meeting, Los Angeles, California, 1981. This paper
torical role of sport in American life.
examines the conditions of risk in professional sports compe-
Guttmann, Allen. From Ritual to Record: The Nature of Modern
tition that give rise to uncertainty and anxiety. It concludes
Sports. New York, 1978. Guttmann notes that sport in what
that rites of preparation aid performance in competition by
he calls primitive societies was integral to other activities,
giving the athlete a sense of control over his surroundings,
whereas modern sport, with its rules and regulations, is anti-
which reduces anxiety and allows the athlete to focus on the
thetical to spontaneous play.
game.
Harris, H. A. Greek Athletes and Athletics. Bloomington, Ind.,
Womack, Mari. “Religion and Sport: Sacred and Secular Rituals
1964. Harris provides a comprehensive overview of the four
of Conflict.” UCLA Center for the Study of Religion, 1991.
Greek athletic games—the Olympic, the Pythian, the Isth-
This paper defines aspects of contesting in sport that involve
mian, and the Nemean—with particular emphasis on the
three types of opponents: the opponent in nature, the human
events held at each. He also links the athletic contests to the
opponent, and the enemy within. Ultimately, sport is closely
esteem in which athletes were held, as well as the celebration
allied to religion because the essence of all sport is the contest
of athletic victors in the poetry of Pindar.
against the treacherous aspects of our selves.
Hoffman, Shirl J., ed. Sport and Religion. Champaign, Ill., 1992.
Womack, Mari. Sport as Symbol: Images of the Athlete in Art, Liter-
Hoffman has compiled essays dealing with various aspects of
ature, and Song. Jefferson, N.C., 2003. Illustrated through-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

S´R¯I VAIS:N:AVAS
8727
out with black and white reproductions of art from a range
Within the confines of a thoroughly evangelistic Calvin-
of traditions, this book considers imagery relating to the
ism, Spurgeon’s works include such an enormous variety of
hunt, bullfight, martial arts, ball games, racing, and contests
topics congenial to the mainstream of orthodoxy that his
of grace and beauty. It discusses the role of the sports hero
writings, especially his sermons, have been valued by Chris-
in culture and explains the relationship of the athlete to soci-
tians of diverse creeds. While his influence, particularly in
ety in general.
evangelical circles, continued through the first half of the
MARI WOMACK (2005)
twentieth century, in the 1960s interest in Spurgeon began
to grow. All sixty-three volumes of his sermons have been re-
printed, and more than 150 of his other writings are in print.
SPURGEON, CHARLES HADDON (1834–
1892), was an English Baptist popularly known as “the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
prince of preachers.” The son and grandson of Congrega-
Spurgeon’s Autobiography, Compiled from His Diary, Letters, and
tionalist pastors, Spurgeon was converted in 1850 at a Primi-
Records by His Wife, and His Private Secretary, 4 vols. (Lon-
tive Methodist chapel and joined a Baptist church in 1851.
don, 1897–1900), has long been out of print. An abridged
and supplemented edition has appeared in two volumes: vol.
At age sixteen, circumstances compelled him to preach un-
1, The Early Years, 1834–1859 (London, 1962), and vol. 2,
prepared in a cottage near Cambridge, England. Word of his
The Full Harvest, 1860–1892 (Edinburgh, 1973). The stan-
oratorical skill and evangelical fervor spread. He was called
dard biography is G. H. Pike’s The Life and Work of Charles
to pastorates at Waterbeach (1852) and at New Park Street
Haddon Spurgeon, 6 vols. (London, 1894). For an apprecia-
Chapel in London (1854). His preaching attracted such large
tion of Spurgeon by a noted German theologian, see Helmut
crowds that it was necessary to rent public accommodations
Thielicke’s Encounter with Spurgeon (Philadelphia, 1963).
seating up to ten thousand people. In 1861 the Metropolitan
DARREL W. AMUNDSEN (1987)
Tabernacle was completed in London, and there Spurgeon
ministered until his death. By age twenty-two he had become
the most popular preacher of his day. He established several
institutions, including orphanages and a pastors’ college, the
SRI AUROBINDO SEE AUROBINDO GHOSE
latter being the matrix for the founding of numerous church-
es and Sunday schools.
Although throughout his career Spurgeon preached to
S´R¯I VAIS:N:AVAS. The S´r¯ı Vais:n:ava Samprada¯ya, one
large audiences, his greatest immediate influence was
of six major Hindu denominations devoted to Vis:n:u, is the
through his weekly published sermons, numbering 3,561,
community of those who worship Vis:n:u (also called
which are estimated to have had more than a million regular
Na¯ra¯yan:a) in conjunction with his consort S´r¯ı (Laks:m¯ı), the
readers. These sermons eventually amounted to sixty-three
goddess of auspiciousness and prosperity, along with
volumes, entitled New Park Street Pulpit (1855–1860) and
Bhu¯dev¯ı, the goddess of the earth, and N¯ıla¯, more generally
Metropolitan Tabernacle Pulpit (1861–1917). By 1899 more
known by her Tamil name of Nappinai, the human wife of
than a hundred million copies of his sermons had been print-
the young Kr:s:n:a. The community is strongest in the South
ed in twenty-three languages. Among his many works was
Indian state of Tamil Nadu, but it also has many adherents
the seven-volume The Treasury of David, a commentary on
in the three other South Indian states and some in other parts
Psalms. He also edited a monthly magazine, The Sword and
of India. Brahmans are strongly represented and have most
the Trowel, for twenty-seven years.
positions of leadership.
Spurgeon’s preaching was massive in scope and narrow
in doctrine. Staunchly Calvinistic, he was called by some
S´r¯ı Vais:n:avas are adherents of the philosophy of
“the last of the Puritans.” From his earliest ministry until his
Ra¯ma¯nuja and describe their theological position as Ubhaya
death, he consistently maintained the gospel of grace without
Veda¯nta, “dual theology” or “theology of the two scriptures,”
deference to increasingly influential high-church and liberal
for, in addition to regarding as authoritative the Vedas (in-
teachings. In 1864 his sermon against “baptismal regenera-
cluding the Upanis:ads) and other scriptures written in San-
tion” excited a hearty controversy that resulted in his with-
skrit, the S´r¯ı Vais:n:avas consider sacred the Tamil hymns of
drawing from the Evangelical Alliance. During the last de-
the poet-saints called the A¯lva¯rs (those “immersed” in God)
¯
cade of his life, Spurgeon fought against what he called the
and treat the long poem called the Tiruva¯ymoli as equal in
¯
“downgrade movement,” that is, the rise of higher criticism,
value to the Upanis:ads. Both divisions of the present com-
liberalism, and rationalism within Baptist circles in England.
munity trace their spiritual lineage back to still earlier a¯ca¯ryas
So firmly were such views entrenched there that he withdrew
(teachers), and then through Namma¯lva¯r, the author of
¯
from the Baptist Union in 1887, remaining independent but
the Tiruva¯ymoli, to the Goddess, S´r¯ı, and Vis:n:u-Na¯ra¯yan:a
¯
a Baptist until his death. Although he never sought contro-
himself.
versy, he never shied from it. In his own words, “Controversy
The Sanskrit canon of the community includes, in addi-
for the truth against the errors of the age is . . . the peculiar
tion to the Vedas, the two great epics, the treatises on social
duty of the preacher.”
morality and ritual, and the summary of the Upanis:adic
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8728
S´R¯I VAIS:N:AVAS
teaching called the Veda¯nta Su¯tra. These scriptures are them-
an act; it is merely the acknowledgement of what the Lord
selves interpreted by a host of commentaries and didactic
has already done. The nicknames “monkey-hold” and “cat-
treatises in Sanskrit, and there is a corresponding, though
hold” applied to the two groups come from a Ten˙kalai
much smaller, group of commentaries and treatises in Tamil.
source. The Ten˙kalai claim that the Vat:akalai theology likens
In both languages there are also a number of hagiographies
the soul’s position to that of a baby monkey, which has to
of the A¯lva¯rs and a¯ca¯ryas; greatest attention is given to
hang on to its mother as she swings from tree to tree, while
¯
Ra¯ma¯nuja (traditional dates 1017–1137), who wrote only in
the Ten˙kalai’s own view makes the soul resemble the kitten,
Sanskrit but who is represented in the biographies as com-
whose mother picks it up by the scruff of the neck without
menting on the Tiruva¯ymoli in Tamil and assigning his cou-
any effort on the kitten’s part.
¯
sin and disciple Pil:l:a¯n the task of producing a written com-
For neither group does the doctrine of grace lead to an
mentary on this long poem. It was Pil:l:a¯n who first called the
antinomian lifestyle. On the contrary, the lives of S´r¯ı
members of the community “S´r¯ı Vais:n:avas” and demon-
Vais:n:avas are full of ritual injunctions and social obligations,
strated the confluence of the Sanskrit and Tamil “Veda¯ntas.”
but neither their good deeds nor scholarly attainments—not
Three later commentaries are also considered authoritative.
even emotional participation in intense devotion to God—
By the end of the twelfth century there was an increas-
can bring about their salvation. Their ritual act of surrender
ing shift in emphasis on works of a different kind, treatises
is the outward sign of a lifelong surrender of their worldly
on the secret meanings (rahasyas) of the three central mantras
ambitions—even quite proper ones—to God’s disposal.
(ritual formulas) that specified the spiritual path and more
Having solemnly petitioned God’s mercy, and having confi-
fully discussed the doctrine of divine grace. These treatises
dently expressed total reliance on that mercy, the devotee
stressed the indispensable role of S´r¯ı as mediatrix
ought not to ask for anything else. This is clearly a difficult
(purus:aka¯ra). Since she is always full of maternal love, her
ideal to follow, the more so since the majority of their fellow
favor should be sought first; she can persuade the Lord, who
worshipers at Vis:n:u temples are not initiated “surrendered
as a father must balance justice and mercy, to the side of
ones” (prapannas) but Hindus from all walks of life who con-
mercy. Similarly one first humbly petitions one’s own guru¯,
fidently ask the Lord and his consorts for all manner of mate-
who is already connected with the chain of grace, for his rec-
rial blessings.
ommendation in approaching the Lord.
Much of the spiritual leadership in the community is
The various stories about the twelve A¯lva¯rs assign them
provided by various mat:has, which are not communities of
¯
very ancient dates. Namma¯lva¯r, for example, is said to have
ascetics but groups of householder disciples of a guru¯ who
¯
lived some five thousand years ago, at the very beginning of
becomes a sam:nya¯sin after being chosen to head the mat:ha.
the present, evil age, the kaliyuga. Modern historical scholar-
These guru¯s perform the formal initiation of prapatti, bestow
ship places them from the sixth to ninth centuries
spiritual blessings and deliver courses of lectures on periodic
CE. In con-
trast, the a¯ca¯ryas are assigned dates that are accurate within
tours to visit their followers, and frequently give individuals
one or two generations. The first a¯ca¯rya, Na¯thamuni (late
practical advice in private audiences.
ninth or early tenth century), received from Namma¯lva¯r in
The key words in S´r¯ı Vais:n:ava worship are dar´sana, the
¯
a yogic trance the entire corpus of hymns; he then arranged
reverent beholding of the image form of the Lord; smaran:a,
them to accompany Sanskrit verses in the temple liturgies.
the remembrance of the Lord’s gracious deeds, and seva or
Still more stories are told about Na¯thamuni’s brilliant grand-
kain˙karya, service to the Lord and to the Lord’s disciples.
son Ya¯muna (916–1036), but the largest part of the hagio-
While in their own homes S´r¯ı Vais:n:avas perform the lengthy
graphies focuses on the life of Ra¯ma¯nuja.
daily worship privately, in the 108 major S´r¯ı Vais:n:ava tem-
ples in South India (including the all-Indian pilgrimage cen-
The gradual splitting of the community into the
ter of Tirupati and the central temple at S´r¯ıran˙gam), and in
Vat:akalai (“northern culture”) and Ten˙kalai (“southern cul-
many more minor ones, they are part of a mixed company.
ture”) subsects is only in part related to the relative emphasis
Their joining in the Tamil and Sanskrit chanting of the litur-
on the Sanskrit and Tamil scriptures; the two groups under-
gy is for them a confident anticipation of their participation,
stand differently the relation of divine grace to human re-
after this present earthly life, in the eternal chorus of praise
sponse. Both groups affirm the primacy of divine grace in
in the Lord’s heavenly home.
rescuing souls from their bondage in the world and maintain
that all seekers of salvation should solemnly surrender, first
SEE ALSO A¯lva¯rs; Kr:s:n:aism; Pil lai Loka¯ca¯rya; Ra¯ma¯nuja;
to the goddess S´r¯ı and then to Lord Vis:n:u. The great
¯
¯¯
Tamil Religions.
Vat:akalai teacher Veda¯nta De´sika believed that the act of
surrender gives the Lord a pretext or occasion (vya¯ja) for sav-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ing the soul, so that grace is not arbitrary. His contemporary,
Buitenen, J. A. B. van, trans. Ya¯muna’s A¯gama Pra¯ma¯n:yam, or,
the Ten˙kalai teacher Pil lai Loka¯ca¯rya, on the other hand,
Treatise on the Validity of Pa¯ñcara¯tra. Madras, 1971.
¯¯
considered it presumptuous for human beings to think they
Gnanambal, K. “S´r¯ıvaishnavas and Their Religious Institutions.”
could make any contribution whatsoever to their salvation.
Bulletin of the Anthropological Survey of India 20 (July–
Even “surrender,” he taught, is not to be regarded as such
December 1971): 97–187.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STANNER, W. E. H.
8729
Narasimhachari, M. Contribution of Ya¯muna to Vi´sis:t:a¯dvaita. Ma-
Australia. His most noted wartime contribution was as leader
dras, 1971.
of the North Australia Observer Unit. He also worked on
Neevel, Walter G., Jr. Ya¯muna’s Veda¯nta and Pa¯ñcara¯tra: Integrat-
a series of postwar reconstruction programs in Europe and
ing the Classical and the Popular. Missoula, Mont., 1977.
the Pacific. In 1949 Stanner was appointed reader in com-
Rangachariyar, Kadambi. The S´r¯ı Vaishnava Brahmans. Madras,
parative social institutions in the Research School of Pacific
1931.
Studies at the newly established Australian National Univer-
S´r¯ınivasachari, P. N. The Philosophy of Vi´sis:t:a¯dvaita. 2d ed.
sity, Canberra, where he remained for the rest of his working
Adyar, 1946.
life. In the 1960s and 1970s Stanner rose to public promi-
Venkatachari, K. K. A. The Maniprava¯la Literature of the
nence as a government adviser, and his engagements in Ab-
S´r¯ıVais:n:ava A¯ca¯ryas, Twelfth to Fifteenth Century A. D. Bom-
original affairs became more consciously political.
bay, 1978.
Stanner’s works on religion, the most important being
New Sources
a series of essays republished in 1963 as the monograph On
Clooney, Francis Xavier. Seeing through Texts: Doing Theology
Aboriginal Religion, simultaneously serve as a broad critique
among the Srivaisnavas of South India. Albany, N.Y., 1996.
of structural-functionalist approaches to the study of society
Mumme, Patricia Y. The Srivaisnava Theological Dispute:
and culture. He was extremely critical of earlier anthropolog-
Mahavammuni and Vedanta Devika. Madras, 1988.
ical accounts of Aboriginal religion influenced by the work
Narayana, Vasudha. The Way and the Goal: Expressions of Devotion
of Émile Durkheim and Radcliffe-Brown that categorized re-
in the Early Sri Vaisnava Tradition. Washington, D.C.,
ligion as merely one of a series of elements in a bounded so-
1987.
cial system. These writers had overlooked the experiential
Oberhammer, Gerhard. Der “Innere Lenker” (Antaryama): Gesch-
and emotional sensibilities associated with religion. Stanner
ichte eines Theologems. Vienna, 1998.
argued that religion was significant in its own right, not as
Seshadri, Kandadai. Srivaishnavism and Social Change. Calcutta,
a subset of society or anything else. Murrinh-pata religion
1998.
contained objects and symbols “beyond egotism, beyond so-
cial gain.” The great symbols he observed, were “valued for
JOHN B. CARMAN (1987)
Revised Bibliography
their own sakes.” As he sought to elucidate Murrinh-pata re-
ligious systems as “expressions of human experience of life;
as essays of passion, imagination, and striving,” Stanner con-
SSU-MA CH’ENG-CHEN
currently sketched the frame of a new theoretical approach
SEE SIMA
to the study of society (Stanner, 1965, p. 222). He saw
CHENGZHEN
human affairs not in terms of persisting social structures and
enduring relations between persons in role positions, but
rather as “a structure of operations in transactions about
STANNER, W. E. H. William Edward Hanley Stanner
things of value.” His “operational anthropology” would
(1905–1981) was born in Sydney, Australia, and spent much
study real relations—“giving, taking, sharing, loving, be-
of his childhood playing on the shores of Sydney Harbor and
witching, fighting, initiating”—and “make human sense of
the surrounding bushland. On leaving school Stanner
their cultural varieties” (Stanner, 1963, p. ii).
worked as a bank clerk, a job he tired of quickly, before train-
ing as a journalist. In 1926 a life-changing encounter with
While seeing the definition of religion as beyond the
A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, the newly appointed foundation
task of anthropology, Stanner argued that Aboriginal religion
chair of anthropology at Sydney University, saw Stanner re-
must be grasped as a rich and multilayered entity: it was at
turn to school to matriculate, eventually enrolling in a degree
once an ontological system, a moral system, a “contemporary
program with a major in anthropology and economics.
form of thought and feeling toward the whole of reality,” and
“content for a devotional life” (Stanner, 1963, p. vi). He re-
After completing his degree with first class honors, Stan-
jected Durkheim’s dichotomy of secular and sacred as a
ner was encouraged by Radcliffe-Brown to consider a career
framework for comprehending Aboriginal religion, arguing
in anthropology. He undertook his first fieldwork in the
that it necessarily was both. Where the functionalists had of-
Daly River region of north Australia in 1932, and he re-
fered up a desiccated view of Aboriginal religious systems as
turned to this area from 1934 to 1935 to undertake more
lacking imaginative and intellectual substance, or as reduc-
lengthy research for his Ph.D. He would return to the Daly
ible to the study of totemism, magic, and ritual, for Stanner,
River region throughout his life, in the 1950s undertaking
Murrinh-pata religious belief and practice provided a win-
the work that would most fully inform his writings on Mur-
dow onto all manner of aspects of Murrinh-pata being. It was
rinh-pata religion.
in Murrinh-pata rites that one witnessed “a genius for music,
On completing his Ph.D. at the London School of Eco-
song, and dance applied with skill and passion” (Stanner,
nomics under the supervision of Bronislaw Malinowski and
1963, p. 18). Moreover, Murrinh-pata religion was not a
Raymond Firth, Stanner joined an anthropological survey
“dead plane of uniform changelessness” but a dynamic sys-
team in East Africa. On the outbreak of war he returned to
tem, its content being enacted and articulated variably by
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8730
STANTON, ELIZABETH CADY
differently gifted performers, and transformed according
Stanner, W. E. H. White Man Got No Dreaming: Essays, 1938–
into the changing needs and circumstances of each genera-
1973. Canberra, 1979.
tion (Stanner, 1963, p. 84).
MELINDA HINKSON (2005)
Stanner’s work contributed much to contemporary un-
derstandings of “The Dreaming,” the linkage of specific Ab-
original persons, places, fauna, and flora in the present in
STANTON, ELIZABETH CADY. Elizabeth Cady
identifiable groupings extending back to a timeless concep-
Stanton (1815–1902) was a principal leader and philosopher
tion. Within this ontological frame, Stanner argued, there
of the American woman’s rights movement of the nineteenth
was no tension between past, present, and future. He teased
century. Her religious importance derives from The Woman’s
out aspects of this logic and its narrative content in Murrinh-
Bible (1895–1898), written and edited late in her career, and
pata myth to illustrate the basis of Aborigines’ acceptance of
from her influence in inspiring feminism to a rational, anti-
reality as a necessary connection between life and suffering.
dogmatic attitude to faith.
In the Murrinh-pata theory of reality, life was conceived “as
a joyous thing with maggots at the centre” (Stanner, 1963,
Stanton was born in Johnstown, New York. Her father,
p. 37).
Daniel Cady, was a prominent lawyer, congressman, and
judge. When none of her brothers lived to maturity, Eliza-
Critics argue that Stanner failed to fully transcend the
beth wanted to become like a son to please him. Although
limitations of structural-functionalism and sufficiently inte-
she never succeeded in satisfying her father, her precocious
grate his theoretical ideas with his ethnography. He shied
intellect did gain the notice of her family’s Scottish Presbyte-
away from analyzing those aspects of his material—the con-
rian minister, Simon Hosack, who tutored her in ancient
junction of religion and politics—that would have furnished
languages. Her father’s profession also shaped her sensitivity
the development of a theory of action. Stanner himself re-
to legal protection and political details. Shocked by women’s
garded his work as unfinished. It was a contribution to a gen-
lack of rights in divorce and custody cases, she prioritized
eral reappraisal of Australian Aboriginal religion that would
such issues throughout her career, directly challenging tradi-
“require the efforts of many scholars.” A humanist with un-
tional bastions of male authority. Her analysis and thorough
tiring commitment to social justice, a campaigner for land
articulation of structural sexism were exemplary, and they
rights, a sensitive intercultural interpreter with a great gift for
were complemented by her abilities as a polemical writer.
writing, Stanner sought to conjure up the richness and philo-
sophical depth of Aboriginal religious systems.
Stanton experienced the tumult of the Second Great
Awakening preacher Charles Finney while a student at
B
Emma Willard’s school in the early 1830s. The young Eliza-
IBLIOGRAPHY
Keen, Ian. “Stanner on Aboriginal Religion.” Canberra Anthropol-
beth felt susceptible to his rhetoric because of her “gloomy
ogy 9, no. 2 (1986): 26–50.
Calvinistic training,” but upon becoming one of Finney’s
“victims” she noted, and regretted, the “dethronement of my
Morphy, Howard. “The Resurrection of the Hydra: Twenty-five
Years of Research of Aboriginal Religion.” In Social Anthro-
reason.” She deemed herself saved by intellection, by science,
pology and Australian Aboriginal Studies: A Contemporary
rationality, and progress.
Overview, edited by Ronald M. Berndt and Robert Tonkin-
After her schooling was finished, Elizabeth became in-
son, pp. 239–265. Canberra, 1988.
volved with the antislavery movement. Through her cousin,
Stanner, W. E. H. “The Dreaming.” In Australian Signpost: An
Gerrit Smith, she met her future husband, Henry Stanton
Anthology, edited by T. Hungerford, pp. 51–65. London,
(1805–1887), one of the Lane Seminary rebels and an ardent
1956; reprinted in Stanner, 1979, pp. 23–40.
abolitionist. Though her father objected to the marriage, it
Stanner, W. E. H. “Continuity and Change among the Aborigi-
went forward in 1840, with a significant change in the mar-
nes.” Australian Journal of Science 21 (1958): 99–109; re-
riage vows: Elizabeth refused to “obey” an equal, so that
printed in Stanner, 1979, pp. 41–66.
command was dropped. Their honeymoon brought more
Stanner, W. E. H. On Aboriginal Religion. Sydney, 1963; reprint,
substantive change, as the couple attended the 1840 World’s
1966, 1989.
Anti-Slavery Congress in London. Some American groups
included women delegates, but the British hosts refused to
Stanner, W. E. H. “Religion, Totemism, and Symbolism.” In Ab-
original Man in Australia: Essays in Honour or Emeritus Pro-
seat them. However, it was here that Stanton met the Quaker
fessor A. P. Elkin, edited by Ronald M. Berndt and Catherine
Lucretia Mott, who embodied a fuller range of possibilities
H. Berndt, pp. 207–237. Sydney, 1965.
for women. While living in Boston, Stanton’s liberal reli-
gious outlook was reinforced as she absorbed Unitarian and
Stanner, W. E. H. “Reflections on Durkheim and Aboriginal Reli-
transcendentalist ideas, and as she met more women leaders,
gion.” In Social Organization: Essays Presented to Raymond
Firth, edited by Maurice Freedman, pp. 217–240. London,
including Lydia Maria Child and the Grimké sisters.
1967.
Stanton’s own fame blossomed with the fulfillment of
Stanner, W. E. H. After the Dreaming: The Boyer Lectures, 1968.
plans she and Mott had formulated to hold a woman’s rights
Sydney, 1969.
conference. This finally occured in 1848, when the first
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STANTON, ELIZABETH CADY
8731
Women’s Rights Convention in the United States was held
gated theories of Charles Darwin, the matriarchate, and
in Stanton’s new hometown of Seneca Falls, New York.
theosophy.
Stanton wrote the convention’s bold Declaration of Senti-
Stanton planned The Woman’s Bible as a commentary
ments, adopting the rhetoric of the Declaration of Indepen-
and analysis on scriptural passages concerning women. She
dence and condemning male usurpation of authority over
invited many women religious leaders and intellectuals to
women in matters religious, “when that belongs to her con-
participate, but only a handful responded, fearing a backlash
science and her God.”
from a conservative religious public would damage the suf-
Stanton’s 1850 meeting with Susan B. Anthony marked
frage cause. Prominent contributors included Eva Parker In-
a turning point in the women’s rights movement. Their ar-
gersoll and Gage (author of another stinging critique of patri-
dent friendship lasted over fifty years and became one of the
archal religion, Woman, Church, and State [1893]). In her
most productive partnerships in American political history.
commentaries, Stanton praises strong women (her assess-
Due to child-care and household concerns (the Stantons had
ment of Eve’s “courage” and “ambition” is justly famous),
seven children), Stanton emerged as the writer of the pair,
condemns inconsistencies as “a great strain on credulity,” re-
while Anthony traveled and lectured for women’s rights.
jects auto-validating claims of inspiration, and urges women
While they prioritized voting rights, they never made this the
to self-sovereignty rather than self-sacrifice. Stanton and her
exclusive focus of their wider goal: recognizing women’s full
collaborators used humor, science, logic, common sense, and
humanity.
principles of justice to read against the grain of traditional
biblical interpretation.
During the Civil War, Anthony and Stanton formed the
During Stanton’s lifetime, The Woman’s Bible met a
Loyal League, which urged the immediate emancipation of
chilly reception. It was parodied, denounced, or belittled by
slaves. Stanton herself began to travel and speak during this
reviewers. The crushing blow came when the organization
period, developing into an accomplished orator. In the post-
Stanton herself had led, now called the National-American
war period, however, serious splits occurred among progres-
Woman Suffrage Association, officially dissociated itself
sive advocates of increased voting rights. Angered by what
from the book. Despite the eloquent plea of Susan B. Antho-
they saw as a betrayal of women by those who advanced suf-
ny in her defense, this 1896 vote effectively ended Stanton’s
frage for African American men only, Stanton and Anthony
official role in the suffrage movement.
allied themselves with racist and xenophobic forces. Stanton
argued explicitly for the fitness of educated white women as
The Woman’s Bible remained forgotten until the
voters over freed slaves and immigrants, whom she carica-
women’s liberation movement of the 1970s. Feminist schol-
tured as “Sambo” and “Yung Tung.” Stanton’s rhetoric
ars and practitioners of religion found its method and con-
alienated former allies, including Mott, Lucy Stone, and
tent congenial: it was collaborative, questioned received
Wendell Phillips. This period has compromised Stanton’s
authority, established a feminist legacy of biblical interpreta-
legacy and fueled ongoing conflict in American feminism
tion, and outlined how gender bias shaped sacred texts.
over class and race. The woman suffrage movement broke
However, The Woman’s Bible has had its modern critics, par-
into two competing organizations in 1869: the National
ticularly over its anti-Catholic and anti-Jewish biases.
Woman Suffrage Association (led by Anthony and Stanton)
At her death in 1902 many of Stanton’s contemporaries
and the rival American Woman Suffrage Association. By the
memorialized her as an undaunted leader, while ignoring her
time the organizations were reunited in 1890, the woman
analysis of belief and scripture. Yet her religious critique may
suffrage cause was bereft of its abolitionist roots.
well ensure her importance to future generations.
The visibility of the woman suffrage movement in-
creased through the last quarter of the nineteenth century,
SEE ALSO Child, Lydia Maria; Gage, Matilda Joslyn; Gen-
as did its sense of its own history. With Anthony and Matilda
der and Religion.
Joslyn Gage, Stanton edited and wrote the first three vol-
umes of the History of Woman Suffrage (1881–1887), an ad-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
mirably exhaustive chronicle of the movement. Opposition,
Three editions of The Woman’s Bible are available: The (Original)
and occasional support, from religious leaders mark many of
Feminist Attack on the Bible (The Woman’s Bible), edited by
Barbara Welty (New York, 1974); The Woman’s Bible: Part
its pages.
1: The Pentateuch; Part 2: Judges, Kings, Prophets, and Apos-
Stanton had always scrutinized legal restrictions on
tles, edited by the Coalition Task Force on Women and Reli-
women, but became increasingly concerned with religious
gion (Seattle, Wash., 1974); and The Woman’s Bible, fore-
word by Maureen Fitzgerald (Boston, 1993). Kathi Lynn
limitations. In her last twenty years she wrote two major
Kern’s Mrs. Stanton’s Bible (Ithaca, N.Y., 2001) is an excel-
texts: her autobiography, Eighty Years and More (1898), and
lent full-length study. Two commentary projects motivated
The Woman’s Bible, which she wrote and edited. These texts
by Stanton’s Bible were published by feminist scholars on its
reveal her religious stance. Her autobiography presents her
one hundredth anniversary: The Women’s Bible Commentary,
tireless opposition to superstition and her lifelong embrace
edited by Carol A. Newsom and Sharon H. Ringe (London
of liberal religious inquiry—her freethinking mind investi-
and Louisville, Ky., 1992; expanded ed., 1998), and Search-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8732
STARBUCK, E. D.
ing the Scriptures, 2 vols., edited by Elizabeth Schüssler
into German in 1909. Starbuck had the support and encour-
Fiorenza (New York, 1993–1994).
agement of James in his work, but as Starbuck himself re-
Many of Stanton’s works are being issued in a proposed six-
ports in a frank autobiographical statement, there was some
volume critical edition, with Ann D. Gordon serving as edi-
tension in his relationship with Hall, and mutual criticism
tor: The Selected Papers of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan
is much in evidence.
B. Anthony; Vol. 1: In the School of Anti-Slavery, 1840 to
1866 (New Brunswick, N.J., 1997); Vol. 2: Against an Aris-
After the turn of the century, Starbuck devoted most of
tocracy of Sex (New Brunswick, N.J., 2000). The contempo-
his creative energy to “character training” and devised selec-
rary edition of Stanton’s autobiography, Eighty Years and
tions of fairy tales, novels, and biographies that would con-
More: Reminiscences, 1815–1897 (Evanston, Ill., 1993), in-
tribute to the moral education of the young. He taught a va-
cludes essays by Gordon and Ellen DuBois.
riety of subjects at a number of institutions, including
Biographical studies of Stanton include Alma Lutz, Created Equal:
philosophy at the State University of Iowa (1906–1930), and
A Biography of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 1815–1902 (New
philosophy (1930–1938) and psychology (1938–1943) at
York, 1940); Elizabeth Griffith, In Her Own Right: The Life
the University of Southern California. Starbuck’s important
of Elizabeth Cady Stanton (New York, 1984), and Lois Ban-
contribution remains his early survey of conversion cases,
ner, Elizabeth Cady Stanton: A Radical for Women’s Rights
which work was immortalized by James, who used Starbuck’s
(Boston, 1980). The biography assembled by her children
data in The Varieties of Religious Experience (1902). While the
Theodore Stanton and Harriot Stanton Blatch, Elizabeth
basic findings of the survey have been accepted, and seem to
Cady Stanton as Revealed in Her Letters, Diary, and Reminis-
fit with classical and modern notions of conversion, the theo-
cences (New York, 1922) is heavily edited and unreliable. For
retical construction seems hopelessly naive today. Together
general background on the suffrage movement, Ellen Du-
with Hall, Starbuck regarded conversion as an adolescent
Bois’s Feminism and Suffrage: The Emergence of an Indepen-
dent Women’s Movement in America, 1848–1869, 2d ed. (Ith-
phenomenon, and had the data to show it. His findings are
aca, N.Y., 1999) remains the basic work on the period, while
still quoted today, and are beyond dispute, but his psycholo-
the book accompanying Ken Burns’s documentary, Geoffrey
gy and his definition of religion as an “instinct” no longer
C. Ward’s Not for Ourselves Alone: The Story of Elizabeth
find serious adherents.
Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony (New York, 1999), pro-
vides a good introduction for the general reader. James E.
Starbuck’s attitude toward religion was clearly positive,
Goodman, “The Origins of the ‘Civil War’ in the Reform
and he saw the importance of the psychology of religion as
Community: Elizabeth Cady Stanton on Woman’s Rights
contributing to religious education. According to James,
and Reconstruction” in Critical Matrix 1, no. 2 (1985):
Starbuck’s aim in starting his research in the psychology of
1–29, presents a detailed account of the immediate post–
religion was to bring about reconciliation in the feud be-
Civil War divisions.
tween science and religion. According to Starbuck’s autobio-
graphical account, his interest in religion was very much an
JENNIFER RYCENGA (2005)
attempt to answer, via systematic study, both doubts and cu-
riosities about religion. If one attempts an evaluation of Star-
buck’s work from the perspective of several generations, one
STARBUCK, E. D. (1866–1947), was a prominent fig-
might conclude that it will be remembered more by histori-
ure in the early academic study of the psychology of religion
ans of the field than by practitioners. His work may belong
in the United States and the first scholar to use the phrase
with the classics of the field, but it must be numbered with
“psychology of religion.” Edwin Diller Starbuck was born in
the unread classics, even among scholars.
Indiana to a devout Quaker farming family. After undergrad-
uate work at Indiana University, he went on to Harvard Uni-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
versity, from which he received his master’s degree in 1895,
Argyle, Michael, and Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi. The Social Psychol-
and then to Clark University, where in 1897 he received his
ogy of Religion. Boston, 1975.
doctorate. In 1890 he was stirred by F. Max Müller’s Intro-
Beit-Hallahmi, Benjamin. “Psychology of Religion, 1880–1930:
duction to the Science of Religion and decided to start studying
The Rise and Fall of a Psychological Movement.” Journal of
religion. In 1893, at Harvard, he circulated two question-
the History of the Behavioral Sciences 10 (1974): 84–90.
naires, one on sudden conversion and the other on “gradual
growth” toward religious commitment. In 1894 and 1895
Starbuck, E. D. The Psychology of Religion. London, 1899.
he presented papers on his research before the Harvard Reli-
Starbuck, E. D. “Religion’s Use of Me.” In Religion in Transition,
gious Union. After graduating from Clark University, he re-
edited by Vergilius Ferm, pp. 201–256. New York, 1937.
mained there as a fellow in the late 1890s, together with
New Sources
James H. Leuba.
Hay, David. “Psychologists Interpreting Conversion: Two Ameri-
Starbuck’s 1899 book The Psychology of Religion was
can Forerunners of the Hermeneutics of Suspicion.” History
based on studies he started at Harvard under William James
of the Human Sciences 12, no. 1 (1999): 55–73.
and continued at Clark under G. Stanley Hall; it enjoyed
BENJAMIN BEIT-HALLAHMI (1987)
three editions, was reprinted several times, and was translated
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STARS
8733
STAR OF DAVID SEE MAGEN DAVID
constant, predictable, beyond change. Since the distant sky
gods are usually the lawgivers of a culture, establishing order
in human society, the celestial-terrestrial relationship is a re-
ciprocal one: Humans order the uncharted night sky by im-
STARS. In all times and places, the starry night sky has
posing images on it, while the heavens, in return, impose
both challenged and satisfied the human need to order, cate-
lawful order on human society.
gorize, and standardize the unknown. In their efforts to make
the night sky a familiar place, ancient civilizations imposed
Catasterisms, tales in which either humans or animals
on groups of stars the outlines of mythical and historical fig-
achieve immortality by becoming stars, express the notion of
ures, thus linking the celestial and terrestrial realms. The two
the stars as the home of heroes. Catasterisms present a per-
terms used for these star groups are constellation and zodiac.
manent image of the reward for heroic feats while providing
Constellations are groups of stars held together by the
an etiological explanation for the existence of individual stars
human mind and eye. While certain of them may be related
and constellations. These tales exists in such diverse cultures
mythologically, such as the Pleiades and Orion, they are es-
as Australia, where a man becomes a star to avoid the wrath
sentially autonomous and not limited in number. The zodiac
of the irate husband chasing him, and Greenland, where a
is an integrated system of twelve constellations, referred to
group of lost seal hunters become stars. The Greeks and the
by astrological signs, that forms a backdrop to the move-
Romans were the most prolific creators of catasterisms.
ments of the sun, moon, and planets. Each zodiacal sign is
These stories relate that after death the soul becomes a
also associated with a part of the human body and thereby
star, a notion that originated with the Pythagoreans. The be-
serves to link the celestial and terrestrial planes. Aries, the
lief that only heroes become stars leads to the use of star
first sign, represents the head; Pisces, the feet; the ten remain-
groups such as Herakles and the Pleiades as models for heroic
ing signs between them represent other parts of the body in
effort and reward. Star groups such as Andromeda and
descending order. While scholars credit Babylonia with de-
Orion, by contrast, serve as demonstrations of the lasting
vising the zodiac (c. 700–420 BCE), the Babylonians them-
punishment given for the sin of hubris. The star Antinoüs
selves in their creation epic, the Enuma elish, credit the god
was named in 132 CE in honor of Hadrian’s young lover who
Marduk with that invention.
drowned himself in the belief that he could thereby add the
The ancient Egyptians also developed an integrated sys-
years allotted to him to Hadrian’s life.
tem of star organization. Here, the thirty-six decans, or star
groups, each ten degrees in width and each named for a deity,
The Milky Way, which is frequently called the River of
served two purposes. The heliacal rising (first appearance in
Heaven or the Celestial Road, is connected with the notion
the dawn sky) of the leading star of each decan was noted,
of the stars as the land of the dead. In Norse mythology it
then used to mark out the twelve-month Egyptian calendar.
is the road of the ghosts going to Valholl; in Celtic lore it
E
At night, the decans functioned as a star clock, enabling
is created by Gwydion so that he can use it to seek his son’s
priests to know the correct time for the performance of reli-
soul in the heavens; in Islam it is said that Muh:ammad
gious observances. In this way the temporal rhythms of the
walked on it to reach God; in Akkad it was called the River
earth were linked to those of the sky.
of the Divine Lady and was traveled by ghosts; in eastern
Washington state the Sanpoil Indians place the land of the
In Indian tradition the Naks:atras, or lunar mansions,
dead at the end of it; the Pawnee say it is the path followed
comprise another integrated system of stars. The passage of
by the spirits of the dead, and the Lakota add that travel to
the moon through the sky was charted as the journey of the
the Spirit Land is interrupted just before arrival by an old
god Soma through his “resting places.” Each star is thought
woman who checks for wrist tattoos; those without tattoos
to be inhabited by one of the twenty-eight wives with whom
are sent back to earth as ghosts.
Soma spends one night each month.
T
T
EMPLES AND THE STARS. The most concrete way to estab-
HE SKY IN MYTH. In religions around the world, the sky
lish the importance of the stars in the ancient world is to
symbolizes transcendence and sacrality, stretching and satis-
study the alignment of temples with particular stars. As sa-
fying the human imagination. Whether it is understood as
cred structures, temples—especially those dedicated to sky
the home of the gods, the resting place of heroes, or the land
gods—are designed according to a celestial pattern. In 1894
of the dead, the sky is often envisioned as the transcendental
J. Norman Lockyer published his research on Egyptian tem-
model for human existence. The powers of the stars watch
ples, under the title The Dawn of Astronomy. With the advent
and guide people in life and welcome them in death. As the
of modern technology, much of Lockyer’s dating has been
land of the ancestral dead, the stars represent the place of fu-
called into question, but his general theory of celestial align-
ture human existence and reward. In them humans will en-
ment is still operative. In England, the Americas, and the an-
dure forever, see and know all, thus also becoming godlike.
cient Near East there is evidence of such alignment. Ancient
On the terrestrial plane, everything exists in a state of
temples were most commonly constructed in relation to the
constant change. Nature is unpredictable—sometimes be-
sun’s position at the solstice or equinox, but there are signifi-
nign and sometimes malevolent. The sky alone remains
cant instances of design with relation to individual stars.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8734
STARS
Astral alignments are established by astroarchaeologists,
THE POLESTAR. Sometimes diverse cultures use similar im-
who calculate the age of a site from its remains and then use
ages to describe the same star. The polestar, or North Star
computers to recreate the star patterns visible at the time the
(the position held today by the star Polaris in Ursa Minor),
site was built. England’s Stonehenge (construction started c.
because of its relative lack of motion as compared to other
2800 BCE) is a good model. There, the large standing stones
stars, is important for both land and sea navigation. In many
were arranged against the horizon to function as foresights;
cultures it is seen as the center of the universe.
smaller stones served as backsights. In order to mark the pas-
Norse people believed that the gods ordered the uni-
sage of the sun, the astronomer-priest would fix a spot on
verse by driving a spike through the earth and causing the
which to stand to observe the sunset against the foresight
heavens to revolve around this axis. The end of this spike was
stones. As the sun changed its course during the year, it
fastened to the polestar. For the Mongols, the polestar was
would set to the right or left of these stones, its extremes
the golden peg or nail that holds the turning heavens togeth-
marking the solstice and equinox points. Stonehenge was
er. In India it is called the “pivot of the planets” and is repre-
used as an elaborate observatory for marking the important
sented by the god Dhruva, who was so immovable in his
celestial events of the year. The movements of the sun,
meditation that he became the polestar shining about Mount
moon, planets, and important star systems such as the Pleia-
Meru, the center of the world. Because Dhruva began his
des and especially the heliacal risings of the stars and planets
meditation in a search for constancy after having been disap-
were all noted there.
pointed by the unsteadiness of his father’s love, the star is
The same principle was employed in Mesoamerica,
worshiped in India as a source of constancy both in medita-
most dramatically at Tenochtitlán, the political and religious
tion and in marriage. The Mandaeans, along the Tigris and
capital of the Aztec, where the course of a river was altered
Euphrates rivers, worshiped the polestar as the central star
in order to create the desired alignments for observing the
around which all other heavenly bodies move; their sanctu-
rising sun at the equinox and solstice and the heliacal rising
aries were built so that persons entering them faced the pole-
of the Pleiades. Other Mesoamerican sites were also con-
star. Worshipers prayed facing it, and the dying were posi-
structed with relation to the Pleiades, as well as to the stars
tioned so their feet and eyes were aligned with it.
Capella and Sirius and the planet Venus.
The constancy of the polestar also led to its popularity
Gerald Hawkins (in Stonehenge Decoded, Garden City,
among sailors, as the epithets Steering Star, Lodestar, and
N.Y., 1965), using modern techniques, has checked Lock-
Ship Star show. (Strabo, the Greek historian and geographer
yer’s thesis at several sites in Egypt. While disagreeing with
of the first century BCE, attributed its use among Greek sail-
some of Lockyer’s findings, he does establish that Egyptian
ors to Thales, the astronomer and philosopher of the sixth
temples are aligned with certain stars. Edwin C. Krupp
century BCE.) The constant position of the polestar made it
(1978) has made a connection between the alignments of the
useful to land travelers as well. In Mesoamerica it was
pyramids and the cult of Isis and Osiris, represented respec-
thought both to protect and to guide traveling merchants,
tively by the stars Sirius and Orion. First, he notes that all
who burned copal incense in its honor. The Arabs used the
stars are invisible for approximately seventy days when their
polestar to navigate across the desert and believed further
light is lost in the brighter light of the sun; he finds it signifi-
that fixed contemplation of it would cure itching of the eye-
cant that the ancient Egyptians called this time “being in
lids. For the Chinese, the polestar was secretary to the Em-
Duat” (i.e., the underworld). Krupp sees a relation between
peror of Heaven and as lord of the dead punished the dead
this time span and the period allotted for embalming: Seven-
according to their deeds.
ty days were required to prepare a body for burial. Because
THE PLEIADES. Even in societies where little attention was
the stars are often thought of as the land of the dead, Krupp
paid to the stars, the movements of the Pleiades were noted.
suggests further that the shafts in the pyramids aligning with
For instance, the Bantu-speaking peoples of southern Africa
Sirius and Orion were constructed so as to allow the souls
regulated their agricultural calendar by them, and in Bali the
of the pharaohs to rise up to these stars, the souls’ final rest-
Pleiades and Orion were used to keep the lunar calendar. In
ing place.
Australia, where the first annual appearance of the Pleiades
coincides with the beginning of the rainy season, the Aborig-
In North America there are few sites of astronomical in-
ines consider these stars the source of rain and curse them
terest, but where they exist the myths and legends of the peo-
if rain does not follow their appearance. In general, the last
ple also show astronomical characteristics. The kivas of the
visible rising of the Pleiades after sunset is celebrated all over
Anasazi, ancestors of the modern Pueblo, show some evi-
the southern hemisphere as beginning the season of agricul-
dence of astral alignment, and modern Pueblo rituals pre-
tural activity.
serve astral timings. Among the Plains Indians, medicine
wheels constructed of large and small stones arranged in the
Where myths have developed about the Pleiades, these
shape of a wheel with spokes establishing alignments, mark
stars are generally associated with women. In the Greco-
the solstices. In Saskatchewan, Canada, the Moose Moun-
Roman world, these stars were called the “seven daughters
tain Medicine Wheel is also aligned to the heliacal rising of
of Atlas,” and in China they were worshiped by women and
the bright summer stars Aldebaran, Rigel, and Sirius.
girls as the Seven Sisters of Industry. In Australia, they are
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STARS
8735
seen as young girls playing instruments for a group of danc-
goddesses Hathor, Sekhet, and Isis and was generally consid-
ing young men, the stars of the Orion group. In the Solomon
ered to be the resting place of Isis’s soul. Also called the “Nile
Islands they are called a “company of maidens,” and among
star,” Sirius had a dog for its hieroglyph and to this day is
the Yurok of North America they are thought of as six
widely known as the “dog star.” In ancient Rome, when the
women. In India they had a rich and varied identity as the
sun approached conjunction with Sirius at a festival for the
nurses of Skanda, the infant god of war, and as the seven
protection of grain, farmers sacrificed a fawn-colored dog to
wives of the seven sages of Ursa Major. Myths in which they
the god Robigus. The Dogon of Africa also connect Sirius
are depicted as wives describe the reasons for their being
with a grain called po, and Po is their name for Sirius’s smal-
changed into stars as either punishment for infidelity or as
ler, darker companion star. That companion was first seen
a reward for fidelity. In one positive reading, the star Arund-
by Western astronomers in 1962, yet the Dogon discussed
hati is considered the ideal Indian wife because her virtue was
the star with Western anthropologists as early as 1940.
great enough to resist the god S´iva’s attempt at seduction.
Claiming to have known of the companion star for eight cen-
Like the polestar, she is worshiped by married couples as a
turies, the Dogon correctly estimated that its orbit around
symbol of constancy.
Sirius took fifty years.
The Pleiades also played a central role in the religious
A Finnish tale explains the brightness of Sirius by the
life of the Aztec. The fifty-two year cycle of their calendar
story of the lovers Zulamith the Bold and Salami the Fair:
was measured by the Pleiades. Indeed, legend recalls that the
When they finally completed a bridge to each other (the
destruction of the world in a past age occurred at such a mo-
Milky Way) after a thousand years of separation, they rushed
ment. The ceremony at the end of the cycle, the “Binding
into each other’s arms and melted into one.
of the Years,” established that the movements of the heavens
COMETS, METEORS, AND SHOOTING AND FALLING STARS.
had not ceased and that the world would not end but was
Noticeably short-lived celestial phenomena such as comets
guaranteed to last for another fifty-two years. Not only was
and meteors (shooting and falling stars) share in the sacred
one of the alignments of the Aztec city of Tenochtitlán to
nature of the sky and add to the meaning of the “permanent”
the Pleiades, but a further clue to the importance of these
stars. The abruptness of their passage often made them seem
stars is the fact that at the time of the city’s erection (c. 150
to be omens full of meaning for good or ill. The American
CE), the heliacal rising of the Pleiades occurred on the same
writer Mark Twain said of himself that he was born when
day as the first of the sun’s annual passages across the zenith,
Halley’s comet approached the earth, and he correctly pre-
a day of great importance in demarcating the seasons, and
dicted his death upon its return. A comet recorded in 431
the day when the sun in Mexico casts no shadow at high
BCE gave support to the notion that Julius Caesar had be-
noon. Additionally, this was the beginning of the rainy sea-
come a comet upon his death a year earlier. Shakespeare
son so important to agriculture.
made dramatic use of this idea when he wrote “When beg-
The Inca called the Pleiades the “stars of summer” and
gars die, then are no comets seen; / the heavens themselves
believed that their appearance on the first sighting predicted
blaze for the death of princes” (Julius Caesar 2.2).
the success of the crops. If the stars were large and bright
In ancient Greece and Rome, comets were generally
when they first appeared, the crops would be successful; if
thought to portend unfortunate events. The astronomer
they were small and dim, the crops would fail. This connec-
Ptolemy (second century) said that the meanings of comets
tion to the agricultural season in part explains the emphasis
could be discerned by their individual shapes; their color re-
placed on the Pleiades. In Greece the Pleiades presage tem-
vealed what they would bring (generally wind and drought),
perate weather: The name of one of the stars of this group,
and their position in the zodiac indicated the country that
Alcyone, is connected, by derivation, with the term “halcyon
would be affected. Pliny, the Roman writer of the first centu-
days,” a clement and temperate time. In ancient Greece the
ry CE, also believed that comets signaled disaster and speci-
season safe for navigation began in May with the heliacal ris-
fied, for example, that a comet in Scorpio portended a plague
ing of the Pleiades and closed with their setting in late au-
of reptiles and insects, especially locusts. Seneca the Younger,
tumn. In the Hervey Islands of the South Pacific they are the
writing in the first century CE, following Aristotle, said that
favorite guides for night sailing and are worshiped by sailors.
comets were portents of bad weather during the ensuing year.
In North America the Blackfeet use the Pleiades to regu-
Such ideas persisted after the rise of Christianity. In the
late their most important feast, which includes the blessing
third century CE, the church father Origen held that comets
and planting of the seed. The Navaho believe the Pleiades
appear on the eve of dynastic changes, great wars, and other
appear on the forehead of their principal deity, Black God.
catastrophes but also may be signs of future good: He seems
SIRIUS. Regarded as one of the most important stars in an-
to have taken the star of Bethlehem, which announced
cient Egypt, Sirius played a role there similar to that of the
Christ’s birth, to be a comet. The German philosopher Al-
Pleiades among the Aztec. Sirius’s heliacal rising at the sum-
bertus Magnus (d. 1280) wrote that comets signified wars
mer solstice coincided with the annual inundation of the
and the death of kings and potentates. According to Ptolemy
Nile, thus beginning the Egyptian year. Seen as the goddess
of Lucca (d. 1377), a comet portended the death of Pope
Sothis by the Egyptians, Sirius was also connected with the
Urban IV in 1264. The pope had sickened as soon as the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8736
STARS
comet appeared and had died three months later, on the very
to her on the summit of the Palatine and held an annual cele-
day it disappeared. Elizabeth I of England gained great pres-
bration to commemorate her arrival.
tige by manifesting her indifference to the comet of 1557.
The alignments of temples, the long history of astrologi-
When her courtiers tried to deter her from looking at the
cal beliefs, and the abundance of myths and folktales about
dreaded object she advanced boldly to the window, declar-
the stars provide ample evidence for the existence in many
ing, “the die is thrown.” Seventeenth-century Christian
cultures of the notion “as above, so below.” This view of the
preachers declared that comets were sent by God to draw
universe, in which the terrestrial and celestial realms are rec-
human beings to repentance, and as late as 1843 the Miller-
ognized as interrelated, has been a source of great richness
ites thought a comet confirmed their belief in the immediate
to the cultural and religious experience of the human race.
destruction of the world.
S
Among the Aztec similar notions prevailed. They called
EE ALSO Astrology; Ethnoastronomy; Sky.
comets “stars that smoke” and thought they usually signified
the impending death of members of nobility; the death of
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the ruler of Tenochtitlán followed the appearance of a comet,
The best collection of myths surrounding the stars, constellations,
and zodiac is Richard Hinckley Allen’s Star Names: Their
and another was said to have predicted the fall of Moctezuma
Lore and Meaning (1899; reprint, New York, 1963). Allen
II. The Plains Indians also connected appearances of comets
makes no attempt to synthesize his material, which is ar-
with disaster and misfortune.
ranged in alphabetical order. For the various astral systems
of the ancient world, see Robert Brown’s Researches into the
In the Society Islands, comets (along with meteors) were
Origin of the Primitive Constellations of the Greeks, Phoeni-
believed to be the tails of gods, and when they were seen, the
cians and Babylonians, 2 vols. (London, 1899–1900); for
people threw off their upper garments (the mark of respect
their scientific background, see Otto Neugebauer’s The Exact
shown to gods and sacred head chiefs) and exclaimed, “A
Sciences in Antiquity (1951; New York, 1969); while Ptole-
god! A god!” But in Samoa comets were believed to predict
my’s Tetrabiblos, translated by F. E. Robbins (Cambridge,
the death of a chief, or some other calamity such as war or
Mass., 1940), remains the starting place for Western views.
bloodshed. The Indian astronomer and astrologer Varahami-
For the Naks:atras and general Indian views, see The
hira (sixth century CE), while generally concurring with such
Brihajja¯takam of Vara¯ha Mihira, 2d ed., translated by Swami
theories, developed an elaborate system of analysis to predict
Vijnanananda (New Delhi, 1979), and Robert De Luce’s
the three types of events comets can bring: auspicious, inaus-
Constellational Astrology according to the Hindu System (Los
Angeles, 1963). The decans are covered by Wilhelm Gundel
picious, and having mixed effects.
in Dekane und Dekansternbilder (Hamburg, 1936). Lynn
Shooting and falling stars, meteors, and meteorites have
Thorndike’s A History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8
in common the sacred quality of having come from the heav-
vols. (New York, 1923–1958), remains a valuable resource
on the West up to the medieval period.
ens, whether for good or ill. Like comets they are preemi-
nently seen as signs and portents. Ptolemy says they indicate
On the issue of alignments, Joseph Norman Lockyer’s The Dawn
the coming of winds and storms, while Seneca links them to
of Astronomy: A Study of Temple Worship and Mythology of the
violent political events. By contrast, some believed them to
Ancient Egyptians (1894; Cambridge, Mass., 1964), while
challenged today, helped to create the field of astroar-
be connected with healing. Pliny preserved the notion that
chaeology. This work is continued in In Search of Ancient As-
a corn may be successfully extracted at the time of a shooting
tronomies, edited by Edwin C. Krupp (Garden City, N.Y.,
star; the physician Marcellus (fourth century CE) says the
1978), which also contains excellent essays on ancient astron-
same of warts, adding that if you start counting while a star
omy, and in Native American Astronomy, edited by Anthony
is falling, the number will equal the number of years you will
F. Aveni (Austin, 1977), which treats archaeological sites in
be free of sore eyes. In India falling stars are thought of not
North and South America.
only as reincarnating souls traveling back to earth, but also
Finally, in part 4 of The Raw and the Cooked (1969; Chicago,
as demons who love the night and who are connected in a
1983), Claude Lévi-Strauss provides an interesting compari-
negative way with the souls of the dead. Such beings are espe-
son of similar myths of particular constellations, such as the
cially dangerous to pregnant women.
Pleiades, in South America and ancient Greece.
Among the most famous meteorites in religious history
New Sources
is the KaEbah of Mecca, which tradition says was brought to
Aveni, Anthony F. Stairways to the Stars: Skywatching in Three
Great Ancient Cultures. New York, 1997.
earth by the archangel Gabriel. Also important is the meteor-
ite of the goddess Cybele of the Phrygians. It arrived in Rome
Condos, Theony. Star Myths of the Greeks and Romans: A Source-
in 204 BCE, when Rome was being threatened by Hannibal.
book Containing the Constellations of Pseudo-Eratosthenes and
The Sibylline Books, which had been consulted after a mete-
the Poetic Astronomy of Hyginus. Grand Rapids, Mich, 1997.
orite shower, foretold that a foreign army could be driven
Evans, James. The History & Practice of Ancient Astronomy. New
from Italy if Cybele’s symbol, a meteorite, was brought to
York, 1998.
Rome. It was, and Hannibal was defeated. The Romans ex-
Krupp, Edwin C. Skywatchers, Shamans, & Kings: Astronomy and
pressed their gratitude to the goddess by erecting a temple
the Archaeology of Power. New York, 1997.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STCHERBATSKY, THEODORE
8737
North, John David. Stonehenge: A New Interpretation of Prehistoric
by Louis de La Vallée Poussin (see Guy R. Welbon’s The
Man and the Cosmos. New York, 1996.
Buddhist Nirva¯n:a and Its Western Interpreters, 1968).
S
Stcherbatsky later reinterpreted Ma¯dhyamika as “relativism,”
ERINITY YOUNG (1987)
Revised Bibliography
reserving “monism” for the Yogacara (see the preface to
Madhya¯nta-Vibhan
¯ ga: Discourse on Discrimination between
Middle and Extremes, 1936).
Yoga¯ca¯ra “idealism” rejects pluralism and relativism.
STCHERBATSKY, THEODORE (1866–1942),
Subject and object, separately unreal, are really inseparable.
was a Russian Buddhologist and Indologist. Fedor Ippoli-
Everything exists relatively, yet relativity really exists as the
tovich Shcherbatskii, who signed his non-Russian writings
true nature of consciousness. This “idealism” led to the epis-
“Th. Stcherbatsky,” was born in Kielce, Poland, and died in
temology of Digna¯ga and Dharmak¯ırti (Stcherbatsky’s
Borovoi, Kazakhstan. He studied philology and Indology in
“Buddhist logic”), which admits only two modes of valid
Saint Petersburg under I. P. Minaev, Sanskrit poetics in Vi-
cognition: non-conceptual “perception,” and conceptual
enna with Georg Bühler, Indian philosophy in Berlin with
“inference.” Stcherbatsky is best known for his work on this
Hermann Jacobi, and Sanskrit and Tibetan logic with pan-
school: his earlier Theory of Knowledge and Logic According
dits in India and lamas in Mongolia. From 1900 to 1941,
to the Doctrine of the Later Buddhists, and his magnum opus,
Stcherbatsky taught at Saint Petersburg (later Leningrad)
Buddhist Logic (2 vols., 1930–1932). Stcherbatsky, admiring
State University. His students included O. O. Rozenberg, E.
both philosophers, called Dharmakirti “the Indian Kant.”
E. Obermiller, and A. I. Vostrikov. The Russian Academy
This comparison, and the Kantian language of Buddhist
of Sciences named Stcherbatsky corresponding member
Logic, should be taken cautiously.
(1910), academician (1918), director of the Institute of Bud-
dhist Culture (1928–1930), and head of the Indo-Tibetan
Stcherbatsky lacked sympathy for Buddhism as religion
section of the Institute of Oriental Studies (1930–1942). He
but admired Indian philosophy as rigorous philosophy. Re-
helped S. F. OlDdenberg produce the academy’s “Bibliotheca
futing the common misconception of Indian thought as
Buddhica” series of texts, translations, and monographs
vague mysticism, his works challenge Western philosophers
(1897–), which included several of Stcherbatsky’s own
to acknowledge their Buddhist and Indian colleagues.
works.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Although Stcherbatsky wrote widely on Indology and
Stcherbatsky’s Teoriia poznaniia i logika po ucheniiu pozdneishikh
philology, his works on Buddhist philosophy were most in-
buddistov (Theory of Knowledge and Logic according to the
fluential. Stcherbatsky relied on Sanskrit and Tibetan, not
Doctrine of the Later Buddhists), 2 vols. (Saint Petersburg,
Pali, sources and preferred ´sa¯stras (scholastic treatises) to
1903–1909), has been translated into German as Erkenntnis-
su¯tras (canonical texts), considering them to be, respectively,
theorie und Logik, nach der Lehre der späteren Buddhisten
(Munich, 1924) and into French as La théorie de la connais-
technical and popular works, differing in style, not doctrine.
sance et la logique chez les bouddhistes tardifs (Paris, 1926).
Skeptical of the search for “original Buddhism,” he investi-
Buddhist Logic, 2 vols. (Leningrad, 1930–1932), is available
gated pluralist, monist, and idealist phases of Buddhism.
in two reprint editions; other English works cited in the text
Early Buddhist “pluralism” replaces substances (soul, God,
are available in Indian reprint editions. The complete “Bib-
matter) with innumerable, interdependent, momentary
liotheca Buddhica” has been reprinted in Germany (1970)
dharmas, which attain cessation in nirva¯n:a. Stcherbatsky saw
and in Japan (1971). For shorter Russian works in English
in later abhidharma literature, especially Vasubandhu’s
translation, see two books edited by Debiprasad Chattopad-
Abhidharmako´sa, the epitome of early Buddhist philosophy.
hyaya and translated by Harish Chandra Gupta: Papers of
(Stcherbatsky’s works emphasized traditional Buddhist
Th. Stcherbatsky, “Soviet Indology Series,” no. 2 (Calcutta,
scholarship and Tibetan sources but neglected modern his-
1969), and Further Papers of Stcherbatsky, “Soviet Indology
torical criticism.) He began publishing the Abhidharmako´sa
Series,” no. 6 (Calcutta, 1971). The former contains biblio-
graphical and biographical information from Russian
and its commentaries in the “Bibliotheca Buddhica,” sum-
sources, partially contradicting the obituary in the Journal of
marized it in The Central Conception of Buddhism and the
the Royal Asiatic Society (1943): 118–119.
Meaning of the Word “Dharma” (1923), and translated its
final section as “The Soul Theory of the Buddhists” (Izvestiia
New Sources
Shcherbatskoi, F. I., and V. N. Toporov, Izbrannye trudy po bud-
Rossiiskoi Akademii nauk, ser. 6, vol. 13, 1920, nos. 15,
dizmu. Moscow, 1988.
pp. 823–854, and 18, pp. 937–958).
Shokhin, V. K., and Institut filosofii (Rossiiskaia akademiia
According to Stcherbatsky, Ma¯dhyamika “monism”
nauk). F.I. Shcherbatskoi i ego komparativistskaia filosofiia.
sees interdependent, momentary dharmas as unreal or
Moscow, 1998.
empty. Emptiness (´su¯nyata¯) and interdependence (prat¯ıtya-
Woo, Jeson. “Oneness and Manyness: Vacaspatimisra and Rat-
samutpa¯da) are identified as “relativity.” Nirva¯n:a is the real-
nakirti on an Aspect of Causality.” Journal of Indian Philoso-
ization of this one reality underlying an unreal plurality. St-
phy 28, no. 2 (2000): 225–231.
cherbatsky’s main work on Ma¯dhyamika, The Conception of
BRUCE CAMERON HALL (1987)
Buddhist Nirva¯n:a (1927), was a rejoinder to Nirva¯n:a (1925)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8738
STEINER, RUDOLF
STEINER, RUDOLF (1861–1925), who wrote more
Steiner bequeathed a host of insights concerning color
than 350 volumes on philosophy, science, and the arts, was
theory, painting, sculpture, and architecture. Many of his
the originator of an esoteric form of spiritual teaching called
contributions in these areas are exemplified in the two Goe-
anthroposophy, which he defined as meaning both “knowl-
theanum buildings in Dornach that he designed. The first
edge of the human being” and “human knowledge.” Steiner
Goetheanum, for which construction began in 1913, was
was born in Kraljevec on Murr Island, Hungary, on February
nearly finished when it was destroyed by fire in 1922. The
25, 1861. He was educated in Austria, lived in Germany in
second Goetheanum serves as the spiritual center for the
his middle years, and lived in Dornach, Switzerland, during
General Anthroposophical Society. In the years 1910–1914
the last twelve years of his life. From 1900 to 1924, in virtu-
Steiner taught several courses on speech formation that were
ally every major city in Europe, he delivered over six thou-
based on his esoteric knowledge of the human larynx, and
sand lectures, some to an audience of a dozen and others to
he wrote and directed four dramas in which he attempted
several thousands.
to use those innovations in speech to express the inner reali-
ties of human and spiritual beings. In 1912 Steiner began
From an early age, Steiner experienced access to spiritual
teaching a series of lessons for a discipline of his own inven-
realities, including experiences of the dead; the inner, or
tion called eurythmy. Using his knowledge of language and
“etheric,” forces of the plant world; and the living power of
symbolic forms. At age twenty-two he was appointed editor
sound, he showed how the human body, particularly the
of the natural scientific writings of Johann Wolfgang von
limbs, can express in visible form the varied meanings of con-
Goethe, which were published in five volumes (1883–1897).
sonants, vowels, and musical notes.
Beginning in 1900, at the age of thirty-nine, Steiner
Steiner posited three principal divisions of society: the
began to teach a Western Christian-Rosicrucian esotericism.
economic, the political, and the spiritual-cultural. He argued
He served as the head of the Berlin branch of the Theosophi-
that these three realms should be regarded as separate but re-
cal Society from 1902 to 1911. He continued to speak about
lated and of equal importance. This social theory has pro-
H. P. Blavatsky (1831–1891), the founder of the society,
found implications for Steiner’s approach to education,
with great respect, but in contrast to the primarily Hindu-
which he placed in the spiritual-cultural sphere, essentially
Buddhist orientation of the Theosophical Society, Steiner
removed from economic and political (including govern-
emphasized both the central role of Christ in the evolution
mental) influence. Steiner’s attempt to develop an approach
of consciousness and the importance of thinking for the
to education that would be modern, spiritual, and centered
karma of the West. Steiner’s doctoral dissertation, published
on the needs of the child dates to his lecture series of 1907,
as Truth and Knowledge (1892), in combination with The
The Education of the Child in the Light of Anthroposophy, and
Philosophy of Freedom (1894), prepared the way for the theo-
it finds full expression in the Waldorf approach to education.
ry of cognition that characterizes his later thought. In 1904
Steiner published two of his foundational esoteric works:
Waldorf Schools (named after the school in Stuttgart
How to Know Higher Worlds and Theosophy. The third foun-
that Steiner founded in 1919 for the children of workers in
dational text from that period was An Outline of Esoteric Sci-
the Waldorf-Astoria tobacco factory) employ a curriculum
ence (1909). Collectively, these three works present Steiner’s
based on what Steiner saw as the seven-year cycles through
fourfold theory of human nature (physical, etheric, astral,
which a child develops and on the cultivation of the child’s
and Ego), his detailed account of the evolution of earth and
scientific and artistic imagination. On Steiner’s recommen-
humanity, guidance on the path of initiation, and his de-
dation, Waldorf teachers strive to “receive the child in rever-
scription of the workings of karma and rebirth. Some of the
ence, educate the child in love, and send the child forth in
ideas in these basic anthroposophical texts can be found in
freedom.”
Hindu and Buddhist scriptures and in the esoteric teachings
Steiner delivered more than a dozen lecture series on the
of Blavatsky, but Steiner sought to establish them in the
spiritual and esoteric revelations that he gleaned from the
Western, specifically Christian, tradition.
events depicted in the Christian scriptures. Although he em-
In response to requests from his followers for guidance,
phasized that the primary spiritual path for modern humani-
Steiner delivered more than six thousand lectures on dispa-
ty ought to be spiritual science, or anthroposophy, in 1922,
rate topics in the sciences, the social sciences, the arts, educa-
in response to an appeal for help from German and Swiss
tion, and on many of the founders and leaders of different
pastors and theology students, Steiner provided the spiritual
religious traditions. In the tradition of Goethe, Steiner
foundation for a church called the Christian Community.
showed how imaginative seeing can illuminate the natural
During Christmas week in 1923, Steiner reorganized the An-
world, especially plants and the world of color. He generated
throposophical Society with the Goetheanum as its spiritual
myriad insights into the inner dynamics of the natural world,
and physical center. He died at the Goetheanum on March
including metals, crystals, plants, soil, and particularly the
30,1925.
human body. He described in detail the effects of spiritual,
astral, and etheric forces on planetary bodies, the earth, and
SEE ALSO Anthroposophy; Blavatsky, H. P.; Rosicrucians;
human beings.
Theosophical Society.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STHIRAMATI
8739
BIBLIOGRAPHY
EXTANT WORKS. Sthiramati is mostly known through his
More than two hundred volumes by Steiner and an equal number
two extant works in Sanskrit that have been edited and par-
concerning anthroposophy by other authors, including
tially translated into western languages: the Madhya¯nta-
Christopher Bamford, Owen Barfield, Sergei Prokofieff,
vibha¯gat:¯ıka¯ and the Trim:´sika¯bha¯s:ya. However, the Tibetan
M. C. Richards, and Valentin Tomberg, are available from
tradition attributes thirteen works to the name Sthiramati.
Anthroposophic Press/Steiner Books at www.anthropress.
Among them seven are Tantric texts, although it is almost
org. The following books are published by Anthroposophical
impossible to know whether the author of these works is the
Press/Steiner Books, Great Barrington, Massachusetts.
same Sthiramati. Of the remaining six, two are Tibetan
Bamford, Christopher, ed. Spiritualism, Madame Blavatsky, and
translations of the Madhya¯ntavibha¯gat:¯ıka¯ and the
Theosophy. Great Barrington, Mass., 2001.
Trim:´sika¯bha¯s:ya, and four are works of which the Sans-
Barnes, Henry. A Life for the Spirit: Rudolf Steiner in the Crosscur-
krit originals are lost, namely, Su¯tra¯lam:ka¯ravr:ttibha¯s:ya,
rents of Our Time. Hudson, N.Y., 1997.
Pañcaskandhaprakaran:avibha¯s:a, Abhidharmako´sabha¯s:yat:¯ıka¯
Prokofieff, Sergei. Rudolf Steiner and the Founding of the New Mys-
Tattva¯rthana¯ma, and A¯rya Maha¯ratnaku¯t:adharmaparyaya-
teries. East Sussex, U.K., 1986.
´satasa¯hasrika¯ Ka¯´syapaparivartat:¯ıka¯. The Chinese canon also
Steiner, Rudolf. An Autobiography—Chapters in the Course of My
contains four works under the name Anhui (Sthiramati): Ju-
Life: 1861–1907. Translated by Rita Stebbing, Herndon,
shelun shiyishu, Dacheng zhongguan shilun, Dacheng apidamo
Va., 1999.
zajilun, and Dacheng guang wuyunlun. Among these the Ju-
ROBERT A. MCDERMOTT (1987 AND 2005)
shelun shiyishu and the Dacheng guang wuyunlun appear to
correspond respectively to the Abhidharmako´sabha¯s:yat:¯ıka¯
Tattva¯rthana¯ma and the Pañcaskandhaprakaran:avibha¯s:a (al-
STHIRAMATI. Although he was born in India, Indian
though they are different in contents), whereas the Dacheng
Buddhist literature has almost nothing to say about Sthira-
apidamo zajilun and the Dacheng zhongguan shilun are works
mati (470–550). Therefore, Tibetan and Chinese sources
extant only in Chinese translation. Thus, in all, there are
must be relied on for information on his life. According to
eight non-Tantric works that can be attributed with some
Tibetan Buddhist historians, Sthiramati was born in
certainty to Sthiramati.
Dan:d:akara¯n:ya, the son of a ´su¯dra, and as a child studied
Sthiramati was primarily a commentator and did not
under Vasubandhu (c. mid-fourth to mid-fifth centuries).
compose any independent treatise. His most significant con-
Both Chinese pilgrim scholars Xuanzang (600?–664) and
tribution is in the field of Yoga¯ca¯ra philosophy. In his com-
Yijing (635–713) mention Sthiramati as one of the great
mentaries Sthiramati appears as a thinker who was mainly
Buddhist philosophers and that he was a disciple of
concerned with clarifying and systematizing Yoga¯ca¯ra philos-
Gun:amati (c. 420–500). In addition, in Chengweishilun
ophy, and, although he did have his preferences, he was not
shuji, Kuiji (632–682), a disciple of Xuanzang, gives short
particularly interested in sectarian controversy. Sthiramati’s
biographies of the ten great Buddhist masters. He includes
commentaries on major Yoga¯ca¯ra texts, including the
Sthiramati and names him as a student of Gun:amati. Kuiji
Maha¯ya¯nasu¯tra¯lamka¯ra and the Madhya¯ntavibha¯ga, show
also reports that Sthiramati hailed from the state of Lat:a¯ in
that one of his main intentions was to elucidate the
southern India and was an older contemporary of
Maha¯ya¯na concept of enlightenment (bodhi) or buddha-
Dharmapa¯la (530–561). Also, in the opening section of the
hood, expressed by the term dharmadha¯tu, and its soteriolog-
Uighur translation of his Abhidharmako´sabha¯s:yat:¯ıka¯
ical implications as the ultimate goal of the Buddhist
Tattva¯rthana¯ma Sthiramati states explicitly that Gun:amati
path. These issues are discussed at great length in his two
was his teacher. This is significant evidence to confirm the
larger works: the Madhya¯ntavibha¯gat:¯ıka¯ and the
Chinese scholars’ account that Sthiramati was a disciple of
Su¯tra¯lam:ka¯ravr:ttibha¯s:ya.
Gun:amati, not of Vasubandhu as the Tibetan historians as-
YOGA¯CA¯RA THOUGHT. Sthiramati’s systematic understand-
serted.
ing of Yoga¯ca¯ra philosophy is found most succinctly in his
Both Tibetan and Chinese sources note that he dwelled
Trim:´sika¯bha¯s:ya. According to this, ordinary people are in-
at Na¯landa¯. However, Sthiramati’s name is closely associated
clined to impose the concepts of persons (pudgala) and phe-
with the city of Valabh¯ı, and the fact that Sthiramati was one
nomena (dharma) on the realities that in truth consist of mo-
of the most renowned Buddhist masters at Valabh¯ı is attest-
ment-to-moment processes of cognitions (citta or vijñapti)
ed to by both Chinese Buddhist sources and historical docu-
caused by their own conditions. The view of self (or person)
ments. Regarding the dates of Sthiramati’s life, Ui Hakuju
constitutes afflictive obstruction (kle´sa¯varan:a) that hinders
suggested 470 to 550 whereas Erich Frauwallner suggested
liberation (moks:a) whereas the construct of phenomena leads
510 to 570. Ui’s date appears to be more plausible as a work-
to cognitive obstruction that hinders omniscience (saravaj-
ing hypothesis than the one established by Frauwallner be-
ñatva). The teaching of mind-only (cittama¯tra) or cognition-
cause he based his calculation on Xuanzang, who, in turn re-
only (vijnaptima¯tra) is to enable unenlightened people to un-
lied on the dates of Dharmapa¯la as well as S´¯ılabhadra (529–
derstand the selflessness of persons (pudgalanaira¯tmya) and
645). Ui also relied on the date of Gun:amati, which he
the selflessness of phenomena (dharmanaira¯tmya). The
established as around 420 to 500.
constructed duality of persons and phenomena
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8740
STIGMATA
(gra¯hakagra¯hyadvaya) is of imagined nature (parikal-
STOICISM is a philosophy related to the ancient Greek
pitasvabha¯va) and is ultimately nonexistent. However, this
Stoic school, which took its name from the painted “porch”
dualistic concept is constructed based on the transformation
(stoa) on the northern side of the Athenian Agora (now ruins
of consciousness (vijña¯naparin:a¯ma) or cognition-only
partially excavated along Hadrianos Street), where teachers
(vijnaptima¯tra), which is of a dependent nature (paratan-
and students of the school initially met. Later, however, les-
trasvabha¯va). To see that realities are cognition-only and free
sons were also held in more suitable public buildings (cf. Di-
from the superimposition of the duality of persons and
ogenes Laertius, 7.184).
phenomena is to realize their true nature (parins:pan-
HISTORICAL SURVEY. The founder of the Stoic school was
nasvhabha¯va). Because the knowledge of the selflessness of
Zenon (c. 335–263 BCE). Born in Cithium, Cyprus, he trav-
persons is an antidote to the false view of self and because
eled for business to Athens in his thirties and came in contact
the knowledge of the selflessness of phenomena is an anti-
with Socratic circles there. Zenon devoted himself to philos-
dote to cognitive obstructions, to remove afflictive and cog-
ophy and worked out a comprehensive and ethically oriented
nitive obstructions is to achieve liberation and omniscience
world vision, entirely different in its ontological framework
or buddhahood.
from those Plato and Aristotle had produced a few decades
According to Sthiramati, the teaching of vijñaptima¯tra
earlier. Having lived a successful life in Athens, whose mu-
(i.e., things do not exist with intrinsic natures but are only
nicipality honored him with a statue, Zenon committed sui-
the transformations of consciousness) is to refute the errors
cide. According to Stoic doctrine, suicide is a proper way to
of the two extreme views: (1) that the objects, like conscious-
end one’s life when circumstances (chronic illness, external
ness (vijña¯na), are real; and (2) that, like the objects, con-
pressure, etc.) prevent one from continuing to live as a wise
sciousness only exists conventionally but not ultimately.
person.
Due to the lack of translation of his works into Chinese,
Cleanthes (c. 331–232 BCE), a student of Zenon’s from
Sthiramati did not get as much appreciation as Dharmapa¯la
Assos (not far from ancient Troy), led the school until he let
in the Chinese tradition. Chinese Buddhists’ interpretations
himself starve to death, having reached almost one hundred
of Sthiramati’s views on Yoga¯ca¯ra tend to be fragmentary and
years of age. Cleanthes is believed to have been interested in
at times unfounded, and his more important contributions
religion, an opinion due apparently to his famous “Hymn
went unknown.
to Zeus” (Stoicorum veterum fragmenta [SVF] 1.537). In fact,
Cleanthes occupied himself with a wide range of philosophi-
SEE ALSO Buddhism, overview article; Enlightenment; Vasu-
cal topics, including logic as well as psychology.
bandhu; Yoga¯ca¯ra.
The third head of the Stoa was Chrysippus (c. 280–208
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BCE), who came from Soli, near modern Mersin, in Cilicia
Frauwallner, Erich. “Landmarks in the History of Indian Logic.”
(southwestern Anatolia, bordering Syria). Chrysippus was a
Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Süd und Ostasiens 5 (1961):
natural scholar who wrote numerous books (only fragments
125–148.
are extant) by which he improved the Stoic system in all
Friedman, David Lasar, trans. Madhya¯ntavibha¯gat:¯ıka¯: Analysis of
branches of philosophy. Most of what is known as Stoicism
the Middle Path and the Extremes. Utrecht, 1937. A transla-
comes from him. After his death the Stoa was directed by Di-
tion of the first chapter.
ogenes of Seleucia-on-the-Tigris and, later, by Antipater of
Jacobi, Hermann, trans. Trim:´ssikavijñapti des Vasubandhu mit
Tarsus. These Stoic leaders of the first half of the second cen-
bha¯s:ya des a¯ca¯rya Sthiramati. Stuttgart, 1932.
tury BCE left the system set up by Chrysippus unchanged, for
Lévi, Sylvain. Une systéme de philosophie bouddhique. matériaux
they were occupied in rebuking critics from rival schools,
pour l’étude du systéme Vijñaptima¯tra. Paris, 1932.
such as the Epicureans, the Peripatetics (Aristotle’s follow-
ers), and especially Carneades of Cyrene, the director of the
O’Brien, Paul Wilfred, trans. “A Chapter on Reality from the
Academy (Plato’s former school).
Madhya¯ntavibha¯ga´sa¯stra¯.” Monumentica Nipponica 9 & 10
(1953–54): 277–303; 227–269.
The two major Stoic figures of the following period,
Tekin, Sina¸si, ed. Abhidharma-Ko´sabha¯s:yat:¯ıka¯ Tattva¯rtha-na¯ma.
which August Schmekel labeled the Middle Stoa, are Panae-
The Uigur Translation of Sthiramati’s Commentary on Vasu-
tius of Rhodes (c. 185–c. 109 BCE) and Posidonius of
bandhu’s Abhidharmako´sa´sa¯stra. New York, 1970.
Apamea, Syria (c. 135–c. 50 BCE). Both were worldly philos-
Ui Hakuju. Anne Goho¯ yuishiki sanjussho shakuron. Tokyo, 1953.
ophers who developed friendly ties with high-ranking politi-
Yamaguchi, Susumu. Sthiramati, Madhya¯ntavibha¯gat:¯ıka¯: Exposi-
cians and intellectuals in Rome. Panaetius was mainly con-
tion systématique du Yoga¯ca¯ravijñaptiva¯da. 3 vols. Nagoya,
cerned with issues of a moral and social nature; in religious
Japan, 1934–1937.
matters he seems to have expressed agnostic views. Posidoni-
us, who was endowed with an encyclopedic mind, wrote
CUONG TU NGUYEN (2005)
books on cosmology, geography, and history, and he restyled
the Stoic system. Several tenets of Posidonius’s system dif-
fered from Chrysippean “orthodoxy.” For example, Posi-
STIGMATA SEE BODILY MARKS
donius accepted the existence of an “irrational” part of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STOICISM
8741
soul, following a rather Platonic psychological view (Fgm.
The Stoic approach is essentially a dynamic one. Reality,
150 to 169, Edelstein-Kidd). Unlike Panaetius, Posidonius
or nature, is a net of mutual interactions explaining the
also had a genuine interest in theology and religious phe-
“growth” (the original meaning of phusis), change, and decay
nomena.
of individual things. Every “real” entity must therefore be a
body, because only a bodily being can act on other beings
During the period of Panaetius’s and Posidonius’s lead-
and be affected by them. The pure logical formulas are not
ership, Stoicism became one of the most followed philosoph-
bodily, as they do not exist anywhere (for instance, an utter-
ical trends of late Republican and early Imperial Rome. Rep-
ance can be logically right, even though its content may
resentative of Roman Stoicism are Vergil’s Aeneid, Seneca’s
never have taken place); they are simply something “one can
moral essays, and the emperor Marcus Aurelius’s Medita-
say” (lekton). Yet being “bodily” does not equal being materi-
tions. All these works exhibit a consistently Stoic inspiration,
al: in this sense Stoicism is not a materialistic theory like Epi-
although it was developed in a personal, nonprofessional
cureanism. The Stoics distinguished two aspects in reality as
way. Little is known about the internal life of the school in
a whole: the active and the passive. The former is a producing
later times. The Athenian Stoa apparently ceased to function
principle, the “force” (dunamis) or God—or, as Chrysippus
as a center after the mid-first century BCE, and many anony-
and Posidonius put it, the “spirit” (pneuma). The second as-
mous private teachers carried Stoic philosophy throughout
pect is proper matter (hul¯e); that is, the underlying material
the Hellenistic world. Only a few of their names have come
for the spirit’s activity. Both aspects are intrinsically united:
down to us, the most famous being Epictetus of Hierapolis
the spirit includes a material component of “fire,” “heat,” or
(Phrygia; c. 50–130 BCE), whose Manual was long admired
“ether,” while matter is always pervaded and shaped by spirit
as an outstanding outline of the Stoic moral attitude.
(SVF 2.299 to 313).
In 175 CE Marcus Aurelius established—in Athens, the
As a compound of matter and spirit, the world is repre-
cradle of ancient Greek culture—a school for the study of
sented by the Stoics as an organic, harmonic, and perfect liv-
literature (rhetoric) and the four main philosophical trends,
ing being (SVF 2.633–641), in which each part has a mutual
including Stoicism. Thus, Athens became once again the of-
“solidarity” with all others (sumpatheia, SVF 2.475, 534,
ficial seat of Stoicism, but no information about the names
546). The spiritual principle operating inside reality receives,
and activity of the appointed Stoic teachers has survived.
in the Stoic system, various names according to its manifold
This imperial school was ordered closed in 527 by the Chris-
functions. It is primarily the “reason” (logos) through which
tian emperor Justinian, after allegations that it was a haunt
all things of the world are brought about and linked in the
for pagan propaganda.
most rational way (SVF 1.85, 160, 493, 2.1051). Each phe-
Both Jewish and Christian thinkers, including Philo,
nomenon takes its own place in a serial connection of causes
Clemens and Origen of Alexandria, Tertullian, and Augus-
and effects, but the particular causal chains, heterogeneous
tine of Hippo, were well acquainted with Stoic philosophy
though they may appear in detail, all hang from one single
and appreciated its doctrine of providence and its high ethi-
principle and deploy themselves in conformity with a world
cal standards. But as a whole, Stoicism was rejected because
plan laid down in the Logos at the beginning; thus the inter-
of its alleged materialism, and Platonism seemed, for Chris-
lacing of all causes displayed by reason represents the all-
tianity, a much better choice. Stoicism is rarely mentioned
determining “fate” (heimarmen¯e, SVF 2.912–938; cf. Posi-
in the literature of the Middle Ages, although it should have
donius, Fgm. 377, Theiler).
been known through Latin sources. Additionally, it was no
Moreover, insofar as the spirit is identical with God, the
longer qualified as a philosophical movement or school.
Logos is the same as God’s mind, and fate equals divine prov-
Only in the Renaissance did the ancient Stoa tradition find
idence (pronoia). The Stoics strongly stressed the rationality
renewed appreciation. Blaise Pascal’s assessment (suggested
of the arrangement of the world and the providential disposi-
by Montaigne) of the Stoic as a person who confidently
tion of all things, aimed ultimately at the wealth of human-
trusts in himself rather than God provoked a negative reac-
kind; a set of Stoic arguments thereon, recycled by Christian
tion from the Christian point of view. Stoic elements can be
authors, provided the bulk of what was called theodicy in the
recognized in Barukh Spinoza’s Ethics and in Immanuel
seventeenth century (SVF 2.1106 to 1186). The existing
Kant’s moral theory.
world is, for the Stoics, neither infinite nor everlasting. The
MAIN DOCTRINES. The chief concern of ancient Stoic phi-
same spirit that produced it once and led its development
losophy, as with other Hellenistic schools, was to lead human
will absorb it again in its original fire in due time, by means
beings to happiness (eudaimonia), which for the Stoics con-
of an all-destroying conflagration (ekpuro¯sis). Soon after-
sists of moral virtue (aret¯e)—that is, pursuing on every occa-
wards, another world will be shaped by it, similar to the pre-
sion what is kalon (good, or, originally, well-done) The wise,
ceding one, and so forth cyclically. This is because the spirit’s
well-behaved person (sophos) enjoys perfect happiness, for he
Logos, and hence the resulting fate, cannot change (SVF
is always coherent, firm, and internally appeased (SVF 3.29–
2.596–632). This theory of “eternal recurrence” is a histori-
67; 548–588). However, the sage’s art of good living (eu z¯en,
cal antecedent to Friedrich Nietzsche’s ideas.
SVF 3.16) requires a correct understanding of the nature of
Rival schools objected that the Stoic doctrine of fate
things and of the place of human beings in the world.
would abolish the human freedom of the will, but the Stoics
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8742
STOICISM
denied it. As Chrysippus explained (see Cicero, On Fate 18–
a determinate liver with its natural appearance will also be
19), fate does not have to be identified with a necessity that
a sign related to a determinate incoming event.
compels a person to do something he or she would not other-
Theology (in the Greek sense of “talking about the
wise consent to do. Of course the environment lays down
gods”; see Plato, Republic 379a) belongs to the part of the
certain necessary conditions, but consent (sunkatathesis) to
Stoic system named “physics” (the other two parts being
action comes from the person’s own nature. Fate does not
“logic” and “ethics”), that is, to the doctrine of reality (phu-
fulfill its plan automatically, but coordinates the freely cho-
sis). The supreme God, namely Zeus, is said in religious
sen actions of humans with the circumstances. For instance,
speech to be the all-pervading and life-giving spirit of nature.
it was fated for Oedipus to be born, but that would not have
Chrysippus etymologized quite falsely the two available accu-
occurred if his parents had not decided to have intercourse.
satives of the God’s name, Día and Z¯ena, respectively, from
Their actions were spontaneous and, at the same time, “co-
the Greek preposition dia¯ (throughout) and the verb z¯en (to
destined” (suneimarmenon) in order to accomplish fate’s end
live) (SVF 2.1069). Zeus alone represents the ruling reason,
(Cicero, On Fate 13, cf. SVF 2.940). Augustine’s late stand-
which continues shaping the cyclically recurrent worlds. He
point admitting compatibility between divine predestination
is, in a sense, a unique eternal being. All other gods are per-
and human free will was heavily influenced by this Stoic
ishable beings because they exist merely in the framework of
concept.
a single world and will be wiped out, as will everything else,
From an ethical point of view, a person’s behavior, ei-
by the final conflagration (SVF, 2.1049, 1055). Of course
ther right or wrong, depends on the strength of the soul’s
they will reappear, exactly the same, in the subsequent cos-
leading principle (hegemoniko¯n), which is the spark of univer-
mic cycle. These gods were thought of as earthly elements
sal reason. The aim of human existence is to live in accor-
and forces, or even as stars and planets (SVF 1.510, 2.613,
dance with reason or nature (homologoumeno¯s), that is, in a
1009, 1076).
rational way. Evil doings and passions are the consequence
Stoic theology is a puzzling philosophical construction,
of a degenerated rationality, not of an independent irrational
as its contemporaries pointed out (see the discussion in Cic-
faculty (SVF 3.456 to 480), an opinion from which Posi-
ero, On Gods). Since spirit and matter are but two aspects
donius diverged. Even if fate has programmed everything,
of the same reality, the godhead can also be considered a si-
the human subject remains responsible for his or her actions
multaneously spiritual and material being. God is both soul
and should be either blamed or rewarded by social authori-
and body of the universe—reason, mind, and fate, and also
ties (in any case, the wicked are always unhappy). The Stoics
the natural substance with all its parts, phenomena, and
did not believe in the immortality of the soul, but they al-
functions (SVF 2.1041, 1077, cf. Diogenes Laertius, 7.147).
lowed souls to survive for a while apart from their bodies,
It is not surprising that Posidonius (Fgm. 369, Theiler)
before melting away into the cosmic spirit (SVF 2.809 to
claimed the contemplation of heavenly bodies to be the true
822).
religious act, which uncultivated people had distorted in the
R
worship of images. Some Stoic philosophers, however, dem-
ELIGION AND THEOLOGY. The early Hellenistic religious
mentality was by no means an otherworldly one; religion was
onstrate a less abstract idea of God and a more devotional
rather a consolidated social institution, and philosophy had
attitude. Cleanthes, for example, spoke of Zeus as a personal
to take it into account. The Stoa, and all other schools, rec-
ruler of the universe, whose fatal law everyone had to follow
ognized this common heritage and recommended that tradi-
willingly; Seneca’s writings exhibit a deep religious feeling,
tional polytheistic cults be preserved, although the philoso-
which led early Christians to imagine a friendship between
pher should approach them rationally, not with superstition.
him and the apostle Paul.
Chrysippus in particular was eager to save the supposed “ra-
ALLEGED SEMITIC ROOTS. Max Pohlenz (1959) raised the
tional” meaning of the ancient myths, giving them an alle-
question of whether Stoicism may have undergone a Semitic
gorical explanation, in most cases as if they were hinting at
influence due to the Eastern origin of most of its leaders.
natural or astronomical phenomena—a method similar to
This assumption is groundless. In the globalized Hellenistic
the one already applied to the interpretation of the Homeric
world, the Middle East did not mean what it does in today’s
poems (SVF 2.1066–1100; see also Cornutus, Theology).
geopolitical context, and local provenance made little, if any,
Moreover, on behalf of the concepts of solidarity, fate, and
difference. The only “Semite” in the history of the Stoa was
providence, the Stoics supported the reliability of forecasts
Zenon, who belonged to the Phoenician Aramaic-speaking
of the future both by means of divinatory techniques and
minority of the island of Cyprus; other Stoics came from
through superhuman revelation in dreams and visions (SVF
Greek colonies or from highly Hellenized areas of Asia
2.1187–1216). According to Posidonius (Fgm. 106, Edel-
Minor, such as Cilicia. Diogenes and Posidonius were indeed
stein-Kidd), the godhead does not simply intervene occa-
Syrian, but their native cities had been founded by Seleucid
sionally when a forecast is sought—for instance, shaping in-
kings and populated with Macedonian military settlers. In
stantly the liver of every single victim in order that it may
any case, all philosophers of this age, even if they were born
signify something—but the cosmic sumpatheia and the order
near Palestine (e.g., Antiochus of Ascalone, Philodemus of
of fate arrange things from the beginning in such a way that
Gadara), had an entirely Greek education and way of life.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STOICISM
8743
It is even less likely that a “Semitic” background can be
Duhut, Jean-Joël. Epictète et la sagesse stoïcienne. Paris, 1996.
understood as a source of “Jewish” influence. The Stoic
Gould, Josiah B. The Philosophy of Chrysippus. New York, 1970.
“spirit” has nothing to do with biblical ruah:, being rooted
Hadot, Pierre. The Inner Citadel: The Meditations of Marcus Aure-
in the concept of warm breath as theorized by Greek medical
lius. Cambridge, Mass., 1998.
science. Cleanthes’ “Law of Zeus” is no philosophical Torah,
Laffranque, Marie. Posidonius d’Apamée. Paris, 1964.
because Stoic morality was not grounded in specific precepts
Long, A. A. Problems in Stoicism. London, 1971.
or forbiddances. It is plausible that no Stoic teacher ever held
a Bible in his hands. Posidonius, for instance, is assumed to
Long, A. A. Stoic Studies. New York, 1996.
have had somewhat anti-Jewish feelings (Fgm. 278, Edel-
Pohlenz, Max. Die Stoa: Geschichte einer geistigen Bewegung
stein-Kidd; 133, Theiler). One could more reasonably argue
(1959). 4th ed. Göttingen, Germany, 1970.
that some features of ancient Stoicism suggest Indian philos-
Rist, John M. Stoic Philosophy. London, 1969.
ophy—the immanence of God in the universe, the conflagra-
Rist, John M., ed. The Stoics. Berkeley, 1978. Includes many im-
tion, the imperturbability of the sage—but there is a lack of
portant essays on different topics.
evidence to elaborate the issue.
Sandbach, F. H. The Stoics. 2d ed. London, 1989.
SEE ALSO Cosmology; Hellenistic Religions; Logos; Mono-
Schmekel, August. Philosophie der mittleren Stoa. Berlin, 1892.
theism; Study of Religion; Suicide; Tertullian; Zeus.
Sharples, Robert W. Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics: An Introduc-
tion to Hellenistic Philosophy. London, 1996.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Veyne, Paul. Seneca: The Life of a Stoic. Translated by David Sulli-
Primary Sources
van. New York, 2003.
Alesse, Francesca, ed. and trans. Panezio di Rodi e la tradizione stoi-
ca. Naples, 1994.
Logic
Bobzien, Suzanne. Die stoische Modallogik. Würzburg, Germany,
Arnim, Hans Friedrich August von. Stoicorum veterum fragmenta
1986.
(SVF). Reprint of 1905 edition. Stuttgart, 1978.
Frede, Michael. Die stoische Logik. Göttingen, Germany, 1974.
Cornutus, Lucius Annaeus. Theologiae graecae compendium. Ed-
Mates, Benson. Stoic Logic. Berkeley, 1961.
ited by Carl Lang. Leipzig, 1881. Translated into Italian and
edited by Ilaria Ramelli (Milan, 2003).
Mignucci, Mario. Il significato della logica stoica. Bologna, Italy,
1965.
Epictetus. Handbook of Epictetus. Translated by Nicholas White.
Indianapolis, 1983.
Physics
Goldschmidt, Victor. Le système stoïcien et l’idée du temps. Paris,
Epictetus. Discourses, Book I. Translated by Robert F. Dobbin.
1977.
Oxford, 1998.
Sambursky, Samuel. Physics of the Stoics. New York, 1959.
Long, A. A., and David Sedley. The Hellenistic Philosophers. 2 vols.
Cambridge, U.K., 1987. An anthology of Stoic texts, with
Determinism and Theodicy
translations, philosophical commentary, and a full bibliogra-
Bobzien, Suzanne. Determinism and Freedom in Stoic Philosophy.
phy.
Oxford, 1988.
Marcus Aurelius. Meditations. Translated by Gregory Hays. New
Dalfen, Johannes. “Das Gebet des Kleanthes an Zeus und das Sch-
York, 2002.
icksal.” Hermes 99 (1971): 173–184.
Panaetius. Panaetii Rhodii fragmenta. Edited by Modestus van
Duhut, Jean-Joël. La conception stoïcienne de la causalité. Paris,
Straaten. Rev. ed. Leiden, 1962.
1989.
Posidonius. The Fragments. Edited by Ludwig Edelstein and Ian
Magris, Aldo. L’idea di destino nel pensiero antico. 2 vols. Udine,
G. Kidd. Cambridge, U.K., 1972. Reprinted with a com-
Italy, 1984–1985. See pages 514–607.
mentary in three volumes by Ian G. Kidd. Cambridge, U.K.,
Theiler, Willy. “Tacitus und die antike Schicksalslehre.” In For-
1999.
schungen zum Neuplatonismus, pp. 46–103. Berlin, 1966.
Posidonius. Die Fragmente. 2 vols. Edited with commentary by
Ethics
Willy Theiler. Berlin and New York, 1982.
Campbell, Keith. A Stoic Philosophy of Life. Lanham, Md., 1986.
Seneca. Moral Epistles. Edited and translated by Anna Lydia
Erskine, Andrew. The Hellenistic Stoa: Political Thought and Ac-
Motto. Chico, Calif., 1985.
tion. London, 1990.
Seneca. Moral and Political Essays. Edited and translated by John
Nussbaum, Martha Craven. The Therapy of Desire: Theory and
M. Cooper and J. F. Procopé. New York and Cambridge,
Practice in Hellenistic Ethics. Princeton, 1994.
U.K., 1995.
Radice, Roberto. Oikeiosis: Ricerche sul fondamento del pensiero
Seneca. Dialogues and Letters. Edited and translated by C. D. N.
stoico e sulla sua genesi. Milan, Italy, 2000.
Costa. New York, 1997.
Reesor, Margaret. The Nature of Man in Early Stoic Philosophy.
General Literature
London, 1989.
Bréhier, Emile. Chrysippe et l’ancien stoïcisme (1910). Paris, 1951.
Religion
Colish, Marcia L. The Stoic Tradition from the Antiquity to the
Dragona Monachou, Myrto. Stoic Arguments for the Existence and
Early Middle Ages. 2 vols. Leiden, 1985.
the Providence of the Gods. Athens, 1976.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8744
STONES
Drozdek, Adam. “Theology of the Early Stoa.” Emerita 52 (2003):
this way means, however, that one adopts the much-
73–93.
criticized survival theory, although this theory seems to be
Frede, Dorothea, and André Laks, eds. Traditions of Theology:
more applicable in the case of sacred stones than in other
Studies in Hellenistic Theology, Its Background and Aftermath.
cases. Altogether, the immensity and variety of the material
Leiden, 2002.
illustrates well the difficulties of a phenomenological method
Hoven, René. Stoïcisme et stoïciens face au problème de l’au-delà.
(see Eliade, 1958, secs. 74ff.; Heiler, 1961, pp. 34ff.). In the
Paris, 1971.
following discussion, I shall restrict myself to observations on
sacred stones from various cultures for which there is at least
Stoicism and Early Christianity
some literary evidence to guide the interpretation.
Spanneut, Michel. Le stoïcisme des Pères de l’eglise: De Clément de
Rome à Clément d’Alexandrie. Paris, 1957.
ANCIENT WESTERN TRADITIONS. Stones or stone pillars
Stoicism and Gnosticism
(Heb., matstsevah, from the Semitic ntsb, “to stand”) figure
Onuki, Takashi. Gnosis und Stoa: Eine Untersuchung zum
prominently in the biblical story of the patriarch Jacob.
Apokryphon des Johannes. Göttingen, Germany, 1989.
When his wife Rachel died, Jacob erected a funerary stele on
A
her grave (Gn. 35:20), probably as a memorial to keep her
LDO MAGRIS (2005)
name alive. Such a pillar could also commemorate an impor-
tant event, such as the pact between Jacob and the Arameans
(Gn. 31:43ff.). However, the cultic use of stones was most
STONES. Sacred stones have been known from the earli-
common. During Jacob’s flight from the wrath of Esau, God
est times, and they occur all over the world in different cul-
appeared to him in a dream, and he was struck with awe.
tures and religions. Often they are used as objects of sacrifice,
Jacob took the stone that had served him as a pillow, raised
elements in various magical rites, or instruments of divina-
it as a pillar, anointed it with oil, and called it beit-El (Be-
tion. They may also serve practical purposes as witness or
thel), the “house of God” (Gn. 28:16ff., 35:14). In this case,
boundary stones, or as memorials; in such cases they may also
the stone appears to have signified the presence of God.
evoke religious veneration. The unseen powers that are repre-
sented by such monuments are of as many different kinds
Such cultic pillars could be connected with altars as in
as the reasons why people turn to them.
Exodus 24:4. Such use was proscribed by the Deuteronomic
Code (see, for example, Dt. 16:22) as a consequence of the
The general term stone includes many different objects,
polemics against the corresponding Canaanite cult that was
some of them characterized by names of Celtic origin: men-
condemned as the worship of pagan gods. Indeed, archaeolo-
hirs (tall, upright monumental stones); cromlechs (circles of
gists have frequently overinterpreted large, upright stones
standing stones); dolmens (table stones or large, flat, unhewn
from the early Palestinian excavations as cult pillars from an-
stones resting horizontally on upright ones); and cairns
cient Canaan. More critical study has unveiled them as, for
(heaps of stones). These four types as well as other monu-
example, ruins of mortuary shrines or remnants of Iron Age
ments shaped like pillars or columns are all raised up or built
house structures. Actual pillars were discovered at Beit
by humankind (see Eliade, 1978, secs. 34ff.). But natural
rocks that, in whole or in part, have peculiar or startling
SheDan and the ancient city of Megiddo in Israel, and at Jub-
shapes or otherwise contrast with a flat or desolate landscape
ayl, the ancient Byblos, in Lebanon; their meaning, however,
may also be venerated as sacred. Smaller, movable stones can
is still not quite clear. The earliest pillar of this kind was dis-
serve as cult objects at home or can be carried as magical
covered in 1933 at ancient Mari, a site on the Middle Eu-
protection.
phrates, now in Syria (Tell Hariri). It dates from the Old Ak-
kadian period, circa 2300 BCE (Kennedy and Wevers, 1963).
The symbolic meaning of sacred stones is not fixed.
They may represent qualities such as firmness or barrenness
Light may be thrown on the cult of sacred stones in the
but they also may represent fertility. Interpretation is made
ancient Near East by the later, rich material from pre-Islamic
difficult by the fact that many sacred stones come to us from
Arabia collected by the authority on Arab paganism Ibn
religions and cultures for which there is little or no literary
al-Kalb¯ı (737–829?). Sacrificial stones are alluded to in the
evidence. Under such circumstances, it is understandable
QurDa¯n (70:43), and they are explicitly forbidden by
that historians of religion have applied many different theo-
Muh:ammad (5:490–492). Observations by ancient Greek
ries to such ancient religions, speaking of ancestor cults, na-
authors confirm the existence of sacred stones among the
ture worship, fetishism, noniconic (nonfigurative) cults, ani-
Arabs from much earlier times (Buhl, 1936; see also Clement
mism, and dynamism. If written sources are lacking (as in
of Alexandria, Proprepticus 4, 46). The rites that take place
the case of prehistoric times) or few (as generally occurs with
around the KaEbah in Mecca represent a legitimated survival
ancient historic cultures), the field is open for sheer specula-
of the ancient worship of Dans:a¯b (stones). As elsewhere, such
tion. Oral traditions recorded from illiterate peoples who are
worship originally existed together with the veneration of
still living—or who lived into comparatively recent times—
trees, wooden trunks, and posts, or has been interchangeable
contain much detailed and valuable information that may
with such veneration (Höfner, in Gese et al., 1970,
throw light on older times. Treating primitive material in
pp. 359ff.).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STONES
8745
It is uncertain whether the ancient Greek baituloi
I usually eat. And what I wish for you to offer up as a sacrifice
(“animated stones,” i.e., meteorites) can be compared to the
to me is the following: [At this point, he names whatever he
Aramaic-Hebrew beit-El (Fauth, 1964). But the Greek au-
is fondest of, such as rice, meat, liquor, eel, different kinds
thor Theophrastus (fourth century BCE) characterizes the su-
of fish, or honey.] And should anyone fall sick or lack for
perstitious person as one who dares not pass the already oily
anything or suffer bad luck, then call upon us, and we shall
stones at the crossroads without prostrating himself and
help you. We shall protect you, sending riches, good harvests
pouring oil on them (Characters 16). These quadrilateral pil-
and many children.” The old man lists the taboos to be ob-
lars, sometimes ending in a head and surrounded by a heap
served and states where the stone or altar shall be raised and
of stones (Gr., hermaios lophos) were called “herms.” This
its size, which corresponds to his own importance. He him-
name is identical to that of the god Hermes, which etymo-
self will live in the memorial monument and accept the sacri-
logically means “stone.” He is the stone as god or the god
fices. The choice of this stone, its difficult transport, and its
in stone. The various specialties of Hermes may derive from
establishment on a raised spot near the village are accompa-
his role as god of the crossroads. As such, he is the guide of
nied by many rites before the ceremonial dedication is ac-
those traveling on the road and therefore a protector of com-
complished (Ruud, 1947, pp. 117ff.). A French researcher,
merce and illegal business. He is a messenger too, and as a
Charles Renel, has carefully recorded the occurrence, within
guide he develops into a psychopomp who accompanies the
the separate geographical tribal territories, of stones associat-
souls of the dead to the underworld. In his connection with
ed with bequests, graves, memorials, and sacrifice and the
border stones, Hermes becomes a god of the land and thresh-
different, indigenous names that correspond to their chang-
olds and finally a patron of the entire community. The ithy-
ing appearance and varying functions. As gravestones, they
phallic form of the erected stone (also observed in the Hindu
are usually raised to the east on the location of the corpse’s
lin˙gas) represents both the fertility and apotropaic powers of
head, which is also called the grave’s head. The stones are
the god, which in turn make him a patron of the shepherds
smeared with fat, flour, and the blood of sacrificed animals,
(Herter, 1976).
and at the foot of the stone sacrificial gifts are deposited.
There were other gods of the ancient Greek pantheon
The older stones are generally uncut; the sculptured
who could also be represented by either uncut or sculptured
stones belong to more recent times. Both are called, among
stones. To the latter belong the common sacred column, ta-
other things, “stone-upright” or “stone-man.” Wooden scaf-
pered to a point and called Apollo Aiguieus (“of the road”),
folding, occasionally freestanding, may sometimes have been
commonly found set up in the street in front of a house door.
built over them, and on these the skulls of animal sacrifices
They were anointed with oil, decorated with ribbons, and
are placed. The height of the stone can vary with the social
identified as altars. In the old gymnasium of Megara, the cap-
level of the deceased and sometimes directly corresponds to
ital of the province Megaris to the west of Attica, was a small
his physical stature; thus, the stone also acquires the character
pyramidal stone that bore the name of Apollo. But the best-
of a more or less nonfigurative statue or memorial. In this
known sacred stone of ancient Greece was the conical stone
case, it may also be set up independently of the burial site.
of Apollo, the omphalos (“navel”), at Delphi. The poet Pindar
When the deceased has died in a foreign country or for other
(522–438
reasons has not been able to be buried, the importance of the
BCE) explains its sanctity with the belief that the
sanctuary of Delphi is situated at the exact center of the
local stone as a memorial becomes even more marked. Nev-
earth. This interpretation might be secondary, however;
ertheless, it can still be used religiously; one goes to it to make
the discussion of this Greek material reminds us of the diffi-
a vow, to leave a sacrificial gift, or to carry out a bloody
culties of distinguishing earlier from later phases in historical
sacrifice.
development (cf. Hartland et al., 1920, p. 870, and Eliade,
In some parts of Madagascar, wooden poles are used in
1958, secs. 81f.).
place of stones and are called “intermediaries” or “transfer-
ence vessels” of the spirits of the dead. A heap of stones of
MADAGASCAR. On Madagascar there exists a richly devel-
varying size can also be substituted for the single stone, often
oped stone cult. The traditions explaining why these monu-
at the request of the deceased himself. Sometimes, passersby
ments were raised and the rites and practices associated with
throw a new stone on the heap with a prayer to the unknown
them have continued to exist right down to the present time.
spirit for a fortunate journey or for protection against un-
They present a great richness of variations, a fact that consti-
known powers reigning over the road. But most often it is
tutes a warning against simplified reconstructions when, in
relatives or fellow tribesmen who carry out this ritual piling
other places, only archaeological memorials survive.
of stones in connection with a sacrificial vow. The worship
According to the report of a Norwegian missionary, the
at stone heaps that are associated with particular persons is
most common practice involving these stones takes place in
believed to promote success in love or fertility. Thus, vo-
the context of an ancestor cult. A man who is prominent and
tive gifts can consist of wooden carvings representing the
rich calls together his extended family before he dies and de-
male or female sexual organs, depending on the sex of the
crees as follows: “My body shall certainly die and be buried,
supplicant.
but my spirit shall always remain with you, my children.
Other holy stones have functioned as coronation stones,
When you are eating, set out a little food in that place where
for example, Stone-Holy and Stone of the Red Head in An-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8746
STONES
tananarivo (formerly Tananarive). During his coronation,
derstood to be naturally occurring, uncut images of a deity;
the king placed himself on each stone in turn to signify that
in only two cases are there indisputable traces of human in-
his sovereignty extended over both halves of the kingdom.
tervention. In general, the majority are massive stones. These
At the same time, the stones were associated with his ances-
cult objects are called seites, a term of disputed meaning and
tors, so that in touching them he assumed the strength and
origin that occurs in different dialectal forms.
holiness of his forefathers. This hereditary ceremony was car-
Literary sources from the sixteenth century on, com-
ried out as late as 1883 by Queen Ravanalona III, despite her
bined with anthropological records from the nineteenth cen-
conversion to Christianity.
tury, provide a rich commentary on the seite cult, which, in
However, not all Malagasy menhirs are connected with
some cases, has been directed toward wooden trunks,
the dead, ancestors, or spirits. Some of them commemorate
stumps, or sculptures in addition to the stone seite. A detailed
special events, certify a treaty, or mark a boundary. Such
Swedish account from 1671 describes the ritual slaughter of
monuments are called “stones-planted.” But these, too, have
a reindeer behind a tent. Afterward the seite is approached
been dedicated with religious rituals; for example, a stone
by the Sami, who takes off his cap, bows deeply, and smears
was raised in 1797 to the memory of a royal wedding that
the seite with blood and fat from the animal. The prime cer-
united two tribes. The king called on the Holiness of his an-
vical vertebrae, the skull, and the hoofs are offered to the
cestors, the Holiness of the twelve mountains, and the Holi-
deity, as are the horns, which are piled up behind the stone.
ness of heaven and earth. Then a deep pit was dug, into
In one such “horn yard” thousands of horns may be seen.
which the king threw a silver coin and red coral beads. After
The meat of the animal is eaten by the participants in the
the stone had been raised, they killed a black ox with a white
sacrifice. Then the drum tells them what kind of game they
face and also an unruly bull. The king took their blood,
will capture and assures them of good luck with their rein-
smeared his forehead, neck, and tip of his tongue, and then
deer (Manker, 1957, p. 306; cf. Holmberg, 1964, p. 109).
poured the rest over the base of the stone. Meanwhile he
The god of the seite can also appear in human shape to
spoke to the two tribes and commanded them to be one, just
his worshiper. Another seventeenth-century account tells
as he and his queen were one, to endure as long as the stone
how such a god showed himself as a tall, well-built man
lasted.
dressed in black like a gentleman, with a gun in his hand.
Other menhirs can symbolize the royal power present
A similar vision is transmitted from eighteenth-century Nor-
and prevailing among the people. In other cases, cults center
way: “Then a being in human form, like a great ruler, ex-
around natural cliffs of peculiar appearance that are connect-
tremely good to look at, dressed in expensive garments and
ed with divination. For example, women come to pray for
trinkets, appears and sits down to take part in their meal,
children at the “stone with Many Breasts.” They smear the
speaks with them and teaches them new arts, and says that
“breasts” of the cliff with fat, then touch their own, and
he lives in the stone or mountain to which they sacrifice”
throw a stone toward the protuberances of the cliff. Should
(Holmberg, 1964, p. 105).
it strike a large protuberance, it is said that the child will be
Omens are taken in connection with the sacrifice, not
a girl; if a small one, it will be a boy. Should the devotee come
only with the help of the drum. From the 1670s in Finland,
to the cliff with a health problem, a votive vow is made that
there is a story of a movable little stone god called Seite or
is to be discharged after one has regained one’s health. Hunt-
Ra˚a˚ (“owner”). Holding this god in his hand, the Sami utters
ers pray for success in the hunt to the spirit dwelling in an-
his prayers with great veneration and lists his requirements.
other holy cliff said to protect wild game. Each hunter in
If he then cannot lift his hand it is a bad omen, but he repeats
turn whistles as he walks around the cliff; if they are all able
his wishes again and again until the stone in his hand be-
to hold the note, it is a good omen for the presence of quarry.
comes so light that his hand leaps upward. When the Sami
On their return, they sacrifice the finest wild ox as a thanks
has received what he wishes, he asks the god what kind of
offering, burning its fat and its liver at the foot of the cliff.
thanks offering he wants, using the same method to get an
The meat is eaten on the spot by the hunters and their fami-
answer (Manker, 1957, p. 314).
lies (Renel, 1923, pp. 94–111).
When compared with the stone worship of Madagascar,
THE SAMI. The holy places of the pre-Christian Sami
the Sami cult lacks a clear connection with ancestors, con-
(Lapps) in northern Scandinavia and on the Kola Peninsula
cerning itself instead with the “owners” of the land and the
have been thoroughly investigated. Five hundred and seven
lord of animals. On the African island, the sacred stone mon-
of them are registered in Swedish Lapland (Manker, 1957),
uments are generally erected or constructed by human hands;
229 in Norway, 80 to 90 in Finland, and about 10 in Russia
but in Lapland, the veneration of natural boulders, often left
west of the White Sea. If restricted to the material from Swe-
from the glacial epoch, predominates. The belief is common
den, the cultic sites are of various kinds: 149 hills and moun-
here as elsewhere that the pillars or rocks are inhabited by
tains; 108 steep cliffs, caves, springs, waterfalls, rapids, and
unseen powers, or, in Mircea Eliade’s words: “The devotion
lakes; 30 islands, skerries, peninsulas, meadows, and heaths.
of the primitive was in every case fastened on something be-
But the largest number consists of venerated stones or cliffs,
yond itself which the stone incorporated and expressed”
of which there are 220. In this group, 102 examples are un-
(1958, sec. 74).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STRAUSS, DAVID FRIEDRICH
8747
AMERICAN INDIANS. Sacred rocks and stones together with
Heiler, Friedrich. Erscheinungsformen und Wesen der Religion. Die
their spirits are highly venerated by the Indians of both
Religionen der Menschheit, vol. 1. Stuttgart, 1961. A rather
North and South America. One volcano in Ecuador has even
short but good cross-cultural survey of the subject. Subse-
received human sacrifices by the Puruhá. The Dakota have
quent volumes of this voluminous series contain reliable in-
decorated and painted great boulders, praying to them and
formation on stone worship: for example, volumes 5.1 (In-
donesia), 5.2 (South Pacific and Australia), 7 (Old America),
sacrificing dogs upon them. The Crow keep small, animal-
18 (Celts), 20 (Tibet and Mongolia), 22.1 (Korea), 23
shaped stones as powerful medicine. The Algonquin around
(Southeast Asia), and 26 (ancient Israel).
Lake Mistassini in Canada dare not cross the waters before
Herter, Hans. “Hermes.” Rheinisches Museum für Philologie
having sacrificed to the spirit who inhabits a massive, anoma-
(Frankfurt) 119 (1976): 193–241.
lous block. Southward, in the United States, higher, person-
alized gods are also believed to dwell in stones. The Kiowa
Holmberg, Uno. The Mythology of All Races, vol. 4, Finno-Ugric,
in Texas possess a little stone god to whom they pray during
Siberian (1927). Reprint, New York, 1964. A classic study
by a field-worker and cautious historian who is largely free
the Sun Dance. The Tao in New Mexico venerate at the foot
from now-abandoned theories.
of a sacred mountain the “stone men” who represent two war
gods. The Pueblo Indians believe that the hunter’s good luck
Hultkrantz, A˚ke. The Religions of the American Indians. Translated
by Monica Setterwall. Los Angeles, 1979. A restricted phe-
depends on his possession of stones of a curious shape.
nomenological approach by a specialist. Hultkrantz has de-
The statuettes of the West Indian Taino consist of
posited a comprehensive unpublished manuscript on stone
slightly sculptured stones that are venerated in caves. Among
worship among the Saami (Lapps) in the Nordic Museum,
the South American Indians of the Andes, stone worship is
Stockholm.
very common, but stone gods are found also in the tropical
Kennedy, A. R. S., and John W. Wevers. “Pillar.” In Dictionary
region to the east. The mother goddess of the Jivaroan people
of the Bible, 2d ed., revised by Frederick C. Grant and H. H.
in northern Peru and the supreme being of the Warao of the
Rowley, pp. 772–773. Edinburgh, 1963. An instructive
delta of the Orinoco are both represented by stones (Hult-
comparison can be made with the article in the first edition,
krantz, 1979, pp. 60ff.).
edited by James Hastings (Edinburgh, 1909).
This little catalog needs a supplementary description of
Manker, Ernst. Lapparnas heliga ställen. Stockholm, 1957. A stan-
dard work; includes an English summary, “The Holy Places
the modes of worship, but it can nevertheless be compared
of the Lapps.”
(at least in part) with the corresponding examples from the
Saami. The ecological environment of North America and
Renel, Charles. “Ancêtres et dieux.” Bulletin de l’Academie Mal-
Lapland is the same, both with regard to natural objects of
gache (Tananarive), n.s. 5 (1923): 1–263.
veneration and with regard to the motives for worship, pri-
Ruud, Jo⁄rgen. Guder og fedre: Religionshistoriskt stoff fra Madagas-
marily to ensure good hunting and fishing.
kar. Oslo, 1947.
CARL-MARTIN EDSMAN (1987)
SEE ALSO Altar; Amulets and Talismans; Crossroads; Mega-
Translated from Swedish by David Mel Paul and
lithic Religion, articles on Historical Cultures and Prehistor-
Margareta Paul
ic Evidence; Phallus and Vagina.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Buhl, Frants. “Nusb.” In The Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol. 3,
STORM GODS SEE METEOROLOGICAL BEINGS
p. 967. Leiden, 1936.
Eliade, Mircea. Patterns in Comparative Religion. New York, 1958.
Eliade, Mircea. A History of Religious Ideas, vol. 1, From the Stone
STRAUSS, DAVID FRIEDRICH (1808–1874),
Age to the Eleusinian Mysteries. Chicago, 1978.
German biblical critic, man of letters, and freethinker.
Fauth, Wolfgang. “Baitylia.” In Der kleine Pauly: Lexikon der An-
Strauss is best known for his monumental book The Life of
tike, vol. l. Stuttgart, 1964. A very compressed, well-
Jesus (1835). In some fifteen hundred pages, half of which
documented survey.
are devoted to an analysis of the miracle and the death-
Gese, Hartmut, Maria Höfner, and Kurt Rudolph. Die Religionen
resurrection stories in the New Testament, he argued that
Altsyriens, Altarabiens und der Mandäer. Die Religionen der
neither a supernaturalistic nor a rationalistic interpretation
Menschheit, vol. 10.2. Stuttgart, 1970.
of them is credible. Rather, these narratives should be regard-
Hartland, E. Sidney, et al. “Stones.” In Encyclopaedia of Religion
ed as the results of a naive, primitive mentality whose natural
and Ethics, edited by James Hastings, vol. 11. Edinburgh,
form of expression is myth. Under the flush of religious en-
1920. A group of articles covering primitive, Greek and
thusiasm, messianic fervor, and the personal influence of
Roman, Indian, and Semitic traditions by Hartland, Percy
Gardner, William Crooke, and George A. Barton, respective-
Jesus, the early Christians applied specifically messianic
ly. See also R. A. W. Macalister’s “Stone Monuments,” in
myths and legends to Jesus. In short, the “logic” of the New
volume 11, and D. Miller Kay’s “Mas:s:e¯bna¯h,” in volume 8
Testament narratives is this: “When the expected messiah
(1915). These articles include valuable material despite their
comes, he will do all these miraculous things; Jesus is the
sometimes outdated theories.
messiah; therefore, Jesus must have done these things.” In a
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8748
STRUCTURALISM [FIRST EDITION]
concluding section of the book, Strauss explored the implica-
translated and edited, with an introduction, by Leander E.
tions of his historical-critical work for Christian theology.
Keck (Philadelphia, 1977). A New Life of Jesus, 2 vols., was
He argued that it is contradictory and untenable to attribute
translated anonymously in 1865 (London), and The Old
divine predicates to a single person, Jesus, but not to the en-
Faith and the New, translated by Mathilde Blind, appeared
tire species, humanity. It is humanity as a whole in which
in 1874 (New York); both these works have long been out
the infinite incarnates itself.
of print. The most extensive and eloquent discussion of the
significance of Strauss’s Life of Jesus for nineteenth-century
The book was an immediate sensation and provoked a
theology and biblical criticism is found in Albert Schweitzer’s
century-long “quest for the historical Jesus” involving much
famous work The Quest of the Historical Jesus: A Critical Study
controversy over the New Testament sources and the histori-
of Its Progress from Reimarus to Wrede, translated by William
cal inferences legitimately to be drawn from them. It is often
Montgomery, 2d ed. (London, 1911). A useful short discus-
sion of Strauss’s significance for the Young Hegelians appears
regarded as a watershed in the development of New Testa-
in William J. Brazill’s The Young Hegelians (New Haven,
ment criticism, as well as the earliest significant statement of
1970). The best biography of Strauss in English is by Horten
the importance of the eschatological element in the preach-
Harris, David Friedrich Strauss and His Theology (Cam-
ing of Jesus. Even though Strauss made concessions to his
bridge, 1973).
critics in two later editions of the book, he bitterly withdrew
these in the final, fourth edition after being denied a profes-
VAN A. HARVEY (1987 AND 2005)
sorship. For a brief period in the late 1830s, he identified
himself with the Young Hegelians by contributing to Arnold
Ruge’s journal Hallische Jahrbücher, but he soon became dis-
illusioned with their political radicalism.
STRUCTURALISM [FIRST EDITION]. In
their widely read anthology of this topic, Richard T. De
Even though theologically radical, Strauss was always
George and Fernande M. De George (1972) note that “bibli-
politically conservative and unhappy with the revolutionary
ographies on structuralism can be virtually endless if one suc-
tendencies in German society that erupted in 1848. “A na-
cumbs to the temptation to include everything related to the
ture such as mine was happier under the old police state,”
topic,” but they claim that the following authors “are almost
he once wrote. He briefly engaged in political affairs as a
certain to be included in any list of structuralists” (p. vii):
member of the Württemberg Landtag but resigned after a
Karl Marx, Sigmund Freud, Ferdinand de Saussure, Roman
parliamentary dispute. He wrote several biographies of well-
Jakobson, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Roland Barthes, Louis Al-
known historical figures, and in 1864 published a more pop-
thusser, Michel Foucault, and Jacques Lacan. This may be
ular Life of Jesus for the German People, which he expected
so, but the term structuralism was not used before 1950, and
would bring him acclaim but did not. He became increasing-
each of the last three individuals named has repudiated the
ly more nationalistic and a supporter of German unification
label. Moreover, the list need not begin with Marx; my own
under Bismarck.
favorite protostructuralist is Giambattista Vico (1668–
In his last book, The Old Faith and the New (1873),
1744). My problem, therefore, is to indicate the core of the
Strauss set forward his own worldview, which he believed to
structuralist position within a very wide range of variation.
be representative of his time. He argued that an educated
The De Georges’ formula can serve as a starting point: “An
person can no longer be Christian but can be religious in the
enterprise which unites Marx, Freud, Saussure and modern
sense of having a piety toward the cosmos. He proposed a
structuralists [is] . . . the attempt to uncover deep struc-
humanistic ethic compounded with his own conservative so-
tures, unconscious motivations, and underlying causes which
cial views. The book was attacked by Christians but even
account for human action at a more basic and profound level
more savagely by the young Nietzsche, who thought it to be
than do individual conscious decisions” (p. xii).
the epitome of German cultural philistinism.
HISTORY OF THE TERM. The word structure has a much lon-
ger academic history than does structuralism. The sympo-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
sium papers edited by Roger Bastide (1972) explore the use
The standard German collection of Strauss’s works is Gesammelte
of structure in linguistics, ethnology, art history, economics,
Schriften, 12 vols., edited by Eduard Zeller (Bonn, 1876–
politics, law, psychology, psychoanalysis, social psychology,
1878). Only three of Strauss’s books are readily available in
sociology, and history throughout the present century. But
English. A new edition of George Eliot’s famous translation
that was not the beginning. The ambitious prospectus for
of the fourth German edition of The Life of Jesus Critically
Herbert Spencer’s system of philosophy which dates from
Examined, edited, with critical notes and an introduction, by
1858 refers to “The Inductions of Sociology—General facts,
Peter C. Hodgson (Philadelphia, 1972), discusses and com-
structural and functional, as gathered from a survey of Socie-
pares the various editions of the work. In Defense of My “Life
of Jesus” against the Hegelians (Hamden, Conn., 1983) is a
ties and their changes” (Rumney, 1934, p. 300). What Spen-
translation, with a very useful introduction, by Marilyn C.
cer had in mind was that human societies are naturally exist-
Massey of several of Strauss’s polemical writings defending
ing whole units which can be directly observed out there in
his famous work. The third is The Christ of Faith and the Jesus
the real world. The sum of the individual members of such
of History: A Critique of Schleiermacher’s The Life of Jesus,
a society is not just an aggregate crowd but a self-sustaining
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STRUCTURALISM [FIRST EDITION]
8749
totality, analogous to a biological organism, in which indi-
pends on a capacity (which is innate in all human beings)
viduals are linked together in a network of person-to-person
to discriminate sounds as bundles of binary oppositions. For
relationships. In the positivist tradition, Spencer assumed
example, in English we discriminate the phoneme /p/ in pin
that there are discoverable general laws which apply to all
from the phoneme /b/ in bin because, in the matrix of dis-
such social organisms.
tinctive features representing these sounds, /p/ is unvoiced
and /b/ is voiced, as shown in table 1.
“Structural Functionalism.” Structuralism of the sort
associated with the name of Lévi-Strauss, which is central for
Altogether there are about thirty such distinctive fea-
the present discussion, developed within the general field of
tures, though any particular language makes use of only
sociocultural anthropology in dialectical opposition to the
about half that number. The details need not concern us,
“structural functionalism” postulated by Spencer, which in
though it is important to note that the speakers and auditors
the early 1950s had become especially associated with the
who encode and decode sound patterns in this way are quite
name of A. R. Radcliffe-Brown. At this period British social
unconscious of what they are doing or how they are doing
anthropologists used the expression structural analysis (and
it.
sometimes the term structuralism itself) to refer to the work
of Radcliffe-Brown and his close associates rather than to
Lévi-Strauss initially adapted this theory to his anthro-
that of Lévi-Strauss. Although this usage was dropped after
pological purposes by claiming that many of the nonverbal
1960, the contrast is illuminating.
elements of human culture—such as cosmologies, art styles,
architectural design, the layout of villages, and rules concern-
In Radcliffe-Brown’s vocabulary social structure denoted
ing descent, residence, and the regulation of marriage, all of
a set of key, enduring relationships, perpetuated from gener-
which were prominently featured in most ethnographic
ation to generation, which express the bonds of jural obliga-
monographs published during the first half of the twentieth
tion that link together the individual members of a particular
century—can similarly be broken down into sets of cultural
society. He maintained that these relationships are empirical
distinctive features which are recognizable as binary opposi-
phenomena which can be directly observed in the mutual in-
tions. As in the case of phonology, it is the matrix combina-
teractions of individual members of the system. Social struc-
tion of sets of such distinctive features which determines the
ture, in this sense, was considered to typify the morphology
characteristics of a cultural feature in any particular ethno-
of the society in question, much as the bony structure of a
graphic
vertebrate animal provides the principal basis for fitting a
setting.
particular species into the Linnaean taxonomy of all species.
Indeed, Radcliffe-Brown believed that a taxonomy of all
In effect, Lévi-Strauss was maintaining that when an-
human societies could be constructed from a comparison of
thropologists engage in cross-cultural comparison, it is not
their social structures, societies with similar social structures
the contrast in manifestly observable social relationships that
being placed in the same taxonomic class.
is of interest (as was maintained by Radcliffe-Brown), but
Lévi-Strauss’s formulation. Claude Lévi-Strauss’s radi-
rather the contrast of patterns of “relations between rela-
cally different view of social structure was first formulated in
tions” which can be discovered by analysis yet are uncon-
1945, but the nature of that difference was not immediately
scious phenomena so far as the human actors are concerned.
apparent. His 1953 conference paper entitled “Social Struc-
The theory seems to presuppose that at a very rudimentary
ture” was an attack on Radcliffe-Brown’s position, but the
level the variant possibilities of human culture are innate, or
printed discussion (Tax, 1953, pp. 108–118) suggests that
at any rate that human beings are innately predisposed to
none of the American and British anthropologists who heard
build up cultural constructs out of paired oppositions of a
it understood what was at issue. This is not surprising, since
very simplistic kind, such as animate/inanimate, human/
parts of the argument are notably obscure and oracular.
nonhuman, male/female, above/below, we/they, and sym-
metrical/asymmetrical.
This has remained a characteristic, and perhaps essen-
tial, feature of Lévi-Strauss’s numerous pronouncements
There are other versions of modern structuralism, such
about the nature of structuralism. There are many possible
as those of A. J. Greimas and Tzvetan Todorov, which simi-
interpretations of his thesis, so that even his closest disciples
larly seem to require that the “sociologic” of the human mind
are often at loggerheads with one another.
contain a wide variety of innate (i.e., species-wide) binary op-
positions of this sort, though there is a notable lack of con-
Perhaps the key point is that, whereas Radcliffe-Brown’s
sensus as to what they might be (see Hawkes, 1977, pp. 88,
social structure was “out there” in the world, supposedly ac-
95–96). Many critics would regard any such proposition as
cessible to direct observation, Lévi-Strauss’s social structure
entirely implausible, but it cannot be dismissed out of hand.
was, as he put it, “a model in the human mind.” The general
Shorn of its highly sophisticated elaborations, Greimas’s ver-
idea was borrowed from Roman Jakobson’s theory of distinc-
sion of distinctive-feature (sémique) theory requires only that
tive features (Lévi-Strauss, 1945).
the brain should have an innate propensity to make two asso-
According to Jakobson, our human capacity to encode
ciated types of discrimination, such that any entity held
and decode sound patterns into meaningful speech forms de-
within the field of perception will always be associated with
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8750
STRUCTURALISM [FIRST EDITION]
Matrix of Distinctive Features of Speech
Consonantal
Coronal
Anterior
Voiced
Nasal
Strident
Continuant
/p/
+
–
+
–
–
–
–
/b/
+
–
+
+
–
–
–
/s/
+
+
+
–
–
+
+
/k/
+
–
–
–
–
–
–
T ABLE 1 .
both its “opposite” and its “negation” (Greimas, 1966,
of components is determined by whatever all other members
pp. 18–29).
of the set are not.
Furthermore, there is now increasing evidence that all
The other type of paired opposition that Lévi-Strauss
normal operations of the brain are computer-like, in that in-
and most other modern structuralists have taken over from
formation is passed from one part of the organism to another
Saussure is the contrast between syntagmatic (metonymic,
in a digital binary code of on/off signals. If your biological
melodic) relations and associative (paradigmatic, metaphor-
processes are controlled in this way, it seems highly probable
ic, harmonic) relations. In the first case the relations are those
that processes by which thoughts are generated in the brain
of contiguity: the links between elements are as in a chain.
are of the same general kind.
The sequence of words in a sentence provides the prototype
But while at one level Lévi-Strauss is arguing that the
of such a chain. In the second case the relations are those of
reality of culture is “a model in the mind” rather than out
asserted similarity: “My love is like a rose.” All forms of lin-
there in the world, he is also claiming that the patterns of
guistic utterance employ both these polar types of relation-
relationship that can be recognized in cultural phenomena
ship, but whereas rational and scientific statements are heavi-
out there in the world are directly linked, by transformation,
ly biased toward metonymy, poetic and religious utterances
with this preexisting model in the mind. Human culture and
are biased toward metaphor.
human society are made by men, but what is made is a pro-
In Lévi-Strauss’s work these distinctions are particularly
jection of a structure which already exists in the maker’s
important for his analyses of myth, a concept which he dis-
mind.
cusses at enormous length but never defines. In practice, a
Saussure’s structural linguistics. This aspect of the
Lévi-Straussian myth is almost invariably a story (or rather
theory was derived, through Jakobson, from the structural
a set of stories) about “impossible” happenings, as when birds
linguistics of Ferdinand de Saussure (1916), which included
and animals talk like men, men fly like birds or are trans-
two further types of paired opposition, both of which have
formed into fish. Such transformations are metaphoric, but
been adopted in one form or another by nearly all modern
the society of birds, fish, or whatever which is then described
structuralists.
is spoken of “as if” it were a society of human beings. The
First, there is the notion of the linguistic sign, which is
metaphor entails a transposition, as with a musical change
a totality composed of two interdependent parts: (1) the con-
of key. Social relations among real human beings are primari-
cept in the mind (the signified) and (2) the sound pattern
ly relationships of contiguity depending upon metonymy; re-
on the breath, which is out there in the world and which con-
lationships among individual characters in myth are likewise
stitutes the linguistic signal (the signifier). The concept is a
metonymic. By implication, the stories are about men even
transformation of the sound signal, and vice versa. It is a cru-
when, in explicit terms, the characters are non-men. In many
cial feature of Saussure’s argument that, where concepts form
cases this is obvious, but the point about anthropological
part of a system, they are “defined not positively, in terms
structuralist analysis is that intuitions of this sort can be sys-
of their content, but negatively by contrast with other items
tematized and shown to conform to unexpected regularities
in the same system. What characterizes each most exactly is
of pattern.
being whatever the others are not” (Saussure, 1983, p. 115).
The question of validity. Admittedly, at the conclusion
Lévi-Strauss argues in exactly the same way both with
of a structuralist analysis the reader will often be left with a
regard to the relationship between the components of his
feeling that he has been told no more than what he knew al-
cultural “model in the mind” and the components of objec-
ready. But the exercise may still have been worthwhile, if
tively observable culture out there in the world, and also with
what was originally no more than intuition has now become
regard to the significance of cultural elements stemming
grounded in reason. Moreover, there are some occasions
from differentiation. The meaning of any member of a set
when a structuralist analysis will provide quite unexpected
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STRUCTURALISM [FIRST EDITION]
8751
insights which are thoroughly convincing. The analogy with
Lévi-Strauss’s conservatism. The reader of this article
psychoanalytic procedures is very close.
should appreciate that, although most of the key doctrines
of modern structuralism are to be found in prototypical form
But this immediately raises doubts about validity. In
in the writings of Lévi-Strauss, many of his followers and im-
psychoanalysis the fact that a particular interpretation of
itators, especially those who have adapted the theory for pur-
dream material is acceptable to the dreamer does not mean
poses of literary criticism and the analysis of religious texts,
that the interpretation has any truth outside the context of
have deviated from Lévi-Straussian orthodoxy on important
the immediate psychoanalytic session. Even the most cele-
issues.
brated examples of structuralist interpretation of myth are
open to similar objections; they may be convincing, but they
Lévi-Strauss is a very conservative anthropologist. Un-
cannot be shown to be true in any objective sense. A hard-
like most of his contemporaries, he draws a sharp distinction
nosed empiricist can always find good grounds for rejecting
between “primitive” and “modern” societies. He does not say
the argument lock, stock, and barrel.
that “primitive” societies are better or worse than “modern”
societies, but he does assert that they are fundamentally dif-
Part of this skepticism arises because of the form in
ferent in kind, primarily in three binary dimensions. Primi-
which Lévi-Strauss has cast his argument. His enduring an-
tive societies are nonliterate, nonindustrial, and “cold.” They
thropological purpose was to engage in cross-cultural com-
are like machines (e.g., clocks) “which use the energy with
parison on a very large scale. His book Les structures élé-
which they are supplied at the outset and which, in theory,
mentaires de la parenté (1949) is concerned with most of the
could go on operating indefinitely . . . if they were not sub-
recorded kin-term systems of East Asia and Oceania, while
ject to friction and heating; . . . they appear to us as static
his Mythologiques (1962–1971) ranges all over the Americas
societies with no history.” On the other hand, modern socie-
and even beyond. He therefore needed to assume that the
ties are literate, industrial, and “hot.” They are like thermo-
“mind” in which his transformational structuralist “model”
dynamic machines, “they interiorize history, as it were, and
is located is a human universal, and it is precisely this which
turn it into the motive power of their development” (Lévi-
the skeptics find unacceptable. It is one thing to suppose that
Strauss, 1961, chap. 3).
we are genetically endowed with the capacity to encode
Now Lévi-Strauss’s structuralism is, as we have seen,
speech sounds, but it is quite another to claim that, at some
heavily indebted to the linguistic theories of Saussure, who
abstract level, the elementary structures of total cultural sys-
drew a sharp distinction between diachronic linguistics,
tems are innate.
which studies the changes of speech forms over time, and
If, however, we take a more modest view of what struc-
synchronic linguistics, which is concerned with structuralist
turalist analysis might reveal, many of these difficulties disap-
issues such as the relation between thought and organized
pear. It is part of Lévi-Strauss’s thesis that different manifest
sound, and the contrast between syntagmatic and associative
features of the same cultural system may be metaphorical
relations discussed above. In imitation of this dichotomy,
transformations of the same internalized unconscious
Lévi-Strauss has insisted that his own kind of structuralist
“model in the mind.” For a proposition of this sort to make
analysis is appropriate only for the synchronic study of cul-
sense, it is not necessary for the mind in question to be an
tural phenomena. He assumes that the cultural systems of
innate human universal. If the territorial scope of the gener-
“primitive” societies are sufficiently static to be studied as
alization is restricted, it will suffice if the postulated uncon-
total synchronic systems in this way. By contrast, he assumes
scious model is located in the multiple individual minds of
that the value attached to diachronic historical change in
the members of a single society. It seems perfectly plausible
modern society implies that the cultural data of modern soci-
that a set of individuals who have all been reared in the same
ety fall outside the scope of structuralist analysis.
cultural milieu might have the capacity to generate identical
Lévi-Strauss’s successors. Here, as elsewhere, Lévi-
or very similar unconscious models in the mind in the way
Strauss’s doctrinal pronouncements, as well as his practical
that the theory requires. But the innate components of such
structuralist experiments, are elusive and inconsistent. With
models could be very limited indeed.
rare exceptions, he himself has confined his use of structural-
ist analysis to ethnographic data of the classic anthropologi-
My personal view is that structuralist method is ill
cal sort, but his imitators have not accepted this self-imposed
adapted to cross-cultural comparison on a grand scale. It be-
restriction.
comes illuminating for an anthropologist only when it is able
to show that contrasted patterns in very different aspects of
The first general handbook of structuralist method was
the same cultural system are logically consistent transforma-
Roland Barthes’s Elements of Semiology (1964). In this book
tions/transpositions of the same abstract structure of ideas.
and in all his subsequent contributions to structuralist/
Christine Hugh-Jones’s From the Milk River (1979) provides
semiotic analysis, Barthes concerned himself with materials
an excellent example of an anthropological monograph
drawn from contemporary Western culture and recent Euro-
which adapts Lévi-Straussian theory in this way. It provides
pean literature.
a deep structuralist analysis of a single cultural system as op-
In recent years structuralism, considered as a special
posed to a grand-scale rampage right across the map.
style of analysis, has had a greater influence on literary criti-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8752
STRUCTURALISM [FIRST EDITION]
cism than on anthropology. Here, however, the formal struc-
mediate phase she is subject to taboo and is treated as a sacred
tures discussed in the work of Lévi-Strauss and Greimas have
person.
been transformed into the Nietzschean exaggerations of
Van Gennep’s insight can be generalized in a variety of
Jacques Derrida’s theories of poststructuralist deconstruc-
ways. First, it is empirically the case that social transitions
tion. Elaborations of this sort cannot be brought within the
nearly always have a triadic structure which van Gennep
scope of the present article, though I shall make some refer-
himself described as (1) the rite of separation, (2) the margin-
ence to the way these writers discuss texts as objects to be in-
al state (rite de marge), and (3) the rite of aggregation. Sec-
terpreted and recreated by the reader rather than as channels
ond, it is also an empirical fact that not only is the marginal
through which an author communicates to potential readers.
state regularly marked by taboo, but that all forms of holi-
Structuralist analyses of a quite conventional sort have
ness, whether applied to particular persons or particular
been used with success in a number of other more immedi-
places or particular times, can be shown on analysis to be
ately relevant fields. Marcel Detienne and his close colleagues
marginal; they represent an interface between two nonholy
have applied Lévi-Strauss’s methodology to materials from
categories which we are thereby able to perceive as separated
ancient Greece (see Gordon, 1981); Wendy Doniger
from each other. The argument is that, at the level of the
O’Flaherty (1973) has used an undiluted version of the theo-
model in the mind, the impression of disjuncture is achieved
ry to analyze a vast range of classical Indian texts; and Claude
either by suppressing all consciousness of the ambiguities
Chabrol and Louis Marin (1974), among others, have ex-
that lie at the margin or by treating the margin as belonging
plored the applicability of the method to the analysis of bibli-
to a different order of reality: sacred-extraordinary-
cal texts.
supernatural versus profane-ordinary-natural.
Continuity versus discontinuity. It is time to show
IMPLICATIONS FOR THE STUDY OF MYTH AND RITUAL. To
why an essay on structuralism, primarily of the Lévi-
judge by the titles of their books, structuralist authors are
Straussian sort, should have a place in an encyclopedia of reli-
quite centrally concerned with the analysis of myth, but they
gion. First, however, attention should be drawn to a modifi-
rarely explain what they mean by this elusive concept, and
cation of the more orthodox binary-opposition versions of
the definitions that have been offered are seldom mutually
structuralist theory which is particularly relevant in applica-
compatible. I must therefore offer my own.
tions of this type of theory to religious materials.
To live comfortably in society, every individual must
Lévi-Strauss writes of reality being a model in the mind
have access to a cosmology—an ordered set of topological,
made up of a network of relations between discontinuous
physical, and metaphysical ideas which make sense of imme-
mental entities linked in binary pairs. But the reality which
diate experience. The cosmology is not naturally known; it
is out there in the world and which we perceive through our
is given to us by the conventional assumptions of the cultural
senses is certainly not of this kind. It is continuous in both
system in which we live; it is taught to us as part of the com-
time and space. It is not naturally made up of separate things
plex process by which we are transformed from animals into
and separate events; the appearance of discontinuity is im-
socialized human beings. Furthermore, as an adjunct to
posed on our experience by the way we perceive it and, more
learning what the cosmos is like, we also learn how to behave
particularly, by the way we use words to describe it. We feel
in particular contexts of time and place and interpersonal re-
that there is a disjunction between day and night because we
lationship. These rules of behavior likewise derive from the
have these two words, day/night, linked in binary opposition;
process of individual socialization.
in our ordinary experience, however, daytime just fades into
Both the cosmology and the rules of behavior have to
nighttime and vice versa.
be justified. They are justified by stories about the past which
Structuralist theorists have handled this incompatibility
explain how things came to be as they are, and by stories of
between the continuities of experience and the discontinu-
a rather similar kind which provide precedents for culturally
ities of conceptual thinking in a variety of ways, but several
approved behavior or, alternatively, precedents for the sup-
anglophone writers, including Mary Douglas (1966), Victor
posedly dire consequences of ignoring local cultural con-
Turner (1969), and myself (1976) have emphasized the rele-
ventions. The entire corpus of such validating stories is myth.
vance of the arguments of Arnold van Gennep (1909).
Universal versus local applicability. Viewed in this
Van Gennep originally applied his arguments to rituals
way, myth has moral value. It is sacred for those who accept
marking a change of social status. In the world of experience
the validity of the cosmology and the associated customary
out there, time is continuous. When a husband dies, there
rules, but in itself it is of strictly local validity. Anthropolo-
is no chronological discontinuity between the moment when
gists like me who accept the empirical evidence that there are
his wife is his wife and the subsequent moment when she has
no cultural universals which are not entirely trivial are likely
become his widow. But in social time things are quite differ-
to reject the view of Lévi-Strauss, Freud, and many others
ent: society imposes an intermediate stage of mourning when
who argue that there is a universal human mythology associ-
the wife/widow is removed from ordinary social relations and
ated with universal, unconscious motivations shared by all
is subject to various kinds of restrictions. During this inter-
individual human beings.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STRUCTURALISM [FIRST EDITION]
8753
It is important to notice that there is nothing in this
local rather than a universal significance, have much to learn
context-restricted, functionalist definition implying that
from Lévi-Strauss about the way the messages conveyed by
myth is fanciful or untrue in a realistic, positivist, historical
myth are embedded in the patterning and structure of the
sense. This point needs emphasis and exemplification.
presentation, rather than in the manifest content of the sto-
ries themselves.
The biblical story of the garden of Eden is a myth for
devout Jews and Christians because of its cosmological and
This contrast of view among structuralists as to whether
moral implications, and not because it contains such “un-
myth has universal or local significance is also found in their
true” incidents as God and the serpent both conversing with
view of ritual. For the universalists, ritual equates with non-
Adam and Eve. Likewise, the stories that are told about the
verbal communication; what can be said about it is not very
signing of the Magna Carta at Runnemede near Windsor in
different from what can be said about language as verbal
1215 are myth for all contemporary anglophone upholders
communication. The study of ritual is seen as a branch of
of parliamentary democracy. In this case there is very little
a more general zoological field, the study of animal behavior.
in the basic story which is obviously untrue (in the talking-
By contrast, those who see ritual as a localized, culturally de-
serpent sense). Indeed, some parts of it are demonstrably true
termined phenomenon link it quite directly to the local my-
in a historical sense, since copies of the original document
thology and to particular rather than general cosmological as-
still exist. Yet the story is nonetheless a myth, because it is
sumptions. Myth and ritual are mutual transformations;
made to serve as a precedent for customary political conven-
each validates the other in its local setting. But in either case
tions which are still significant in the societies in question.
the generalizations of the structuralists concerning binary op-
positions, transformations, combinations, metonymic and
In this approach to myth, the social context in which
metaphoric associations, and marginal states can prove illu-
the stories are told is fundamental; a myth story isolated from
minating.
its proper context is devoid of meaning. It follows that those
who think about myth in this way are bound to regard Lévi-
Myths and rituals as related sets. One particular struc-
Stauss’s extraordinary four-volume Mythologiques as largely
turalist proposition is especially relevant for my present pur-
a waste of time, since the whole exercise is devoted to the
poses: the thesis that mythical stories or sequences of ritual
cross-cultural comparison of very abbreviated versions of
behavior can never be decoded when considered in isolation
manifestly untrue stories completely isolated from their very
but only when considered as related sets. A myth story does,
diverse original social settings.
of course, always have a manifest meaning considered as a
folk tale or as a record of an incident in history. In the same
Some of the myth analyses which Lévi-Strauss published
way, an isolated ritual sequence can always be viewed as a
prior to 1962 took note of a functional (contextual) factor,
dramatic performance which the local customary rules re-
but in his later work he seems to assume that myth is an un-
quire to be performed at a particular time and place. But the
differentiated, species-wide phenomenon which the human
structuralists assume that there is always another deeper, un-
mind is predisposed to generate, in much the same way as
conscious meaning which is of equal or perhaps greater sig-
it is predisposed to generate speech. He seeks to show how
nificance. The structuralist thesis is that such deeper mean-
the patterning and combination of myth stories are capable
ings are apprehended by the listener to a myth, or by the
of conveying meaning, but the meaning in question is very
participant-observer in a ritual situation, at a subliminal, aes-
general and not context-determined. The superficial differ-
thetic or religious level of consciousness. Structuralist analyt-
ences between the myths of various cultures are treated as
ical procedures are supposed to make such hidden meanings
comparable to the differences of phonology and grammar in
explicit.
different human languages. At the level of innate capacity,
the deep structure is always the same. The myths that appear
The structuralists’ thesis is that the auditor of a myth
in ethnographic records are all transformations of a single
(or the participant in a ritual) is able to take account of many
universal myth which, like phonology, is structured accord-
other myths and rituals with which he or she is familiar. The
ing to a system of distinctive features based on binary opposi-
interpretation applied to the text of any particular story will
tions. It follows that the themes with which this mythology
then be influenced by the moral and aesthetic implications
is concerned are ultimately human universals of a physiologi-
of other such stories.
cal kind such as sex, metabolism, orientation, and life/death,
Thus, devout Jews and Christians will associate any par-
rather than the solution of local, culturally determined moral
ticular story from the Old Testament with a host of other
issues.
stories both canonical and noncanonical, and it is the struc-
This view of what mythology is about will not be conge-
ture of the total set of such stories which carries implication.
nial to anthropologists who feel that their basic concern is
Invariably, analyses of myth in the structuralist manner de-
with cultural diversity, but it is not necessarily unacceptable
rive their inferences from a comparison of a number of differ-
to the students of universalist religions who may likewise feel
ent stories treated as members of a single set. At the end of
that the metaphysical reality to which religion responds is al-
the analysis, it is the differences and not the similarities
ways the same reality, no matter what its cultural form may
among the stories that prove to have been treated as signi-
be. And even those who, like me, believe that myth has a
ficant.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8754
STRUCTURALISM [FIRST EDITION]
This goes right back to the grounding of structuralism
1. The total text under consideration must contain a
in phonological distinctive-feature theory: it is finely dis-
number of separate segments (stories) which differ in detail
criminated differences between sounds which allow us to dis-
but which are also in some respects similar. Taken together,
criminate the words of which they form a part, as for instance
these similar stories form a set. The items in the set can be
bin/pin. But there are great practical difficulties. In phonolo-
compared and contrasted. A case in point is provided by the
gy the units that are discriminated fall within a limited set
four Gospels of the New Testament. At a certain level each
of possible phonemes specified by a limited set of phonologi-
of the Gospels tells the same story, yet the details differ and
cal distinctive features. But if we use this mental process as
are in some respects radically contrasted. Whereas orthodox
a model for the analysis of myth, we need first to agree about
Christian biblical criticism has assumed that these contradic-
the units of discussion. Within any particular story, how is
tions are of minor significance, or can be satisfactorily ex-
the overall text to be cut up into segments for purposes of
plained away to leave a residual unitary account of what
comparison? And among several stories which differ in detail
really happened in real historical time, the structuralist as-
but which seem to have a certain overall similarity, how is
sumes that it is precisely in the differences that the message
the analyst to decide whether any particular story is or is not
of the Gospels, considered as a set, is likely to be found.
a member of the same set? The structuralists’ failure to for-
Within the total text thus considered, all parts of the text
mulate any rules about how such questions should be an-
have equal value; it is quite inappropriate to the method to
swered seems, on the face of it, to be a very serious defect
discriminate among different kinds of story element under
in their methodology.
such labels as parables, historical narratives, and folk tales (see
Leach and Aycock, 1983, chap. 5).
In practice, the procedure is intuitive. For those who
consider that a structuralist methodology is appropriate to
2. The major segments (stories) must themselves be seg-
the analysis of religious literature, one obvious set of primary
mentable into elements (incidents in the stories, motifs).
units consists of all the stories in the Bible, while another
There is a pattern of relationships between the elements in
such set is provided by all the stories about S´iva in the classi-
any one story. The patterns differ in the different stories. The
cal Vedic and Puranic literature of the Hindus. The bulk of
analysis calls for a comparison of these differences. In other
the materials thus specified is enormous; any practical analy-
words, as in phonology, the coding of the total system is as-
sis would have to restrict the scope of the investigation still
sumed to be a structure of relationships between relation-
further by ad hoc criteria. But it is easier to justify arbitrary
ships.
limits of this sort than Lévi-Strauss’s universalist practice,
which allows him to put into one set stories drawn at random
3. The establishment of the patterns and the contrasts
from any part of the world and any cultural context.
between them call for close attention to very fine details in
the texts under consideration. Ideally, the analysis should
It should be noted that the arbitrariness of structuralist
take account of every detail; it is a presupposition of the dis-
analysis connects up with certain of the arguments of
tinctive-feature thesis that, while the text may contain redun-
poststructuralist literary criticism. Myths (however defined)
dancies, it cannot contain accidents. Every detail adds some-
and sacred books and works of art in general, including
thing to the cogency of the message.
music, drama, dance, and the plastic arts, can be regarded
as text without authors. The message in the text is what the
Examples of structuralist analysis. Multifaceted struc-
reader (or auditor or participant-observer) discovers. It is
turalist analyses often turn out to be more interesting than
treated as the word of God, but it is an aesthetic response,
those confined to a single dimension. As we have seen, the
something in the reader’s own unconscious mental processes,
structuralist thesis is that the fundamental pattern of the
which makes the discovery. Thus any “text” is polysemic, a
structure under examination is “in the mind.” The patterns
multiple combination of signs; it has many possible mean-
that can be observed out there in the world of cultural experi-
ings, and no particular possibility has any special authenticity
ence—in speech or written text or musical performance or
that the others lack.
ritual sequences, in the design of works of art and buildings,
This is what makes sectarian diversity in literary reli-
or in the layout of cultural space—are all transformations of
gions so very common. The devotees may all share the same
the same mental structure. Thus, at one remove, they should
sacred book, but there are vast numbers of different ways to
also be transformations of each other. If structuralist analysis
put an authentic interpretation on what it contains. Structur-
has application to religious studies, its principal value might
alist and poststructuralist theorizing have provided a sort of
be to give unexpected insight into how the aesthetic imagina-
rational explanation for this all-too-obvious phenomenon of
tion is able to carry out these transformations from one artis-
history.
tic medium to another.
Prerequisites for structural analysis. A convincing
All this is very laborious. The linguistic analogy is with
structuralist analysis of even a very abbreviated set of texts
the parsing of a sentence, first into words related in a gram-
takes up a great deal of space, so that in an article of this sort
matical structure, and then into phonemes related in a pho-
exemplification is hardly possible. The following three pre-
nological structure, and then into the patterns of distinctive
requisites are essential.
features that constitute the phonemes. The skeptic needs to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STRUCTURALISM [FIRST EDITION]
8755
be persuaded that the demonstration of such a fine-grain hi-
man without God. At the center are three scenes where man
erarchy of relations could possibly be worthwhile.
and God are together: the creation of Adam, the creation of
Eve, and the temptation of Adam and Eve and their expul-
I would not myself want to suggest that skepticism
sion from paradise.
should be wholly abandoned, but I recommend a close read-
ing of O’Flaherty’s Asceticism and Eroticism in the Mythology
The Sistine Chapel, which is the personal chapel of the
of S´iva (1973), taking special note of the pull-out Chart of
pope, is dedicated to the Virgin Mary of the Assumption as
Motifs and of the complexities of Appendix A
Queen of Heaven. The Virgin in this role is the Second Eve;
(pp. 319–320), which together show what I mean by saying
she also stands for the church itself. In the center panel the
that, in structuralist analysis, it is assumed that the message
figure of the newly created Eve is at the exact center of the
is embedded in relationships between relationships. This is
entire ceiling. In the panel depicting the Fall, the serpent
a one-dimensional study, but it is a very distinguished exam-
coiled around the tree of life is doubled and effectively cruci-
ple of its kind.
form. It has two humanoid heads. One, which forms a
branch to the left, is that of the temptress who grasps the vo-
My own favorite definition of myth is that of Julius Sch-
luptuous but still innocent Eve by the hand. The other,
niewind: “Mythology is the expression of unobservable reali-
which forms a branch to the right, is that of the angel armed
ties in terms of observable phenomena” (Bartsch, 1953–
with the flaming sword which drives the now haggard sinners
1962, p. 47). This puts myth at the very core of all forms
into the wilderness. The face of the serpent-temptress is like
of religious expression. In the five pages of her concluding
that of the newly created Eve, but it looks in the reverse di-
chapter, O’Flaherty provides as good an argument as any
rection; the face of the voluptuous, innocent Eve is that of
that I know for saying that a structuralist analysis of a corpus
the uncreated Eve who appears wrapped in the womb of time
of mythology can show us how these unobservable realities
in the panel showing the creation of Adam. According to a
become apprehensible through close familiarity with a set of
medieval legend, the cross on which Christ died was cut from
stories which on the face of it are mutually contradictory.
the tree of life that had grown in the garden of Eden.
But the determined skeptic can find reassurance in the
The cruciform depiction of this tree with its double-
fact that competent structuralists analyzing the same materi-
headed serpent was originally positioned so as to be directly
als seldom arrive at the same conclusions. Chabrol and
above the screen dividing the secular antichapel from the sa-
Marin’s Le récit évangelique (1974) is a multiauthored struc-
cred chapel proper. In a more ordinary church of the period,
turalist monograph on the theme of the New Testament par-
this position would have been filled by a crucifix standing
ables. Their work derives its theoretical basis from the semio-
above the rood screen.
tic theories of A. J. Greimas. Leach and Aycock’s Structuralist
Interpretations of Biblical Myth (1983, chap. 5) is a much
The theme of the double-headed serpent turned into a
shorter structuralist essay but is also concerned with New
crucifix recurs in the corner panel to the right of the altar,
Testament parables, and the underlying theory is similar in
where the manifest depiction is the story of the healing of
many respects. The argument which Chabrol offers in his
the sinful Israelites smitten by a plague of serpents in the wil-
essay “De la sémiotique en question” (Chabrol and Marin,
derness. In this case there is a direct cross-reference to the
1974, pp. 193–213) overlaps at many points with what I
passage in the Gospel of John that reads: “And as Moses lifted
have been saying in the present article. Yet with the possible
up the serpent in the wilderness, even so must the Son of
exception of Chabrol himself (see p. 135), the various French
man be lifted up: That whosoever believeth in him should
authors all agree that parable is a meaningful genre for struc-
not perish, but have eternal life” (Jn. 3:14–15).
turalist purposes, while I, in the work cited above, argue
This is only a partial outline. Even in minimally con-
quite specifically that it is not. A critical comparison of the
vincing form, full analysis calls for an essay substantially lon-
arguments offered in these two, in some ways very similar,
ger than the whole of the present article. Many of the themes
contributions might be of value for those who find the struc-
in this analysis have also appeared in other interpretations of
turalist/semiotic treatment of religious texts too slippery to
Michelangelo’s iconography, but some are a peculiar product
handle.
of structuralist methodology. Some art historians, theolo-
Conclusion: The Sistine Chapel. I shall conclude by
gians, and literary critics find the results convincing. Such
offering the skeleton of part of one of my own essays showing
is the only justification which I can put forward for structur-
how works of art, literary texts, and church practice can be
alism in general. If some readers of structuralist analyses feel
combined in a meaningful structural pattern.
that they have thereby gained insights which they did not
have before, the exercise has been worthwhile.
The nine main panels in the ceiling of the Sistine Chap-
el in the Vatican are of world renown. They are grouped in
BIBLIOGRAPHY
three sets of three, a cross-reference to the Holy Trinity. At
In no sense at all should the bibliography which follows be regard-
the altar end, God as Creator and Light of the World appears
ed as a guide to the literature of structuralism, or even to that
alone without man; at the opposite end are three panels de-
part of structuralist literature concerned with religious
picting Noah/Adam, the sinful but potentially redeemable
studies. It simply lists references mentioned in the foregoing
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8756
STRUCTURALISM [FIRST EDITION]
article. Those who wish to pursue the fundamentals further
approach of traditional British social anthropology and an
could hardly do better than to consult the richly annotated
idealist model-in-the-mind style derived from the structural-
twenty-six page bibliography and reading guide appended to
ism of Lévi-Strauss. See also the companion volume by Ste-
Hawkes’s Structuralism and Semiology (cited below), though
phen Hugh-Jones, The Palm and the Pleiades: Initiation and
since its publication there has been a further huge expansion
Cosmology in Northwest Amazonia (Cambridge, 1979).
of the relevant literature.
Jakobson, Roman, and Morris Halle. Fundamentals of Language.
Barthes, Roland. Éléments de sémiologie. Paris, 1964. Translated by
The Hague, 1956. Most of Jakobson’s huge oeuvre is some-
Annette Lavers and Colin Smith as Elements of Semiology
what inaccessible for the ordinary reader. This well-known
(New York, 1964). A good guide to the fundamentals of
work contains a useful but incomplete account of phonologi-
Saussure’s structuralism, though the terminology in the En-
cal distinctive-feature theory.
glish version is very confusing.
Leach, Edmund. Genesis as Myth and Other Essays. London, 1969.
Bartsch, Hans Werner, ed. Kerygma and Myth: A Theological De-
All the essays in this collection apply a structuralist style of
bate. 2 vols. Translated from German by Reginald H. Fuller.
analysis to biblical materials. The title essay, which dates
New York, 1953–1962. A discussion of Rudolf Bultmann’s
from 1961, was one of the earliest of this genre.
views concerning mythology in the New Testament.
Leach, Edmund. Culture and Communication: The Logic by Which
Bastide, Roger, ed. Sens et usages du terme structure dans les sciences
Symbols Are Connected; An Introduction to the Use of Structur-
humaines et sociales. 2d ed. The Hague, 1972. A set of papers
alist Analysis in Social Anthropology. Cambridge, 1976. The
offered at a colloquium held in Paris under the patronage of
long-winded full title of this widely read work is self-
UNESCO in January 1959. Émile Benveniste notes that the
explanatory. The range is narrower and rather different from
term structuralism, which he puts between inverted commas
Hawkes’s comparable Structuralism and Semiology. Chapter
or in italics, is so recent that it is not included in a French
18 is entitled “The Logic of Sacrifice.”
dictionary of linguistic terminology published in 1951.
Leach, Edmund, and D. Alan Aycock. Structuralist Interpretations
Chabrol, Claude, and Louis Marin, with the collaboration of
of Biblical Myth. Cambridge, 1983. Five essays by Leach and
Alain J. Cohen, Christian Mellon, and François Rastier. Le
two by Aycock on themes comparable to those in Leach’s
récit évangélique. Paris, 1974. A collection of structuralist es-
Genesis as Myth and Other Essays.
says in the manner of A. J. Greimas that are concerned with
Lévi-Strauss, Claude. “L’analyse structurale en linguistique et en
biblical materials, especially New Testament parables.
anthropologie.” Word: Journal of the Linguistic Circle of New
De George, Richard T., and Fernande M. De George, eds. The
York (1945): 33–53. An English version, somewhat revised,
Structuralists: From Marx to Lévi-Strauss. New York, 1972.
appears as chapter 2 of Lévi-Strauss’s Structural Anthropology,
An anthology showing that a common structuralist theme
translated by Claire Jacobson and Brooke Grundfest Schoepf
can be found in work by Marx, Freud, Saussure, Jakobson,
(New York, 1963). The 1945 version was Lévi-Strauss’s first
Lévi-Strauss, Barthes, Althusser, Foucault, and Lacan. The
thoroughgoing application of structuralist method. His debt
introduction offers a helpful overview.
to Roman Jakobson is explicit. This essay introduced the cel-
ebrated, though much criticized, concept of “the atom of
Douglas, Mary. Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pol-
kinship.”
lution and Taboo. London, 1966. Contains, as chapter 3, the
author’s well-known but badly flawed essay “The Abomina-
Lévi-Strauss, Claude. Les structures élémentaires de la parenté. Paris,
tions of Leviticus,” which has had considerable influence on
1949. The first magnum opus of anthropological structural-
later discussions of biblical food taboos.
ist literature. Its merits and limitations are still hotly debated
by professionals in the field.
Gennep, Arnold van. The Rites of Passage (1909). Translated from
Lévi-Strauss, Claude. “Social Structure.” In Anthropology Today:
French by Monika B. Vizedom and Gabrielle L. Caffee. Lon-
An Encyclopedic Inventory, edited by A. L. Kroeber,
don, 1960. Van Gennep’s theory has been greatly extended
pp. 524–553. Chicago, 1953. Now only of historical inter-
by later authors; the original is now of historical interest only.
est. Connects with Tax’s An Appraisal of Anthropology Today.
Gordon, R. L., ed. Myth, Religion and Society. Cambridge, 1981.
Lévi-Strauss, Claude, in collaboration with Georges Charbonnier.
Representative essays by an important group of French classi-
Conversations with Claude Lévi-Strauss (1961). Translated
cal scholars (Marcel Detienne, Louis Gernet, Jean-Pierre
from French by John Weightman and Doreen Weightman.
Vernant, and Pierre Vidal-Naquet) who employ structuralist
London, 1969. A series of radio interviews given when Lévi-
techniques of analysis. With an introduction by R. G. A.
Strauss was at the peak of his celebrity.
Buxton and an extensive and valuable bibliography.
Lévi-Strauss, Claude. Mythologiques. 4 vols. Paris, 1964–1971.
Greimas, Algirdas Julien. Sémantique structurale: Recherche de mét-
Translated by John Weightman and Doreen Weightman as
hode. Paris, 1966. An early work by an influential structural-
Introduction to a Science of Mythology, 4 vols. (London,
ist theorist. Not recommended for novices.
1970–1981). An obsessional masterpiece reminiscent of the
Hawkes, Terence. Structuralism and Semiology. New York, 1977.
unabridged edition of James G. Frazer’s The Golden Bough.
The best short guide to the subject in the English language.
Nonspecialists can find the important parts of the argument
Excellent bibliography.
published elsewhere in shorter form.
Hugh-Jones, Christine. From the Milk River: Spatial and Temporal
O’Flaherty, Wendy Doniger. Asceticism and Eroticism in the My-
Processes in Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge, 1979. An eth-
thology of Siva. London, 1973. A successful adaptation of
nographic account of the Barasana Indians of the Vaupes re-
Lévi-Strauss’s method of myth analysis to a large body of
gion of Colombia that successfully combines the empirical
classical Indian textual material.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STRUCTURALISM [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
8757
Rumney, Jay. Herbert Spencer’s Sociology. London, 1934.
gion, or any other aspect of culture, are and must be
Saussure, Ferdinand de. Cours de linguistique générale. Lausanne,
structured if they are to be understandable by and meaning-
1916. Translated, with annotation, by Roy Harris as Course
ful to other humans. This leads to an evaluation of structur-
in General Linguistics, edited by Charles Bally and Albert Se-
alism as more than simply one method among others of
chehaye, with the collaboration of Albert Reidlinger (Lon-
equal standing. It has been suggested by Peter Caws (1997)
don, 1983). The best English edition of a major structuralist
that structuralism may indeed be the philosophy for the
classic.
human sciences. That the term structuralism covers a wide
Tax, Sol, et al., eds. An Appraisal of Anthropology Today. Chicago,
array of subjects is evident from the introduction by John
1953. Lévi-Strauss’s “Social Structure” is discussed on pages
Lechte in his Fifty Key Contemporary Thinkers (1996) to
108–118.
many of the prominent thinkers in the history of the struc-
Turner, Victor. The Ritual Progress: Structure and Anti-Structure
turalist movement, from the earliest inspirations to the later
(1969). Ithaca, N.Y., 1977. Although Turner is often called
postmodernist phases.
a structuralist, his style of analysis differs widely from that of
REVISIONS AND CRITICISMS. As scholars pick up the struc-
Lévi-Strauss.
turalist tradition as an approach in the study of religion, they
EDMUND LEACH (1987)
are able to review, revise, and continue to develop the struc-
turalist approach. Although the earlier stage of structuralist
scholarship was much concerned with exegeses of the most
“canonical” writing of, especially, Lévi-Strauss, subsequent
STRUCTURALISM [FURTHER CONSID-
research has not been uncritical of the “masters,” and it has
ERATIONS]. In 1970, Sir Edmund Leach wrote in his
also been able to advance and transform the initial inspira-
book about Claude Lévi-Strauss (1908–) that structuralism
tions and to solidify and justify the structuralist paradigm
was held by many to be a new philosophy. “Lévi-Strauss,”
(Johnson, 2003).
he stated, “is regarded among the intellectuals of his own
country as the leading exponent of ‘Structuralism,’ a word
One of the critical points in the early structuralist period
which has come to be used as if it denoted a whole new phi-
was a rather consistent criticism concerning the validity and
losophy of life on the analogy of ‘Marxism’ or ‘Existential-
replicability of structural analysis and the more practical is-
ism.’ What is this ‘Structuralism’ all about?” (1970, p. 15).
sues of method: How does one proceed and where are struc-
Leach has answered the question himself in a number of pub-
tures to be found? Are they part of the “native’s reality”—are
lications. His characterization may certainly be an apt im-
they in the human mind or in sociocultural products? Are
pression of what was “in the air” in the 1960s. Later this was
they conscious or subconscious representational models or
to change, but it is not quite off the mark to say that post-
are they analytical and explanatory models made by the ana-
structuralism—sometimes presented as postmodernism—
lyst? Leach’s suspicion was quite clear:
has since been highly advertised as much more than a meth-
In all his writings Lévi-Strauss assumes that the simple
od or a fashion; it has been heralded as grasping the very spir-
first-stage “model” generated by the observer’s first im-
it of the age. It may seem so if one discusses the latest trends
pressions corresponds quite closely to a genuine (and
in late modern societies, but when applied to religion and
very important) ethnographic reality— the “conscious
the study of religion, the attractiveness of the latest intellec-
model” which is present in the minds of the anthropol-
tual fashions fade. Religions and religious traditions are
ogist’s informants. . . . It seems all too obvious that
this initial model is little more than an amalgam of the
much more conventional, traditional, and ritualized than
observer’s own prejudiced presuppositions. (1970,
late modern trends and fashions, and it therefore makes good
p.12)
sense to study religions and matters pertaining to religion in
a structuralist framework.
Leach also remarks that Lévi-Strauss “consistently behaves
like an advocate defending a cause rather than a scientist
It is the basic premise of structuralism that human so-
searching for ultimate truth” (1970, p. 12). Although “ulti-
ciocultural products, such as language and religion, are sign
mate truth” seems outside the range of human knowledge,
systems in which any entity becomes meaningful only in re-
the implications are clear enough. On the other hand, since
lation to the system and its rules and against a structured
the days when it was necessary to defend structuralism as a
background. The structures and rules are mostly followed
new approach, analyses have proved quite fruitful in many
unconsciously. Ironically, post-structural phenomena may
areas of the human sciences, from social anthropology to
thus also be analyzed in structuralist terms.
media studies to biblical scholarship. As Stanley J. Tambiah
Thus, structuralism is by no means exhausted as an ap-
has illustrated in his Edmund Leach (2002), Leach’s own pro-
proach to human cultural and social formations. The long
duction is a fine example of this fruitfulness, especially in re-
philosophical debate over whether the structures retrieved in
lation to cultural codes, classificatory systems, and ritual for-
analysis are preeminently to derive from minds producing
mations. Further, it should be emphasized that semiotics,
culture or are to be located in the products themselves dis-
discourse analysis, and a range of other approaches would
solves to an extent in a structuralist perspective. That is be-
have been unthinkable without the influence of struc-
cause all cultural products, be they language, symbolism, reli-
turalism.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8758
STRUCTURALISM [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
As the structuralist theoretical inspiration has proved
STRUCTURALISM IN EMPIRICAL STUDIES. Over the years,
highly consequential for many of the human sciences, a
more empirical and subject-oriented research in a structural-
number of works have appeared that critically review and re-
ist frame of mind has replaced the style of the earlier pro-
vise the earlier reading and understandings of the ground-
grammatic and more technical essays. Structuralism has be-
breaking effort of the founders. Among these, Paul J. Thi-
come ordinary, legitimate, and mainstream in the study of
bault’s Re-reading Saussure (1997) stands out as he
religion to the extent that terms such as “structural,” “struc-
demonstrates how Saussure’s ideas about language were not
turalist,” or “structuralism” do not appear in the title of
simply formal and abstract but much more concerned with
works that draw on the structural heritage. There are certain
how meaning is produced in social life. Thibault thoroughly
traits that can disguise the fact that an argument in the study
criticizes the more conventional readings of Saussure. Roy
of religion has come from structuralism, including: notions
Harris’s work is also highly interesting for its analyses of the
of systemic relations and of synchronicity; the idea of there
ways in which Saussure’s intellectual legacy has been
being no firm foundations and definite pristine historical ori-
handled.
gins; and the absence of single or direct references for mean-
ings and semantic contents. It is also a structuralist idea that
STRUCTURALISM AS METHOD AND THEORY IN THE STUDY
elements and meanings are neither fixed nor given but always
OF RELIGION. Jeppe Sinding Jensen’s article “Structure” in
depend on relations to other elements and meanings—that
Guide to the Study of Religion (2000) traces the development
is, the notion of systemic relations between elements. A fur-
of structuralism in the human sciences with a special empha-
ther trait of a hidden structural argument occurs when the
sis on the ramifications for the study of religion. Hans H.
text metaphor is extended to cover actions and institutions,
Penner forcefully advocates structuralist theory for the study
which thus become “readable” because of the rules of compo-
of religion in his Impasse and Resolution: A Critique of the
sition (constitutive and regulatory) that govern their func-
Study of Religion (1989). Penner disproves the thesis set forth
tions. Another keyword is transformation, which structualists
by Leach and others about the probable weakness concerning
use instead of change or influence to stress the way in which
the validity and replicability of structuralist methodology.
something novel is always created or produced in relation to
Penner demonstrates how scholarship on, for example, Bud-
a given structure; thus, it can also be shown that, for exam-
dhism and Hinduism has benefited from structuralist analy-
ple, syncretism is not simply a hodge-podge of singular
ses by discovering the underlying regularities of the symbolic
elements but a cultural creation with certain structural
systems. However, the most central issue in structuralist
properties.
analysis is myths and mythologies. Here, Penner agrees with
Lévi-Strauss, writing that “it is very dangerous if not errone-
An instructive empirical example of “implicit structural-
ous to view myths as symbolic representations of actual social
ism” is given by Louise Bruit Zaidman and Pauline Schmitt
realities or of some cultural psyche, whatever that may mean.
Pantel in Religion in the Greek City (1994). In their study
Furthermore, it is also a mistake to study myths as concealing
of the Greeks’ “figuration of the divine,” they point out that
some hidden ‘mystical’ meaning. The meaning of a myth is
a remarkable feature of Greek culture is:
given in its concrete relations with other versions. Thus, it
the large degree to which all their systems of representa-
is clearly a misunderstanding to call this type of analysis re-
tion—pantheons, myths, visual images—were mutually
ductionistic” (p. 176). In his later anthology, Teaching Lévi-
supportive. If there was a logic at work behind the con-
Strauss (1998), Penner took up the problem of teaching
stitution of the pantheon and the elaboration of myths,
structuralism, which has been fraught with difficulties arising
this was no less true of the creation of the visual images
from the many criticisms and misunderstanding of Lévi-
of the divine that populated the Greek city. Moreover,
these systems of representation cannot be separated
Strauss’s work: “From my own study of this thought I believe
from the rituals which gave expression to the underly-
it is fair to say that the charges of ‘anti-history,’ ‘idealism,’
ing systemic structures. It is clearly impossible, for ex-
and the impossibility of verifying or falsifying his work are
ample, to study a statue in isolated abstraction from the
simply false. Nevertheless, these charges were leveled at the
ritual use to which it was put. (p. 228)
very beginning of his publications and as usual they were
then used by many who seem to have not read his publica-
Other religions and cultures of the Indo-European language
tions. . . . For many in the study of religion he was simply
family have been subjected to various structural approaches
put down as a ‘reductionist’” (p. x).
from early on, as in the approach of Georges Dumézil con-
cerning the relations between the ideological roles of rulers,
Others have wanted to know how one could “prove” the
warriors, and peasants in the mythologies of traditional
existence of structures, and many simply confused structure
Indo-European societies. However, Old Norse mythology
as an abstract term for a set of relations with more empirical
has also proven a field well-suited to structural analysis. The
manifestations of systems and design, such as the structure
value of structural analysis in the study of myth, ritual, and
of government or of a building, for example. Earlier structur-
other sociocultural institutions in the Hindu religious tradi-
alists were suspected by their more empiricist counterparts
tions has also been demonstrated. Thus, whenever we talk
of being too philosophical, idealist, or rationalist, and thus
about such issues as the Confucian concept of li (propriety),
of generating scholarship that was not grounded in “reality.”
the Muslim system of tahara (purity), or similar sets of so-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STRUCTURALISM [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
8759
ciocultural codes of conduct, we may perceive the validity of
Jensen’s “On a Semantic Definition of Religion” (1999).
structural approaches. E. Thomas Lawson and Robert N.
This is also forcefully demonstrated in Language, Truth, and
McCauley demonstrate in Rethinking Religion (1990) that
Religious Beliefs (1999), edited by Nancy K. Frankenberry
this goes for rituals as well. In a number of studies of religious
and Hans H. Penner, a reader on relevant positions for this
traditions, implicit structuralism has made its impact. This
discussion. How semantics and structuralist thought have
may also be in the mode of a pragmatic structuralism work-
converged on the philosophy of language is also the topic of
ing from the positions of Michel Foucault and Pierre Bour-
Jaroslav Peregrin’s important work, Meaning and Structure
dieu. In some areas, such as studies of the Muslim tradition,
(2001), in which a number ofpostanalytic philosophical and
these inspirations have made an obvious impact—Talal
holist positions are reviewed. Holistic methodology is conso-
Asad’s Genealogies of Religion (1993) is an example. The “sys-
nant with the general structuralist tenet that elements of a
tematicity” argument may of course be overstated, and there
system (words, terms, concepts, and so on) do not have
is a problem if one suggests that entire systems should be
meaning in themselves but only in relation to other elements
present in every human actor’s individual mind—and con-
and the larger system that they constitute—such as in a lan-
sciously so. This is not the case, for the structuralist argu-
guage or a “form of life,” as Ludwig Wittgenstein later
ment presupposes that competence is largely unconscious, in
termed the preconditions for mutual understanding. What
the sense that speakers may talk without explicit knowledge
goes for conceptual systems in general also goes for the study
of the linguistic rules they obey or violate.
of religion, as the notions, models, and theories employed
in that activity are also interdependently defined.
THE SURVIVAL OF STRUCTURALISM IN SEMIOTICS AND SE-
MANTICS. It is frequently assumed that the advent of post-
In direct relation to methodology in the study of reli-
structuralism indicated the demise of structuralism. This
gion, mention must be made of Gavin Flood’s Beyond Phe-
may have been the case in literary theory and criticism, where
nomenology (1999), where the author proposes a shift in
other reading strategies have replaced structural analysis. But,
philosophical basis away from the subject and toward a phi-
there is even a “post” post-structuralism—or is there? As it
losophy of signs as the “first philosophy” for the study of reli-
turns out, post-structuralism is a continuation of structural-
gion. This idea is precisely in accordance with the fundamen-
ism, but with an emphasis on self-critical and reflexive
tal tenets of the structuralist paradigm.
thought. However, the field has been bursting with near-
perplexing jargon, and the consequences for the human and
MEANINGS, MINDS AND SYMBOLIC WORLDS. Holistic and
social sciences of applying postmodernist theory have been
structuralist theory is also opposed to the “mentalist” point
quite uncertain to many. It is understandable when scholars
of view, where meanings must necessarily and only be locat-
of religions are uneasy with post-structuralism and postmod-
ed in individual minds. However, the thought that meanings
ernist skepticism about realism and the idea that all claims
are somehow related to what individuals “have in mind” is
to truth are but power games. Students of religion are quite
obvious, not only from common experience, but also on the
sensitive to the differences between religious and scholarly
basis of cognitive theories and research; however, the precise
discourse. The crucial questions also involve the problem of
way in which symbolic systems, meaning, and the mental
representation, that is, about who speaks how about whom,
and cognitive are related is a complex question over which
and here the “post” movements present both problems and
there is considerable controversy. The concept of the
solutions. There is the problem that profound difference
“human mind,” as used by Lévi-Strauss and others, has
makes us all different, while at the same time it also makes
caused consistent confusion, since in French it would mostly
us all equal—and game for comparison and analysis.
refer to something social and public, but in English it would
refer to a mental realm. There is no doubt, however, that the
Semiotics, the study of signs and signification, also arose
“universes of the mind,” as they have been called by the semi-
out of the structuralist milieu, and in the French tradition
otician Yuri Lotman (1990), must not only be in minds, but
it represented, as “structural semantics,” attempts toward de-
must also be abstract systems of signs so that they may “circu-
veloping a formal science of meaning. In the study of reli-
late” between minds and thereby be involved in the creating
gion, semiotics evolved into a more practical approach, dem-
of worlds of meaning.
onstrating the heuristic capacities of the methodology. The
field of biblical studies has, on the whole, proven fertile
All this may seem suggestive of idealism. If so, it is not
ground for structuralist and semiotic analyses, as witnessed
a problem. For, as Peter Caws argues in his Structuralism
by the appearance of journals such as Semeia: An Experimen-
(1997), “a form of idealism that may be philosophically sus-
tal Journal for Biblical Criticism and Linguistica Biblica. In
pect if applied to the world of nature may be exactly appro-
a more general vein, Richard Parmentier’s Signs in Society
priate when applied to the world of society, since although
(1994) concerns semiotics in the anthropology of culture.
the existence of nature cannot reasonably be supposed to be
dependent on minds (the New Physics to the contrary not-
Semantics, the study of meaning in philosophy and lin-
withstanding), the existence of society as society can”
guistics, is also generally an heir to structuralist notions, as
(p. 17). It is only when humans invent, construct, and make
the general theory of meaning in the wake of analytic philos-
some things “count as” other things that society, culture, and
ophy has turned towards holistic perspectives, as shown in
language come into existence—with art, politics, money,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8760
STRUCTURALISM [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
rules about ritual purity, and all that it takes to make human
Lechte, John. Fifty Key Contemporary Thinkers: From Structuralism
and symbolic worlds meaningful. And in making those
to Postmodernity. London, 1994. Concise catalog of the most
worlds, we also make ourselves—would we be thoughtful
prominent names in the development of structuralist theory.
humans if we were not full of thoughts?
Lotman, Yuri M. Universe of the Mind: A Semiotic Theory of Cul-
ture. Bloomington, Ind., 1990. A theory of relations between
BIBLIOGRAPHY
language, semiotics and culture.
Asad, Talal. Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power
Lawson, E. Thomas, and Robert N. McCauley. Rethinking Reli-
in Christianity and Islam. Baltimore, 1993. Post-structural
gion. Connecting Cognition and Culture. Cambridge, U.K.,
analyses on religion and power.
1990. Language-theoretical and cognitive views on ritual
Biardeau, Madeleine. Histoires de poteaux: Variations védiques au-
forms and structures.
tour de la déesse hindoue. Paris, 1989. Structural studies in an-
Malamoud, Charles. Cooking the World: Ritual and Thought in
cient Indian cosmology.
Ancient India. New York, 1996. Structural study of ancient
Bourdieu, Pierre. The Logic of Practice. Translated by Richard
Indian cosmology and practice.
Nice. Cambridge, U.K., 1990. On human practice and soci-
Parmentier, Richard J. Signs in Society: Studies in Semiotic Anthro-
ety as structured and structuring.
pology. Bloomington, Ind., 1994. Theoretical studies on the
Caws, Peter. Structuralism: A Philosophy for the Human Sciences.
role of semiotics in anthropology.
Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1997. In-depth reflections on
Penner, Hans H. Impasse and Resolution. A Critique of the Study
structuralism in the human sciences.
of Religion. New York, 1989. Critical introduction to struc-
Davidsen, Ole. The Narrative Jesus: A Semiotic Reading of Mark’s
turalism as a method for the study of religion.
Gospel. Aarhus, 1993. A semiotic analysis of biblical text.
Penner, Hans H., ed. Teaching Lévi-Strauss. Atlanta, 1998. An in-
Davis, Colin. After Poststructuralism: Reading, Stories, and Theory.
troduction to Lévi-Strauss’s work with responses by critics.
London, 2003. Critical reflections on the fate of post-
Peregrin, Jaroslav. Meaning and Structure: Structuralism of
structuralism.
(Post)analytic Philosophers. Aldershot, U.K., 2001. The posi-
Doniger, Wendy. “Post-modern and—colonial—Structural
tion of structuralism in recent philosophy of language.
Comparisons.” In A Magic Still Dwells: Comparative Religion
Potter, Jonathan. Representing Reality: Discourse, Rhetoric, and So-
in the Postmodern Age, edited by Kimberley C. Patton and
cial Construction. London, 1996. Critical responses to post-
Benjamin C. Ray, pp. 63–74. Berkeley, Calif., 2000. On
modernist theory.
comparison and and postmodernism in the study of religion.
Rosenau, Pauline Marie. Post-modernism and the Social Sciences:
Flood, Gavin D. Beyond Phenomenology: Rethinking the Study of
Insights, Inroads, and Intrusions. Princeton, 1992. Critical
Religion. London, 1999. Methodological reflections on the
analysis of the position of postmodernism in social science.
study of religion from a philosophy of language perspective.
Ross, Margaret Clunies. Prolonged Echoes: Old Norse Myths in Me-
Frankenberry, Nancy K., and Hans H. Penner, eds. Language,
dieval Northern Society, vol. 1, The Myths. Odense, Denmark,
Truth, and Religious Belief: Studies in Twentieth-Century The-
1994. On structures in Old Norse myth and cosmology.
ory and Method in Religion. Atlanta, 1999. Anthology of im-
portant essays on language and meaning aimed at students
Tambiah, Stanley J. Edmund Leach: An Anthropological Life. Cam-
of religion.
bridge, U.K., 2002. Biography of Leach, written as a history
of structuralism in British social anthropology.
Harris, Roy. Saussure and His Interpreters. New York, 2001. Ana-
lyzes the influence of Saussure’s linguistic theory.
Thibault, Paul J. Re-reading Saussure: The Dynamics of Signs in So-
cial Life. London, 1997. Critical reappraisal of Saussure’s
Jensen, Jeppe Sinding. “On a Semantic Definition of Religion.”
theoretical legacy.
In The Pragmatics of Defining Religion: Contexts, Concepts,
and Contests, edited by Jan G. Platvoet and Arie L. Molendi-
Zaidman, Louise Bruit, and Pauline Schmitt Pantel. Religion in
jk, pp. 409–431. Leiden, Netherlands, 1999. Structural, se-
the Ancient Greek City. Translated by Paul Cartledge. Cam-
mantic, and semiotic theories in relation to the definition of
bridge, U.K., 1994. Structures in ancient Greek religion.
religion.
JEPPE SINDING JENSEN (2005)
Jensen, Jeppe Sinding. “Structure.” In Guide to the Study of Reli-
gion, edited by Willi Braun and Russell T. McCutcheon,
pp. 314–333. London, 2000. Review of issues concerning
STUDY OF RELIGION
structure and structuralism in the study of religion.
This entry consists of the following articles:
Jensen, Jeppe Sinding. The Study of Religion in a New Key: Theo-
AN OVERVIEW
retical and Philosophical Soundings in the Comparative and
THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN AUSTRALIA AND
General Study of Religion. A˚arhus, Denmark, 2003. The com-
OCEANIA
parative study of religion redefined in a philosophy of lan-
THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE
AND RUSSIA
guage perspective.
THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN JAPAN
Johnson, Christopher. Claude Lévi-Strauss: The Formative Years.
THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH AFRICA
Cambridge, U.K., 2003. Lévi-Strauss’s early biography as a
AND THE MIDDLE EAST
history of structuralism.
THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH AMERICA
THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN SOUTH ASIA
Leach, Edmund. Claude Lévi-Strauss. New York, 1970. Classic
THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN SUB-SAHARAN
work on Lévi-Strauss and structuralism in anthropology.
AFRICA
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
8761
STUDY OF RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
THE EMERGENCE OF THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION.
Unlike theology, the academic study of religion seeks to pro-
According to a well-worn German cliché, Religionswissen-
vide accounts of the world’s religions from perspectives that
schaft—the comparative study of religion, the history of reli-
have no confessional (religious) ground or agenda. As an em-
gions, the academic study of religion—is a child of the En-
pirical pursuit, it is concerned with understanding and ex-
lightenment. Insofar as this cliché invites us to disregard
plaining what people actually think and do without estab-
intellectual developments outside of Europe, it issues an invi-
lishing or enforcing norms for that thought and behavior. It
tation that we should decline. But it does begin to identify
takes the entire universe of religions as its object of study;
the conditions under which the academic study of religion
classically educated scholars were once fond of quoting the
appeared in Europe, and in doing so it invites us to reflect
Roman playwright Terence (c. 186–159 BCE), a freed slave
more generally on the conditions under which that study has
from North Africa: “homo sum; nihil humanum mihi alienum
emerged.
puto” (“I am a human being; I consider nothing human for-
There are many kinds of knowledge about religions. Be-
eign to me”). It also aspires to treat all religions equally. Of
fore the emergence of the academic study of religion, people
course, these characterizations are subject to critical interro-
learned about their own religions from people such as rela-
gation, both in terms of the degree to which individual works
tives, neighbors, priests, shamans, teachers, preachers,
live up to them and the degree to which they are themselves
monks, nuns, and maybe even philosophers and theologians.
philosophically defensible.
They learned about other religions from similar sources,
Despite the field’s universal reach, Europeans and
along with proselytizers, apologists, polemicists, and here-
North Americans have tended to conceive of the study of re-
siologists, who provided information about the practices and
ligion ethnocentrically. Although the objects of study—
beliefs of other people but also gave reasons either to adopt
religious people—have been universal, the subjects—the
those beliefs and practices, to disregard them, to fear them,
people doing the studying—have not. When they did not
or even to persecute and kill the people who adhered to
physically reside in Europe or North America, they were in-
them. In addition, travelers like Herodotos (c. 484–between
tellectually, if not biologically, of European or North Ameri-
430 and 420 BCE), Xuanzang (602–664), and Ibn Battuta
can descent. They studied religions—as a young scholar in
(1307–1377), at times less interested in specific religious
the Middle East recently described his professional activity
agendas, provided knowledge of the practices and beliefs of
in correspondence with this author—from a Western per-
people who lived in more remote lands. All of these people
spective.
and others as well, such as foreign service officers and jour-
The pervasiveness of European and North American
nalists, may provide information about religions, but that in-
political and economic colonialism and cultural influence
formation does not in itself constitute the academic study of
gives some credence to this conception. Nevertheless, a view
religion. In order for that study to emerge, at least three con-
of the academic study of religion excessively centered on the
ditions need to be met.
so-called West also takes several risks. It risks ignoring ante-
First, the academic study of religion encompasses only
cedents of that study in various parts of the globe that pre-
certain kinds of knowledge, namely, those kinds associated
date or do not depend upon the European Enlightenment.
with institutions devoted to the professional production and
It risks neglecting vigorous traditions of that study that are
dissemination of knowledge, such as universities. These
emerging in various parts of the world. And it risks impover-
kinds of knowledge derive their authority in part from the
ishing that study by looking only to Europe and North
application of approved procedures. Scholars self-consciously
America for theoretical and methodological inspiration. In
pursue methods that are presumed to eliminate mistakes and
other words, it confines the academic study of religion not
errors that plague ordinary knowledge and/or that produce
within the boundaries of a religious community, as in the
accounts that have the appearance of greater-than-average so-
case of theology, but within those of a culture or civilization.
phistication. These kinds of knowledge also derive their au-
The entries that follow treat the academic study of reli-
thority in part from various forms of institutional validation:
gion throughout the world. It has seemed expedient to divide
material support for those who produce and transmit knowl-
the articles in terms of large geographical regions arranged
edge by approved means; the certification of those who have
alphabetically, but one should remember that these regions
mastered both the techniques and content of the produced
are themselves somewhat artificial. The entries seek to ad-
knowledge; and the codification and preservation of the
dress how religious studies has come into being in different
knowledge produced—either in human memory, as in the
ways in different academic settings. They treat the contribu-
case of su¯tras and ´sa¯stras, or via external media such as hand-
tion of scholars in each region to the study of religions that
written, printed, or, increasingly, electronic books and jour-
are found outside as well as within the regions. Thus, the
nals. One condition for the emergence of the academic study
entry on South Asia, for example, treats the manner in which
of religion, then, is the development of such institutions of
South Asians have studied religions, not the study of South
knowledge, as has happened for example among Maha¯ya¯na
Asian religions. The remainder of this entry offers more gen-
Buddhists in north India in the first few centuries CE, in the
eral observations about the emergence of the study of reli-
Middle East toward the end of the first millennium CE, and
gion, its development, and its methods.
in Europe beginning in the thirteenth century CE.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8762
STUDY OF RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
The mere existence of institutions such as universities
study of religion. It might just as well lead to apologetics, as
is not, however, sufficient for the emergence of the academic
happened in Middle Eastern and European universities dur-
study of religion. In Europe, for example, an interval of over
ing the medieval period, or to a global theology or religious
half a millennium intervened between the development of
philosophy, such as the philosophia perennis that attracts
the medieval universities and the emergence of the academic
thinkers around the world today. At least one further condi-
study of religion. (By contrast, in sub-Saharan Africa that
tion is necessary for the emergence of the academic study of
study has been a component of such institutions almost from
religion. That is the relinquishing of interest in establishing
the very beginning.) At least two other conditions are neces-
traditional religious claims and turning instead to under-
sary.
standing and explaining religious phenomena, regardless of
provenance, through nonconfessional models. Herodotos
The first of these conditions requires thinkers to class
displays something of this attitude, in the absence of the
practices, claims, and forms of association together in ways
other two conditions, when he remarks that all people know
similar to the ways in which they are classed together by the
equally (little?) about the gods, so he is simply going to talk
term “religion” in English and other European languages
about human affairs and customs.
today, and then to view the resulting set as a proper object
for study by a distinct group of scholars. Martin Riesebrodt
Academic communities may adopt these pluralistic, hu-
has argued that this classification is not as culturally limited
manistic projects via different tracks. In contexts within
as it may at first seem. He has pointed out that people have
which one religion, such as Christianity or Islam, is consid-
grouped together phenomena that German (and English)
ered to be uniquely true, an important step between apolo-
speakers think of as religious even without having a generic
getics and the academic study of religion may be the convic-
notion of religion. For example, A´soka’s edicts treat
tion that all religions share a basic core, rooted somehow in
bra¯hman:as (early Hindus) and ´sra¯van:as (early Buddhists,
the essence of humanity. This step is transitional, because it
Jains, and other renouncers) as if they belonged to the same
leaves in place a tension between the concerns of a global reli-
class. Polemicists at Chinese courts during the first millenni-
gious philosophy or theology on the one hand, and under-
um CE also thought of Buddhist, Daoist, and Confucian
standing and explaining religions through nonconfessional
teachings as of similar kind. Nevertheless, the manner in
models on the other. Europe and its cultural descendants
which such classes are conceptualized—whether as dharm[a]
largely followed this track. European thinkers such as Her-
in Sanskrit-based languages, din in Arabic, shukyo¯ in Japa-
bert of Cherbury (1583–1648) responded to the wars of
nese, or something else—may present difficulties for the
religion by formulating the notion of a “natural religion”
emergence of the academic study of religion. For example,
common to all people. The Romantics responded to Enlight-
the traditional institutionalized study of dharma, whose sense
enment rationality by celebrating universally human “inti-
in Sanskrit we might convey by terms such as statute, ordi-
mations of immortality” and of other religious profundities.
nance, law, duty, justice, virtue, and morality as well as reli-
Both laid the foundations for the emergence of a comparative
gion, bears little resemblance to anything that we would
study of religion whose character as a global theology was ex-
know as either the academic study of religion or theology,
pressed well in the dying words of an early Swedish scholar
as even a passing acquaintance with the Dharma´sa¯stras makes
who also happened to be a Lutheran archbishop, Nathan Sö-
clear. Abrahim Khan suggests that this term’s meaning has
derblom (1866–1931): “I know God exists; I can prove it
in fact hampered the emergence of the academic study of re-
from the history of religions.” Tensions between the compar-
ligion as a single, independent academic pursuit in India.
ative study of religion as a global theology and an academic
Japanese scholars in the Meiji era and later wrestled with the
study of religion that is more self-consciously humanistic re-
meaning of the term “religion” in a somewhat different way.
main especially strong in North America, in part as a result
In order to endorse the politically desirable view that Japan
of the profound influence once exercised by Mircea Eliade
was a secular state, they had to separate into religious and
(1907–1986).
nonreligious spheres beliefs and practices that had customari-
ly been classed together as Shinto¯. In the second half of the
In contexts in which traditional claims to religious ex-
twentieth century, Africans, reacting to imported European
clusivity are lacking and all religions are somehow seen as
concepts, questioned the extent to which the term “religion”
manifestations of religious truth, a different track for the
really worked in African contexts. Although in North Ameri-
emergence of the academic study of religion is probably nec-
ca and Europe the academic study of religion is fairly widely
essary. That is because in these contexts it would simply be
established today, some scholars in that region, too, have
a task of the local equivalent of theology or religious philoso-
questioned the extent to which the category “religion” is ap-
phy to elucidate the common core of truth that all religions
plicable across cultures. In doing so, they have seemed to call
share. Precisely what forces have stimulated a shift to the use
the legitimacy of that study as a distinct field into question.
of nonreligious models in these areas remains a question for
future research. One certainly cannot overlook the impor-
The combination of the institutionalization of knowl-
tance of external stimuli, especially in regions that were heav-
edge and the identification of religion as a fit object of study
ily colonized (sub-Saharan Africa) or that saw themselves en-
does not inevitably lead to the emergence of the academic
gaged in military and cultural competition with Europeans
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
8763
and U.S. Americans (Japan). At the same time, it may not
of European languages to Sanskrit and Old Iranian. Within
do justice either to scholars who have urged the adoption of
Europe incipient cultural nationalisms, inspired in part by
humanistic models or to their situations simply to refer to
J. G. Herder (1744–1803), stimulated the collection, and at
them as “westernized.” On the one hand, “Western” models
times the wholesale invention, of local folklore. At the same
of education, such as Britain introduced into colonized Afri-
time, ethnographic reports of ideas and practices elsewhere—
ca, were actually heavily theological. On the other, some
custom reserves for Bronislaw Malinowski (1884–1942) the
non-Westerners like early Japanese scholars of religions have
honor of being the first actual anthropological fieldworker—
criticized Westerners for blurring the distinction between the
poured into Europe. European thinkers filtered all this mate-
academic study of religion and theology.
rial through mental sieves that sought to retrieve the essence
of religion and its earliest or primal forms, resulting in once
DEVELOPMENT OF THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION.
well-known theories such as fetishism, solar mythology, to-
The preceding section contains unmistakable resonances
temism, animism, pre-animism or dynamism, primitive mo-
with the thought of Max Weber, especially his notions of
notheism, and the magic-religion-science schema of James
routinization, rational-bureaucratic authority, and the disen-
George Frazer (1854–1941). These theories, in turn, provid-
chantment of the modern world. Of the three conditions dis-
ed a context for the reflection of thinkers such as Emile
cussed above, however, perhaps only the second is actually
Durkheim (1858–1917), Max Weber (1864–1920), and
distinctively modern, and that only if we extend modernity
Sigmund Freud (1856–1939).
back into the immediate post-Reformation period, as histori-
ans of philosophy usually do. Nevertheless, the emergence
Alongside philological, ethnographic, and folkloristic
of the academic study of religion as a result of the confluence
studies, liberal Protestant theology played a major role in the
of these three conditions is in fact a modern—or more re-
development of the academic study of religion in Europe and
cent—development. Individual entries will summarize re-
North America. Inspired by Friedrich Schleiermacher
gional histories in more detail. Here it may be helpful to ven-
(1768–1834), liberal theologians attempted to rescue Chris-
ture a few signposts.
tianity from the critical results of natural science, history, and
ethnography by appealing to a supposedly universal religious
A tradition common in Europe and North America at-
experience of which Christianity was the supreme manifesta-
tributes the birth of the “science of religion,” as it was called,
tion. The result in the first half of the twentieth century was
to the comparative philologist Friedrich Max Müller (1823–
a phenomenology of religion as developed by Nathan Söder-
1900), who referred to it for the first time in the 1867 pref-
blom, Rudolf Otto (1869–1937), Friedrich Heiler (1892–
ace to his Chips from a German Workshop. Nevertheless, sev-
1967), Gustav Mensching (1901–1978), Gerardus van der
eral factors complicate this birth story. First, Europeans be-
Leeuw (1890–1950), and their associates, and, with less
fore Müller had done philological, ethnographic, and
Christian emphasis, the similar endeavors of thinkers like
theoretical work that might just as well be considered a part
C. G. Jung (1875–1961) and Mircea Eliade. While philolo-
of the academic study of religion, e.g. the work of Eugène
gists, ethnographers, and folklorists were often content to
Burnouf in the study of Buddhism. Second, inasmuch as
work within academic units defined either by language and
Müller’s own vision of the science of religion, informed by
culture (e.g., East Asian Languages and Civilizations) or by
German idealism, sought a scientific means to religious
a more general method (e.g., Cultural Anthropology), the
truth, it is not clear that his science is precisely what we mean
phenomenologists generally favored the placement of the ac-
by the study of religion. Third, traditions in the Middle East,
ademic study of religion in a single, autonomous academic
Japan, and perhaps elsewhere, too, that predate Müller’s talk
unit or department.
can claim equal regional significance in moving toward a sci-
ence of religions. In short, the birth of this field of study is
Although the political convictions of individual scholars
attributable not to a single event but to an extended and
varied, none of these moves happened in a political vacuum.
complex series of events in several regions.
For example, Michel Despland has discussed the relationship
between the policies of the July Monarchy in France and a
One major player in the European buildup to the study
hermeneutically oriented study of religious texts. David
of religion was philology. During the humanist movement
Chidester has noted similarities between Britain’s manage-
of the fifteenth century, Europeans learned Greek and He-
ment of colonized peoples and its management of their reli-
brew and critically edited ancient biblical manuscripts. In the
gions. What Europeans and North Americans have noticed
late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries they followed a sim-
less, perhaps, is how the encounter looked from the other
ilar pattern with regard to a broader range of materials. They
side.
learned the “classical” languages of the Middle East and Asia
and set themselves to work on the “sacred books” written in
Colonial mastery provided Europeans with ready con-
these languages, a move that some connect with a residual
trol over an extremely wide variety of materials not so easily
Protestantism. They further deciphered ancient writing—
available to the colonized. It provided the motivation to
hieroglyphics, cuneiform—and opened new vistas in what
study those materials by making knowledge of the people to
they saw, somewhat oddly, as their own antiquity, especially
whom they had belonged desirable. It also provided a safe
prebiblical civilizations in the Middle East and the linkage
space from which scholars could examine the materials but
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8764
STUDY OF RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
ignore the claims they made—or even become enamored
Tokyo 1903) as well as professional societies (United States
with them without surrendering any real sense of identity or
1890 [dissolved ten years later], Europe [International Asso-
control. At the beginning of the twentieth century colonial
ciation for the History of Religions] 1900, Japan 1930) for
endeavors presented Japanese scholars with similar opportu-
the study of religion. (In 1905 only the Tokyo chair carried
nities, although their range was more limited.
the title “science of religion.”) Research and publication
were, of course, the inevitable concomitants of such founda-
For the colonized the situation was different. Quite
tions—in one sense they were their raison d’être—symbolized
aside from possessing different histories of the formulation
but certainly not exhausted in the English-speaking world by
and organization of knowledge, people on the receiving end
the massive Sacred Books of the East series. The second wave,
of the colonial project did not need to develop academic
which came in the third quarter of the twentieth century in
fields to learn about the “sacred books of Europe.” Missiona-
ries were more than willing to provide that knowledge, even
the wake of decolonization and the cold war, was much more
if colonial governments did not always appreciate their ef-
wide-ranging. It saw the development of programs for the
forts. And far from being able to study the claims and prac-
academic study of religion in sub-Saharan Africa; Australia,
tices of the colonial rulers from the detached perspective of
New Zealand, and Oceania; Latin America; and to a limited
a supposedly disinterested, value-free science, colonized peo-
extent South Asia and the Middle East, along with the
ple were forced to define themselves over against claims by
founding of new programs in Europe as well as a burgeoning
representatives of a dominant power that threatened to un-
of programs in the United States.
dercut their traditional identity and destroy their intellectual
These efforts have met with varying success. Despite a
autonomy.
long tradition, Japan has programs in the academic study of
The early leaders in the academic study of religion were
religion in only about one percent of its universities; by con-
in fact the Europeans, with help from the Japanese and
trast, by the 1970s the corresponding number in the United
North Americans. Nevertheless, it would be simplistic to see
States was about one third. Such efforts have also encoun-
the study of religion merely as a colonialist enterprise. It may
tered a variety of challenges. For example, programs in sub-
also be seen as in part a response in the arena of reflection
Saharan Africa have suffered from a lack of infrastructure as
on religion, and not always the dominant one, to fundamen-
well as a loss of intellectual talent to more prosperous parts
tal infrastructural changes that made colonialism as well as
of the globe. In most places a primary challenge has come
nationalism possible: the increasing compression of space
from dominant religions and ideologies. French institutions
and time as a result of ever more rapid technologies of trans-
have been adamantly secular for over a century, but else-
portation and communication. The results of this space-time
where in Western Europe dominant programs in Christian
compression include increased personal contacts between
theology have outdone the academic study of religion in
peoples previously separated, closer economic, political, and
competition for scarce resources and public status; for exam-
cultural interdependence, and substantial increases in the
ple, in the United Kingdom the leading programs have been
scale of institutions of knowledge as well as manufacturing
in so-called new universities (Lancaster, Manchester, Stir-
and trade. This compression facilitated the appearance of an
ling), and a similar pattern is visible to some extent in Ger-
academic study of religion not simply by granting greater ac-
many (Bayreuth, Bremen), despite traditions in older univer-
cess to data but also by making confessional frames for
sities (Berlin, Bonn, Marburg, Tübingen). Programs in
knowledge less convincing—although they certainly re-
Eastern Europe and China have had to negotiate a state ide-
mained convincing to many—and creating a context in
ology antagonistic to religion, while programs in the United
which knowledge of religion not limited by confessional
States, which blossomed during the cold war, have needed
boundaries became more desirable. It did so under the shad-
to negotiate a state ideology whose opposition to “godless
ow of increased nationalism and colonialism, which both re-
communism” favored religious commitment. In the Middle
sulted from and enforced inequitable control of new technol-
East, space-time compression has brought about a very dif-
ogies as well as intellectual and cultural activities.
ferent relationship with the rest of the world: the rerouting
of formerly vigorous, intercontinental trade either around or,
From a long perspective, what may be remarkable about
in the case of air travel, over the region and a shift to oil as
the institutionalization of the academic study of religion is
a source of wealth, often actually or seemingly controlled by
not that it first took place in Europe, Japan, and North
foreigners. This context has encouraged a religiously defined
America but how quickly it occurred all over the world.
cultural loyalism. Although some programs in the academic
(That occurrence should not be isolated from the simulta-
study of religion have arisen in the region, most work takes
neous emergence of many other aspects of contemporary life,
place in the context of the presumed superiority of Islam as
from scientific medicine to weapons technology.) The insti-
God’s final revelation.
tutionalization of the study of religion came in two waves.
The first wave occurred in the late nineteenth and early
The academic study of religion has often justified itself
twentieth centuries, when Europeans along with North
in terms of its public utility. For example, in Japan before
Americans and Japanese took the lead in establishing univer-
1945 some advocated pursuing it as a contribution to nation-
sity positions and programs (Lausanne 1871; Boston 1873;
al unity. In postcolonial Africa scholars turned to the study
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
8765
of indigenous religions as a means to foster independent po-
explanations for various occurrences along the lines of the so-
litical and cultural identities. More broadly, Mircea Eliade
cial and natural sciences? Does one require a special sympa-
aspired to revive culture through the formulation of a “new
thy for religion in order to make sense out of it, or is one
humanism.”
required to be an outsider—a “methodological” if not actual
atheist or agnostic—in order to see clearly? Arguments about
At the beginning of the twenty-first century scholars of
these and similar questions have perhaps generated more heat
religions were pursuing yet another public role: providing
the general public and more specifically mass communica-
and smoke than they have light. Nevertheless, one might de-
tions media with reliable information about religions (Japa-
tect a trend in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centu-
nese scholars after the Aum Shinrikyo¯ attacks; ReMID in
ries toward a conception of the study of religions that is poly-
Germany and INFORM in the United Kingdom; the infor-
methodic, explanatory, at least methodologically agnostic,
mation bureau of the American Academy of Religion). In ad-
and sees religion simply as a convenient category.
dition, many countries have been wrestling with ways to
If the efforts of a century and a half have had uncertain
make their traditions of religious education in schools more
results in precisely denoting or defining the academic study
pluralistic. Although some have adopted a pluralistic confes-
of religion, they have been somewhat more successful in cre-
sional approach, as in Germany, where students choose an
ating a common language for it. Scholars have abandoned
education in either Catholicism, Protestantism, or a more
earlier, almost Linnaean attempts to group religions into
general ethical culture, others, such as South Africa, have at
meaningful classes—natural religions, national religions,
least proposed replacing confessionally based education with
prophetic religions, ethical religions, world religions, and so
a pre-university public education in the academic study of
on—as a preliminary to locating them in grand developmen-
religion.
tal schemas. They have also abandoned attempts, inspired by
METHODS AND ISSUES IN THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELI-
Hegel, to identify the essence of each religion in a simple
GION. There is still very little by way of a universally ac-
term or proposition (for example, Zoroastrianism as “the re-
knowledged theoretical or methodological canon in the aca-
ligion of struggle,” Christianity as the “religion of love” [van
demic study of religion. One positive result is that the field
der Leeuw]). But other efforts have been more successful.
admits a considerable amount of creativity. Another result,
Consider the matter-of-factness with which we now speak of
however, is that the remarks that follow will inevitably be id-
various religions as givens—Hinduism, Buddhism, Daoism,
iosyncratic, reflecting regional and personal preferences at
Shinto¯, and so on—where, at least from a Christian or Mus-
least as much as any greater unity. They touch briefly upon
lim perspective, these now distinct religions were once sim-
commonalities that unite the academic study of religion,
ply paganism and idolatry. Scholars have also created the ru-
methods and theories of that study, and recent trends.
diments of a technical vocabulary, in which the terms myth,
Commonalities. In the English-speaking world, there
ritual, rite of passage, sacrifice, and perhaps symbol may be the
has been considerable uncertainty about both the name and
most widely successful terms. Other terms that were once
character of the academic study of religion. In the last one
prominent, such as experience, numinous, sacred, and profane,
hundred years scholars have called this pursuit the science of
not to mention older creations like totem and taboo, now
religion, comparative study of religion(s), history of reli-
seem characteristic of disputed or discarded positions. Since
gion(s), religious studies, (more colloquially) world religions,
the 1980s, however, studies have appeared that vigorously
and the academic study of religion(s). The terminology used
seek to deconstruct these common categories, both in terms
in this set of entries, “the academic study of religion,” re-
of descriptive and conceptual inadequacy and political dis-
mains ambiguous. For example, in those parts of the world
utility. Although these studies often present compelling anal-
where Christianity is the dominant religion, biblical studies
yses, they have as yet had only a limited effect on actual lin-
are traditionally a part of theology. As sometimes practiced,
guistic usage. Scholars now seem, however, to be abandoning
however, biblical studies might just as well be seen as a highly
the term “myth.”
developed subfield within the academic study of religion.
Methods and theories. At the beginning of the twenty-
Uncertainty about the name of this study finds a reflec-
first century there is some consensus that the academic study
tion in uncertainty about its character. Is it an academic dis-
of religion is a polymethodic field. There is also some con-
cipline, united in the application of a specific method, or is
sensus about some of the “approaches” or “perspectives” that
it an unruly, polymethodic field, including any and every ac-
this field contains. Almost invariably mentioned, along with
ademic pursuit that somehow treats religious data? Is the ob-
other approaches, are history, psychology, sociology, and
ject of study—“religion”—a category sui generis, which
comparative studies or phenomenology; the meaning of the
must be studied on its own terms, or does it conveniently
last term varies considerably. Although one might define
bring together elements from different areas of life, permit-
these approaches primarily in terms of problems and theo-
ting the reduction of the religious to the nonreligious? Is the
ries, in the way, for example, physicists and sociologists de-
goal to understand human religious insights or symbols as
lineate their fields, scholars of religions have generally begun
they come to expression in human speech and action, as one
instead with the ideas of “great thinkers,” for example, Wil-
understands the meanings of books, or is it rather to provide
liam James (1842–1910), Sigmund Freud, and C. G. Jung
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8766
STUDY OF RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
for psychology; Karl Marx (1818–1883), Max Weber, and
critiquing claims to objectivity and universal validity. They
Émile Durkheim for sociology; Gerardus van der Leeuw and
embrace a wide variety of positions, but among common
Mircea Eliade for phenomenology. Work in the related field
tendencies we might note the following: the conviction that
of anthropology has received similar treatment, although the
knowledge is a culturally limited social construction; an em-
“great thinkers” there may be somewhat more recent
phasis on the inevitable distortions of translation tending to
(Bronislaw Malinowski, E. E. Evans-Pritchard [1902–1973],
an assertion of incommensurability between languages, cul-
Claude Lévi-Strauss [b. 1908], Clifford Geertz [b. 1926]).
tures, and communities; the interrogation of the cultural
rootedness of the categories and methods of scholarship; the
In addition to knowing the ideas of these “great think-
deconstruction of general groupings in favor of particularity
ers” and their epigones, the common expectation today is
and difference; an interest in the corporeal and material as
that scholars of religion will also know the languages of the
people whose religions they study. Such expectations provide
opposed to the ideational that presupposes at the same time
a clue to the methods that scholars of religions actually em-
as it critiques a Cartesian dualism or Platonic idealism; a
ploy. Work in the field tends to depend upon textual analy-
preference for the marginal, variously defined by race, gen-
sis, ethnographical observation, or both, combined with a
der, class, and other categories as well; the identification of
generous amount of theorizing to set the context for the ap-
political, economic, and social domination as the actual if
plication of these methods. It less frequently analyzes non-
unstated goal of social science and scholarly endeavors more
verbal artifacts with the methods of archaeology, art history,
broadly; an insistence upon plurivocity and an experimenta-
and musicology, a tendency some attribute to a residual Prot-
tion with nontraditional, non-monographic literary forms;
estantism. Such a modus operandi assures that scholars are
and—despite the generalizations implicit in some of the pre-
attuned to the richness of their data. It also means, however,
ceding characteristics—a rejection of the possibility of for-
that work in the field tends to consist of anecdotal observa-
mulating adequate generalizations about cultural materials.
tions coupled, in the best instances, with sophisticated rea-
More recently, voices have arisen claiming to produce
soning. Scholars of religions have had relatively little interest
just the sorts of knowledge that the critical theorists find un-
in the formulation of generalizations based on a statistical
tenable. This trend has been strongest, perhaps, among those
analysis of data. They tend to regard such generalizations as
who claim to have found in cognitive science a ground for
overlooking complexity and to relegate them to the “social
universals that transcend the limitations of social construc-
scientific” study of religion, located in other academic de-
tion. (Cognitive science itself arose as an alternative to behav-
partments, professional associations, and journals.
iorism in psychology and philosophy.) When those who
Trends. Readers looking for specific topics that interest
favor science do not simply dogmatically insist upon science
scholars in the academic study of religion probably do best
as the most compelling form of contemporary knowledge,
to consult the topical outline of this encyclopedia, but it may
they may emphasize considerations like the following to jus-
be helpful here to note some broader trends. One is the in-
tify their approach: the large amount of shared mental con-
creasing specialization that has taken place over the last one
tent which the intersubjective communication that we ap-
hundred years. The demand that scholars possess sophisticat-
pear to observe presupposes; the evolutionary demands that
ed linguistic and cultural knowledge, coupled with the in-
require communication and commensurability for the sur-
crease in the number of people who have such knowledge for
vival of the species; the ability of controlled, cross-cultural
different languages and cultures, has resulted in specializa-
experimentation to establish adequate generalizations about
tion by areas, such as South Asian religions, Islam, and Bud-
universal mental structures; the need to postulate these struc-
dhism, along with subdivisions of these larger groups, like
tures in order to explain various human abilities, such as the
Vedic studies, contemporary Islam, and Japanese Buddhism.
learning of language; the tendency of critical-theoretical ac-
Other kinds of specialized groupings—women and religion,
counts to overlook commonalities and overstate differences
religion and literature—exist, although they often straddle
and so make generalizations seem implausible; the apparent
the divide between the academic study of religion and theol-
logical fallacies, such as the genetic fallacy of rejecting catego-
ogy. Specializations defined by applying specific methods to
ries on the basis of their prior history, and self-contradictions
theoretical issues, as in, for example, the distinction between
within the critical theorists’ approach; and the tendency of
physical and organic chemistry, are much less common.
critical theorists to exempt their own scholarly efforts from
the scathing criticisms that they direct at others. At present
A second trend has been an emerging tension between
the lines between critical theory and science are sharply
two broad orientations within the field, critical theory and
drawn, and it is impossible to predict what the future of this
science. The former is the more established, growing out of
tension might be.
the field’s traditional interpretive interests and relying heavi-
ly on the French “philosophers of 1968,” such as Jacques De-
Finally, one might note a growing awareness of the
rrida (1930–2004) and Michel Foucault (1926–1984), as
global character of the academic study of religion, as wit-
well as postcolonial thought, most notably, perhaps, the
nessed in part by the entries that follow. The International
thought of Edward Said (1935–2003). These scholars have
Association of the History of Religions now boasts affiliates
focused on the conditions in which knowledge is produced,
in such diverse places as Cuba, Indonesia, Nigeria, and New
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN AUSTRALIA AND OCEANIA
8767
Zealand and has been very active in hosting conferences out-
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY
side of Europe and North America. The International Com-
OF RELIGION IN AUSTRALIA AND OCEANIA
mittee of the American Academy of Religion has sought to
Aside from literature reinforcing the Christian and Jewish
foster connections between scholars in North America and
ways of life, studies in religion in the Oceanic region began
other parts of the world. The impetus for both sets of
with reports on the customs and beliefs of “savage” or “na-
activities remains, however, largely European and North
tive” peoples in and near European colonies. Along with the
American.
published diaries of early explorers, whose observations were
One would anticipate that a growing self-consciousness
highly cursory, most of the early commentators were mis-
among scholars of religions in regions outside Europe and
sionaries, including the Spanish Jesuit Juan Antonio Can-
North America would lead them to explore their own tradi-
tova, who wrote about the Caroline Islands as early as the
tions of knowledge about religions which predate European
1720s; William Ellis of the London Missionary Society, who
contact, as literary scholars have begun to do (e.g., Ganesh
documented various Polynesian cultures by 1829; and the
N. Devy, After Amnesia: Tradition and Change in Indian Lit-
German Lutherans Carl Ottow and Johann Geissler, who
erary Criticism [Bombay, 1992]; cf. Japan; North Africa and
described the New Guinea Biak people in 1857. In addition,
the Middle East). At the same time, scholars will need to re-
visitors who utilized missionary informants—such as the
flect critically on the extent to which a regionalized view of
French captain François Leconte, who wrote about northern
the academic study of religion will remain expedient. For ex-
New Caledonia in 1847—also recorded events of interest to
ample, are South Asian scholars fascinated with Marx “West-
the study of religion in the region.
ernized,” or does that label, or more broadly does the consid-
PIONEER MISSIONARIES’ REPORTS. Although evangelization
eration of the academic study of religion region by region,
was their main priority, many pioneer missionaries were sur-
obscure what may be alternative and ultimately more com-
prisingly interested in gaining knowledge of the peoples they
pelling interests uniting groups of scholars across regional
encountered. Such concepts as mana and taboo, destined to
boundaries?
stimulate Western theories about the origins of religion,
hailed from the Pacific mission field. In the 1770s, after Cap-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
tain James Cook’s brief notations on the meaning of taboo
Braun, Willi, and Russell T. McCutcheon, eds. Guide to the Study
in Tahiti and Hawai’i, the term became associated with bibli-
of Religion. London, 2000.
cal prohibition in evangelistic discourse and was thereafter
Chidester, David. Savage Systems: Colonialism and Comparative
incorporated into European vocabularies. The priest-
Religion in Southern Africa. Charlottesville, Va., 1996.
academic Robert Codrington introduced the notion of mana
as manipulated “spirit power” after investigating Banks Is-
Chidester, David. Christianity: A Global History. New York, 2001.
lander beliefs (New Hebrides, now Vanuatu) in the 1870s,
Connolly, Peter, ed. Approaches to the Study of Religion. London,
at a time when he headed the Anglican Melanesian Mission.
1999.
Totemism became an acclaimed feature of Aboriginal (and
Despland, Michel. L’émergence des sciences de la religion. La Mo-
thereby very primitive) religion; the earliest significant ac-
narchie de Juillet: un moment fondateur. Paris, 1999.
count of an Australian native protecting an animal (a goanna)
Devy, Ganesh N. After Amnesia: Tradition and Change in Indian
as his “brother” was made by a London Missionary Society
Literary Criticism. Bombay, 1992.
delegate in 1834. Ideas about high gods, again important for
Jordan, Louis Henry. Comparative Religion: Its Genesis and
origins theories (e.g., Andrew Lang in the 1890s), arose out
Growth. Edinburgh, 1905.
of Aboriginal talk of the All-Father, which was in all likeli-
Kippenberg, Hans G. Die Entdeckung der Religionsgeschichte: Reli-
hood an innovative indigenous concept to make sense of
gionswissenschaft und Moderne. München, 1997.
missionary teachings about the one God.
Lincoln, Bruce. Theorizing Myth: Narrative, Ideology, and Scholar-
That Polynesia could match Europe and Asia for sacral-
ship. Chicago, 1999.
ized royalty, moreover, was made plain by the Hawaiian king
Michaels, Axel, ed. Klassiker der Religionswissenschaft: Von Frie-
Kalakaua’s eulogistic Legends and Myths (1888). With this
drich Schleiermacher bis Mircea Eliade. 2d ed. Munich, 1997.
background, a professional competitiveness sometimes arose
Preus, J. Samuel. Explaining Religion: Criticism and Theory from
when secular anthropologists entered the region. There was
Bodin to Freud. Atlanta, 1996.
no love lost, for example, between the Lutheran Carl Stre-
hlow, a missionary to the Aranda in central Australia, and
Sharpe, Eric J. Comparative Religion: A History. 2d ed. La Salle,
Baldwin Spencer, the leader of the 1894 Hort Expedition
Ill., 1986.
and later Chief Protector of the Aborigines (1911–1912),
Taylor, Mark C., ed. Critical Terms for Religious Studies. Chicago,
who divulged many secrets about Aranda religion that Stre-
1998.
hlow had honored. In another case, Bronislaw Malinowski,
Wasserstrom, Steven M. Religion after Religion: Gershom Scholem,
allegedly the first true field anthropologist, was told nothing
Mircea Eliade, and Henry Corbin at Eranos. Princeton, N.J.,
about the coastal Mailu by his initial host, the London Mis-
1999.
sionary Society missionary William Saville (1914–1915),
GREGORY D. ALLES (2005)
who wanted to write up his own findings. Disappointed,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8768
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN AUSTRALIA AND OCEANIA
Malinowski moved on to the Trobriand Islands. Although
rived from outside. Among provocative Germanics was the
Oceania was home to a quarter of the world’s discrete reli-
economist Kurt Singer, who wrote from Sydney that the Zo-
gions and research material was plentiful, this profes-
roastrian stress on the battle between good and evil added
sional tension lasted through the years leading up to World
to problem of human conflict, and Peter Munz, who sought
War II.
to better the theories of myth formulated by James G. Frazer
(1854–1941) and Claude Lévi-Strauss (b. 1908) from Dun-
In a number of places, missionary scholarship was utter-
edin, New Zealand. British scholars Raynor Johnston (com-
ly determinative. For example, the Dutch relied on church
parative mysticism) and John Bowman (Samaritans) went to
initiatives to carry missionaries into Irian Jaya, the far and
Melbourne, and George Knight (Semitics) went first to
dangerous frontier of Indonesia. The church also had a sin-
Dunedin and later to Suva, the capital of Fiji. In return, Aus-
gular influence across equatorial Polynesia as illustrated by
tralia and New Zealand lost various experts in Christianity
the work of Wyatt Gill in Rarotonga (the capital of the Cook
to overseas postings, including the theologian Colin Wil-
Islands) and Father Sebastian Englert on Easter Island. Else-
liams to Yale University, where he became dean of the divini-
where a mixture pertained, and government-sponsored an-
ty school; the church historian George Yule to the University
thropology was sometimes evident. In the more colonized
of Aberdeen; the New Testament specialists John O’Neill
Polynesia, for example, the one-time British governor of
and Graham Stanton to the University of Edinburgh and
New Zealand, Sir George Grey, adopted a policy of collect-
Cambridge University, respectively; and the interfaith spe-
ing Maori lore that lasted up until the 1890s, and during the
cialist John D’Arcy May to Dublin University. Some expatri-
1910s the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, otherwise focused
ate dons came as long-term (and often highly productive)
on mainland cultures, encouraged Nathaniel Emerson to
visitors; yet, as time went on, homegrown scholarship firmed
document the Hawaian hula. Between World War I and
up and the Pacific eventually became established on its own
World War II, Francis Williams, the most reputable of all
as a region of scholarly prowess.
government anthropologists, worked in coastal parts of Aus-
tralia’s Territory of Papua (now Papua New Guinea), al-
EARLY ACADEMIC PROGRAMS. With university courses in
though his brief included cooperation with the missions. The
Asian studies—especially on Middle Eastern and Indic civili-
Anglican cleric Adolphus Elkin, who served as a professor of
zations—being set in place during the late 1950s and the
anthropology at the University of Sydney from 1934 to 1956
1960s, the time was ripe for historical and comparative
and founded the journal Oceania, was welcomed by the Aus-
studies of religions to enter the academic forum. Among the
tralian government as adviser on Aboriginal issues during the
faculty of Australian National University’s new oriental
1940s.
studies program were Indologist A. L. Basham, Buddhologist
Jan De Jong, and Islamicist Antony Johns, as well as the re-
EARLY INTELLECTUALS. Interest in the wider world of com-
gion’s leading scholar in the sociology of religion, Hans Mol.
parative religion came late in the colonial histories of Austra-
Similar studies were also implemented at the University of
lia, New Zealand, and also Hawai’i, which matched other
Melbourne, where the journal Milla wa-Milla: The Austra-
southeast Pacific museum constructions with its own Bernice
lian Bulletin of Comparative Religion made its appearance in
P. Bishop Museum as early as 1885, before American annex-
1961 and the first of the Charles Strong Lectures, designed
ation. A key impetus to study other religions was provided
by a liberal Protestant cleric to be on non-Christian tradi-
by the Theosophical Society, starting in Australia by 1895
tions, took place. These were followed up by the publication
and possessing an impressive center in Sydney during the
of Essays on Religious Traditions of the World, initiated in
1910s. In New Zealand during the 1920s, a circle of study
1970 by the Anglican priest George Mullens, a scholar in
formed around Elsdon Best, cofounder of the Journal of the
Japanese Buddhism. The first department of religious studies
Polynesian Society in 1898, who likened the Maori cult of Io
in the region, however, was not institutionalized until 1971,
to a removed Gnostic-looking deity with layers of beings that
and then at Victoria University in Wellington, New Zealand,
separated him from the earth. At the same time, more critical
although New Zealand’s programs at the University of Can-
scholarship emerged: The Australian surgeon Grafton Elliot
terbury in Christchurch, New Zealand, and the University
Smith became a chief instigator of the Egyptocentric Diffu-
of Otago in Dunedin foreshadowed this, with Albert
sionist school in the 1920s, after having been anatomy pro-
Moore’s 1966 University of Otago lectureship in the history
fessor in Cairo, and Samuel Angus of Scotland, a graduate
and phenomonology in religion being the discipline’s first
of the universities of Princeton and Berlin (under Adolf von
generically significant appointment for Australasia. The
Harnack, 1851–1930, and Gustav Adolf Deissmann, 1866–
foundation professor at New Zealand’s University of Wel-
1937), took up a professorship in New Testament and his-
lington was Lloyd Geering, a renowned liberal Christian
torical theology at the University of Sydney in 1915 and
theologian.
quickly emerged as an eminent authority on Greco-Roman
mystery religions.
Intriguingly, Geering remains the only memorable clas-
sic-looking theologian born and bred in the whole South Pa-
This coming and going of “imported” and “exported”
cific region. Theologically engaged Australians who possess
intellectuals was typical well into the post–World War II pe-
genuine international acclaim have simply not worked on
riod. Scholars writing on non-Christian traditions usually ar-
mainstream matters—John Eccles’s work on synaptic theory
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN AUSTRALIA AND OCEANIA
8769
and Charles Birch’s work in process thought are two obvious
and translations, especially those of Peter Masefield. Special
cases. However, Australia is a more secular country, and Eric
distinction was also given to the work of the Australian Phil-
Sharpe, the first chair of the religious studies department at
ip Almond on the history of Buddhism’s Western interpreta-
the University of Sydney (1977–1996), was by no means a
tions and Rod Bucknell’s work on meditative practice.
practicing theologian. Sharpe secured the Sydney chair pri-
Almond, who succeeded Andersen as professor after the
marily on the basis of his work Comparative Religion: A His-
latter moved to the University of California at Berkeley, can
tory (1975). This volume established him as one of the
be credited with a distinctly Australian contribution to the
world’s leading methodologists in the comparative and his-
theory of religion. He was crucial among revisionist thinkers
torical study of religions, a reputation that emanated from
in deconstructing Western scholarly reifications and popular
Australia and was consolidated by such later works as Under-
representations of significant Eastern traditions. In The Brit-
standing Religion (1983) and Nathan Söderblom and the Study
ish Discovery of Buddhism (1988), he argued that Buddhism,
of Religion (1990).
as it is popularly defined in most textbooks, was a Western
An Englishman, Sharpe had strong connections to the
invention. At a slightly later stage, Almond went on to pon-
University of Manchester (especially John Hinnells) and
der the Victorians’ invention of Islam, and his work com-
Lancaster University (especially Ninian Smart) and served as
pared with Edward Said’s deconstruction of Orientalism. In
chair of the history of religion department at Sweden’s Upp-
other writings, especially Mystical Experience and Religious
sala University from 1980 to 1981. Although Sharpe could
Doctrine (1982) and those appealing to the methodological
have been enticed back into the transatlantic center of theo-
insights of Rudolf Otto (1869–1937), Almond doubted that
retical debate, he decided to remain in Australia and consoli-
mysticism could be apprehended with the kinds of objectivist
date his new department. He consistently published research
treatment beginning to dominate his discipline.
on Western interpretations of Hinduism and brought to
At the University of Sydney, research into the religions
Sydney brahmin Indologist Arvind Sharma, who founded
of Oceania was a forte, with Trompf returning to Australia
the journal Religious Traditions in 1978 and the Journal of
in 1978. Like Sharpe and Almond, Trompf was, admittedly,
Studies in the Bhagavadg¯ıta¯ in 1981. Sharpe also continued
better equipped to write on Western theoretical ideas. A
conducting historical studies of Christian missionary ap-
practicing historian who later served as a professor of history
proaches to other religions. At the 1988 Chicago symposium
at the University of Papua New Guinea from 1983 to 1985,
on his opus, Sharpe acquitted himself artfully against youn-
he was the beneficiary of a very strong tradition of religious
ger critics’ suggestions that he was a closet theologian, and
history in Australia, if one considers such lights as the Ger-
as the years went on he defined himself more as an historian
man Hermann Sasse, the Britisher John McManners, the
of ideas about religion than anything else. Interestingly, in
New Zealander Edwin Judge, and the Australian Bruce
1995 his first academic appointee and protégé Garry Trompf
Mansfield, who founded the internationally acclaimed Jour-
took a chair in the History of Ideas beside him at the Univer-
nal of Religious History from Sydney in 1960. This back-
sity of Sydney.
ground helps explain Trompf’s books on Western historiog-
Trompf had previously held the first of two lectureships
raphy and religious ideas, particularly his volumes on The
in religious studies in Australia, in the not-yet-independent
Idea of Historical Recurrence (1979). However, prior training
Territory of Papua New Guinea, where he taught alongside
in prehistory and ethnohistory and over ten years of intensive
research in Melanesia (Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Is-
the Semiticist and fellow Australian Carl Loeliger. Australia’s
lands, Vanuatu, and New Caledonia) allowed him to pro-
north was to yield the earliest formal developments in the
duce the first major monographs—Melanesian Religion
discipline, with the first autonomous department emerging
(1991) and Payback (1994)—to address one of the most
at the University of Queensland in 1975, before Sharpe ar-
complex religious scene in the world. A distinctively home-
rived in Sydney. Although begun under the early leadership
grown contribution to the theory of religion developed from
of the Englishman Eric Pyle, Queensland was to wait until
these combined interests that dealt with “the logic of retribu-
1981 for an established chair. That the Australian-born
tion” (i.e., those aspects of religious life concerned with re-
Francis Andersen took the position was significant national-
venge, reciprocity, and the explanation of events in terms of
ly, but it was also indicative of the weight of interests in the
praise and blame, reward and punishment).
department. He was a fine biblical scholar amid others, in-
cluding the American Edgar Conrad as a fellow commenta-
Scholarship set on understanding Melanesia’s religious
tor on Hebrew prophetism and the Irishman Seán Freyne
life seems to have involved one of the largest conglomerates
and the German-Australian Michael Lattke as scholars of
of social-scientific endeavor ever undertaken. Important the-
New Testament times. Queensland, however, was also to se-
oretical positionings were forged out of the region’s great cul-
cure a special reputation for Buddhist studies. Buddhism had
tural diversity: the Polish anthropologist Bronislaw Mali-
already been of wide attraction, including the popular writ-
nowski’s school of functionalism derived from his
ings by the early feminist-lawyer Marie Byles from 1957 to
Trobriands research; the English proto-structuralist A. M.
1965, the founding of the Journal of the Oriental Society of
Hocart read Fijian chieftainship as a basic model of sacral
Australia in Sydney in 1963, and the various textual studies
leadership; in his studies in Houailou, New Caledonia, Lévi-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8770
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN AUSTRALIA AND OCEANIA
Strauss’s predecessor Maurice Leenhardt framed early body
Valerio Valeri wrote a detailed account of Hawaian religion;
theory as a self-awareness process running from cosmomor-
the German Hans-Jürgen Greschat wrote a thorough eth-
phism to anthropomorphism; the Hungarian Géza Róheim
nography of taboo; and the Finn Jikka Siikala wrote an au-
and the Englishmen John Layard tried substantiating Freud-
thoritative account of new religious movements in central
ian and Jungian insights, respectively, from coastal Papua
Polynesia.
and Malekula; and Margaret Mead (1901–1978) and Grego-
ACADEMIC PROGRAM DEVELOPMENT. Other intellectual
ry Bateson worked together to formulate theories of gender
and institutional developments within the whole Australo-
and social divisiveness from the Sepik area. Important contri-
Pacific region make for a complex story. In Victoria, pro-
butions to particular religio-ethnologic issues have also been
grams for studying religion were successively established at
drawn from Melanesia, mainly by European and American
LaTrobe University, Deakin University, and Monash Uni-
researchers. Topics that have been addressed include head-
versity. At LaTrobe the sinologist Paul Rule researched
hunting by Jan van Baal, cannibalism by Marshall Sahlins,
Western images of Confucianism; Gregory Bailey studied
grand ceremonial exchanges by Andrew Strathern, initiatory
ancient Indian ideologies; and the Australian dean of patris-
disclosures by Fredrik Barth, ritual homosexuality by Gilbert
tics, Eric Osborn, researched select pre-Nicene Church Fa-
Herdt, sorcery by Reo Fortune and the Australian Michele
thers. Deakin possessed the philosophers Max Charlesworth
Stephen, and sacral legitimation of leadership by Jean Guiart
and Ian Weeks. Charlesworth, who had already taught a reli-
and Maurice Godelier. Melanesian cargo cultism produced
gious studies course at Melbourne University as early as
various theories, such as cosmic regeneration by Mircea
1970—basically in the philosophy of religion—was to insti-
Eliade (1907–1986), proto-nationalism by the neo-Marxist
tutionalize his dream as professor at Deakin (in Geelong) and
Peter Worsley, the dream of a perfected reciprocity by Ke-
he went on to write incisively about methodology issues in
nelm Burridge, new explanations of a changing cosmos by
Religious Inventions (1997). In Victoria, interestingly, there
Peter Lawrence, a rite of passage into modernity by Patrick
has been sympathy for the idea of a philosophia perennis be-
Gesch, and a search for salvation by John Strelan. The con-
hind spiritual traditions, revealed not only in Kenneth Old-
version processes among Melanesians also attracted mission
meadow’s fine exposition, Traditionalism: Religion in the
historians such as the Australians Niel Gunson on Polynesia,
Light of Perennial Philosophy (2000), but also among philoso-
David Hilliard on the Solomons, and David Wetherell on
phers attracted by Eastern, especially Indian, metaphysics,
Papua; missiologists such as the eminent Australian scholar
including Ian Kesarcodi-Watson and Purussotima Bilimoria,
Alan Tippett, as well as Theo Ahrens, Ennio Mantovani,
founder of Australian Society for Asian and Comparative
Friedgard Tomasetti, Darell Whiteman, and Mary MacDon-
Philosophy and editor of the journal Sophia.
ald; and analysts of indigenizing Christianity such as John
Barker and the Australian Bronwyn Douglas. Part of Trom-
Further afield in Australia, Adelaide is most important.
pf’s vision has been to assess Melanesian religion in all its as-
With the change in institutional status that produced the
pects to find the means of representing all this scholarship
University of South Australia came the largest department
synoptically and to facilitate indigenous scholarly writing on
of religion studies in the country in 1991. This was spear-
religion.
headed by Professor Norman Habel, the brilliant expositor
of the book of Job and founder of the Earth Bible project.
An early graduate of the Sydney department, Tony
With liberal philosophical theologian Vincent Hayes, he
Swain confirmed its strength in indigenous studies by writ-
founded the Australian Association for the Study of Reli-
ing the first exhaustive account of theories about Australian
gions in 1975, which came to oversee the Charles Strong
Aboriginal religion and the first history of Aboriginal religion
Lectures and built up its own publications, including the
since outside contact in A Place for Strangers (1993). He
journal Australian Religion Studies Review, first published in
questioned Eliade’s stress on cosmic axis and accounted for
1988. The Association’s concern with a variety of religions
more diffuse notions of space and one’s belongingness to
demarcated it from the Theological Association of Australia
land. He also disputed that there were any traditional Ab-
and New Zealand, which is linked to the journals Colloqui-
original notions of Mother Earth and denied that high gods
um, Australian Biblical Review, and Pacifica.
were honored before outside pressures from Melanesia and
then white colonization. Again, Swain benefited from im-
New Zealand benefited from Paul Morris, who returned
portant predecessors that included, aside from those already
to Wellington from Britain in 1993 to take over the chair
mentioned, the Australians Ronald Berndt and Ted Strehlow
from Geering. Already established in Judaic studies, Morris
(both with German backgrounds), W. E. H. Stanner of Aus-
went on to edit impressive collections on modernity and
tralian National University, and the Victorian Max Charles-
postmodernity (and New Zealand religious verse). He
worth. Swain and Trompf’s Religions of Oceania (1995) re-
worked with James Veitch, a critical thinker inspired by
vealed the extraordinary international interest in the Pacific
Geering with an eye for crises produced by environmental
religious scene. Sometimes disproportionate group interest
degradation and ideologies of terror. Also worthy of mention
is found, such as Germanic scholarship on the Aborigines
are the well-known Africanists Elizabeth Isichei, who was for
and Americans on Micronesia, but some unusual individual
a time at Wellington, and Harold Turner, who has worked
achievements by outsiders stand out. For example, the Italian
primarily from Britain. Other New Zealand scholars of note
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA
8771
are Albert Moore, an authority on religious art; Brian Col-
Millennial Studies on comparative chiliasm. Impressive em-
less, a patrologist; and Peter Donovan, an instructor in phi-
pirical and clinical work in Australia also led to the publica-
losopher of religion. Of journals published in New Zealand,
tion of the International Journal of the Psychology of Religion
Auckland’s Prudentia stands out, although its special issues
by Lawrence Brown of the University of New South Wales
brought together classicists, philosophers, theologians and
in 1991. Intense research into ancient Gnosticisms by Samu-
religionists from across the Tasman Sea and were dominated
el Lieu, Majella Franzmann, and Iain Gardner, and into later
by Australians, especially the patrologist Raoul Mortley and
esoterico-theosophic currents by Gregory Tillett and John
the historian of philosophy David Dockrill.
Cooper, have been reflected in the Australian cofounding of
the monograph series Gnostica in 1997. Interest in religion
Although Mark Jurgensmeyer wrote his first book on re-
and science was greatly boosted by cosmologist Paul Davies’
ligion and politics, The New Cold War? (1993), from the
arrival in Adelaide in 1990, and religion and politics received
University of Hawai’i, in the Pacific Islands more broadly the
a boost with the introduction of the monograph series Reli-
history and phenomenology of religion has chiefly focused
gion, Politics, and Society in 2001. Clearly, at the beginning
on traditional and changing religious life. Although they also
of the twenty-first century, the critical study of religions is
have pastoral agendas, the Melanesian Institute’s journals
most certainly in blossom in Australia and Oceania.
Catalyst and Point provide valuable information, and the Mi-
cronesian Seminar, a research institute founded by the Cath-
SEE ALSO Australian Indigenous Religions, overview article;
olic Church in 1972, contributes to scholarship in the north
Christianity, article on Christianity in Australia and New
Pacific. The CORAIL colloquia in Nouméa have been a key
Zealand; Transculturation and Religion, article on Religion
outlet for research in French dependencies, as fixtures in
in the Formation of Modern Oceania.
Hawai’i have been for American scholars, such as the East-
West Center and Brigham Young University’s journal Pacific
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Studies. Overall, indigenous writing in religion has been
Barnes, Robert. “Religious Studies and Theology: A Short Histor-
more consistently theological; major forums are the Journal
ical Survey, 1850 to the Present.” In Knowing Ourselves and
of Melanesian Theology and Journal of Pacific Theology.
Others: The Humanities in Australia into the 21st Century, ed-
ited by Anthony Low, vol. 2, ch. 24. Canberra, Australia,
BIBLICAL SCHOLARSHIP. To conclude, one cannot underes-
1998.
timate the continuing strength and color of biblical scholar-
Osborn, Eric. Religious Studies in Australia since 1958. Sydney,
ship in Australasia (e.g., authors such as Robert Maddox,
Australia, 1978.
John Painter, Robert Barnes, and the controversial Barbara
Thiering), and their impact on religious institutions. The
Trompf, Garry. “A Survey of New Approaches to the Study of Re-
same may be said of regional church (and school) historians
ligion in Australia and the Pacific.” In New Approaches to the
Study of Religion, edited by Peter Antes, Armin Geertz, and
(e.g., Ian Breward, Hilary Carey, and Susan Emilsen) and
Randi Warne, sect. 2, ch. 4. Berlin, 2004.
public-policy philosophers (e.g., Graham Little and Robert
Gascoigne). Apart from the more comparativist volume Re-
GARRY W. TROMPF (2005)
claiming Our Rites (1994), most feminist and gender-related
works about religion betray women’s hopes for greater op-
portunities within the Christian churches. Even Aboriginal
womanist writers such as Anne Pattel-Gray and Lee Skye
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY
have been theologically oriented. Although the creation of
OF RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE AND
RUSSIA
religious studies departments threatened divinity boards,
theological colleges held their own, and in some universities,
In most European countries, the study of religion developed
theological studies discovered new life (e.g., Flinders,
during a period of transition between the nineteenth and
Monash, and the Australian Catholic University). Pauline
twentieth centuries. It was a time when scholars were at-
Allen from the Australian Catholic University was rewarded
tempting to categorize and examine the full range of human
with the presidency of the International Patristics Associa-
activities. The study of religions emerged then as a specifical-
tion in 2003 for groundbreaking (and liturgically relevant)
ly modernistic, empirically oriented discipline focusing on
publications on early Christian prayer and spirituality.
culture, and concerned first and foremost with the human
being. Individual researchers gained academic standing and
Much sociology of religion has been crucial for religious
recognition not by reason of nationality or citizenship but
organizations to ponder their constituencies and demograph-
rather by virtue of their academic credentials, their interests
ic possibilities. Over and above valuable theoretical work on
and affinities for specific schools of thought, as well as by
religion as identity and anchorage—such as Identity and the
trends within the field of religious studies—all factors that
Sacred (1976)—Hans Mol heralded the more statistical ap-
have little to do with geopolitical principles. In an examina-
proach found with Alan Black, Gary Bouma, Trisha Bromb-
tion of the course of the development of religious studies in
ery, and Philip Hughes. Some sociology is more internation-
Europe, which may be subdivided into the continent’s east-
alist: Rowan Ireland on Brazilian spirit movements; Rachael
ern and western spheres, much depends on political develop-
Kohn on self religions, and the Sydney branch Center for
ments in Europe during the Cold War period. European reli-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8772
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA
gious studies stands in an objectively identical context: over
cient folk legends. The tradition of comparative mytholo-
the course of many centuries, Europe’s religious situation
gy—from which, in the first half of the twentieth century,
was determined by a single religion, and this fact also restrict-
the methods of the comparative study of religion arose—is
ed, in a fundamental way, the modes of access to religion that
rooted here. One must count among the best-known re-
were open to theoretical and methodological research.
searchers of this period in Poland the ethnologist and reli-
gious historian Jan Aleksander Karlowicz, the historian of
In contrast, it was European expansionism that brought
Christianity Ignacy Radlinski, and the Asian studies special-
knowledge of non-European religions, and which conse-
ist Andrzej Niemojewski. In the Czech Republic the ethno-
quently contributed decisively to the creation of a common
logically oriented mythology researchers Frantiˇsek Ladislav
material basis for research within the field of religious
C
ˇ elakovsky´ and Josef Jungmann were noteworthy pioneers.
studies. With the exception of Soviet Russia, this religious-
In Hungary, the academic exploration of religion was fos-
scientific material was appraised in the other countries now
designated as “eastern European” by such methods common-
tered from the circle of theologically educated members of
ly deployed by religious-studies scholars in general. These in-
the clergy, and was characterized as strongly Christian. In the
clude comparative methods, religious-historical methods,
middle of the nineteenth century, the study of religion had
religious-phenomenological methods, religious-critical
traditionally been identified with apologetics. Occupying the
methods, and others. Moreover, with these methods, similar
preeminent place among Hungarian researchers of this time
results were also achieved. Only after 1945, when these states
are the linguist Zsigmond Simonyi, who also translated into
came under Soviet domination, did the situation change.
Hungarian for the first time the work of Max Müller in
This change was due to the application of powerful political
1876, and the founder of Islamic studies in Hungary, I.
and ideological constraints. As a result, however, no distinc-
Goldziher. It was Goldziher who made the first mention in
tively Eastern European variant of religious studies has come
Hungary, in 1881, of a new discipline called comparative re-
into existence, and Eastern Europe was also thereby prevent-
ligious studies.
ed from becoming a place of academic self-identification. On
The truly formative period of religious studies occurred
the contrary, the academic study of religion was eradicated
in the years after World War I, and developments in Eastern
almost entirely behind the Iron Curtain, though it did man-
Europe revealed specific trends pertinent to each country.
age to retain a certain form in Poland. It was replaced during
Even the conceptualizing of religious concepts proceeded in
the Cold War era by the ideology of so-called scientific
a different manner. The differences are strictly tied to the dis-
atheism.
parate historical development of these countries. For exam-
THE EMERGENCE OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES IN EASTERN EU-
ple, a long-standing Protestant tradition prevailed in the
ROPE AND RUSSIA. The beginnings of religious studies in
Czech Republic, but Poland was shaped by the strictest
Eastern Europe, as elsewhere on the continent, occurred dur-
Roman Catholicism. Thus even the fundamental conception
ing the last third of the nineteenth century, when new efforts
of religious studies, not to mention an understanding of
were undertaken in religious research. These new directions
other religions, differed between the two lands. Schematical-
were influenced by new currents of thought, including posi-
ly expressed, in the Czech Republic religion was considered
tivism and evolution theory, as well as from the positive im-
a component of public culture, and from the very beginning
pact of new information from the ethnological, religious-
one devoted oneself to the investigation of religion, from dif-
historical, and archaeological spheres. However, the study of
fering technical points of view. Thus linguistics, historical
religion was not established as an institution (i.e., as a rela-
sciences, psychology, ethnology, and religious philosophy all
tively independent field of academic investigation) until the
played a role, but this was true of theology only to a lesser
period following World War I. Therefore, in the comparison
degree. This diversity of approaches has exerted a profound
to Western Europe, the scientifically ascertainable history of
influence, which extends down to the present time and finds
religious studies in Eastern European countries is shorter by
expression in the quest for answers to the questions of what
approximately two generations of researchers. However, this
the scientific study of religion is, how one can classify it, and
applies primarily to Poland, the Czech Republic (formerly
by which rationality paradigm it is sustained. The supreme
Czechoslovakia), and to some extent even in Hungary. But
embodiment of this quest is the work of the actual founder
in Russia, and in a large portion of the Balkans, the academic
of Czech academic religious studies, the Indologist Otakar
study of religion studies was not firmly established as an in-
Pertold, who in 1920 published Základy vˇseobecné vˇedy
stitution until the political changes that came after 1989.
nábozˇenské (Foundations of the universal study of reli-
Consequently, the development of religious studies in the
gion).
eastern half of Europe must be viewed in an entirely different
Religious studies in Poland, by contrast, tended toward
manner from its progress in Western Europe.
a Catholicized view, which understood religion in several
The early history of religious studies in Poland, the
more distinctive forms as the phenomenon sue generic, and
Czech Republic, and Hungary is connected with an interest
in religious history worked with the conception of Christian-
in folklore that emerged in the nineteenth century. Scholars
ity as the exemplar. There also arose the so-called leizistic
sought traces of religious traditions and mythologies in an-
study of religion, that is, freethinking and anti-clerical reli-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA
8773
gious studies, which attempted to examine religions objec-
developments that occurred when Soviet leader Mikhail
tively in their plurality, free of any religion-based bias. This
Gorbachev instituted a policy of perestroika in the 1980s.
inner split endured in Poland into the twenty-first century.
Because of this, religious studies as a discipline was able to
Catholicism exerted a similarly formative influence on the
officially establish itself relatively quickly. Religious-studies
development of Hungarian religious studies. The study of re-
departments returned to the universities; national societies
ligion was conducted only within the theological seminaries
for the academic study of religion were established; maga-
and institutions, and efforts in the direction of a secular re-
zines, books, and translations in the field of religious studies
search, such as the suggestion by Ernst Troeltsch that an in-
were published; attempts were also made to re-establish in-
dependent college for the academic study of religion be es-
ternational academic contacts. However, the relatively long
tablished at every university, were strictly rejected. Among
cultural isolation into which the totalitarian states had been
those who rejected a secularized study of religion was the
driven, which was true of the academic research in general
Catholic professor Aladár Zubriczky, who concerned himself
within these countries as well, had a lingering negative im-
with the parallels between Christianity and other religions,
pact on the field which endured into the twenty-first
and who viewed Christianity as the veritable paragon of what
century.
a religion should be.
In Soviet Russia, the development proceeded along far
During the period between the two world wars, academ-
different lines. From the year 1917 onwards, the doctrine of
ic activities in these three countries kept apace with those in
scientific atheism was regarded as sacrosanct, and its declared
other comparable states (e.g., the Netherlands, France, and
goal was not knowledge, but rather the total abolition of reli-
Finland), and had good prospects for further development.
gion from social life, along with every tradition having any-
However, the decisive break came after World War II, when
thing in common with religion. As attested by the literature
Eastern Europe came under Soviet domination. At that
of the era, research was not supposed to have been “objec-
point, the academic study of religions was prohibited and
tive”—that is, as impartial as possible—but rather was to di-
suppressed. In places where the study of religion was already
rect itself according to the principles of the class struggle, and
in existence in the form of established institutions—as for
thus in accordance with subjective-ideological interests. Al-
example in the Czech Republic—these institutions were up-
though there were attempts at a so-called “Marxist study of
rooted. Scientific atheism became the sole method according
religion,” such as Dmitrii Modestovich Ugrinovich’s 1973
to which the essential nature of religions was to be interpret-
work Introduction to the Theoretical Study of Religion, these
ed. In many cases religious-studies researchers were personal-
political restrictions were not overcome until the latter part
ly persecuted, driven from the universities by the dozens, and
of the 1990s. However, after the formation of the Russian
forced into punitive hard labor; the Czech historian of reli-
Federation in 1993, an entirely different set of problems
gion Záviˇs Kalandra, who specialized in ancient Slavic my-
arose. These involved legal measures vis-à-vis religious liber-
thologies, was even sentenced to death in a sham trial and
ty, freedom of conscience, the position of the churches in so-
executed in 1950.
ciety, and the role of churches in religious and ethical
As a consequence of these developments, the academic
instruction within the schools. Consequently, the establish-
study of religion almost totally vanished from Eastern Euro-
ment of religious studies as a field along standard academic
pean academic life for the next four decades, and survived
principles was persistently delayed.
only in theological seminaries and institutions, where it was
CONTRIBUTIONS. In spite of these unfavorable conditions,
pursued under the guise of the theological disciplines. Specif-
a large number of religious-academic works by Eastern Euro-
ically, this development went forward in Poland, where in-
pean scholars have been published since the first two decades
ternal political forces were not as thoroughly devastating as
of the twentieth century. Individual researchers concerned
elsewhere in the Soviet bloc and where, consequently, the
themselves with a wide range of problems from the history
publication of religious-scientific works as well as transla-
of religion. There also emerged highly specialized schools of
tions remained a possibility. In principle, it can be said that
Polish and Czech Arab/Islamic studies, as well as Polish,
this period entailed significant setbacks, not only because of
Hungarian and Czech Asian studies; moreover, both Czech
the near-total extermination of religious studies as a field, but
Egyptology and Hungarian Tibetan studies are well-known
also because of the further theologization of religious studies
throughout the academic world. Separate Jewish, Hindu,
in those places where it partially survived. This resulted in
Buddhist, and biblical fields of study are all well developed.
great difficulties in the theoretical-methodological realm and
The psychology of religion, sociology of religion, and reli-
in the struggle to achieve self-understanding in which reli-
gious geography are also established in the field. A certain
gious studies engaged after the sweeping political changes
peculiarity makes for an ongoing interest in the philosophy
that occurred after 1990.
of religion as an auxiliary discipline. Philosophy of religion
The time after the change was one of revival for the aca-
admittedly belongs to the philosophical rather than religious-
demic study of religion. There had been evidence that it was
scientific disciplines, but it is nonetheless highly valued; this
still nominally active, though dormant, back in the late
is due to its conceptual nature, and to the possibility of tak-
1960s during a period of political thaw, and again thanks to
ing advantage of its theoretical-methodological approaches.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8774
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN EASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA
Among Hungarian researchers, the following should be
religion into what he called concrete religious studies, which
mentioned: Károly Kerényi, Einführung in das Wesen der
deals with religious facts, and so-called abstract religious
Mythologie (Introduction to the nature of mythology, written
studies, whose task is to classify and evaluate the knowledge
with Carl Jung, 1951); Die Religion der Griechen und Römer
gained from the history of religion.
(The religion of the Greeks and Romans, 1963); Sándor
Bálint, Tamulmányok a magyar vallásos népélet köréböl (Essays
The first introduction to religious studies after World
on folk religion in Hungary, 1943); Instván Hahn, Istenek
War II appeared in Poland with Poniatowski’s Wst˛ep do re-
és népek (Gods and peoples, 1968); Hitvilág és történelem:
ligioznawstwa in 1959. This work was essentially oriented to-
Tanulmányok az ókori vallások köréböl (Religion and history:
ward religious theory to accommodate the interest of the Pol-
Essays concerning ancient religions, 1982); Imre Trencsényi-
ish Academy’s workgroup for religious theory, which was
Waldapfel, Vallástörténeti tamulmányok (Studies on the his-
created in 1957. In the Czech Republic, only one introduc-
tory of religion, 1959); and Sir Mark Aurel Stein, Innermost
tion was written prior to 1989, Nástin religionistiky (Over-
Asia: Detailed Report of Exploration in Central Asia, Kansu
view of the scientific study of religion) from Jan Heller and
and Eastern Iran I–IV, 1921.
Milan Mrázek in 1988. This, however, is written from a
theological point of view. The first introduction that con-
From among the many Polish contributions, the follow-
formed to the requirements of the academic study of religion
ing should be mentioned: Tadeusz Margul, Sto lat nauki o
was Horyna’s 1994 work Úvod do religionistiky (Introduction
religiach ´swiata (One hundred years of the scientific study
to the study of religions). Here the scientific study of religion
of religion, 1964); Franciszek Adamski, editor, Socjologia re-
was represented in a manner comparable to that of other
ligii (Sociology of religion, 1983); Zgymunt Poniatowski,
standard works of Western European scholarship; questions
Religia i nauka (Religion and science, 1960); Jan Szmyd,
of religious-scientific theory were stressed, as well as ques-
Teorie i do´swiadczenie (Theory and proof, 1966); and Witold
tions concerning the internal structuring of religious studies,
Tyloch, editor, Current Progress in the Methodology of the Sci-
its conceptual foundations, and religious-scientific meta-
ence of Religion, 1984; Studies on Religions in the Context of
language. In Russia, theoretical problems of religious studies
Social Sciences: Methodological and Theoretical Relations,
have been reflected with delay and with many obscurities;
1990.
this was a legacy of Marxist ideology.
In the Czech Republic there arose, among others, Josef
SCHOLARLY ORGANIZATIONS AND PUBLICATIONS. Colleges
Tvrdy´, Filosofie nábozˇenství (Philosophy of religion, 1921);
for the scientific study of religion first came into existence
Frantisek Lexa, Nábozˇenská literatura staroegyptská I-II (An-
in Poland and the Czech Republic shortly after World War
cient Egyptian religious literature, 1921); Vincenc Lesny´,
I. The first college for the history of religion dates back to
Buddhismus (Buddhism, 1948); Josef Kubalík, Dˇejiny
1918 at Poland’s University of Lublin; its dean was Josef Ar-
nábozˇenství (The history of religion, 1984); Dusan Zbavitel,
chutowski. The first college for religious studies came into
Hinduismus a jeho cesty k dokonalosti (Hinduism and its path
existence in 1923 at the Wolna Wszechnica Polska in War-
to perfection, 1993); Zbynek Zˇába, Les Maximes de Ptahotep,
saw, with Stefan Czarnowski as its dean. In 1937, Wiesław
1956; Rock Inscriptions of Lower Nubia, 1968; Miroslav Ver-
Niemczyk appointed himself the first professor of religious
ner, Ancient Egyptian Monuments as seen by V. R. Prutky,
studies in Poland at the University of Warsaw. In the Czech
1968; Bretislav Horyna and Helena Pavlincová, Filosofie
Republic, Pertold appointed himself the first professor of
nábozˇenství (Philosophy of religion, 1999); Dˇejiny religionis-
comparative religious studies at Charles University in
tiky (The history of religious studies, 2001); Dusan Luzˇny´,
Prague, where the College of Religious Studies was estab-
Nábozˇenství a moderní spoleˇcnost (Religion and modern soci-
lished in 1934 within the philosophy department. However,
ety, 1999); and Luboˇs Beˇlka, Tibetsky´ buddhismus v Bur-
this college was dissolved by Communist order in 1948, so
jatsku (Tibetan Buddhism in Buryatia, 2001).
that no direct line of successorship exists between it and the
post-1989 colleges.
Works devoted to the conceptualizing of religious
studies, and of religious ideas, merit careful attention. The
Pertold attempted to incorporate Czech religious
first theoretical-methodological work in Eastern Europe was
studies into international research circles, and participated in
Pertold’s book Základy vˇseobecné v˘edy nábozˇenské (Founda-
the year 1912 in the Fourth International Congress for the
tions of the universal study of religion). This author consid-
History of Religion in the Dutch city of Leiden. His work,
ers religion to be an emotion-based awareness of dependence
however, went unrecognized until 1990 at the Sixteenth
on that which currently transcends the limits of all possible
Congress of the International Association for the History of
human knowledge. Under the influence of positivism and
Religions (IAHR) in Rome, where the newly established
evolution theory, he distinguished between so-called primi-
Czech Society for Religious Research was admitted to the
tive religions (i.e., ancestor worship, animism, pre-animism,
regular membership ranks. In contrast, the Polish Society for
fetishism, shamanism), theistic religions (i.e., polytheistic
the Scientific Study of Religion dated back to 1958, and had
and monotheistic religions), and new religious forms that
been admitted to IAHR ranks at the Twelfth Congress in
come into existence through the decay of monotheism (sects,
Stockholm, Sweden. In other Eastern European countries,
magic, folk religion). He subdivided the scientific study of
the scientific study of religion as an institutionalized field of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN JAPAN
8775
university education existed neither during the period of
which have to do with the deficient methodological equip-
Communist rule nor prior to that time. It was only after
ment; deductive procedures; object and meta-theory; princi-
1990 that the scientific study of religion began to develop
ples of epistemological formalization; the logic of linguistic
in a dynamic fashion. In Hungary, there are three colleges
means of expression, particularly in religious-scientific defi-
for religious studies: at the Catholic College in Vác, at the
nition procedures; criteria-formation in the realm of the se-
University of Pécs, and at the University of Szeged, which
mantic completeness of religious-scientific concepts; possi-
emerged as the center of Hungarian religious studies. The
bilities for the creation of disciplinary, fundamental, and
Romanian Society for the History of Religion (RAHR) is a
practice-oriented religious-scientific axiomatics.
member of the IAHR. The situation is also similar in Rus-
The question “What is the scientific study of religion?”
sia—although here the circumstances are in part unclear—
is pursued with the same seriousness as is the question “What
and in the former Soviet Union satellite states of Lithuania,
is religion?” Furthermore, the more recent history of West-
Estonia, Latvia, and the Ukraine, though swift academic ad-
ern religious studies is being absorbed, and instruction con-
vances occurred during the post-1989 era.
cerning methodological difficulties—and their possible reso-
Professional journals in the field of religious studies are
lution—is being sought within it. It is possible to conclude
published in almost all Eastern European countries. The
that there is no longer any significant difference between Eu-
most traditional of these periodicals is the Polish publication
ropean religious studies in the eastern and western halves of
Euhemer. Przegla˛d Religionznawczy (Euhemer. Representa-
the continent, or in any case that if differences do remain
tion of the scientific study of religion), which was founded
they are few in number. This is true as regards topics and
in 1957 and since 1991 has appeared under the title Przegla˛d
the dynamics of development, as well as social resonance.
Religionznawczy (Representation of the scientific study of re-
Few seem cognizant of these facts, however. For example, in
ligion). In 1991, the specialist publishing house NOMOS
the most recent and modern introduction to religious
was established in Krakow, Poland, to issue technical litera-
studies, written by Hans G. Kippenberg and Kocku von
ture in the field of religious studies. The leading Czech jour-
Stuckrad (Munich 2003), not a single word is devoted to
nal is Religio. Revue pro religionistiku (Journal for the scientif-
Eastern European religious studies.
ic study of religion), founded in 1939; it serves as the central
organ of the Czech Society for the Scientific Study of Reli-
SEE ALSO Comparative Religion; Marxism; Politics and Re-
ligion, article on Politics and Christianity; Positivism.
gion, which is headquartered in Brno. At Masaryk University
in the same city, the periodical Religionswissenschaft (Reli-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
gious Studies) is also published, which brings together the
Bronk, Andrzej. Nauka wobec religii. Lublin, Poland, 1996. Sum-
most important religious-scientific works from both domes-
marizes the theoretical foundations of conceptions of religion
tic and foreign contributors. After the break-up of the former
in the history of religious studies; focuses on the epistemo-
Czechoslovakia into two independent states in 1993, the Slo-
logical foundations of religiology.
vak Society for Religion Research—publisher of the periodi-
Dolezˇalová, Iva, Luther H. Martin, and Dalibor Papouˇsek, eds.,
cal Hieron—became an independent entity. At the Universi-
The Academic Study of Religion During the Cold War: East and
ty of Szeged in Hungary, the journal Vallástudományi
West. New York, 2001. Conference book from the conven-
periodika (Religious-Scientific Periodical) is available in an
tion of the same name; contains important contributions
online version (http://www.vallastudomany.hu/liminalitas/
made to the field of religious studies in Eastern Europe dur-
index.php).
ing the period 1948–1990, together with some new perspec-
tives that emerged after 1990.
PERSPECTIVES. Religious-scientific cooperation in the east-
ern European countries—as in the whole of Europe—is
Horyna, Bˇretislav. Úvod do religionistiky. Prague, 1994. The stan-
dard work on religious studies in the Czech Republic, with
hampered by enormous linguistic and cultural differences. It
an overview of the theories of religion, of the scientific study
seems unlikely that a supra-national Eastern European reli-
of religion, of methodologies, and of technical history.
gious-scientific organization could come into existence, and
Horyna, Bˇretislav, and Helena Pavlincová. Dˇejiny religionistiky.
the individual representatives of religious studies in the for-
Antologie. Olomouc, Czech Republic, 2001. Anthology of
mer Eastern bloc countries show no initiative in this direc-
the most important among contemporary religious-scientific
tion. The IAHR and the European Association for the Study
contributions across all of Europe, including an analysis of
of Religions (EASR) serve as the common foundation for co-
the methodological foundations of individual researchers.
operation. The same diversity prevails in a thematic sense.
Serves as the East European parallel to Waardenburg’s and
Over the course of time, the political differences that caused
Whaling’s Approaches.
academic progress in Eastern Europe to lag were remedied.
BRETISLAV HORYNA (2005)
The research focuses on the history of religion, new religious
movements in Europe, enculturation of non-European reli-
gions in Europe, which include Buddhism, Islam, Asian reli-
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY
gions, and new religious phenomena.
OF RELIGION IN JAPAN
The significance attached to the theory of religious
The study of religion in Japan is probably best known to
studies is also constantly increasing; its identity problems,
Western people for D. T. Suzuki and the Kyoto School.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8776
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN JAPAN
However, it would be too Orientalistic to assume that the
Enlightenment and gave rise to the modern study of religion
modern Japanese study of religions has been predominated
in the West: what is the essence of religion? Nor was there
by Zen Buddhist philosophy with a somehow mystical meth-
any further development in methodology, in contrast to the
od of intuition. Japanese students majoring in shu¯kyo¯gaku
West, where the methodology of the humanities was pol-
(the study of religion) have been reading classic and contem-
ished through imitating and challenging the methods of the
porary works that are more or less similar to those on the
rapidly progressing natural sciences. Although the Japanese
reading lists at Western graduate schools. Moreover, the ear-
did access the abundant data about the various religions
liest Japanese scholars of religion regarded themselves as
found within their religiously pluralistic country, they did
more scientifically objective than their Western counterparts
not embark on the systematic study of comparative religion
who were struggling to detach themselves from the influence
by themselves.
of Christian theology. Although those Japanese scholars
were, in reality, far from ideologically neutral, the establish-
A drastic change to this situation came about at the out-
ment of the study of religion as a nonconfessional university
set of the Meiji era. “Religion” was developed as a formal
department (at Tokyo Imperial University in 1905) and of
concept, initially to serve political and juridical needs. In
an academy of religion (in 1930) were quite early in compar-
order to integrate the country as a nation-state, the Meiji
ative terms. In addition, the ninth Congress of the Interna-
government adopted an imperial system and chose Shinto¯ as
tional Association for the History of Religions took place in
its moral guideline. The government then defamed Bud-
Tokyo in 1958. Nevertheless, the study of religion has never
dhism, which was once amalgamated with Shinto¯, while reaf-
been granted a high status in Japan. Whereas the number of
firming the long-standing ban on Christianity. At the same
academy members had reached 2,000 by the end of the
time, however, the government strove to modernize Japan
twentieth century, less than ten universities had departments
by following Western systems, and in so doing it soon real-
of shu¯kyo¯gaku, that is, only 1 percent of all four-year universi-
ized that religious freedom was regarded as one of the re-
ties and colleges in Japan. This paradoxical position of the
quirements of a modern society. The government was
Japanese study of religion reflects the sociopolitical contexts
pressed to permit the freedom of religion yet sought to main-
of religion in modern Japan.
tain the special status of Shinto¯. It managed to solve this
problem by making rhetorical use of the concept of religion.
PREHISTORY OF THE STUDY OF RELIGION. It is commonly
The concept, which was an import from the West, was mod-
accepted that the modern study of religion in Japan started
eled after Christianity, in particular belief/doctrine-centered
in the Meiji era (1868–1912), after Japan opened its doors
Protestantism. In light of this definition of religion, Shinto¯,
to the Western world. The Japanese word for religion,
which mostly consisted of ritual practices, was termed non-
shu¯kyo¯, was also coined at the beginning of the era as a trans-
religious. The government declared that Shinto¯ was not a re-
lation of the Western term. This does not mean that there
ligion, but a system of state rituals superior to individual reli-
were neither precursors of shu¯kyo¯gaku nor concepts similar
gions. “Non-religious” was promoted as a positive virtue
to religion before Japan became fully exposed to Western
rather than implying something less than a religion. This was
culture. Nakamoto Tominaga (1715–1746) is one of the
the rhetoric used to legitimize what later was called State
Japanese scholars who developed comparative, historical, and
Shinto¯. The government insisted that it was different from
critical approaches to religion without Western influences.
state religion and thus compatible with freedom of religion.
Tominaga’s rational thinking derived from Confucian edu-
Not all Japanese were convinced by this reasoning, and a
cation, which was promoted by the Tokugawa government.
heated dispute arose when the Kyo¯iku chokugo (Imperial re-
Rather than defending Confucianism, however, Tominaga
script on education) was enacted in an effort to infuse all
compared it with Buddhism and Shinto¯, and then attempted
schoolchildren with national morality shaped by Shinto¯
to present a new teaching that surpassed all three. Like the
ideas.
Western thinkers of the Enlightenment, he criticized existing
religions by exposing the historically conditioned nature of
Scholars debate what other effects were caused by the
their ideas and scriptures.
conceptualization of religion in the Meiji society. The con-
sensus is that practice-based folk religions were suppressed,
Tominaga’s comparative study of religion was not
being categorized as superstitions. Established religions such
unique; it was a common practice among scholars at that
as Buddhism imitated the modern features of religion epito-
time to consider Shinto¯, Buddhism, and Confucianism as re-
mized in Protestantism for the sake of survival. In addition,
lated concepts. However, there was no fixed word, like the
Japan was unique among the cultures encountering the mod-
later shu¯kyo¯ (religion), that placed them in a single category.
ern West in the failure of Christian missionaries to expand
Sometimes people called them kyo¯ (“teaching”) in order to
Christianity in the country, which was supposed to be per-
emphasize their doctrinal aspects; at other times they used
fectly religious already, according to the newly adopted con-
a word with more practical connotations, do¯ (tao, “way”).
cept of religion. It was under these circumstances that the
study of religion gradually took its form in Japan.
This terminological ambiguity indicates that a generic
category called religion was not yet needed. Japanese scholars
EARLY DEVELOPMENTS (1905–1945). Toward the end of
in those days did not ask the question that was central to the
the nineteenth century, universities modeled after Western,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN JAPAN
8777
particularly German, institutions began to be founded in
Twenty-five years after the first department for the
Japan. While there were a number of private universities,
study of religion was established, The Japanese Association
some of which had either Buddhist or Christian back-
for Religious Studies was founded, the first nationwide aca-
grounds, a few national universities were granted a leading
demic organization in the field. At that time there were
position in research and teaching. In 1890 Tetsujiro¯ Inoue
strong antireligious movements inspired by Marxism, which
(1855–1944) delivered a lecture on comparative religion and
was one of the causes that led scholars of religion to unite
Eastern philosophy at Tokyo Imperial University, Japan’s
to defend religion. During the same period Japan became an
first national university. In 1905 Masaharu Anesaki (1873–
imperialistic power and started to expand its colonies from
1949) was appointed to the first professorship in religious
Korea to other parts of Asia. In a parallel to Western scholar-
studies at the university, and the first department for the
ship, Japanese scholars developed ethnographic studies based
study of religion was established. Other national universities,
on fieldwork in the new colonies in Asia, aware that studying
which were independent of any religious organization, fol-
the religions of diverse ethnic groups would serve Japan’s co-
lowed suit. The early scholars emphasized the importance of
lonial policy. It is often pointed out that the Kyoto School,
free inquiry and a comparative approach.
the well-known group of religious philosophers from Kyoto
Nevertheless, their scholarly research was guided by sig-
Imperial University, justified Japanese imperialism with their
nificant practical concerns alongside the scientific ideal of
ideas of Buddhism as postmodern, post-Western wisdom.
objectivity. The fundamental question about the nature of
Scholars of religion who supported Japanese imperialism
religion had been evoked in the debate on the legitimacy of
ideologically were not limited to the Kyoto School, however.
State Shinto¯, and the public came to expect scholars of reli-
Moreover, many scholars found their freedom of research
gion not only to offer a professional definition of religion but
being increasingly restricted.
also to present a blueprint for religion’s future. Their recom-
mendations varied. Inoue supported the Imperial rescript on
DEVELOPMENTS SINCE 1945. With the end of the Second
education in the debate. His goal was to replace all religions
World War, it was publicly admitted that State Shinto¯ was,
with national morality and rational philosophy. He believed
indeed, a religion. The Shinto¯ Directive, which specified the
that existing religions would become outdated in the process
occupation policy on religion, was issued in 1945 to abolish
of modernization.
the entire system of State Shinto¯. At the same time the impe-
rial family was demythologized to allow a democracy to be
While rationalist scholars such as Inoue thought that so-
established. In the postwar period the influence of the Unit-
ciety would ultimately be able to dispense with religion, most
ed States became immense, both politically and culturally.
scholars of religion, including Anesaki, hoped to secure the
It was ironic, therefore, that many Japanese remained skepti-
role of religion in contemporary and future society. They
cal about religion throughout the Cold War, despite their
therefore defended religion against modern secularism. Still,
living in a capitalistic society. Traumatic memories of reli-
it was self-evident to almost all of them that religion could
gious totalitarianism continue to influence the Japanese to
serve to consolidate and expand their new nation-state, and
separate religion from politics, to an extent that they often
in that aspect of national loyalty they were not much differ-
feel uncomfortable about the religious aspect of U.S. politics,
ent from right-wing nationalists who promoted the Imperial
often called the civil religion of the United States. In addi-
rescript on education.
tion, opinion polls indicate that a large number of Japanese
In this process of describing religion in comparison to
have a strong distrust of any religious organization.
other categories such as education and morality, they came
to presuppose the sui generis quality of religion, and different
Under these circumstances, the scholars of religion in
scholars presented various universal definitions of religion,
postwar Japan became more careful to maintain scientific
which were also assumed to be its origin. Their views of reli-
neutrality than had been the prewar scholars, who were so-
gion can be described, overall, as psycho- or subject-centered.
cially engaged in defending religion. This neutral attitude
For example, Manshi Kiyozawa (1863–1903) defined reli-
culminated in the work of Hideo Kishimoto (1903–1964),
gion as “a mental faculty or disposition which enables man
a leading postwar scholar who sharply contrasted the study
to apprehend the Infinite” (in The Skeleton of Philosophy of
of religion as a purely empirical science with the study of the-
Religion, an essay in English distributed to attendees at the
ology. It does not mean that the postwar study of religion
World Parliament of Religions held in Chicago in 1893).
had no perspectives. Many scholars took an interest in
Many Japanese scholars, even those with religious affilia-
minor, or what are called “little,” religious traditions, the re-
tions, regarded the divine being as a projection of human
ligions of the populace, whereas prewar scholars more often
feelings, desires, or life forces. Interestingly, they did not
investigated the religious elites. This new tendency reflected
think that such views would undermine religion. They were
the politically liberal atmosphere that spread through the hu-
in fact optimistic about religion, believing in its evolution.
manities and social sciences in the 1950s. It was also a result
Although these tendencies were distinct, it is difficult to dis-
of differentiating the study of religion itself from studies of
cern how many of them were derived from their contempo-
Buddhist, Shinto¯, or Christian religions that focused on tex-
rary Western thoughts or from the indigenous tradition of
tual studies and elitist traditions. It may also be true that
Buddhism or animistic Shinto¯.
cross-religious categories like folk religion were more suited
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8778
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN JAPAN
to comprehending the syncretic pluralism of Japanese
The debate on modernization was, in a sense, a question
religions.
of Japanese identity. The postwar quest for national identity
was satisfied on a popular level by Japanese studies (nihonjin-
In these respects, the Japanese study of religion has
ron/nihonbunkaron), which overly emphasized the unique-
many things in common with the history of religions, a term
ness of Japanese culture, including religion, based on the
often used to describe a humanistic tradition within the
stereotypical contrast of the Orient and the Occident. On
study of religion in the West. Nonetheless, most Japanese
a more academic level, Japanese folklore studies, a neighbor-
scholars have never identified themselves as historians of reli-
ing field to religious studies founded by Kunio Yanagita
gions in this sense. The reason for this may be largely institu-
(1875–1962), has most often been charged with ethnocen-
tional. Since the study of religion has been a small field, it
trism. It is considered to have originated in the Kokugaku
has never become too compartmentalized; those researching
(National Learning) movement, a nativistic movement based
new religious movements, for example, worked closely with
on philological study of Norinaga Motoori (1730–1801), an
field workers studying folk religions. In addition, Japanese
apologist for Shinto¯. At the same time, the work of Yanagita,
scholars in other departments such as sociology used to pay
who had been a private scholar, was reevaluated in the con-
little attention to religion due to the pervasive indifference
text of the counter-culture movements in the late 1960s and
to religion in Japan. Rivalry with those scholars also helped
1970s as an alternative to the established modern sciences of
to unite the field.
the universities.
Because of these factors, the Japanese study of religion
The counterculture movements led to postmodernism
developed by embracing psychology, sociology, anthropolo-
in the 1980s. The trend was best embodied by Shinichi
gy, and other approaches to religion. In the process, Japanese
Nakazawa (b. 1950), a scholar of religion who had a Carlos
scholars readily adopted Western theories such as functional-
Castenada-like experience with a guru in Tibet and later
ism and structuralism, but they also found Christian influ-
wrote books that combined his experiences with postmodern
ences in the Western study of religion and elaborated original
thought like that of Julia Kristeva. Whereas the Western
theories of religion from their point of view. To take a few
postmodern study of religion tended to be critical of religion
examples, whereas the Western study of religion used to em-
from a Freudian or a Marxist perspective, its Japanese equiva-
phasize the mind or the mind-body dichotomy in religion,
lent could slide into Buddhist supremacism. This echo of
Kishimoto rehabilitated the aspect of the body in religion as
wartime ideology resurrected a tough question as to whether
seen in ascetic practices, and Keiichi Yanagawa (1926–1990)
the idea of the triumph of Eastern thought over Western
presented a definition of religion as human relationships, in
thought was a mere reversal of Orientalism or if it had a cer-
sharp contrast to the monotheistic idea of religion.
tain validity.
The Japanese study of religion differs from its Western,
It was no accident, therefore, that the new religion Aum
and particularly American, counterparts in a number of
Shinrikyo¯ grew during the decade. Aum’s release of Sarin gas
other respects. The Japanese scholarly view of religion tends
in Tokyo subway stations in 1995 profoundly shocked Japa-
to be ritual-centric rather than myth-centric. Studying myth
nese scholars of religion. The incident forced them to seri-
is relatively unpopular partly because of the sensitive nature
ously reconsider what the public role of the study of religion
of Japanese mythology, which was once believed to be the
should be. Despite the overall lack of interest in religion
among the Japanese public, new religious movements had
historical truth about the origins of the imperial family, and
been active, and the study of new religious groups had be-
partly because of the lack of a strong tradition of Greco-
come quite popular in the postwar period. Scholars of reli-
Roman classical studies. Instead, the study of rituals such as
gion treated new religions as Western historians of religions
festivals and shamanic practices is prevalent. It is also note-
were treating indigenous religions, reevaluating them on
worthy that the philosophy of religion has always been much
their own merits instead of dismissing them as primitive. Ac-
more existentialistic, as represented by the Kyoto School tra-
cordingly, after Aum’s gas attack, they faced criticism for
dition, than Anglo-American. In addition, the study of reli-
having been standing on the side of new religions.
gion in Japan used to center more on modernization than
secularization. Although secularization did become a central
The postcolonial critique also raised the same question
theme in the sociology of religion, it was the problem of
about the social role of the study of religion. Scholars started
modernization that evoked lively cross-disciplinary discus-
looking closely at diversity within the minor religious tradi-
sions in postwar Japan. Scholars first ascribed the problems
tions, particularly in terms of gender and ethnicity, and pro-
of the prewar political system to the immaturity of Japan as
blematizing the long neglect of oppressed minorities both by
a modern society. Long discussions followed as to whether
society and by the academy. Japanese feminist and gender-
Japan had remained half feudalistic or had achieved modern-
based studies of religion derive from the second wave of Japa-
ization in its own unique way. It was in this context that
nese feminism in the 1970s. Interest in these studies has been
Robert Bellah’s Tokugawa Religion, which analyzed the rela-
high despite the twin difficulties of male domination of Japa-
tionships between Japanese religious ethics and industrializa-
nese religious traditions and the lack of interest in religion
tion, attracted attention.
within Japanese feminist movements.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN JAPAN
8779
In order to study the ongoing interactions between con-
(1885–1949) is one of the early Japanese scholars of religion.
temporary society and religions, new scholarly organizations
This ethnographical essay has its background in Japanese im-
were established in the 1990s. The most notable is the Japa-
perialism in Asia.
nese Association for the Study of Religion and Society
Yabuki– Keiki, editor. Rare and Unknown Chinese Manuscript Re-
(JASRS), founded in 1993. The International Institute for
mains of Buddhist Literature Discovered in Tun-Huang Col-
the Study of Religion (IISR), originally set up in 1953, was
lected by Sir Aurel Stein and Preserved in the British Museum.
also reorganized in 1993, along with the Religious Informa-
Tokyo, 1930. Keiki Yabuki (1879–1939), himself belonging
tion Research Center (RIRC).
to the Jo¯doshu¯ Buddhist tradition, was one of the pioneers
who incorporated the study of religion into Buddhist studies.
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, popular is-
He is famous for his studies on the teaching of the three
sues in the mainstream of the Japanese study of religion in-
stages, but his works are not available in English.
clude religion in practice (seikatsu no shu¯kyo¯), globalization/
Yanagawa Keiichi. “Matsuri no kankaku.” Shu¯kyo¯ kenkyu¯ 49
localization and religion, religion and violence, and the con-
(1976): 223–242. Available in English as “The Sensation of
cept of religion and Orientalism. New impulses are emerging
Matsuri” from http://www2.kokugakuin.ac.jp/ijcc/wp/cpjr/
from the question of whether the study of religion should be
matsuri/yanagawa.html.
more socially engaged rather than assuming neutrality. The
Yanagita Kunio. About Our Ancestors: The Japanese Family System.
responses to this question range from critical approaches fol-
Tokyo, 1970; reprint, Tokyo, 1988.
lowing Saidian-Foucaultian reflections about knowledge and
Yanagita Kunio. The Legends of Tono. Tokyo, 1975.
power to religious approaches following Nakazawa’s attempt
to guide the individual’s spiritual quest.
Secondary sources in Western languages
Isomae Junichi. “The Discursive Position of Religious Studies in
Last but not least, all Japanese universities have recently
Japan: Masaharu Anesaki and the Origins of Religious
been asked to reform themselves structurally to become more
Studies.” Method and Theory in the Study of Religion 14, no.
globally competitive. This movement is represented by the
1 (2002): 21–46.
Twenty-First Century Center of Excellence (COE) program,
Japanese Association for Religious Studies. Religious Studies in
a funding system that rewards selected universities and re-
Japan. Tokyo, 1959. A commemorative volume from the
search institutions. The program is administered by the
Ninth International Congress for the History of Religions.
Japan Society for the Promotion of Science with the support
Kawahashi Noriko, and Masako Kuroki. “Editors’ Introduction:
of the Japanese government. It encourages research that will
Feminism and Religion in Contemporary Japan.” Japanese
directly contribute to society, which has promoted the idea
Journal of Religious Studies 30, no. 3/4 (2003): 207–216.
of applied sciences even among traditional humanistic disci-
This entire volume is dedicated to feminist and gender
plines; the study of bioethics is one example within the field
studies of religion in Japan.
of religious studies. With this new focus, the study of religion
Matsumoto Shigeru. Motoori Norinaga 1730–1801. Cambridge,
is once again facing a challenge to serve public and national
U.K., 1975; reprint, Ann Arbor, Mich., 1995.
interests without losing its critical stance.
Prohl, Inken. Die “spirituellen Intellektuellen” und das New Age in
Japan. Hamburg, Germany, 2000. A critique of Shinichi
B
Nakazawa and other popular religious-spiritual scholars such
IBLIOGRAPHY
as Yasuo Yuasa.
Primary sources in English
Anesaki Masaharu. Buddhist Art in Its Relation to Buddhist Ideals,
Pye, Michael. “Japanese Studies of Religion.” Religion 4 (1975):
with Special Reference to Buddhism in Japan. Boston, 1915,
55–72.
reprint, New York, 1978.
Pye, Michael. “Modern Japan and the Science of Religions.”
Anesaki Masaharu. History of Japanese Religion, with Special Refer-
Method and Theory in the Study of Religion 15, no. 1 (2003):
ence to the Social and Moral Life of the Nation. London, 1930,
1–27. This article, along with “Religious Studies in Japan”
reprint, 1995.
by Tamaru, provides a general view of the Japanese study of
religion, with a special focus on its prehistory.
Bellah, Robert N. Tokugawa Religion: The Values of Pre-Industrial
Japan. New York, 1957; reprint, London, 1985.
Reader, Ian. “Dichotomies, Contested Terms, and Contemporary
Issues in the Study of Religion.” 2004. Available from http://
Kato¯ Genchi. A Study of Shinto: The Religion of the Japanese Na-
www.japanesestudies.org.uk/discussionpapers/
tion. London, 1926; reprint, 1971. Genchi Kato¯ (1873–
Reader2.html. This article touches on the concept of religion
1965) initiated the study of Shinto¯ from the perspective of
in Japan in light of recent theoretical discussions.
comparative religion.
Rotermund, Hartmut O. “Les sciences des religions au Japon.” In
Kishimoto Hideo. “An Operational Definition of Religion.”
Le Grand Atlas des Religions. Paris, 1988.
Numen 8 (1961): 236–240.
Shimazono Susumu. “The Study of Religion and the Tradition of
Kishimoto Hideo. “Religiology.” Numen 14 (1967): 81–86.
Pluralism.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 9, no. 1
Tominaga Nakamoto. Emerging from Meditation. Translated and
(1982–1983): 77–88. This article discusses the influence of
edited by Michael Pye. London, 1990.
religious pluralism on the Japanese study of religion.
Uno Enku¯. Religious Rites and Ceremonies Concerning Rice-
Snodgrass, Judith. Presenting Japanese Buddhism to the West: Ori-
Planting and Eating in Malaysia. Tokyo, 1942. Enku¯ Uno
entalism, Occidentalism, and the Columbian Exposition.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8780
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE EAST
Chapel Hill, N.C., 2003. This book closely examines presen-
versity and its programs are intended to be secular. Despite
tations by Japanese Buddhists at the World Parliament of
the relatively limited visibility of the comparative study of re-
Religions in Chicago in 1893. Opinions are divided as to
ligions in regional institutions, the scholarly discipline can
whether the World Parliament of Religions was a major con-
be traced back to a vigorous and creative scholarship that
tributor in the formation of the study of religion in Japan.
flourished at least as early as the tenth century.
Staggs, Kathleen M. In Defense of Japanese Buddhism: Essays from
the Meiji Period by Inoue Enryo¯ and Murakami Sensho¯. Mi-
The disciplinary approach and institutional organiza-
crofilm, Ann Arbor, Mich., 1987. Both Enryo¯ Inoue (1858–
tion of the study of religion in the Middle East and North
1919) and Sensho¯ Murakami (1851–1929) had a Jo¯do
Africa is based largely on a scholarly tradition developed in
Shinshu¯ Buddhist background and applied a modern meth-
the premodern period, particularly during the eleventh,
od of free inquiry to Buddhist and religious studies. Inoue
twelfth, and thirteenth centuries. Several well-known schol-
also published unique works on the superstitious aspects of
ars wrote far-reaching and influential works during this peri-
folk religion.
od that still serve as the basic textbooks for the contemporary
Tamaru Noriyoshi. “Religious Studies in Japan: A Preliminary
university study of religion.
Report.” In The Notion of “Religion” in Comparative Research:
AL-B¯IRU¯N¯I. Perhaps the single best example of the study of
Selected Proceedings of the 16th IAHR Congress, edited by Ugo
Bianchi. Rome, 1994.
religion within Islamic civilization comes from the penetrat-
ing works of al-B¯ıru¯n¯ı (973–1050). Attached to the Ghaz-
Primary sources in Japanese
navid court in what is today Afghanistan, al-B¯ıru¯n¯ı pro-
Anesaki Masaharu. Shu¯kyo¯gaku gairon (An Introduction to the
duced two important works studying ancient and
Study of Religion). Tokyo, 1900.
contemporary religions. The first, titled Book of the Remains
Anesaki Masaharu. Fukkatsu no Shoko¯ (The Dawn of Revival).
from Bygone Centuries, contains al-B¯ıru¯n¯ı’s account of pre-
Tokyo, 1904.
Islamic civilizations. The second, titled the History of India,
Kishimoto Hideo. Shu¯kyo¯gaku (The Study of Religion). Tokyo,
is an encyclopedic catalog and analysis of the culture of
1961.
South Asia. The information in al-B¯ıru¯n¯ı’s study of India
Yanagawa Keiichi. Gendai nihonjin no shu¯kyo¯ (Religions of Con-
comes both from firsthand observations in northwest India
temporary Japanese People). Kyoto, 1991.
and from his extensive study of Sanskrit and related Indian
Secondary sources in Japanese
languages and texts. Combing both ethnographic and textual
Isomae Junichi and Hidetaka Fukasawa, eds. Kindai nihon niokeru
research, al-B¯ıru¯n¯ı’s work is primarily descriptive, though a
chisikijin to shu¯kyo¯ (Intellectuals and Religion in Modern
rudimentary analytical framework utilizing more generic cat-
Japan). Tokyo, 2002. A detailed biographical work on Ane-
egories such as “ritual” and “belief” is evident from
saki with critical essays and a comprehensive catalogue of his
al-B¯ıru¯n¯ı’s observations.
writings.
MILAL WA NIHAL. Most influential in many contemporary
Shimazono Susumu, and Yoshio Tsuruoka, eds. Shu¯kyo¯ saiko¯ (Re-
university programs in comparative religion is a body of
considering the Concept of Religion). Tokyo, 2004. This
scholarship known under the Arabic term al-Milal wa al-
contains a few articles on the concept of religion in Japanese
Nihal, roughly translated as “Sects and Heresies” and is often
contexts.
understood as heresiographical or doxographical in nature,
Suzuki Norihisa. Meiji shu¯kyo¯ shicho¯ no kenkyu¯ (The Trends of Re-
though individual authors provide different rationales for
ligious Thought in the Meiji Era). Tokyo, 1979.
their works. In general, this scholarship presents an overview
Tamaru Noriyoshi, ed. Nihon no shu¯kyo¯ gakusetsu (Theories of the
of beliefs attributed to different groups both historically and
Study of Religion in Japan). Vol. 1, Tokyo, 1982; vol. 2,
contemporaneous with the writers. These beliefs are often
Tokyo, 1985. A collection of articles on early Japanese schol-
grouped into three broad categories: Islamic beliefs and sects,
ars of religion, such as Seiichi Hatano (1877–1950), Enku¯
beliefs and sects of “People of the Book” (Arabic, ahl
Uno (1885–1949), and Chishin Ishibashi (1886–1947).
Limited availability.
al-kita¯b) or “revealed” religions, and everything else, includ-
ing other religions and philosophers. Sometimes this catego-
SAKOTO FUJIWARA (2005)
rization is reduced to Muslim and non-Muslim beliefs, as in
the work of Fakhr al-D¯ın al-Ra¯z¯ı in which he discusses Jews,
Christians, Mazdaeans, dualists, Sabians, and philosophers.
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY
Ibn Hazm. Abu¯ Muh:ammad Al¯ı Ibn Ah:mad, known
OF RELIGION IN NORTH AFRICA AND THE
as Ibn H:azm (994–1064) was one of the most prolific writers
MIDDLE EAST
on other religions and their relationship to Islam. In his al-
The academic study of religion in North Africa and the Mid-
Milal wa al-Nihal work, Ibn H:azm discusses doctrines per-
dle East builds upon a long and rich tradition of comparison
taining to Islam, Mazdaeans, Christians, Bra¯hman:s, Jews,
and analysis of the history, beliefs, and practices of different
various philosophers, dualists, and others. The book is orga-
religious communities. Most of the major universities in the
nized according to specific topics rather than particular reli-
region currently teach the comparative study of religion
gious groups, but the topics themselves are loosely arranged
within an Islamic studies curriculum, whether or not the uni-
according to what Ibn H:azm sees as sectarian divisions aris-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE EAST
8781
ing from adherence to certain beliefs. For example, Ibn
Zoroastrians and the dualists, under which category he places
H:azm has a general section on Christianity followed by more
the Manichaeans. The second category of beliefs originating
specific discussion of the nature of Christ, those who deny
from nonrevealed sources includes the Sabians of Harran,
prophethood and the angels, and the difference between mir-
philosophers (Greek and Islamic), pre-Islamic Arab religions,
acles and magic. In his discussion of Judaism Ibn H:azm
and the beliefs of Indians (Bra¯hman:s, adherents to spirits,
mentions that the Jews reject the trinitarianism of Christians
star worshipers, and idol worshipers). He follows this by a
but faults them for using a Torah that does not contain an
brief discussion of philosophical ideas among the Indians.
accurate record of the revelation given to Moses. Zoroastri-
The longest section in the book is that on the philoso-
ans are faulted for insisting upon the prophethood of Zoroas-
phers and their ideas. Shahrasta¯n¯ı describes the different reli-
ter while denying the equality of other prophets.
gious ideas within the Islamic framework of revealed and
Ibn H:azm spends considerable attention detailing ex-
nonrevealed corresponding to the general QurDanic notion
amples of how the stories of the prophets in the Jewish Torah
of the People of the Book following prophets with divine
and the Christian New Testament contradict what is known
messages. Shahrasta¯n¯ı conceives of God as a unitary being
from the QurDa¯n and Islamic tradition. In addition to his
from whom creation proceeds in a fashion that gained him
criticism of the sources and redaction of the Bible used by
as reputation as adhering to Nizar¯ı Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı doctrines of ema-
Jews and Christians, Ibn H:azm wrote extensively on Islamic
nation and incarnation. This allows him to see truth in ideas
law. He was a strong proponent for the notion that the
derived both directly and indirectly from God. A similar ap-
QurDa¯n and the shar¯ı Eah derived from it superseded all earlier
proach is found in the H:ikmat al-kha¯lidah of Miskawayh and
older legal codes, to the extent that the revelation of the
the T:abaqa¯t al-umam of SaE¯ıd al-Andalus¯ı, where it is argued
QurDa¯n abrogated all parts of the Bible that it did not specifi-
that God gave each of the world’s peoples certain intellectual
cally confirm. Although he is apparently well informed about
and civilizational gifts that they retain despite their straying
the different religious ideas he catalogs, Ibn H:azm’s main in-
from the directly revealed truths of Islam.
terest is in a defense of Islam as providing a holistic interpre-
HISTORY. Medieval Muslim historians often write about the
tation of the world fully compatible with history and ratio-
history of different religions. In the course of his history of
nality. His al-Milal wa al-Nihal work also includes a section
the world, for example, Muh:ammad bin Jar¯ır al-T:abar¯ı
mentioning what is known about certain biblical prophets
(839–923) recounts numerous traditions from both Muslim
and the veneration due to them, followed by discussions of
and pre-Islamic sources concerning the religious beliefs and
beliefs concerning the creation of heaven and hell, the resur-
practices of Iran, Arabia, Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Fer-
rection of the dead, the punishment of the tomb, and repen-
tile Crescent. Later historians, such as Ibn al-Ath¯ır, built
tance. In his final sections he treats a number of individual
upon T:abar¯ı’s work and repeated much of his information,
issues not necessarily associated with any particular group
sometimes with their own additions. Other historians pro-
such as visions, the created nature of certain things, and the
vide detailed historical backgrounds to explain the origins of
relationship of body and soul.
religious groups present in their time. Ah:mad b. Abd
Abu¯ al-MaEa¯l¯ı. Abu¯ al-MaEa¯l¯ı Muh:ammad bin EUbayd
al-Qa¯dir al-Maqr¯ız¯ı (1364–1442), well-known historian of
Alla¯h (c. 1092) produced one of the earliest Persian works
Egypt, includes an especially long section on the different
in the al-Milal wa al-Nihal tradition. His book, titled Expli-
groups among the Jews of his time. He uses a variety of medi-
cation of Religions, treats a number of religions that came be-
eval, late antique, and Hellenistic sources, including the me-
fore Islam, including ancient Arab religion, Greek philoso-
dieval Hebrew translation of Josephus.
phy, Judaism, Christianity, Zoroastrianism, Mazdakism, and
Stories of the Prophets. Equally important are the his-
Manichaeism. He separates this group of religions from
torical and mythological accounts pertaining to what is called
“idolatrous” religions such as Hinduism. Abu¯ al-MaEa¯l¯ı’s
the “Stories of the Prophets” in Muslim histories and QurDa¯n
main focus in the book appears to be his conviction that all
commentaries. Although regarded as “Muslim” prophets by
people, even non-Muslims, hold a belief in a creator being,
these writers, the cycle of stories associated with such pre-
which he claims proves the existence of God.
Islamic figures as Abraham, Moses, and Jesus were told often
Shahrasta¯n¯ı. Muh:ammad bin EAbd al-Kar¯ım
in conscious comparison to Jewish and Christian accounts
al-Shahrasta¯n¯ı (1086–1153) lived near Khura¯sa¯n and wrote
of the same figures. Scholars such as Ibn Kathir specifically
a well-known al-Milal wa al-Nihal work. Shahrasta¯n¯ı states
compare passages from the Bible and from Jewish and Chris-
that he wrote the book in an attempt to document “the reli-
tian interpretation with the QurDa¯n and its interpretation by
gious beliefs of all the world’s people.” Shahrasta¯n¯ı divides
Muslims. In addition to major prophetic figures, other char-
these religious beliefs into two main categories: ideas derived
acters also appear in these stories, including Samson, St.
from revealed books and ideas derived from elsewhere. The
George, and the Seven Sleepers. Such scholarship frequently
first category is further subdivided into Muslims and People
reflects a relatively sophisticated approach to textual criticism
of the Book. People of the Book include the Jews (Kairites,
and the burgeoning of a sort of comparative mythology.
Isawiyah, Samaritans), Christians (Chalcedonians, Nestori-
TRAVEL AND GEOGRAPHY. The approach and content of
ans, Jacobites), and the people of a “false book” such as the
most al-Milal wa al-Nihal and historical scholarship is fo-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8782
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE EAST
cused on literary sources and doctrinal questions. Descrip-
overt, strongly influenced by perceptions of the political situ-
tions of practices, largely drawn from ethnographic-type ob-
ation between Israel and the Palestinians.
servations comparable to those found in the histories of
Herodotus, can be found in the large collection of travel ac-
MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY STUDY OF RELIGION. In the
counts produced by Arab and Muslim scholars in the medi-
modern period, many state-sponsored and private universi-
eval period but continuing through to the nineteenth
ties include the comparative study of religion as part of the
century.
regular curriculum. There are few independent departments
devoted to the comparative study of religion, with the excep-
One of the best-known travelers is Ibn Bat:t:u¯t:a (1304–
tion of departments of da Ewa (proselytizing) at some regional
1368) who left from Tangiers and traveled throughout the
universities. Separate departments of da Ewa can be found at
Middle East, East Africa, Asia Minor, Central Asia, India,
some universities such as the Islamic University of Medina
Sri Lanka, Bengal, Sumatra, and China. Ibn Bat:t:u¯t:a’s travel
and the Department of DaEwa and Religious Fundamentals
account, as well as those of many others, are expanded jour-
(us:u¯l al-d¯ın) founded in 1991 at the Umm al-Qura Universi-
nals of pilgrimage journeys. During the travels described in
ty of Mecca. The curriculum emphasizes the comparative
his account, Ibn Bat:t:u¯t:a made pilgrimage to Mecca at least
study of religions as a means to allow students to contextual-
four times. Ibn al-Jubayr (1145–1217) was one of the first
ize their own religious traditions within a global religious
to leave a long account of his journeys in the Middle East
community.
while on pilgrimage to Mecca, which includes his firsthand
observations on the beliefs and practices he encountered.
The Amir EAbd al-Qadir University in Constantine, Al-
Travel accounts and guides written for pilgrims visiting re-
geria has a Department of Creed and Comparative Religion
gional sites in Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine, such as those
(al-EAq¯ıdah wa Muqa¯rinah al-Adya¯n). Ain Shams University
of al-Haraw¯ı and Ibn al-H:awra¯n¯ı, constitute a valuable re-
in Cairo offers the comparative study of religious traditions
cord not only of Muslim practices and beliefs but also myths
within the various language and literature departments in the
and rituals associated with certain sites by other religious
Faculty of Arts, including the languages of Islamic nations,
groups in the area.
and Hebrew language and literature. The Center for Orien-
tal Studies at the University of Cairo offers a number of
Other scholarship focused on geography includes a great
courses and a publication series in Comparative Religion.
deal of information on religious practices and beliefs. Schol-
The University of Mauritius offers a degree program in histo-
ars such as Ya¯qu¯t, Ibn al-Faq¯ıh, and al-Bakr¯ı compiled geo-
ry and heritage studies that incorporates Islamic studies into
graphical dictionaries that contain a wealth of information
a broad spectrum of cultural and religious influences on
derived from a variety of sources on the religious traditions
Mauritius history. Individual courses teaching Islamic
associated with certain cities, shrines, mountains, and places
of pilgrimage. Scholars such as al-Qazw¯ın¯ı produced works
studies within a comparative, liberal arts framework can also
examining the “wonders” ( Eaja¯Dib) of the world, compiling
be found at the University of the United Arab Emirates, Sidi
and comparing mythologies associated with different loca-
Muh:ammad b. EAbdallah University in Fes, the American
tions, often utilizing historical, linguistic, and ethnographic
University of Beirut, Sultan Qabus University in Musqat,
approaches. Other early “wonders” accounts focused specifi-
Bogazici University in Istanbul, and the American University
cally on India and China. Similar approaches can be found
of Cairo.
in the large collection of works focused on the “virtues”
Us:u¯l al-d¯ın. Other universities devote departments and
(fad:a¯Dil) of cities such as Jerusalem, Damascus, and Mecca.
colleges to the general study of religion, within the frame-
These fada¯ Dil works bring together from various types of
work of an Islamic studies curriculum. The department of
sources historical and mythological traditions associated with
us:u¯l al-d¯ın at the University of Jordan, for example, teaches
the origins of sanctuaries, certain ritual practices, and beliefs
the standard subfields within Islamic studies, including al-
connected to particular peoples and locations.
Milal wa al-Nihal studies as well as individual courses in
JEWISH AND CHRISTIAN STUDIES OF ISLAM. Jewish and
comparative religion and Muslim-Christian dialogue. A sim-
Christian scholars also wrote extensively on Islam, and on
ilar curriculum exists university-wide at Omdurman Islamic
their own religions, not always with the simple aim of dis-
University in the Sudan, and al-Quds University in Jerusa-
crediting others but rather in formation of their own distinct
lem includes an Islamic studies department within liberal arts
identity. This is particularly true where the Muslim majority
and a separate Islamic Research Center established in 1987
was and is still in close contact with large non-Muslim mi-
with a broad, comparative scope. Within its us:u¯l al-d¯ın facul-
norities, in Spain, Yemen, Egypt, Lebanon, and the Fertile
ty, al-Azhar University offers a comparative curriculum de-
Crescent. Much of this went on in the area of comparative
voted to the study of religions (Christianity, Judaism,
scriptural exegesis, with Jews, Christians, and Muslims inter-
Hinduism, pre-Islamic Arab religions, Buddhism, Confu-
preting what amounts to a common scriptural tradition,
cianism, and ancient Egyptian religions) with courses exam-
though the identity and authority of different texts (i.e.,
ining the origins of religion, the connections between reli-
QurDa¯n, Bible) was often the issue in such discussions. This
gion and society, and the history and importance of the study
sort of more direct polemic continues today and is not often
of different religions from an Islamic perspective.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE EAST
8783
Shar¯ıEah colleges. Most comparative studies of religion
studies, philosophy of religion, and anthropology. Scholars
within the universities of the Gulf region are housed within
using such approaches are not always successful given the in-
separate colleges devoted to the study of shar¯ı Eah (Islamic
stitutional and intellectual barriers in regional universities.
law) and Islamic studies. The department of us:u¯l al-d¯ın in
Reactions range from the establishment of institutions to the
the College of Shar¯ıEah at the Imam Muh:ammad bin SaEud
publication of monographs criticizing particular schools of
University was established in the 1950s. The faculty of
thought and individuals, but sometimes reactions have taken
shar¯ı Eah and us:u¯l al-d¯ın at the King Khalid University was
the form of threats and outright violence against particular
founded in 1976, and in the 1990s Islamic studies (including
individuals. The banning of certain publications, both classi-
the comparative study of religions under the heading of al-
cal and modern, is not uncommon in the region, including
Milal wa al-Nihal) was moved into the College of Shar¯ıEah
the expurgation of passages from classical texts and modern
and Islamic Studies at Kuwait University. Iranian universi-
textbooks for K–12 education.
ties, such as the Bu Ali Sina University and Shiraz University
Where European and American models have been most
offer degree programs in Islamic law through the faculties of
influential is in the areas of archaeology and textual-historical
law at each institution.
studies. Archaeologists from the King SaEu¯d University in Ri-
Despite their separate institutionalization, these colleges
yadh, for example, have produced a number of excellent
of shar¯ı Eah and Islamic studies are often more akin to a
analyses of pre-Islamic Arabian religion, and indigenous
North American “divinity school” with a more diverse cur-
scholarship on antiquities in other areas, especially Egypt and
riculum than a “seminary”-style college. Other colleges of
Jordan, is world class. The German approaches associated
shar¯ı Eah and Islamic studies are more strictly preprofessional,
with Religionswissenschaft and Religionsgeschichte are more
however. The Salahaddin University in Arbil, Iraq, was es-
easily integrated into regional curricula, perhaps because of
tablished in 2003 with the aim of preparing ima¯ms for service
the emphasis, familiar from the classical Islamic tradition,
in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. The faculty of shar¯ı Eah and
upon history and doctrine. Within the context of other disci-
Islamic studies at Yarmouk University in Irbid, Jordan, was
plines, religion is treated with more theoretical ingenuity, as
established in 1991, merging the then existing Islamic
a variable in anthropological, art historical, and political sci-
Studies Center into a college designed for professional train-
entific studies.
ing. A similar situation pertains to the college of shar¯ı Eah at
Centers for comparative religion. Since the 1970s a
al-Ahqaf University in the H:ad:ramawt region of Yemen.
number of initiatives have created regional centers and brief
CHALLENGES AND CURRENT TRENDS. Today the basic focus
runs in journals and other periodicals devoted to the relations
of most regional programs in the comparative study of reli-
of Muslims and non-Muslims. Most of this has focused on
gion is historical and doctrinal. The more differentiated con-
Muslim-Christian dialogue, such as the programs at the Cen-
ception of religion as inclusive of practices and beliefs outside
tre d’Études et de Recherches Économiques et Sociales in
of canonical texts and officially sanctioned venues has suf-
Tunis, the joint visits between the Vatican and al-Azhar offi-
fered in the modern period. Modern Muslim scholars of reli-
cials, and the Seminar on Islamic-Christian dialogue
gion tend to isolate what they consider to be religion (Arabic,
founded in Tripoli, Libya, in 1976. These initiatives, howev-
d¯ın) from tradition and culture (Arabic, tura¯th, thaqa¯fah).
er, appear to have been more concerned with political rela-
The broad view taken by premodern travelers, historians,
tions than with the academic study of religion.
and al-Milal wa al-Nihal scholars, as well as the more self-
critical approach to canonical Islamic texts and doctrines, has
More recently, as a reaction to the more insular attitude
largely been replaced by a less complex cataloging of accepted
of some regional scholars, a number of regional institutions
beliefs and practices.
and centers specifically devoted to the comparative study of
religions have been established. A prime example of this is
The major challenge facing the study of religion in Arab
the Royal Institute for Interfaith Studies (Arabic, MaEhad
universities is the perception that comparison and theoretical
al-Malak¯ı li-Dira¯sa¯t al-D¯ın¯ıyyah) founded by Prince H:asan
models represent a challenge to indigenous methods and ap-
bin Talal in 1994 in Amman, Jordan. The RIIFS, devoted
proaches to the study of religion. This is particularly evident
primarily to the study of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam,
in the defensive and protective posture taken by scholars of
publishes quarterly journals in English and Arabic and spon-
the major foundational subjects in classical Islam, especially
sors lectures and visiting scholars from around the world.
the historical study of the Prophet Muh:ammad and the in-
Other state-supported and private institutions in the region
terpretation of the QurDa¯n. Such a defensive stance some-
have begun to cultivate more active and creative programs
times has the unfortunate result of stifling discussion and use
in the comparative study of religion as a means to broaden
of the rich comparative approaches developed by pre-
both academic and popular conceptions of religious identity
modern Muslim scholarship.
and civil cooperation.
Scholars trained largely in European and North Ameri-
Another example of this is the Department of Theology
can institutions have introduced innovative approaches to re-
and Religions at Qum University in Iran, founded in 2001
gional studies of religion. This includes, for example, per-
with the stated aim of “highlighting the role of religion in
spectives adopted from the history of religions, text-critical
dialogue among civilizations. . .for the purpose of under-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8784
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH AMERICA
standing one another. . . .” Associated centers in Iran in-
Waardenburg, Jacques, ed. Muslim Perceptions of Other Religions:
clude the Institute for Dialogue among Religions in Tehran
A Historical Survey. New York, 1999.
and the Bureau for Knowledge and Religions at the Research
Wasserstrom, Steven. Between Muslim and Jew: The Problem of
Center for Human Sciences and Cultural Studies. Since
Symbiosis under Early Islam. Princeton, N.J., 1995.
2001, al-Azhar University has introduced an English-
Wheeler, Brannon. Prophets in the Quran: An Introduction to the
language unit for Islamic studies, and Tashkent Islam Uni-
Quran and Muslim Exegesis. London, 2002.
versity implemented a revised curriculum in the study of
BRANNON WHEELER (2005)
world religions. This corresponds with the growing number
of Turkish and North African universities that have begun
to offer a curriculum aimed explicitly at participating in dia-
logue with non-Muslim societies.
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY
OF RELIGION IN NORTH AMERICA
Such initiatives should not be seen as novel undertak-
North American intellectuals, poets, and scholars have
ings but rather represent a reinvigoration of the fertile indige-
shown considerable enthusiasm in exploring religion dating
nous tradition of the comparative study of religion from the
back to the nineteenth century. This spirit flourished in
classical Islamic period.
scholarly, theological, philosophical, and artistic investiga-
B
tions.
IBLIOGRAPHY
Adang, Camilla. Muslim Writers on Judaism and the Hebrew Bible:
THE EARLY ROOTS OF THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION.
From Ibn Rabban to Ibn Hazm. Leiden, 1996.
Academic study in the nineteenth century was often tied to
Broadhurst, R. J. C. The Travels of Ibn Jubayr. London, 1952.
Christian theological interests and institutions, but this is not
Ernst, Carl. Following Muh:ammad: Rethinking Islam in the Con-
to say that all religious study was simply apologetics. Early
temporary World. Chapel Hill, N.C., 2003.
scholars in the emerging field of North American compara-
Gibb, H. A. R. The Travels of Ibn Battuta. 2 vols. Cambridge,
tive religions included James Freeman Clark (Harvard Di-
U.K., 1958–1962.
vinity School), who published Ten Great Religions: An Essay
H:asan, Muh:ammad Khal¯ıfah. EAla¯qah al-Isla¯m bi-l-adya¯n
in Comparative Theology in 1871. Between the 1860s and
al-ukhra¯. Cairo, 2003.
1900 several religiously oriented university chairs were ap-
Ibn Hazm, Ali bin Ahmad. al-Fis:al f¯ı al-milal wa al-ahwa’ wa al-
pointed at places such as Harvard, Boston University,
nihal. 3 vols. Edited by A. Shams al-Din. Beirut, 1999.
Princeton, and Cornell—Clark’s appointment as “Professor
Kafafi, Mohamed Abdul Salam, trans. The Bayan al-Adyan by
of Natural Religion and Christian Doctrine” at Harvard
Abu Dl-Ma Eali Muh:ammad ibn EUbayd Alla¯h. London, 1949.
being one example. Although these chairs did not represent
al-Maqr¯ız¯ı, Ah:mad b. EAbd al-Qa¯dir. al-Mawa Eiz wa al-I Etibar fi
a full-fledged comparative religion such as was emerging in
dhikr al-khit:at: wa al-atha¯r. 2 vols. Cairo, 1892.
Europe, they did portend a trend away from singly theologi-
Meri, Josef W. “A Late Medieval Syrian Pilgrimage Guide: Ibn al-
cal reflections and apologetics. In addition to Clark, other
Hawrani’s al-Isharat ila amakin al-ziyarat (Guide to Pilgrim-
scholars included W. D. Whitney, James Freeman Clarke,
age Places).” Medieval Encounters 7 (2001): 3–78. Based on
and George Foot Moore. In 1892 T. W. Rhys Davids, a Brit-
edition by Bassam al-Jabi. Damascus, 1981.
ish scholar of Buddhism, was invited to lecture at the newly
Monnot, G. “Les écrits musulmans sur les religions non-
established “American Lectures on the History of Religions,”
bibliques.” MIDEO 11 (1972): 5–48.
a joint venture among several colleges and universities. In the
Nanji, Azim, ed. Mapping Islamic Studies: Genealogy, Continuity,
same year the University of Chicago established a depart-
and Change. Berlin, 1997.
ment devoted to the study of comparative religion.
Palacios, H. Asín. Abenházam de Crodoba y su historia critica de
las ideas religiosas. Madrid, 1927–1932.
Outside of universities, Ralph Waldo Emerson (and
Sachau, Eduard, trans. Chronolgie orientalischer Völker. Leipzig,
other transcendentalists), Walt Whitman, and John Bur-
Germany, 1878. Translated into English as The Chronology
roughs represent just a few of the voices among amateur Ori-
of Ancient Nations (London, 1879).
entalists, philosophers, poets, and theologians interested in
Sachau, Eduard, trans. Al-Beruni’s India. 2 vols. London, 1888–
religious experience, mysticism, religious psychology, and re-
1910.
ligious pluralism. On the level of popular culture, Chicago’s
al-Shahrasta¯n¯ı, Muh:ammad bin EAbd al-Kar¯ım. al-Milal wa al-
World Parliament of Religions in 1893 offered a plurality of
nihal. 2 vols. Edited by A. Mahna and A. FaEur. Beirut, 2001.
different Christian congresses and lectures and introduced
al-T:abar¯ı, Muh:ammad bin Jar¯ır. Ta Dr¯ıkh al-rusul wa al-mulu¯k.
many Americans to what became the earliest understandings
Edited by M. J. de Goeje. 16 vols. Leiden, Netherlands,
of Buddhist Therava¯da and Zen as well as Hindu Veda¯nta.
1879–1901. English translation of section on pre-Islamic pe-
These events and thinkers held the common interest in reli-
riod: The History of al-Tabari: Volume 1: From Creation to
gion and trust in “modern” scholarly methods to reveal the
the Flood, translated by Franz Rosenthal (Albany, N.Y.,
origins, meanings, and truths of the myriad human behaviors
1989); Volume 2: Prophets and Patriarchs, translated by Wil-
deemed religious.
liam Brinner (1987); Volume 3: The Children of Israel, trans-
lated by William Brinner (1991); Volume 4: The Ancient
These forces—as well as a plurality of religious groups
Kingdoms, translated Moshe Perlmann (1987).
examining their own theology— created a diversity of ideas,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH AMERICA
8785
interpretations, and reflections on institutional religions
such institutions as Chicago, Harvard, Yale, and Princeton
(such as Christianity and Buddhism), on religious texts (such
led the early- and mid-twentieth-century development of the
as the Bhagavadg¯ıta¯ and the Bible), and on the role of reli-
academic study of religion. Whereas social sciences (psychol-
gious practices and claims in society (such as religion and law
ogy, anthropology, sociology) were contributing both data
or psychology of religion).
and theories to the study of religion, it was often these divini-
ty schools that led the self-conscious pursuit for an American
This early phase of amateur and academic study of reli-
“comparative religion” or “history of religions.” Harvard and
gion was wide-ranging, yet disciplinary identity and overall
Chicago are two notable examples, training many of the his-
theoretical coherence were still in development. Often un-
torians and comparativists who populated the many depart-
easy (even antagonistic) mixtures of theology, history, and
ments of religious and cultural studies of the 1960s, 1970s,
social sciences evolved in this early academic study of reli-
and following decades.
gion. Even though clear disciplinary identity was lacking, ac-
tive study proceeded in several areas. Unique among these
RELIGIOUS STUDIES AND RELATED DISCIPLINES. Following
was the American school of psychology of religion. Stanley
the lead of these divinity schools, “religious studies” emerged
Hall (1884–1924)—trained at Wilhelm Wundt’s laboratory
as an academic discipline during the 1960s and 1970s in pri-
of experimental psychology in Leipzig—brought European
vate and state universities. Religious studies include disci-
psychology to the United States and set the stage for the de-
plinary approaches such as anthropology, sociology, history,
velopment of an original American psychology of religion by
and philology. Other approaches are geographic or chrono-
James H. Leuba (1868–1946), Edwin Diller Starbuck
logical, such as religion in America, East Asian cultures and
(1866–1947), William James (1842–1910), and others. Pos-
religions, and ancient Near Eastern studies. Others are drawn
itivism and American “pragmatism” were this new psycholo-
from doctrinal or community boundaries, such as Buddhist,
gy’s orientation, questionnaires and surveys became one of
Hindu, Islamic, or Christian studies.
its primary methods, and the psychology of religious conver-
After World War II, following the earlier interests of
sion was one of its early foci. Leuba addressed conversion
Clark, James, and Boas and even such thinkers as John
from the psychological point of view and as a scientific ratio-
Dewey, several new voices and schools of thought spoke
nalist in his 1896 dissertation in psychology (written at Clark
from within the emerging field of religious studies. Promi-
University under Stanley Hall). Starbuck and James, from
nent among them were Erwin R. Goodenough (Yale), Wil-
different perspectives, were more accepting of transcendental
fred Cantwell Smith (Harvard), Joachim Wach (responsible
realities and distinctly “religious” experience, but nonetheless
for the program at Brown and for shaping the program at
their approaches were thoroughly scholarly in Starbuck’s The
the University of Chicago), Mircea Eliade (following Wach
Psychology of Religion and James’s The Varieties of Religious
at the University of Chicago), and the Scottish-born Ninian
Experience.
Smart (University of California, Santa Barbara). From differ-
Another fruitful area of research was in the emerging
ent perspectives, their approaches tended to treat the topic
discourses of American anthropology. North American
of religion as a self-generated category whose study was an
scholars and professional (and amateur) ethnologists had a
act of interpretation and understanding. Their interests (phi-
long encounter with indigenous Americans. Franz Boas,
losophy, sociology, history, and phenomenology) and area
Robert H. Lowie, Paul Radin, Alfred L. Kroeber, and Clyde
studies backgrounds (Christianity, Hinduism, and Bud-
Kluckhohn (to name a few) all showed significant interest in
dhism) varied. Eliade was particularly prominent among
religious aspects of Native American cultures (worldviews,
these mid-century voices. He tended to look at religious
ceremonies, and myths). Boas (1858–1942) at Columbia
products (myths and rituals) as manifestations of sacred (or
University trained numerous anthropologists (Lowie, Radin,
mystical) reality that originated outside of human experi-
and Kroeber among them) who tended to work from the
ence. Thus he collected vast amounts of diverse cultural ma-
basic assumption that understanding native cultures required
terial into general categories, such as “myth,” as exemplified
careful study of their “religions” (rituals, myths, and cus-
in his Patterns in Comparative Religion (1958). Even though
toms). The influence of Native American studies and Ameri-
this kind of study brought together broadly divergent materi-
can anthropology had wider impact than just the Americas,
als into overarching categories, there was also a strong sense
being of interest to both anthropologists and scholars of reli-
of contextual history in the Chicago school of the history of
gion in Europe. Whereas such thinkers as the French Lucien
religions. The Chicago journal History of Religions, begun in
Lévy-Bruhl tended toward the philosophical and theoretical,
1961 at the height of Eliade’s prominence, has tended to
American anthropologists contributed a strong emphasis on
publish detailed and context-rich historically grounded
empirical fieldwork and (following Boas), a keen sense of his-
studies.
tory, and even a distrust of overtheorizing the data.
The approaches of these mid-century thinkers varied
One of the peculiarities of American higher education
widely but might be described as treating religious institu-
is that the major universities have not been—and arguably
tions and behaviors as phenomena similar to literature, a
still are not—state institutions as they have been in most
music composition, or a performance. Following the analogy
parts of the world. The development of divinity schools at
of the arts, a particular religious ritual must be interpreted
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8786
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH AMERICA
(appreciated, criticized) much like a musical performance or
CONTEMPORARY TRENDS. The intermixture of humanities
an artifact. Study of this kind might include, for example,
and social sciences approaches and the additions of original
encouraging the practice of Zen meditation in addition to
approaches from cultural studies in the late twentieth- and
studying Zen texts on meditation or interviewing Zen
early twenty-first centuries has led to considerable diversity
monks. Ninian Smart referred to this kind of study as “par-
in the discussions and discourses on religion. It is not possi-
ticipatory” and insisted that the study of religion need be
ble to collect a canon of a dozen authors and thereby gain
polymethodic and interdisciplinary because in order to un-
an overview of North American academic approaches to reli-
derstand religion the scholar must be simultaneously inside
gion. In this broadly diverse and creatively rich context, all
and outside of the subject of study. Smith, Eliade, and Smart
scholars share, in principle, an insistence on intellectual rigor
all argued that the academic study of religion needed to be
and critical self-awareness. The lack of an all-encompassing
a broad utilitarian and humanistic study and not some kind
theme in the field reflects the shared insistence on focusing
of strictly (and only) objective historical study of particular
on religion in specific historical contexts (regardless of the
traditions.
analytical and intellectual methods employed). Significant in
The mid-century study of religion also boasted several
this American trend is the plethora of critical examinations
“popular” trends in books and media. The works of the liter-
of the role of subjectivity in all productions of knowledge (in
ature scholar Joseph Campbell and the Bollingen Founda-
universities and popular culture). Scholars of previous gener-
tion are examples of the extensive study of comparative my-
ations often critically examined political authority or reli-
thology that—although occurring outside of religious studies
gious truth claims, yet they sometimes failed to use these
or divinity schools—brought a vast amount of religious ma-
same critical methods to examine their own productions of
terials to popular audiences in books and media, such as
knowledge about complex human phenomena (whether reli-
Campbell’s Hero with a Thousand Faces and The Masks of
gion, culture, or politics). Beginning from different back-
God and the PBS series Moyers: Joseph Campbell and the
grounds and presuppositions, contemporary scholars employ
Power of Myth. While many scholars of religion view Camp-
the principle of contesting and examining everything, not
bell’s work as “popular” and “literary” instead of historical
just the subject matter but also scholarship and the academy
or scholarly, this does not downplay the influence of such
itself.
work in bringing comparative religious materials to large au-
The combination of area study with the study of disci-
diences (many of whom might never have studied religion
plinary history is a primary manifestation of this trend to-
in universities). The religion scholar Huston Smith, author
ward rigorous disciplinary self awareness. Steven M. Wasser-
of The World’s Religions: Our Great Wisdom Traditions
strom (Judaic studies), Robert A. Orsi (religion in America),
(1958) and other textbooks and general works on religion,
Sam D. Gill (religion and cultural studies), and many others
hosted film and television presentations of religions and the
psychology of religious experiences that, like Campbell’s
practice this new trend in their scholarship and published
work, presented comparative religions to large popular audi-
works. Wasserstrom’s Religion after Religion: Gershom
ences.
Scholem, Mircea Eliade, and Henry Corbin at Eranos (1999)
carefully explores the mystical and poetic influences on the
At the same time American social scientific studies of
formation of the discipline in the works of three scholars (of
religion viewed religion not as self-generated phenomena un-
Judaism, history of religions, and Islamic studies respective-
derstandable only on its own terms but as a cultural product.
ly). Part of understanding how to practice the study of reli-
Human beings generate the varied religious practices and be-
gion is through understanding the genealogy of the study it-
liefs that they employ for a variety of contingent, political,
self in North America. Gill’s Storytracking: Texts, Stories, and
personal, and social purposes. This kind of science is de-
Histories in Central Australia (1997) presents several aspects
scribed as reductive: it examines religion not as a special sub-
of the contemporary trend to careful contextual research and
ject but as a product of social life that can be explained with
self-critique. Storytracking presents the worldview of Austra-
the same intellectual tools as other human phenomena, such
lian Aboriginal religion by applying the Aboriginal peoples’
as political parties, psychological pathology, or marketing
own methods of narrative to the study of Australian Aborigi-
trends. Although this orientation grew out of American so-
nal culture and thereby also provides critique of previous
cial scientific concerns for “religion in culture,” it echoed in
scholarship that distorted the data. As such it provides both
many ways Europe’s “scientific study of religion” more than
an original study of Aboriginal culture and a critique of the
the “history of religions” and “religious studies” common in
academic study of religion.
North American divinity schools and religious studies de-
partments. Some of the North American scholars who ap-
Bruce Lincoln (myth, ritual, and ideology), Charles
proached religion in these ways included Peter Berger,
Long (religion in the contemporary world), and Jonathan Z.
Thomas Luckmann, Bryan Wilson, and Robert Bellah as
Smith (Judaism’s myth and ritual) are prominent scholars
well as others in sociology who devoted significant attention
and teachers who reflect on the topic of religions and the
to the study of religion. The works of Clifford Geertz, Mary
study of religions and contribute significant applications of
Douglas, and Victor Turner contributed both description
these reflections and theories to area studies. These three
and theory to the anthropological study of religion.
thinkers’ contributions cover extensive and detailed philo-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH AMERICA
8787
logical, historical, and cultural studies touching almost all as-
gion.” A new conservatism that emphasized historical and
pects of the academic study of religion from ancient Israel,
textual study also emerged. The 1960s counterculture was
Africa, and Europe to contemporary religious, political, and
fascinated with so-called exotic traditions, such as Buddhism
cultural issues in North America and abroad. Diana L. Eck
and yoga, and also antitraditional explorations of occultism.
(Hinduism and religious pluralism) and Martin Marty
Changing immigration policies and patterns, the prolifera-
(Christianity and religion in the contemporary world) con-
tion of media, international affairs, and geopolitical interests
tinue and defend the humanistic concerns of the mid-
in the Middle East and Asia all contributed to a vast increase
century thinkers that religion is a kind of personal, irreduc-
in international and multicultural interests. U.S. and Cana-
ible human experience also through careful awareness and
dian trends in higher education reflected these social and in-
critique of previous scholarship and through specific contri-
tellectual trajectories, and the result was an explosion of lib-
butions to Hindu and Christian studies.
eral arts and cultural studies programs (religious, women’s,
Some scholars directly pursue this disciplinary self-
ethnic, and others).
awareness by addressing the theoretical basis of the academic
By the 1970s institutional boundaries were drawn more
study of religion and the constitution of the field (especially
strictly between theology and the secular study of religion.
under the rubrics of method, theory, or metatheory). In
Conservative Protestant colleges remained committed to
many cases these approaches focus less on critiquing the dis-
theological study of religion focused on the active promotion
cipline through specific area studies than on the academic
of their particular religious views. Roman Catholic colleges
study of religion itself as their area study. Some prominent
and universities tended before the 1970s to offer courses in
voices are Hans Penner, Donald Wiebe, Catherine Bell, and
theology but generally did not offer majors and minors in
Russell McCutcheon.
the study of religion. Since that time many Catholic institu-
Contributions continue to come from outside of reli-
tions have developed religion programs, and although in
gious studies as well. Examples include Edward Said (post-
many ways unlike the conservative Protestant colleges, they
colonial theory) and Talal Asad (anthropology, especially re-
are generally aimed at preparing students for occupations
ligion and secularism in the Middle East), whose writings
within religious industries (churches and counseling). Main-
contribute to specific study of the Middle East while also
line Protestant colleges developed along parallel patterns
providing extensive theoretical and philosophical contribu-
with public institutions, adopting ecumenical outlooks and
tions on the study of culture. Works from such contributors
secularizing trends (such as in the divinity schools mentioned
include Asad’s Formation of the Secular: Christianity, Islam,
above).
Modernity (2003), which is of interest to anthropologists,
scholars of religion, and area specialists, and a broad general
During the 1980s and afterward programs expanded to
readership as well. Rodney Stark (sociology, especially ratio-
include a broader range of approaches, especially those of the
nal choice theory of religion) represents different, strictly so-
social sciences and cultural studies. Religious studies scholars
cial scientific principles by offering comprehensive social sci-
now regularly employ fieldwork, ethnography, statistical
entific theories to explain religion.
analysis, demographics, cultural criticism, and performance
studies. These developments have extended the boundaries
At one time the study of religion could be divided into
of religious studies beyond traditional categories, such as
either history or sociology or according to intellectual trends,
“scripture” or “Hinduism.” Women’s issues, the politics of
such as functionalism, structuralism, or phenomenology.
religious violence, religion and medicine, and religion and
There is no single or dominant trend in the contemporary
the body are particular examples of these transformations.
study of religion, although postcolonial studies, critical theo-
ry, performance studies, religion and ecology, feminism, sub-
After the 1980s some programs in religious studies con-
altern studies, and cognitive science inform the traditional
tinued to grow and prosper, whereas others suffered due to
orientations of history, philology, and the social sciences. As
political changes and fiscal constraints in higher education.
a field religious studies constantly battles to remain relevant
Changes in public and private funding and the adoption of
to the wider public and maintain rigorous scholarly study
corporate business models by many universities have caused
while also being subject to intellectual, political, and cultural
departments and programs to defend their existences based
fads, trends, and moods.
on costs and enrollment. In these environments religious
INSTITUTIONAL TRENDS IN COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES.
studies programs must compete with other departments for
In the late 1960s and early 1970s colleges and universities
students, funding, and faculty appointments. Many pro-
established departments of religious studies as part of larger
grams have coped with these fiscal realities by shifting their
cultural trends. The “red scare” and anticommunist political
emphasis away from competing for majors and minors
mood encouraged interest in and defense of religion as a de-
through reframing their place within university-wide pro-
fining feature of the democratic cultures. It was also a time
grams, such as providing courses for general education, mul-
of assertive revivalism, creativity, and change within tradi-
ticultural and international initiatives, and other circum-
tional American religious communities. Vatican II and liber-
stances in which religious studies is not the students’ major
al Protestant theology revitalized Christian interests in “reli-
program of study.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8788
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH AMERICA
A different trend in the study of religion is the forma-
within the field. Area and topical studies organizations are
tion of centers that focus on religious topics but draw faculty
numerous. Examples include the Society of Biblical Litera-
from numerous departments. Such centers capitalize on the
ture (SBL), the American Schools of Oriental Research
inherent interdisciplinary nature of the field drawing on
(ASOR), and the Society for Tantric Studies (STS). Numer-
scholars from multiple disciplines. Harvard’s Center of the
ous other journals publish religious studies topics, such as
Study of World Religions, Toronto’s Department and Cen-
History of Religions, Religion, and Journal of Hebrew Scrip-
ter for the Study of Religion, and the University of Chicago’s
tures.
Martin Marty Center (and institute devoted to relating the
Publications are an intense area of academic interest. In
scholarly study of religion to wider public audiences) are
addition to scholarly monographs, edited works, and jour-
three examples. There has also been a rise of “centers” that
nals, North Americans have contributed significantly to the
focus on a geographic area (culture, religions, politics, histo-
publication of encyclopedias, dictionaries, and textbooks in
ry, and languages). An example is the Center for Sikh and
the field of religion. Encyclopedias of religion, religion and
Punjab Studies at the University of California, Santa Barba-
nature, religion and ecology, mythology, ritual, Christianity,
ra. Some centers focus on an issue, such as conflict studies
and many area studies works have been published in single-
or women’s studies, or a specific time period. For example,
and multivolume sets and electronically. Textbooks arranged
Trinity College’s Leonard E. Greenberg Center for the Study
topically, geographically, and historically offer a broad and
of Religion in Public Life focuses on religion in the contem-
creative area of introductory and advanced sourcebooks for
porary world. Other disciplines and cultural studies pro-
scholars and students. North America has been a leading
grams also contribute significant studies of religious subject
contributor in this last area, offering, for example, Mark Tay-
matters. One example is the Department of Cultural Studies
lor’s edited text, Critical Terms for Religious Studies (1998),
and Comparative Literature at the University of Minnesota.
and Daniel L. Pals’s Seven Theories of Religion (1996).
PROFESSIONAL ORGANIZATIONS, PROJECTS, AND PUBLICA-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
TIONS. Professional organizations in the study of religion ar-
“AAR Guide for Reviewing Programs in Religion & Theology.”
range conferences (regional, national, and international), dis-
Academic Relations Task Force, 1999.
seminate information, support various publications (books,
Bell, Catherine. Ritual: Perspectives and Dimensions. New York,
conference volumes, and journals), and publicize the field.
1997.
The American Academy of Religion (AAR), founded in
Braun, Willi, and Russell T. McCutcheon, eds. Guide to the Study
1909 and incorporated in 1964, includes scholars from sev-
of Religion. London, 2000.
eral disciplines and promotes reflections and teachings focus-
Cady, Linell E., and Delwin Brown, eds. Religious Studies, Theolo-
ing on a critical understanding of religious traditions, issues,
gy, and the University: Conflicting Maps, Changing Terrain.
questions, and values. The AAR collects and publishes data
Albany, N.Y., 2002.
and statistics about theology and religious studies programs
Capps, Walter H. Religious Studies: The Making of a Discipline.
and sponsors the publication of the Journal of the American
Minneapolis, 1995.
Academy of Religion (JAAR). The North American Associa-
De Vries, Jan. Perspectives in the History of Religions. Translated by
tion for the Study of Religion (NAASR), formed in 1985,
Kees W. Bolle. Berkeley, Calif., 1977.
is devoted to historical, comparative, structural, theoretical,
Fitzgerald, Tim. The Ideology of Religious Studies. New York, 1999.
and cognitive approaches to the study of religion. The
Gill, Sam. “The Academic Study of Religion.” Journal of the Amer-
NAASR is affiliated with the International Association for
ican Academy of Religion 62, no. 4 (1994): 965–975.
the History of Religions (IAHR). Its journal Method and
Jensen, Jeppe Sinding, and Luther H. Martin, eds. Rationality and
Theory in the Study of Religion (MTSR) examines theoretical
the Study of Religion. Aarhus, Denmark, 1997. See
issues and pedagogical and research methods. The Canadian
pp. 136–144.
Corporation for Studies in Religion (CCSR) is a consortium
Lincoln, Bruce. Theorizing Myth: Narrative, Ideology, and Scholar-
of several other academic societies in the field of religious
ship. Chicago, 1999.
studies (including the Canadian Society for the Study of Re-
Lincoln, Bruce. Holy Terrors: Thinking about Religion after Septem-
ligion and the Canadian Society of Biblical Studies). It coor-
ber 11. Chicago, 2002.
dinates research and publications and was originally formed
Marty, Martin. “You Get to Teach the Study of Religion.” Aca-
in 1971 to coordinate research among the different societies
deme 82, no. 6 (1996): 14–17.
and to publish the bilingual (French and English) journal
McCutcheon, Russell T. Critics Not Caretakers: Redescribing the
Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses (SR). The Society for
Public Study of Religion. Albany, N.Y., 2001.
the Scientific Study of Religion (SSSR) was founded in 1949
Sharp, Eric J. Comparative Religion: A History. 2d ed. La Salle, Ill.,
by scholars in religious studies and social sciences. Its Journal
1986.
for the Scientific Study of Religion (JSSR) generally focuses on
Smith, Jonathan Z. To Take Place: Toward Theory in Ritual. Chi-
sociological approaches to the study of religion. There are ad-
cago, 1994.
ditional organizations that support or publish academic
Smith, Jonathan Z. “Religious Studies: Whither (Wither) and
studies of religion either from outside the field (such as those
Why?” Method and Theory in the Study of Religion 7, no. 4
devoted to anthropology or literature) or from area studies
(1995): 407–413.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN SOUTH ASIA
8789
Wiebe, Donald. The Politics of Religious Studies. New York, 1999.
European members because they felt the Indian representa-
tives were confused about the history of religion as an aca-
JEFFREY C. RUFF (2005)
demic field. As R. J. Zwi Werblowsky’s report on the con-
gress noted, South Asian representatives showed what others
considered to be a misunderstanding of Western scholarship
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY
in their failure to distinguish between studying religion and
OF RELIGION IN SOUTH ASIA
the study of religion. The Indian scholars felt their own tra-
The locus for the academic study of religion in South Asia
dition of philosophizing about religion and studying it as
is found in a network of university departments and scholarly
part of a religious discipline should be known to the West.
sites rather than in departments of religious studies or com-
The parochial views expressed at the congress failed to
parative religion within individual universities. The network
do justice to the South Asian intellectual tradition, which has
also includes scholars located in nonuniversity settings: theo-
a long association with historical research and scientific
logical institutions, research institutes in social sciences, and
thought. That tradition has produced monographs and
specialized scholarly centers with a tradition of respected
scholarly papers in Indology, archeology, history, and sociol-
publications in academia.
ogy relating to functional and causal questions on matters
The South Asian region includes at least 330 state-
that now fall under the category of the study of religion. Still
supported universities, of which 275 are in India, 17 in Paki-
the objective study of religion, as opposed to a moral study,
stan, 18 in Bangladesh, 15 in Sri Lanka, and 5 in Nepal.
has been slow to gain recognition in South Asian academia,
and the region has a comparatively insignificant representa-
Institutions with a multidisciplinary focus in India in-
tion at international conferences on the academic study of
clude the National Institute of Advanced Studies (natural
religion. India’s secularist politics are largely responsible and
and social sciences and technology) and the Christian Insti-
have provided a model for its universities. The Indian consti-
tute for the Study of Religion and Society in Bangalore; the
tution, though tolerant of all religions and showing sensitivi-
Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in Delhi; and
ty to religious values, explicitly prohibits favoring any one of
the Indian Institute of Advanced Studies in Shimla. Pakistan
India’s many religious traditions. This prohibition caused a
has the Christian Study Centre, located at Rawalpindi, an
reluctance among state-funded institutions to introduce reli-
ecumenical research and fact-finding site focusing on Islam-
gion as a subject in their curricula.
ization, interfaith dialogue, women and minorities, and con-
flict prevention and management among different religious
The avoidance of religion in any state-funded college
groups in the region. In Sri Lanka the Ecumenical Institute
curriculum can be seen as early as 1882, when a government
for Study and Dialogue, located in Colombo, offers Bud-
commission recommended teaching the principles of natural
dhist studies, comparative religion, and studies of church and
theology, which favored no single religious tradition, in pub-
society. Scholars at these institutions have produced distin-
lic and private colleges. One of the commission members ob-
guished comparative and interpretive studies related to the
jected on the grounds that this, far from satisfying the reli-
different religious traditions of South Asia.
gious camp, would be a step backward on the secular side.
The South Asian strand of this field, beginning in a
In 1903 the Indian Universities Commission rejected the
Western historical context, has for its antecedents in South
idea of introducing a course on the theology of any one reli-
Asia a form of study expressed most notably by two North
gion into the state curriculum. Later commissions sought to
Indian rulers. One is the emperor A´soka (c. 265–238
preserve the religious neutrality of the state while becoming
BCE),
who sought to respect and protect all religions, and the other
more sympathetic to religious studies. A commission chaired
is the emperor Akbar (1542–1605
by Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan in 1948–1949 pointed out that
CE), whose religious dia-
logues at Fatehpur Sikri encouraged debates among different
to be secular did not mean to be religiously illiterate. The re-
religions with a view to synthesizing them into a single reli-
port of the Secondary Education Commission (1952–1953),
gion. In modern times the South Asian strand of the academ-
headed by A. L. Mudaliar, agreed that secularism did not
ic study of religion can be usefully delineated in the context
mean there was no place for religion. The Sri Prakasa Com-
of three historical conferences held between 1960 and 2003
mittee (1959–1960) report recommended an objective,
in Marburg in Germany and in Bangalore and Delhi in
comparative, and systematic study of the important religions
India.
of India. The report of the Kothari Commission (1964–
1966) drew a distinction between religious education and ed-
THE IAHR CONGRESS, MARBURG, 1960. The International
ucation about religion and suggested establishing chairs in
Association for the History of Religions Congress was held
comparative religion at the universities at a time when the
in Marburg, West Germany, in 1960. The prospect of hold-
debate in North America was just beginning as to whether
ing an IAHR Congress in India was raised by Swami B. H.
the academic study of religion should remain a secular study
Bon Maharaj, the rector of the Institute of Oriental Philoso-
independent of religio-theological approaches.
phy in Vrindavan, India. In March 1960 he had founded the
Indian national group that sought and obtained affiliation
THE BANGALORE CONSULTATION, BANGALORE, 1967. The
with IAHR. This proposal was unwelcome to some of the
study of religion in Indian universities was addressed at the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8790
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN SOUTH ASIA
1967 Bangalore Consultation, a milestone event in the aca-
p. 39). In this respect, the reflections at the conference ap-
demic study of religion in South Asia. Two of the presenta-
proximated the discussion occurring outside India on the di-
tions were by the North American scholars John Carman and
rection and scope of the academic study of religion.
Wilfrid Cantwell Smith, who respectively considered the
Comparative religion. The Bangalore Consultation in-
study of religion at Indian universities and in a global con-
volved more than theoretical discussions of the study of reli-
text. Presentations at the conference helped move discussion
gion. It also marked a shift to the use of the term comparative
among Indian academics to a more critical and analytical
religion, which implied a preference for a study of the differ-
level. The paper by T. M. P. Mahadevan, the director of the
ent religions of India. That perspective introduced the ele-
Centre for Advanced Study at the University of Madras, out-
ment of dialogue as a methodology suited to learning about
lined principles governing the teaching of religion at the uni-
other religions’ traditions from the perspective of their own
versity level. One of them was the encouragement of “the
adherents and representatives. The impetus for this concep-
method of objective criticism.” He also recommended that
tualization arose from the dialogue between Indian and
“the stress should be on the teaching of moral and spiritual
Western scholars who wanted to see a recognition of India’s
values, and not on dogmas and particular rituals” (Seminar
moral and religious values. Carman and Smith stressed the
on the Study of Religion in Indian Universities, 1968,
importance of understanding the outward expression of a re-
p. 55). The effort to reconcile two opposite and contradicto-
ligious tradition and its inner meanings for its adherents, for
ry approaches, the secular and the religio-theological, rever-
whom the traditions may have supreme significance. Meth-
berated in presentations calling for the establishment of com-
odologically this approach is unlike that taken by either phi-
parative religion as a university subject.
losophy or theology, both of which are concerned with ideas
The prevailing view conceived of the study of religion
rather than their adherents. A dialogue allows room to con-
as a means of promoting moral and spiritual values. Much-
sider the views of the reflective and articulate practitioner.
In this respect comparative religion became a method in the
needed perspective was added by the inaugural address, pres-
study of religion as well as a discipline. Ultimately, however,
ented by the vice chancellor of Bangalore University, V. K.
it did not gain any significant momentum among South
Gokak, who pointed out that if the objective of teaching reli-
Asian institutions of learning.
gion was to promote spiritual values, then it could not be
done through either an eclectic philosophical approach deal-
Smith was among the advocates of this method, and in
ing with “elements of reality that each philosophic system ac-
1965 he recommended to the Kothari Commission that
cepts” or the scientific study of religion that “refines away
chairs and degrees in comparative religion be established.
the essence of religion itself to vanishing point the awareness
The University Grants Commission and the Education
of spirit and all that it implies” (Seminar on the Study of Re-
Commission accepted his recommendation, which was im-
ligion in Indian Universities, 1968, pp. 28, 30). By recalling
plemented at Punjabi University at Patiala and at Visva-
that the scientific study of religion already operated in the
Bharati University at Santiniketan in its philosophy depart-
context of existing departments of history and sociology, the
ment. A comparative religion department was already in
inaugural address took the position that the study of religion
place at Osmania University as a result of a 1949 reorganiza-
should serve “secularity or tolerance, not spirituality” (Semi-
tion, but due to lack of support from the university, it was
nar on the Study of Religion in Indian Universities, 1968,
later divided into two independent departments: Islamics
p. 32). The presentation by J. L. Mehta of the Centre of Ad-
and Indology.
vanced Study in Philosophy at Banaras Hindu University
Radhakrishnan, chair of the 1948–1949 University Ed-
proposed that one of the tasks of the study of religion in
ucation Report, characterized comparative religion in his
India was to aid in understanding the “other . . . within the
East and West in Religion as a means for different religions
complex fabric which is the heritage of the Hindu student
to share their visions, insights, hopes, fears, and purposes. He
of religion” and that for such an understanding “detached
also believed comparative religion could serve as a prophylac-
and disciplined academic energy and attention” are required
tic against claims of exclusivity by any one religious tradition.
(Seminar on the Study of Religion in Indian Universities,
This functional view was later accommodated by Smith’s
1968, pp. 39, 40).
conceptualization of comparative religion as both a discipline
What is important to note about the level of dialogue
and a subject. But the momentum for establishing compara-
that characterized the Bangalore Consultation is that it was
tive religion as a university discipline ultimately rested on
accomplished in concert with scholars from North America
asking and finding answers to the fundamental question of
and showed Indian scholars to be mindful of the Western
what religion really is. Given that only a handful of South
intellectual tradition. In particular Mehta’s presentation, re-
Asian universities offer courses on religion at undergraduate
ferring to the task of coming “to closer grips with the truths
and postgraduate levels, it may well be that the question has
of other religious traditions” and of understanding one’s own
failed to become as important to scholars in South Asia as
religious and cultural tradition, introduced a discussion of
it is to their Western counterparts.
hermeneutic as a methodology in the study of religion (Semi-
Still the drive to have comparative religion instituted as
nar on the Study of Religion in Indian Universities 1968,
a discipline within a university setting persists in South Asia
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN SOUTH ASIA
8791
and may perhaps be due largely to the Indological works and
India,” “Language and Religion as Sites of Struggle,”
wider academic interests of F. Max Muller, who is associated
“Women Regaining a Lost Legacy: The Restoration of Bik-
with the founding of comparative religion as a scholarly dis-
khuni Order in Sri Lanka,” suggesting a shift away from a
cipline.
normative to a nonnormative approach as practiced at secu-
lar universities in the West. Interestingly the majority of par-
Hindrances to the academic field. One reason the
ticipants came from outside departments of comparative reli-
South Asian approach to the study of religion differs from
gion or philosophy. Conference participants expressed
the Western approach is that the South Asian worldview sees
interest in establishing an Indic studies network, raising
dharma or religion configured in a different way. The dichot-
hopes that a stronger South Asian presence will emerge to
omy between the sacred and the secular does not exist in
make a distinct contribution to the academic study of
South Asia as it does in the West. Among Western academ-
religion.
ics, the study of religion is understood to deal with the out-
ward expressions of a social reality and the production of data
RELIGIOUS STUDIES IN MODERN SOUTH ASIA. Thirteen in-
about it. The tendency in South Asia is to focus on under-
stitutions of higher learning on the Indian subcontinent offer
standing the inner meaning of that social reality in peoples’
one or more courses on the study of religion as a subject ei-
lives and in that respect comes to be seen and taught as an
ther at the undergraduate or at the postgraduate level, ac-
aspect of Indian philosophy. It approximates in the West
cording to the 2003–2004 Commonwealth Universities
that which is known as philosophical theology, having phi-
Handbook. India has a total of nine universities that offer de-
losophy as its academic mother.
grees either at the undergraduate, masters, or doctoral level.
This does not include schools focusing on a specific religion
Another factor mitigates against the establishment of re-
or tradition. Sri Lanka has two universities that offer courses
ligious studies departments in Indian universities: aspects of
in the study of religion at the undergraduate level. In Paki-
religion as a subject matter are already considered by various
stan only the Lahore School of Management, in its social sci-
different departments, thus making a separate department
ence department, offers a course at the undergraduate level.
redundant. The field of anthropology, for example, is fre-
In Bangladesh there is growing interest in courses and pro-
quently occupied with aspects of the study of religion. But
grams on world religions. Dhaka University in Bangladesh
anthropologists generally have little interest in understand-
established a Department of World Religions in 2000, offer-
ing religion as a phenomenon, and their study seldom shifts
ing two-year master’s and master of philosophy degrees.
from descriptive accounts to explanatory and theoretical
Small private universities in Bangladesh also offer programs
ones. On the other hand, there is little significant momen-
in comparative religion.
tum in existing comparative religion departments to broaden
the study as a subject matter and a discipline comparable to
In the Muslim world of South Asia, the academic study
that found in the West.
of religion is comparatively slow in gaining recognition.
THE IAHR REGIONAL CONFERENCE, DELHI, 2003. The
Most teaching focuses on the classical and modern perspec-
Indian Association for the Study of Religion (IAHR) Re-
tives of Islamic thought and contemporary movements and
gional Conference took place in Delhi, India, in December
issues related to the Muslim world. Interfaith dialogue is lim-
2003. One of its aims was to restructure and strengthen the
ited to Islamic forms of religious consciousness and the desire
Indian Association for the Study of Religion in recognition
to perpetuate traditional Islamic values without going be-
of the fact that India was comparatively underrepresented in
yond a normative approach. As Smith suggested at the Ban-
the scholarly study of religion on the international level. The
galore Consultation in 1967, “Muslim society here is on the
restructuring of the existing national association was intend-
whole too frightened to be interested in other men’s faith;
ed to encourage wider participation in the study of religion
and too bewildered to ask systematic questions about its
beyond a handful of scholars working in anthropology, espe-
own.”
cially on tribal and folk religions.
Religion and politics. The emergence of national poli-
The conference, whose theme was “Religions and Cul-
tics in the postindependence era in South Asia has histori-
tures in the Indic Civilization,” brought together some three
cized and contextualized academic study of religion on the
hundred scholars, roughly 20 percent from the West. Many
subcontinent. In particular religion has become intertwined
of the participants focused attention on the relevance of the
with nationalist politics, resulting in religious communalism,
study of religion and its future direction. In the inaugural
the rejection of the concept of a modern nation-state as un-
session Bhikhu Parekh delivered an address titled “The Role
derstood in the West, and resistance to modernization and
and Place of Religion,” which was followed by Ashis Nandy’s
secularization as indicators of social development. For some,
“A Modest Plea for Learning the Language of Religion.” In
religion has become a means to overcome a disenchantment
one workshop four papers dealt with teaching a basic course
with modernity and to reinstate South Asia’s cultural and
on the academic study of religion in an Indian context. In
spiritual heritage. Neither political Islam nor political Hin-
another session the theme was promoting the study of reli-
duism can be discounted in the subject matter of academic
gion in Indian universities. Papers presented included “Polit-
studies of religion. Nor can the temper of such religious
ical Implications of Changes in Religious Demography in
movements, linked to transcendent values, be understood
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8792
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
solely in terms of Western democratic models of party poli-
plomas, developments and initiatives, and departmental spe-
tics or polity.
cializations.
Conference on Religions and Cultures in the Indic Civilization.
The phenomenon of religion in South Asia has become
Available at www.indicreligions.com. Lists speakers and the
subject matter for scholars not only in political science but
titles of their addresses, panels, abstracts, and critical com-
also in economics, geography, sociology, and cultural studies.
ments on the academic quality of the conference held in New
Many have a Marxist orientation seldom found among aca-
Delhi, December 18–21, 2003.
demics in the West. Thus the study of religion in South Asia
Pye, Michael, ed. Marburg Revisited: Institutions and Strategies in
is characterized by certain broad themes reflected by contem-
the Study of Religion. Marburg, Germany, 1989. Reports on
porary scholars, such as Madhu Kishvar and Asgar Ali Engi-
the study of religion, primarily in European and African
neer, and in some of the works presented at the 2003 Delhi
regions.
Conference cosponsored by IAHR. Themes include
Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli. East and West in Religion. London,
women’s and minority rights, nationalism and identity, dias-
1948; reprint, 1958. Offers a perspective as early as the
pora and ethnicity, peace and conflict studies, rethinking of
1930s on the conceptualizing of religion by distinguished In-
secularization and globalization with respect to Indic cultural
dian scholars in the field.
heritage, and ethnic politics and religious empowerment.
Seminar on the Study of Religion in Indian Universities. Study of
Religion in Indian Universities: A Report on the Consultation
History and the future. Historical context distinguish-
Held in Bangalore in September 1967. Bangalore, India,
es South Asian concepts of the study of religion from either
1968. Includes papers presented by John B. Carman, V. K.
the North American or European approaches. As a secular
Gokak, J. L. Mehta, T. M. P. Mahadevan, Hasan Askari, and
state, India is impartial to expressions of religion in its secular
Wilfrid Cantwell Smith; the recommendations of the semi-
institutions of learning. It has a history of resisting the study
nar; a list of participants; and a copy of the program.
of religion as a subject matter but allows for the study of the
Werblowsky, R. J. Zwi. “Marburg, and After” Numen 7–8 (1960–
phenomenon under existing departments, such as sociology
1961): 215–220. A report on the Marburg Congress and rea-
and anthropology. In this unique environment South Asian
sons for resisting the suggestion to hold the Congress in
scholars from different disciplinary fields will undoubtedly
India.
continue to bring their unique perspectives and worldviews
ABRAHIM H. KHAN (2005)
to the study of religion, approaching it from a historical, phe-
nomenological, and structural perspective. Those with a
philosophical bent may move the study from descriptive ac-
counts to explanation and theory. The inseparable connec-
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY
tion between religion and philosophy explored by scholars
OF RELIGION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
such as Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, T. R. V. Murti, T. M. P.
The academic study of religion has emerged as a vibrant dis-
Mahadevan, Daya Krishna, and Muhammad Iqbal continues
cipline in some parts of sub-Saharan Africa. Although the
as a tradition of scholarly investigation. Methodological and
discipline was heavily influenced by developments in western
theoretical studies have their antecedents in studies by schol-
Europe and North America, it had gained a distinctive iden-
ars such as K. N. Jayatilleke, Ananda Coomaraswamy, M. N.
tity by the 1980s. The region made significant contributions
Srinivas, Aziz Ahmad, Fazlur Rahman, and T. M. Madhan.
to the overall character of religious studies, particularly in the
area of method and theory in the study of indigenous reli-
Though the prospect of a burgeoning rise of depart-
gions. Scholars in sub-Saharan Africa interacted with the
ments of religion in South Asia, and, for that matter, of stu-
dominant questions that have shaped the field. Operating in
dent enrollment, seem dim, the indications are promising for
a context characterized by a plurality of religions, they of-
an increased interest in the academic study of religion: inter-
fered valuable reflections on the character of religion. Some
action and dialogue occurring between Western and South
scholars from outside the African context also settled in the
Asian academics at international conferences, visiting scholar
region and used the richness of the material on religion to
arrangements, and joint academic projects and publications.
explicate the significance of the complex phenomenon. No-
In such encounters each side clearly becomes exposed to the
table local and regional traditions of the study of religion
influence of the other, thereby keeping alive in the academic
were established in sub-Saharan Africa by the late 1990s. Al-
study of religion the idea of comparative religion as method
though significant differences could be identified in the exe-
and discipline, and providing impetus for the rethinking and
cution of the task in this vast region, the emphasis on the
reconceptualizing of the engagement between the philoso-
importance of religion to Africans was a salient point uniting
phy of religion and the history of religions.
scholarly reflections. Most scholars in the academic study of
religion devoted their resources to an analysis of the three
BIBLIOGRAPHY
dominant religious traditions. Studies on African traditions,
Association of Commonwealth Universities. Commonwealth Uni-
Christianity, and Islam constituted the bulk of the material
versities Yearbook. London, 2002–2003. Provides informa-
on religious studies in sub-Saharan Africa. Abstract method-
tion for each British Commonwealth country on its higher
ological reflections were limited, perhaps reflecting the abun-
education institutions, structure of degree programs and di-
dance of the data on religion.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
8793
Many scholars in the study of religion argued that reli-
Historical experiences like the struggles for political in-
gion was a critical variable in efforts to understand the lives
dependence and assertions of nationhood in the postcolonial
of most Africans. The academic study of religion was predi-
period are indelibly printed on the study of religion in the
cated on the assumption that religion was central to most en-
region. After the realization of the importance of education
deavors to establish the meaning of existence in an African
for Africans by both missionaries and the colonial state, col-
context. In this pursuit, multiple methodological strategies
leges and universities were gradually established. Most of the
were employed. Sociological, psychological, anthropological,
universities were instituted after World War II, although
and phenomenological approaches were used to locate the
Fourah Bay College in Freetown, Sierra Leone, was founded
significance of religion to Africans. African scholars provided
by the Church Missionary Society in 1827. In Kampala,
impressive descriptions of the major religions, alongside
Uganda, Makerere University, later to be influential in the
other migrant religions like Hinduism, Buddhism, and oth-
study of indigenous religions, started off as a technical college
ers. In their edited volume The Historical Study of African Re-
in 1922. Although initially university colleges in African
ligion, with Special Reference to East and Central Africa
countries were affiliated to universities in metropolitan cen-
(1972), Terence O. Ranger and Isaria N. Kimambo be-
ters, the decolonization process in the 1960s led to the emer-
moaned the lack of historical sensitivity in the study of indig-
gence of national universities in independent countries. Such
enous religions. However, this criticism was taken seriously
universities promoted the study of religion for ideological
and African scholars produced many impressive monographs
purposes.
on the history of the various religions of Africa by the late
It is worthwhile to observe that some departments of re-
1970s. Although this review concentrates on the efforts of
ligious studies were established in West Africa before any
scholars based in departments of religious studies, it is im-
such departments existed in Britain. Scholars from outside
portant to acknowledge that creative writers, political scien-
Africa were influential in the setting up of nonconfessional
tists, and scholars based in other departments made valuable
departments of religious studies. Geoffrey Parrinder was in-
contributions to the study of religion in Africa.
strumental in the creation of the religious studies department
T
at the University College of Ibadan in Nigeria in the late
HE EMERGENCE OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES IN SUB-SAHARAN
A
1940s. Noel King was actively involved in the emergence of
FRICA. While the academic study of religion became an es-
tablished academic discipline in many African universities by
the department for the study of religions at the University
the latter half of the twentieth century, various categories of
of Ghana, Legon. Harold Turner and Andrew Walls taught
writers had provided useful information on the religions of
at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, before the civil war in
Africa much earlier. Travelers, missionaries, amateur ethnol-
1967. They went on to have impressive academic careers in
ogists, and other nonspecialists had written reports on vari-
Europe, using their knowledge of the religious situation in
ous aspects of religion in Africa in the nineteenth century.
Africa.
Although indigenous religions suffered at the hands of casual
The dominance of missionaries in the field of education
observers, the earlier writers preserved valuable information.
contributed to the greater attention that Christianity enjoyed
Missionaries like Henri A. Junod (1863–1934), who operat-
in the study of religion in sub-Saharan Africa. Many depart-
ed in Mozambique from 1907 onward, provided sound de-
ments concentrated on church history and theology, reflect-
scriptions of local religious beliefs and practices. Earlier, John
ing their earlier identity as departments of theology. Most
William Colenso (1814–1883), who was ordained as the
scholars were themselves adherents of Christianity or Islam,
bishop of Natal in 1853, had identified Zulu names for god
engendering the committed approach. However, most Afri-
in the context of a general theory of comparative religion. By
can countries renamed departments of theology or divinity
the time the discipline found its way to African shores, the
as departments of religious studies to reflect the pluralist en-
reality of religious pluralism had anticipated it.
vironment that had been established in most countries. They
also placed special emphasis on the study of indigenous reli-
The academic study of religion in sub-Saharan Africa is
gions in an effort to develop a distinctive African identity.
inextricably intertwined with the political history of the re-
gion. The experience of colonialism, from around 1880 to
Contributions. The achievements of African scholars
1960, shaped traditions of the study of religion for most Afri-
in the study of religion may be located in many areas. How-
can nations. Former British colonies tended to have lively de-
ever, the most notable areas include theoretical reflections on
partments of religious studies because religious education
the meaning of religion, critique of the centrality of scrip-
was popular in secondary schools, whereas in Francophone
ture, and suggesting new approaches to the study of religion.
countries such traditions were suppressed. Similarly, reli-
African scholars also put the study of indigenous religions
gious studies departments did not emerge in former Portu-
firmly on the agenda of religious studies. African scholars re-
guese colonies like Angola and Mozambique. Zambia pro-
fined the debate on insiders and outsiders in the study of reli-
vided a unique case of a former British colony that did not
gion by insisting that they were better placed to understand
develop a department of religious studies, although the facul-
traditional religions, as opposed to European scholars. In the
ty of education at the University of Zambia at Lusaka offered
1960s and 1970s, African scholars like John S. Mbiti, E. B.
courses on aspects of the discipline.
Idowu, Kwesi Dickson, and others published significant
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8794
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
works on various aspects of indigenous religions. Other West
ligions in Western Scholarship (1971). The hegemony of
and East African scholars maintained that African scholars
Christian and, to a lesser extent, Islamic theology remained
were strategically located to provide objective descriptions of
intact. Subservience to Western methodologies and research
the religions of their own people.
interests by some African scholars also stifled creativity.
African scholars questioned the definition of religion as
The shortage of books and journals threatened the via-
the opposition between the sacred and the profane. In his Af-
bility of religious studies in the region. Many departments
rican Religions and Philosophy (1969), Mbiti remarks that
operated with ill-equipped libraries. Significant journals like
such a distinction did not apply to traditional African con-
the Journal of Religion in Africa were inaccessible to most stu-
texts, where religion permeated all spheres of life. This initi-
dents and lecturers. Most established scholars relocated to
ated debate over whether the Western definition of religion
Western countries such as Canada, the United Kingdom,
satisfied the criterion of cross-cultural applicability.
and the United States in search of better career opportuni-
ties. Poor remuneration and oppressive regimes contributed
Religious studies in the West have tended to emphasize
to such developments. The worst affected countries included
scripture in the world’s religions. Frederick Maximilian Mul-
Nigeria, Kenya, Zimbabwe, and others—countries that had
ler (1823–1900) initiated the interest in scripture with The
developed impressive traditions in the academic study of reli-
Sacred Books of the East (1879–1910). African scholars drew
gion. However, institutions in some countries, such as South
attention to the absence of sacred writings in indigenous reli-
Africa, Botswana, and Namibia, managed to retain their
gions, noting that these religions remained vibrant nonethe-
staff. In most parts of the continent, departments of religious
less. Thus, the presence of scripture did not accord a religion
studies have struggled to justify their relevance amid inces-
any special status, African scholars maintained. This led to
sant calls by governments to reduce costs. Between 2003 and
some relativization of the significance of scripture in the dis-
2004, South African departments of religious studies were
cipline.
forced to merge.
African scholars also highlighted the importance of oral
Gender imbalances have also been noticeable in the dis-
traditions to the study of religion. While textual analysis had
cipline in the region. Few female scholars have participated,
featured prominently in religious studies in the West, no
with Christian theologians dominating. Mercy Amba
such texts existed in most parts of Africa. The historical study
Oduyoye of Ghana, Isabel Phiri of Malawi and South Africa,
of indigenous religions had to grapple with the issue of oral
and Musa Dube of Botswana analyzed the religious experi-
sources. Fieldwork became a critical aspect of religious
ences of African women in the late 1990s. The shortage of
studies in Africa. Other researchers into African Independent
scholarships in religious studies, as opposed to theology, re-
Churches, such as Marthinus Daneel and Gerardus Oosthui-
sulted in the low numbers of African female scholars of
zen, also used this approach. Some African scholars who par-
religion.
ticipated in indigenous religious practices, such as the tradi-
tional healer and anthropologist Gordon Chavunduka of
INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELI-
Zimbabwe and Wande Abimbola, an Ifa priest and Nigerian
GION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA. The study of religion took
scholar, also drew attention to the body of knowledge that
place at various levels of educational achievement during dif-
was found in indigenous religions. They called for alternative
ferent historical periods. Arabic schools, bible colleges, and
approaches that were not dependent on Western models of
primary and secondary schools offered subjects that provided
scientific rationality.
some knowledge about the religious context. Teacher train-
ing institutions introduced students to the various religions
In their descriptions of the various religions of Africa,
of the world by emphasizing the divergent approach, which
scholars in Africa have also sought to discern the meaning
does not seek to convert students to a specific religion. In
of religion. In his Religion and Ultimate Well-Being: An Ex-
some countries, such as Zimbabwe, the diploma in religious
planatory Theory (1984), the South African scholar Martin
studies has offered graduates a number of career opportuni-
Prozesky concludes that the search for ultimate well-being
ties in the civil service and the private sector. The effects of
was the driving force behind religion. Laurenti Magesa
HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s and beyond
(1997) also argues that indigenous religions were inspired by
has led some nongovernmental organizations to recruit grad-
the search for abundant life. Detailed descriptions of the reli-
uates trained in the study of religion.
gions of Africa and methodological reflections were part of
Aspects of the academic study of religion were also
the African contribution.
found in some church-sponsored universities and theological
Major Challenges. The religious commitment of most
colleges in the 1980s. Although Christianity received prefer-
African scholars resulted in theological works that sought to
ential treatment, comparative religion was an integral part of
promote Christianity or Islam. African phenomenological
the curriculum. In southern Africa some theological colleges
scholars like Jacob Olupona and Friday Mbon of Nigeria and
sought to establish associate status with national universities
J. S. Kruger of South Africa protested against the encroach-
in an effort to maintain high academic standards. Courses
ment of theology in the 1980s. Earlier, Okot p’Bitek had
on the history of religions exposed students to religious plu-
criticized the application of Christian concepts in African Re-
ralism. Although the popularity of the discipline varied
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC STUDY OF RELIGION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
8795
among the different countries, it continued to attract signifi-
texts. Religious violence in Nigeria precipitated research into
cant numbers of students.
the role of religion in curbing extremism. The reality of
HIV/AIDS in the region in the 1990s prompted research
Scholarly Organizations and Publications. The high
into the appropriation of religion in the struggle against the
number of lecturers in the discipline facilitated the emer-
pandemic. In their pursuit of contextual relevance, most Af-
gence of scholarly organizations. These included the Nigeri-
rican scholars have remained in dialogue with scholars from
an Association for the Study of Religions, founded in 1976;
other parts of the world through publications, conference at-
the Association for the Study of Religions in Southern Africa,
tendance, and other modern communication facilities.
initiated in 1979; and the African Association for the Study
of Religions (AASR), formed in 1992. The AASR has region-
Despite major challenges, the academic study of religion
al chapters and publishes a newsletter that keeps African
in most parts of sub-Saharan Africa continue to be encourag-
scholars abreast of developments in the field. It has also spon-
ing. In their investigations into the religions of Africa and
sored a few monographs and books that are widely distribut-
methodological reflections, African scholars provide alterna-
ed in Africa. Other theologically oriented organizations like
tive interpretations regarding the nature and purpose of reli-
the Association of Theological Institutions in Southern Afri-
gious studies. Although they can be abrasive in the study of
ca and the Ecumenical Association of Third World Theolo-
indigenous religions and militant in protesting against their
gians have contributed to the publication of some valuable
peripheral position in global religious studies, they are con-
monographs on Christianity and indigenous religions. These
tributing to the shape of the field. Their commitment to pro-
regional groupings have facilitated interaction across national
ducing works of high quality in contexts characterized by re-
boundaries and rescued the study of religion from narrow na-
source deficiencies provides indications that a new era of
tionalistic agendas.
promise is dawning on the academic study of religion. Often
marginalized and portrayed as uncritical consumers of meth-
Despite the shortage of books, some impressive initia-
odological tenets developed elsewhere, scholars in sub-
tives have been witnessed on the publication front. Follow-
Saharan Africa are taking up the challenge of interpreting the
ing the demise of apartheid in South Africa, a number of
significance of religion as full members of the guild.
texts that sought to describe religious pluralism in the coun-
try were published, such as Martin Prozesky and John W.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
de Gruchy’s edited volume Living Faiths in South Africa
Amanze, James. African Traditional Religion in Malawi: The Case
(1995). Launched in the 1990s in Malawi, the Kachere book
of the Bimbi Cult. Blantyre, 2002. Describes the vibrancy of
series sought to capture the religious scene in the country,
a specific African indigenous religion.
covering aspects of Christianity, indigenous religions, and
Chidester, David. Savage Systems: Colonialism and Comparative
other themes. In Kenya, Acton Publishers, an initiative by
Religion in Southern Africa. Charlottesville, Va., 1996. This
the scholar Jesse N. K. Mugambi, was launched in 1992.
study highlights the power imbalances between indigenous
Mambo Press of Zimbabwe publishes books on religion in
African people and Europeans, as well as the contestation re-
the region. Scholars like James Amanze of the University of
garding the concept of “religion.”
Botswana, Peter Kasenene in Swaziland and Uganda, and
Hackett, Rosalind I. J. “The Academic Study of Religion in Nige-
Patrick Maxwell in South Africa produce material within the
ria.” Religion 18 (1988): 37–46. Describes the development
discipline of religious studies. Monographs and articles on
of religious studies in Nigeria.
Islam, indigenous religions and churches, new religious
Kasenene, Peter. Religion in Swaziland. Braamfontein, 1990. A
movements, and other aspects of religion in Africa are also
description of the religious situation in Swaziland.
being produced.
Magesa, Laurenti. African Religion: The Moral Traditions of Abun-
dant Life. New York, 1997. An analysis of the centrality of
Among African countries in the 1990s, South Africa
morality to the indigenous religions of Africa and how they
had the highest number of journals that appeared consistent-
seek to promote well-being.
ly. These include the Journal for the Study of Religion, Mis-
Mbiti, John S. African Religions and Philosophy. London, 1969. A
sionalia, Religion and Theology, Scriptura, and others. Al-
useful text that highlights efforts to bring some sense of unity
though some of the journals have a theological slant, they
to the disparate indigenous religions of Africa.
publish useful articles on the academic study of religion. In
Muller, Frederick Maximilian. The Sacred Books of the East. Ox-
Nigeria, the journal Orita has defied the odds and continues
ford, 1879–1910. Provides insights into the centrality of
to publish articles on the three dominant religions.
scripture in the academic study of religion in the West.
p’Bitek, Okot. African Religions in Western Scholarship. Kampa-
Contextualization. Although some scholars, such as
la,1971. This work captures the insistence by African schol-
Donald Wiebe in The Politics of Studying Religion (1998),
ars that they are best placed to study the indigenous religions
have insisted on a rigid separation between the discipline and
of Africa.
communities of faith in the region, close cooperation has ex-
Platoon, Jan, James Cox, and Jacob Olupona, eds. The Study of
isted since the 1960s. Organized religious groups have used
Religions in Africa: Past, Present, and Prospects. Cambridge,
scholarly services, with scholars responding to the felt needs
U.K., 1996. A comprehensive analysis of the study of the
of the communities among whom they operated. They have
various religions of Africa, including reflections on metho-
also published on those issues that were relevant to their con-
dology.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8796
STUPA WORSHIP
Prozesky, Martin. Religion and Ultimate Well-Being: An Explana-
people (known as thu¯paraha¯, “worthy of stupas”), all of
tory Theory. London, 1984. An effort to locate the central
whom had transcended the cycles of birth and death
theme that runs across religious traditions of the world.
(sam:sa¯ra): tatha¯gatas (buddhas), paccekabuddhas (self-
Prozesky, Martin, and John W. de Gruchy, eds. Living Faiths in
enlightened buddhas), tatha¯gatassa sa¯vaka¯s (“hearers of the
South Africa. New York, 1995. A description of the religions
Buddha”), and ra¯ja¯ cakkavattis (“universal rulers”).
of South Africa in their plurality.
Such sages could be enshrined in stupas because they
Pye, Michael, ed. Marburg Revisited: Institutions and Strategies in
had entered nirva¯n:a. In the A¯gamas, such people were said
the Study of Religion. Marburg, Germany, 1989. See contri-
to have realized dit:t:adhamma-nibba¯na (“nirva¯n:a in this
butions by Peter McKenzie, “The History of Religions in Af-
world”) or sau¯padisesa-nibba¯na (“nirva¯n:a with remainder”).
rica,” pp. 99–105, and Jan Platvoet, “The Institutional Envi-
Nirva¯n:a was also called the “dharma realm” (dhammadha¯tu).
ronment of the Study of Religion in Africa South of the
Sahara,” pp. 107–126.
Such terms suggest that nirva¯n:a was not always viewed as ex-
tinction but often as an actual state or realm a person enters
Ranger, Terence O., and Isaria N. Kimambo. The Historical Study
upon realizing enlightenment.
of African Religion, with Special Reference to East and Central
Africa. London, 1972. Highlights the value of historical re-
When the Buddha died, he was said to have entered
search to the study of African indigenous religions.
parinibba¯na (“complete nirva¯n:a”) or anupa¯disesanibba¯na-
Ter Haar, Gerrie. Faith of Our Fathers: Studies in Religious Educa-
dha¯tu (“nirva¯n:a without remainder”). Thus, even after the
tion in Sub-Saharan Africa. Utrecht, 1990. Outlines develop-
Buddha died he was not viewed as having completely ceased
ments within the study of religions in sub-Saharan Africa.
to exist; rather, he was thought to exist in the realm of
nirva¯n:a. Consequently, believers could worship and offer
Uka, E. M. Readings in African Traditional Religion: Structure,
Meaning, Relevance, Future. Bern, 1991. Provides useful dis-
their prayers to him through the medium of the stupa. It was
cussions of some of the key methodological issues in the
at this time that the belief that the Buddha could respond
study of African indigenous religions.
to the petitions of his worshipers probably developed. If
“nirva¯n:a without remainder” had been considered a com-
Wiebe, Donald. The Politics of Religious Studies: The Continuing
pletely quiescent state, then such responses by the Buddha
Conflict with Theology in the Academy. New York, 1998. Cap-
tures the argument that theology should not be allowed to
would have been impossible. Thus, the people who wor-
infect religious studies.
shiped at Buddhist stupas seem to have believed that the
Buddha continued to be active. This belief later led to
EZRA CHITANDO (2005)
Maha¯ya¯na doctrines about the dharmaka¯ya’s activity in the
world.
During the early period of Buddhism offerings to the
STUPA WORSHIP. The Sanskrit term stu¯pa first oc-
Buddha’s relics (´sar¯ıra-pu¯ja¯) were made by laypeople. Ac-
curs in the Vedas, where it conveys the meaning “knot of
cording to the Maha¯parinibba¯na Suttanta, the Buddha was
hair, top,” or “summit.” It is unclear how the term came to
asked by A¯nanda what type of ceremony should be held for
be used by Buddhists to refer to the mounds erected over the
the Buddha’s remains. The Buddha replied, “You should
relics of S´a¯kyamuni Buddha, but this usage can be traced
strive for the true goal [sadattha] of emancipation [vimoks:a].”
back to early Buddhism, as can the practice of worship at stu-
The Buddha thus prohibited monks from having any con-
pas. The Jains too built stupas, but these postdate the earliest
nection with his funeral ceremonies and instead called upon
Buddhist structures. The terms thu¯pa (thu¯ba) and
wise and pious lay believers to conduct the ceremonies. Ac-
dha¯tugabbha (Skt., dha¯tugarbha) are attested in Pali sources.
cording to this same text, it was the Mallas of Kusina¯ra¯ who
This latter term derives from references to the Buddha’s relics
conducted the cremation. The Buddha’s remains were then
as a dha¯tu (“element”) and to the dome or “egg” (an:d:a) of
divided among eight tribes in central India and stupas were
the stupa as a garbha (“womb” or “treasury”).
built.
According to the Maha¯parinibba¯na Suttanta, after
Closely related to the stupa in functional terms is the
S´a¯kyamuni Buddha achieved final nirva¯n:a his body was cre-
caitya (Pali, cetiya). Caityas are similar to stupas, although
mated and stupas were erected to receive his remains.
originally the two were distinct entities. In Buddhism, the
S´a¯kyamuni’s cremation and the installation of his relics in
term caitya referred originally to a place that was sacred. In
stupas are probably historical facts. The early Buddhists
the Maha¯parinibba¯na Suttanta caityas are described as places
erected stupas because they believed that S´a¯kyamuni had
that men and women of good families “should see so that
freed himself from the cycles of birth and death. Had
feelings of reverence and awe will arise.” Four of these are
S´a¯kyamuni died and remained within those cycles it would
mentioned in the text: the Buddha’s birthplace at Lumbin¯ı,
have been pointless to build a stupa for him, for not only
his place of enlightenment at Bodh Gaya¯, the site of his first
would the place of his rebirth be unknown, but one could
sermon at the Deer Park (in Banaras), and the place where
not have expected him to act on the requests of his believers.
he entered “nirva¯n:a without remainder” (Ku´sinagara). Be-
According to the Maha¯parinibba¯na Suttanta, stupas could be
cause the pilgrims who visited these sites were called
built to receive the remains of the following four types of
caitya-ca¯rika, the sites must have been known as caityas. Sa-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

STUPA WORSHIP
8797
cred objects of worship that helped people remember the
(i.e., Buddhist sects). Thus, monks were not allowed to use
Buddha were both present at and themselves identified as
items that had been offered at stupas, that is, to (the jewel
caityas. For example, in Bodh Gaya¯ pious pilgrims could
of) the Buddha.
worship at the bodhi tree or the Adamantine Seat (vajra¯sana)
Originally, stupas were institutions independent of the
on which the Buddha sat when he realized enlightenment.
H¯ınaya¯na schools. Archaeological evidence reveals that the
Because the stupa was an object of worship, it too could be
stupas were constructed and administered by lay believers
called caitya. The difference between stupas and caityas is ex-
and were not affiliated with any particular school or sect.
plained in the Mohesengqi lü (Maha¯sa¯m:ghika Vinaya): “If the
However, as stupas worship continued to flourish, stupas
Buddha’s relics are enshrined, the site is called a stu¯pa; if the
came to be constructed within monastic compounds and
Buddha’s relics are not enshrined, it is called a caitya” (T.D.
monks began to worship at them. Yet even after stupas came
22.496b). This explanation suggests that by the time the
to be affiliated with sects in this way, alms given to the stupa
Vinaya of the Maha¯sa¯m:ghikas was compiled, caityas and stu-
still had to be used for the stupa alone and could not be used
pas had the same exterior shape. As time passed, the Bud-
freely by the monks. Monks who had received the full Vinaya
dha’s relics became increasingly difficult to obtain and other
precepts (upasampada¯) were not allowed to live within the
objects were enshrined when stupas were constructed. Thus,
confines of stupas or to take custody of their assets. Thus,
the distinction between stupas and caityas gradually van-
although a stupa might be affiliated with a particular sect,
ished.
a clear distinction was maintained between the property and
After the Buddha’s death, stupa worship became in-
site of the stupa and those of the order of monks. However,
creasingly popular. With King A´soka’s (r. 268–232 BCE)
as stupa worship became more popular and more alms were
conversion to Buddhism, stupa worship spread throughout
offered at stupas, the schools suffered adverse economic ef-
India. A´soka ordered that the eight stupas erected after the
fects. To counter this, the schools argued that little karmic
Buddha’s death be opened and that the relics within them
merit would result from such offerings; some even openly
be removed, divided, and enshrined in the many new stupas
opposed stupa worship.
that he had commissioned to be built throughout India.
Once a stupa accumulated alms, believers began to live
These events are described in the Ayuwang zhuan
around it and use the food and clothing that had been of-
(A´sokara¯ja¯vada¯na; T.D. 50.102b) and in the Ayuwang jing
fered at it. These believers, who were considered religious
(A´sokara¯ja¯ Su¯tra?; T.D. 50.135a–b). In the records of his
specialists in their own right, probably assisted pilgrims who
travels in India, the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Xuanzang
came to the stupa by finding lodgings for them, giving in-
mentions the stupas constructed by A´soka, many of which
structions about worship, and explaining the carvings of the
have been identified in modern times by archaeologists.
Buddha’s life and of the ja¯takas (“birth tales”) inscribed
THE FORMATION OF BUDDHIST ORDERS AROUND STUPAS.
there. They probably preached about the greatness of
Little is known about the history of stupa worship during the
S´a¯kyamuni’s personality, compassion, and power to help
250 years between A´soka’s reign and the rise of Maha¯ya¯na
save sentient beings and formulated doctrines concerning
Buddhism at approximately the beginning of the common
these subjects that were independent of sectarian (nika¯ya)
era. However, archaeological evidence from this period indi-
opinion. Of course, these doctrines differed from those that
cates that stupas were built in many areas in India and that
had been originally preached by S´a¯kyamuni.
stupa worship was a growing practice. Clearly, religious or-
The religious specialists who lived around the stupas re-
ders must have formed around some of these stupas and doc-
sembled monks and nuns in many ways. They served as lead-
trinal developments reflecting the increasing importance of
ers of orders, teaching lay believers and receiving alms from
stupa worship undoubtedly occurred. Although most of the
them. However, although these religious specialists led lives
stupas are in ruins today and little is known of these doc-
similar to those who had abandoned the life of a household-
trines, the new teachings associated with stupa worship con-
er, they still were not monks (bhiks:us). Because they had not
tributed much to the rise of Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism.
taken the full set of precepts (upasampada¯), they did not be-
long to the jewel of the sam:gha and thus were permitted to
Buddhism has long been formulaically defined in terms
live at the stupas.
of the so-called Three Jewels: the Buddha, the Dharma, and
the Order (sam:gha). Apart from the Mah¯ı´sa¯saka and Dhar-
Because they felt that certain religious experiences were
maguptaka schools, which held that the Buddha was a part
necessary if they were to teach others, these religious special-
of the jewel of the sam:gha, most schools argued that the
ists not only taught lay believers but also engaged in strict
Three Jewels were distinct elements, with stupas belonging
religious practices. Consequently, they imitated the practices
to the jewel of the sam:gha. In fact, stupas and sects (i.e., the
performed by S´a¯kyamuni Buddha and strove to attain an en-
monastic order) do seem to have developed separately. Eco-
lightenment identical to that which S´a¯kyamuni had experi-
nomic considerations played a role in this doctrinal debate.
enced. Because S´a¯kyamuni had been called a bodhisattva be-
Given that the Three Jewels were separate, alms donated to
fore he had realized enlightenment, they too called
the jewel of the Buddha could only be used for the jewel of
themselves bodhisattvas. The term bodhisattva, which had
the Buddha (i.e., stupas), not for the jewel of the Order
originally been used to refer to the period of practice prefato-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8798
STUPA WORSHIP
ry to becoming a Buddha, was now used to refer to all reli-
part of stupa worship was the circumambulation of the stupa
gious practitioners who, unlike H¯ınaya¯na devotees, aspired
(usually three times) while chanting verses in praise of the
to realize the supreme enlightenment of the Buddha rather
Buddha.
than arhatship.
Two types of bodhisattvas are mentioned in early
The orders of religious practitioners that sprang up
Maha¯ya¯na texts: monastic (i.e., renunciant) bodhisattvas,
around the stupas were thus vitally interested in two major
who lived and practiced at the stupas, and lay (i. e., house-
doctrinal themes: the Buddha’s ability to save sentient beings
holder) bodhisattvas, who made pilgrimages to the stupas in
and the types of practices that would enable people to realize
order to worship at them. Lay bodhisattvas placed their faith
Buddhahood. The religious activities of these bodhisattvas
in the Three Refuges (or Three Jewels), observed the Five
eventually led to the development of Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism.
Precepts (pañca ´s¯ıla¯ni) or the Eight Precepts (at:t:han˙gikam:
Indeed, it is difficult to conceive of these doctrines develop-
uposatham:), and performed religious practices. In many
ing among H¯ınaya¯na monks. Because H¯ınaya¯na monks re-
ways, their practices resembled those of H¯ınaya¯na lay believ-
spected S´a¯kyamuni Buddha as a great teacher and believed
ers. However, the two groups had very different objectives
that he taught the path of the arhat for their enlightenment,
in their practice. While H¯ınaya¯na lay believers (m., upa¯saka;
they probably would not have used a term such as bodhisattva
f., upa¯sika¯) sought a better rebirth, Maha¯ya¯na lay bodhisatt-
to refer to themselves because it would have placed them on
vas strove to attain buddhahood and based their practices on
a level equal to that of S´a¯kyamuni. In following the practices
the Maha¯ya¯na position that helping others results in benefits
of the arhat, they had little reason to be concerned with new
for oneself.
doctrines about the ways in which the Buddha could save
Bodhisattvas often observed a set of Maha¯ya¯na pre-
sentient beings. However, lay believers, who were unable to
cepts called the Path of the Ten Good Acts (da´saku´sala-
follow the austere regimen of the monks, would have been
karma-patha¯). However, according to some later Maha¯ya¯na
vitally interested in teachings about how the Buddha could
texts, monastic bodhisattvas were to receive full monastic or-
save them. The new doctrines that developed in the orders
dination (upasampada¯). Thus, at a later date monastic bodhi-
around the stupas did not stress the importance of observing
sattvas began to use the complete set of precepts from the
the full set of precepts and performing all the practices re-
Vinaya for their ordinations. In such cases, they probably did
quired of a monk; rather, in these doctrines, a form of Bud-
not use monks from the H¯ınaya¯na sects as their preceptors
dhism for lay believers, one that emphasized faith (´sraddha¯)
(upa¯dhya¯ya), because qualified preceptors could be found in
in the Buddha, was described.
the Maha¯ya¯na orders.
MAHA¯YA¯NA BUDDHISM AND STUPAS. At least some varieties
According to the Saddharmapun:d:ar¯ıka Su¯tra, worship-
of Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism arose from the orders around stupas.
ing and making offerings at stupas were practices that led to
Stupa worship continued to develop even after Maha¯ya¯na
buddhahood. In the Upa¯yakau´salya-parivarta (Chapter on
Buddhism had begun to take form. Although the orders asso-
expedient means), a variety of practices leading to buddha-
ciated with stupas are not clearly described in Maha¯ya¯na lit-
hood are discussed. These include not only the practice of
erature, the existence of such groups can be clearly inferred
the six perfections (pa¯ramita¯s) but also the building of stu-
from these texts. Only a few do not mention stupa worship.
pas, the carving of images, and acts of worship and offering
The “Chapter on Pure Practices” of the Buddha¯vatam:saka
made at stupas (T.D. 9.8c–9a). Because the realization of
Su¯tra contains a detailed description of bodhisattva practices,
buddhahood was the primary goal of Maha¯ya¯na practice,
many of which focus on stupa worship (T.D. 9.430ff.). Ac-
stupa worship clearly had a close relationship to Maha¯ya¯na
cording to the Ugradatta-paripr:ccha¯ and the Da´sab-
beliefs.
hu¯mikavibha¯s:a¯, bodhisattvas could practice either at stupas
or in the forest (Hirakawa, 1963, pp. 94–98). They were to
The stupa also provided a model for many elements in
meditate and perform austerities in the forest, but if they be-
Amita¯bha’s Pure Land (Sukha¯vat¯ı). The Pure Land was said
came ill, they were to return to a stupa in a village to be
to have seven rows of railings (vedika¯); railings were an im-
cured. Thus, bodhisattvas went to stupas for many reasons
portant architectural component of the stupa. Other ele-
besides worship, including recovering from illness, nursing
ments of stupas were also found in descriptions of the Pure
the sick, making offerings to teachers and saints
Land, including rows of ta¯la trees (ta¯la-pan˙kti), lotus ponds
(a¯ryapudgala), hearing discourses on doctrine, reading scrip-
(pus:karin:i), halls (vima¯na), and towers (ku¯t:a¯ga¯ra). Thus, the
tures, and preaching to others.
portrayal of the Pure Land was apparently based on an ideal-
ized view of a large stupa. Moreover, according to the early
Stupas were more than objects of worship. They also
versions of the Emituo jing (the smaller Sukha¯vat¯ıvyu¯ha
served as centers for Maha¯ya¯na practitioners, with quarters
Su¯tra), the bodhisattva Dharma¯kara vowed that anyone who
for devotees located nearby. These early Mahayanists aban-
worshiped or made offerings at stupas would be reborn in
doned their lives as lay believers, wore monastic robes,
his Pure Land (T.D. 12.301b). This vow was eliminated in
begged food, read su¯tras, and studied doctrine under the
later versions of the su¯tra, suggesting that, as time passed,
guidance of preceptors. They also meditated, worshiped, and
Amita¯bha worship developed independently of stupa wor-
prostrated themselves at the Buddha’s stupas. An important
ship.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUÁREZ, FRANCISCO
8799
The evidence from these su¯tras suggests that the rela-
peared in 1590, and his last, De defensione fidei, a tract direct-
tionship between Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism and stupa worship
ed against the views on the divine right of kings held by
was very close. Even the Perfection of Wisdom literature,
James I of England, in 1613. In between he published eleven
which emphasized the memorization and copying of su¯tras,
other works, of which the most popular and influential, Dis-
did not deny that merit was produced by offerings at stupas.
putationes metaphysicae (1597), went through eighteen edi-
Rather, it maintained that stupa worship produced less merit
tions in the course of the seventeenth century. Ten more
than copying the scriptures. Thus the origins of the Perfec-
works were published posthumously before 1655, under the
tion of Wisdom tradition as well are related to stupa worship.
direction of the Portuguese Jesuits. The passage of time did
not lessen interest in Suárez’s writings; editions of his Omnia
SEE ALSO Buddhism, Schools of, article on Maha¯ya¯na
opera were published in Venice in 1747 and in Paris in 1856.
Philosophical Schools of Buddhism; Nirva¯n:a; Relics; Tem-
ple, articles on Buddhist Temple Compounds.
Suárez’s thought was expressed always within a scholas-
tic context, and he professed to be a Thomist. Certainly the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
work of Thomas Aquinas was basic to his own, but he often
For a detailed study of the role of the stupa in the formation of
deviated from classical Thomism, a fact stressed particularly
Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism, see my article “The Rise of Maha¯ya¯na
during the Thomist revival of the early twentieth century.
Buddhism and Its Relationship to the Worship of Stu¯pas,”
Suárez, for example, did not admit the real distinction be-
Memoirs of the Research Department of the To¯yo¯ Bunko 22
tween essence and existence, and his metaphysics was more
(1963): 57–106. André Bareau’s “La construction et le culte
des stupa d’après les Vinayapit:aka,” Bulletin de l’École Fran-
a self-contained whole than a mere elaboration of Aristotle.
çaise d’Extreme Orient 50 (1962): 229–274, provides a wealth
He viewed philosophy in any case as a basis for theological
of detail on Buddhist cultic life at the stupas, as does Prabodh
research.
Chandra Bagchi’s “The Eight Great Caityas and Their Cult,”
In the quarrel between the Jesuits and the Dominicans
Indian Historical Quarterly 17 (1941): 223–235. For the
over the problem of the relationship between grace and free
Maha¯parinibba¯na Suttanta, see the translation by T. W.
will he took no formal part, though during the crisis of the
Rhys-Davids in volume 3 of Dialogues of the Buddha, in “Sa-
cred Books of the Buddhists,” vol. 4 (1921; reprint, London,
first decade of the seventeenth century he was active behind
1973), pp. 71–191.
the scenes promoting the more liberal Jesuit position. Simi-
larly, he did much to establish the moral school of probabi-
HIRAKAWA AKIRA (1987)
Translated from Japanese by Paul Groner
lism, which was later associated with Jesuit confessional prac-
tice. As a jurist Suárez did much to elaborate the notion of
penal law and the juridical force of custom. He was a power-
SUÁREZ, FRANCISCO
ful advocate of the principle of subsidiarity in civil society,
(1548–1617), was a Spanish
and he insisted that the powers of the state were rooted in
Jesuit philosopher, theologian, and jurist. Francisco de
the free consent of the governed. His doctrine of ius gentium,
Suárez was born on January 5, 1548, at Granada, where his
based upon the precept of universal love that transcends na-
father was a wealthy barrister. Destined by his family to an
tional or racial divisions, contributed to the development of
ecclesiastical career, he prepared for it by studying canon law
international law.
at the University of Salamanca. In 1564 he joined the Society
of Jesus. From 1566 to 1570 he was a student of theology
Suárez was probably the greatest of all the Jesuit theolo-
at the same university at a time when it was undergoing a
gians, and as such he has had continuing importance within
lively Thomist revival.
the intellectual life of the Catholic church. But he was influ-
In 1571, the year before he was ordained priest, Suárez
ential far beyond his own order or his own communion. Spi-
was assigned to teach philosophy at Segovia, and over the
noza, Leibniz, Berkeley, and Vico have all acknowledged
next decade he taught both philosophy and theology at vari-
their debt to Suárez. The title given him by Pope Paul V—
ous Jesuit colleges in Castile, including Valladolid, where he
Doctor Eximius (“distinguished scholar”)—seems even now
delivered a set of celebrated lectures on the first part of
appropriate.
Thomas Aquinas’s Summa theologiae. Called to Rome in
1580, he continued the series at the Roman College, where
BIBLIOGRAPHY
his subject was the second part and where, it is said, Pope
For a good synopsis of Suárez’s teaching, see René Brouillard’s ar-
ticle “Suarez, François,” in Dictionnaire de théologie
Gregory XIII was occasionally in attendance. Uncertain
catholique (Paris, 1941). A longer study, with biographical
health brought Suárez back to Spain in 1585, to Alcalá, and
details, is Raoul de Scorraille’s François Suarez de la compag-
here his lectures on the Summa, specifically on the third part,
nie de Jésus, 2 vols. (Paris, 1912–1913). Two useful special
were concluded. He transferred to Salamanca in 1592, and
studies are Francisco Suárez: Addresses in Commemoration of
in 1597, at the instance of Philip II of Spain (now also king
His Contribution to International Law and Politics, edited by
of Portugal), he went to Coimbra, where he taught until
Herbert Wright (Washington, D.C., 1933), and José Hel-
1616. He died a year later in Lisbon.
lín’s La analogía del ser y el conocimento de Dios en Suárez
Suárez’s first published work, De deo incarnato, which
(Madrid, 1947).
grew out of his lectures on the third part of the Summa, ap-
MARVIN R. O’CONNELL (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8800
SUBALTERN STUDIES
SUBALTERN STUDIES. What does it mean when
(Thompson, 1991, p. 92). Indeed, as Rajnarayan Chadavar-
a peasant resistance movement and a religious movement are
kar argued, the very presence of these factors made the idea
one and the same phenomenon? In the last three decades,
of a working class in India a completely different enterprise
three different themes have surfaced in the interface between
than that of Thompson’s England, inspired as it was by the
the study of religion and Subaltern Studies: (1) the idea of
artisan class and peculiarly British challenges of polity and
religion as a function of the Marxist/Gramscian view of early
organization (Thompson, 2000, p. 57).
Subaltern Studies; (2) the changing debates about religion
In light of this Gramscian tension between acknowledg-
as the Subaltern Studies project became more involved with
ing the role of religion in peasant consciousness and being
cultural studies, postmodernism, and the postcolonial proj-
careful not to reify it, early Subaltern Studies showed varying
ect; and (3) the approach to Subaltern Studies within the
approaches to the topic. As early as 1974 R. Hilton argued
study of religion.
in a European context that the capacity for organization in
THE IDEA OF RELIGION AS A FUNCTION OF THE MARXIST/
pursuit of social and political demands arose naturally from
GRAMSCIAN VIEW OF EARLY SUBALTERN STUDIES. Subal-
the experience of peasant. Thus, by implication, religious
tern Studies began in India with an explicitly but not exclu-
rites closely linked to agricultural cycles and subsistence
sively Marxist and Gramscian focus. It analyzes and advo-
needs, such as rainmaking ceremonies in times of drought
cates for the “bottom layer of society” by challenging
and ceremonies to contain epidemics, gave expression to the
capitalist logic (Spivak, 2000, p. 324); thus it has both a neg-
collectivity of the Indian peasant village (Hilton, in Lands-
ative task of undoing capitalist assessment of the underclass
berger, 1974).
as well as a positive task of describing acts of agency and inde-
Others argued that to invest in the idea of strong pri-
pendence and resistance. Inspired in part by the work of E.
mordial ties to community, religion, caste, and kinship is to
P. Thompson, and carried on by the work of scholar and edi-
obscure the complexity of the urban working classes in India.
tor Ranajit Guha, the publication of the nine-volume series
For them, it was not a matter of simple transfer, of bringing
Subaltern Studies comprises a great bulk of the theoretical
a simple, rural peasant consciousness to the factories in urban
and topical work. Subaltern Studies began in the late 1970s
centers throughout the subcontinent. The conflicting identi-
and early 1980s with Indian, European, and American schol-
ties, catalyzed by industrial competition as well as by the in-
ars who turned toward understanding peasant consciousness
fluences of urban neighborhoods, regionalisms, and nation-
in India, in so far as any and all consciousness was a product
alisms, must also be added to the mix. Such complexities
of material conditions. Consciousness, here, is broadly
demanded a culturally specific sociological discipline where-
viewed by Subaltern writers in the traditional Marxian sense
by religion could never play a primordial, but only a contin-
as a manner of thought determined by one’s place in the pro-
gent, role (Chandravarkar).
duction system; yet at the same time, these writers also view
consciousness as a form of subjectivity which can and does
Other Subaltern Studies scholars focused on how activ-
develop modes of resistance to that system. Since then, the
ists attempted to appropriate religious imagery for their own
concerns of Subaltern Studies have blossomed into a global
ends. Gyan Pandey’s study of the swaraj (self-rule) move-
phenomenon with strong institutional support from main-
ment and Shahid Anin’s study of the Gorakhpurians’ inter-
stream academia in Africa, South America, Ireland, and
pretation of Gandhi are excellent examples of this approach
China, as well as India, Europe, and America. Moreover,
(Pandey; Anin). Gyan Pandey argues that peasant move-
Subaltern Studies’ focus is no longer exclusively South Asian,
ments such as the Eka and the Kisan Sabha in 1921 were not
but spans communities around the globe, and scholars in the
Congress-inspired and therefore “top down,” but rather mo-
field produce articles written in a large variety of vernacular
tivated by a structure of land ownership that led to land
languages besides English.
shortages and high rents. Relatedly, Anin specifically ad-
dresses the ways popular peasant culture is made out of reli-
Subaltern Studies has been confronted from the very be-
gious symbolism. In Anin’s view, Gorakhpur villagers did
ginning with the problem of how to account for the ongoing
not simplistically respond to the “holy man” Mahatma Gan-
role of religion, and the related issues of caste and kinship,
dhi, but rather developed a kind of millennialism whereby
in a nonessentializing way. Its source of intellectual inspira-
swaraj figured directly as a form of local political agency.
tion, Antonio Gramsci, as well as others, were careful to
point out that, in the absence of a socialist party to support
These early attempts to deal with religious aspects of
the peasant class, religion was not simply self-deception or
peasant consciousness led to the problem of the Subaltern
false consciousness. Rather, religion could be viewed as “a
Studies’ relationship to conventional Marxist theory. Early
specific way of rationalizing the world and real life,” and “a
on, Partha Chatterjee argued that peasant modes of being
framework of real political activity” (Gramsci, 1971,
cannot be called simply class consciousness, but are more
pp. 326–327, 337). E. P Thompson, who addressed the Sub-
complex types of consciousness and practice (Chatterjee,
altern Studies conference in its formative stages, also remind-
1983, pp. 58–65). Rosalind O’Hanlon also put forward the
ed Subaltern Studies thinkers that one should not be sur-
view that changes in religion, as well as other essentialized
prised at the persistent role of loyalties of religion as well as
categories, such as caste or nation, present the scholar with
of caste and kinship in shaping working–class consciousness
“the problem of mapping what on the surface look like fun-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUBALTERN STUDIES
8801
damental transformations of mentality.” She also noted that
skritization, Islamicization, or popularization—ideas which
Subaltern Studies must trace the origins of such transforma-
have all come under fire for essentializing and reifying histor-
tions in their relationship to the state or to organized reli-
ical processes of change (Bayly, 2000, p. 122). How can sub-
gions, without slipping into a rigid teleology or a denial of
altern writing avoid the problem of making the community
historical specificity (O’Hanlon, 2000, pp. 92–93).
an “it” with firm boundaries and, as Marxist secularists in-
CULTURAL STUDIES, POSTMODERNISM, AND THE POST-
creasingly suspect, expressing a sympathy for the religious as
COLONIAL PROJECT. This concern grew even stronger as
a way of defining that community (Spivak, 2000, p. 326)?
Subaltern Studies became deeply inflected with postmodern
SUBALTERN STUDIES WITHIN THE STUDY OF RELIGION. The
cultural studies, especially in the United States. Many assess-
reaction of the religious studies scholarly community to Sub-
ments of this trend trace its beginnings to the publication of
altern Studies has been markedly different from the reaction
Edward Said’s Orientalism, a hugely influential work con-
of Subaltern Studies to it; one might even go so far as to say
cerned with Western intellectual tradition’s representation of
that they are “mirror images” of each other. Although the
its colonial subjects, particularly those in the Middle East.
Subaltern school, even in its more marked “cultural studies”
Said’s post-Orientalist perspectives then combined with con-
form of later years, is mostly ambivalent, if not downright
temporary postmodern concerns with textual and discourse
hostile, to the idea of religion as a category of analysis, reli-
analysis; through this confluence postcolonial studies became
gious studies students have welcomed the category of the
the reigning episteme through which much of the Subaltern
subaltern wholeheartedly. Indeed, they have embraced much
was then studied. Leading writers in the field of postcolonial
of the Gramscian tradition with fairly enthusiastic vigor in
studies, such as Homi Bhabha, Gayatri Spivak, Gyan
two significant ways: (1) Subalternist writing can further de-
Prakash, Dipesh Chakrabarty, and many others, are con-
fine and criticize religious studies’ own Orientalist perspec-
cerned with philosophical issues of cultural representation.
tives, both colonial and postcolonial; and (2) more post-
From this postcolonial perspective, they have argued force-
colonial writing in Subaltern Studies can help religious
fully for several basic changes in the study of Third World
studies scholars to nuance their descriptions of the cultural
histories: (1) explorations of cultural difference (inspired in
identity of the religious groups with whom they concern
part by Jacques Derrida’s (1930–2004) idea of differance);
themselves.
(2) nonessentialized cultural categories; and (3) the writing
of a postfoundationalist as well as a postnationalist historiog-
Marxist scholars of religion such as Bruce Lincoln, Tim-
raphy (Chakrabarty, 1992, pp. 1–26; Chakrabarty, 2000;
othy Fitzgerald, and Russell T. McCutcheon, would certain-
Spivak, 1985, pp. 120–130 and 330–363; Bhabha, 1994;
ly embrace Subaltern Studies as part of a larger, generally
Prakash, 1992, 1994, 1996). Among many other priorities,
Marxist perspective with which to criticize religious practices
these writers state the need for writing a history which is in-
as one among many forms of cultural hegemony (Lincoln,
fluenced neither philosophically by an idea of a single cultur-
1994; Fitzgerald, 2000; McCutcheon, 2001, 2003). Al-
al mind which applies to all members of a society, nor anach-
though differing in outlook, these thinkers see this kind of
ronistically by a false idea of a unifying nation or set of
critique as the primary obligation of the scholar. Others are
origins set somewhere in a hoary past.
concerned with Subaltern Studies’ later, more postmodern
incarnations: Richard King’s work, Orientalism and Religion:
Given these views, many subaltern writers are overtly
Post-Colonial Theory, India and the Mystic East (1999), mas-
suspicious of disciplines and fields such as religious studies
terfully outlines some of the issues in the relationship be-
in the Western academy. Such a field is, in their view, prone
tween religious and postcolonial studies.
to hegemonic and essentializing constructions of the other
under a dominant institutionalized gaze. However, subaltern
Many scholars of religion, such as those mentioned
theorists are also concerned amongst themselves about the
above, as well as their numerous area–studies counterparts,
reification of religion in their own writings. Some later post-
would not fundamentally disagree with the premises of later
modern writers, such as Dipankar Gupta, have criticized the
Subaltern School works on religion, such as those essays
tendency in subaltern writers to attribute primordiality to
found in the 1992 volume of Subaltern Studies: Partha Chat-
the masses, or to assume a traditional consciousness, or even
terjee’s study of the Ramakrishna movement as a religion of
primordial loyalties of religion, community, kinship, and
urban domesticity; Terence Ranger’s study of the Matobo in
language (Gupta, 1985). Many subaltern writers have won-
South Africa; and Saurabh Dube’s study of the construction
dered aloud whether subaltern ideas of a moral community,
of mythic communities in Chhattisgarh (Chatterjee, 1992;
albeit in the guise of folk religious values of peasant commu-
Ranger, 1992; Dube, 1992). Each of these essays attempts
nity, are nonetheless well on their way to yet another essen-
to combine class, caste, and religious consciousness in such
tializing category. If peasant or worker consciousness can be
a way that, even if class concerns win out, the dynamics of
reified and severed from history in this way, why not caste,
particularly religious world views have been thoroughly ana-
nation, or religious community? Thus, the problem remains.
lyzed. Relatedly, many scholars of religion have used Subal-
As one Subaltern Studies critic put it, although many subal-
tern Studies as a way to analyze the colonial strategies of mis-
tern writers accept the autonomy of peasants, their accounts
sionary movements, such as Malagasy Christianity (Larson),
are ultimately not that different from the processes of San-
Latin American and other Spanish Colonial Catholicisms
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8802
SUBALTERN STUDIES
(Rabasa, 2000; Rafael, 1998), and the interactions of Chris-
introduction to the major authors in Subaltern Studies,see
tianity with indigenous traditions in India (Dube, 1998;
Ania Loomba, Colonialism/Postcolonialism (London, 1998);
Clarke, 1998).
David Ludden’s Reading Subaltern Studies (Delhi, India,
2001); and Ranajit Guha, ed. A Subaltern Studies Reader
In addition, Subaltern Studies provides a remarkably
(1986–1995) (Minneapolis, Minn., 1997). Key Concepts in
suitable framework to study the resistant practices of particu-
Post Colonial Studies, by Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and
lar religious groups in the category of contemporary subal-
Helen Tiffin (London, 1998), is also helpful for basic termi-
tern, such as South Asian Muslims in America (Moham-
nology, as is Bart Moore–Gilbert’s Postcolonial Theory: Con-
mad–Arif, 2002), Dalit traditions in India, Native American
texts, Practices, and Politics (London, 1997). Vinayak Chatur-
(Arnold, 2001; Bays and Wacker, 2003) or Santeria tradi-
vedi’s Mapping Subaltern Studies and the Postcolonial
tions in North America (Hackett, 1999; Harding, 2000;
(London, 2000) gives an excellent historical overview of the
Campbell, 1987;), or minorities in China (Dirlik, 1996;
field, as do the introductions to the nine volumes of the Sub-
Gladney, 2003). This intellectual move has also gained insti-
altern Studies Series.
tutional support, for instance with the American Academy
For a review of the turn to the postmodern, begin with Edward
of Religion’s 2004 initiative, “Contesting Religion and Reli-
Said’s Orientalism (New York, 1978), as well as the signifi-
cant reviews by James Clifford (History and Theory 19:2
gions Contested: The Study of Religion in a Global Con-
[1980]: 204–223), Victor Browbeat (American Scholar [Au-
text.” In addition to the already established Indigenous Reli-
tumn, 1979]: 532–541), and J. H. Plumb (New York Times
gious Traditions group, the project’s major concerns include
Book Review [February 18, 1979]: 3.28). Said’s own “Orien-
the funding of studies from below, the representation and in-
talism Reconsidered” in Race and Class 7:2 [1985]: 1–15)
clusion of Third World scholars, and the examination of the
gives some of his own thoughts about the pitfalls of the post-
effect of the study of religion on the communities it has en-
Orientalist project. Major monographs in the 1990s include
gaged, particularly communities from traditionally disem-
Nicholas Dirks, ed., Colonialism and Culture (Ann Arbor,
powered populations. Another move toward institutional
Mich., 1992); Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (New
support was Claremont-McKenna’s initiative, “Theorizing
York, 1994); Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and its Frag-
Scriptures,” inaugurated by Vincent Wimbush in 2004. In
ments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton, 2004);
Gyan Prakash, After Colonialism: Imperial Histories and Post-
this conference, scriptural interpretation “from below” is ac-
colonial Displacements (Princeton, 1995); Arif Dirlik, The
knowledged and engaged as a serious intellectual endeavor.
Postcolonial Aura: Third World Criticism in the Age of Global
Here, the view of scriptural hermeneutics held by Native-
Capitalism (Boulder, Colo., 1997); Gayatri Spivak, A Cri-
American, African American, Australian, Latino, Dalit, Chi-
tique of Postcolonial Reason: Toward a History of the Vanishing
nese, Muslim, and many other less mainstream religions is
Present (Cambridge, Mass., 1999); and Dipesh Chakrabarty,
given voice and careful analysis. This initiative also highlights
Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical
women’s voices of scriptural interpretation, thus joining cri-
Difference (Princeton, N.J., 2000). Numerous essays and
tiques of Subaltern Studies that call for a more explicit focus
more specialized monographs have appeared from these au-
on gender than has been the case in the past three decades
thors in the early 2000s as well. Major critiques of the Subal-
(Spivak, 1991, 2002).
ternist/postcolonial project include that of Aijaz Ahmad, In
Theory: Classes, Nations, and Literatures (London, 1992), and
Whatever the nascent institutional support for the study
Sumit Sarkar, Writing Social History (Delhi, India, 1997), es-
of these forms of agency, for many scholars religion plays a
pecially “The Decline of the Subaltern in Subaltern Studies.”
central role in certain kinds of resistance—one that cannot
Amin, Shahid. “Gandhi as Mahatma: Gorakhpur District, Eastern
be ignored. Indeed, one scholar, Sathianathan Clarke, has
UP, 1921–22.” In Subaltern Studies III, edited by Ranajit
gone so far as to coin the term Subaltern theology to describe
Guha, pp. 1–61. Delhi, 1984.
the particular political and religious practices of Dalit Chris-
Arnold, David. “Famine in Peasant Consciousness and Peasant
tians against both Hindu and state hegemony. Oddly
Action: Madras 1876–78.” In Subaltern Studies III, edited by
enough, this explicitly religious usage is somewhat consonant
Ranajit Guha, pp. 62–115. Delhi, 1984.
with Gayatri Spivak’s rather remarkable statement that “sub-
Arnold, Philip. Eating Landscape: Aztec and European Occupation
altern theology” (religious thought as a form of political resis-
of Tlalocan. Boulder, Colo., 2001.
tance) cannot be ignored, for if it is, then Subaltern Studies
Bayly, C. A. “Rallying Around the Subaltern.” In Mapping Subal-
becomes a matter of law enforcement rather than “agency in
tern Studies and the Post Colonial, edited by Vinayak Chatur-
the active voice” (Spivak, 1999). This historical moment rep-
vedi, pp. 116–126. London, 2000.
resents a rather tense and at the same time fruitful crossroads
Bays, Daniel H., and Grant Wacker, eds. The Foreign Missionary
between the two fields, where both Marxist and religious
Enterprise at Home: Explorations in American Cultural Histo-
studies scholars struggle to understand religion when it
ry. Tuscaloosa, Ala., 2003.
emerges as a form of resistant and political agency in its own
Campbell, Horace. Rasta and Resistance: From Marcus Garvey to
right.
Walter Rodney. Trenton, N.J., 1987.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh. “Postcoloniality and the Artifice of History:
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Who Speaks for ‘Indian’ Pasts?” Representations 37 (1992):
What follows is a basic overview of major works and authors in
1–26.
the field, whose bibliography is now voluminous. For a basic
Chakrabarty, Dipesh. Colonizing Europe. Princeton, N.J., 2000.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

S´UBHA¯KARASM
: HA
8803
Chatterjee, Partha. “Peasants, Politics, and Historiography: A Re-
Prakash, Gyan. “Postcolonial Criticism and Indian Historiogra-
sponse.” Social Scientist 11.5 (1983): 58–65.
phy” Social Text 31 (1992): 8–19.
Clarke, Sathianathan. Dalits and Christianity: Subaltern Religion
Prakash, Gyan. “Subaltern Studies as Postcolonial Criticism.”
and Liberation Theology in India. Delhi, 1998.
American Historical Review 99.5 (1994): 1474–1490.
Dirlik, Arif. “Chinese History and the Question of Orientalism.”
Prakash, Gyan. “Who’s Afraid of Postcoloniality?” Social Text
History and Theory (December, 1996).
9.14.4 (1996): 187–203.
Donaldson, Laura, and Kwok Pui Lan. Postcolonialism, Feminism,
Rabasa, Jose. Inventing America: Spanish Historiography and the
and Religious Discourse. New York, 2002.
Formation of Eurocentrism. Norman, Okla., 1993.
Dube, Saurabh. Untouchable Pasts: Religion, Identity, and Power
Rabasa, Jose. Writing Violence on the Northern Frontier: The Histo-
among a Central Indian Community, 1780–1950. Albany,
riography of New Mexico and Florida and the Legacy of Con-
N.Y., 1998.
quest. Durham, N.C., 2000.
Rafael, Vincente. Contracting Colonialism: Translation and Chris-
Fitzgerald, Timothy. The Ideology of Religious Studies. New York,
tian Conversion in Tagalog Society under Early Spanish Rule.
2000.
Ithaca, N.Y., 1988.
Gladney, Dru. Dislocating China: Muslims, Minorities and other
Spivak, Gayatri. “Can the Subaltern Speak: Speculations on
Subaltern Subjects. Chicago, 2003.
Widow Sacrifice.” Wedge 7/8 (winter/spring 1985): 120–30.
Gramsci, Antonio. Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio
Spivak, Gayatri. “Feminism in Decolonization.” differences 3.3
Gramsci. Edited and translated by Quintin Hoare and Geof-
(1991): 139–170.
frey Nowell Smith. London, 1971.
Spivak, Gayatri. “The New Subaltern: A Silent Interview.” In
Guha, Ranajit, ed. Subaltern Studies I. Delhi, 1982.
Mapping Subaltern Studies and the Post Colonial, edited by
Guha, Ranajit, ed. Subaltern Studies III. Delhi, 1984.
Vinayak Chaturvedi. London, 2000.
Guha, Ranajit, ed. Subaltern Studies VI. New Delhi, 1989.
Stephens, Julie. “Feminist Fictions: A Critique of the Category
Gupta, Dipankar. “On Altering the Ego in Peasant History: Para-
‘Non–Western Woman’ in Feminist Writings on India.”
doxes of the Ethnic Option.” Peasant Studies 13.1 (fall,
Subaltern Studies VI, edited by Ranajit Guha. New Delhi,
1985): 9–20.
India, 1989.
Hackett., Rosalind. Art and Religion in Africa. New York, 1999.
Tharu, Susie. “Response to Julie Stephens.” Subaltern Studies VI,
edited by Ranajit Guha. New Delhi, 1989.
Harding, Rachel, et al., eds. A Refuge in Thunder: Candomble and
Thompson, E. P. Customs in Common. New York, 1991.
Alternative Spaces of Blackness. Bloomington, Ind., 2000.
Thompson, E. P. “The Making of the Working Class: E. P.
Hilton, R. “Peasant Society, Peasant Movements and Feudalism
Thompson and Indian History.” In Mapping Subaltern
in Medieval Europe.” In Rural Protest: Peasant Movements
Studies and the Post Colonial, edited by Vinayak Chaturvedi.
and Social Change. Edited by H. A. Landsberger. London,
London, 2000.
1974.
L
King, Richard. Orientalism and Religion. London, 1999.
AURIE LOUISE PATTON (2005)
Landsberger, H. A., ed. Rural Protest: Peasant Movements and So-
cial Change. London, 1974.
S´UBHA¯KARASM:HA (637–735), Indian monk and
Larson, Pier M. “Capacities and Modes of Thinking: Intellectual
Engagements and Subaltern Hegemony in the Early History
missionary, was the founder of the Zhenyan school in China.
of Malagasy Christianity.” American History Review 102, no.
S´ubha¯karasm:ha (Chin., Shanwuwei) arrived in the Chinese
4 (October, 1997): 968–1002.
capital, Chang’an, in 716. A missionary of Va¯jrayana Bud-
Lincoln, Bruce. Authority: Construction and Corrosion. Chicago,
dhism, he was followed in 720 by Vajrabodhi and his disciple
1994.
Amoghavajra. The three a¯ca¯ryas (“teachers”) established
Zhenyan as the dominant form of Buddhism at the court.
Mallon, Forencia E., “The Promise and Dilemma of Subaltern
Studies: Perspectives from Latin American History.” Ameri-
S´ubha¯karasm:ha was born a prince in a small royal fami-
can Historical Review (December 1994): 1491–1515.
ly near Magadha in North India, supposedly a descendant
McCutcheon, Russell T. Critics Not Caretakers: Redescribing the
of S´a¯kyamuni’s uncle, Amr:todana. The family migrated to
Public Study of Religion. Albany, N.Y., 2001.
Orissa, where S´ubha¯karasm:ha’s succession to the throne at
McCutcheon, Russell T. The Discipline of Religion: Structure,
age thirteen plunged him into a struggle with his brothers.
Meaning, Rhetoric. New York, 2003.
Although victorious, S´ubha¯karasm:ha’s piety led him to re-
Mohammad-Arif, Aminah. Salaam America: South Asian Muslims
nounce the throne in favor of his elder brother, and he be-
in New York. London, 2002.
came a monk. He led a life of wandering, seeking out teach-
O’Hanlon, Rosalind. “Recovering the Subject: Subaltern Studies
ers in the “south seas,” and he learned the craft of making
and the Histories of Resistance in Colonial South Asia.” In
stupas and other castings. Making his way to the monastic
Mapping Subaltern Studies and the Post Colonial, edited by
university of Na¯landa¯, S´ubha¯karasm:ha became a disciple of
Vinayak Chaturvedi, pp. 72–115. London, 2000.
Dharmagupta and was initiated into the Vajraya¯na teachings
Pandey, Gyan. “Peasant Revolt and Indian Nationalism: The
of the dha¯ran:¯ıs, yoga, and the Three Mysteries. He debated
Peasant Movement in Awadh, 1919–1922.” In Subaltern
with heretics and finally was sent by Dharmagupta as a mis-
Studies I, edited by Ranajit Guha. Delhi, 1982.
sionary to China.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8804
SUFFERING
After his arrival in Chang’an, the emperor Xuanzong (r.
buted to Subhakarasimha.” Journal of the International Asso-
713–756) lodged S´ubha¯karasm:ha in the Ximing Temple.
ciation of Buddhist Studies 21, no. 1 (1998): 21–76.
There, S´ubha¯karasm:ha translated a text aimed at the pro-
Orzech, Charles D. “Seeing Chen-yen Buddhism: Traditional
curement of wealth, which apparently led to the emperor’s
Scholarship and the Vajrayana in China.” History of Religions
order impounding the monk’s Sanskrit manuscripts. Some-
29 (1989): 87–114.
time later the texts were returned and the monk Yi Xing was
Yamamoto, C., and International Academy of Indian Culture.
ordered to assist in S´ubha¯karasm:ha’s translation work. The
Mahavairocana-Sutra: Translated into English from Ta-p’i lu
emperor was especially interested in texts dealing with magi-
che na ch’eng-fo shen-pien chia-ch’ih ching, the Chinese Version
cal and astronomical lore. In 724 S´ubha¯karasm:ha accompa-
of Subhakarasimha and I-hsing, A.D. 725. New Delhi, 1990.
nied the emperor to the eastern capital, Loyang, and was
CHARLES D. ORZECH (1987)
commissioned to translate the Maha¯vairocana Su¯tra (T.D.
Revised Bibliography
no. 848), which, along with the Sarvatatha¯gatatattva-
sam:graha (T.D. no. 866), translated by Vajrabodhi, forms
the basis of East Asian Vajraya¯na. Yixing composed the first
six of seven volumes of the Commentary (T.D. no. 1796) on
SUFFERING. Suffering may be defined as the experi-
the Maha¯vairocana Su¯tra before he died. The final volume
ence of organisms in situations that involve physical and
(T.D. no. 1797) was completed by the Korean monk known
mental pain, usually attended by a sense of loss, frustration,
in Chinese as Bukesiyi. The massive Commentary contains
and vulnerability to adverse effects. As a fact of sentient life,
S´ubha¯karasm:ha’s oral explanations of passages in the
pain is a phenomenon concomitant to existence itself and
Maha¯vairocana Su¯tra and represents a creative interpretation
yet, on the human level at least, it is one that is inextricably
of the Vajrayana for a Chinese milieu. S´ubha¯karasm:ha also
linked with the sense of one’s individuality. As such, pain can
translated the Susiddhika¯ra Su¯tra (T.D. no. 893), a compen-
only be defined subjectively, and because of its implications
dium of rituals. In 732 S´ubha¯karasm:ha petitioned the em-
for the survival of the individual, the experience of pain often
peror, requesting that he be allowed to return to India, but
provokes questions about the meaning of life itself.
his request was denied and he died in 735. S´ubha¯karasm:ha’s
The effort to understand the meaning of pain is natural,
body was embalmed and a stupa erected in his honor near
as is the human attempt to mediate painful experiences
the Longmen caves.
through recourse to secular or religious symbol systems. A
S´ubha¯karasm:ha’s importance lay in his translation into
major reason for the enormous influence of science and tech-
Chinese of key texts of the Vajrayana tradition, including the
nology and the esteem in which they are currently held lies
Maha¯vairocana Su¯tra and the Susiddhika¯ra Su¯tra, and in his
in their success in giving human beings power, or the illusion
establishment of the Zhenyan school in the Chinese court.
of power, over forces that adversely affect them. However,
Through his oral teachings contained in the Commentary,
while science, technology, and social institutions have done
S´ubha¯karasm:ha initiated a tradition of careful adaptation of
much to alleviate suffering, these means, even at their most
Indian Vajrayana ideas and practices for the East Asian mi-
beneficent, can eliminate only some aspects of pain, but not
lieu. In its original, and in its revised edition of Wengu and
all.
Zhiyan, the Commentary was a source of creative interpreta-
Thus suffering, more than any other fact of human life,
tion for both Zhiyan and, later, Japanese Shingon and the
raises the philosophical questions that religion is customarily
Esoteric branches of Tendai. Finally, S´ubha¯karasm:ha applied
called upon to answer. When stricken with grief, we question
his supernormal “powers” (siddhi) as a means of building po-
the purpose of life and look for meaning in a universe that
litical support for Zhenyan. He was a siddha, or “wonder-
harbors such pain. Traditionally, religions have responded to
worker,” as well as a translator, and his exploits caught the
the problem of suffering in two ways: first, by trying to place
imagination of both courtiers and masses. Years after his
the human experience of pain within the context of an over-
death, emperors and officials visited his tomb to pray for
all understanding of the universe and, second, by showing
rain.
ways to overcome or transcend suffering through faith, piety,
appropriate action, or change in perspective. Within this
SEE ALSO Mahasiddhas; Zhiyan.
broad response, religions have worked out varied systems of
answers to the questions and challenges posed by the prob-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
lem of human suffering.
The biographies of S´ubha¯karasm:ha, Vajrabodhi, and Amoghavaj-
JUDAISM. Jewish tradition reflects a number of approaches
ra have been translated and carefully annotated by Zhou Yi
to an assessment of the nature and meaning of suffering and
Liang in his “Tantrism in China,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic
offers a selection of options for transforming painful experi-
Studies 8 (March 1945): 241–332.
ences in order to make them comprehensible. Basically, Ju-
New Sources
daism sees suffering as man’s vulnerability to the negative ef-
Chen, Jinhua. “The Construction of Early Tendai Esoteric Bud-
fects of any number of occurrences over which he has little
dhism: The Japanese Provenance of Saicho’s Transmission
or no control; in other words, much suffering arises simply
Documents and Three Esoteric Buddhist Apocrypha Attri-
from being human.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUFFERING
8805
In a brief review of some of the Jewish explanations for
God gives special burdens to those who have an unusual ca-
the fact of suffering, two categories emerge. The first attri-
pacity to endure them. The righteous bear the burden of as-
butes suffering either to sin or to ignorance of the right path
cent; according to Psalms 11:5, “The Lord tries the righ-
that should be followed; the second postulates that suffering
teous.” In a rabbinical interpretation of this text, Rabbi
may attend spiritual progress.
Yonatan writes:
It has been generally recognized in rabbinic Judaism
The Lord tries the righteous (Ps. XI, 5). The potter does
that suffering is largely due to one’s own misconduct. Nu-
not test cracked vessels; it is not worthwhile to tap them
merous passages throughout both biblical and rabbinic liter-
even once because they would break; but he taps the
ature indicate that suffering results from wrongdoing and is
good ones because, however many times he taps them,
thus a punishment for sin (Prv. 22:8). A direct relationship
they do not break. Even so God tries not the wicked,
but the righteous. Rabbi Joe b. Hanina said, “The flax
exists between suffering and wrongdoing, on the one hand,
dealer who knows that his flax is good pounds it for it
and between joyfulness and right action, on the other. Suf-
becomes more excellent by his pounding and when he
fering may also arise from a misconception about the true
knocks it, it glistens the more. But when he knows that
nature of the self, which leads to a course of action that is
his flax is bad, he does not knock it at all, for it would
ultimately self-destructive rather than self-fulfilling. In the
split. So God tries, not the wicked, but the righteous.”
stories of Jacob and Joseph, for instance, suffering comes
R. Elazar said, “A man had two cows, one strong and
about because one does something fundamentally wrong or
one weak. Upon which will he lay the yoke? Surely
alien to one’s being. In such cases, suffering may function
upon the strong. So God tests the righteous.” (Gn.
as the means by which one comes to terms with one’s true
Rab., 32.3)
self. This view suggests that self-knowledge, as well as a prop-
The idea that those who are able to bear the burden are
er understanding of the world and of truth, can come only
the ones who should carry it is interpreted by Henry Slonim-
through struggle and through becoming sensitized to things
sky to be the heart of the Midrashic teaching on suffering.
that one would not have been fully aware of without first
He states: “The answer to the question why the good must
having suffered.
suffer for the inadequacies of the world would be the fact that
Many rabbinic and biblical passages indicate that suffer-
the world is growing, developing, and therefore inevitably
ing does not simply punish, but also serves an educational
defective, and there must be someone noble enough to as-
purpose. For example, Deuteronomy 4:20 reads: “He brought
sume the burden, as exemplification of a new insight, namely
you out of the iron furnace of Egypt to be his people.” Here,
that nobility obligates, noblesse oblige” (Slonimsky, 1967,
Rashi (Shelomoh ben Yitshaq, 1040–1105) interprets “iron
p. 39). Taking on the burdens of others can only be done
furnace” to mean a furnace made of iron for the purpose of
by those individuals who are made capable by their own ex-
refining a precious metal such as silver or gold. Samuel David
perience and understanding of suffering. Several midrashim
Luzzatto comments that it is a furnace for smelting iron, em-
indicate how dear and precious are these shattered ones of
phasizing the purificatory purpose of suffering. We find a
God. In the name of Rabbi Abba’ bar Yudan, the Midrash
similar idea in Jeremiah 11:4 and in Isaiah 48:10, which
states: “Whatever God has declared unfit in the case of an
states: “Behold, I have refined thee but not with silver, I have
animal he has declared desirable in the case of man. In ani-
chosen thee out of the furnace of affliction.” Suffering gives
mals he declared unfit the ‘blind or broken or maimed or
special insight and leads to self-transcendence and concern
having a wen’ [Lv. 22:22], but in man he has declared the
for others; without suffering, man is insensitive and given to
broken and contrite heart to be desirable.” Also, Rabbi Ye-
self-interest and self-centeredness. As Exodus 23:9 admonish-
hoshu’a ben Levi said, “He who accepts gladly the suf-
es: “Do not oppress a stranger, for you know the feelings of
ferings of this world brings salvation to the world” (B. T.,
a stranger, since you, yourselves, were strangers in the land
Ta’an. 8a).
of Egypt.”
A sublime individual response to suffering is seen in an
incident in Rabbi Zusya’s life:
There is another way in which suffering is understood
in Jewish tradition: one may suffer not because one has done
When Rabbi Shemlke and his brother visited the mag-
wrong but, on the contrary, because one has done right. Here
gid of Mezritch, they asked him the following. “Our
a distinction is made between suffering that results from sin
sages said certain words which leave us no peace because
and suffering that results from acting virtuously. Having rec-
we do not understand them. They are that men should
ognized one’s responsibilities through one’s own suffering,
praise and thank God for suffering just as much as for
one is confronted with a new form of suffering that arises
wellbeing, and receive it with the same joy. Will you tell
us how we are to understand this, Rabbi?” The maggid
from the assumption of the burdens of others. In this respect,
replied, “Go to the House of Study. There you will find
suffering is a necessary part of the burden of ascent, since it
Zusya smoking his pipe. He will give you the explana-
results from the assumption of tasks that the righteous take
tion.” They went to the House of Study and put their
upon themselves. Acting virtuously necessarily entails suffer-
question to Rabbi Zusya. He laughed. “You certainly
ing—not a slight, passing discomfort, but intense, agonizing
have not come to the right man! Better go to someone
suffering. The doctrine of chastisements of love affirms that
else rather than to me, for I have never experienced suf-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8806
SUFFERING
fering.” But the two knew that, from the day he was
and concentration camps. Jewish tradition deals with this
born to this day, Rabbi Zusya’s life had been a web of
problem of mass suffering, of the undifferentiated fate of the
need and anguish. Then they knew what it was to ac-
innocent and the guilty, by claiming that this is an unfin-
cept suffering with love. (Buber, 1947, pp. 217–218)
ished world in which justice and peace are not given, but
Innumerable midrashim embrace the doctrine of vicari-
have to be won. Suffering is a necessary part of completing
ous suffering. With regard to the Song of Songs, Raba states:
this world, and the individuals who take up the burden of
“As the dove stretches out her neck to the slaughter, so do
striving to perfect it also suffer.
the Israelites, for it was said, ‘For thy sake we are killed all
day long’ (Ps. 44:22). As the dove atones for sins, so the Isra-
Such a concept, however, does not explain why God
elites atone for the nation.”
would so constitute the world, nor does it fully account for
the sufferings of those ordinary people who are caught up in
In this process of the transformation of the world
wars, earthquakes, or other human or natural catastrophes.
through vicarious suffering, the role of the suffering individ-
Therefore, a tendency can be found in the rabbinic tradition
ual and that of the prophet become linked with the idea of
to consider the problem of suffering as one of the areas be-
the suffering people. This concept appears in the passages in
yond full human comprehension. In the popular tractate
Isaiah 53 on the suffering servant, who is the great symbol
Avot (c. 200 CE), a portion of the Mishnah, Rabbi Yanna’i
of vicarious suffering. The controversy over whether the
states: “It is not in our power to explain either the prosperity
phrase suffering servant refers to an individual or to the peo-
of the wicked or the affliction of the righteous” (4.19). The
ple as a whole can be resolved once it is seen that it stands
terrible death by torture of the venerable ‘Aqiva’ ben Yosef
for both: the prophet is to the people as Israel is to the na-
at the hands of the Romans (second century CE) illustrates
tions. Just as the nations resist the witness of Israel, so the
the point. It is said that, on Sinai, Moses was granted a vision
people resist the word of the prophet.
of the learning and wisdom of ‘Aqiva’ in expounding Torah
Jewish tradition affirms that there is a correlation be-
and then was given another vision of the rabbi’s martyrdom.
tween one’s suffering and one’s actions, that suffering is self-
When Moses protested to God, “Master of the Universe, is
inflicted. There is, therefore, a just order of things, in the
this the Torah and this its Reward?” he was told, “Be silent,
sense that evil acts bring about evil consequences. However,
for this is the way I have determined it” (B. T., Men. 29b).
in late biblical and postbiblical Judaism, the doctrine of im-
mortality and resurrection was introduced to account for the
God also suffers: he is a God who cares for his creatures
suffering of the innocent, which saves the justice of God by
and yet is unable to prevent their suffering. He is so intimate-
positing perfect retribution and reward in the world to come.
ly concerned with human destiny that what men and women
It is often suggested that the wicked flourish because they are
do affects him directly: “In their afflictions I was afflicted”
allowed to consume, while still in this world, whatever re-
(Is. 63:9; cf. Ps. 91:15, Gn. 6:5–6). This is also poignantly
ward may be due to them, and the righteous suffer because
illustrated in various midrashim where God is pictured as
they are exhausting whatever penalties they may have in-
weeping and needing consolation because of all the suffering
curred. In qabbalistic (mystical) Judaism, the doctrine of re-
and tragedy in the world: “When God remembers his chil-
incarnation was accepted as a means of solving this problem,
dren who dwell in misery among the nations of the world,
in that human souls were given repeated chances to atone in
he causes two tears to descend to the ocean and the sound
this world before a final judgment.
is heard from one end of the world to the other” (B. T.,
Nevertheless, Judaism finds suffering to be a very harsh,
Ber. 59a).
crippling, and disastrous experience—one that a person
CHRISTIANITY. Many of the same responses to suffering
should strive to avoid whenever possible. Throughout their
found in Judaism are also quite understandably evidenced in
long history of suffering, persecution, exile, torture, and
Christian thought. For example, the statement in Proverbs
death, the Jewish people have wrestled with the perplexing
22:8 that one brings about one’s own suffering (“He that so-
problem of why they seem to have experienced such a degree
weth iniquity shall reap calamity”) is paralleled in Matthew
of suffering. Even “the resolve to observe the command-
26:52: “They that take the sword shall perish with the
ments was, in itself, the cause of death and suffering” (Ur-
sword.” In his letter to the Galatians, Paul concurs: “Whatso-
bach, 1975, p. 442). Faced with the choice of disobeying
ever a man soweth, that shall he also reap” (Gal. 6:7). Nu-
God or submitting to the ultimate suffering of martyrdom,
merous passages, both in the New Testament and in other
the rabbis refused to be swayed into any kind of masochistic
Christian writings, indicate that suffering is the just payment
fervor; they still realistically recognized how dreadful suffer-
for sin. Such a penalty may even come in the form of a swiftly
ing is. All sufferings, as well as terrible martyrdoms, were not
executed death sentence, as in the cases of Ananias and Sap-
simply acquiesced to, but fiercely questioned.
phira (Acts 5:1–11) and the profanation of the eucharist (1
Jewish teaching clearly acknowledges that there is great
Cor. 11:29–30). However, in John 9:3, Jesus specifically re-
injustice in the world and great suffering on the part of the
jects the notion that suffering is always the result of sin, as-
innocent. The pain and death of children is a frequent exam-
serting that a man’s blindness was caused neither by his own
ple, as is the slaughter of millions in wars, political upheavals,
nor his parents’ sin.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUFFERING
8807
Explicit both in the New Testament and in other Chris-
27:46, Mk. 15:34); in the gospel of Luke he adds, “Father,
tian literature is the secondary understanding that suffering
forgive them, for they know not what they do” (Lk. 23:24).
may serve a disciplinary function. As Paul states: “Suffering
According to all three accounts, Jesus died as a martyr to his
produces endurance, and endurance produces character, and
messianic mission.
character produces hope” (Rom. 5:3–4). Such learning expe-
Paul’s theme of the necessity of sharing in the sufferings
riences are designed to conform the Christian to the image
of Christ (Rom. 8:15) as a prerequisite of sharing in the glo-
of Christ himself. This sense of suffering as a way in which
ries of Christ was carried to extremes by some of the early
God disciplines believers is echoed both in Hebrews 12:3–13
church fathers. Ignatius of Antioch went so far as to suggest
and in James 1:2–4. A corollary concept, which is also pres-
that martyrdom is the only way to become an authentic
ent in Jewish thought, holds that suffering may also be seen
Christian and thus ensure one’s arrival in the presence of
as a preventive dose of spiritual medicine, intended, as it
God. In fact, Ignatius willingly embraced his own martyr-
were, to forestall the germination of sin.
dom to the extent that he encouraged his fellow believers not
Christianity absorbed other interpretations of suffering
to do anything that might prevent it from taking place, so
that are Jewish in origin. For example, in the Jewish tradi-
convinced was he of the necessity of imitating “the passion
tion, suffering is a part of the prophetic situation that is a
of my God” in order to ensure his salvation.
characteristic of the burden of ascent. In a development of
Jesus represents the Gospel’s embodiment of the con-
this idea, Acts of the Apostles 20:23 states that Paul’s suffer-
cept of the suffering servant. Seeing Jesus not only as the suf-
ings—stonings, imprisonments, and other afflictions—
fering servant, but also as the Messiah, the Gospel writers
resulted from his missionary activity. Paul himself states that
fuse these two roles into a synthesis that does not, however,
the sufferings he endured resulted from his faithfulness to his
occur in the Hebrew scriptures, where the two remain dis-
task of bringing the Christian message to the whole world.
tinct. A corollary to this fusion of the Messiah and suffering
Upholding one’s beliefs, it was acknowledged, would
servant is the view of Christ’s crucifixion as a vicarious atone-
bring on the opprobrium of the world. The writer of Mat-
ment both for the sinful nature of humankind as well as for
thew warns: “Then they will deliver you up to tribulation,
the sinful acts of each individual: “The Son of man came not
and put you to death; you will be hated by all nations for
to be ministered unto, but to minister, and to give his life
my name’s sake” (Mt. 24:9); and, “They will deliver you up
as a ransom for many” (Mk. 10:45; see also Jn. 1:29, 3:5).
to councils and flog you in their synagogues” (Mt. 10:17).
The writers of the synoptic gospels view Jesus as the Messiah
Acts relates that the apostles who had been imprisoned and
who has been sent into the world to bring about repentance
beaten “left the presence of the council, rejoicing that they
and salvation and to usher in God’s kingdom. Jesus’ predic-
were counted worthy to suffer dishonor for the name” (Acts
tion of his own passion occurs throughout the synoptic gos-
5:41). Not just individuals, but whole Christian communi-
pels: his particular passion that is depicted at the end of each
ties were persecuted and suffered for their beliefs.
gospel portrays him as the being who, by his suffering, cruci-
fixion, and resurrection, becomes the symbol through whom
From a Christian perspective, suffering is something
human beings may hope for a similar fate for themselves.
that is both inevitable and welcome—something to be con-
fronted rather than avoided. In 2 Corinthians 12: 9–10, Paul
A different and distinctively Christian (as opposed to
exults: “Most gladly therefore will I rather glory in my infir-
Jewish) view of suffering can be found in the Pauline writ-
mities, that the power of Christ may rest upon me. Therefore
ings. In working out his theology, Paul strives to answer cer-
I take pleasure in infirmities, in reproaches, in necessities, in
tain questions concerning the role of suffering. First, why is
persecutions, in distresses for Christ’s sake, for when I am
there suffering in a world created by a good God who cares
weak, then I am strong.” The sense that suffering is inescap-
for and loves his creatures? Second, why must God not only
able appears in Jesus’ experience in the Garden of Gethsema-
allow the suffering of his chosen, but why must the best—
ne, where on the eve of his crucifixion, he prays: “Father, if
like Job, or the suffering servant, or the prophet—suffer such
thou be willing, remove this cup from me; nevertheless, not
grievous fates? Most particularly, for the Christian, why must
my will, but thine, be done” (Lk. 22:42).
God’s plan include the passion, suffering, and death of the
individual designated to be the only begotten Son of God,
In both Christianity and Judaism, the peak of suffering
Jesus the Christ?
is reached when an individual (or a people) prefers to give
his or her own life rather than transgress God’s command-
In his discussion of Pauline theology in Theology of the
ments or forsake and repudiate true religion. Many passages
New Testament, Rudolf Bultmann writes: “The death and
in Jewish literature are devoted to martyrologies (especially
the resurrection of Christ are bound together in the unity of
those detailing the martyrdoms of Rabbi EAqivaD and of
one salvation-occurrence: ‘he who died’ is also ‘he who was
H:anina’ ben Teradyon), noting the martyrs’ strong affirma-
raised up’ (Romans 8:34; 2 Corinithians 5:15, 13:4). Similar-
tions of faith at the time of their deaths. Christianity relates
ly, ‘as God raised Christ, so He will also raise us’ (see 1 Corin-
similar examples of the religious courage of the faithful, most
thians 6:14, 2 Corinthians 4:14).” Bultmann then claims that
notably Jesus himself. In the gospels of Matthew and Mark,
the incarnation is also a part of that one single salvation pro-
Jesus asks, “My God, why hast thou forsaken me?” (Mt.
cess, referring to biblical assertion that “he who gave himself
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8808
SUFFERING
up to die is no other than the preexistent Son of God” (Phil.
but a reality that is continually being renewed in the present.
2:6ff., 2 Cor. 8:9, Rom. 15:3). According to Bultmann, the
Hence, the prospect of overcoming sin, suffering, and death
incarnation is never accorded a meaning independent of the
is available to those who decide to reorder their previous self-
crucifixion.
understandng and their past existence from one of egocen-
In fact, Christ’s death is seen as the merger of propitiato-
trism to one of radical surrender to the grace of God through
ry and paschal sacrifices. As a propitiatory sacrifice, Christ’s
Christ.
blood expiates sin and achieves forgiveness for the believer
In short, according to Paul, it was necessary for Jesus to
(Rom. 3:25). That Jesus’ death was viewed by the early
have been incarnated, crucified, and resurrected—that is, to
church as such a propitiation is seen in the liturgy of the
have suffered and died—because this is the only way in
Lord’s Supper (1 Cor. 11:24), not merely in Palestinian con-
which the individual might believe that his own suffering
gregations, but also in the newly evangelized Hellenistic
and death can, through faith in the risen Christ, be over-
churches. Jesus’ death is also viewed as significant for the
come. A god who simply promises redemption cannot en-
congregation of the people of God as a paschal sacrifice (1
gender the same depth of conviction as a God who not only
Cor. 5:7, Heb. 13:12). The vicarious nature of that sacrifice
promises but, as it were, delivers. God’s birth into a human
is reiterated in 2 Corinthians 5:21: “He made him who was
body and his suffering, together with his resurrection, are ev-
unacquainted with sin to become sin in our stead.”
idence of the possibility that believers, too, can hope to tran-
Christ died in the place of all, then, and for the sake of
scend sin, suffering, and death.
all. According to Paul’s view, Christ’s death is not to be seen
either as a merely propitiatory or vicarious sacrifice, but as
ISLAM. Islamic views of suffering may be categorized broadly
a colossal cosmic occurrence. Salvation signifies release from
under two headings. The first is that of suffering as the pun-
death and sin. This release from sin, in turn, is seen in terms
ishment for sin; the second, of suffering as a test or trial. The
of release from the law. Hence, centuries later, Bultmann
QurDa¯n repeatedly stresses that all who do evil will be pun-
could claim that the sacrifice of Christ’s death does not mere-
ished for their actions in this world and the next. This doc-
ly cancel the guilt and punishment of sin, but also is the
trine is associated with an emphasis on the perfect justice of
means of release from law, sin, and death. Bultmann believes
God, which is to be vindicated on Judgment Day, when the
that Paul viewed the powers of the age in a gnostic light, and
evildoers will be thrown into the fires of Hell (surah 52). Sin
in this sense the Redeemer becomes a cosmic figure and his
is associated with disbelief, which is the root of misconduct.
body a cosmic entity. Thus, those who are bound up with
Unbelievers suffer as they learn of their mistakes. Thus, the
him in one body share in a redemption from the sinister
punishment of sin through suffering may serve an education-
powers of this world.
al function—namely, to show unbelievers the truth of God’s
word. The idea that lack of belief is a root of evil reveals a
For Paul, apparently, Christ Jesus is the means by which
central precept of Islam on the subject of suffering. This pre-
the suffering of this world, man’s inherent sinfulness, and
cept may be expressed as the belief that evil is found within
death itself can be overcome. By being at one with he who
man, and that subsequently the punishment of suffering is
suffered, a person is able to finally achieve a state that is free
also found there. It is written in the QurDa¯n: “God dealeth
both from suffering and from death. In 2 Corinthians 1:5,
Paul avers: “As we share abundantly in Christ’s suffering so
not unjustly with [unbelievers]; but they injure their own
through Christ we share abundantly in comfort too.” More
souls.” Just as sin is inextricable from punishment in the
explicitly, in Philippians 3:8–10, he asserts: “I have suffered
moral system of Islam, the unbeliever always condemns him-
the loss of all things . . . in order that I may gain Christ and
self to suffer, for, in the final analysis, disbelief is the greatest
may be found in Him . . . that I may know him and the
suffering—the suffering of the soul.
power of his resurrection and may share his sufferings, be-
Equally important to the Muslim perspective on suffer-
coming like him in his death, that if possible I may attain
ing is the idea that suffering is a test of man’s belief. This
the resurrection from the dead.” At present, he who is one
concept is premised upon the belief that the true Muslim
with—or in the body of—Christ will indeed continue to suf-
stands by his faith despite his woes. Suffering not only tests
fer. He has the promise, however, that he will not be left to
men’s strength of faith, it also reveals their hidden feelings,
suffer continually, but will eventually overcome that suffer-
allowing God to look into the innermost depths of their
ing through his faith in Christ. Christ himself is the evidence
souls. The judgment of and distinction between the righ-
that, as he overcame suffering and death, so may the wor-
teous and the impious are central to God’s universe. As the
shiper.
Qu’ran points out, God “hath created the heavens and the
In his letter to the Romans, Paul exposes man’s plight—
earth . . . that he might prove you, and see which of you
bondage to the law of sin—which makes a man a miserable
would excel in works” (surah 11). Suffering is incorporated
wretch groaning for deliverance from the body of death. In
into the fabric of the world and is instrumental to the pur-
Christ, however, man achieves true freedom through the law
poses of God. Suffering both separates good and evil men
of the spirit of life. Thus, salvation is to be seen as an eschato-
and serves as the punishment and teaching for the unbe-
logical occurrence insofar as it is not merely a historic fact,
liever.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUFISM
8809
The response to suffering that Islam advises is a complex
Kittel, Gerhard. “Nomos.” In Theological Dictionary of the New
one and is essentially different from either the Jewish or
Testament. Nashville, 1967.
Christian viewpoint. In Islam, suffering is not a welcome way
Kümmel, Werner George. Promise and Fulfillment. New York,
of proving one’s faith, as in Christianity; neither is it some-
1973.
thing that should be avoided whenever possible, as in Juda-
Ladd, George E. “The Kingdom of God: Reign or Rule?” Journal
ism. Rather, Islam sees suffering as a necessary though unfor-
of Biblical Literature 81 (1962): 230–238.
tunate component of man’s life that should be alleviated
Leibowitz, Nehama. Studies in Shemot. Jerusalem, 1976.
where possible and endured otherwise.
Rowley, H. H. Submission in Suffering. Cardiff, 1951.
According to Bowker (1970), Islam advocates both an
active and a passive response toward suffering: one should
Schuon, Frithjof. Understanding Islam. Baltimore, 1972.
not only endure one’s own suffering, but also perform good
Slonimsky, Henry. Essays. Cincinnati, 1967.
works to alleviate the suffering of others. Both responses are
Urbach, E. E. The Sages. 2 vols. Jerusalem, 1975.
required of the true believer. The passive response to suffer-
ing is based on the idea of suffering as a test of one’s belief
JACK BEMPORAD (1987)
in God. One must live through suffering, accepting it as
God’s will and having faith that God will not force any soul
beyond its capacity. Nonetheless, one should not surrender
SUFISM. One of the truly creative manifestations of reli-
to fatalism when facing suffering, but should always keep
gious life in Islam is the mystical tradition, known as Sufism.
hope and faith in God. This opinion is implied by the
The term derives most probably from the Arab¯ıc word for
QurDa¯n’s argument against suicide: God’s plans will justify
wool (s:u¯f), since the early ascetics of Islam (S:u¯f¯ıs) are said
and vindicate the righteous in the end, and to deny this by
to have worn coarse woolen garments to symbolize their re-
suicide is to blaspheme against him.
jection of the world.
The active response to suffering is grounded in the Is-
ORIGINS. Muslim mystical writers such as Abu¯ Bakr
lamic belief that man is the cause of his own suffering. Islam
al-Kala¯ba¯dh¯ı (d. 990/5) and EAl¯ı al-Hujw¯ır¯ı (d. 1071/2?),
considers good those things that rid the world of suffering.
nonetheless, have proposed a number of etymologies for
The man who helps others is a righteous man; the true be-
S:u¯f¯ı: s:aff, “rank,” implying that S:u¯f¯ıs are an elite group
liever is revealed by his good works as well as by his accep-
among Muslims; s:uffah, “bench,” alluding to the People of
tance of suffering. Moreover, if suffering is punishment for
the Bench, the intimates of the prophet Muh:ammad who
sin, then doing good works will alleviate this punishment.
gathered at the first mosque in Medina; s:a¯faD, “purity,” fo-
Within Islam there is a problematical contradiction be-
cusing on the moral uprightness essential to the S:u¯f¯ı way of
tween the belief in God’s omnipotence and recognition of
life. The resolution of the etymological debate is less critical
the existence of suffering. All suffering is believed to be part
than the recognition that the terms S:u¯f¯ı and Sufism evoke
of God’s overall design, and is thought to have a distinct and
complex layers of meaning in Islam, including the denial of
undeniable purpose. This has tended to lead to a determinist
the world, close association with the Prophet and his mes-
view of existence; the free will of man is questioned. Such
sage, and a spiritual attainment that raises one to a rank of
a tendency was prominent in the early period of the develop-
unique intimacy with God.
ment of Islam but was later challenged by several schools of
Some earlier Western scholars of Sufism concluded that
thought. The QurDa¯n is ambigous on this issue and points
mysticism is incompatible with the Muslim perception of an
to both the designs of God and the free will of man as causes
almighty, transcendent God with whom one shares little inti-
for suffering.
macy. In their opinion S:u¯f¯ı mysticism was born of Islam’s
S
contact with other major world religions, especially Chris-
EE ALSO Cosmology; Four Noble Truths; Holocaust, arti-
cle on Jewish Theological Responses; Karman; Myth; Or-
tianity and Buddhism. This theory is no longer considered
deal; Sam:sa¯ra.
viable for two reasons: First, the QurDanic perception of the
relationship of the individual to God is quite complex, high-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
lighting both immanence and transcendence, and second,
Barth, Karl. Credo. New York, 1962.
while no one denies that Islam evolved in a religiously plural-
Bowker, John. Problems of Suffering in Religions of the World.
istic environment, one need not conclude that phenomena
Cambridge, 1970.
common to both Islam and other traditions are therefore de-
Buber, Martin. Tales of the Hasidim, vol. 1, The Early Masters.
rivative.
New York, 1947.
The vision of the God-man relationship in the QurDa¯n
Bultmann, Rudolf. Theology of the New Testament. 2 vols. New
offers a study in contrasts. On the one hand God is the al-
York, 1951–1955.
mighty creator and lord of the cosmos who sustains the uni-
Goguel, Maurice. The Life of Jesus. New York, 1933.
verse at every moment (QurDa¯n 10:3 ff.); men and women
Hartshorne, Charles, and William L. Reese. Philosophers Speak of
are but servants—finite, vulnerable, and prone to evil (2:30
God. Chicago, 1953.
ff. and 15:26 ff.). God is both lawgiver and judge (surahs 81
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8810
SUFISM
and 82); whatever he wills comes to be (2:142; 3:47; 3:129;
to the extent that the Muslim makes progress in the spiritual
5:40; 13:27). Servants of God are enjoined to embrace his
life. The power of the text is such that for many later S:u¯f¯ı
will, not question its import, for men and women will be re-
commentators such as Sahl al-Tustar¯ı (d. 896) simply hear-
warded or punished according to their deeds. To breach the
ing the recitation of the sacred text could induce ecstatic
lord-servant (rabb- Eabd) relationship leads easily to the cardi-
states in the soul of the listener.
nal sin of shirk, substituting some other power for that of
The Ascetic movement. The early catalysts for the de-
God.
velopment of mysticism in Islam, however, were not all spiri-
On the other hand the inaccessibility of the transcen-
tual in nature. The dramatic social and political changes
dent Lord must be understood in the context of those
brought about by the establishment of the Umayyad dynasty
QurDa¯nic verses that speak of his abiding presence both in
in the mid-seventh century also played a pivotal role. The
the world and in the hearts of the faithful. For did he not
capital of the empire was moved from Medina to the more
actually breathe his own spirit into Adam at creation (QurDa¯n
opulent and cosmopolitan Damascus, and the rapid spread
15:29, 38:72)? And is he not closer to man than his own jug-
of Islam introduced enormous wealth and ethnic diversity
ular vein (50:16)? God’s presence is all-pervasive, for to him
into what had originally been a spartan, Arab movement. In
belong the East and the West, the whole of creation,
reaction to the worldliness of the Umayyads, individual
ascetics arose to preach a return to the heroic values of the
. . . and wherever you turn, there is God’s face. Truly
God is omnipresent, omniscient. (2:115)
QurDa¯n through the abandonment of both riches and the
trappings of earthly power. The three major centers of the
The QurDa¯n enjoins on every Muslim the practice of recol-
ascetic movement in the eighth and ninth centuries were
lecting God (33:41), for the peaceful heart is one in which
Iraq, especially the cities of Basra, Kufa, and Baghdad; the
the remembrance of God has become second nature (13:28–
province of Khorasan, especially the city of Balkh; and
29). The most crucial QurDa¯nic verse for S:u¯f¯ıs, however, de-
Egypt.
scribes the establishment of the primordial covenant between
God and the souls of men and women in a time before the
H:asan al-Bas:r¯ı. A leading figure of the period was
creation of the cosmos:
H:asan al-Bas:r¯ı, who was born in Medina in 642 but settled
in Basra, where he died in 728. H:asan was renowned for his
And when your Lord took from the loins of the chil-
almost puritanical piety and exceptional eloquence. At the
dren of Adam their seed and made them testify about
heart of his preaching was the rejection of the world
themselves (by saying), “Am I not your Lord?” They re-
(al-dunya¯), which he described in a letter to the Umayyad
plied, “Yes, truly, we testify!” (7:172)
caliph EUmar ibn EAbd al-EAz¯ız (r. 717–720) as a venomous
This unique event, which confirms the union between God
snake, smooth to the touch, but deadly. H:asan contrasts this
and the souls of all men and women, has become known in
world of transiency and corruption with the next world,
S:u¯f¯ı literature as the “Day of Alast,” the day when God asked
which alone is a realm of permanence and fulfillment.
“Alastu bi-rabbikum” (“Am I not your Lord?”). The goal of
The extreme to which H:asan’s anti-worldly stance led
every Muslim mystic is to recapture this experience of loving
him is reflected most vividly in this same letter where he im-
intimacy with the Lord of the Worlds.
plies that the creation of the world was a mistake. From the
The experience of mystical union need not, therefore,
moment God first looked on his handiwork, H:asan insists,
be seen as foreign to Islam. On the contrary, interior spiritual
God hated it. Such a theological position runs counter to the
development becomes a concern at a relatively early date in
basic understanding of the value of creation that Islam shares
the writings of important QurDa¯n commentators. Of the two
with Judasim and Christianity. As Genesis 1:31 affirms, “God
traditional methods of QurDanic exegesis predominating in
saw all that he had made, and it was very good.” To speculate
Islam, tafs¯ır emphasizes the exoteric elements of the text:
on the origins of H:asan’s gnosticlike condemnation of the
grammar, philology, history, dogma, and the like, while
material world would take us beyond the objectives of this
ta Dw¯ıl stresses the search for hidden meanings, the esoteric
present article; suffice it to say that ambivalence toward ma-
dimensions of the QurDanic text. It is among S:u¯f¯ıs (and Sh¯ıE¯ı
teriality remained a significant aspect of later Islamic mysti-
Muslims) that ta Dw¯ıl has found special favor.
cism. The impact of gnostic ideas, however, continued to
mold later Sufism, especially in the eastern provinces of the
Early commentators such as Muqa¯til ibn Sulayma¯n
empire. The work of Henry Corbin has done much to open
(d. 767) often combined literalist and allegorical methods
for the student of Sufism this complex world of S:u¯f¯ı, and
depending on the nature of the verse in question. More im-
especially IsmaE¯ıl¯ı, gnosis.
portant is the contribution of the sixth imam of the Sh¯ıEah,
JaEfar al- S:a¯diq (d. 765), who stressed not only the formal
H:asan al-Bas:r¯ı’s asceticism, although world-denying,
learning of the commentator but also his spiritual develop-
did not entail the total abandonment of society or social
ment. An individual’s access to the deeper meanings of the
structures. On the contrary, H:asan functioned as the moral
QurDa¯n is dependent, therefore, on his or her personal spiri-
conscience of the state and fearlessly criticized the power
tual development. Since text and commentator interact dy-
structures when he felt they overstepped moral bounds. He
namically as living realities, the QurDa¯n reveals more of itself
eschewed the role of the revolutionary and refused to sanc-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUFISM
8811
tion movements designed to overthrow irreligious politi-
poems attributed to her. These represent some of the earliest
cians. In Socratic fashion, H:asan preferred to work for the
aesthetic expressions of mystical experience in Islam.
ruler’s change of heart through persuasion, not violence.
One particularly vivid body of fables scattered through-
H:asan’s dedication to ascetic ideals did not, moreover, lead
out the Muslim sources centers on the spiritual rivalry be-
him to forsake family life. He married and raised a family,
tween Ra¯biEah al-EAdaw¯ıyah and H:asan al-Bas:r¯ı. The prob-
albeit in straitened circumstances. While H:asan al-Bas:r¯ı is
lem with these tales, however, is that they describe a
considered a pivotal figure in the early development of Su-
relationship that was historically improbable. H:asan died in
fism, he is also noted as a transmitter of traditions (h:ad¯ıth)
728, when Ra¯biEah was at best in her early teens. Despite its
and as a defender of human freedom in the early theological
questionable historicity, the H:asan-Ra¯biEah cycle provides a
debates of Islam.
valuable insight into male-female relationships in early S:u¯f¯ı
Ibra¯h¯ım ibn Adham. While there are some extant writ-
circles.
ten materials attributable to H:asan al-Bas:r¯ı, textual sources
In the vast majority of these didactic tales Ra¯biEah’s spir-
for the lives and teachings of many early ascetics are of ques-
itual insight and emotional maturity set her far above her
tionable value. Often the dearth of authentic historical
male rival, H:asan, whose naiveté and presumptuous self-
sources makes it difficult, if not impossible, to distinguish
confidence are held up to ridicule. On occasion the conflict
between facts and pious embellishments. A prime example
is described in actual male-female terms, with H:asan and his
is the life of the famous ascetic Ibra¯h¯ım ibn Adham
male S:u¯f¯ı companions insisting that no woman has the abili-
(d. 770?). Ibra¯h¯ım was said to be a prince of the formerly
ty to match a man’s spiritual perfection. While Ra¯biEah
Buddhist city of Balkh; he gave up his throne in order to pur-
proves them wrong beyond the shadow of a doubt, there re-
sue the path of asceticism. Some Western commentators
mains the fact that her success is due partially to the aban-
have pointed to the possible parallel between his life story
donment of the traditional female role and the assumption
and the Buddha legend.
of more male characteristics. For example, she is said to have
The fables about Ibra¯h¯ım highlight his generosity, al-
repeatedly refused H:asan’s marriage proposals and remained
truism, and, most important, his complete trust in God
celibate and childless throughout her life.
(tawakkul). Ibra¯h¯ım’s quietism, however, did not lead him
Dhu¯ al-Nu¯n al-Mis:r¯ı. A number of early S:u¯f¯ıs such as
to depend on others for his subsistence. He preferred to work
Ra¯biEah evinced a sophistication of esthetic expression and
and scorned those who relied on begging. It would seem to
theoretical speculation that laid a solid foundation for later
be fact that he served in two naval battles against the Byzan-
work by S:u¯f¯ı mystics. Pivotal figures such as Dhu¯ al-Nu¯n
tines; while fighting in the second, he lost his life.
al-Mis:r¯ı (d. 859) were both poetic stylists and theoreticians.
Many tales of Ibra¯h¯ım’s life stand out because of the as-
Although no complete text of his mystical writings has sur-
cetic practices they describe. He cherished ridicule and hu-
vived, many of his logia, prayers, and poems have been pre-
miliation; more startling is his joyous acceptance of physical
served by later writers. He was master of the epigram and an
abuse—bloody beatings, being dragged by a rope tied round
accomplished poetic stylist in Arabic. The full force of his
his neck, being urinated upon, and the like. Clearly such sto-
literary talent comes to light, however, in his prayers.
ries are later additions by hagiographers. Nonetheless these
The child of Nubian parents, Dhu¯ al-Nu¯n was born in
grotesque, seemingly masochistic acts are accepted as integral
Upper Egypt at the end of the eighth century. While many
elements of his life history by many S:u¯f¯ı writers. And such
of the factual details of his life are often indistinguishable
tales have helped to shape later authors’ understandings of
from pious fiction, a reliable kernel of historical data
asceticism in this early period of Sufism.
emerges. Although he lived in Cairo, Dhu¯ al-Nu¯n traveled
Ra¯bi Eah al-EAdaw¯ıyah. The actual transition from as-
extensively, and during one of his sojourns in Baghdad, he
ceticism to true love mysticism in Islam is documented in
ran afoul of the caliph al-Mutawakkil (r. 847–861). The con-
the spiritual theory of one of the first great female S:u¯f¯ıs,
frontation was sparked by his refusal to accept the MuEtazil¯ı
Ra¯biEah al-EAdaw¯ıyah (d. 801). Sold into slavery as a child,
doctrine of the createdness of the QurDa¯n. For this act of defi-
she was eventually freed because of the depth of her piety.
ance, Dhu¯ al-Nu¯n was imprisoned; during his heresy trial,
Ra¯biEah’s focus was not on asceticism as an end in itself, but
however, he so affected the caliph with his apologia for the
rather on its ability to help foster a loving relationship with
S:u¯f¯ı life that al-Mutawakkil released him unharmed.
God. Asceticism was only one of the means necessary for the
attainment of union; to make ascetic practices themselves the
The preserved sayings of Dhu¯ al-Nu¯n attest to the pro-
goal, and not intimacy with the Beloved, was, in her estima-
fundity of his mystical insight and to the skill with which he
tion, a distortion of the S:u¯f¯ı path.
developed terminology and structures to analyze the mystical
life. He excelled at elucidating the nuances of the various
The love Ra¯biEah nurtured was completely altruistic;
stages (maqa¯ma¯t) and states (ah:wa¯l) encountered by the mys-
neither fear of Hell nor desire for Paradise were allowed to
tic along the S:u¯f¯ı path. To him is attributed the first con-
divert her gaze from the Beloved.
struction of a coherent theory of ma Erifah, spiritual gnosis,
Ra¯biEah’s vision of altruistic love (mah:abbah) and mysti-
which he contrasts with Eilm, the more traditional path of
cal intimacy (uns) are preserved in beautiful prayers and
discursive reason.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8812
SUFISM
A pivotal aspect of Dhu¯ al-Nu¯n’s mysticism is the coin-
able, for in reality the attributes of Abu¯ Yaz¯ıd’s essence have
cidentia oppositorum, the “conjunction of opposites.” The
been subsumed into God.
God who pours out his love upon the faithful S:u¯f¯ı wayfarer
This particular understanding of mystical annihilation
is, in Dhu¯ al-Nu¯n’s view, the same God who afflicts his lover
(fana¯ D) is characteristic of Abu¯ Yaz¯ıd’s mystical theory. Com-
with pain and torment. God is, at one and the same time,
plete fana¯ D is attained only after the most arduous stripping
al-muh:y¯ı, “the giver of life,” and al-mum¯ıt, “the one who
away of one’s attributes. Nothing is spared, neither personal-
kills.” Legend has it that at his death the following words
ity nor spiritual attainments. Abu¯ Yaz¯ıd compares the pro-
were found inscribed on his forehead:
cess to the snake’s struggle to slough off its skin, or to the
This is the beloved of God,
blacksmith’s violent manipulation of red-hot iron. The mys-
who died in God’s love.
tic experiences the most dramatic shifts of emotion and spiri-
This is the slain of God,
tual experience; the soul vacillates between the expansive rap-
who died by God’s sword.
ture of bas:t, in which the self appears literally to fill a room,
and the implosion of qabd:, in which the self seems reduced
Mystical ecstasy. The evolution of ascetic and theoreti-
to the size of the tiniest sparrow.
cal principles to guide the S:u¯f¯ı wayfarer, and the growing so-
phistication of aesthetic expressions of love mysticism were
Because of the apparent extremism of his ecstatic utter-
not the only signs of a maturing mystical tradition in Islam.
ances, al-Bist:a¯m¯ı was revered by later S:u¯f¯ıs as the advocate
An additional area of creative exploration by a number of
of the path of intoxication (sukr) in contrast with the path
ninth- and tenth-century S:u¯f¯ıs centered on refining the un-
of sobriety (s:ah:w) associated with the famous Baghdad S:u¯f¯ı
derstanding of what actually constitutes the goal of mystical
Abu¯ al-Qa¯sim al-Junayd (d. 910). The division between
experience.
sober and intoxicated S:u¯f¯ıs was to remain an important one
throughout the history of Islamic mysticism.
Ra¯biEah’s articulation of the primacy of love in mystical
union provided a general framework for discussion; it did
Al-H:alla¯j. Despite their dramatic power, the ecstatic ut-
not, however, resolve the most vexing question. Does union
terances of Abu¯ Yaz¯ıd al-Bist:a¯m¯ı are overshadowed by those
entail the complete obliteration of the lover’s soul in the Be-
of the most famous of the Baghdad mystics, H:usayn ibn
loved or is the object of mysticism a loving relationship in
Mans:u¯r al-H:alla¯j. He was born in 857 at al-T:u¯r, in the Irani-
which both lover and Beloved preserve their independence?
an province of Fa¯rs. His initiation into Sufism began early
Expressed more technically, of what do the experiences of
in life, while he was still a teenager. For more than twenty
mystical annihilation (fana¯ D) and persistence in union
years he lived in seculsion and was trained by a number of
(baqa¯ D) consist?
the great S:u¯f¯ı masters of the period: Sahl al-Tustar¯ı, EAmr
al-Makk¯ı, and al-Junayd.
Abu¯ Yaz¯ıd al-Bist:a¯m¯ı. The debate was brought to a
head in dramatic fashion by a number of mystics whose ec-
Eventually, however, al-H:alla¯j broke away from his
static utterances provoked and scandalized the traditional el-
teachers and became an itinerant preacher. His wanderings
ements both within and without the S:u¯f¯ı movement. One
led him through Arabia and Central Asia to the Indian sub-
of the earliest ecstatics was Abu¯ Yaz¯ıd (known also as
continent. He came into contact with sages and mystics from
Ba¯yaz¯ıd) T:a¯yfu¯r ibn E¯Isa¯ al-Bist:a¯m¯ı (d. 874), who lived in
a number of other religious traditions who expanded the ho-
seclusion at Bist:a¯m in the province of Qu¯mis. Few details
rizons of his own religious experience. As he continued to
of his life are known, but it is said that he was initiated into
mature spiritually al-H:alla¯j attracted increasingly larger
the subtleties of mystical union by one Abu¯ EAl¯ı al-Sind¯ı and
numbers of disciples. He became known as h:alla¯j al-asra¯r,
that he developed a friendship with Dhu¯ al-Nu¯n.
“the carder of consciences,” a play on the family name
al-H:alla¯j, which meant “cotton carder.”
Muslim hagiographers and spiritual writers have pre-
served, nevertheless, many of the ecstatic utterances
The core of al-H:alla¯j’s preaching was a call to moral re-
(shat:ah:a¯t) attributed to Abu¯ Yaz¯ıd. These sayings differ from
form and to the experience of intense union with the Be-
earlier S:u¯f¯ı expressions of union because of their seeming af-
loved. Among al-H:alla¯j’s poetic and prose writings, one
firmation of the total identification of lover and Beloved.
phrase stands out as the paradigmatic expression of mystical
Cries of “Subh:a¯n¯ı!” (“Glory be to me!”) and “Ma¯ aEz:aMa¯
ecstasy, his famous “Ana¯ al-H:a¯qq!” (“I am the divine
shaDn¯ı!” (“How great is my majesty!”) shocked the uninitiat-
Truth!”). To the ears of non-S:u¯f¯ıs and of more sober ele-
ed because they smacked of shirk, associationism, and
ments in Sufism, al-H:alla¯j’s self-divinizing cry was tanta-
aroused many Muslims’ suspicions that Sufism was a hereti-
mount to shirk, if not a bald rephrasing of the Christian no-
cal movement.
tion of incarnation (h:ulu¯l).
In a famous text, considered spurious but existing in
It is very doubtful that al-H:alla¯j wished to be considered
several versions, Abu¯ Yaz¯ıd vividly describes his reenactment
primarily a metaphysician. Consequently the charges leveled
of the Prophet’s night journey (mi Era¯j) as a mystical ascent
against him were due to misperceptions of the intent of his
during which his “I” is gradually absorbed into the “He” of
mystical expressions. It would remain for later S:u¯f¯ıs to artic-
the Beloved. Eventually “He” and “I” become interchange-
ulate philosophically a doctrine of identity between God and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUFISM
8813
creation. Al-H:alla¯j’s expressions of ecstasy, on the contrary,
manded by God to bow to the newly created Adam. He re-
are part of a tradition whose main goal was to celebrate the
fused, despite God’s threat to condemn him forever, and
transforming power of the experience of mystical union with
chose, like al-H:alla¯j, to become a martyr of love.
the Beloved; secondarily the concern was to contribute to the
My refusal is the cry, “Holy are you!”
growing body of technical terminology and theoretical spec-
My reason is madness, madness for you.
ulation about the nature of mysticism.
What is Adam, other than you?
Many scholars have considered al-H:alla¯j’s proclamation
And who is Ibl¯ıs to set apart one from the other?
of unique intimacy with the divine to be one of the main
All three are outcasts who have transgressed the law to attain
causes of his eventual imprisonment and execution at the
a higher goal. Yet the reason for the transgression is each
hands of the Abbasid authorities. There is no doubt that
one’s love relationship with God, which functions as a higher
al-H:alla¯j’s ecstatic utterances and his reinterpretation of cer-
law for the perfected S:u¯f¯ı.
tain elements of Islamic ritual practice were objects of violent
criticism by many of the religious hierarchy. His execution,
My friend and my teacher are Ibl¯ıs and Pharaoh. Ibl¯ıs
however, was as much the result of politics as of mysticism.
was threatened with the fire, but he did not go back on
his preaching. And Pharaoh was drowned in the Red
Al-H:alla¯j’s insistence on announcing publicly his vision
Sea, but he did not acknowledge any mediator at
of mystical union transgressed a cardinal principle of the
all. . . . And if I were killed, or crucified, or if my
great S:u¯f¯ı masters of his generation. The accomplished mys-
hands and feet were cut off, I would not go back on my
tic was never to divulge to the uninitiated experiences that
preaching.
were beyond their comprehension; the true nature of union
EAyn al-Qud:a¯t. An even more subtle treatment of the
was to be discussed only with one’s fellow adepts or not at
science of opposites (coincidentia oppositorum) is evident in
all. Such elitism did not conform to al-H:alla¯j’s more populist
the work of another martyr-mystic of Islam, EAyn al-Qud:a¯t
notion of mysticism. For his lack of prudence he was ostra-
al-Hamadha¯ni, who was born in western Iran in 1098. He
cized by his former teacher al-Junayd and was branded a po-
proved himself a brilliant student as a young man, mastering
litical threat and rabble-rouser by the secular authorities.
the traditional Islamic religious sciences. He was also recog-
nized for the quality of his literary style in both Arabic and
Finally, al-H:alla¯j found himself embroiled in caliphal
Persian. The most influential S:u¯f¯ı master in his spiritual for-
politics during the reign of al-Muqtadir (908–932). He was
mation was Ah:mad al-Ghaza¯l¯ı (d. 1128), a preeminent
lionized and defended by one vizier and condemned by the
teacher and the brother of the most famous mystic-
next, protected by the caliph’s mother, but finally sentenced
theologian in Islam, Abu¯ H:amid al-Ghaza¯l¯ı (d. 1111).
to death by the son. Al-H:alla¯j spent about eight years in pris-
Ah:mad’s own contribution to Sufism is considerable, espe-
on before he was eventually executed in 922. The gruesome
cially his classic treatise on mystical love, Sawanih.
details have been recorded by his disciples: Al-H:alla¯j was
flogged, mutilated, exposed on a gibbet, and finally decapi-
As EAyn al-Qud:a¯t’s fame grew, his disciples increased
tated. The body was then burned. For al-H:alla¯j, however,
and, like al-H:alla¯j, he soon incurred the wrath of the reli-
death was not a defeat; on the contrary, he desired fervently
gious and political authorities. He was accused of a number
to become a martyr of love. Al-H:alla¯j was convinced that it
of heretical ideas, the most serious being the claim that there
was the duty of the religious authorities to put him to death,
was a complete identity between the Creator and his cre-
just as it was his duty to continue to preach aloud the unique
ation. Imprisoned in Baghdad, EAyn al-Qud:a¯t was later
intimacy he shared with the divine:
transferred to his native city of Hamadha¯n where he was put
to death in grisly fashion in 1131; he was only thirty-three
Kill me, my trusted friends,
years of age.
for in my death is my life!
Death for me is in living, and
The conjunction of opposites, according to EAyn
life for me is in dying.
al-Qud:a¯t, is reflected in the very notion of the God of Islam.
The obliteration of my essence
One need look only to the Muslim confession of faith
is the noblest of blessings.
(Shaha¯dah) for confirmation: “La¯ ila¯ha illa¯ Alla¯h” (“There
My perdurance in human attributes,
is no god but God!”). La¯ ila¯ha (“there is no god”) is the realm
the vilest of evils.
of the malevolent divine attributes, which spawn falsehood
and which seduce the soul of the mystic away from the truth.
The creativity of al-H:alla¯j’s work is reflected perhaps most
strikingly in his ingenious use of the science of opposites. In
To pass from la¯ ila¯ha to the realm of illa¯ Alla¯h (“but
his Kita¯b al-t:awa¯s¯ın al-H:alla¯j describes his two role models
God”) requires that the S:u¯f¯ı wayfarer confront God’s cham-
in mysticism as Ibl¯ıs (the devil) and Pharaoh. Both suffered
berlain, who stands guard at the threshold of illa¯ Alla¯h. Who
condemnation at the hands of God, al-H:alla¯j attests, yet nei-
is this chamberlain? None other than the devil Ibl¯ıs.
ther swerved from his appointed course. The QurDanic text
In the same way that al-H:alla¯j in his Kita¯b al-t:awa¯s¯ın
affirms on several occasions that Ibl¯ıs, who was chief of the
purports that the devil Ibl¯ıs is a model of piety, EAyn
angels and the most dedicated of monotheists, was com-
al-Qud:a¯t employs this paradoxical motif to dramatize the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8814
SUFISM
tension of opposites in God. He links Ibl¯ıs with
Kita¯b al-luma E (Book of concise remarks) of Abu¯ Nas:r EAbd
Muh:ammad, claiming that both are but different aspects of
Alla¯h ibn EAl¯ı al-Sarraj (d. 988), Al-risa¯lah al-qushayr¯ıyah
the same divine reality. Ibl¯ıs is described as the black light
(The Qushayr¯ıan letter) of Abu¯ al-Qa¯sim EAbd al-Kar¯ım
of straying while Muh:ammad is the white light of truth and
al-Qushayr¯ı (d. 1074), the Kashf al-mah:ju¯b (Unveiling of the
gnosis; both spring, however, from the same attribute of
veiled) of EAl¯ı ibn EUthma¯n al-Julla¯b¯ı al-Hujw¯ır¯ı
God, namely his power. Muh:ammad is the guiding light of
(d. 1071/2?), and the Qu¯t al-qulu¯b (Nourishment of the
God’s power while Ibl¯ıs is its destructive fire.
heart) of Abu¯ T:a¯lib Muh:ammad ibn EAl¯ı ibn EAt:¯ıyah
al-H:a¯rith¯ı al-Makk¯ı (d. 996).
Perhaps the most creative symbols employed by EAyn
al-Qud:a¯t to capture the conflict within God are those of the
Spiritual guidance. Doubtless the primary goal of these
curl and the mole that lay upon the face of the Beloved. The
manuals was to serve as guides for novices newly embarked
lock of hair that hangs in an arrogant curl over the cheek of
upon the S:u¯f¯ı path. The literary structure reflected this;
the Beloved enjoys a privileged state of intimacy. Instead of
often the conceit was that of the master writing to, or answer-
driving away the seeker from the threshold of illa¯ Alla¯h with
ing the questions of, a particular disciple. The internal com-
the sword of divine power, or deceiving the soul with black
position of the texts varies considerably from one author to
light, the Ibl¯ıs-curl distracts and seduces the S:u¯f¯ı with the
the next. Some are collections of insights strung together like
amorous gestures of the coquette, thus entangling the soul
random pearls; others, such as the Kashf al-mah:ju¯b of
in lesser spiritual attainments.
al-Hujw¯ır¯ı, present a coherent and systematic analysis of
Sufism.
The image of the Ibl¯ıs-curl must, of course, have its
Muh:ammad counterpart. In addition to the curl, the mis-
Earlier S:u¯f¯ıs had relied heavily on the personal relation-
tress possesses another mark of beauty, a black mole on the
ship of master (shaykh, pir) with disciple (murid, t:a¯lib) to
cheek that is equated with Muh:ammad. Both curl and mole,
provide the guidance necessary for spiritual progress. But as
however, spring from the face of God; the curl is seducer
the number both of disciples and of famous shaykhs in-
while the mole is the guide to Truth.
creased, written manuals became invaluable supplements to
personal spiritual direction. The manuals preserved the
All of the paradoxical images used by EAyn
teachings of many of the greatest S:u¯f¯ı guides and made their
al-Qud:a¯t—the tension between curl and mole, black light
wisdom available to a larger number of the brethren. While
and white light, between la¯ ila¯ha and illa¯ Alla¯h—point to the
S:u¯f¯ı manuals never supplanted the master-disciple relation-
fact that God himself is the source of paradoxes. Moreover
E
ship, they did attain a permanent place of influence and
Ayn al-Qud:a¯t is convinced that both poles of the paradox
honor among Muslim mystics.
must be experienced if one is to attain true spiritual gnosis:
In addition to providing spiritual guidance, the S:u¯f¯ı
Unbelief and faith are two veils beyond the throne be-
manuals also addressed a number of subsidiary issues of criti-
tween God and the servant, because man must be nei-
ther unbeliever nor Muslim.
cal importance. The first was the need to legitimize the place
of Sufism in the broader spectrum of Islamic religious life.
MYSTICAL LITERATURE. The science of opposites, with its
To this end authors such as al-Kala¯ba¯dh¯ı and al-Qushayr¯ı
rich symbolism and provocative speculation, appealed only
made deliberate efforts to demonstrate that Sufism was in
to a small number of S:u¯f¯ıs because of the level of intellectual
conformity with the orthodox theological synthesis, namely
sophistication it demanded and because of its esoteric quali-
AshEarism. Al-Sarra¯j as well took pains to prove that Sufism
ty. In contrast, beginning in the late ninth century, a number
was completely in tune with the QurDa¯n, h:ad¯ıth, and Islamic
of texts began to appear that were aimed at a broader spec-
legal tradition (shar¯ı Eah).
trum of the Muslim faithful and functioned as training
guides for men and women interested in cultivating mystical
A further cause of heightened tension between S:u¯f¯ıs and
experience.
the champions of orthodoxy concerned the possible conflict
between the roles of S:u¯f¯ı saint and traditional prophet.
The manual tradition. The emphasis of the manuals
Sunn¯ı Islam presumed that prophethood was the pinnacle
was not on the arcane dimensions of Sufism, but on its acces-
of spiritual perfection, exemplified by Muh:ammad himself.
sibility and its conformity with Islamic orthodoxy.
To substantiate this claim, Muslim theology asserted that all
One of the earliest manuals addressed to a S:u¯f¯ı novice
prophets possessed the special gift of impeccability ( Eis:mah);
is the Kita¯b al-ri Ea¯yah (Book of consideration) of Abu¯ EAbd
each had the power, moreover, to perform a unique miracle
Alla¯h al-H:a¯rith ibn Asad al-Muh:a¯sibi (d. 857). He is remem-
(mu Ejizah) in order to verify his mission.
bered particularly for his skill in developing the examination
Some S:u¯f¯ıs, on the other hand, suggested that saint-
of conscience as an effective tool for advancement in the spir-
hood was an even more elevated spiritual rank than prophet-
itual life.
hood because it presumed a unique intimacy with the divine.
Among the classics of this genre of religious literature
Most manual writers, however, evolved a less polemical
in Sufism are the Kita¯b al-ta Earruf (Book of knowledge) of
stance, one designed to reinforce the mainstream character
Abu¯ Bakr Muh:ammad al-Kala¯ba¯dh¯ı (d. 990 or 995), the
of Sufism. They concluded that the highest level of saint-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUFISM
8815
hood was only the first level of prophethood. While the
phers tilted the balance in favor of reason, insisting that truth
prophet was impeccable from birth, the saint was only pro-
was attainable without the aid of revelation. The conclusions
tected (mah:fu¯z:) from committing serious sin, and this only
arrived at by philosophers, however, did not always conform
after he or she had attained sainthood. Whereas the miracles
to the standard orthodoxy derived from the QurDa¯n. For ex-
of the prophets were unique and indisputable, the miracles
ample, dogmas on the creation of the world from nothing,
of the saints (kara¯ma¯t) were repeatable and subject to satanic
the resurrection of the dead, God’s knowledge of particulars
influence.
as well as universals—all were called into question by the phi-
losophers.
A common objective of all the S:u¯f¯ı manuals is to ana-
lyze in depth the various stages and states that make up the
Al-Ghaza¯l¯ı championed the truth of revelation over that
S:u¯f¯ı path. Stages are considered by spiritual writers to be le-
of philosophical speculation. He was not, like some funda-
vels of permanent growth in the mystical life; states represent
mentalist extremists, antiphilosophical however. On the con-
the more transient emotional and psychological experiences
trary, al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s fascination with philosophical logic is
associated with the various stages. The process of scrutinizing
manifested in many of his works, for he was convinced that
in analytic fashion the stages and states of mystical experience
philosophy could contribute substantially to Muslims’ un-
resulted in the creation of a sophisticated technical vocabu-
derstanding of law and theology. It was only against the ex-
lary that provided a basis for common discourse among S:u¯f¯ıs
cesses of philosophy that he railed in his Taha¯fut al-fala¯sifah
of every generation.
(The incoherence of the philosophers), not against philo-
The exploration of the stages and states of mystical expe-
sophical reasoning per se.
rience resulted, as well, in the development of highly refined
Al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s influence was enhanced by the political
theories of spiritual psychology. S:u¯f¯ı psychologists aimed
support he received from the ruling authorities, especially the
first and foremost at providing trainees with the means to
Seljuk vizier Niz:a¯m al-Mulk, who appointed him professor
gain control over the nafs, or lower soul (see surah 12:53),
at the Niz:a¯m¯ıyah madrasah in Baghdad in 1091. It was dur-
which was identified as the satanic element within men and
ing his professorship at Baghdad, however, that a personal
women. Al-Makk¯ı describes the nafs as arrogant, deceptive,
crisis radically transformed the future shape of al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s
envious, a beast that wallows in excess.
career. Whereas his earlier concerns had been with more the-
The S:u¯f¯ı novice was not helpless, however, in his con-
oretical and speculative issues, the focus now shifted to the
frontation with the nafs. Men and women possessed an an-
role of religious experience in the life of the Muslim.
gelic force (malak) sent by God to do battle with the nafs in
In 1095 al-Ghaza¯l¯ı experienced what can only be called
the arena of the heart (qalb). As al-Muh:a¯sib¯ı indicates, both
an emotional and psychological breakdown. As he described
malak and nafs employ similar weapons, notably the various
it later in his autobiography, Al-munqidh min al-d:ala¯l (The
internal impulses (khawa¯t:ir) that arise in the heart urging
deliverer from error), his state of anxiety left him almost cata-
one to good or evil.
tonic. He suffered terrible doubts about his ability to arrive
On occasion the various movements in the heart are
at any religious truth; more important he was overwhelmed
quickly identifiable either as the satanic whisperings (waswa-
by the emptiness of external religious ritual and law.
sah) of the nafs or as the impulses of the malak. Much more
Al-Ghaza¯l¯ı abandoned his teaching career and sought a solu-
difficult, however, are those times when the origin of the
tion to his doubts in Sufism, which, he hoped, would pro-
khawa¯t:ir is unclear. For the devil-nafs excels at deluding the
vide him with the personal experience of truth or dhawq (lit.,
soul of the S:u¯f¯ı and seducing him or her to actions that,
“taste”).
while not sinful, deflect the S:u¯f¯ı from the road to the greater
The success of his quest is attested by his later writings,
good. It is in dealing with these spiritual dilemmas that the
which foster the integration of an interior life with the life
techniques of S:u¯f¯ı psychology articulated in the manual tra-
of external observance. Alone, each leads either to excess or
dition demonstrate their subtlety and true sophistication.
to spiritual myopia; together, however, they constitute a life
Al-Ghaza¯l¯ı. The effort of many of the manual writers
of balance and dynamic spiritual growth. To this end
to legitimize Sufism’s place in Islam culminates in the work
al-Ghaza¯l¯ı wrote what was to be his most influential work,
of a man whose contribution to the Islamic religious sciences
the Ih:ya¯D Eulu¯m al-D¯ın (Revivification of the religious sci-
ranges far beyond mysticism. Abu¯ H:a¯mid Muh:ammad ibn
ences), which epitomizes his vision of Islamic life and which
Muh:ammad al-Ghaza¯l¯ı was born at T:u¯s near the modern
remains an integral part of the training of Muslim scholars
Iranian city of Mashhad in 1058. His early training was in
to this day.
jurisprudence (fiqh), but he soon excelled in theology
After eleven years of absence from teaching, al-Ghaza¯l¯ı
(kala¯m) and eventually in Arabic philosophy (falsafah),
was persuaded to return once again to the classroom by the
which was exemplified by the Neoplatonism of al-Fa¯ra¯b¯ı and
vizier Fakhr al-Mulk, son of his late patron, Niz:a¯m al-Mulk.
Ibn S¯ına¯ (Avicenna).
His second career lasted only several years, for he retired to
A recurring theme in al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s work is the relation-
a S:u¯f¯ı convent at T:u¯s before his death in 1111. The measure
ship between reason and revelation. The great Arab philoso-
of his impact on the intellectual life of Islam is impossible
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8816
SUFISM
to calculate. In the history of Sufism, however, he is especial-
sponsible for their deeds, they insisted, God cannot be
ly remembered for having contributed substantially to the ac-
blamed in any way for human turpitude. Reward and pun-
ceptance of mystical experience as an integral dimension of
ishment are absolutely just because God himself is just. Fur-
Islamic religion.
thermore God’s justice requires that actions have an intrinsic
moral worth that can be recognized by men and women.
Other genres. In addition to the S:u¯f¯ı manuals, other
important genres of mystical literature developed in the clas-
The logic of the MuEtazil¯ı view, nevertheless, was chal-
sical period. Fables, epigrams, epic poems, poetry, apho-
lenged by verses in the QurDa¯n itself that emphasize God’s
risms, all were creative vehicles for mystical expression. Early
complete omnipotence and question human beings’ ability
QurDa¯n commentators and street preachers had focused on
to determine their fates, for God “leads astray whomever he
the lives of the prophets for inspiration. This spawned the
wills and guides whomever he wills” (16:93). A solution pro-
Qis:as: al-anb¯ıyaD (Tales of the prophets), collections of lively
posed by al-AshEar¯ı and his followers was to choose neither
didactic stories, often with moral themes. In similar fashion
radical freedom nor complete predestination, but rather to
the lives of famous S:u¯f¯ıs were assembled by mystical writers
affirm both as true. This use of paradox as a hermeneutical
into biographical dictionaries, which evolved into important
tool permeates both theology and mysticism in Islam.
companion volumes to the manuals.
It must be admitted, however, that al-AshEar¯ı’s views
leaned more in the direction of predestinarianism than of
Despite the fact that authors rarely distinguished be-
freedom. He was a staunch proponent of God’s complete
tween historical fact and pious fiction, these hagiographic
control over human actions; freedom is little more than
compendia are crucial for current knowledge of the lives and
God’s willingness to allow people to participate in their de-
teachings of the great masters of classical Sufism. Individual
termination of their fate. It is God alone who first creates
compilers, moreover, offer important critiques of a number
human actions and then ascribes them to humans.
of S:u¯f¯ı movements, mystical theories, and the like.
Even secondary causality is called into question because
The first systematic history of the lives of S:u¯f¯ı mystics
to assert that nature functions independently according to its
is ascribed to Abu¯ EAbd al-Rah:ma¯n al-Azd¯ı al-Sulam¯ı
own laws seems to ascribe to nature an independent power
(d. 1021). His T:abaqa¯t al-s:u¯f¯ıyah (Generations of the S:u¯f¯ıs)
separate from God, a position smacking of shirk. In defend-
became the basis for the expanded versions of two later S:u¯f¯ıs,
ing God’s absolute omnipotence, furthermore, al-AshEar¯ı
the T:abaqa¯t al-s:u¯f¯ıyah of Abu¯ Isma¯E¯ıl Abd Alla¯h Ans:ar¯ı
was obliged to deny the intrinsic goodness or evil of human
(d. 1089) and the Nafah:at al-uns (Wafts of pleasure) of Nu¯r
actions. An action is good or evil only because God has deter-
al-D¯ın EAbd al-Rah:ma¯n ibn Ah:mad Ja¯m¯ı (d. 1492). The
mined it to be so. Lying, for example, is evil because God
most comprehensive work of S:u¯f¯ı hagiography, however, is
has so decreed; if he changed his mind lying would be right.
the prodigious, multivolume H:ilyat al-awliya¯D (Necklace of
Ans:ar¯ı’s theological views were even more conservative
saints) of Abu¯ NuEaym al-Is:faha¯n¯ı (d. 1037). Later writers
than those of al-AshEar¯ı. As a follower of Ah:mad ibn H:anbal
continued the tradition, including Far¯ıd al-D¯ın EAt:t:a¯r
(d. 855), Ans:ar¯ı defended the most literalist interpretations
(d. 1221?) with his Tadhkirat al-awliya¯ D (Biographies of the
of the QurDa¯n. Whereas the MuEtazilah allegorized the an-
saints).
thropomorphic descriptions of God’s attributes in the
EAbd Alla¯h Ans:ar¯ı and the epigram. Many of these au-
QurDa¯n, and the AshEar¯ıyah affirmed their existence, albeit
thors excelled at more than one genre of mystical literature.
in a way beyond the grasp of human reason, Ans:ar¯ı and the
EAbd Alla¯h Ans:ar¯ı of Herat, a city in present-day Afghani-
H:anab¯ılah insisted that the verses must be taken at face
stan, for example, is noted for important works on mystical
value. Consequently his positions appeared even more para-
theory but most especially for his epigrams, the Munajat (In-
doxical than those of the more moderate AshEar¯ıyah.
timate conversations). This tiny book, a milestone in S:u¯f¯ı
As Ans:ar¯ı indicates in the Muna¯ja¯t, God commands
literature, is the vade mecum of countless Persian-speaking
people to obey him and then prevents their compliance.
Muslims. Although the text appears deceptively simple it
Adam and Eve, for example, are seduced not by Satan, but
contains the kernel of Ansari’s complex vision of mystical
by God. Their seduction is predestined and they are obliged
union.
to particpate. Despite the seeming victimization of humans
To appreciate Ans:ar¯ı’s contribution to Islamic mysti-
by God, however, the S:u¯f¯ıs are not to conclude that they are
cism, it is essential to place him in the context of the theolog-
absolved of responsibility for their evil deeds. Paradoxical as
ical debates that resulted in the classical synthesis of
it may sound, Ans:ar¯ı recommends that the true attitude of
al-AshEar¯ı (d. 935) and his school. Controversies arose in the
the devoted mystic is that taken by Adam and Eve when they
ninth century over differing interpretations of the QurDanic
were confronted with the tragedy of their sin. They realized
verses dealing with freedom and predestination, the nature
they were God’s pawns but blamed themselves for the deed:
of divine attributes, and the origins of good and evil. The
“And they both said, EO Lord, we have wronged ourselves!”’
most influential group defending radical freedom and moral
(surah 7:23).
responsibility were the MuEtazilah, whose views were strong-
Ans:ar¯ı moves naturally in the Muna¯ja¯t from a discus-
ly influenced by Greek thought. Since human beings are re-
sion of the paradoxical tension between freedom and predes-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUFISM
8817
tination to that between good and evil. And he reflects an
Once, when questioned by a non-initiate about his attitude
attitude toward ethics that is characteristic of many of the
toward the pillars of Islam, especially the pilgrimage to
ecstatic S:u¯f¯ıs: Whatever God wills for the mystic, be it bless-
Mecca, he replied that it was a waste of time to travel so far
ing or curse, intimacy or separation, is good because it comes
simply to circumambulate a stone house (the KaEbah). Rath-
from God. Such a stance runs counter to the mainstream
er, the sacred cube should circumambulate him! These state-
ethics of Sunn¯ı Islam, which locate the guide for human ac-
ments, shocking though they were to non-S:u¯f¯ıs and even to
tion and the determination of moral worth in the synthesis
some of the more sober mystics, were not intended to flout
of QurDa¯n, h:ad¯ıth, and shar¯ı Eah.
the law. On the contrary, the privileged spiritual elite under-
stood their behavior as that which was enjoined on them by
For the perfected S:u¯f¯ı, however, there is a higher law,
the Beloved.
namely the love relationship, that determines action and pro-
vides the means to evaluate the goodness or evil of particular
The mathnav¯ı: Far¯ıd al-D¯ın EAt:t:a¯r. The epigrams of
behavior. The upshot is that, for the S:u¯f¯ı elite, certain prac-
EAbd Alla¯h Ans:ar¯ı, succinct and accessible to a wide range
tices are permissible that would be disproved according to
of people, are in sharp contrast with the poetic genre of
the religious law of the community.
mathnav¯ı, which was introduced into Sufism by the Ghaz-
navid poet H:ak¯ım Abu¯ al-Majd Majdu¯d ibn Adam Sana¯D¯ı
Such an attitude has often been cited as proof of the
(d. 1131?). The rhyming couplets of the mathnav¯ı had previ-
dangerous antinomian tendencies endemic to Sufism. On
ously been made famous in secular literature by the re-
closer examination, however, such behavior is not that far re-
nowned Persian poet Firdawsi in his Sha¯h-na¯mah (The epic
moved from the classical AshEar¯ı synthesis. Al-AshEar¯ı, as has
of the kings). The general structure of Sana¯D¯ı’s mystical
been seen, claims that actions are good or evil because God
mathnav¯ıs, the most famous of which is the H:ad¯ıqat al-
determines them to be so; moreover, if he changed his mind
h:aq¯ıqah (The garden of truth), is imitated by later S:u¯f¯ı au-
about a particular action its moral worth would change.
thors. The framework consists of mystical teachings inter-
What one finds in the behavior of a number of S:u¯f¯ıs is, in
spersed with illustrative fables, anecdotes, proverbs, and the
fact, the acting out of this hypothetical case, for the S:u¯f¯ı elite
like. The different mathnav¯ıs vary, however, in length, the
insist that the quality of their love relationship with the di-
quality of their style, and in the organization and develop-
vine raises them to a higher tier of ethics, one at times radi-
ment of their themes.
cally different from the lower tier. Ans:ar¯ı counsels the S:u¯f¯ı
to move beyond the everyday concerns with reward or pun-
Important as Sana¯D¯ı’s introduction of the mathnav¯ı into
ishment, and beyond the common notions of good and evil.
Sufism was, he is not remembered as a great stylist. For a true
The goal is to please the Beloved; that is what constitutes the
master of the mathnav¯ı form one must turn to the Persian
good.
poet and spiritual guide, Far¯ıd al-D¯ın EAt:t:a¯r (d. 1221?).
EAt:t:a¯r lived most of his life in and around the city of
Ans:ar¯ı goes so far as to claim that the lover-beloved rela-
Nishapur, near the modern Iranian city of Mashhad. It is re-
tionship moves one to a plateau on which even the five pillars
ported that he was killed during the Mongol sack of the city.
of Islam appear superfluous. The pilgrimage to Mecca is an
His name indicates his occupation, that of apothecary, and
occasion for tourism; almsgiving is something that should be
it appears that he continued in his profession even as he com-
left to philanthropists; fasting is an ingenious way to save
posed his mystical treatises.
food; and ritual prayers should be left to old crones. The
focus of the mystic should not be the laws and ritual struc-
It is evident from EAt:t:a¯r’s work that he was a man
tures of the Islamic community (ummah); it is the love rela-
learned in both the religious sciences and secular literature.
tionship that supersedes all.
He demonstrates enormous perspicacity in his treatment of
the subtleties of the spiritual life. EAt:t:a¯r’s success, however,
Ans:ar¯ı is a dramatic example of the mystic whose basic
is due equally to the fact that he possessed the requisite liter-
theological and religious conservatism do not bar him from
ary skills to mold his ideas into an aesthetic whole of genuine
the most exuberant expressions of union. He is not, however,
quality. EAt:t:a¯r is poet, storyteller, and spiritual theorist; he
alone in perceiving that the S:u¯f¯ı adept must often move be-
entertains, cajoles, and leads the reader through numerous
yond the constraints of Islamic law. Abu¯ SaE¯ıd ibn Ab¯ı al-
levels of spiritual awareness.
Khayr (d. 1089) of Mayhana in Khorasan, for example, mir-
Of his mathnav¯ıs the best known is the mythic fable
rors as well the same paradoxical approach to religious prac-
Mant:iq al-t:ayr (The conference of the birds). The text oper-
tice. He began his life as a violent ascetic, isolating himself
ates on a number of levels. On the surface it is a lively fable
from normal social intercourse and faithfully observing the
about a group of birds who decide to seek out their king, the
obligations of the law. It is said that he was discovered by
S¯ımurgh, of whom they have only the barest recollections.
his father hanging upside down in a pit, reciting the QurDa¯n.
The journey is long and arduous, the path uncertain. Many
At the age of forty, however, Abu¯ SaE¯ıd attained gnosis
birds abandon the quest out of weakness, apathy or fear; oth-
(ma Erifah) and his actions changed dramatically. He and his
ers perish along the way. Finally thirty birds arrive at the pal-
followers became renowned for their feasting. In place of rit-
ace of the S¯ımurgh. This event constitutes the pun on which
ual prayer, communal S:u¯f¯ı devotions were substituted.
the story is based, for “thirty birds” in Persian is s¯ı murgh.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8818
SUFISM
The far more serious level on which the fable operates
work that bears the name of his beloved, the Diva¯ni Shams-i
is that of an elaborate analysis of the S:u¯f¯ı path. Asceticism,
Tabr¯ız¯ı. He is a master of imagery, ranging from the mun-
illumination, and finally union are explored in depth. The
dane realities of food, weaving, and the like to more subtle
internal structure of the work resembles an ascending spiral
treatments of nature, music, and religious symbols. Promi-
staircase. The bird-souls progress upward, often returning to
nent, of course, is the image of Shams, “the sun,” in whose
an earlier point, except now at a more advanced level. The
brilliance and intensity Ru¯m¯ı loses himself. Both the agony
birds are not uniform souls but mirror a variety of human
of separation and the exhiliration of union ebb and flow
personality types. Their strengths and difficulties reflect,
throughout his poetry. The emotions evoked run the gamut
moreover, the issues faced by a wide variety of S:u¯f¯ı seekers.
of human experience. Ru¯m¯ı does not hesitate to shock;
anger, cruelty, and vulgar sexuality share the stage with the
The overall power of the work is due to its meticulous
ecstasy of annihilation in the Beloved, proving that the S:u¯f¯ı
organization. It is necessary to study the text closely to appre-
quest must not be romanticized. Love not only has the po-
ciate the care with which EAt:t:a¯r develops his multileveled
tential to fulfill; it also destroys.
thematic structure. The last section of the work describes the
seven valleys through which the tested remnant must pass in
Ru¯m¯ı’s other masterpiece, his Mathnav¯ı-yi ma Enav¯ı
order to reach the Simurgh. The final valley is that of fana¯ D,
(Spiritual Couplets), was written at the urging of his cher-
“annihilation,” where the thirty birds merge with their be-
ished disciple H:usa¯m al-D¯ın Cheleb¯ı. H:usa¯m al-D¯ın, like
loved Simurgh as the moth merges with the flame.
many S:u¯f¯ıs of the period, discovered in the mathnav¯ıs of
Lyric and mathnav¯ı: Jala¯l al-D¯ın Ru¯m¯ı. Despite
Sana¯D¯ı and EAt:t:a¯r a wealth of spiritual wisdom. It was imper-
EAt-tar’s obvious literary and analytic skills, his work is sur-
ative, H:usa¯m al-D¯ın believed, for his revered shaykh to pre-
passed by the greatest of the Persian mystical poets, Jala¯l
serve his teachings in similar fashion for posterity. Thus
al-D¯ın Ru¯m¯ı (known as Mawla¯na¯, “our master”). Ru¯m¯ı was
Ru¯m¯ı was persuaded to dictate his Mathnav¯ı to H:usa¯m
born in Balkh in 1207, the son of Baha¯D al-D¯ın Walad, who
al-D¯ın, who transcribed the text and read it back to his mas-
was himself a noted legist, teacher, and spiritual guide.
ter for correction. The final product is substantial, six books
Around 1219, however, Baha¯D al-D¯ın left Balkh because of
totaling almost thirty thousand verses. Several of Ru¯m¯ı’s
the threat of invasion by the Mongols. The family set out
lesser works—letters, discourses, and sermons—have been
on pilgrimage to Mecca, passing through the city of
preserved as well.
Nishapur where, it is reported, Baha¯D al-D¯ın and his young
Whereas EAt:t:a¯r’s works, especially his mathnav¯ıs, are
son met EAt:t:a¯r, who predicted Ru¯m¯ı’s future greatness.
noted for their clear structural development, those of Ru¯m¯ı
Baha¯D al-D¯ın settled eventually in Konya in Anatolia
resemble more the stream-of-consciousness style. One must
(known as Ru¯m, hence the name Ru¯m¯ı). He was warmly re-
be steeped in Ru¯m¯ı’s work before daring to analyze his
ceived by the ruling Seljuk authorities and resumed his career
thought.
as teacher and shaykh. Following in his father’s footsteps,
The statement is often made that Ru¯m¯ı’s Mathnav¯ı is
Jala¯l al-D¯ın became well versed in the Islamic religious sci-
the QurDa¯n of the Persians. While the main point is the enor-
ences and philosophical theology. After Baha¯D al-D¯ın’s death
mous popularity the text has had, and continues to have, in
in 1231, Jala¯l al-D¯ın assumed his father’s teaching post.
the Persian-speaking world, there is another level on which
Ru¯m¯ı’s S:u¯f¯ı training progressed in serious fashion
the comparison is apt. The QurDa¯n communicates itself pri-
under the tutelage of Burha¯n al-D¯ın Muh:aiqqiq, one of his
marily in individual, sometimes self-contained, units, not as
father’s disciples. The critical moment in Ru¯m¯ı’s spiritual
a structured whole. Similarly, many segments of the
development, however, was his meeting in 1244 with Shams
Mathnav¯ı have an internal unity of their own. Yet the sec-
al-D¯ın of Tabriz. For two years they were inseparable, Ru¯m¯ı
tions of the text are strung loosely together like a string of
finding in Shams the vehicle through which to experience
pearls of different sizes, shapes, and hues. Themes appear and
the true ecstasy of mystical love. Their relationship was a
disappear, only to be addressed again from a different per-
source of jealousy and scandal among Ru¯m¯ı’s family and fol-
spective. To seek out a unifying structural element in the
lowers. Abruptly, Shams departed Konya for parts unknown.
Mathnav¯ı is perhaps to do an injustice to the intent of the
author. Its appeal lies in its fluidity and allusiveness. True,
Ru¯m¯ı was disconsolate, but, with the help of his son
this can be frustrating at times; frustration, however, soon
Sult:a¯n Walad, he engineered Shams’s return. Ru¯m¯ı’s rekin-
turns to fascination as the reader is lured once again into the
dled joy was shortlived, however, because Shams disappeared
complex web of Ru¯m¯ı’s thought.
for the last time in 1248, and there is persuasive circumstan-
GNOSIS AND IBN EARAB¯I. The history of mysticism in Islam
tial evidence that Shams was murdered, perhaps with the
is replete with individuals of brilliance and creativity. Among
connivance of Ru¯m¯ı’s family.
these exceptional personalities, however, one stands out from
The intense love relationship Ru¯m¯ı shared with Shams
the rest because of his unique genius. Abu¯ Bakr Muh:ammad
was the catalyst for the creation of some of the most extraor-
ibn al-EArab¯ı al- H:a¯tim¯ı al-T:a¯D¯ı was born at Murcia in Mus-
dinary poetry in the Persian language. Ru¯m¯ı was prolific; his
lim Spain in 1165. He is honored with the titles “Al-Shaykh
poetic verses number close to forty thousand, collected in a
Al-Akbar” (“doctor maximus”) and “Muh:y¯ı al-D¯ın” (“the re-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUFISM
8819
vivifier of religion”). Eventually he came to be known under
in Muslim metaphysics because, in reality, Ibn EArab¯ı is only
the name Muh:y¯ı al-D¯ın ibn EArab¯ı.
taking the AshEar¯ı synthesis to its logical extreme. The
While still a child, Ibn EArab¯ı and his family moved to
AshEar¯ı insistence on God’s total omnipotence and control
Seville, where he received the greater part of his education
over the universe implies that God is the only true agent. It
in the traditional Islamic religious disciplines. He was greatly
is not illogical, therefore, to suggest, as Ibn EArab¯ı does, that
influenced in his spiritual development by two female S:u¯f¯ıs,
God must also be the only true existent.
especially Fa¯t:imah of Cordova. A great deal of his mystical
The divine essence in itself is completely transcendent;
insight, however, evolved from visionary experiences, the
it is, in fact, unknowable, the la¯ ila¯ha (“there is no god”) of
first occuring during an illness in his youth. Throughout his
the Muslim confession of faith. This plane of unconditioned
life he continued to have visions on which he placed a great
unity (ah:ad¯ıyah), however, is not the only plane on which
deal of reliance.
divine reality exists. The plane of oneness (wa¯h:id¯ıyah) is
Ibn EArab¯ı’s visionary bent is equally evident in his
characterized by a unity in plurality, a unity in which the
claim to have been initiated into Sufism by the mythic figure
qualities of all possible existents reside. Once again the ulti-
Khid:r, a mysterious being, said to be immortal, associated
mate solution is paradox. The divine is undifferentiated and
with a QurDa¯nic fable (su¯rah 18) and pre-Islamic legends.
totally transcendent; yet in the divine are discovered the
Khid:r is renowned in Sufism as a saint and guide of excep-
qualities of all potential beings.
tional spiritual power; to be chosen as one of his disciples is
Reality, therefore, is tiered, a progression of spiritual
a rare privilege.
manifestations. Ultimate reality is the theos agnostos, the “un-
In his early twenties Ibn EArab¯ı traveled extensively
known God,” from which emerge the different planes of di-
throughout Spain and North Africa and broadened his intel-
vine existence, culminating in the God of revelation, Alla¯h,
lectual perspectives. He describes a unique meeting in Cor-
the illa¯ Alla¯h (“but God”), of the confession of faith. The cre-
dova with the greatest of the Muslim Aristotelian philoso-
ation of the cosmos occurs, not out of nothing (creatio ex ni-
phers, Ibn Rushd (known as Averroës in the Latin West).
hilo) as traditional Western theology would have it, but be-
The encounter is heavy with symbolism, for Ibn Rushd rep-
cause of the yearning of the unknown God to escape from
resents the total reliance of philosophers on reason ( Eaql),
isolation. A h:ad¯ıth dear to S:u¯f¯ıs encapsulates God’s intent:
while Ibn EArab¯ı champions gnosis (ma Erifah) as the only
“I was a hidden treasure and I desired to be known, so I creat-
means to experience the fullness of truth.
ed the creation in order that I might be known.”
In 1201 Ibn EArab¯ı left Spain and North Africa for the
Creation, therefore, is the manifestation of the One in
last time, undertaking travels that brought him to many im-
the plurality of created beings. God’s sigh of longing breathes
portant centers of Islamic learning. In 1223 he settled in Da-
forth the universe, the mirror in which he comes to know
mascus, where he remained until his death in 1240. His
himself. The agency through which the cosmos is produced
mausoleum continues to be an important pilgrimage center.
is the divine creative imagination. The process is not static
Ibn EArab¯ı is unique because he was both an original
but dynamic, for in the same way that God exhales, he in-
thinker and synthesizer. Many of his ideas resonate with ear-
hales, drawing creation back to its source in the One. Gnosis
lier intellectual developments in Sufism and in philosophical
for the S:u¯f¯ı, therefore, entails progress along the path from
theology. His greatness, however, lies in his ability to system-
illusion (the naive conviction that he is an independent reali-
atize S:u¯f¯ı theory into a coherent whole with solid metaphysi-
ty distinct from God) to insight into creation’s identification
cal underpinnings. Ibn EArab¯ı, therefore, should not be
with God’s self-revelation.
viewed as an eccentric outside of the mainstream, but rather
The Perfect Human Being. The mirror that the One
as the genius who was able to gather together various strains
projects forth is not uniformly polished. The created being
of mystical philosophy and to mold them into an esthetic
in which the Absolute becomes most fully conscious of itself
whole.
is man. And there is in every generation al-insa¯n al-ka¯mil,
The corpus of Ibn EArab¯ı’s work is massive, which com-
the Perfect Human Being, who is the link between Absolute
plicates considerably any attempt at a comprehensive analysis
Being and the created realm. Through the mediacy of the
of his thought. In addition his style is often dense, reflecting
Perfect Human Being the dynamic process of emanation and
the esoteric nature of his ideas. Two of his most influential
return takes place. In fact, the process would be impossible
works are Al-futu¯h:at al-makk¯ıyah (The Meccan revelations),
without that being, the most perfected S:u¯f¯ı, the qut:b
which he was ordered to write in a visionary experience while
(“pole”), the axis around which the cosmos revolves.
on pilgrimage, and Fus:u¯s al-h:ikam (The bezels of wisdom).
Ibn EArab¯ı’s emanationist view of creation reinterprets,
Wah:dat al-Wuju¯d. The central concept in Ibn EArab¯ı’s
moreover, the traditional understanding of the goal of mysti-
system is wah:dat al-wuju¯d, “unity of being.” Scholars have
cism in Islam. Many early S:u¯f¯ıs described the path as a
debated whether Ibn EArab¯ı intends this term to describe a
growth in loving union between a soul, which retains its es-
monist system, where nothing exists but the One. An affir-
sential independence, and the Beloved who, while being the
mative response does not indicate, however, a dramatic shift
source of creation, is distinct from it. For Ibn EArab¯ı and his
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8820
SUFISM
followers, the goal is not primarily love but wisdom, to move
caliphate from the Sh¯ıE¯ı Buyids. The Seljuks were staunch
from the illusion of plurality to the gnostic insight that one
Sunn¯ıs who took over the religious educational system of the
has always been, and will continue to be, totally united with
madrasahs in order to reindoctrinate the intelligentsia with
the source of all being.
Sunn¯ı orthodoxy. The public support they provided for S:u¯f¯ı
establishments afforded the Seljuks more control over the
Wah:dat al-wuju¯d has enormous implications, further-
type of S:u¯f¯ı piety inculcated in the new recruits, but at the
more, for the S:u¯f¯ı understanding of human freedom and
same time, government patronage ensured the survival of
ethics. Nothing manifests itself in creation unless God wills
the various S:u¯f¯ı institutions.
it. This is an axiom of both Ibn EArab¯ı and traditional Islam.
In Ibn EArab¯ı’s system, the archetypes of all potential beings
By the thirteenth century, several types of S:u¯f¯ı establish-
exist in the One. When these potential realities are actualized
ments had evolved, each with a different general purpose.
in the illusory realm of plurality, they function completely
The riba¯t: was a residence or training center, which originated
in accord with their celestial archetypes. In the realm of the
in the Arab regions of the empire. Kha¯nqa¯hs were similar es-
created world, therefore, individual free choice is illusory. All
tablishments rooted in the more persianized environment of
change is predetermined by the archetype of the particular
Khorasan; they eventually spread, however, into the Arab
reality. Freedom exists only insofar as all creatures participate
centers. The more serious training took place in the
in the freedom of the One, with which they are ultimately
za¯w¯ıyahs, which usually housed a teaching shaykh; khalwah
identified.
is the name given to the retreat of a single S:u¯f¯ı or dervish.
(Dervish is derived from the Persian word for S:u¯f¯ı, darv¯ısh,
Ethics, in addition, must be seen in the light of the de-
“poor,” “beggar.”)
terminative power of the celestial archetypes. In the realm of
creation, the law (shar¯ı Eah) delineates what actions are in ac-
More important than the physical environment in
cord with God’s revelation. From the perspective of the One,
which S:u¯f¯ıs congregated is the evolving infrastructure of the
however, all actions are good since they are manifestations
S:u¯f¯ı communities themselves. In the eleventh century, fluid
of the divine creative imagination and are in accord with the
organizations continued to predominate; their common link
celestial archetypes. Culpability is relative because it is opera-
was the desire for s:uh:bah and for the guidance of a shaykh.
tive only in the realm of created illusion. Eventually all return
Frequently, a master and his disciples remained a cohesive
to the undifferentiated One; thus there is no eternal reward
social unit only until the death of the master, after which the
or punishment in the traditional sense.
group disbanded.
The complexity of Ibn EArab¯ı’s thought defies summa-
By the thirteenth century the situation had altered sig-
tion in a few brief paragraphs. Nor have scholars in the field
nificantly. Many S:u¯f¯ı groups became self-perpetuating social
yet gained sufficient mastery of his work to unravel his con-
organizations whose central focus was the founder and his
voluted and sometimes contradictory ideas. What is clear,
teaching. No longer was the survival of the group dependent
however, is the pervasive influence of Ibn EArab¯ı and his
on a particular living shaykh; authority was passed from
school on later Sufism. Disciples such as S:adr al-D¯ın
shaykh to disciple, thus providing a stable structural basis for
Qu¯naw¯ı (d. 1274) in Anatolia and commentators on his
the continued growth and development of the community.
work such as EAbd al-Rah:ma¯n ibn Ah:mad Ja¯mi (d. 1492) in
The new master was the chief custodian of the founder’s spir-
Persia disseminated his ideas throughout the Islamic world.
itual legacy and, on occasion, an innovator in his own right.
S:U¯F¯I FRATERNITIES. The history of Sufism is much more
Silsilahs. These stable social organizations came to be
than the history of mystical theory and expression. There is
called t:ar¯ıqahs (“ways”), known in English as S:u¯f¯ı orders,
a significant social dimension to Islamic mysticism that must
fraternities, or brotherhoods. Each founding shaykh had his
be explored if the picture is to be complete. Even many of
silsilah (“chain”), his spiritual lineage which contributed sub-
the early S:u¯f¯ıs, individualists though they were, sought out
stantially to his stature in the S:u¯f¯ı community. The silsilah
the advice and counsel of their fellow wayfarers. From the
is, more precisely, a genealogy, tracing the names of one’s
very beginning, therefore, companionship (s:uh:bah) was con-
master, of one’s master’s master, and so on back through his-
sidered essential for progress in the spiritual life.
tory. Often a prominent shaykh would have been initiated
Fluid interaction among S:u¯f¯ıs soon evolved into the
more than once, by a number of illustrious S:u¯f¯ıs, thus ad-
more structured relationship of master and disciple, adding
ding additional stature to his spiritual pedigree.
a new level of social complexity. Not only would disciples
There are two main silsilah groups, which later subdi-
visit their masters, but many also took up residence with
vided into literally hundreds of S:u¯f¯ı fraternities. The first
them. The earliest formal S:u¯f¯ı convent seems to date from
chain, generally considered the more sober of the two, traces
the latter part of the eighth century CE, on the island of
its links back to Abu¯ al-Qa¯sim al-Junayd, the famed spiritual
Abadan.
guide from whom al-H:alla¯j eventually broke away. The sec-
Political changes in the Islamic empire contributed to
ond, and more intoxicated, silsilah derives from the first great
the stabilization of S:u¯f¯ı institutional structures. In the mid-
S:u¯f¯ı ecstatic, Abu¯ Yaz¯ıd al-Bist:a¯m¯ı. These designations are
eleventh century the Seljuks wrested control of the Abbasid
very general, and membership in either group indicates only
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUFISM
8821
a spiritual genealogy, not necessarily an actual attitude to-
masses of Muslim faithful. The spread of Ibn EArab¯ı’s teach-
ward mystical experience.
ing, particularly the notion of the Perfect Human Being,
which was elaborated upon by Ibn EArab¯ı’s intellectual disci-
The members of the Bist:a¯m¯ı branch are often called
ples, especially by EAbd al-Kar¯ım ibn Ibra¯h¯ım al-J¯ıl¯ı
Mala¯mati, “blameworthy.” The appellation, however, can be
(d. 1428), provided an intellectual framework within which
overstressed, for it does not mean that they scorned Islamic
to explain this cosmic role of the saintlike shaykh. Many of
law. On the contrary, many were meticulous in their obser-
the shaykhs of important orders were acknowledged by their
vance. But eventually the name came to describe, in broad
followers as the qut:b, the “pole” or “axis” around which the
terms, those S:u¯f¯ıs who eschewed completely all of the public
cosmos revolves, the Perfect Human Being, the point at
trappings of Sufism and of piety in general; they were charac-
which the divine Creative Imagination most fully manifests
terized by the virtue of absolute sincerity (ikhla¯s:). The
itself in the world of illusion. The fact that a number of indi-
Mala¯mat¯ıyah rejected S:u¯f¯ı initiation and the guidance of a
viduals claimed this status at one and the same time was
shaykh, nor would they engage in public devotional practices
cause for a certain amount of friction and rivalry among the
common to S:u¯f¯ıs. Whatever ritual acts they performed were
powerful fraternities.
carried out in private. Their individualism made them ap-
pear to some as suspicious and marginal. The Mala¯mat¯ıyah,
The concept of qut:b is linked by Ibn EArab¯ı and his pre-
nevertheless, should be clearly distinguished from the
decessors with a whole hierarchy of cosmic beings.
Qalandar¯ıyah, or wandering dervishes, many of whom did
Al-Hujw¯ır¯ı describes them as the officers of the divine court,
engage in practices that made mockery of the religious law
made up of three hundred akhya¯r (“excellent ones”), forty
and of traditional morality.
abda¯l (“substitutes”), seven abra¯r (“piously devoted ones”),
four awta¯d (“pillars”), three nuqaba¯ D (“leaders”), and one
The centrality of silsilahs in S:u¯f¯ı fraternities is not com-
qut:b (known also as ghawth, “succor”). Ibn EArab¯ı’s hierar-
pletely unique. One discovers an analogous emphasis in the
chy is somewhat different in structure. The qut:b is joined by
h:ad¯ıth literature, where the literary structure of a h:ad¯ıth has
two a Dimmah (“guides”), four awta¯d, seven abda¯l, twelve
two parts: the chain of transmitters (isna¯d) and the body of
nuqaba¯ D, and eight nujaba¯D (“nobles”). The cosmic hierarchy,
the text (matn). According to Muslim tradition, the authen-
regardless of its particular description, is the spiritual power
ticity of the h:ad¯ıth is guaranteed by the reliability of the
through which the order and continued existence of the cos-
isna¯d. In the same way that the power of sacred word in the
mos are ensured.
h:ad¯ıth has been preserved by the chain of transmitters, so too
do the teachings and powers of a particular shaykh remain
The term wal¯ı is often translated as saint; this is mis-
alive through his silsilah.
leading because there is no religious hierarchy in Islam em-
powered to canonize individuals as saints, as one has, for ex-
Whether or not the isna¯ds are historically reliable is not
ample, in Roman Catholicism. Rather, the status of wal¯ı is
a question that need be discussed here. Suffice it to say that
attained through public acclamation. There are, nevertheless,
the importance of isna¯ds for Muslims is to ground h:ad¯ıths
analogies between Christian saints and Muslim awliya¯ D, inso-
solidly in the period of the original revelation. Thus there can
far as both possess spiritual power that is capable of being
be no question that the teachings of the h:ad¯ıths are innova-
transmitted to disciples or devotees. In Islam this power is
tions; rather h:ad¯ıths are but more detailed insights into
called barakah (“blessing”). The barakah of a wali has the po-
God’s will already expressed in general terms in the QurDa¯n.
tential to transform an individual spiritually as well as to pro-
In similar fashion the silsilahs of S:u¯f¯ı shaykhs provide
vide concrete material blessings. Barakah should be under-
them with religious legitimacy. Even though the S:u¯f¯ı orders
stood as concretely as possible. It is often transmitted
may vary considerably in their teachings and attitudes toward
through the power of touch, similar to the laying on of hands
mystical experience, they each can claim, through their spiri-
or the application of relics, practices common in other reli-
tual genealogies, to be solidly based upon the foundations of
gious traditions of the West.
Sufism.
The perfected shaykhs are objects of veneration both
Veneration of saints. The institutionalization of
during their lives and after their deaths. It is generally accept-
t:ar¯ıqahs and the emphasis on silsilahs enhanced substantially
ed that they possess the power of miracles (kara¯ma¯t), al-
the religious and political position of the master. Whereas
though their miracles are subject to satanic influence in a way
in the past the shaykh functioned primarily as an expert and
that the miracles of prophets are not. The extraordinary pow-
confidant, he now became a repository of spiritual power as
ers of the awliya¯ D are not diminished in any way after their
well. A shaykh’s lineage did not provide simply a list of teach-
death; on the contrary, their intercession often appears more
ers; it implied that the spiritual power of each of these great
efficacious. Consequently the tombs of great S:u¯f¯ı awliya¯D are
S:u¯f¯ıs had been transmitted to this last member of the line.
vibrant pilgrimage centers to this day.
The shaykhs of the great S:u¯f¯ı orders, therefore, took on
Ritual practice. Much has been said thus far about the
superhuman qualities. They became known as awliya¯ D (sg.,
shaykhs of S:u¯f¯ı orders. What were the general patterns of life
wal¯ı), intimates or friends of God. Their spiritual perfection
of the members of these communities? It is difficult to gener-
raised them far above the level of their disciples and of the
alize because of the different character of the various brother-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8822
SUFISM
hoods. There are, however, some areas of commonality. The
orders. The theoretical developments in Sufism from the
full members of the fraternities committed themselves in
thirteenth century onward were shaped by the work of Ibn
obedience to the shaykh, who initiated them into the order
EArab¯ı and his interpreters. The complex and esoteric nature
and bestowed upon them the patched frock (khirqah), the
of this school of S:u¯f¯ı thought, however, placed it far beyond
sign of their entry onto the S:u¯f¯ı path. They were encouraged
the reach of most Muslims. It was the ritual exercises of the
to subject themselves completely to the master’s will, to be
orders that helped fill the gap and minister to the immediate
like dead bodies in the hands of the body-washers. Some
spiritual needs of the faithful. Thus Sufism came to repre-
members of orders remained celibate while others married;
sent, for many, not abstruse theory but concrete practice that
some lived lives of extreme poverty while others had a very
was accessible to all.
comfortable existence. Common to most of the S:u¯f¯ı fraterni-
The emphasis on dhikr and sama¯ E has helped to blur the
ties were ritual practices called dhikr (“remembrance”) and
distinction in popular Sufism between mystical experience
sama¯ E (“audition”).
that is attained after serious spiritual training and experience
Dhikr. The impetus for the practice of dhikr is derived
that is self-induced. Unsophisticated sessions of dhikr and
from those QurDanic verses that enjoin the faithful to remem-
sama¯ E, to this day, often consist of self-hypnosis, hysteria,
ber God often. Among S:u¯f¯ıs this duty evolved into a com-
drug-induced states, and other violent emotions that pass for
plex exercise performed by an individual or group. Many fra-
mystical experience. Despite accusations of vulgarization,
ternities put their own particular stamp on the dhikr exercise.
dhikr and sama¯ E remain important emotional outlets in the
Most dhikr techniques, however, involve the rhythmic repe-
Muslim community and are unique sociological events dur-
tition of a phrase, often QurDanic, in which one of the names
ing which various levels of society find themselves interacting
of God appears. In Islam, Alla¯h has one hundred names,
on an equal footing. And in the hands of spiritual adepts,
ninety-nine of which are known; the hundredth name is hid-
dhikr and sama¯ E remain potent tools for creating an ambi-
den. Certain S:u¯f¯ıs who ascribed to themselves the rank of
ance in which to attain heightened levels of religious expe-
qut:b claimed to have been blessed with this most precious
rience.
secret.
The widespread interest in dhikr and sama¯ E among the
The more sophisticated methods of dhikr usually in-
Muslim faithful has resulted in increased membership in the
volve breath control, body movements, and a number of
S:u¯f¯ı fraternities. These new members, however, should more
other complex techniques to gain control over the five senses
properly be called affiliates. They perhaps take some training
as well the psyche and imagination. In some S:u¯f¯ı groups,
from a shaykh; their primary vehicle for contact with the
such as the Naqshband¯ıyah, dhikr is a private exercise. The
group, however, is attendance at periodic sessions of dhikr
goal is to move from vocal dhikr to silent dhikr, with each
and sama¯ E. Otherwise they lead the normal life of a layman
stage representing a more intense level of union with the Be-
or woman. In parts of the Islamic world today, membership
loved until, at the final stage, dhikr moves to the innermost
in one S:u¯f¯ı order or another has become for many a social
recesses of one’s being and one can no longer distinguish be-
obligation, even though those so affiliated have little interest
tween the one remembering and the Remembered.
in, or understanding of mysticism.
Sama¯ E. Like dhikr, sama¯ E has become identified with
S:u¯f¯ı ritual practice. It involves listening to music, usually
Particular orders became associated with different strata
with a group. The music is often accompanied by QurDa¯n
of society, geographical regions, and guilds. The Suhra-
chants and/or the singing of mystical poetry. The recital is
ward¯ıyah, for example, were extremely influential in court
intended to spark a mystical experience within the auditors.
circles in thirteenth-century Delhi, while orders such as the
Those most affected by the sama¯ E rise up to dance in unison
Bekta¯sh¯ıyah and Khalwat¯ıyah in Turkey had a more popular
with the music. Depending on the S:u¯f¯ı group, the dance can
appeal. The identification of order with social group became
be a marvel of aesthetic movement or the frenetic writhings
so complete that one could be said to be born into a particu-
of the seemingly possessed.
lar fraternity. This did not, however, prevent an individual’s
eventual shift from one order to another.
From its inception sama¯ E has been controversial among
S:u¯f¯ıs. No one questions the efficacy of chanting the QurDa¯n.
The orders: individual characteristics. The role of the
The doubts arise with music and the singing of mystical love
shaykh and the ritual exercises of dhikr and sama¯ E are integral
poetry. Music and singing were considered by many shaykhs
elements in almost all of the S:u¯f¯ı orders. The distinctive per-
to be amoral: neither good nor evil by nature. Sama¯ E possess-
sonalities of the fraternities, however, are as significant as
es the power, however, to engulf the spirit of the disciples
their similar structures and practices. The contrasts are often
and to seduce them to immoral behavior. Consequently
striking. In Anatolia, for example, the Mawlaw¯ıyah (or Mev-
many shaykhs, if they approve of sama¯ E at all, insist that only
leviye) and the Bekta¯sh¯ıyah represent opposite ends of the
accomplished S:u¯f¯ıs be allowed to participate. Novices are
spectrum.
warned to beware.
Mawlaw¯ıyah and Bekta¯sh¯ıyah. The Mawlaw¯ıyah trace
Dhikr and sama¯ E have served an important function
their silsilah to the mystic and poet Jala¯l al-D¯ın Ru¯m¯ı. Ru¯m¯ı
outside of the ranks of the full-fledged members of the S:u¯f¯ı
himself, however, did not establish a formal t:ar¯ıqah during
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUFISM
8823
his lifetime; rather, it was his son, Sult:a¯n Walad, who took
Rifa¯E¯ıyah or “Howling Dervishes” focus primarily on dra-
upon himself the task of organizing the order. The
matic ritual. This fraternity springs from the marshlands of
Mawlaw¯ıyah are known for their aesthetic sophistication,
southern Iraq, where its founder, Ah:mad ibn EAli al-Rifa¯E¯ı
both in ritual practice and in mystical poetry. The order’s
(d. 1182), spent most of his life. Contemporary observers de-
particular identity is derived, of course, from Ru¯m¯ı’s
scribe vividly the bizarre practices engaged in by members
Mathnav¯ı and the Diva¯ni Shams-i Tabr¯ız¯ı.
of the fraternity: fire-eating; piercing ears, hands, necks, and
penises with iron rings; biting heads off live snakes, and so
Perhaps the most famous aspect of the Mawlaw¯ıyah is
forth. Clearly the appeal of the Rifa¯E¯ıyah is primarily emo-
its ritual sama¯ E, an exquisite combination of music, poetry,
tional.
and whirling dance (hence their name in the West, “Whirl-
ing Dervishes”). It is hard to capture in words the refinement
Sha¯dhil¯ıyah. A fine example of a fraternity that re-
of the choreography. The rhythmic, turning movements of
sponded to the religious needs of the larger community while
the adepts are mesmerizing and executed with a subtle grace
cultivating a solid intellectual base in mystical theory is the
and precision equal to the best of European classical dance.
Sha¯dhil¯ıyah. Abu¯ al-H:asan al-Sha¯dhil¯ı (d. 1258) began his
The serene faces of the S:u¯f¯ıs, moreover, reflect the depth of
religious career at Tunis, where he was well known as a
the spiritual rapture achieved by the practitioners.
preacher. It was there that he founded his order in 1227. Im-
pelled by a vision, he traveled eastward and settled eventually
In contrast, the Bekta¯sh¯ıyah takes its name from a shad-
in Egypt, where the Sha¯dhil¯ıyah order came to flourish.
owy figure, H:ajj¯ı Bekta¯sh of Khorasan (d. 1337?). At first
the group was loosely organized, but by the fifteenth century
The most famous of the early Sha¯dhil¯ı shaykhs is not
it had developed a highly centralized structure. The
the founder but the third leader of the group, Ibn EAt:a¯D Alla¯h
Bekta¯sh¯ıyah are noted for their syncretism; the rituals and
(d. 1309). He was born in Alexandria and spent his early
beliefs of the order represent an amalgam of Shiism, Byzan-
years in the study of h:ad¯ıth and the law. Ibn EAt:a¯D Alla¯h’s
tine Christianity, esoteric cults, and the like. By the end of
training in the traditional religious sciences made him wary
the sixteenth century, the Bekta¯sh¯ıyah had become associat-
of any involvement with Sufism. His attitude eventually mel-
ed with the Janissary corps, an elite military unit of slave-
lowed, and for twelve years he placed himself under the di-
soldiers established by the Ottoman sultan Mura¯d I (1360–
rection of the second shaykh of the order, Abu¯ al-EAbba¯s
1389). Despite the heterodox practices of the Bekta¯sh¯ıyah,
al-Murs¯ı (d. 1287), whom he eventually succeeded.
their identification with the powerful and much-feared Janis-
Ibn EAt:a¯D Alla¯h’s writings epitomize the spirit of the
saries provided them with security from persecution by the
Sha¯dhil¯ıyah order. On one hand his work is very much in
orthodox religious authorities. Where the Mawlaw¯ıyah at-
the intellectual tradition of the Ibn EArab¯ı school. For exam-
tracted a more educated elite, the Bekta¯sh¯ıyah appealed to
ple his book, Lat:a¯Dif al-minan (Subtle graces), written in de-
the less literate masses who were fascinated with the magic-
fense of the fraternity and its practices, emphasizes the exalt-
like rituals and political power.
ed role of the shaykh as wal¯ı and qut:b. On the other hand,
Suhraward¯ıyah and Rifa¯E¯ıyah. In Iraq, as well, there
the true genius of Ibn EAt:a¯D Alla¯h is most evident in his col-
arose two fraternities with diametrically opposed interpreta-
lected aphorisms, the H:ikam (Maxims). They remain to this
tions of religious experience. The genealogy of the
day one of the most popular S:u¯f¯ı texts in the Islamic world.
Suhraward¯ıyah begins with Abu¯ al-Naj¯ıb al-Suhraward¯ı
Combining the erudition of the scholar with the vibrant,
(d. 1168), who was a disciple of Ah:mad al-Ghaza¯l¯ı. Abu¯
persuasive language of the enthusiast, Ibn EAt:a¯D Alla¯h suc-
Naj¯ıb is the author of an important rulebook for novices,
ceeds in communicating complex ideas in a way that is acces-
Kita¯b a¯da¯b al-murid¯ın (Book of the manners of the disci-
sible to a wide range of individuals. Like the Muna¯ja¯t of EAbd
ples). The text evinces Abu¯ Naj¯ıb’s long experience as a di-
Alla¯h Ans:ar¯ı, the H:ikam of Ibn EAt:a¯D Alla¯h must be savored
rector; his rules are strict and comprehensive, yet attuned to
time and time again, for their richness seems almost inex-
the human frailties of the young and untutored.
haustable.
In the same way that Ibn EAt:a¯D Alla¯h, through his writ-
The fraternity that bears the name Suhrawardi was
ings, made the Sufism of the orders more accessible to larger
founded by Abu¯ al- Naj¯ıb’s nephew, Shiha¯b al-D¯ın Abu¯
numbers of Muslims, his fraternity as a whole adopted a
H:afs: EUmar al-Suhraward¯ı (d. 1234). Shiha¯b al-D¯ın, the au-
structural form more in tune with the lives of the laity.
thor of the extremely influential work, EAwa¯rif al-ma Earif
Whereas some brotherhoods insisted on the abandonment
(Masters of mystical insights), is remembered in S:u¯f¯ı circles
of one’s profession and even of family life, the Sha¯dhil¯ıyah
as a great teacher. Teaching, in fact, became a characteristic
allowed its members to remain involved in the secular world.
note of the fraternity. The Suhraward¯ıyah made significant
In this respect, they were precursors of a similar development
inroads into the Indian subcontinent, where its ranks includ-
in the Christian West, when, in the sixteenth century, Igna-
ed such important figures as Baha¯D al-D¯ın Zakar¯ıya¯ of Mul-
tius Loyola founded the Society of Jesus, or Jesuits, whose
tan (d. 1268).
members contrary to traditional monastic structures, were
While the ethos of the Suhraward¯ıyah is characterized
intent on fostering contemplatio in actione, contemplation
by serious training in the classical S:u¯f¯ı tradition, the
while remaining fully involved in the secular world. Ibn EAt:a¯D
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8824
SUFISM
Alla¯h’s H:ikam has a place of honor in Islamic spirituality
In the Indian subcontinent, the involvement of many
equal to that of Loyola’s Spiritual Exercises in Christianity.
hereditary pirs (i.e., shaykhs) with Sufism has been based, in
There is not sufficient space to describe even briefly all
the modern period, more on family status, wealth, and influ-
of the great t:ar¯ıqahs that have become part of mainstream
ence than on any serious interest in mysticism. A backlash
Sufism since the thirteenth century. The Qa¯dir¯ıyah, whose
was inevitable. Muhammad Iqbal, one of the fathers of mod-
eponymous founder, EAbd al-Qa¯dir J¯ıla¯ni (d. 1116), is per-
ern Muslim intellectual life in the subcontinent, rejected Su-
haps the most widely revered saint in all of Islam; the
fism because of the corruption he perceived. He also reacted
Naqshband¯ıyah, whose stern Sunn¯ı spirit, disseminated in
strongly against the S:u¯f¯ı doctrine of wah:dat al-wuju¯d, be-
Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent, has spawned po-
cause it entailed the negation of the self: If the self is nonexis-
litical movements and great poets such as M¯ır Dard
tent, why confront the problems of human existence? Never-
(d. 1785); the music-loving Chisht¯ıyah, Kubraw¯ıyah, and so
theless, his Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam,
forth—all have played pivotal roles in the formation of Is-
published in 1930, reflects S:u¯f¯ı emphases on interiority,
lamic religious life.
although his goal was to reinterpret Islam in humanistic
terms that harmonized the spiritual and material realms of
Decline of the orders. The nineteenth and twentieth
existence.
centuries, however, have not been kind to Sufism, especially
the Sufism of the orders. A number of factors contributed
Attacks on Sufism are not new; they have occurred
to the decline: the general secularization of world culture; co-
throughout the history of the tradition. The dramatic decline
lonialism, with its concomitant critique of Islamic religion
of Sufism in the modern period, however, is due as much to
and society; the response of Islamic modernism; and the rise
external as to internal forces. The intimate contacts between
of Islamic fundamentalism.
the Islamic world and the European West resulted in virulent
The changing political climate had profound effects on
critiques of Islamic religious practice, especially devotional-
the S:u¯f¯ı orders. In Turkey, for example, they were abolished
ism. Muslim reactions were varied: Some accepted the cri-
by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in 1925 because they represented
tique and mimicked Western secular societies (Atatürk’s
to him all that was corrupt and backward about Islam. Ata-
Turkey, for example); some reasserted their identity by re-
türk was in the process of transforming Turkey into a mod-
turning to what was believed to be true Islam, devoid of S:u¯f¯ı
ern nation state from the rubble of the Ottoman empire. The
accretions (the Wahha¯b¯ıyah, for example); others, such as
traditional power of the S:u¯f¯ı shaykhs and orders was incom-
the Muslim modernist Muhammad EAbduh and his succes-
patible with nationalism; the orders, therefore, were elimi-
sors, proposed various more moderate plans for the adapta-
nated as public institutions.
tion of Muslim society to the demands of the modern world.
At times, however, the orders were not victims of politi-
All of these responses, however, possessed anti-S:u¯f¯ı ele-
cal change but its instigators. The Tija¯n¯ıyah of West Africa
ments, for most rejected S:u¯f¯ı ritual practice and devotional-
and the Sanu¯s¯ıyah of North Africa are prime examples. The
ism as either non-Muslim or antimodern. Moreover, the
Tija¯n¯ıyah were militant revivalists. They fought bravely
power of the S:u¯f¯ı shaykhs over masses of the faithful was
against the French in West Africa and eventually established
seen by most to be counterproductive to modernization and
a kingdom of their own during the latter part of the nine-
to the development of a functioning secular state, for the
teenth century.
shaykhs were often perceived as proponents of superstition,
religious emotionalism, and outmoded power structures.
The Sanu¯s¯ıyah were similarly fundamentalist and mili-
tant. For decades they were at odds with Italian colonial
Mysticism in modern Islam is not an arid wasteland but
power in North Africa. As a counterbalance they sided with
rather more like a fallow field. There have been important
the British who eventually invested the shaykh of the
modern teaching shaykhs such as Ah:mad al-EAlaw¯ı
Sanu¯s¯ıyah with authority in the region. The transformation
(d. 1934), whose influence is still felt in North Africa. More-
of the shaykh into king of Libya and the accompanying solid-
over, the popular piety of Sufism still flourishes in many
ification of political power eventually led to the decline of
parts of the Islamic world, including North Africa, Egypt,
the Sanu¯s¯ıyah as a S:u¯f¯ı movement.
the Indian subcontinent, and Indonesia. The great tradition
of vernacular poetry, established by master artists such as the
Despite the fact that many nineteenth- and twentieth-
Turkish mystic Yunus Emre (d. 1321), continues to produce
century S:u¯f¯ı groups reflected fundamentalist tendencies,
a rich literature. Central Asia, the Indian subcontinent, Afri-
they still became the objects of attack by the ultra-orthodox,
ca, Indonesia—every corner of the Islamic world has pro-
of whom the Wahha¯b¯ıyah of Saudi Arabia are but one exam-
duced its local poet-saints.
ple. Among such groups, any ritual practice not explicitly
sanctioned by religious law is anathema. The very premise
Doubtless Sufism has become increasingly more identi-
on which Sufism is based, namely union with God, is reject-
fied with popular ritual practice than with formal spiritual
ed as un-Islamic. One sees today in many of the most vibrant
training. The transformation of Sufism into a mass move-
Islamic revivalist movements a similar tendency to espouse
ment could not help but lead to a certain vulgarization.
the most puritanical forms of literalist religion. In such a
There continue to arise, nevertheless, individual masters
world Sufism has little place.
whose commitment to the path is reminiscent of the great
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

S:UH:BAH
8825
figures of the classical period. Classical S:u¯f¯ı literature sur-
(London, 1984). The best comprehensive study of EAt:t:a¯r and
vives because it still has the ability to touch the spirits of
his work remains Helmut Ritter’s Das Meer der Seele (Leiden,
modern men and women. It is in this continued interaction
1955).
between shaykh and mur¯ıd that hope for the future of Sufism
Henry Corbin has written extensively on Islamic gnosticism, Is-
resides.
lamic Neoplatonism, and Ibn EArab¯ı. Works such as Creative
Imagination in the S:u¯fism of Ibn EArab¯ı (Princeton, N.J.,
SEE ALSO Darw¯ısh; Dhikr; Folk Religion, article on Folk
1969) demonstrate his extraordinary erudition and propose
Islam; Ghaza¯l¯ı, Abu¯ H:a¯mid al-; H:alla¯j, al-; Ibn al-EArab¯ı;
provocative syntheses that must be evaluated with care. A
Madrasah; Mawlid; MiEra¯j; Nubu¯wah; Nu¯r Muh:ammad;
new translation of Ibn EArab¯ı’s Fus:u¯s: al-h:ikam by R. W. J.
Ru¯m¯ı, Jala¯l al-D¯ın; Sama¯E; S:uh:bah; T:ar¯ıqah; Wala¯yah.
Austin under the title The Bezels of Wisdom (New York,
1980) is excellent. Toshihiko Izutsu’s comparative study of
Sufism and Taoism, A Comparative Study of the Key Philo-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
sophical Concepts in Sufism and Taoism (Tokyo, 1966), also
By far the best introduction to Sufism in English is Annemarie
serves as an excellent introduction to Ibn EArab¯ı’s thought.
Schimmel’s Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill, N.C.,
Finally, in his Studies in Islamic Mysticism (1921; reprint,
1975). Other introductory texts of interest are A. J. Arberry’s
Cambridge, 1976) Reynold A. Nicholson provides a very
Sufism: An Account of the Mystics of Islam (1950; reprint,
lucid analysis of the idea of the Perfect Human Being as it
London, 1979) and Reynold A. Nicholson’s The Mystics of
originated with Ibn EArab¯ı and was later developed by al-J¯ıl¯ı.
Islam (1914; reprint, London, 1963). The most astute treat-
The best translations of Ru¯m¯ı’s work are by Reynold A. Nichol-
ment of the development of early Sufism, especially its rela-
son, especially The Mathnawi of Jala¯lu Dddin Ru¯m¯ı, 8 vols.
tionship to QurDa¯nic exegesis, is Paul Nwyia’s Exégèse co-
(London, 1925–1971). Annemarie Schimmel’s The Trium-
ranique et language mystique (Beirut, 1970).
phal Sun: A Study of the Works of Jala¯loddin Rumi (London,
There are a number of monographs dealing with one or other of
1978) is a solid introduction to his writings, as is William
the early S:u¯f¯ı ascetics. Margaret Smith’s two works, Ra¯bi Ea
C. Chittick’s The Sufi Path of Love: The Spiritual Teachings
the Mystic and Her Fellow-Saints in Islam (Cambridge, 1928)
of Rumi (Albany, N.Y., 1983). Schimmel’s As Through a Veil:
and An Early Mystic of Baghdad: A Study of the Life and
Mystical Poetry in Islam (New York, 1982) places Ru¯m¯ı in
Teaching of H:a¯rith b. Asad Al-Muh:a¯sibi, A. D. 781–A. D.
the wider context of the poetic tradition in Sufism.
857 (1935, reprint, New York, 1973), are both excellent, as
There are many studies of individual S:u¯f¯ı orders. The best general
well as Nicholson’s study of Abu¯ SaE¯ıd ibn Ab¯ı al-Khayr in
work, however, is J. Spencer Trimingham’s The Sufi Orders
Studies in Islamic Mysticism (1921; reprint, Cambridge,
in Islam (New York, 1971). The role of the fraternities in the
1976).
Indian subcontinent is extremely well presented in Annema-
There are two excellent English translations of S:u¯f¯ı manuals,
rie Schimmel’s Islam in the Indian Subcontinent (Leiden,
Nicholson’s translation of al-Hujw¯ır¯ı’s Kashf al-Mah:ju¯b:
1980). An English translation by Victor Danner of Ibn EAt:a¯D
The Oldest Persian Treatise on Sufism, 2d ed. (London,
Alla¯h’s H:ikam can be found in Thackston and Danner’s The
1936), and Arberry’s translation of al-Kala¯ba¯dh¯ı’s Kita¯b al-
Book of Wisdom and Intimate Conversations (cited above). A
ta Earruf under the title The Doctrine of the Sufis (Cambridge,
superb French translation and commentary of the same text,
1935). Several chapters of Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s S:ufi Essays
together with a thorough analysis of the early development
(London, 1972) deal with stations and states and the master-
of the Sha-dhil¯ıyah can be found in Paul Nwyia’s Ibn
disciple relationship.
EAt:a¯DAlla¯h et la naissance de la confrérie ˇsa¯dilite (Beirut,
1972). One of the more interesting treatments of a S:u¯f¯ı in
No study of the ecstatics in Sufism is complete without Louis
the modern period is Martin Lings’s study of the life and
Massignon’s extraordinary work on al-H:alla¯j, translated into
writings of Shaykh Ah:mad al-EAlaw¯ı, A Moslem Saint of the
English by Herbert Mason as The Passion of Al-H:alla¯j: Mystic
Twentieth Century, 2d ed. (Berkeley, Calif., 1973).
and Martyr of Islam, 4 vols. (Princeton, N. J., 1982). Carl W.
Ernst’s Words of Ecstasy in Sufism (Albany, 1984) is extremely
PETER J. AWN (1987)
helpful as well. Reynold A. Nicholson’s The Idea of Personali-
ty in Sufism (1964; reprint, Lahore, 1970) is a lucid explora-
tion of the psychology of ecstatic utterances.
S:UH:BAH (lit., “companionship”). In mystical parlance,
There is an excellent translation by Wheeler Thackston of
s:uh:bah can refer to (1) a mystic’s return from seclusion
Ans:ar¯ı’s Muna¯ja¯t in The Book of Wisdom and Intimate Con-
( Euzlah) to human society; (2) the company of the spiritual
versations, translated and edited by Wheeler Thackston and
mentor, which a new entrant to the mystical fold needs for
Victor Danner (New York, 1978). The premier scholar of
Ans:ar¯ı is Serge de Laugier de Beaurecueil, whose bibliogra-
spiritual training; and (3) social contact with all human be-
phy of Ans:ar¯ı provides much useful information and some
ings. The value of s:uh:bah was first to be appreciated when
fine translations: Khwa¯dja EAbdulla¯h Ans:ar¯ı, 396–481 H./
those near the Prophet became known as s:ah:a¯bah
1006–1089: Mystique H:anbalite (Beirut, 1965).
(“companions”), since they had the privilege of being in his
There are a number of fine translations of EAt:t:a¯r’s mathnav¯ıs: The
company. Thereafter mystics looked upon the “company” of
Ila¯h¯ı-na¯ma or Book of God, translated by J. A. Boyle (Man-
a superior mystic-master as a way to spiritual development.
chester, 1976); Le livre de l’épreuve (Mus¯ıbatna¯ma), translat-
The spiritual guide (pir or shaykh) came to occupy a high
ed by Isabelle de Gastines (Paris, 1981); and The Conference
position on account of his capacity to influence the thought
of the Birds, translated by Afkham Darbandi and Dick Davis
and character of those who came near him.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUHRAWARD¯I, SHIHA¯B AL-D¯IN YAH:YA¯
8826
Abu al-H:asan al-Hujw¯ır¯ı (d. 1079) identified three
of these activities and could utilize travel as a means for
types of companionship that he considered inseparable and
breaking undue attachment to material assets and family, for
interconnected: (1) companionship with God, the awareness
learning to live with complete resignation to the will of God,
of God’s presence at all times, which controlled and deter-
and for trying to develop a spirit of adjustment to different
mined every detail of external behavior; (2) companionship
conditions of life and company.
with one’s own self, which dictated the avoidance in one’s
Life within the S:u¯f¯ı centers is similarly defined by elabo-
own company of all that was improper in the company of
rate rules of s:uh:bah. Residents had to share responsibility for
others and unbecoming in the presence of God; and (3) com-
running the center; travelers were treated as guests for three
panionship with fellow creatures. Operating within such a
days but after that they too were obliged to do some work
comprehensive concept of s:uh:bah, mystical writings include
to lighten the burden of the permanent residents. The S:u¯f¯ı
the totality of a mystic’s life—prayers and penitence, travels,
centers that provided facilities for s:uh:bah were of different
sojourns in hospices, dealing with fellow mystics, relations
types: kha¯naga¯hs where separate accommodation was gener-
with kin and friends, methods of earning a livelihood, mar-
ally provided for all inmates; jama¯ Eat-kha¯nahs, where all
riage or celibacy—as aspects of that person’s s:uh:bah. As such,
lived a communal life under one roof and slept on the
the principles of s:uh:bah came to determine mystical actions
ground; za¯wiyahs and da¯ Dirahs, smaller institutions where
in all their details, and many brochures and treatises were
persons of one affiliation lived in order to devote their time
written on the subject. Notable works include al-Junayd’s
to meditation. Mystics following different masters laid down
Tash:¯ıh: al-ira¯dah (The rectification of discipleship), Ah:mad
principles of s:uh:bah according to the basic teachings of the
ibn Khadru¯yah Balkh¯ı’s Al-ri Ea¯yah bi-h:uqu¯q Alla¯h (The ob-
order to which they belonged, but the EAwa¯rif al-ma Ea¯rif of
servance of what is due to God), and Muh:ammad ibn EAl¯ı
Shaykh Shiha¯b al-D¯ın Suhraward¯ı (d. 1234) was generally
Tirmidh¯ı’s A¯da¯b al-mur¯ıd¯ın (Rules of conduct for disciples).
accepted as the model on which kha¯naga¯h life could be orga-
Al-Sulam¯ı’s Kita¯b a¯da¯b al-s:uh:bah (Book on the rules of com-
nized and the basic objectives of s:uh:bah achieved.
pany), al-Qushayr¯ı’s Risa¯lah (Epistle), al-Hujw¯ır¯ı’s Kashf
al-mah:ju¯b (The unveiling of the veiled), and Abu al-Naj¯ıb
SEE ALSO Kha¯naga¯h.
Suhraward¯ı’s A¯da¯b al-mur¯ıd¯ın neatly consolidate all the in-
formation available in earlier works.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
For a brief mention of s:uh:bah in the larger context of S:u¯f¯ı thought
In the initial stages of mystical development in Islam,
and practice, see Annemarie Schimmel’s Mystical Dimensions
the term s:uh:bah was used in a limited sense to mean the com-
of Islam (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1975). Al-Hujw¯ır¯ı’s discussion
pany of the mystic teacher only; elaborate rules of residence
of s:uh:bah can be found in The Kashf al-Mahjúb, the Earliest
and discipline were developed later. When Sufism came out
Persian Treatise on Sufism, translated by Reynold A. Nichol-
of its first phase, designated by Reynold A. Nicholson as “the
son, new ed. (1936; reprint, London, 1976), pp. 334–366.
period of the Quietists,” the value of companionship was em-
Abu¯ al-Naj¯ıb Suhraward¯ı’s Kita¯b a¯da¯b al-mur¯ıd¯ın has been
phasized and seclusion was considered of little significance
translated in abridged form by Menahem Milson as A Sufi
in the building up of a spiritual personality. In mystical disci-
Rule for Novices (Cambridge, Mass., 1975). Important com-
pendia of S:u¯f¯ı practice available in Arabic include
pline, companionship and seclusion were paired as comple-
al-Qushayr¯ı’s Al-risa¯lah al-qushayr¯ıyah (Cairo, 1966),
ments and supplements to each other. Shaykh Abu¯ al-H:asan
Shiha¯b al-D¯ın Suhraward¯ı’s EAwa¯rif al-ma Ea¯rif (Beirut,
ibn Muh:ammad al-Nu¯ri (d. 907) remarked: “Beware of se-
1966), and al-Sulam¯ı’s Kita¯b a¯da¯b al-s:uh:bah (Jerusalem,
cluson for it is connected with Satan, and cleave to compan-
1954).
ionship for therein is the satisfaction of the merciful God.”
K
Among the eleven veils that have to be lifted before gnosis
HALIQ AH:MAD NIZAMI (1987)
can be attained, Al-Hujw¯ır¯ı considered companionship the
ninth. Meticulous care in the performance of duties pertain-
ing to s:uh:bah could lift this veil and make gnosis possible.
SUHRAWARD¯I, SHIHA¯B AL-D¯IN YAH:YA¯.
Islamic mysticism, particularly before the organization
Shiha¯b al-D¯ın Yah:ya¯ ibn H:abash ibn Am¯ırak Abu¯ al-Futu¯h:
of the S:u¯f¯ı orders (t:uruq; sg., t:ar¯ıqah), considered travel an
Suhraward¯ı (AH 549–587/1170–1208 CE) was born in a vil-
essential part of mystical discipline. The rules of s:uh:bah
lage near Zanjan, a northern Iranian city. He began his
therefore deal with both residents (Pers., muq¯ıma¯n) and trav-
studies at an early age when he went to the city of Maragheh
elers (Pers., musa¯fira¯n). Regarding those who undertook
to study philosophy with Majd al-D¯ın al-J¯ıl¯ı, and then trav-
travel as part of their spiritual training, rules were laid down
eled to Is:faha¯n, where he pursued his advanced studies in
about articles they took along, people with whom they could
philosophy and al-Bas:a¯Dir (The observations) of EUmar ibn
keep company, places where they could stay, and the way
Sala¯n al-Sa¯w¯ı with Z:a¯hir al-D¯ın al-Fa¯rs¯ı.
they had to conduct themselves while staying in a mosque,
Suhraward¯ı traveled to Anatolia and Syria, where he
in a S:u¯f¯ı center, or in an educational institution (madrasah).
met Malik Z:a¯hir, son of the famous S:ala¯h: al-D¯ın Ayyu¯b¯ı,
The main principle governing behavior in all these spheres
in Aleppo in 1200. Suhraward¯ı’s openness to other religious
was that a mystic did not forget God while involved in any
traditions, especially Zoroastrianism, as well as his keen intel-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUHRAWARD¯I, SHIHA¯B AL-D¯IN YAH:YA¯
8827
ligence and esoteric orientation, antagonized the orthodox
book of intimation), al-Muqawama¯t (The book of oppo-
jurists at Malik Z:a¯hir’s court, who declared Suhraward¯ı to
sites), al-Mut:a¯rah:a¯t (The book of conversations), and finally
be a heretic. They asked Malik Z:a¯hir to put Suhraward¯ı to
H:ikmat al-ishra¯q (The philosophy of illumination), which is
death, and when he refused they signed a petition and sent
his magnum opus. The first three of these works are written
it to S:ala¯h: al-D¯ın Ayyu¯b¯ı, who ordered his son to have
in the tradition of the Peripatetics, with commentaries and
Suhraward¯ı killed. Malik Z:a¯hir reluctantly carried out his fa-
criticism of certain Aristotelian concepts, such as the episte-
ther’s order and Suhraward¯ı was killed in 1208. For this rea-
mic function of definition.
son he has received the title al-Maqtu¯l (the Martyr).
There are shorter works, some of them written in Arabic
Not much is known about Suhraward¯ı. It is said that
and some in Persian. These works are also of a doctrinal na-
he lived somewhat of a monastic life and shied away from
ture and should be regarded as further explanations of the
people. One day he would dress in court style and the very
larger doctrinal treatises. They are: Haya¯kil al-nu¯r (Lumi-
next day as a wandering dervish. Suhraward¯ı lived at a time
nous bodies), Alwa¯h: Eima¯diyah (Tablets of EIma¯d al-D¯ın),
when the influence and power of the rationalist theologians
Partaw na¯mah (Treatise on illumination), I Etiqa¯d f¯ı
(MuEtazilites) had been substantially curtailed by the more
-al-h:ukama¯D (On the faith of the hakims), al-Lamah:a¯t (The
faith-based AshEarites. While the debate among the advocates
flashes of light), Yazda¯n shina¯kht (Knowledge of the divine),
of intellectual sciences continued, philosophical and theolog-
and Busta¯n al-qulu¯b (The garden of the heart).
ical schools were also challenged by the mystics of Islam, the
Suhraward¯ı wrote a number of treatises of an esoteric
S:u¯f¯ıs. At the center of these controversies stood Avicenna
nature in Persian. These initiatory narratives contain highly
(Ibn S¯ına¯) with his powerful philosophical paradigm. Avi-
symbolic language and incorporate Zoroastrian and Hermet-
cenna’s philosophy by Suhraward¯ı’s time had lent itself to
ic symbols, as well as Islamic ones. These treatises include:
different interpretations, and this brought about a number
EAql-i surkh (Red intellect), A¯wa¯z-i par-i Jibra¯il (Chant of the
of schools that were essentially Avicennian, though each em-
wing of Gabriel), Qis:s:at al-ghurba al-gharbiyah (Story of the
phasized different aspects of his ideas.
occidental exile), Lughat-i mura¯n (Language of the termites),
First, there was the purely Aristotelian aspect of Avicen-
Risa¯lah f¯ı h:ala¯t al-t:ufu¯liyyah (Treatise on the state of child-
na’s philosophy. Next, there were exponents of theology
hood), Ru¯z¯ı ba¯ jama¯ Eat-i S:ufiya¯n (A Day among the S:u¯f¯ıs),
(kala¯m) who found Avicenna’s logic and metaphysics to be
S:afir-i simu¯rg (The Sound of the griffin), Risa¯lah fi -al-mi Era¯j
a useful means of analysis and therefore adopted them. Final-
(Treatise on the nocturnal ascent), and Partaw na¯mah (Trea-
ly, there was the mystical aspect of Avicenna, which received
tise on illumination). These treatises are intended to demon-
less attention than his rationalistic writings. In these types
strate the journey of the soul toward unity with God and the
of writings, such as H:ay ibn Yaqz:a¯n and the final chapter of
inherent yearning of humans toward gnosis (ma Erifah).
the Isha¯ra¯t, the mystical and Neoplatonic aspects of Avicen-
There are also a number of treatises of a philosophic and
na’s philosophy are most apparent. Suhraward¯ı was well
initiatic nature. These include his translation of Risa¯lat
aware of such writings. For example, in his al-Ghurba al-
al-t:a¯ır (Treatise of the birds) of Avicenna and the commen-
gharbiyah (The occidental exile) he continues Avicenna’s
tary in Persian on Avicenna’s Isha¯ra¯t wa-al-tanbiha¯t. There
story using some of the same metaphors.
is also his treatise Risa¯lah f¯ı h:aq¯ıqat al- Eishq (Treatise on the
Suhraward¯ı’s project was to bring about a rapproche-
reality of love), which is based on Avicenna’s Risa¯lah fi-
ment between rationalism, mysticism, and intellectual intu-
al- Eishq (Treatise on love) and his commentaries on verses
ition within one single philosophical paradigm and to bridge
of the Qur Da¯n and the h:ad¯ıth. Also, it is said that Suhraward¯ı
the deep division between different schools in the Islamic in-
may have written a commentary upon the Fus:u¯s: of al-Fa¯ra¯bi,
tellectual tradition. He called his school of thought
which has been lost. Finally, there is the category of his litur-
al-h:ikmah al-ilahiyyah (transcendental philosophy) or
gical writings, al-Warida¯t wa-al-taqdisa¯t (Invocations and
H:ikmat al-ishra¯q (philosophy of illumination), and it is for
prayers), which consists of prayers, invocations, and litanies.
this reason he has been called “Shaykh al-ishra¯q” (Master of
Illumination). Suhraward¯ı argued that the application of rea-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
son as a means of discovering the truth is limited, and that
For more information concerning Suhraward¯ı’s life, see Ibn Ab¯ı
one has to rely on an experiential wisdom to comprehend the
EUs:aybiEa¯h, EUyu¯n al-anba¯ E f¯ı t:abaqa¯t al-at:ibba¯ E, edited by
truth completely. In a mystical state, Suhraward¯ı compared
August Muller (Konigsberg, Germany, 1884); Ibn
his findings through logic and discursive reasoning to his
Khallika¯n, Wafaya¯t al-a Eya¯n, edited by I. EAbba¯s (Beirut,
mystical vision; he accepted those that corresponded with
1965); Shams al-D¯ın Shahrazu¯r¯ı, Nuzhat al-arwa¯h: wa
one another, and others he rejected. For Suhraward¯ı, reason,
Rawd:at al-afra¯h: f¯ı ta Dr¯ıkh al-h:ukama¯ wa-al-fala¯sifah, edited
by Khursh¯ıd Ah:mad, vol. 2 (Hyderabad, India, 1976); and
mystical experience, and intellectual intuition are ultimately
Mehdi Amin Razavi, Suhrawardi and the School of Illumina-
reconcilable.
tion (London, 1993).
Suhraward¯ı’s writings are diverse (i.e., Peripatetic, mys-
For the major texts of Suhraward¯ı’s writing, see Opera Metaphysica
tical, and illuminationist [ishra¯q¯ı]). They include his four
et Mystica, vols. 1 and 2, edited with an introduction by
large treatises that are of doctrinal nature: al-Talwih:a¯t (The
Henry Corbin (Istanbul, 1945 and 1954). Opera Metaphysi-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8828
SUICIDE
ca et Mystica, vol. 3, edited with an introduction by S. H.
distinguishing it from martyrdom or sacrifice, on the one
Nasr (Istanbul, 1970). See also S. H. Nasr, “Suhraward¯ı:
hand, and from heroic or altruistic suicide, on the other. In
The Master of Illumination, Gnostic and Martyr,” translated
addition, the occurrence in 1978 of the mass suicides at
by William Chittick, Journal of the Regional Cultural Institute
Jonestown, Guyana, raises the question of the relation be-
2 (1969), pp. 209-225. S. H. Nasr, Three Muslim Sages: Avi-
tween religious motivations for suicide and general fear of
cenna, Suhraward¯ı, Ibn EArab¯ı (Cambridge, Mass., 1964),
persecution, combined with mass paranoia. This question
pp. 52–82; S. H. Nasr, “Shiha¯b al-D¯ın Suhraward¯ı al-
applies equally well to the mass suicide of Jews faced with
Maqtul,” in A History of Muslim Philosophy, edited by M. M.
Sharif (Wiesbaden, Germany, 1963), pp. 372–398. For
persecution in York, England, in 1190 and to the mass sui-
Suhraward¯ı’s political orientation, see Hossein Zi’ai, “The
cides of Old Believers in Russia in the late seventeenth
Source and Nature of Political Authority in Suhraward¯ı’s
century.
Philosophy of Illumination” in The Political Aspects of Islamic
Philosophy: Essays in Honor of Muhsin S. Mahdi, edited by
On the whole, what may be termed religiously motivat-
Charles E. Butterworth (Cambridge, Mass., 1992),
ed suicides constitute but a small proportion of the total
pp. 304–344; and JaEfar Sajja¯d¯ı, Shiha¯b al-D¯ın Suhraward¯ı
number of suicides. In his classic work Le suicide, Émile
wa sayr¯ı dar falsafah-yi ishra¯q (Tehran, 1984).
Durkheim discussed the social causes for egoistic, altruistic,
M
and anomic suicides. His work and that of many other schol-
EHDI AMINRAZAVI (2005)
ars demonstrate that suicide has most often occurred for rea-
sons other than religious ones. These include the desire to
SUICIDE.
avoid shame, to effect revenge, to demonstrate one’s disap-
The topic of religiously motivated suicide is
pointment in love, and to escape senility and the infirmities
a complex one. Several of the major religious traditions reject
of old age. Suicide as a means of avoiding shame and uphold-
suicide as a religiously justifiable act but commend martyr-
ing one’s honor was considered a creditable act in societies
dom; among them are Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.
as different as those on the Melanesian island of Tikopia,
These religions distinguish between actively willing to end
among the Plains and Kwakiutl Indians of North America,
one’s life in suicide and passively accepting one’s death as the
and in ancient Rome.
divine will by means of martyrdom at the hands of another.
Nonetheless, the actions of some of the early Christian mar-
Scholars have argued that the incidence of and attitude
tyrs and the deaths of the Jews at Masada in 74 CE blur this
toward suicide are largely dependent on the individual’s and
distinction.
society’s view of the afterlife. Where death is perceived as a
In contrast to religiously motivated suicide one may
happy existence, scholars such as Jacques Choron believe,
speak of heroic and altruistic suicide, the act of a person who
there is an inducement to suicide. In the first known docu-
decides that he or she has an ethical responsibility to die for
ment that apparently reflects on suicide, the Egyptian text
the sake of community or honor. One must also differentiate
entitled The Dialogue of a Misanthrope with His Own Soul,
between religiously motivated suicide and suicide that may
death is seen as attractive because it will lead to another and
be virtually forced upon an individual by the norms of soci-
better existence. The tendency toward suicide is strength-
ety and may constitute either a duty or a punishment. One
ened when suicide is regarded either as a neutral act or as one
thinks of sat¯ı, widow burning in India, and of seppuku, self-
worthy of reward. Suicide rates also increase when this life
disembowelment, when it occurred as a punishment in
is regarded as no longer acceptable or worthwhile. For exam-
Japan. In these cases too, however, no simple distinction
ple, Jim Jones, the founder of the Peoples’ Temple, urged
holds true. Sat¯ı became an accepted practice within medieval
his followers in Guyana to commit suicide in order to enter
Hinduism, upheld by the brahmans, and accounts indicate
directly into a new and better world, where they would be
that even into modern times it was often a voluntary practice.
free of persecution and would enjoy the rewards of the elect.
By her self-sacrifice the widow both achieved an honored sta-
In the Jonestown community, suicide on a mass scale was ap-
tus for herself and atoned for the sins and misdeeds of herself
preciated as a religiously justifiable act that would be reward-
and her husband. Seppuku was often the voluntary last act
ed in the afterlife.
of a defeated warrior who chose to demonstrate both his feal-
ANCIENT GREEK AND ROMAN CIVILIZATION. While the an-
ty to his lord and his mastery over himself.
cient Greek writers and philosophers did not consider suicide
Like the major Western traditions, both Buddhism and
an action that would lead to a better existence, they did see
Confucianism condemn suicide, but there are examples of
it as an appropriate response to certain circumstances. The
self-immolation by Buddhist monks and of the seeking of
fact that Jocasta, the mother of Oedipus, chose to commit
honorable death by Confucian gentlemen. In contrast to
suicide upon learning of her incestuous relationship with her
these traditions, Jainism regards favorably the practice of sal-
son was understood and appreciated by the ancients as an ap-
lekhana, by which a Jain monk or layperson at the end of his
propriate response to a disastrous situation. Heroic suicide
lifetime or at the onset of serious illness attains death by grad-
in the face of a superior enemy and the choice of death to
ual starvation.
avoid dishonor or the agony of a lengthy terminal illness were
These few examples demonstrate the complexity of the
accepted as justifiable actions. Through the voice of Socrates,
topic of religiously motivated suicide and the difficulty in
Plato in his Phaedo did much to form the classical attitude
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUICIDE
8829
toward suicide. Socrates himself chose to drink the hemlock,
who had failed his master’s request to kill him, then fell upon
but he also affirmed the Orphic notions that humans are
his own sword. The death of Ahithophel, the counselor to
placed in a prison from which they may not release them-
David and then to David’s son Absalom, would appear to
selves and that they are a possession of the gods. The decision
be a suicide motivated by disgrace. When Absalom refused
to commit suicide is thus an act against the gods, depriving
to follow the advice Ahithophel gave him regarding his battle
them of their prerogative to end or to sustain human life.
with David, Ahithophel returned home, set his affairs in
The key word for both Plato and Socrates is necessity. A per-
order, and hanged himself (2 Sm. 17:23). The last suicide
son may appropriately end his life only when the gods send
recorded in the Hebrew scriptures, the death of the king
the necessity to do so upon him, as in fact they did to Socra-
Zimri, occurred because of the loss of a decisive battle (1 Kgs.
tes. Plato’s disciple, Aristotle, argued even more strongly
16:18).
against suicide. He regarded it as an offense against the state,
since by such an act a person fails to perform his obligations
Although Hebrew scriptures do not explicitly forbid sui-
as a citizen. Thus it became a social outrage—a view that has
cide, the Judaic tradition came to prohibit it, partly in the
continued to dominate thought in the West until the most
belief that God alone gives life and takes it away, and partly
recent times.
on the basis of the sixth commandment, which forbids un-
justified homicide. However, rabbinic law regards persons
Whereas the Pythagoreans and Epicureans opposed sui-
committing suicide as most frequently being of unsound
cide, the Stoics regarded it favorably under certain circum-
mind and thus not responsible for their actions. Under these
stances. The Stoic was obliged to make a decision that prop-
circumstances, they may still receive normal Jewish burial
erly addressed the demands of the situation; at times the
rites. Furthermore, suicides committed under duress, as for
decision might be to commit suicide. Both Zeno and his suc-
example to avoid murder, idolatry, or adultery, were consid-
cessor, Cleanthes, are reported to have done so.
ered blameless and indeed even praiseworthy. The mass sui-
cide at Masada in 74 CE and other mass suicides in Europe
Heroic suicide and suicide to avoid dishonor or suffer-
during the Middle Ages were considered in this light.
ing became frequent within the society of the Roman em-
pire. Seneca, in particular, moved beyond the insistence on
Concerning Masada, the historian Josephus Flavius re-
a divine call or necessity for suicide to the assertion that sui-
counts, on the basis of the report of a few survivors, that on
cide at the appropriate time is a basic individual right. For
the eve of the Roman assault on that hill the leader of the
Seneca, the central issue was freedom, and he affirmed that
vastly outnumbered Jewish resistance, ElEazar ben YaDir,
the divine had offered humankind a number of exits from
called the community together and reminded them of their
life; he himself chose to exercise the right to suicide. His suc-
vow not to become the slaves of the Romans. That night
cessor, Epictetus, placed more limits on suicide, stressing
many of the soldiers killed their families and committed sui-
again the belief that one must wait for the divine command
cide. Others drew lots to decide who would kill his fellows
before acting: The suffering that is a normal part of daily life
and then die by his own hand. It is impossible to say how
for much of humanity does not of itself constitute a sufficient
many of the more than nine hundred defenders allowed
reason for suicide—although exceptional pain and suffering
themselves to be killed and how many ended their lives by
offer justifiable cause. For Epictetus, Socrates was the best
suicide. In spite of the Jewish prohibition against suicide,
model and guide in deciding when one might legitimately
Masada came to be regarded as a heroic sacrifice, and it re-
choose to end one’s life.
mains a living symbol of a people’s response to oppression.
JUDAISM. Whereas suicide was at the very least tolerated, and
Although accounts of individual suicide within Judaism
often applauded, among the ancient Greeks and Romans,
are rare, there are examples of mass suicides during times of
the Hebrew people disapproved of it. Judaism draws a clear
persecution. During the First Crusade, in 1096, Jews who
distinction between suicide, which it defines as self-murder,
had obtained sanctuary in the bishop’s castle at Worms chose
and martyrdom, which it defines as death on behalf of one’s
mass suicide over baptism; similar instances of suicide to
faith and religious convictions. Nonetheless, the Hebrew
avoid baptism occurred in various Rhineland towns, such as
scriptures, which contain few references to dying by one’s
Mayence, and in York, England, where in 1190 some 150
own hand, do describe several instances of heroic suicide.
Jews set fire to the building in which they had sought safety
The king Abimelech, gravely wounded by a woman, called
and then consigned themselves to the flames. Yet other in-
upon his armor-bearer to kill him (Jgs. 9:52–54). Although
stances of mass suicide occurred during the Black Death,
he did not literally kill himself, his command to his aide may
when popular superstition blamed the outbreak of the plague
be regarded as effecting what he could not perform himself,
on the Jews. Although abuse and persecution were certainly
so that he might not die in dishonor. The death of Samson
major motivating factors during the periods of the Crusades
(Jgs. 16:28–31) may certainly be judged a heroic suicide,
and the Black Death, these mass or multiple suicides appear
since by his act he brought about the demise of a large num-
to have arisen from a deep religious desire to remain true to
ber of the enemy Philistines. The gravely injured Saul fell
the faith. They point again to the difficulty in distinguishing
upon his own sword in order to avoid a disgraceful death at
between, on the one hand, suicides motivated by fear of per-
the hands of his enemies (1 Sm. 31:4), and his armor-bearer,
secution and, on the other, suicides motivated by religious
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8830
SUICIDE
convictions and ideals, deaths that in the latter case the tradi-
who chose death by fire over obedience to liturgical changes
tion judges to be acts of martyrdom. Certainly the deaths at
introduced by the archbishop Nikon, with the subsequent
Masada must be regarded as both faithful obedience to reli-
backing of the tsars. According to tradition, on several occa-
gious affiliation and identity and the culmination of a desire
sions one to two thousand people who had been besieged by
to give the Jews’ enemies a hollow victory.
government troops, as at Paleostrovskii monastery in 1688,
locked themselves within chapels or monasteries and burned
CHRISTIANITY. Christianity repudiates suicide on much the
them to the ground, consigning their own bodies to the
same biblical grounds as does Judaism. The only suicide re-
flames.
corded in the New Testament is that of Jesus’ betrayer, Judas
Iscariot; it is described in such a way as to indicate that it
Although martyrdom as a testimony to one’s faith con-
was a sign of repentance for his deed (Mt. 27:3–5). The
tinues to be honored within Christianity, suicide as an indi-
church father Tertullian referred even to Jesus’ death as vol-
vidual act undertaken for nonreligious motives is regarded
untary—a description approximating that of suicide, since
as a sin, and until recently it was regarded as a crime unless
clearly a divine being controls his own life. In his book Con-
done in ignorance of its implications or in a state of lunacy.
version (1962), Arthur Darby Nock points to the “theatricali-
Few Christian theologians and philosophers challenged this
ty” present in some of the actions of the early martyrs, as in
view. John Donne, who served as dean of Saint Paul’s in
“the frequent tendency of Christians in times of persecution
London, was a notable exception. In his book Biathanatos,
to force themselves on the notice of the magistrates by tear-
written in 1608 but not published until 1644, Donne chal-
ing down images or by other demonstrations” (p. 197). Bish-
lenged the Augustinian belief that suicides cannot repent; he
op Ignatius of Antioch, writing to his fellow Christians in
argued that a totally negative attitude toward suicide places
Rome, pleaded that they do nothing to hinder his martyr-
limitations on the mercy and charity of God. New attitudes
dom but allow him to be consumed entirely by the beasts.
toward suicide were subsequently expounded by a variety of
But whereas Tertullian asserted that only martyrs would
philosophers such as David Hume, who argued that suicide
reach paradise before the Parousia, Clement of Alexandria
is not a crime. However, although the Christian attitude to-
sought to stem the tide of those rushing to martyrdom by
ward suicide may now be characterized as more compassion-
differentiating between self-motivated suicide and genuine
ate than during earlier periods, the act of suicide, in contrast
martyrdom for the faith.
to martyrdom, continues to be regarded as a serious sin.
In his City of God, which appeared in 428 CE, the church
ISLAM. Islam joined Judaism and Christianity in prohibiting
father Augustine wrote against suicide in a way that became
suicide (intih:a¯r) while glorifying those who die the death of
determinative for the tradition. He discussed various situa-
a martyr (shah¯ıd) or witness to the faith. While scholars de-
tions in which a Christian might find himself or herself, and
bate whether or not the QurDa¯n itself specifically forbids sui-
concluded that suicide is not a legitimate act even in such
cide, they agree that the h:ad¯ıth, the traditions that preserve
desperate circumstances as those of a virgin seeking to protect
the words of the Prophet on a wide variety of issues, prohibit
her virtue. Augustine argued that suicide is a form of homi-
suicide. According to these sources, Muh:ammad proclaimed
cide, and thus prohibited by the sixth commandment; that
that a person who commits suicide will be denied Paradise
a suicide committed in order to avoid sin is in reality the
and will spend his time in Hell repeating the deed by which
commission of a greater sin to avoid a lesser; and that one
he had ended his life. By the tradition’s own standards, reli-
who commits suicide forfeits the possibility of repentance.
giously motivated suicide is an impossibility, since the taking
Subsequent church councils, as well as such eminent theolo-
of one’s own life is both a sin and a crime. Nonetheless, as
gians as Thomas Aquinas in the thirteenth century, sided
with Judaism and Christianity, the line between suicide and
with Augustine. Suicide, in contrast to martyrdom, came to
martyrdom is not clear. Since it is believed that the Muslim
be regarded as both a sin and a crime. Dante placed suicides
martyr who dies in defense of the faith is rewarded with im-
in the seventh circle of the inferno in his Divine Comedy, and
mediate entrance into Paradise, where he or she will enjoy
popular opinion throughout Christian Europe regarded sui-
great pleasures and rewards, it would not be surprising if
cides in the same light as witches and warlocks. Indeed, their
some Muslims readily participated in battles even when
corpses were treated in a similar manner: Suicides were fre-
badly outnumbered, in the hope that they might die while
quently buried at crossroads with stakes driven through their
fighting.
hearts to prevent their ghosts from causing harm. The last
recorded instance of such a burial in England occurred in
Within Islam the Sh¯ıE¯ı sect emphasizes the self-sacrifice
1823, and the law mandating confiscation of the property
and suffering of its imams, the successors to Muh:ammad.
of a convicted suicide remained on the books until 1870.
The death of H:usayn, the grandson of the Prophet, and the
third imam, was regarded by his followers as an act of volun-
In spite of ecclesiastical censure, religious impulse did
tary self-sacrifice that could be termed a religiously motivated
lead to suicides, sometimes on a mass scale. Some thirteenth-
death. Although he died on the battlefield, his death was sub-
century Cathari or Albigensians may have chosen suicide by
sequently interpreted as a goal he both desired and actively
starvation. Even more dramatic are the accounts of the Old
sought; the passion play enacted as the climax of EA¯shu¯ra¯D
Believers (raskol Dniki) in late-seventeenth-century Russia
(tenth of Muh:arram) depicts his death as actively willed. In
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUICIDE
8831
a translation of this play (Muhammedan Festivals, edited by
been a form of suicide motivated by both social and religious
G. E. von Grunebaum, New York, 1951) Husayn says:
considerations. Although the custom is not unique to India,
“Dear Grandfather [Muh:ammad], I abhor life; I would rath-
it nonetheless was practiced there most frequently and over
er go visit my dear ones in the next world” (p. 92). Within
the longest period of time. The practice may go back as far
Shiism, and the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı sect, H:asan-i Sabba¯h: in the twelfth
as the fourth century BCE, but it began to grow in popularity
century formed the order of the Assassins, which was devoted
only after about 400 CE. According to Upendra Thakur in
to establishing its own religious and governmental autono-
his study The History of Suicide in India, “sat¯ı in its latest
my, in part by killing both Crusaders and Sunn¯ı Muslims.
forms was a mediaeval growth though it had its germs in an-
The death of a member of this order was regarded not as a
cient customs and rituals” (1963, p. 141). The practice of
suicide, even when his mission had been one almost certain
sat¯ı might take one of two forms. In one, sahamaran:a, the
to result in his death, but rather as a glorious martyrdom that
woman ascended the funeral pyre and was burned alongside
would earn him both the veneration of society and the de-
the corpse of her husband. In the second, anumaran:a, when
lights of Paradise. The tradition cites many accounts of a
the wife learned that her husband had died and his body had
mother who rejoiced on hearing of the death of her son, only
already been cremated, she would ascend the pyre and die
to put on mourning clothes when she learned subsequently
alongside his ashes, or with some belonging of his. Certainly,
that he had not died and thus had not attained the glorious
at least in some cases, sat¯ı was motivated by genuine feelings
state of martyrdom.
of grief and affection on the part of the widow. Although the
practice remained voluntary, in some areas social pressure
HINDUISM AND JAINISM. In discussing Judaism, Christiani-
may have made sat¯ı more the rule than the exception. No
ty, and Islam, this article has pointed to the close relationship
doubt the practice also gained popularity because the life of
between suicide and martyrdom and the difficulty frequently
a widow was both lonely and degrading. On the other hand,
encountered in distinguishing between them. Regarding the
the blessing or curse of a woman on her way to perform sat¯ı
religions of the East, the difficult issue is the relation between
was believed to be very powerful, and her act of sacrifice was
suicide and sacrifice. In Hinduism, the Bra¯hman:as laid the
believed to purify both herself and her husband. Thus, al-
foundation for religiously motivated suicide by declaring
though the act of sat¯ı may not always have been religiously
that the fullest and most genuine sacrifice is that of the indi-
motivated, it did have its religious reward. The British, dur-
vidual’s self. The S´atapatha Bra¯hman:a outlines the procedure
ing their rule of India, made a determined effort to abolish
by which one renounces the world, forsaking one’s belong-
the practice, finally outlawing it as homicide in 1829.
ings and departing into the forest. Certainly Hinduism af-
firms that suicide must be a thoughtful decision—as in the
Perhaps the tradition that most explicitly condones reli-
resolve of a person to end the sufferings of old age—or that
giously motivated suicide is Jainism. Following the teaching
it must be a religiously motivated act. One Upanis:ad con-
of their saint Mahavira, who lived in the sixth century BCE,
demns those who attempt suicide without having attained
the Jain monk and the Jain layperson lead, in differing de-
the necessary degree of enlightenment. The Dharmasu¯tras
grees, a rigorously ascetic life in order to attain liberation and
firmly prohibit any suicide other than one religiously moti-
to free the soul from karma. Members of the laity as well as
vated. In ancient and medieval Hinduism a number of meth-
monks are encouraged to practice sallekhana¯ (austere pen-
ods of committing suicide were regarded favorably, such as
ance), in order to attain a holy death through meditation.
drowning oneself in the Ganges, jumping from a cliff, burn-
Jains believe it is their duty to prevent disease or the infirmi-
ing oneself, burying oneself in snow, or starving oneself to
ties of old age from undermining the spiritual progress they
death. Various places of pilgrimage, such as Praya¯ga (present-
have attained through asceticism and meditation. Jainism
day Allahabad) or Banaras, were seen as particularly auspi-
prescribes strict rules for when sallekhana¯ is appropriate. As
cious places for ending one’s life.
Padmanabh S. Jaini indicated in his book The Jaina Path of
Purification, Jainism distinguishes between impure suicide,
Two types of suicide in Hinduism, very different in
by which the passions are increased, and pure suicide, the
form and intention, are worthy of special examination. The
holy death attained with “inner peace or dispassionate mind-
first is the death by suicide of the enlightened person, the
fulness” (Jaini, 1979, p. 229). Sallekhana¯ involves gradual
world renouncer. Such a person, in his or her quest for re-
fasting, often under the supervision of a monastic teacher,
lease from sam:sa¯ra, has been devoted to increasingly difficult
until the stage is reached whereat the individual no longer
acts of penance and to a thorough study of the Upanis:ads.
consumes any food or drink and thus gradually attains death
Once this person has attained the goal of freedom from all
by starvation. Jains perceive sallekhana¯ to be the climax of
desires, he or she may begin the great journey in the direction
a lifetime of spiritual struggle, ascetic practice, and medita-
of the northeast, consuming nothing other than air and
tion. It allows the individual to control his own destiny so
water. According to the lawgiver Manu, a brahman might
that he will attain full liberation or at the very least reduce
also follow this procedure when beginning to be overcome
the number of future reincarnations that he will undergo.
by a serious illness.
BUDDHISM AND CONFUCIANISM. Turning to Buddhism and
The second form of suicide in Hinduism that deserves
Confucianism, one finds that suicide is legislated against in
special attention is sat¯ı, widow burning. It appears to have
both traditions, but that there are notable exceptions involv-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8832
SUICIDE
ing religiously motivated suicide. Gautama Buddha, in his
tion, courage, and other cardinal qualities were concentrat-
personal search for salvation, deliberately chose against the
ed” (Morris, 1975, p. 367). Thus, by committing oneself to
practice of fasting unto death. Nonetheless, under certain ex-
the performance of seppuku, which became a clearly defined
traordinary circumstances, Buddhists see religiously motivat-
ritual, one demonstrated in this final act the greatest degree
ed suicide as an act of sacrifice and worship. Indications of
of self-control, discipline, and courage.
this positive attitude toward suicide, or self-sacrifice, are
CONCLUSION. This article has focused directly on religiously
found in some of the accounts of the Buddha’s previous lives
motivated suicide. It has omitted references to suicide among
contained in the Jatakas (Birth Tales). The stories of the
elderly Inuit (Eskimo) and among young Tikopia islanders,
Buddha’s previous lives as a hare (S´a´sa Ja¯taka) and as a mon-
to cite only two examples from a vast number of possibilities.
key (Maha¯kapi Ja¯taka) both describe suicide as an act of self-
In these cases, as in many others, although the suicides may
sacrifice to benefit another, and only in the story of the mon-
be heroic or altruistic, they do not demonstrate a clear reli-
key does this act lead to death. Another famous account is
gious motivation. Suicides by reason of financial failure, or
that from the Suvarn:aprabha¯sa, a Maha¯ya¯na su¯tra, which de-
loss of honor or of a loved one, occur among the Kwakiutl
scribes the suicide or sacrifice of the Buddha, during his life
and Iroquois Indians, as well as among Bantu-speaking peo-
as the prince Maha¯sattva, in order to feed a hungry tigress
ples of Africa. Occurrences of suicide are not limited by ge-
unable to care for herself. Following this model, Buddhism
ography or time, but of the many suicides that have taken
in its various forms affirms that, while suicide as self-sacrifice
place throughout the ages, only a small proportion can be
may be appropriate for the person who is an arhat, one who
judged to be religiously motivated.
has attained enlightenment, it is still very much the excep-
tion to the rule.
The examples of religiously motivated suicide discussed
here demonstrate the wide variety of forms and purposes that
Confucianism based its attitude toward suicide on an-
the act may take. Many of the examples, from both East and
other consideration, that of filial piety and obligation. The
West, illustrate the difficulty in distinguishing between sui-
person who commits suicide robs his ancestors of the venera-
cide that is religiously motivated and suicide that is motivat-
tion and service due them and demonstrates his ingratitude
ed by heroism, altruism, or fear of persecution and suffering.
to his parents for the gift of life. The duty of a gentleman
The deaths at Jonestown in 1978 raise anew the problem of
is to guide his life according to li, the code or rules of propri-
how to differentiate between religiously motivated suicide
ety. In rare cases, suicide was required of the gentleman who
and suicide induced by paranoia and terror. There is no sim-
failed to uphold these rules. In some instances a gentleman
ple distinction between suicide and martyrdom, on the one
might commit suicide to protest improper government, since
hand, or between suicide and sacrifice, on the other. In for-
above all a gentleman was obliged to uphold the virtue of hu-
mulating these distinctions and in evaluating the morality
maneness. Thus, in these unusual instances suicide was the
and religious value of certain acts that result in death, each
correct way to demonstrate adherence to the precepts of
person brings to bear his or her own religious and ethical val-
Confucianism.
ues and tradition. Such personal judgment must, however,
Although the Japanese tradition of seppuku, or harakiri,
be conjoined with the awareness that what may be perceived
should be regarded in its voluntary form as heroic rather than
by one observer as needless self-sacrifice or even self-murder
as religiously motivated suicide, it nonetheless does contain
may be judged by another as the noblest example of reli-
certain religious elements. The standard by which all acts of
giously motivated suicide in behalf of beliefs, values, or
seppuku (disembowelment) were judged was set by the heroic
tradition.
Minamoto Yorimasa during a desperate battle in 1180.
SEE ALSO Martyrdom.
While suicide was usually performed as an individual act by
a noble warrior or samurai, there are examples in Japanese
history of mass suicides, such as that of the forty-seven ronin
BIBLIOGRAPHY
who accepted the penalty of seppuku in order to avenge the
There is a vast literature on suicide, but relatively little of it focuses
death of their lord in 1703.
on the act as religiously motivated. Any student of the topic
must begin with Émile Durkheim’s Le suicide, translated by
While Christian missionaries in Japan, from the time of
John A. Spaulding and George Simpson as Suicide: A Study
the arrival of the first Jesuits, sought to prevent seppuku, the
in Sociology (New York, 1951). It is the classic work on the
Zen Buddhist tradition continued to regard it as a form of
varieties of suicide analyzed from a sociological viewpoint.
honorable death. The selection of the hara, or belly, as the
Jacques Choron’s chapters on “Suicide in Retrospect” and
point at which the sword was plunged into the body reflected
“Philosophers on Suicide” in his volume Suicide (New York,
1972) are quite helpful in understanding the place of suicide
the belief that the abdomen is the place where one exercises
in the West at different times. A volume edited by Frederick
control over one’s breathing and is, indeed, the central point
H. Holck, Death and Eastern Thought: Understanding Death
of self-discipline. More generally, as Ivan I. Morris states in
in Eastern Religions and Philosophies (Nashville, 1974), con-
his book The Nobility of Failure, the abdomen was consid-
tains several chapters that refer to suicide. Alfred Alvarez also
ered in the Japanese tradition as “the locus of man’s inner
discusses the themes of religious motivation for suicide and
being, the place where his will, spirit, generosity, indigna-
religious prohibition of the act in his book The Savage God:
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUKKOT
8833
A Study of Suicide (London, 1971). He includes personal re-
McCutcheon, Russell. Manufacturing Religion. Oxford, 1997. See
flections on his own suicide attempt, and describes his
the pp. 167–177 for the self-immolations of the Vietnamese
friendship with the poet Sylvia Plath, who committed suicide
Buddhist monks, providing a non-historical political expla-
in 1963.
nation which is unreliable from the religious-historical point
Among the older studies of the topic, still useful are Suicide: A So-
of view.
cial and Historical Study by Henry Romilly Fedden (London,
Hinduism
1938) and To Be or Not to Be: A Study of Suicide by Louis
Bosch, Lourens P. van den. “A Burning Question: Sati and Sati
I. Dublin and Bessie Bunzel (New York, 1933).
Temples as the Focus of Political Interest.” Numen 37
(1990): 174–194. The issue is situated in the context of reli-
There are relatively few sources that consider religiously motivated
gion’s definition.
suicide in specific traditions. For the Western religious tradi-
tions, the reader should refer to the bibliography of the arti-
Weinberger-Thomas, Catherine. Ashes of Immortality: Widow-
cle Martyrdom as well as to the various primary sources men-
Burning in India. Chicago, 1999. A radically new interpreta-
tioned throughout this article. In addition, for Judaism, the
tion of sat¯ı based on fieldwork in northern India as well as
reader will find useful Yigael Yadin’s Masada: Herod’s Fortress
extensive textual analysis.
and the Zealots’ Last Stand (New York, 1966) and Cecil
New Cults
Roth’s A History of the Jews in England (Oxford, 1941),
Introvigne, Massimo. “The Magic of Death: The Suicides of the
which discusses the events at York. On Christianity, particu-
Solar Temple.” In Millennialism, Persecution, and Violence.
larly informative is Samuel E. Sprott’s The English Debate on
Historical Cases edited by Catherine Wessinger. Syracuse,
Suicide from Donne to Hume (La Salle, Ill., 1961). William
N.Y., 2000, pp. 287–321.
A. Clebsch has prepared a new edition of John Donne’s
Kabazzi-Kisiniria, S. Deusdedit, R. K. Nkurunziza, and Gerald
work, translated as Suicide (Chico, Calif., 1983), with a very
Banura. The Kanungu Cult-Saga. Suicide, Murder or Salva-
helpful introduction. Robert O. Crummey presents a fasci-
tion? Kampala, Uganda, 2000.
nating account of suicides among the RaskolDniki in his book
The Old Believers and the World of Antichrist: The Vyg Com-
Mayer, Jean-François. Il Tempio Solare. Turin, Italy, 1997.
munity and the Russian State, 1694–1855 (Madison, Wis.,
Nesci, Domenico Arturo. The Lessons of Jonestown. An Ethnopsy-
1970). See especially his chapter entitled “Death by Fire.”
choanalytic Study of Suicidal Communities. Rome, 1999. The
On Islam, the most useful secondary source remains Franz
author is a professional psychoanalyst and psychiatrist but
Rosenthal’s “On Suicide in Islam,” Journal of the American
writes as a humanist
Oriental Society 66 (1946): 239–259. For the Assassins, one
Wessinger, Catherine. How the Millenium Comes Violently. From
should consult the comprehensive historical account by Mar-
Jonestown to Heaven’s Gate. New York and London, 2000.
shall G. S. Hodgson in The Order of Assassins: The Struggle
Islam
of the Early Nizârï Ismâ Eïlïs against the Islamic World (1955;
Cook, David. “Suicide Attacks or ‘Martyrdom Operations’ in
New York, 1980).
Contemporary Jihad Literature” Nova Religio: The Journal of
For the Eastern traditions, in addition to the volume edited by
Alternative and Emergent Religions. 6, no. 1 (2002): 7–44.
Holck and the primary texts mentioned in the article, the fol-
lowing books are useful sources for individual traditions. For
MARILYN J. HARRAN (1987)
Hinduism, see both the older account by Edward Thomp-
Revised Bibliography
son, Suttee: A Historical and Philosophical Enquiry into the
Hindu Rite of Widow-Burning (London, 1928), and the more
comprehensive study by Upendra Thakur, The History of
SUKKOT is the Hebrew name for the Jewish autumnal
Suicide in India: An Introduction (Delhi, 1963). For Jainism,
festival, also called the Festival of Booths, or Tabernacles.
Padmanabh S. Jaini offers a detailed account of sallekhana¯ in
Sukkot begins on the fifteenth day of the month of Tishri
his book The Jaina Path of Purification (Berkeley, 1979). The
and lasts for seven days, followed by an eighth day called
Buddhist account entitled “The Bodhisattva and the Hungry
E
Tigress” may be found in the volume edited by Edward
Atseret (possibly meaning “assembly”; see Lv. 23:36, Nm.
Conze, Buddhist Scriptures (Harmondsworth, 1959). For the
29:35). (Outside Israel, EAtseret is observed also on the ninth
Japanese attitude toward suicide and death, see the fascinat-
day.) Thus, according to Jewish tradition, there are really two
ing work by Ivan I. Morris, The Nobility of Failure: Tragic
distinct but interconnected festivals: Sukkot proper and
Heroes in the History of Japan (New York, 1975), and for the
Shemini EAtseret (“eighth day of EAtseret”). The Sukkot ritu-
study of seppuku among the warrior class, see The Samurai:
als are carried out only on Sukkot proper; two are essential.
A Military History by S. R. Turnbull (New York, 1977).
The first is to dwell in booths or tabernacles (sukkot; sg. suk-
New Sources
kah) as a reminder of the dwellings in which the Israelites
Buddhism
lived at the time of the Exodus from Egypt (Lv. 23:33–44).
Jan, Yün-Hua. “Buddhist Self-Immolation in Medieval China.”
The second is derived from the biblical verse regarding four
History of Religions 4 (1965): 243–268. A survey of Chinese
plants: lulav (palm branch), etrog (citron), Earavot (willows),
Buddhist texts providing justifications of religious suicide.
and hadassim (myrtles) (Lv. 23:40). It is traditionally under-
Lamotte, Etienne. “Le suicide religieux dans le bouddhisme.” Bul-
stood that these four plants are to be ritually held in the
letin de la Classe des Lettres et des Sciences de l’Académie royale
hand. Sukkot, as the culmination of the three pilgrim festi-
de Belgique 51 (1965). 156–168. A monographic study by
vals, is the season of special rejoicing (Dt. 16:13–17) and is
the foremost scholar of classic Buddhism.
referred to in the liturgy as “the season of our joy.”
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8834
SUMERIAN RELIGION
THE SUKKAH. The main symbol of the festival is a hut, hav-
day the scrolls of the Torah are taken in procession around
ing at least three walls, no roof, but covered with leaves or
the synagogue, and the “bridegrooms” invite the congrega-
straw. During the seven days of the festival, all meals are
tion to a festive repast.
eaten in the sukkah. Many Jews, especially those living in
warm climates, sleep there as well. In addition to the biblical
BIBLIOGRAPHY
reason, medieval thinkers saw the command to dwell in the
Two useful books on the Sukkot rituals and customs are Isaac N.
sukkah, a temporary dwelling, as a reminder to man of the
Fabricant’s A Guide to Succoth, 2d ed. (London, 1962), and
transient nature of material possessions, and an exhortation
Hayyim Schauss’s The Jewish Festivals: History and Obser-
that he should place his trust in God. According to the mys-
vance (New York, 1973).
tics, the sukkah is visited on each of the seven days by a differ-
New Sources
ent biblical hero—Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, Aaron, Jo-
Rubenstein, Jeffrey L. The History of Sukkot in the Second Temple
seph, and David. It is the custom among many Jews to recite
and Rabbinic Periods. Atlanta, 1995.
a welcoming formula to these guests (ushpizin) as if they were
Ulfgard, Ha˚kan. The Story of Sukkot: The Setting, Shaping, and Se-
real persons visiting the sukkah.
quel of the Biblical Feast of Tabernacles. Tübingen, 1998.
THE FOUR SPECIES. The rite of the four plants consists in
Yaged, Moshe. “The Biblical Readings for the Festival of Suk-
taking them in the hand during the synagogue service and
kot—Their Influence on Simhat Torah.” Journal of Jewish
waving them above and below and in the four directions of
Music and Liturgy 10 (1987–1988): 1–5.
the compass. The stated reason is to dispel harmful “winds”
LOUIS JACOBS (1987)
and to acknowledge God as ruler over all. Various interpreta-
Revised Bibliography
tions have been given of why it is commanded to take these
four plants. For example, it has been said that they represent
the human backbone, heart, eye, and mouth, all of which
must be engaged in the worship of God. Moses Maimonides
SUMERIAN RELIGION SEE MESOPOTAMIAN
(1135/8–1204) treated these as homiletical interpretations
RELIGIONS
and suggested as the true reason a means of thanksgiving to
God for the harvest. The harvest motif is also observed in
the custom of having a procession in the synagogue while
SUN.
holding the four plants on each day of Sukkot. During the
There can hardly be anyone on earth who has not
procession the HoshaEnah (“save now”) prayer for a good
been profoundly aware of the apparent progress of the sun
harvest in the year ahead is recited. On the seventh day there
across the heavens and who has not related to it, either per-
are seven processions, hence the name of the day, HoshaEnah
sonally or as a numinous force. The rising and setting of the
Rabbah (“great HoshaEnah”). At the end of the service on
sun provides one of the primal dichotomies, parallel to those
this day, the ancient custom of beating bunches of willows
between day and night, light and darkness, warmth and cold,
on the ground follows. On Shemini EAtseret a special prayer
life and death, yang and yin. Night is mysterious, dangerous,
for rain is recited. In a later development within Jewish tradi-
akin to the darkness of the womb. Daylight symbolizes re-
tion, HoshaEnah Rabbah is seen as setting the seal on the
newed life, truth, logic. In modern thinking, the sun often
judgment made on Yom Kippur, so that the day is a day of
stands for individual consciousness, and the moon (or night)
judgment with prayers resembling those offered on Yom
for the unconscious, the ocean, or the feminine principle. In
Kippur. There is a folk belief that if a person sees his or her
children’s drawings, a happy scene includes a huge round sun
shadow without a head on the night of HoshaEnah Rabbah,
with rays like hair. Unhappy and frustrated children produce
that person will die during the year.
an entirely black sky. Mentally disturbed patients often draw
their own bodies as the sun’s disk, complete with arms and
SHEMINI EATSERET. The last day of the festival has acquired
legs like rays.
a new character from medieval times. The weekly Torah
readings—from the beginning of Genesis to the end of Deu-
In classical poetry birth is described as “reaching the
teronomy—are completed on this day and then immediately
shores of light.” In the Eumenides of Aeschylus, the conflict
begun again, so that the day is both the end and the begin-
is between the fearsome Furies, avengers of the mother’s
ning of the annual cycle. The day is now called Simh:at Torah
blood, who constantly invoke the “dark mother,” and the
(“rejoicing of the Torah”). In the Diaspora, Simh:at Torah
shining Apollo, revealer of truth and righteousness (and sym-
falls on the second day of Shemini EAtseret (23 Tishri). In
bolic of paternal predominance). The west, where the sun
Israel, Simh:at Torah coincides with the one-day celebration
sets, in most rituals represents death; the east, where the sun
of Shemini EAtseret on 22 Tishri, the day also observed by
rises, life and birth. Even Neanderthal burials were oriented
Reform Jews, who no longer observe the additional second
according to east and west. When a Greek priest faced north
day of festivals traditionally observed by Diaspora Jews. The
in sacrifices, the right hand, stretched toward the east, repre-
person who has the honor of completing the reading is called
sented the fortunate side, the left, the “sinister.”
the “bridegroom” of the Torah, and the one who begins the
In many primitive mythologies, the sun is an object
reading again is the “bridegroom” of Genesis. On this joyful
tossed up or hung in the sky by mortals or trickster figures.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUN
8835
The Hopi Indians claim that they made their sun themselves,
round form to produce the winged disk so common in solar
by throwing into the sky a shield made of buckskin together
iconography. In Africa and India the tiger and especially the
with a fox skin and a parrot’s tail to make the colors of sun-
lion are sun animals; in the Americas, the eagle and the jag-
rise and sunset. The San of Africa believe that the sun was
uar. Leo is the zodiacal sign for the fiercest summer month;
once a mortal who gave out light from his armpit. In order
the lion is the royal animal on all the kingly architecture of
to make the light brighter, some children threw him into the
the ancient Near East. The many representations of a lion
sky, whereupon he became round and shines now for all hu-
attacking a bull may, some have surmised, reflect the heat
mankind. Among the Tatars, the culture hero Porcupine
of summer routing spring, represented in the zodiac by Tau-
took some fire on his sword and threw it up into the sky to
rus, the bull, or the paternal cult, attacking the female
make the sun. For the moon, he thrust his sword into the
horned moon.
water; thus the sun is hot and the moon cool. The famous
American Indian trickster Coyote is said to have sent the
Eclipses of both sun and moon were experienced with
wolf to bring him fire to make the sun. In one of the Oceanic
great dread. The Tatars believed that an eclipse meant that
myths that describe life beginning inside a shell, the creator,
the sun was attacked by a vampire who lived in a star. In
Spider Woman, opened the shell and then threw up two
Norse myth the sun was pursued by a supernatural wolf who
snails to make the sun and moon. In Norse mythology the
will devour it when the world ends. The ancient Egyptians
sun and moon are sparks from Muspelheim, the realm of fire.
believed that a demon—the Chinese, a dragon—was attack-
The gods, however, anthropomorphized them and set them
ing the sun. Some North American Indian tribes, on the
to drive chariots across the sky.
other hand, believed that the sun and moon were eclipsed
when they held their infants in their arms. In Tahiti it was
In more sophisticated societies, the luminaries were set
believed that eclipses occurred when the sun and moon were
in the heavens by the high god. Sometimes, they represented
mating.
his eyes. In ancient Egypt the sun was sometimes called the
eye of Re; in northern Europe, the eye of Óðinn (Odin); in
Many devices were employed to “cure” eclipses, such as
Oceania, the eye of Atea.
the beating of drums or the making of other loud noises or
the shooting of arrows at the sun. “Snaring the sun” is one
The creation myth of Mesopotamia, Enuma elish, relates
of the most widespread sun myths in Oceania and North
how the conquering god Marduk, who had solar characteris-
America. This is one of the exploits of Maui, the Polynesian
tics himself, “set up stations for the gods in the sky, deter-
culture hero, for instance, who caught the sun and beat it so
mining the year by setting up the zones.” According to the
that it would not go so fast. It has been conjectured that sto-
Book of Genesis “God made the two great lights, the greater
ries of this kind are explanations for the solstices, when the
light to rule the day, and the lesser light to rule the
sun is perceived to stand still for several days. The high cul-
night. . . . And God set them in the firmament of the heav-
tures of the Inca and of Mesoamerican peoples were familiar
ens to give light upon the earth, to rule over the day and over
with the stations of the sun, and the Pueblo measured sunrise
the night, and to separate the light from the darkness” (1:16–
points on the eastern horizon to divide the year. The Zuni
18). In Plato’s great myth the Timaeus, “the Demiurge [the
used as a gnomon an erect slab with a solar effigy on top,
creator] lit a light which we now call the sun. . . to shine
and the sun temple at Cuzco, like Greek temples, was so ori-
through the whole heaven and to enable the living creatures
ented that the sun at the solstice would penetrate the shrine.
to gain a knowledge of numbers from the uniform move-
ments. In this way there came into being night and day, the
There seems to be no doubt that the impressive monu-
period of the single most intelligent revolution” (39c). Thus
ment at Stonehenge in England was set up to mark the sol-
the Demiurge, having set out all the heavenly bodies, put
stices and equinoxes as well as the stations of the moon. New
them in motion and brought time into being.
carbon 14 readings indicate that Stonehenge is at least as old
as the first pyramids, ruling out influence from the East on
More often, the sun is anthropomorphized, sometimes
its construction. In view of the tremendous labor involved
as a female but more frequently as a male. He crosses the sky
in moving and setting the megaliths, which occurred in three
by the appropriate means of locomotion. In ancient Sumeria,
stages several centuries apart, there can hardly be any ques-
he walked. In ancient Egypt, he sailed in a boat like the ones
tion that religious motivation was involved. Diodorus
on the Nile, in company with some of the other gods and
Siculus, writing in the first century BCE, described a “spheri-
the pharaoh. When the horse was domesticated, about the
cal temple to Apollo among the Hyperboreans,” which may
beginning of the second millennium BCE, the sun drove a
be a reference to Stonehenge as a great temple to the sun.
chariot pulled by white or flaming horses. The horse, the sa-
Recent research has turned up other observatories in Scot-
cred animal of the Indo-Europeans, was one of the animals
land, the Orkneys, and even in Carnac in Brittany. Gold and
most closely connected with the sun and was often sacrificed
bronze disks engraved with crosses and spirals, daggers and
to it. Another creature associated with the sun was the
horse trappings with the same designs, and amber disks with
bird—a falcon, raven, or eagle, or, of course, the fabulous
gold rims, all contemporary with the last phase of Stone-
phoenix, which dies and is born again from the fire every five
henge, have been found in the British Isles and in Scandina-
thousand years. The wings of birds are attached to the sun’s
via. It is tempting to imagine a crowd of people, each carry-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8836
SUN
ing a sun amulet, waiting for the summer sunrise at
who vanishes in flames, seem to point to other solar con-
Stonehenge.
nections.
A spectacular object confirming northern sun worship
Homer’s Odysseus has been interpreted as a sun figure,
is the famous disk found in Trundholm in northern Zealand,
since he wanders for nine years, which is the period the
plated with gold and decorated with circles and spirals; it is
Greeks used to correlate solar and lunar calendars. He finally
set on wheels and drawn by a bronze horse, probably one of
reaches his Penelope, who weaves by day and unravels by
a pair. In all the Scandinavian countries have been discovered
night. Most replete with sun details, however, is the story of
objects and rock carvings decorated with disks, boats, and
Herakles, son of the sky god Zeus, who wanders the earth
scenes of humans raising their arms to a disk. Sometimes
to perform his deeds, returns unhurt from the underworld,
there are men in the shape of disks, carrying weapons. These
dies in a fire, and is taken up to heaven. He not only lives
have been interpreted as solar deities or mortals wearing the
on in heaven but also has a shade who lives on in the under-
sun’s emblem. The wheel, the boat, the cross in a circle, and
world. Herakles’ labors were perhaps limited to twelve (al-
the swastika (a moving wheel) can all be seen as sun symbols.
though others have been recorded) in order to fit them into
the zodiac.
The summer solstice in northern Europe today is
marked by bonfires and the rolling downhill of flaming
As an all-seeing eye who travels the world, the sun ac-
wheels, as it was no doubt millennia ago. The winter solstice
quired the character of a spy for the gods and therefore a
is a time to encourage the sun to grow again, represented by
stern judge of humankind. When the heavenly bodies began
the burning of the Yule log, the H:anukkah light, and the
to be seen as parts of a well-ordered and consistent system,
lighted candles of Saint Lucy in Sweden. The boar’s head at
more pure and dependable than that of the old gods, the sun,
the Christmas feast represents the old year, or the old sun,
an obvious leader in the sky, took his place as a symbol of
and the suckling pig with the apple of immortality in its
the newly emerging royal power. Thus, organized cults of the
mouth is the new sun.
sun are strongest in the great civilizations, which were often
kingships. A new sense of power and organization, as well
It was the tendency of nineteenth-century scholars to
as a new sense of justice, found its central source in kingship,
search for a single key to the understanding of all mythology.
just as the harmony of the heavens was centered in the sun.
One of the most popular of these keys was the concept of
“It is a remarkable coincidence,” writes Jacquetta Hawkes,
the sun hero, a ubiquitous figure who was either the sun itself
“that a discovery and an invention attendant on the creation
or an offspring of the sun. It has become clear over the years
of Bronze Age civilization came just in time to provide sym-
that all myths cannot be traced to one source. Yet there are
bols of the sun gods and their temples. These were gold and
some elements of myth that do seem to have solar references
the wheel” (Hawkes, 1962, p. 73). Since its discovery, gold
in common, perhaps formulated by the ancients at the time
has been the royal metal, as well as the sun’s. The sun royal
when astral religion invaded the Mediterranean world. It has
was adopted by all kings but never so completely as by the
been pointed out (by Joseph Campbell, for instance, in The
Sun King, Louis XIV (r. 1643–1715). Elizabeth II of En-
Hero with a Thousand Faces) that in most myths heroes have
gland at her coronation in 1952 wore a golden gown under
one divine parent and that they wander about on the earth
her robe, and her archbishop prayed that her throne “may
and make at least one trip to the underworld. Also, most
stand fast in righteousness forevermore, like the sun before
myths describe a wandering sun, which goes under or behind
her and as the faithful witness in heaven.” One must thus
the earth at night, and in most myths the divine parent is
look to the high civilizations and imperial kingships to find
perceived as a sun figure. One instance is the Greek Perseus,
the most highly developed cults of the sun.
whose mother, an underground divinity, was impregnated
ANCIENT EGYPT. Very early in its history, somewhere in the
by a shower of gold, the sun’s metal. Another is the Irish Cú
fourth millennium BCE, Egyptians broke away from a moon
Chulainn, who is explicitly a son of Lugh Lamfhada, “Lugh
calendar and organized time around the heliacal rising of the
of the long hands,” an epithet that is reminiscent of the long
star Sirius, which occurs about July 19. This date coincided
rays that end in human hands pictured at Amarna in Egypt.
with the yearly inundation of the Nile, the most important
Lugh was a god of brightness and the sky and, like Apollo,
period in the agricultural life of a country that has no rainfall
master of all crafts. He fought at the mythical battle of Moy-
and no seasons. From that time on the year was divided into
tura, where he vanquished his grandfather, the giant Balor,
twelve months of thirty days each, with a five-day intraca-
who had one eye in the middle of his forehead, like the cy-
lendrical period. Whether or not this arrangement affected
clopes, who were also sun figures. The Welsh counterpart of
the religious life of the Egyptians, as some have argued, the
Lugh is Lleu Llaw Gyffes, or Lludd. Lludd had a temple at
sun in various aspects became the dominant figure in Egyp-
Lydney in England near the Severn where he is portrayed,
tian religious life, combining with, and in some cases sup-
perhaps through Roman influence, as a young man with a
planting, other deities.
solar halo driving a chariot. The Samson of Genesis, a mighty
and short-tempered Herakles figure, has a name derived
One of the earliest manifestations of the sun was the fal-
from the Hebrew word for “sun.” Samson’s fight with a lion,
con god Horus, who appears on the famous palette of Nar-
and his birth, which is connected with a supernatural figure
mer, the unifier of the two lands that became Egypt. Horus
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUN
8837
was probably an ancient sky god, seen as a soaring bird who
IV (1379–1362 BCE), however, who attempted, in one of the
was manifest in the sun itself; he was known as Re-Harakhty,
great religious revolutions of history, to convert the entire
the god of the horizon, or sunrise. He was at first the son
nation to monotheistic worship of the Aton as sole god.
of the sky goddess Hathor (in Egypt the sky is female and
Whether he was religiously motivated or whether he wished
the earth male). Later, as the tendency to group the impor-
to break the power of the enormously wealthy priesthood,
tant gods into families developed, he was known as the son
he sought to abolish all other worship in favor of the Aton,
of Osiris, the god of fertility and the underworld. Osiris’ sis-
the sun’s disk. He changed his name to Akhenaton (“Aton
ter-wife, Isis, mourns for her dead husband and secretly raises
is satisfied”) and built a new capital at Amarna. In this city
their son Horus to do battle with Osiris’ murderer, his broth-
he supported a new school of art, which pictured him in nat-
er Seth. In this family, the sun god, Re, was combined with
uralistic style with his beautiful wife Nefertiti and his five
an older creator god, Atum. In Heliopolis, a temple com-
daughters, all under the brilliance of the sun, which reached
pound just north of modern Cairo near the old capitol of
down to earth with long rays ending in human hands. Akhe-
Memphis, a powerful priesthood built up the cult of Re-
naton has left a well-known hymn to the Aton as creator of
Atum, beginning at least in the fourth dynasty (2600 BCE).
all the beauties of the world: “How manifold are your works.
This is the period in which were built the first great pyra-
They are mysterious in men’s sight, O sole incomparable
mids, which pointed toward the sun. In the mythology de-
god, all powerful. You created the earth in solitude as your
veloped at Heliopolis, the creator Re-Atum produced land
heart desires. Men you created, and cattle, whatever is on
from the surrounding waters. A mound in the temple was
earth.” Akhenaton’s revolution failed, and after his mysteri-
known as the Ben-Ben and was supposed to represent the
ous death the priesthood reclaimed their power, and a young
semen of Re. Out of his own substances the creator god made
man (probably his son-in-law) resumed the worship of
sky and earth, air and water, and finally the four divinities:
Amun, adopting the name of Tut-Ankh-Amun (or Tutankh-
Osiris, Seth, and Isis and Nephthys, their wives.
amen).
The powerful priesthood at Heliopolis proclaimed the
MESOPOTAMIA. In the land between the Tigris and Euphra-
pharaoh the son of the Sun. It seems likely that the earlier
tes rivers, where are found the earliest traces of urban living,
pharaohs had themselves represented the Sun, and that they
writing, kingship, and an organized priesthood, the sun was
lost power under the growing influence of the priesthood.
at first subordinate to the moon. To the first recorded inhab-
It was also possible for the priests to control the selection of
itants, known as the Sumerians, the chief god was An, a sky
the pharaoh’s divine successor from among his offspring.
god who had retired from active control and left the rule of
The history of ancient Egypt is neatly divided into the
the universe to his son, Enlil, the Air. A son of Enlil was the
Old, Middle, and New Kingdoms, with two intervening pe-
important moon god, Nanna, whose children were the
riods of anarchy. After the first intermediate period, a new
Sun—Utu—and the Evening Star—Inanna. In Sumerian
royal house arose in the south, at Thebes. There, Re was
times, the regions were divided into a series of independent
combined with a local god, Atum, the “Hidden One,” prob-
cities, each devoted to the worship of a patron god. Only two
ably representing the air. This god flourished throughout the
minor cities, Larsa and Sippar, worshiped Utu, the Sun.
New Kingdom, when Egyptian power spread into Asia. The
great temples at Karnak and Luxor testify to the power and
The Semitic-speaking states that followed the Sumeri-
enormous wealth of the sun cult.
ans took over the religious organization they found, calling
the moon Sin and the sun Shamash. In that dangerously tor-
The sun was usually pictured as sailing across the sky
rid land, the sun was considered a baleful god. But since he
in a boat, with various attendants and sometimes with the
traveled continually across the sky, he was considered a spy
pharaoh himself. At other times the sun is seen sailing up the
for the high gods and a stern judge of humankind. Travelers
leg and belly of the sky goddess, who bends over the earth
prayed to him before setting out on a journey, and armies
or straddles it in the form of a cow. Or the sun was swallowed
before an expedition. He was thus a warrior god and leader
at night by the sky mother and is born each morning from
of armies. In the quest of the hero Gilgamesh for the secret
between her thighs. The sun was symbolized by a falcon but
of immortality, it was the Sun who guided him on his jour-
more notably by the mythical phoenix, which alighted on the
ney. Originally the Sun walked across the heavens; in later
Ben-Ben every five hundred years, was consumed in fire, and
times he rode a cart drawn by onagers, wild asses from the
rose again. Another important symbol of the sun was the
desert. Still later, the horse drew the Sun’s chariot. The Sun
scarab, the dung beetle Khepri, which supposedly created it-
in his chariot appeared in the morning at the eastern gate on
self by rolling its eggs in balls of dung. The obelisks, as well
the Mountain of Sunrise, in the evening arrived at the
as the gold-topped pyramids, point toward the sun. On the
Mountain of Sunset, and then passed through to the under-
early squat obelisk of the fifth dynasty, the sun is pictured
world. Because of his appearance in the underworld, the Sun
as creator of life and lord of the seasons.
was sometimes pictured in company with Tammuz, the
In the reign of Amunhotep III (1417–1439 BCE), the
Mesopotamian dying god, who dies and is reborn. There was
actual disk of the sun, called the Aton, began to appear as
very little concern for judgment of the dead in Mesopotamia,
a numinous symbol. It was the pharoah’s son Amunhotep
and Shamash’s character as judge was thus reserved for the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8838
SUN
upper world. At Ur, it was the Sun who punished a corrupt
The most cherished animal of the Indo-Europeans was
judge for taking bribes and oppressing the people.
the horse, and they perhaps introduced the chariot to the
western world. From this time on the sun is pictured as driv-
Shamash was the god of oracles and was supposed to in-
ing a chariot across the sky, and the horse became one of the
scribe the signs that the diviners read in the intestines of
sun’s animals, often sacrificed to him.
sheep. Soothsayers claimed they were descended from a king
of Sippar, who lived before the flood; the diviners were the
In ancient Indian and Iranian texts appear the names
most prestigious of the priests in that city of the Sun. From
Varun:a and Mitra, which seem to mean respectively “the
Assyrian times are preserved a number of questions asked of
sky” and “the light of day.” Mitra faded out in India, but in
the Sun concerning the state and the royal family. The divin-
Iran, as Mithra, he was the subject of many hymns in the sa-
er read the answers in the entrails of dissected sheep. Proba-
cred writings, the Avesta. Mithra is said to represent celestial
bly a result of this activity was the Sun’s power to control
light, which appears before sunrise on the mountains,
witches and demons.
whence it crosses the sky in a chariot. He is said to be neither
sun, moon, nor star, but with his hundred eyes he constantly
Shamash was also invoked to heal the sick, free captives
keeps watch on the world. None can deceive him, so he is
from bondage, and help women in labor. One prayer reads,
viewed as a god of truth and righteousness. He is the enforcer
“O Shamash, lofty judge . . . may the knot that impedes her
of oaths and contracts and is also called “lord of the wide pas-
delivery be loosed . . . may she bear. May she remain in life
tures who giveth abundance and cattle.” He combats the
and walk in health before the godhead.” The Sun, in other
forces of evil, spies out his enemies, swoops down and con-
words, brings the unborn to light. He was also asked to deliv-
quers them, and is the ally of the faithful in their wars. Thus
er victims of spells, curses, and ghosts: “O Shamash, may I
Mithra, though not identified with the sun, shares all the at-
be strong and face the authors of my enchantment!”
tributes of the Mesopotamian Shamash. When the Persians
The sun god is pictured as an old man with a long beard;
conquered Babylon the name Mithra was translated as Sha-
sunbeams radiate from between his shoulder blades. He is
mash. A large number of the names of Persian aristocrats are
seen sitting on a throne or sometimes on a horse. His special
compounds of Mithra.
symbols are a four-pointed star in a disk with flames shooting
The Greek historian Herodotus relates that the Persians
out from between the points of the star and, of course, the
sacrificed to the sun as well as to earth, fire, and water and
winged disk, which was set above representations of royalty.
that leprosy was thought of as punishment for a sin against
The study of heavenly bodies, conducted in Mesopota-
the sun (Histories 1.138). When Xerxes was leading his huge
mia from at least 2000 BCE, led to a belief in an ordered uni-
army through Asia Minor to attack Greece, he waited on the
verse and in the important position of the sun among the
Asiatic shore until sunrise and then poured a libation from
planets. Thus, with the rise of centralized imperial power in
a golden cup, which he threw together with a golden scimitar
Assyria and Babylonia, the sun came into prominence as a
into the sea (7.54). Xerxes’ army was accompanied by a rider-
symbol of royal power. The lawgiver Hammurabi (c. 1750
less chariot drawn by eight white horses, which Herodotus
BCE) calls Shamash “great judge of heaven and earth” and
says was sacred to Zeus, the sky god. It was followed by a
proclaims that it was from Shamash that he received his laws.
chariot of the sun, also drawn by white horses. Herodotus
The sun god is seen seated on a throne, handing Hammurabi
also tells us that along the route were led horses that were
a ring and a staff. The sun temple at Babylon was known as
intended to be sacrificed to the sun. Horse sacrifices have
“the house of the judge of the world.”
been recorded from India to Ireland and have commonly ac-
companied the coronation of kings.
Warlike Assyrians claimed Shamash as a great god of
battles, almost the same as their own Ashur. Assyrian kings
A true sun hymn occurs in the Avesta: “Unto the undy-
called themselves “suns of the world.” Marduk, hero of the
ing, swift-horse sun be propitiation and glorification. . . .
New Year festival at Babylon and a grandson of the high
When the sun rises up, the earth, made by Ahura, becomes
gods, is shown as a heavily bearded god with sun rays ema-
clean. . . . Should the sun not rise up, the demons would
nating from his shoulders. Thus the Sun in Mesopotamia,
destroy all things.” Every layman in ancient Persia was re-
first perceived of as judge, lawgiver, and governor of magic,
quired to recite a prayer to the sun at sunrise, at noon, and
illness, and prophecy, grew into an image of the Sun Royal.
at three in the afternoon. Persian deities were established in
T
Lydia, Cappadocia, and Armenia by Iranian officials, and it
HE INDO-EUROPEANS. About the beginning of the second
is probably through Persian influence that the sun god be-
millennium BCE, people speaking related languages spread
came prominent in places like Emesa, Baalbek, and Palmyra
across western Asia into Europe, bringing similar pantheons
in Syria.
into India, Iran, Asia Minor, and most of Europe. Their high
god was a sky god—Dyaus, Pitar, Zeus, or Jupiter. But in
In India, the same divinities, Varuna and Mitra, are
many cases this high god tended to fade out of the pantheon,
called in the R:gveda “kings of gods and men.” They drive
leaving the universe to his offspring, sometimes the sun god.
chariots across the sky and live in heavenly palaces with a
This process, known as solarization, brought the sun to the
thousand gold columns and a thousand doors. Ten hymns
fore as creator and ruler of the gods.
of the R:gveda are devoted to the sun under the name of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUN
8839
Su¯rya, who seems to represent the actual disk of the sun.
suffering from a plague were told by the Delphic oracle to
Su¯rya had the power to drive away darkness, witches, and evil
sacrifice a goat to the Sun. When they did, and the plague
dreams; he is also a healing god, particularly effective against
stopped, in gratitude they sent a bronze goat to the oracle,
jaundice. He is the husband of Dawn and drives a chariot,
which many people, says Pausanias, thought was the Sun it-
sometimes with one and sometimes with seven horses. An-
self. Corinth itself was originally sacred to the Sun and, ac-
other name for the sun is Savitr:. Sometimes it is said that
cording to Pausanias, was called Heliopolis (“city of the
the sun is Savitr: before his rising and Su¯rya afterward. Savitr:
sun”). Later the Sun gave the city to Aphrodite.
“brings all men and animals to rest; men lay down their work
The island of Rhodes, however, had a true cult of the
and birds seek their nests.” Among other names given to the
sun, influenced perhaps by the sun worship of the East. In
sun in the ancient poems is that of Vis:n:u, because “he strode
legend, the island was brought up out of the sea to compen-
across the sky in three giant steps” to ward off demons from
sate Helios for his exclusion from the heavenly lottery. It was
humankind. Vis:n:u, of course, came to be one of the three
on Rhodes that Helios loved the nymph Rhoda and begot
great gods of Hinduism, the one especially benevolent to hu-
the seven wise men of the ancient world. An impressive festi-
mankind.
val of the sun, held on Rhodes every four years, included ath-
ANCIENT GREECE. In Hesiod’s Birth of the Gods (c. 750 BCE)
letic games and a chariot race. Every year the Rhodians threw
Helios is the son of Hyperion, also a sun figure, and is the
into the sea a chariot drawn by four horses. The famous co-
brother of the Moon (Selene) and of the Dawn (Eos). He
lossus of Rhodes, one of the seven wonders of the world,
is not included in the family of Olympians who came into
erected in 284 BCE, was a figure of the sun god. Pliny re-
prominence after Homer and Hesiod (from about 800 BCE),
counts that it was 105 feet high and that one of its fingers
but belongs to an older, less-well defined group that was
was larger than most statues. It was thrown down by an
closely connected with natural phenomena. In Homer (c.
earthquake sixty-six years after it was erected.
800 BCE), Helios reveals to Hephaistos the adultery of his
In addition to being an all-seeing eye and god of ven-
wife, Aphrodite. In the Demeter myth he reports that Hades
geance, the sun in Greece has a connection with magic.
has carried off to the underworld Demeter’s daughter, Per-
Among his children were Aeetes, king of Colchis, Circe, the
sephone. The chariot of the sun is mentioned not in Homer
witch of the Odyssey, and Pasiphae (“all-shining”; perhaps a
but in the so-called Homeric Hymns (c. 700 BCE). Demeter
reference to the moon), who bewitched her husband, Minos
stands before the chariot as she begs for help. According to
of Crete. Most famous of the sun’s lineage is Medea, daugh-
the Homeric Hymn to Helios, “as he rides in his chariot, he
ter of Aeetes, whose enchantments form the plot of Euripi-
shines upon all men and deathless gods, and piercingly he
des’ play.
gazes with his eyes from his golden helmet. He rests upon
the highest point of heaven until he marvelously drives down
The Odyssey tells the story of the cattle of the Sun, which
again from heaven to the Ocean.” The poet Mimnernus (c.
were taboo to mortals. They roamed on the island of Trinac-
630 BCE) describes the sun as floating back through the sub-
ria, seven herds of fifty each, tended by two daughters. Odys-
terranean ocean in a golden bowl made for him by the divine
seus had been warned not to touch the cattle, but his ma-
smith Hephaistos. These descriptions laid the foundations
rooned sailors were starving and killed and ate some. The
for the hundreds of depictions of the sun in his chariot in
flesh on the spits writhed and lowed. The Sun appealed to
Greek art, continuing into Roman times.
Zeus for vengeance and threatened to go down and shine in
the underworld if he were not appeased. Zeus therefore
As in Mesopotamia, the Sun in Greece is involved in
hurled a thunderbolt, which destroyed the ship and left only
oaths and is a god of vengeance. In Aeschylus, Prometheus,
Odysseus alive in the water. These cattle have been interpret-
bound upon his crag, calls upon “the all-seeing circle of the
ed in various ways: Some say that they are the clouds that
sun” to witness his woes. In Oedipus of Colonus, by Sopho-
gather at sunrise and sunset, and Aristotle thought they stood
cles, Creon drives his brother-in-law out of the house so that
for the days of the lunar year.
“the sun may not look upon such a wretch.” Cassandra in
Aeschylus’s Agamemnon calls upon the Sun for vengeance on
In ancient Greece, Apollo was a god of prophecy, sick-
her murderers. Medea in Euripides’ play makes Aegeus swear
ness, healing, and death. He is connected by the historian
by earth and sun that he will protect her. In the Argonautica
Herodotus with the Hyperboreans, people of the north or
of Apollonius Rhodius (third century
east, who sent mysterious offerings to Apollo at Delphi.
BCE) she swears by the
Sun and Hekate. In the Iliad, 19.196, a boar is sacrificed to
From the fifth century BCE on, there are suggestions that link
Zeus and the Sun in confirmation of an oath.
Apollo to the sun. The best known myth of the sun from
ancient Greece is the story of Phaethon, who begged to drive
There was little direct worship of the sun in ancient
the chariot of the sun, lost control of it, and would have
Greece, though there are traces of earlier rites. Plato says the
scorched the earth if he had not been killed by a thunderbolt.
earlier Greeks made obeisance to the rising and setting sun.
In a fragment of Euripides, the mother of Phaethon says that
Pausanias in his guidebook to Greece (second century BCE)
the true name of the sun is Apollo, meaning “the destroyer,”
mentions several shrines to the sun in remote places. For in-
since he had destroyed her son. The Orphic poets, as well
stance, the people of a little town north of Corinth, when
as the Cynic philosopher Crates (c. 300 BCE), called the sun
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8840
SUN
Apollo. Cornutus, writing about Greek mythology in the
the most widespread of these, apparently first taken up by
first century BCE, says that the sun is Apollo and the moon
soldiers of Pompey from Cilician pirates. The cult was obvi-
is his sister Artemis. In Roman times, after the names of the
ously derived from the older Iranian cult, but from the two
Greek gods reached Italy, this identification was taken for
intervening centuries that separate these cults little is known
granted. The first Roman emperor, Augustus, favored the
about Mithra; the cult spread, however, to all areas of the
worship of Apollo, built a temple to him on the Palatine, and
empire. It involved initiation in a simulated cave; immortali-
had the poet Horace, in his secular hymns, speak of the sun
ty was promised to initiates as a reward for the soldierly qual-
as Apollo and the moon as Diana (identified often with
ities of courage and discipline. Some astral features were col-
Greek Artemis).
lected along the way, and the degrees of initiation were
As the intellectual life of philosophy developed, the
known by the names of the planets. Mithra, who was said
Olympians lost their appeal. Philosophers substituted for
to be a special comrade or son of the sun, was born from a
them the “visible gods,” the fixed heavenly bodies. In Plato’s
rock and sacrificed a bull, from which all creation sprang.
Laws (10.3) Socrates prays to the rising sun. Star lore from
After his deeds on earth were accomplished, he partook of
Mesopotamia combined with Greek mathematics to produce
a special love feast with the sun god before being carried up
astrology, which gave impetus to the tendency to believe that
to heaven in a fiery chariot. The initiates imitated the love
the heavens had a meaningful relationship with humans.
feasts in mithraea, underground shrines, which can still be
Many philosophers opposed astrology, but the Stoics em-
found wherever the legions went. In death they were to be
braced it as an example of the pantheism they advocated. The
carried to the sun in Mithra’s chariot. It became traditional
sun was obviously the most important of the planets, and in
for steles of the emperor to depict this journey upward in the
the growing mysticism of the Roman era became the final
sun’s chariot.
destination of souls freed from the wheel of fate.
One of the more lurid incidents in the late Roman em-
ANCIENT ROME. As in Greece, sun festivals are rare in an-
pire involved the short reign of a young man who called him-
cient Rome, but there are indications of the early worship
self Elagabalus, or Heliogabalus, after his god. A relative of
of Sol Indiges, that is, an original and native god. There was
Septimius Severus (r. 193–211 CE) on his Syrian wife’s side,
a public sacrifice to this god on the Quirinal on the ninth
the youth was the hereditary priest of a sun god who was
of August. Varro’s book on agriculture (first century BCE)
worshiped at Emesa in Syria in the shape of a black meteor-
says he will mention not the city gods but those who are the
ite. After the death of Severus and his son Caracalla, the la-
best guides of the farmer, the sun and moon, “whose seasons
dies of the court contrived to have the youth named emper-
are observed at seedtime and harvest.” Varro believed that
or, though he was then only fourteen years old. He brought
the Sabine king Tatius, a contemporary of the founder Rom-
his black stone to Rome and built for it a magnificent temple
ulus, brought to Rome the worship of the sun and moon.
on the Palatine. In front of his temple every day the youth
He also stated that the ancient family of the Aurelii (whose
burned incense, poured wine, offered bloody sacrifices,
descendants founded the cult of Sol Invictus) came from the
and—most difficult for the Romans to accept—danced Ori-
Sabine country and that their name was originally Ausel, the
ental dances. According to the time-honored fate of unsuit-
Sabine word for “sun.”
able emperors, the young man was assassinated after four
The sun and moon were deities of the chariot races. It
years of rule.
is possible that the famous “October horse” ritual, held on
The final victory at Rome of the sun god came about
the ides of October, was originally a sacrifice to the sun. This
through the emperor Aurelian, who in 270 CE assumed the
ritual involved a sacrifice of the outside winning horse; a sim-
task of reconquering those parts of the empire that had de-
ilar ritual occurred in March, and thus these rituals marked
fected. Aurelian’s mother is said to have been a priestess of
the planting and the harvest seasons. The Sun had a temple
the Sun in the village in which he was born, from the old
on the Aventine near the Circus, from which spectators
Sabine family of the Aurelii. The time was ripe for a new su-
could watch the races. The Sun’s image in gold was on the
preme deity who would symbolize imperial power, the per-
roof, since it was not proper to display the Sun indoors. It
son of the emperor, and the new astral religion. Aurelian
was to that temple that offerings were made when a conspira-
found such a god in Palmyra, the oasis city in the Syrian de-
cy against Nero was revealed, since the Sun had discovered
sert. Aurelian dedicated a fortune in gold, silver, and jewels
the plot (Tacitus, Annals 15.74). Augustus, returning from
from his plunder to restore the temple of the Sun in Palmyra.
the conquest of Egypt, brought with him two obelisks with
In 274 CE he established Sol Invictus (“the invincible sun”)
inscriptions declaring that he dedicated them to the sun, one
as the official religion of the Roman empire, and was the first
of which he set up in the Campus Martius and the other in
emperor to wear Oriental robes and the diadem, a sun sym-
the Circus. They are now in the Piazza di Monte Citorio and
bol. Sol Invictus continued as supreme god and patron of
the Piazza del Popolo.
emperors until Constantine, who started his reign as a sun
Under the empire, various forms of sun worship spread
worshiper and later turned the empire over to Christianity.
into Rome from the East, imported both by slaves and by
The coins of Aurelian and of succeeding emperors show the
the Roman legions. The cult and mysteries of Mithra were
Sun offering the ruler, as Preserver of the World, a globe.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUN
8841
The Sun portrayed in these coins is not Oriental; he has the
Amaterasu, stands for light and purity. Susano-o no Mikoto,
features of the Greek Apollo, wearing a crown with solar rays.
realizing that the earth could only be created and peopled if
Sometimes he drives a chariot drawn by four horses. Such
the two powers cooperated, tried to force his way into the
coins read: “To the Invincible Sun, companion of Augustus.”
abode of Amaterasu, whereupon she hid in a cave and left
the world in darkness. There are a number of caves in mod-
Julian, called the Apostate, in his brief reign (359–362)
ern-day Japan that are identified as the cave where the god-
tried to bring back the worship of the sun. “From my child-
dess hid herself. Eventually the other gods persuaded Ama-
hood,” he writes in his prose hymn to the sun, “an extraordi-
terasu to emerge. Among the sacred regalia they employed
nary longing for the rays of the sun penetrated my soul”
to ensure her emergence was a mirror—the mirror that is said
(Hymn to King Helios 130c). The Neoplatonists, with whom
to be part of the ritual at the famous Ise Shrine.
Julian identified the leading philosophical school of the late
empire, believed in one supreme ineffable god but were able
Shinto¯ teaching maintains that Amaterasu and Susano-o
to accept the sun as a symbol, “offspring of the first god.”
no Mikoto represent not good and evil but complementary
According to Julian, “His [Helios’s] light has the same rela-
qualities that are necessary to produce life on earth. Eventual-
tion to the visible world as truth to the intelligible world”
ly the world as it stands was completed, and Amaterasu be-
(ibid., 133a). Julian recognized three aspects of the sun god:
came the ancestor of the first emperor of Japan. The sun god-
the sun of the intelligible world, of the intellectual world,
dess is the center of Shinto¯ worship, which is intended to
and of the sensible world, which last he identified with
bind the people together in reverence for her earthly repre-
Mithra.
sentative. The goal of Shinto¯ is the maintenance of harmony
among humankind, nature, and the gods. The greatest reality
The birthday of Sol Invictus and of Mithra were celebat-
visible in the heavens becomes the symbol of the greatest re-
ed on December 25, close to the time of the winter solstice.
ality known and revered on earth.
In 353 or 354 CE Pope Liberius set this date as the Feast of
the Nativity, and a few years later he founded the Church
The earliest records of Shinto¯ derive from the seventh
of Santa Maria della Neva, now known as Santa Maria Mag-
century BCE, when writing was introduced, but the roots of
giore, which became the center of the Roman celebration of
the system may stretch much further back. In the Middle
Christmas. The Nativity gradually absorbed or supplanted
Ages, it was much influenced by Buddhism, but the two be-
all the other solstice rites. Solar imagery came increasingly
came distinct in the eighteenth century. In 1946, the Ameri-
to be used to portray the risen Christ (who was also called
can occupation forces demanded that the emperor renounce
Sol Invictus), and the old solar disk that had once appeared
his divine status as part of their abolition of the state religion.
behind the head of Asian rulers became the halo of Christian
It appears that the formal renunciation has had little effect
saints. Excavations under Saint Peter’s Basilica, undertaken
on the symbolic relationship that has endured for centuries
in hope of finding the tomb of Peter, found a very early
between the sun goddess and the imperial family. On the
Christian mosaic that showed Christ driving a chariot, with
other hand, the retreat of state Shinto¯, which had highly po-
rays above his head.
liticized overtones and which was the basis for a fanatical mil-
JAPAN. The national religion of Japan, Shinto¯, is an extraor-
itarism, in a sense returned the religion to the people. The
dinary combination of myth, national feeling, ancestor wor-
priests, without government support, turned to the popula-
ship, and highly sophisticated mysticism. Japanese writers on
tion. When it became time for the reconstruction of the
the subject assert that theoretical analysis in the Western style
Grand Shrine at Ise, which is prescribed every twenty years,
is quite unsuitable for Shinto¯; it is rather a system of rites,
there was an unprecedented outpouring of donations from
feelings, and intense poetic appreciation. There is no doubt
the entire populace. More than fifty million people contrib-
that the performance of the rites has over the centuries given
uted to the rebuilding of the shrine in 1953, even more in
the Japanese people a confidence in themselves and their
1973.
place in society and the universe. The sun appears on the Jap-
The rituals have continued and the emperor has partici-
anese flag today, but the epithet “Land of the Rising Sun”
pated in the divine nature of his ancestors by praying for the
was perhaps invented by the Chinese.
well-being of his people. In the great ceremonies at the end
Japanese cosmogony, first recorded in the seventh cen-
of June and December (the solstices), the imperial families
tury CE, relates how the islands came to be formed out of the
and ministers of state pray for purification from sin for the
primeval waters by a celestial couple, who gave birth to many
entire country.
other natural features. When the wife was burned and died
THE AMERICAS. Many native North Americans regarded the
in giving birth to fire, her husband, fleeing from the sight
Sun as their supreme deity. In the Plains, the Crow thought
of her decomposing body, stopped to purify himself, and in
of themselves as descendants of the Sun and swore by it. In
the process produced from his right eye the Sun (female) and
lower Mississippi, the Natchez maintained a total theocracy;
from his left eye the Moon (male). The Moon plays very little
their priest-chieftain was a substitute on earth for their su-
part in the mythology, but from the nose of the original hus-
preme being, the Sun. For the Pueblo, the Sun is a powerful
band was produced Susano-o no Mikoto, who represents vi-
deity but subordinate to others, such as the Corn Goddess.
olence, earthly qualities, and death, while the sun goddess,
They perform ceremonies at the summer solstice to slow
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8842
SUN
down the sun and at the winter solstice to hasten his progress
sun represented the physical disk of the sun, under the name
toward spring. It is presumed that these rites are a projection
of Tonatiuh. He appears on the huge calendar stone, thirteen
of the same religion that is a basis for the sun cults of the
feet across, that is now in the Museo Nacional de An-
high cultures of Mexico and Peru.
tropología. This stone pictures the four suns that the Aztecs
believed had existed before them and the fifth, under which
Mesoamerica. The Maya of Mesoamerica developed a
they lived. The former suns had been destroyed by storms,
complex civilization that to date has not been entirely re-
floods, and darkness, and the present sun, represented by
vealed to modern researchers. There are still discoveries to
Tonatiuh, was to end in an earthquake. The whole calendar
be made in the huge structures now in ruins; they are proba-
is circled by fire serpents, which the Sun uses to fight his ene-
bly not cities in a real sense but religious establishments
mies at night. The entire religion of the Aztec was suffused
where a priestly caste expended tremendous energies on
with the battle between light and darkness and life and death.
mathematical study and on astronomical observations. They
The universe, they believed, would fall into ruins if they did
invented a sign for zero and produced two complicated cal-
not feed the “skeleton” sun every morning as he rose.
endars, which come together every fifty-two years. The site
of one of their complexes was itself a huge calendar by which
It seems to have been the priesthood, possibly under the
they could determine solstices and equinoxes. Since the
influence of psychedelic drugs, who drove the armies to seek
Maya hieroglyphics have not been entirely deciphered, and
increasing numbers of conquests in order to provide prison-
since many of their sacred books were destroyed by the Span-
ers for the sacrifices. Huitzilopochtli is said to have pro-
iards, there is no clear picture of their complex religious pan-
claimed, “My principal purpose in coming and my vocation
theon, which involved four aspects for each deity (for the
is war.” All young Aztec were educated for war and taught
four points of the compass), or of the characteristics of their
to endure pain. There is a story told of the gladiatorial battle
gods, which changed from one area to another. The supreme
that followed the morning sacrifice in which a captive was
deity seems to have been a sky god, pictured as an old man
tied to a stone and given four staves to defend himself against
with a Roman nose; he often performed as a sun god and
two Eagle and two Jaguar knights. Once, a captive miracu-
was married to the Moon. Rain gods and fertility gods were
lously won his battle and was released, but he returned to die
also part of the pantheon. It is still unknown why the Maya
on the stone so that he would not lose the privilege of accom-
civilization collapsed, although many theories, such as cli-
panying the sun across the sky every morning. In the after-
mactic change, conquest, or peasant revolt, have been sug-
noon, the sun was followed by women who had died in
gested.
childbirth, for they had also died “taking a man prisoner.”
In the tenth century
Peru. In Mexico the Sun became one of the most blood-
CE, conquering Toltec from Tula
in central Mexico moved into Maya territory, took over the
thirsty of all divinities, but the sun god of the Inca of Peru
city of Chichén Itzá, together with many of the Maya
was an autocratic but paternalistic deity, who planned for the
achievements. The Toltec brought with them their culture
welfare of his people while controlling their every action. In
hero, the Feathered Serpent, but also their belief that the sun
the high civilization of Peru, the sun again symbolized royal
god died every night and had to be resuscitated every morn-
power; images of the sun were emblazoned with the most lav-
ing with human blood. They established two priestly warrior
ish display of the sun’s metal ever seen. In Peruvian society
groups, the Eagles, representing the sun in the daytime, and
there was no trade in (as there was among the Aztec) nor use
the Jaguars, representing the sun in the underworld. A frieze
for metal, except for extravagant adornment of the gods and
at Chichén Itzá from Toltec times shows members of the
royal personages.
groups presenting a human heart to the sun. The sacrifice
A number of Spanish chronicles have recorded Inca rule
was often succeeded by a cannibalistic feast in which pieces
as one of the most orderly and regulated in the world. All
of the victim, if he had been a great warrior, were passed out
land was owned by the state and was divided into church,
to the elite. A priest donned the skin of the victim and
state, and peasant holdings. Inca territory was divided into
danced before the people.
four quarters ruled by governors, who were subordinate to
the emperor, the son of the Sun. The emperor controlled the
The Toltec had perhaps been driven out of the valley
priesthood, usually making his brother high priest.
of Mexico by the Aztec, who settled on islands in Lake Tex-
coco and built their elaborate city Tenochtitlán on the site
The leading tribes that formed the Inca empire seem to
that is today known as Mexico City. They took over from
have arrived in Cuzco from somewhere around Lake Titica-
their predecessors the temple architecture, their fifty-two-
ca. Their legend told that the founder and his sister, children
year calendar, and the sacrifice to the sun, which they carried
of the Sun, were set down by their father on an island in the
to even more grisly lengths. On some occasions as many as
lake. The first emperor is said to have been sent by his father,
twenty thousand victims were sacrificed on the sun pyramid.
the Sun, to establish a city at the place where the golden
The Aztec believed that on their journey north, their sun
wand the Sun carried struck the ground. This site was Cuzco,
god, Huitzilopochtli, who took the form of a hummingbird,
at eleven thousand feet above sea level. It was apparently the
led them in the day, and the fearsome Tezcatlipoca, the sun
custom for each new emperor to build his own palace, so that
of the underworld, led them at night. A third form of the
the site became a maze of buildings, temples, and palaces,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUN
8843
lavishly decorated with gold. In the main square, the Inca
sick, they engaged in rites of exorcism. Public confessions
emperor himself was enthroned during festivals. From that
were an important part of religious life. Anyone who was
square it was possible to see the sun columns on the hills east
malformed or had lost children was considered to have
and west, markers of the solstices. The mummified figures
sinned against the Sun and to have disobeyed the Inca em-
of past emperors were seated, robed in gold, around the tem-
peror. It was necessary for the sinner to confess; he would
ple of the Sun, with their wives between them. The temple
then be given a penance by the priest and be purified in run-
was called the Place of Gold and was so arranged that sunrise
ning water. Anyone who did not confess was believed to be
fell on a gold-sheathed solar disk and filled the whole temple
destined for a place deep in the earth where there were only
with reflected light. On festival days the mummies were pa-
stones for food. Those who confessed, as well as those who
raded around the city, preceded by the emperor on a palan-
had led blameless lives, were promised a happy afterlife in
quin, honored as if he were a god. Tradition held that the
the Sun’s heaven. The Children of the Sun and the Inca em-
emperor married his sister, who represented the moon, but
peror himself were, as a matter of course, believed to live with
a large number of “virgins of the Sun” were available to him,
the Sun forever.
so that he had many descendants. These were the “children
of the Sun,” the rulers of the bureaucracy, who paid no taxes.
SEE ALSO Amaterasu O
¯ mikami; Avesta; Light and Darkness;
Others of the virgins were used for sacrifice or kept in seclu-
Mithraism; Saura Hinduism; Sol Invictus; Winter Solstice
sion, weaving or making brew.
Songs.
The temple also housed the gods of conquered peoples,
who were allowed to visit their gods and pay homage to
BIBLIOGRAPHY
them, although there was a strong missionary pressure on
Since there are few books devoted entirely to the religious and
them to honor the sun god. By practicing efficiency and
mythological aspects of the sun, most of the material must
good military discipline, the Inca established an empire that
be extracted from religious writings, encyclopedias, and his-
tories of the religion of the different regions. A highly re-
stretched from Ecuador to northern Chile and that had just
spected source for ancient Rome is Franz Altheim’s History
reached its height at the time of the Spanish conquest.
of Roman Religion (New York, 1938). Of the many works on
In the last century of the empire one of the Inca, by the
Egyptian religion, a good summary is Ann Rosalie David’s
name of Pachacuti, introduced a new high god, Viracocha,
The Ancient Egyptians (London, 1982). The Dictionnaire des
as creator. The legend relates that Pachacuti had a vision that
antiquités grecques et romaines, vol. 4, edited by Charles
prompted this religious revolution. He came to believe that
Daremberg and Edmond Saglio (Paris, 1911) contains an ar-
ticle “Sol” by Franz Cumont, which treats both Greek and
the sun worked too hard on his daily journey to have created
Roman sun worship with a wealth of detail. A comprehensive
the universe. Viracocha may have been a local god from an-
picture of the religion of Britain and Ireland can be found
other tribe. Another possibility is that the new god was more
in Jan de Vries’s Keltische Religion (Stuttgart, 1961). An essay
acceptable to some of the conquered people, such as the
called “The Sun and Sun Worship,” in Patterns in Compara-
Chimú of the coast, who worshiped the moon and the sea.
tive Religion by Mircea Eliade (New York, 1958), provides
It is recorded that they complained, “The sun is dangerous
many insights into various aspects of the subject. The article
to us.” A gold statue of the new deity was placed in the Sun’s
“Christmas,” in the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ed-
temple as an addition to its other resplendent embellish-
ited by James Hastings, vol. 3 (Edinburgh, 1910), details the
ments.
many theories on the origin of the solstice festivals. A very
lengthy chapter on the sun in James G. Frazer’s The Worship
Great Inca festivals consisted of dances, processions,
of Nature (London, 1926) is packed with data from primitive
prayers, and sacrifices, usually of llamas and guinea pigs but
sources and makes a point of criticizing the pansolism of the
sometimes of human beings. The four chief festivals were
nineteenth century. In The Chariot of the Sun (New York,
those of the solstices and the equinoxes, the most important
1969) Peter Gelling and Hilda R. Ellis Davidson have pro-
of which was the winter solstice. On this day, considered
duced a useful account of sun worship in the Bronze Age in
New Year’s Day, all fires were relit by a piece of cotton kin-
northern Europe. Man and the Sun (New York, 1962) by the
dled by the sun’s rays. The relit fire was used for the sacrifices
archaeologist and historian Jacquetta Hawkes is an accurate
and sensitive treatment of sun worship in the ancient world
and then handed over to the Virgins of the Sun to be guarded
and the Americas. Unfortunately, it does not contain a bibli-
until the next year. If the day was cloudy, the fire had to be
ography or notes. Jean Herbert, in Shinto¯ (London, 1967),
kindled by friction and there was great anxiety among the
presents a worthy effort to make the Japanese cult available
people. At the summer solstice, the population gathered in
to the Western world. It contains many translations of an-
the central square clothed in feathers and golden robes to
cient literature and more recent Japanese commentaries. In
watch the Inca emperor pour a libation to the Sun from a
The Religions of the American Indians (Berkeley, 1979), A˚ke
golden vase.
Hultkrantz gives a concise but thorough summary of the be-
liefs of the American Indians, both north and south. A work
The priesthood, like all the other members of Inca soci-
on astroarchaeology, In Search of Ancient Astronomies, edited
ety, were organized in a strict hierarchy. Many were engaged
by Edwin C. Krupp (Garden City, N.Y., 1978), treats,
in divination and in curing the sick. They divined by reading
among others, the work of Atkinson, Hawkins, and Thom
the intestines of llamas and the flight of birds. To cure the
on the megaliths of the British Isles. The most recent and ful-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8844
SUN DANCE [FIRST EDITION]
lest account of the religions of the ancient Near East is to be
unintelligible language families, understandably there is also
found in Thorkild Jacobsen’s The Treasures of Darkness: A
present the once-universal sign language, a rich means by
History of Mesopotamian Religion (New Haven, Conn.,
which even subtle and complex matters could be communi-
1976). An extremely useful collection of material from all
cated to all the tribes. Traditionally the peoples have been
over the world, both ancient and primitive, is the Mythology
divided into four major groupings: the northern tribes; the
of All Races, 13 vols., edited by Louis H. Gray (Boston,
southern tribes; the village, or eastern, tribes; and the Pla-
1916–1932), published under the auspices of the Archaeo-
teau, or western, tribes. Each tribe within these groups gives
logical Institute of America. Martin P. Nilsson brings to his
Geschichte der griechischen Religion, 3d ed., 2 vols. (Munich,
the Sun Dance its own specific term, which has reference to
1967–1974), a wealth of information from archaeology and
particular ritual emphases. The Shoshoni and Crow, for ex-
comparative religion. Still the most complete collection of
ample, refer to the complex as the Thirst Lodge, or Thirst
mythological material is to be found in Ausführliches Lexikon
Standing Lodge; for the Cheyenne it is the Medicine Lodge;
der griechischen und römischen Mythologie, edited by W. H.
and for the Siouan peoples it is known as the Dance Gazing
Roscher (1866–1890; Hildesheim, 1965), in articles entitled
at the Sun.
“Helios,” “Sol,” and “Sonnenkulten.” The “Sacred Books of
the East” series, containing the religious writings of India and
The precise tribal origin of the Sun Dance within the
Persia collected by F. Max Müller in 1884, has been reissued
North American Plains groups cannot be determined with
(Delhi, 1965). Maarten J. Vermaseren, in Mithras, the Secret
certainty, in part because calendric rites of world and life re-
God (New York, 1963), presents a detailed account of the
newal involving sacrificial elements and shamanic-type acts
cult of Mithra in the Roman world.
of healing are very widespread throughout North America.
New Sources
Leslie Spier’s extensive yet inconclusive study (1921) sug-
Aldhouse-Green, Miranda. The Sun-Gods of Ancient Europe. Lon-
gested that the complex possibly originated among—or dif-
don, 1991.
fused from—the Arapaho and Cheyenne. In terms of more
Bailey, Adrian. The Caves of the Sun: The Origin of Mythology.
ancient origins outside North America there are compelling
London, 1997.
parallels with the Tunguzic peoples of Siberia, who had new
year festivals of renewal with ritual emphasis on a world tree
Fideler, David. Jesus Christ, Sun of God; Ancient Cosmology and
Early Christian Symbolism. Wheaton, Ill.., 1993.
as axis joining heaven and earth; offerings made of ribbons
and sacrificed animal skins were made to this tree. Other sha-
Goodison, Lucy. Death, Women, and the Sun: Symbolism of Regen-
manic elements described by A. F. Anisimov involve the
eration in Early Aegean Religion. London, 1989.
rhythmic power of drums, the inducing of trances, visions,
Heilbron, J. L.. The Sun in the Church: Cathedrals as Solar Obser-
and curing ceremonies, all of which are strongly reminiscent
vatories. Cambridge, Mass., 2001.
of the North American Plains Sun Dance traits (Anisimov,
Hornung, Erik. David Lorton, trans. Akhenaten and the Religion
1963).
of Light. Ithaca, N.Y., 1999.
It is unfortunate that the early anthropological accounts
Orcutt, William Tyler. Sun Lore of All Ages: A Collection of Myths
of Native American religious practices were usually flat, ig-
and Legends Concerning the Sun and Its Ages. San Diego,
Calif., 1999.
noring or paying insufficient attention to the spiritual reali-
ties underlying religious beliefs and practices as the peoples
Saran, Anirudha. Sun Worship in India: A Study of the Deo Sun-
themselves understood them. The rich values and sacred
Shrine. New Delhi, 1992.
meanings encoded within cultural forms such as the arts,
Taylor, J. Glen, ed. Yahweh and the Sun: Biblical and Archeological
crafts, and architecture were also largely ignored. Even Rob-
Evidence for Sun Worship in Ancient Israel. Sheffield, U.K.,
ert Lowie, who was very familiar with the early history of the
1994.
Crow Sun Dance, was able to write in 1915 that the Sun
Titcomb, Sarah. Aryan Sun Myths: The Origin of Religions. San
Dance “in large measure served for the aesthetic pleasure and
Diego, Calif., 1999.
entertainment of the spectators.” The Swedish scholar A˚ke
JEAN RHYS BRAM (1987)
Hultkrantz, commencing his early studies in 1947, chal-
Revised Bibliography
lenged these prevailing reductionist perspectives; by giving
proper recognition to religious beliefs and practices of primal
origin and by integrating the perspectives and methodologies
of both anthropology and the history of religions, an ap-
SUN DANCE [FIRST EDITION] is currently used
proach now found increasingly within current ethnohistori-
as a generic term having reference to a rich complex of rites
cal studies. It is essentially this approach that is respected in
and ceremonies with tribal variations specific to at least thirty
the following descriptions.
distinct tribal groups of the North American Plains and Prai-
rie. Although tribal variations of beliefs, traits, and the struc-
The rich diversity of beliefs and traits specific to the Sun
turing of ceremonial lodges are significant and of great im-
Dance traditions in some thirty distinct tribal groups, each
portance to the groups concerned, there are nevertheless
of which manifests varying levels of acculturation and cre-
sufficient similarities to justify use of the generic term. Since
ative adaptions, can hardly be encompassed within a brief
these distinct tribal groups represent at least seven mutually
essay. Judicious selection must therefore be made of essential
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUN DANCE [FIRST EDITION]
8845
elements across a fair sampling of tribal groups. Attention
ated within the dominant society but, often finding this to
will also be given to contemporary movements among many
be a process of diminishing returns, have gone back to the
Native American peoples for revitalization of traditional sa-
wise elders for help in reestablishing traditional values in
cred values and practices. Indeed, it is primarily the Sun
their contemporary ways of life.
Dance that, as its popularity increases, is acting as model and
stimulus for traditionalist movements extending even to
Those who participate in the actual ceremonies within
non-Plains tribes and to disenchanted non-Native Americans
the sacred lodge are often individuals who were previously
who are seeking examples of what true religious traditions
in situations of extreme danger, perhaps as members of the
really are.
armed forces in wars the United States has conducted over-
seas, and who vowed that if they should survive they would
GENERAL DESCRIPTION. The major Sun Dance celebrations
participate in the next Sun Dance upon returning home. Par-
take place for all the tribal groups in late June or early July,
adoxically, their experiences in foreign wars have acted as a
“when the sage is long” and “the chokecherries are ripe,” or,
stimulus for the continuation, and indeed intensification, of
as some put it, in “the moon of fattening.” In the times when
the Sun Dance traditions into the present.
these peoples were nomadic pasturalists, the grasses of the
prairies would during these months be sufficient to feed the
To those sacrificing in the lodge for the first time are
great herds of horses belonging to the tribal bands, who often
assigned mentors who are experienced in the Sun Dance ritu-
were joined in the circles of camps with allied tribes. These
als and who—having known the suffering of being without
springtime ceremonies (in the past they may have been held
food or water for a period of three or four days—are able to
earlier than June) were actually the climax of an annual cycle
counsel and give support to the novice in the lodge. Other
of minor rites and meetings of many types. Among the
camp duties are taken care of by special “police” who see that
Crow, for example, “prayer meetings” take place regularly at
proper conduct and respect for sacred matters are observed,
the time of the full moon; among all the tribes, groups of
functions once fulfilled by the warrior societies. A camp crier
singers meet periodically around their drums in order to
is also named, who has the responsibility of encircling the
practice and to instruct younger singers in the extremely dif-
camp on horseback in the very early mornings and in the eve-
ficult and subtle Sun Dance songs, many of which have been
nings, of chanting instructions to the people, or of giving
faithfully transmitted from ancient times. There are also con-
useful information concerning the day’s activities. On occa-
temporary songs that have come out of an individual’s sacred
sion such criers might relate humorous incidents, intending
experiences or that have been learned from other tribes, for
to bring great laughter from the circles of lodges, or from the
today there is much exchange of songs and other cultural ele-
wall tents used today. For in Plains life, now as in the past
ments in the course of the more popular pan-Indian summer
(and even in the context of the most serious affairs), humor
powwow circuit. However, all songs that are used in the Sun
has a legitimate and effective purpose—not just the momen-
Dance lodge must accord with particular styles and rhythms,
tary relief of tensions accompanying the enactment of sacred
since clear distinctions are made between ceremonial and so-
rites, but also the opening of the human person to deeper
cial dance songs.
modes of understanding.
Given the complex logistics of the Sun Dances, with en-
LODGE CONSTRUCTION. Once the Sun Dance encampment
campments of large numbers of people, many people volun-
has been established at an appropriate place where there is
teer or are selected during the year to fulfill a wide range of
good water and pasturage, the first ritual act is to select a spe-
duties. Usually a sponsor coordinates the many details and
cial cottonwood tree with branches forking at the top. The
materials for the construction of the sacred lodge or the pro-
tree is then cut in a ceremonial manner, the first blow of the
vision of the feast at the end of the ceremonies, both of which
ax often being given by a young woman who has been chosen
are accomplished at considerable expense and sacrifice. The
for her virtue and purity (if any man present knows that she
most important person however, is the spiritual leader, a
has been unfaithful he has the right and obligation to de-
“medicine person,” who is guardian of the sacred lore and
nounce her publicly). The tree must be felled in a specific
who usually has received special powers through the vision
direction and is not allowed to touch the ground; it is then
quest (or who may have received the authority to lead the
carried on poles, with songs, ritual acts, and prayers per-
ceremonies from a retiring elder who has passed on his sacred
formed along the way. The cottonwood tree is finally placed
powers). These spiritual leaders have traditionally been rec-
in a hole prepared at the center of what will be the sacred
ognized as holy people, for they know and live the sacred tra-
lodge, which is itself at the center of the encampment. The
ditions and have powers for curing those who are ill in body
selected tree is now understood as the axis at the center of
or spirit. Such shamanic figures have been greatly respected
the world. It links heaven and earth, thus giving the people
as leaders within the tribe, or they have been feared because
access to spiritual realities and conveying the images of the
of the great strength of their mysterious powers. Such leaders
center and the heavens above, together with their larger im-
should not be considered as belonging only to the past, how-
plications. For most peoples who practice the Sun Dance,
ever, for new leaders are taking their places. Indeed, there are
this special tree is understood as a “person.” In a way akin
today a growing number of such leaders, including younger
to human participation in the sacrifice, the tree transmits to
men and women who have attempted to become accultur-
those who sacrifice in the lodge the cooling powers of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8846
SUN DANCE [FIRST EDITION]
moisture it has gathered from the stream near which it grew,
tribal variations that are of great importance to the peoples
and then it dies.
concerned. In the Siouan form, for example, which has been
described by the Lakota Black Elk in The Sacred Pipe
The tree thus recapitulates the major themes of the Sun
(Brown, 1952), there are at least two distinctive and central
Dance, which involve the alternations of dry and moist, ig-
sacrificial elements, one of which is described by the Lakota
norance and wisdom, and death and life—for if there is to
term for the Sun Dance, wiwanyag wachipi (“dance gazing
be life there must also be death. Once the tree has been cere-
at the sun”). Here, during one complete daylight cycle, the
monially raised, offerings are placed at its base, and in its fork
dancers, who are also observing a total fast, move periodically
is put a nest of cherry or willow branches in which may be
around the inner periphery of the lodge in sunwise manner
placed sacred offerings or, often, rawhide effigies. Colored
so that they are always gazing at the sun—a cause, no doubt,
ribbons, signifying heaven and earth, may be tied high on
of intense suffering.
the tree’s forking branches. Each tribal group has its own
color symbolism and specific manner of dressing the tree.
A second Lakota or Siouan emphasis, also involving sac-
Among the Crow, for example, the head of a bull buffalo is
rificial elements, is the practice of certain dancers, in accord
placed, facing east, on the tree, and in the branches there is
with earlier vows, to have the muscles of the chest pierced
an eagle, both symbols recapitulating the theme of heaven
by the presiding spiritual leader, who inserts wooden skewers
and earth. Around the tree as spiritual center the circular
by which they are tied with raw-hide thongs to the central
lodge is then constructed in accord with symbolical varia-
tree. These people then dance, encouraged by the drums and
tions specific to each of the tribal groups.
the songs of warriors (brave songs), pulling back on the
thongs until the flesh and muscles tear loose. In addition to
The general architectural design for most tribal Sun
elements of self-sacrifice, there are spiritual implications of
Dance lodges is the central tree around which are twenty-
being physically tied to and thus identified with the tree as
eight vertical, forked poles associated with the twenty-eight
sacred center. A similar theme is also expressed by the cere-
days of the lunar month. This circle of forked poles is then
mony wherein individuals have skewers inserted into both
joined together by horizontal poles laid into the upright
sides of the shoulders and into the muscles of chest and back.
forks. In addition the Shoshoni, Crow, and Arapaho lodges
The thongs are then attached to posts set up to represent the
have twenty-eight very long poles extending from the forks
four directions. The individual is thereby identified with the
at the circumference and then all laid into the crotch high
center in relation to the four horizontal directions of space.
on the central tree, a structure that resembles a spoked wheel.
Such sacrificial acts are not just of former times, but are in
The Siouan lodges do not have poles radiating out from the
increasing use today among a number of Siouan peoples. In
center; a distinctive feature of their lodge, in accord with
distinction from prevailing traits and themes of the Siouan
their ceremonial usage, is the construction of a continuous
Sun Dance, which are strongly reminiscent of elements from
overhead shade arbor around the inner periphery of the
earlier military complexes, the Arapaho, the Cheyenne, and
lodge. All styles of lodges, however, have entryways facing
the tribes of the Blackfeet Confederation place emphasis on
the east, the place of the rising sun, and brush is usually
rites of world and life renewal, employing ritual objects that
placed loosely around the outer walls for the greater privacy
include sacred medicine bundles whose contents have refer-
of the participants within. For all tribal groups, the lodge is
ence to the origins of the tribes.
not merely understood as a “symbolic model” of the world,
but rather it is the world, universe, or created cosmos. Since
Finally, emphasis should be given to critical elements in
construction of the lodge recapitulates the creation of the
the history of the Sun Dance and to a modified Sun Dance
world, all acts in this process are accompanied by prayers and
movement that originated among the western Shoshoni and
powerful songs associated with ancient myths of origin and
has been transmitted to the Crow. In 1881 the United States
creation. The occasion, reminiscent of a primordial time, is
government attempted to ban all Sun Dances, believing that
solemn, dignified, and of great beauty.
they were “demoralizing and barbarous.” It was not until
1904, however, that the dances were rigorously prohibited
Around the sacred lodge in concentric circles the camps
by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. However, because
of family units are set up in accord with long-established pro-
these ceremonies were central to spiritual needs, they contin-
tocol. At Sun Dance encampments the doorways of many
ued to be practiced in secret or in modified forms by almost
tipis or wall tents are not toward the east, as is customary in
all the Plains tribes with the exception of the Crow, who had
daily usage, but rather toward the sacred lodge and tree at
already abandoned the ceremonies in 1875. One of the still
the center of the circle. To the west of the sacred lodge there
continuing modified Sun Dances was that of the Wind River
are usually special tipis in which private ceremonies take
Shoshoni, whose version spread to the Northern Ute in
place exclusively for those who will sacrifice in the lodge.
1890, to the Fort Hall Shoshoni and Bannock in 1901, and
Sweat lodges are also set up, but apart from the camp circle,
to the Shoshoni of Nevada in 1933. With the Indian Reorga-
so that those who have made their vows may be purified be-
nization Act of 1934, however, open practice of the dances
fore entering the lodge.
commenced, but now in forms that gave greater emphasis to
TYPICAL PERFORMANCES. Even though there are many com-
spiritual elements rather than to the extreme tortures associ-
monalities in all Plains Sun Dance ceremonies, there are also
ated with the earlier military societies.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUN DANCE [FIRST EDITION]
8847
In 1941 the charismatic Shoshoni Sun Dance leader
water since they first entered the lodge. Thereafter, many
John Truhujo brought the Sun Dance back to the Crow
people from the camp bring valuable gifts into the lodge,
through the support of the tribal superintendent Robert Yel-
sometimes even horses loaded with blankets and beadwork,
lowtail. A tradition that had been abandoned for more than
which are given away to particular persons who are called for-
sixty-six years was thereby reinstated. In January of 1985
ward to receive them. The dancers themselves usually com-
Truhujo died at the age of approximately 105, having trans-
plete the ceremonies with a purifying sweat bath at a nearby
ferred his sacred powers to Thomas Yellowtail, brother of the
creek or river, and in the evening there may be a special feast
former superintendent. It is the Sun Dance in this particular
for all.
form, faithfully led by Thomas Yellowtail to the present
The power of sacred traditions of primal origin cannot
time, that has become for the Crow, as well as for many other
be compromised by time, place, or number of participants,
tribes, an example and stimulus giving continuity and viabili-
for in themselves the values and realities concerned are of
ty to the essentials of the spiritual heritage of the Plains
timeless and universal validity. Though a world of other pri-
peoples.
orities ignores or neglects such values they may nevertheless
In this Shoshoni/Crow Sun Dance the dancers take po-
be rediscovered as still enduring, even increasing in meaning
sitions in arbors that surround the inner periphery of the
into the present day. The history of the Plains Sun Dance
is continuing witness to this reality.
lodge, with the presiding spiritual leader, or “medicine man,”
always at the west. Women, who are allowed within the
lodge to fast, take places slightly to the north of the east-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anisimov, A. F. “The Shaman’s Tent of the Evenks and the Ori-
facing entrance. The large ceremonial drum and the alternat-
gin of the Shamanistic Rite.” In Studies in Siberian Shaman-
ing teams of drummers and singers have their place a little
ism, edited by Henry N. Michael, pp. 84–123. Toronto,
to the south of the entrance, and they are surrounded by
1963. An excellent example of Siberian shamanic elements
strong-voiced older women who help to sing the sacred
reminiscent of shamanic phenomena in North America.
songs. The dance’s spiritual force resides in the movements
Brown, Joseph Epes, ed. The Sacred Pipe. Norman, Okla., 1953.
of the fasting participants, who for the three or four days’ du-
An especially useful work; chapter 5 presents descriptions of
ration of the ceremony are always oriented to the central tree,
the Lakota Sun Dance by the sage Black Elk.
toward which they dance as often or as little as they wish.
Dorsey, George A. The Arapaho Sun Dance. Chicago, 1903.
They blow on eagle-bone whistles tipped with eagle down,
Dorsey, George A. The Cheyenne, vol. 2, The Sun Dance. Chicago,
as if they themselves were eagles; then they dance backward
1905. Dorsey’s books define in great ethnographic detail and
to their stalls, still facing the central tree. The rhythmic
with excellent plates and diagrams most elements of the
movements of the dancers are dignified, and their concentra-
Arapaho and Cheyenne Sun Dance as they obtained at the
tion on the tree is continual and intense; for them this is the
turn of the century.
center and source of life, and the lodge symbolizes the totali-
Hultkrantz, A˚ke. Belief and Worship in Native North America. Syr-
ty of creation. In the course of the ceremonies, participants
acuse, 1981. Chapter 4 presents an excellent treatment of the
often receive sacred visions; when they sleep—never for more
symbolical language encoded in the Wind River Shoshoni
than a few hours at a time—dreams of special meaning may
Sun Dance Lodge.
come.
Jorgensen, Joseph G. The Sun Dance Religion. Chicago, 1972.
An especially powerful and beautiful ceremony central
This work contains much valuable information on the Ute
and Shoshoni Sun Dances, but its theory that these were re-
to the Sun Dance takes place every morning just before
demptive movements following the collapse of the Ghost
sunup, when all the dancers, under the direction of the
Dance of 1890 is open to question.
group’s spiritual leader, face the direction of the rising sun,
Lowie, Robert H. The Sun Dance of the Crow Indians. New York,
moving slowly to the beat of the drum and blowing softly
1915. Good ethnographic documentation of the early forms
on eagle-bone whistles. As the sun rises the drum and the
of the Crow Sun Dance; omits many of the religious and
sunrise greeting-song come to a crescendo. Eagle plumes tied
spiritual elements.
to the wrists of the dancers are held out to the sun’s first rays
Powell, Peter J. Sweet Medicine. 2 vols. Norman, Okla., 1969.
and are then touched to parts of the body so that the dancer
One of the best accounts of the Cheyenne Sun Dance rites
may receive purifying blessings. Once the sun is above the
and beliefs, with close attention given to religious symbolism
horizon, the dancers sit wrapped in their blankets while very
and the people’s sacred history.
ancient sacred songs are sung and communal prayers are of-
Spier, Leslie. “The Sun Dance of the Plains Indians: Its Develop-
fered. On the second or third day of the dance, people who
ment and Diffusion.” Anthropological Papers of the American
are ill come into the lodge and stand at the sacred tree to re-
Museum of Natural History 16 (1921): 451–527. An early,
ceive help from the spiritual leader, who prays over them and
inconclusive study of the origins of the Sun Dance.
often draws out the illness with the aid of an eagle-wing fan.
Voget, Fred W. The Shoshoni-Crow Sun Dance. Norman, Okla.,
Accounts of cures are legion. At the conclusion of the Sun
1984. The best account of the renewal of the Crow Sun
Dance, water that has been blessed is ceremonially passed
Dance under the influence of the Shoshoni Sun Dance lead-
around among the participants, who have taken no food or
er, John Truhujo.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8848
SUN DANCE [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Walker, James R. The Sun Dance and Other Ceremonies of the
all of the disparate bands. In the modern world it has become
Oglala Division of the Teton Dakota. New York, 1917. The
commonplace for as many as a hundred or more to commit
best and most comprehensive account of the early forms of
to dancing this strenuous and demanding ceremony.
the Sun Dance among the Lakota.
The Sun Dance is traditionally a men’s ceremony. The
JOSEPH EPES BROWN (1987)
single most characteristic feature is the sustaining of life or,
as Lakota people often say, “That the people might live.” The
blood that flows in the piercing rite of many tribal traditions
SUN DANCE [FURTHER CONSIDERA-
marks the ceremony as a male rite. Indeed, this sacrifice has
TIONS]. The Plains Indian Sun Dance is typically a cere-
been characterized as men’s attempt to gain some sense of
mony of about twelve days duration. Three to four days of
equality with women and their natural life-giving character
this period consist of the dance itself, danced by men (and,
signified by the monthly flow of blood in menstruation. If
increasingly, women) who commit themselves to a self-
women bring new life into the community, men contribute
sacrificing discipline of abstinence from both food and water
to the maintaining of life through the Sun Dance ceremony.
throughout the dance. Typically, the four days before the
While much of the professional literature misrepresents
dancing are set aside as a period of preparation and purifica-
the piercing as self-torture or self-mutilation, for Indian
tion and the four days following are set aside for a series of
communities it is always seen as a personal sacrifice offered
ceremonies that bring the whole to a close.
on behalf of the people. In any event, participants invariably
The historical tradition was to hold the Sun Dance in
report that the piercing itself is not the most difficult aspect
an elevated place, usually on a plateau. With the advent of
of this demanding ceremony, but rather comes as a climactic
the reservation era and federal prohibitions against observing
resolution that brings relief to the tension of one’s prayers.
the ceremony, the sites were often moved to sheltered and
The real focus of the ceremony is always the prayers of the
hidden places in physical depressions in the landscape where
dancers.
the ceremony could avoid easy detection.
Many Sun Dance leaders emphasize strongly that, like
all other key ceremonies, the Sun Dance ought always be
The Sun Dance in the contemporary period has func-
done according to the direction of a particular vision given
tioned as a stimulus for the growing traditionalist movement
to someone in a particular time and place. Hence, each Sun
in many tribal communities, and it continues to be appealing
Dance is a discrete phenomenon. One constant in all tribal
to many non-Indians who are disenchanted with their own
variants is that there is a tree. Everything else is based on the
religious traditions. To the regret of many Indian leaders and
particular vision and can vary from tribe to tribe and from
scholars, this same attraction has influenced a transformation
one Sun Dance leader to another within a tribe.
of Native American traditions toward a certain mimicry of
the religious traditions disavowed by their white adherents.
Many tribes continue to practice a form of the Sun
The relatively famous (or infamous) Lakota Sun Dances can
Dance that is still a tribal ceremony. That is to say that the
attract hundreds of dancers, all ready to go to the tree and
tribal community sponsors only one Sun Dance each year
offer their flesh for the piercing rite. At the same time there
and that it is a ceremony performed by and for the tribe as
are a plethora of other Sun Dances held that are so small as
a whole. The ceremony held at Ethete, Wyoming, is an ex-
to render them invisible in the non-Indian landscape.
ample. A high percentage of the Northern Arapaho popula-
tion is involved, and the tribe’s government extends certain
Enormous commitments of resources and time are al-
privileges to those who are principal participants. These cere-
ways a factor in the ceremony. Even the smallest Sun Dance
monies function in the modern world as spiritual events that
requires the sustained efforts of a variety of people: to cut
provide social cohesion for the tribe.
timbers and leafy coverings for the shade arbor for support-
ers; to cut wood and then tend the fire day and night for the
Other tribes, particularly the Siouan group of Lakota
duration of the ceremony; to collect the necessary “medi-
and Dakota, have engaged in a substantial transformation of
cines” needed to sustain the dance and provide healing to
their ceremonial life and its intent. One could argue that
those who come; to provide and prepare the food to feed the
these tribes have moved towards the individualization repre-
people; and to complete a great variety of other detailed
sented by missionary Christianity. As such, these Sun Dance
tasks.
ceremonies tend today to proliferate into individual and fam-
ily events that can even be seen as competing with one anoth-
In most tribal traditions, the ceremony can be complet-
er for adherents. These ceremonies form around specific spir-
ed with the fulfillment of a commitment by a single dancer,
itual leaders, and many are increasingly open to anyone,
the tree, and a single singer. In reality, while the number of
Indian or non-Indian, who will make the personal commit-
dancers may have always been small historically, the full
ment to a particular spiritual leader.
number of participants regularly included the whole of a
tribe’s community in these various supporting roles. Lakota
Ultimately, the proliferation of Sun Dances on Lakota
peoples, for instance, would congregate annually in the Black
reservations reflects back the denominational variety of mis-
Hills for the Sun Dance as a ceremony that brought together
sionary religion, which has historically functioned to divide
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUNDANESE RELIGION
8849
Indian communities and to break down tribal cohesion by
The amount of semangat in a person is not constant but
introducing Western religious choice and the paradigm of
may be added to through study, especially of sacred texts and
denominationalism. It can also be argued, of course, that tra-
magic, as well as through the acquisition of sacred objects
ditional Lakota culture allows for the making of these sorts
and heirlooms. It may also be diminished through impure
of leadership choices. While leadership was hereditary, it was
and worldly actions. There must be an inner balance between
always possible for any members of a band or group to follow
the semangat and the social persona of the person. Too much
another leader should they decide that they disagreed with
or too little of it to fit the situation makes the person uncom-
the direction of leadership.
fortable and may lead to disquietude or illness. These last two
In any case, the contemporary result has been that there
aspects of semangat are much like the cosmic power men-
is no longer a “Lakota” tribal Sun Dance; instead, more than
tioned above, and one may see semangat, then, as the unique
two dozen Sun Dances have been reported at the Oglala res-
expression of cosmic creative power (anu ngayuga) in indi-
ervation at Pine Ridge over a single recent summer, with a
viduals.
similar number at the neighboring Rosebud and Cheyenne
Semangat is located throughout the body, although it
River reservations. The shift, however, has become more pro-
seems to be focused on the navel. The Sundanese take care
nounced as Lakotas and Dakotas have invited more and
to bury brushed-out hair and nail clippings, as these are parts
more non-Indians as participants into their tribal ceremonial
of the person and thus contain soul substance that may be
rites.
used against one in magic. Amulets are worn around the
waist, protecting the center of the soul.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Holler, Clyde. Black Elk’s Religion: The Sun Dance and Lakota Ca-
The placenta (ari ari) is considered to be the elder sib-
tholicism. Syracuse, N.Y., 1995.
ling of the person. It is also believed that the same placenta
White, Phillip M. The Native American Sun Dance Religion and
comes back to the mother as she bears each successive child,
Ceremony: An Annotated Bibliography. Westport, Conn.,
creating a spiritual or soul bond between siblings.
1998.
The father, who planted the seed and made the body,
TINK TINKER (2005)
is responsible for its physical maintenance. The soul is said
to come from the mother, and she is responsible for the spiri-
tual makeup of the child. For this reason there is a tali batin
SUNDANESE RELIGION. Although the Sundanese
(spiritual tie) between the mother and her children and be-
of West Java, Indonesia, consider themselves Muslims, many
tween the children via the shared placenta.
pre-Islamic ideas still permeate their religious life. A key
This connection goes back to the ancestors as well. An-
point in understanding Sundanese relations to the supernat-
cestral graves are visited and the ancestors are notified when
ural is the relationship between the soul and a creative or
a ritual is to take place or when one goes on an extended jour-
generative power that animates the universe. This power,
ney. Ancestral spirits may also be consulted in times of need.
anu ngayuga (“that which creates”) is limited and is con-
They are often associated with a particular piece of land. Tra-
tained to varying degrees in the elements that make up the
ditionally, people were buried on family land, and inherited
cosmos. The amount of power in a person is determined by
land could not be sold to outsiders. Placentas, especially
ancestry and the time, place, and conditions of birth. It may
those of infant girls, are also often buried on family land,
further wax or wane according to the state of ritual or moral
with which the soul is thus intimately connected (Mus,
purity of the person (see Anderson, 1972).
1975).
SOUL. The Sundanese have two ideas of soul: nyawa and se-
mangat. Other words such as roh and jiwa are occasionally
Ancestral souls may also be called on for aid in times of
used, but these are adoptions from the Arabic and Sanskrit,
trouble, in which case the ancestor may appear in the form
respectively, and overlap in meaning between nyawa and se-
of a tiger. Deceased rulers are said to guard their realms in
mangat. Nyawa is simply life or breath, existing only while
this form; shamans are said to be able to take on tigrine form
the person lives. Semangat, on the other hand, is that aspect
while curing.
of soul that connects a person to the ancestors and gives him
THE WIDER SUPERNATURAL WORLD. The shaman (dukun,
or her various capabilities and strengths. It is the whole of
kuncen) is the vehicle for dealing with the wider supernatural
a person’s spiritual life. Provencher (1975) relates semangat
world. Aside from being human soul stuff, cosmic power is
to the Melanesian and Polynesian mana.
also found in animals, plants, and the like. Like ancestral
The semangat belongs with the person, but may occa-
graves, places such as caves and mountains can be strongly
sionally leave if frightened or if a taboo is broken. In this case
imbued with it. Since this power is amoral, it may be danger-
the person’s soul must be coaxed back, or illness and death
ous to ordinary people. Through their craft, shamans are able
may follow. The semangat is also considered to be able to
to interact with these forces and thereby protect the com-
travel away from a person during sleep, making it dangerous
munity.
to awaken him suddenly, and may further transmigrate and
Ordinary people may make requests from these powers,
enter an animal such as a tiger.
which are often manifested as spirits or magical animals, after
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8850
SUNDÉN, HJALMAR
being introduced by the kuncen. Incense is burned and magi-
the ritual. On the same night, graves visited for help during
cal formulas (jampes) pronounced, after which the supplicant
the year are chanted over in order perhaps to infuse them
awaits the arrival of the power. If the power grants the peti-
with the power inherent in the Prophet’s birth. This is also
tioner’s request, it may demand in return that the petitioner
a good night to call up one’s tiger ancestor, as such spirits
agree to be turned into a pig, a monkey, or a snake after death
are about, on their way to the ancient center of the Sun-
or that a human life be sacrificed to it annually.
danese kingdom of Pajajaran at Pakuan near Bogor.
Other supernatural forces include place spirits (jurigs),
SEE ALSO Islam: Islam in Southeast Asia; Southeast Asian
which may be seen as disembodied bits of cosmic power.
Religions, article on Insular Cultures.
They tend to exist on boundaries such as the water’s edge or
in secluded, quiet places. One does not make requests of
these spirits, but only takes care not to bother them exces-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anderson, Benedict R. O’G. “The Idea of Power in Javanese Cul-
sively. They are said to be generally harmless, though some
ture.” In Culture and Politics in Indonesia, edited by Claire
delight in frightening people, and one type of water spirit
Holt, pp. 1–69. Ithaca, N.Y., 1972.
(lulun samak) sometimes grabs people and drowns them.
Hasan Mustafa, Haj¯ı. Over de Gewoonten en Gebruiken der Soen-
Also to be reckoned with are the silumans, the spirits of
danezen. Translated into Dutch by R. A. Kern. The Hague,
those who have died an unnatural death; and the kuntianaks,
1946.
the spirits of women who have died in childbirth. Silumans
Hidding, Klaas Aldert Hendrik. Ñi Pohatji Sangjang Sri. Leiden,
often inhabit caves and are then said to be the entities that
1929.
make such places foreboding. The kuntianak is a danger to
Hidding, Klaas Aldert Hendrik. Gebruiken en Godsdienst der Soen-
women who are about to give birth by causing difficulties
daneezen. Batavia, 1935.
that may lead to the woman’s death; she would then become
Mus, Paul. India Seen from the East. Clayton, Australia, 1975.
a kuntianak herself. For this reason, an expectant mother
must take special precautions, such as carrying a sharp metal
Provencher, Ronald. Mainland Southeast Asia: An Anthropological
Perspective. Pacific Palisades, Calif., 1975.
instrument and not going near the water alone during the
last month of her pregnancy. Further magical precautions are
Rikin, Wesley Mintardja. Ngabersihan als Knoop in de Tali Paran-
taken by the paraji, the midwife.
ti. Leiden, 1973.
Sell, Hans Joachim. Der Schlimme Tod bei den Völkern Indonesiens.
Like the jurig, the siluman and kuntianak may be seen
The Hague, 1955.
as disembodied cosmic power. This power is dangerous be-
Wessing, Robert. Cosmology and Social Behavior in a West Javanese
cause it must be contained, and in its search for an envelope
Settlement. Papers in International Studies, Southeast Asia
may possess a person. For this reason also, these powers are
Series, no. 47. Athens, Ohio, 1978.
found in caves because caves make good containers.
New Sources
Plants are also imbued with cosmic power—especially
Glicken, Jessica. “Sundanese Islam and the Value of Hormat:
rice, trees, and bamboo. Rice, which is the personification
Control, Obedience, and Social Location in West Java.” In
of the rice goddess Dewi Sri, is said to have a soul. Care must
Indonesian Religions in Transition, edited by Rita Smith Kipp
be taken not to offend the goddess, and offerings are made
and Susan Rodgers, pp. 238–252. Tucson, 1987.
both in the rice field and in the storage room (goah). Offer-
Newland, Lynda. “Under the Banner of Islam: Mobilising Reli-
ings in the field are made by the wali puhun, the shaman who
gious Identities in West Java.” Australian Journal of Anthro-
ensures the fertility of the field. When cutting down trees or
pology 11, no. 2 (2000): 199–222.
large bamboo, permission must be asked from the spirit in-
Newland, Lynda. “Of Paraji and Bidan: Hierarchies of Knowledge
habiting either the area or the tree; otherwise this spirit is
among Sundanese Midwives.” In The Daughters of Ha¯rit¯ı:
likely to cause mischief or to possess someone.
Childbirth and Female Healers in South and Southeast Asia,
C
edited by Geoffrey Samuel and Santi Rozario, pp. 256–278.
EREMONIES. Most ceremonies are conducted inside the
London, 2002.
house, which may be seen as a model of the cosmos itself.
Ancestral spirits are invited to these ceremonies and thereby
Noorduyn, J., and A. Teeuw. “The Ascension of Sri Ajnyana: A
both add their power to the event and give it their blessing.
Local Form of Saivism in an Old Sundanese Allegorical
The core of all ceremonies is the hajat, a ceremonial meal.
Poem.” In Society and Sulture of Southeast Asia: Continuities
and Changes, edited by Lokesh Chandra, pp. 283–298. New
Here the shaman, speaking for the householder, states the
Delhi, 2000.
purpose of the occasion. Blessings from God (Alla¯h) are in-
voked, incense is burned while magical formulas are spoken,
ROBERT WESSING (1987)
and then the food is consumed.
Revised Bibliography
Each year on the birthday of the prophet Muh:ammad,
a hajat is held during which heirlooms and amulets are
cleaned and restored. These items are said to contain cosmic
SUNDÉN, HJALMAR. Hjalmar Sundén (1908–
power that may be added to by chanting over them during
1993) was a Swedish psychologist of religion. Sundén was
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUNDÉN, HJALMAR
8851
born in Eksjö, Sweden, the son of a lieutenant-colonel and
1959). Here he elucidates his understanding of religious ex-
a homemaker. The peak of Sundén’s academic career came
perience through role theory, which is based on the discovery
late in life. He became a professor at the age of fifty-nine and
that all sacred texts contain descriptions of pious people who
retired eight years later, a much-appreciated mentor and
have acted in relation to God or gods. The biblical tradition
friend to half a dozen postgraduates, some of whom became
provides people with behavior and role models of how Chris-
professors in the psychology of religion. Sundén remained
tians have been in dialogue with God and experienced his
active as a writer and speaker at symposia, enjoying great aca-
presence. When reading the Psalms, people are inadvertently
demic success during the last twenty-five years of his life. He
absorbed into the mythic figure of David, thereby finding
died at the age of eighty-five.
themselves within a specific interactional system, the human
role in relation to the divine partner, God. The thinking is:
Sundén was educated in Stockholm, at Norrmalm
as God saved then, he will also do so now if people trust and
upper-secondary school and University College, obtaining
rely on him. No matter how hopeless the situation may seem,
his master of philosophy degree in 1930. He continued his
the promises are eventually expected to be fulfilled.
studies at Uppsala, where he graduated from the Faculty of
Theology. His rare gift for languages—he spoke German,
Contrary to previous theories, Sundén argues that reli-
French, and English fluently—made it easy for him to learn
gious experience does not consist of specific feelings, nor is
Hebrew, ancient Greek, and Latin. After only two years of
it independent of cultural tradition. It does not emerge from
study he received his master’s degree in theology in 1932.
empty nothingness or from any inner mysterious psychic
The following year he was ordained a priest in the Swedish
layer. It is rather a matter of perception, the process whereby
Lutheran Church.
sensory stimulation is translated into organized or meaning-
ful experience: the intuitive recognition of an existential
Sundén was given a personal chair in the psychology of
“truth.” Learning is a decisive factor, providing un système
religion at the University of Uppsala by special parliamentary
aperceptif for the soul to be touched and moved by a person-
decree in 1967, after having worked for years as a priest, a
al living God. Religious experience is thus reproducible and
teacher of religion in secondary schools, a psychologist in the
not the subjective phenomenon to which some scholars have
state police academy, a psychologist of religion at the Univer-
wanted to reduce it.
sity of Stockholm, and a docent in the history of religion,
including the psychology of religion, at Uppsala. He was a
Sundén integrated the structural-analytic, the interac-
brilliant speaker, in demand all over Sweden. His lecture
tionist, and the perceptual analytical models from the major
tours gave him profound knowledge of the questions that
research traditions within the social sciences into a psycholo-
concerned ordinary people. Far removed from scholastic ex-
gy of religion, and he based this on his profound knowledge
ercises, he always had a deep empathy and respect for ordi-
of the history of religions and contemporary theories and
nary popular piety. This approach and insight proved to be
methods. His great knowledge of religious texts, and his em-
decisive in his later research and academic career.
pathy for them, enabled him to fashion role theory into a
powerful hermeneutical tool, especially for the psychological
In his doctoral thesis on the philosopher Henri Bergson,
interpretation of autobiographies and other types of personal
La théorie bergsonienne de la religion (1940), Sundén critically
documents, such as diaries, journals, and letters.
reviewed the then-prevailing theories in relation to Bergson’s
Sundén has rightly been regarded as the founder of the
two sources of morality and religion: one rooted in intelli-
psychology of religion in the Nordic countries. When his
gence that also results in science and its static, mechanistic
magnum opus was translated into German as Die Religion
ideal, and the other based on intuition, finding expression
und die Rollen (1966), his ideas quickly found fertile soil in
in the free creativity of art and philosophy and the mystical
Germany, the Netherlands, and Belgium, as well as in the
experience of the saints. It was the latter that caught the eye
United States in the late 1980s. For many years Sundén
of the future psychologist of religion and occupied his
chaired the International Association for the Psychology of
thoughts for the rest of his life—his last article was on Teresa
Religion. His role theory has had the same influence among
of Avila.
European psychologists of religion as Gordon Allport’s
Sundén asked simple but profound questions. How is
religious-orientations theory had among American psy-
it that people experience existence as religious? Why is it that
chologists.
some people conceive of existence in terms of pure chance,
some speak of the interplay of contingencies, while still oth-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ers prefer to use the word fate ? Then there are those who
Hjalmar Sundén has written extensively on role theory, but the
perceive an intention in the experiential, contact with the
most elucidating of all his presentations still remains the first
“other” or “another.” How is an experience of the world in
essay he ever wrote on the subject in his collection Sjutti-
religious terms psychologically possible?
otredje psalmen och andra essäer (Psalm seventy-three and
other essays; Stockholm, 1956). For those who cannot read
The answers to these questions are to be found in Sun-
Swedish, his article “Saint Augustine and the Psalter in the
dén’s main contribution to the psychology of religion, his
Light of Role-Psychology,” published in the Journal for the
magnum opus Religionen och rollerna (Religion and roles,
Scientific Study of Religion 26, no. 3 (1987): 366–412 (an
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8852
SUNNAH
issue dedicated entirely to Sundén’s role theory), provides an
the sunnah of those of old (the wrongheaded customs of
eloquent substitute.
Muh:ammad’s Arab brethren) or to the sunnah (or sunan, pl.)
Holm, Nils G. “Role Theory and Religious Experience.” In the
of God, namely his punishment of that other sunnah. The
Handbook of Religious Experience, edited by Ralph W. Hood,
QurDa¯n’s flexible usage of the word sunnah never disap-
pp. 397–420. Birmingham, Ala., 1995. This essay provides
peared, but sunnah quickly came to be associated with the
a thorough presentation of Sundén’s role theory.
exemplary, imitable, normative words, deeds, and silent ap-
Holm, Nils G. “An Integrated Role Theory for the Psychology of
proval of the Prophet himself, whose behavior was assumed
Religion: Concepts and Perspectives.” In The Psychology of
to be consistent with all previous prophets. In the sense of
Religion: Theoretical Approaches, edited by Bernard Spilka
Muh:ammad’s exemplary pattern, sunnah took on an extraor-
and Daniel N. McIntosh, pp. 73–85. Boulder, Colo., 1997.
dinarily positive coloration and a predominant place in Mus-
In this essay, Holm elaborates Sundén’s role theory towards
lim piety. The sunnah of the Prophet (sunnat al-nab¯ı) began
an analysis of what he calls an “inner existence space.”
to preempt tribal sunnah; the new “tribe,” the Muslims, ac-
Holm, Nils G., and J. A. Belzen, eds. Sundén’s Role Theory: An Im-
petus to Contemporary Psychology of Religion. A˚bo, Finland,
quired a new pattern of established practice. That develop-
1995. Sundén’s pupils collected their latest essays in the
ment, along with the simultaneous revelation of the sacred
memory of their mentor and friend.
text, the QurDa¯n, through Muh:ammad produced one of these
Källstad, Thorvald, ed. Psychological Studies on Religious Man.
dynamic paradoxes that have enriched the histories of all the
Uppsala, Sweden, 1978. Festschrift dedicated to Sundén on
major religions: the relationship between Muh:ammad’s roles
his seventieth birthday.
as vehicle of revelation and as exemplar of the most impor-
Sundén, Hjalmar. Religionen och rollerna. Stockholm, 1959. Ger-
tant sunnah. Muh:ammad was only a man, receiving but not
man: Die Religion und die Rollen: Ett psykologiskt studium av
authoring God’s word. Yet that word was difficult to follow
fromheten (Eine psychologische Untersuchung der Frömmig-
without its bearer’s example and explication; the QurDa¯n it-
keit). Translated by Herman Müller and Suzanne Öhman.
self urged Muslims to follow God and his Messenger. Al-
Berlin, 1966.
though the injunction not to deify Muh:ammad was taken
Wulff, David. Psychology of Religion: Classic and Contemporary
seriously, he was still a man set apart from others by his spe-
Views. New York 1991.
cial intimacy with God and his role as the Seal of the Proph-
RENÉ GOTHÓNI (2005)
ets. Some may also have attributed to him the special, magi-
cal powers they would have previously expected from any
holy person. In his mission, Muh:ammad was, more than
SUNNAH. In every “founded” religious tradition, main-
many prophets, both messenger and exemplar, because he
taining proximity to the founder has been an important
was a temporal as well as spiritual leader. There was always
source of legitimacy and authority, just as arguments about
a thin line between emulation and veneration, between mak-
how to establish that proximity have been a source of con-
ing him an ideal exemplar and dehumanizing him into a per-
flict. In the Islamic tradition, the word sunnah has been the
fect man. One could imitate him, but not completely, be-
focal point of such issues. A word with a very old history in
cause he was too special; but one could not make him so
the Arabic language, sunnah comes from a root that is con-
special that he was not human. Within this range, myriad
cretely associated with honing or molding, with something
authentic pious responses have flourished.
firmly rooted, like a tooth (sinn). Sunnah, by extension, came
Furthermore, although scriptural religions have always
to mean habitual practice, customary procedure or action,
developed sources of commentary that involve the founder,
norm, standard, or “usage sanctioned by tradition.”
Muslims relied unusually heavily on Muh:ammad. They pro-
EARLY EVOLUTION. Among pre-Islamic Arabs, sunnah had
duced a massive, multifunctional, multifaceted corpus of
the force of what anthropologists would call “tribal custom,”
“news” or “reports” (h:ad¯ıth) from the companions of the
that is, the generally agreed upon “thing to do” in matters
Prophet, whose humanness, though exceptional, had to be
of piety, morality, and social activity. In fact, it was the sun-
maintained. It is true that the h:ad¯ıth did not establish
nah of the prophet Muh:ammad’s Arab compeers that initial-
Muh:ammad as an exemplar apart from his role as bearer of
ly led them to reject him, since the habitual social and spiri-
revealed truth; but, ironically, it was the very denial of his
tual practices of their ancestors were incompatible with his
divinity that made him so imitable, that allowed personal de-
vision and demands. And it was his reinterpretation of their
tails to accumulate to a level almost unmatched in the history
sunnah that helped him win them over, for he “reminded”
of religion, with the possible exception of the personality of
them successfully that what they took to be true tradition
Mohandas Gandhi. Ironically, too, it may have been the very
(polytheism, for example) was what modern scholars would
size of the corpus that not only encouraged selectivity but
call “invented tradition,” and that the true sunnah of their
also promoted, and reflected, disagreement about the norms
ancestors was the same Abrahamic ethical monotheism that
to be derived from it.
he was announcing, in that he called upon his listeners to ful-
SUNNAT AL-NAB¯I. In time, and especially under the pressure
fill Abraham’s moral contract with the one God.
of practical necessity, the two parts of Muh:ammad’s mission
The QurDanic revelations themselves did not establish
coalesced into two separate oral and written bodies of texts:
an unequivocal meaning for sunnah. They referred either to
(1) revelation (wah:y), that is, divine word or QurDa¯n; and (2)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUNNAH
8853
inspired prophetic example (sunnat al-nab¯ı). The most com-
tion of h:ad¯ıth, the two were not coterminous. The h:ad¯ıth
mon literary vehicle of the sunnat al-nab¯ı, the h:ad¯ıth, func-
were simply verbal reports, tens of thousands of them, about
tioned to maintain proximity to Muh:ammad’s sunnah in
something Muh:ammad said or did. They contained many,
much the same way as the ayya¯m, a pre-Islamic literary form
many potential norms or standards, but those had to be de-
for preserving noble tribal exploits, had kept tribal sunnah
rived or actualized to have legal force. Some matters that
alive. The early Muslim community, whose sunnah was
were traditionally agreed upon as sunnah were contradicted
based on that of Muh:ammad, preserved the sunnat al-nab¯ı
by particular h:ad¯ıth or had no basis in h:ad¯ıth. Furthermore,
through the memorization and transmission of h:ad¯ıth. Some
individual Muslims could easily disagree with one derivation
Muslims said that sunnat al-nab¯ı had been revealed along
of a norm and prefer another or prefer one h:ad¯ıth to another
with the QurDa¯n, as has sometimes been said of the oral law
or reject one and accept another. Finally, the h:ad¯ıth format
and the written law (Torah) in Judaism; others have even re-
came to be used for conveying all sorts of information not
lied on sunnah more than on the QurDa¯n.
directly related to the life of the Prophet.
The range covered by the sunnat al-nab¯ı was as broad
As the sunnah gradually acquired the meaning of the re-
as that of oral law too: food and eating, manners, clothing
ceived, recognized, normative practice of Muh:ammad and,
and jewelry, hygiene and grooming, social behavior, forms
to an extent, his companions, its opposite came to be repre-
of greeting, and etiquette, as well as weightier religious, polit-
sented by the word bid Dah (literally, “starting new,” “innova-
ical, or economic matters. Consequently, the sunnah of the
tion”). It first became significant as a critique of the behavior
Prophet and the early community came to play a major role
of the Marwanid caliphs (685–750), who were seen to have
in the development of the Islamic legal system (shar¯ı Eah) and
deviated from the ideal of Muh:ammad and his companions.
systematic discussion about God (kala¯m). (This usage of the
Some Muslims always used the word in a negative way—to
term sunnah should not be confused with the technical sense
refer to something beyond the parameters of the acceptable.
in which it is also used within the shar¯ı Eah for a certain level
For others, bid Dah, like sunnah, can be good or bad—bad if
of permissibility of acts.)
it contradicted the accepted sunnah, good if it was consistent
Sunnah also came to function in various extralegal, ex-
with it, even if not contained in it, and promoted the good
tratheological ways. The quoting of h:ad¯ıth could have a per-
of the community.
formatory quality: the mere act of citing an apt h:ad¯ıth could
Western scholars often translate bid Dah as “heresy” when
help one manage a given situation or display one’s piety.
applied by Muslims to unacceptable religious practices and
Through literary presentations of Muh:ammad’s life pattern,
beliefs. However, “heresy” obscures the pragmatic bent of
or s¯ırah, which also came to be the name of a biographical
the Islamic tradition in favor of a dogmatic bent more appro-
genre, the sunnah was spread even wider. The use of h:ad¯ıth
priate to a tradition such as Christianity, which had, unlike
as primary sources for the writing of historical narrative be-
Islam, institutionalized theological ways in order to judge
came common. Muh:ammad’s various roles, especially that
and control deviation. The charge of bid Dah referred not so
of societal reformer, became paradigms for the behavior of
much to the content of beliefs as to their practical conse-
many later leaders. At the popular level and especially among
quences; it was often made by rulers to reprove certain mem-
S:u¯f¯ıs (mystics), Muh:ammad became the soul’s guide and the
bers of society and dissuade them from adopting socially ap-
perfect universal human, showing people how to behave in
pealing ideas that disrupted the status quo.
the presence of God; numerous poetic genres emerged to
capture this side of him. Above all, the cultivation of the sun-
SUNN¯I AND SH¯IE¯I. During the first 120 years of Islamic histo-
nat al-nab¯ı, not just in legally binding matters but in the
ry, disagreements emerged about how best to derive, under-
smallest details of mundane daily existence, took on the salvi-
stand, and be true to the Prophet’s sunnah. Through a series
fic quality present in orthodox Jews’ observance of h:alakhah
of internal conflicts, sides and positions shifted frequently.
(law).
By the time the Abbasid dynasty of caliphs overthrew and
replaced the Umayyads (750), two major orientations had
Until recently, most Western scholars have focused on
begun to crystalize, both of which were addressed by the Ab-
the authenticity and reliability of these materials. There is an
basid platform. For some, Muh:ammad’s unifying and law-
old academic tradition that views the h:ad¯ıth-based picture
giving function was primary to his sunnah and would be best
of the sunnat al-nab¯ı as a post hoc creation of the second and
preserved if his community (jama¯ Dah) were kept together at
particularly third centuries of Islam, when the major authori-
all costs, in two ways: (1) by providing a system of rules
tative collections of h:ad¯ıth were compiled. More recent
(shar¯ı Eah) as close as possible to those he brought, with a
scholarship has argued that h:ad¯ıth emerged very early, in
body of learned men ( Eulama¯D) to manage it; and (2) by pro-
written as well as oral form, and that the very earliest Muslim
viding a “nomocratic” leader (khal¯ıfah) who would “stay
community assumed sincerely that its sunnah was continu-
close” to Muh:ammad by uniting the community physically,
ous with that of the Prophet.
by guaranteeing its security, and by ensuring a proper Mus-
Scholars have also disagreed about how closely to con-
lim environment through protection of the shar¯ı Eah and its
nect h:ad¯ıth and sunnah. Although the derivation of sunnah
learned managers. Muh:ammad’s charismatic function would
for legal purposes depended heavily on the study and explica-
not be imitated by a person but, rather, routinized in the law.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8854
SUNNAH
Another group found proximity to Muh:ammad in a dif-
Responding to these and other factors, al-Sha¯fıE¯ı sought
ferent device—physical descent. For them, maintaining
to rationalize and circumscribe the legitimate roots or sources
proximity to his sunnah depended on recapturing his intima-
(us:u¯l) of jurisprudential deliberation. These he limited to a
cy with God and his closeness to and divinely guided desig-
hierarchy of four, each of which had a fixed relationship to
nation of a relative, his cousin and son-in-law EAl¯ı, to succeed
the one(s) before: QurDa¯n, sunnah, ijma¯ E, and qiya¯s. The
him. Although they too gathered h:ad¯ıth, established sunnah,
starting point had to be the QurDa¯n. However, where the sun-
and worked out shariah, for them it was all unusable without
nah could explain or supplement revealed truth, it became
a continuation of the charismatic interpretation the Prophet
a second source by virtue of a frequent QurDanic injunction,
had provided. They had sought, unsuccessfully, to provide
“Obey God and his Messenger.” The sunnah had to be based
the community with a theocratic ruler (ima¯m) who could in-
on h:ad¯ıth traceable back to the Prophet himself or a com-
corporate the nomocratic functions of the khal¯ıfah but
panion through the supporting (isna¯d) of an unbroken chain
whose legitimacy would not depend on doing only that.
(silsilah) of reliable transmitters. Thus did al-Sha¯fıE¯ı solidify
Muh:ammad’s charismatic function would not be duplicated
for Jama¯E¯ı-Sunn¯ıs Muh:ammad’s role as uniquely authorita-
by the ima¯ms but, rather, transformed and kept alive by them
tive exemplar.
on the basis of their special inherited inner skills.
Furthermore, where the entire community, as represent-
Although affection for the family of the Prophet was dif-
ed by its learned men ( Eulama¯D), had reached consensus
fused throughout the Muslim community, this group carried
(ijma¯ E), that too became law if it was consistent with the first
partisanship further. In their hearts and minds, certain de-
two sources. In justifying the use of ijma¯ E, al-Sha¯fıE¯ı had re-
scendants of the Prophet through his cousin EAl¯ı (ima¯ms)
course to a famous h:ad¯ıth, “My community will never agree
partook of Muh:ammad’s special qualities; yet they suffered
on an error.” Ijma¯ E sometimes sanctioned, for example, the
and were frequently martyred at the hands of wrongful rul-
Arab custom of male and female circumcision, which in turn
ers. The passing over of EAl¯ı for the caliphate the first three
came to be known as sunnah too. Finally, the Eulama¯D could
times it was awarded and the martyrdom of the third of their
make adaptive extensions of the first three sources by using
line, H:usayn ibn EAl¯ı, at the hands of the fifth caliph, Yaz¯ıd
personal judgment limited to analogy (qiya¯s) to something
(r. 680–683), as well as subsequent misfortunes, predisposed
in the other three sources. They were equipped to perform
them to support the Abbasids, who claimed to represent the
their functions not because they possessed any innate charac-
innate right of the family of the Prophet over those who had
teristics but because they had acquired, through devoted
usurped it.
study of QurDa¯n and h:ad¯ıth, the knowlege ( Eilm) of what is
right.
However, after they came to power, the Abbasids reject-
ed the special claims of this group, which had generally been
Deserving of comment is the relationship between this
known as the partisans (sh¯ı Eah) of EAl¯ı, in favor of the no-
approach to h:ad¯ıth and sunnah and tradition, a word that is
mocratic style favored by the majority, who styled themselves
often used to translate them. Al-Sha¯fıE¯ı’s h:ad¯ıth-oriented ap-
“the people of the sunnah and the community” (ahl al-
proach was actually antitraditionalist. By insisting on the use
sunnah wa-al-jama¯ Dah). Although the short form Sunn¯ı
of texts in the form of h:ad¯ıth that were traceable to
stuck to them, as did Sh¯ıE¯ı to the others, nomenclature
Muh:ammad, he was restricting the role “tradition” had been
should not imply that only they were committed to sunnah
playing among legists because, by the second Islamic century,
and h:ad¯ıth as sources of knowledge. Rather, they established
many things that had become “traditional” among legists had
proximity to the sunnah by maintaining a consensual
no textual base or were contradicted by the texts.
jama¯ Dah, whereas the Shi’ah stayed close to it by resisting the
Al-Sha¯fıE¯ı’s approach should more properly be viewed
decisions of the misguided jama¯ Dah and by trying to substi-
as “textualist”: he accepted practices not because they were
tute what they saw as a more profound, esoteric understand-
customary but because they were documented. Not long
ing and style of leadership.
after his death, the h:ad¯ıth began to be compiled into a series
of six major authoritative collections. Although some of
Subtle interpretations aside, however, “Sunn¯ı” came to
them may have reflected “traditions” in the narrower sense,
stand, in different senses, for the majoritarian, mainstream,
the impact of this whole series of developments was to con-
“orthoprax” style of Islamic piety, especially among those
trol the traditional in favor of what was based on a text and
who adhered to it (more than 90% throughout history). By
to undermine contemporary rulers’ attempts to legitimize
the time of the influential legal theorist and schematizer
custom based on the court rather than sunnah based on
al-Sha¯fıE¯ı (d. 820), an unsystemic and sometimes imaginative
h:ad¯ıth.
derivation and use of h:ad¯ıth about Muh:ammad’s and his
community’s sunnah had become commonplace among the
Emergence of schools. Gradually, four major
several early Jama¯E¯ı-Sunn¯ı “schools” of fiqh (jurisprudence),
Jama¯E¯ı-Sunn¯ı “schools” (sg., madhhab; pl., madha¯hib) of
as had many other legal techniques. Simultaneously, intellec-
law, all influenced by al-Sha¯fıE¯ı’s system, formed around the
tually important movements like Shiism and MuEtazil¯ı ratio-
teachings of four leading early figures: Ahmad ibn H:anbal
nalism had developed modes of reasoning that downplayed
(780–855), Ma¯lik ibn Anas (715–795), Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah (699–
the authority of a h:ad¯ıth-borne sunnat al-nab¯ı.
767), and al-Sha¯fıE¯ı himself. Eventually, standardization set
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

S´U
¯ NYAM AND S´U¯NYATA¯
8855
in to the point at which, by the fourteenth century, no fur-
the many diverse peoples who have come under the Islamic
ther significant variation was anticipated—a situation ex-
umbrella during the past fourteen centuries.
pressed by the phrase “the closing of the gate of ijtiha¯d” (in-
dividual inquiry).
SEE ALSO Caliphate; H:ad¯ıth; Imamate; Muh:ammad;
Nubu¯wah.
Shar¯ı Eah-oriented Jama¯E¯ı-Sunnism came to focus on
the establishment of communal consensus and the mainte-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
nance of the public order—in worship, in marketplace be-
Two Arabic sources available in English translation give textured
havior, or on the highways and frontiers. Judges (qa¯d:¯ıs)
evidence for how the sunnah evolved: Alfred Guillaume’s A
judged what was brought to their attention, not what they
Translation of [Ibn] Ish:a¯q’s S¯ırat Rasu¯l Alla¯h (1955; reprint,
ferreted out privately. Books of law focused on ritual obliga-
Lahore, 1967) is an early biography of Muh:ammad that
tions (summarized by the five pillars—confession of faith,
shows how accounts of his life and portrayal of his sunnah
daily prayer, alms, fasting during the month of Ramad:a¯n,
did not depend on h:ad¯ıth alone; Islamic Jurisprudence:
and pilgrimage to Mecca) as well as on family and personal
Al-Sha¯fı E¯ı’s Risa¯lah, translated by Majid Khadduri (Balti-
status law and economic and political matters. This style of
more, 1961), offers a classic statement on the role of h:ad¯ıth
in formulating shar¯ı Eah.
piety came to accept as ruler (khal¯ıfah) whomever the great
majority of the community accepted and to define him as
Although many excellent works have been written about sunnah
guarantor of physical security and provider of an atmosphere
and h:ad¯ıth, William A. Graham’s Divine Word and Prophetic
Word in Early Islam (The Hague, 1977) is particularly useful.
in which the shar¯ı Eah could prevail.
In this pathbreaking study, Graham argues that the role of
Some Jama¯E¯ı-Sunn¯ıs also used h:ad¯ıth and sunnah as the
Muh:ammad’s sunnah as a norm goes back to his own lifetime
basis for kala¯m (speculative discussion about God), although
and that it developed much more continuously than past
others viewed kala¯m itself as bid Dah, by virtue of its presump-
scholars have thought. Ignácz Goldziher’s Muslim Studies, 2
tuous attempt to prove what had already been revealed as
vols., translated by C. R. Barber and S. M. Stern (Chicago,
true. By the eleventh century, two major h:ad¯ıth-oriented
1967), is an erudite study of various aspects of Islam and a
good example of a legalistic approach to h:ad¯ıth and sunnah;
schools—the Ma¯tur¯ıd¯ı (named after Abu¯ Mans:u¯r
Goldziher tends to be skeptical about their reliability, howev-
al-Ma¯tur¯ıd¯ı, d. 944) and the AshEar¯ı (named after Abu¯
er. The first chapter of volume 1 is especially useful. Another
al-H:asan al-AshEar¯ı, d. 935)—had won out over more ratio-
important work is Nabia Abbott’s Studies in Arabic Literary
nalistic groups such as the MuEtazilah. The AshEar¯ıyah and
Papyri, 2 vols. (Chicago, 1957–1967), a detailed study of
Ma¯tur¯ıd¯ıyah emphasized emotional faith as opposed to the
early Islamic written texts. Professor Abbott includes evi-
mere assent of intellectualized belief and relied on
dence that h:ad¯ıth were committed to writing much earlier
Muh:ammad’s own faith and the h:ad¯ıth that expressed it as
than scholars had previously argued. See also A. J. Wen-
the best guides. They favored an exoteric (z:a¯hir¯ı) style of
sinck’s article “Sunna,” in Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam (Lei-
reading the QurDa¯n and h:ad¯ıth. Although they insisted on
den, 1974); James Robson’s “Tradition, the Second Founda-
the unity of God, they accepted the existence of his attributes
tion of Islam,” Muslim World 41 (1951): 22–33; and Josef
van Ess’s Zwischen H:ad¯ıth und Thëologie (Berlin, 1975).
as mentioned in the QurDa¯n, asserting that those attributes
were not part of his essence. They emphasized that God exer-
For Sh¯ıE¯ı developments and approaches to sunnah and h:ad¯ıth, S.
cised power over human action through continuous atomis-
H. M. Jafri’s The Origins and Development of Shi Ea Islam
tic creation, though they did not remove the power of
(London, 1979) is a solid chronological history of Twelver
Shiism, with a good analysis of the Twelver attitude to and
human choice altogether. They set limits on speculation by
concern for sunnah. Marshall G. S. Hodgson’s “How Did the
accepting many difficult QurDanic points outright, without
Early ShiEa Become Sectarian?” Journal of the American Ori-
regard to how they were true.
ental Society 75 (1955): 1–13, is a seminal article that man-
Sufism. Despite the emphasis of Jama¯E¯ı-Sunn¯ıs on
ages to convey the fluidity of pre-Abbasid politics as well as
shar¯ı Eah, they also began by the twelfth century to partake
the reasons for the consolidation of Twelver Shiism in the
late eighth century.
of mystical piety (Sufism), partly because of the accomplish-
ments of al-Ghaza¯l¯ı (d. 1111), the kala¯m teacher and self-
On bid Dah, see D. B. Macdonald’s article “Bid’a” in Shorter Ency-
styled S:u¯f¯ı. Al-Ghaza¯l¯ı managed to make a place in
clopaedia of Islam (Leiden, 1974), a brief survey with good
Jama¯E¯ı-Sunn¯ı legalism for the more spiritualized, ineffable
basic information and unfortunately few nuances, and Ber-
nard Lewis’s “Some Observations on the Significance of Her-
qualities of the S:u¯f¯ıs. Organized groups of S:u¯f¯ıs (t:ar¯ıqahs)
esy in Islam,” Studia Islamica 1 (1953): 43–63, a more subtle
of great scope and variety gradually appeared and expanded
interpretation of bid Dah than usual, in a nondogmatic con-
so that by the sixteenth century much if not most of the adult
text.
male Sunn¯ı population may have belonged to one or the
other of these groups.
MARILYN ROBINSON WALDMAN (1987)
Jama¯E¯ı-Sunn¯ısm has been described as the “piety of soli-
darity.” Its emphasis on the universal applicability and acces-
sibility not only of the QurDa¯n but also of Muh:ammad’s sun-
S´U
¯ NYAM AND S´U¯NYATA¯. “Empty,” “open,” “de-
nah has promoted remarkable cultural homogeneity among
void,” “nothing,” and “nonexistent” are words used to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

S´U
¯ NYAM AND S´U¯NYATA¯
8856
translate the term ´su¯nyam. “Emptiness,” “openness,” “noth-
attachment. To prevent attachment to dharma analysis and
ingness,” “nonsubstantiality,” “relativity,” and “the inex-
the expectation of an individual nirva¯n:a they insisted that
haustible” have been used to translate ´su¯nyata¯. These two
even the dharmas, together with their identifying characteris-
terms, of major importance in Buddhism, have been used to
tics, had to be seen as empty. All distinctions, including those
express a philosophical idea, a focus of meditation, a religious
between nirva¯n:a and the world in flux (sam:sa¯ra) and between
attitude, and a manner of ethical action. “Emptiness” may
enlightenment and non-enlightenment, were empty of in-
thus indicate deprivation (or self-substantiated reality in con-
herent characteristics. The emptiness of all things is a signifi-
ventional experience), a complex implicit interrelatedness of
cant part of the Bodhisattva Path to enlightenment in
all existing things, or blissful perfect freedom (from anxiety,
Maha¯ya¯na (Great Vehicle) Buddhism (which developed in
anger, and pain). As general religious terms, ´su¯nyam and
northern India and spread to China, Korea, Japan, and
´su¯nyata¯ are used in an attempt to indicate and incite an
Tibet). This path is a spiritual training that begins with in-
awareness of “the way things really are” (yatha¯bhu¯tam). The
struction of the Buddha’s Middle Way to avoid attachment
complexity of the concept expressed as “emptiness” derives
to “the appearances of the world” and acquisition of self-
from the recognition in Buddhism that teaching the truth
constricting energy (karman). The path includes putting the
about life is urgent for alleviating suffering, but that implicit
teaching into practice (perhaps through many lifetimes and
in thinking and speaking resides a tendency to create an illu-
even aeons of time) by meditation, by moral action that re-
sion (of self-sufficient realities) that is itself the cause of that
sults in “seeds of virtue,” and eventually by the formation of
suffering. The teaching of “the emptiness of things” is a med-
“the thought of enlightenment” (bodhicitta) and the earnest
icine for the spiritual illness seen wherever there is greed,
resolution (pran:idha¯na) to work for the welfare of all living
hate, and self-delusion; it is a response to a universal, prob-
beings. Progress on the path includes the perfection of chari-
lematic condition that is found in particular specific forms
ty, morality, effort, and wisdom. A distinguishing character
and thus requires different kinds and levels of correction. As-
of this wisdom is that the recognition of emptiness is com-
sertions about the empty nature of existence pertain to differ-
bined with compassion for all living beings. Such wisdom is
ent objects of concern, for example, conventional phenome-
cultivated through a skill (upa¯yakau´salya) to fully engage the
na, the basic (usually hidden but more fundamental) causal
conditioned world (sam:sa¯ra) without being tainted by its
factors of existence, the highest mode of perceiving phenom-
evil, delusion, and compulsive drivenness toward pain. The
ena, or the nature of everything. Similarly, different Bud-
Bodhisattva Path is elaborated in subsequent centuries in
dhist schools have recognized the value of different interpre-
such texts as the Madhyamaka¯vata¯ra (Entering the Middle
tations but have judged the value of a particular
Way) by Candrak¯ırti (sixth century CE), the S´iksa¯samuccaya
interpretation on a scale from the most superficial under-
(Compendium of Precepts) by S´a¯ntideva (eighth century
standing (for beginners) to the most profound (for spiritual
CE), and the Bha¯vana¯krama (The course of spiritual develop-
adepts). In all the interpretations and explanations, however,
ment) by Kamala´s¯ıla (eighth century CE). In claiming to per-
there is a clear recognition that the notion of emptiness is
fect the meditational practice of the Abhidharma masters
closely tied to the practice of perceiving existence in an
within the Indian Buddhist community, the composers of
“empty manner,” which, in turn, results in behavior typified
the Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯ Su¯tras claimed—as did the composers of
by patience, compassion, strength of character, and morality.
such other early Maha¯ya¯na discourses as the Saddharma-
TEACHING OF EMPTINESS AS PART OF THE BODHISATTVA
pun:d:ar¯ıka Su¯tra (Lotus of the good law discourse) and the
PATH. During the second century BCE, Buddhist teachers in
Vimalak¯ırtinirde´sa Su¯tra (Exposition by Vimalak¯ırti)—that
India emphasized “emptiness” as a basic description of the
their teaching of emptiness was consistent with, and indeed
nature of existing things. They were known as “teachers of
the deepest comprehension of, the earliest recorded doctrine
emptiness” (´su¯nyava¯dins). Their approach to enlightenment
of the Buddha. The earlier recorded discourses (nika¯yas) had
is dramatically portrayed in the Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯ Su¯tras (The
already used the notion of emptiness to describe the ephem-
perfection of wisdom discourses). These su¯tras maintain that
eral quality of phenomena, especially the lack of permanence
the teaching and meditation training of the contemporary
and self-existence of perceived objects. During meditative
traditional masters, as depicted in the analysis of the Abhid-
quieting of the mind, and through a descriptive analysis of
harma Pit:aka, resulted in only a partial enlightenment. The
the many factors that constitute perceived objects, the monk
Abhidharma masters had insight only into the emptiness of
sought to remove mental and emotional disturbances that
“the self” and general empirical phenomena, which they
arose from false expectations of permanence. Though every-
could perceive by breaking up conventional perceptions of
day phenomena “exist” in a composite, conditioned manner,
oneself and “the objective world” into their fundamental
they are empty of anything that is permanent or self-existent.
causal factors (dharmas). While reviewing the dharmas was
In articulating this path of nonattachment to mental, emo-
recognized to be a monastic skill that provided the founda-
tional, or material “things,” the nika¯yas use designations such
tion for the cultivation of nonattachment to the self and the
as “empty,” “impermanent,” and “nonessential”; however,
world, the “teachers of emptiness” held that such a review,
they are aware that in conventional speech an assertion im-
with its emphasis on attaining nirva¯n:a by avoiding attach-
plies the denial of its opposite claim. To avoid such implica-
ment to the “constructed world,” could itself become a subtle
tions they also warn that enlightenment is not the same as
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

S´U
¯ NYAM AND S´U¯NYATA¯
8857
holding a view of emptiness, of nonexistence rather than exis-
changing existence or enlightenment only if one recognizes
tence, of “it is not” rather than “it is.” Rather, one should
that these lack self-existent reality (i.e., emptiness as depen-
avoid clinging to ideas or apprehensions that divide one’s ex-
dent co-origination).
perience into “is” and “is not,” “being” and “nonbeing,” or
To perceive all existing things as dependently co-
“if not this, then that.” The path to enlightenment, ex-
originating, or empty, requires a shift from the conventional
pounded by the “teachers of emptiness” in the Praj-
mode of perception. Conventional experience divides the
ña¯pa¯ramita¯ Su¯tras, absorbed the earlier Buddhist recognition
world into likes and dislikes, desires and fears, and “you” and
that the self and objects of perception are empty of self-
“me” as separate entities. This hides the fact that these per-
existence. The “teachers of emptiness” extended the aware-
ceptions can exist only in interrelationship. To perceive
ness of the empty nature to everything. Thus the dharmas
through the deep awareness of emptiness, people must be-
(causal factors of existence), the Buddha’s teaching, the path
come aware of how they construct attachments and fears
to liberation, the beings who seek liberation, liberation, and
while perceiving, conceptualizing, and judging. Concepts
“emptiness as a teaching” were all viewed as being empty—
and language create the places for sensations and emotions
all viewed in an empty manner. The Bodhisattva Path was
“to reside.” Therefore, they are a prime focus for dissipating
described as “no-path” or “non-coursing”; the Buddha’s po-
attachments. Na¯ga¯rjuna and his followers in the
sition was “having no place to stand.” The attainment of en-
Ma¯dhyamika school use a critical dialectic to show how con-
lightenment was “no-attainment.” There was no defilement,
cepts that presume to describe independent, self-sufficient
no purification; no arising and no dissipation of existence;
reality are illusory. The general structure of this dialectic is
and no release from existence to attain nirva¯n:a—because all
to assert that any self-subsistent, independent entity is un-
these are empty of self-substantiated reality, inherent charac-
changing and unrelated; to claim that such an entity ac-
teristics, and essential value. This kind of teaching was meant
counts for any phenomenon in the continually changing
neither for the “worldling” attached to the things of existence
world is either logically contradictory or contrary to com-
nor even for a novice in the Buddha’s Middle Way. Such
mon experience. Likewise in this dialectic is a rejection of the
people as these might become fearful and despondent or
common assumption that any denial of something logically
might interpret the teaching as a nihilistic view or simply as
requires the opposite positive assertion. That is, when deny-
a negative expression of a transcendent essentialism. Only
ing that an entity has “being,” a person implicitly asserts that
courageous pursuers of truth who had accumulated a re-
the entity has “nonbeing.” Thus in the Ma¯dhyamika dialec-
source of spontaneous virtue and clarity of perception could
tic a common argumentative procedure is the denial of “four
see that such “non-coursing” implies complete interrelated-
alternatives” (catus:koti). For example, in discussing the na-
ness with all living beings and that the deepest cognition of
ture of the perfectly enlightened one (tatha¯gata), Na¯ga¯rjuna
emptiness is expressed as compassion.
states: “One can say neither ‘empty’ nor ‘non-empty’; nor
THE MA¯DHYAMIKA SCHOOL. The effort to formulate and
both, nor neither. The purpose of these designations is for
justify the insight that all things are empty while living in
communication only” (Mu¯lamadhyamakaka¯rika¯s 22.11).
a spontaneous, comprehensively caring manner was system-
The religious significance of the critical dialectic is to show
atized differently by two Indian schools of Buddhism, the
the “non-abiding” character of “the way things are.” The
Ma¯dhyamika (“middle way”) and the Yoga¯ca¯ra (“yoga prac-
empty character of existence cannot be encapsulated in lan-
tice”) schools. Na¯ga¯rjuna (late second century CE) is often re-
guage or in any perception that implicitly assumes perma-
garded as the founder of the Ma¯dhyamika school. The invo-
nent essential qualities or substances. By dislodging a per-
cation of one of his major writings, the Mu¯lamadhya-
son’s hope that language or logic can capture the empty, or
maka¯karika¯s (The Fundamentals of the Middle Way), in-
intrinsically relational dynamic of existence, one can avoid
cludes a summary of “eight negations” that has epitomized
the delusion of permanence as a condition for happiness and
the emptiness teaching for subsequent generations: no origi-
serenity. The use of logic to justify the emptiness of experi-
nation, no dissipation; no permanence, no ending; no differ-
enced “things,” juxtaposed with the assertion that language
entiation, no identity; no coming (into existence), no going
distorts a true cognition of emptiness, led to the doctrine of
(from existence). Throughout this work, Na¯ga¯rjuna analyzes
two levels or modes of truth. The notion of two modes of
basic philosophical notions and views, for example, causal
truth recognizes that logic, metaphor, or verbal description
conditions, time, karman, self (a¯tman), the fully enlightened
has use in conventional day-to-day experience but that such
one (tatha¯gata), and nirva¯n:a. He shows that none exists in
conventional use also hides and distorts a deeper (or higher)
the sense of self-sufficient existence (svabha¯va) and, thus,
cognition known through an immediate, direct, intuitive
that each is empty (of self-sufficient existence). At the same
awareness. For the Ma¯dhyamika, emptiness was the object
time, he demonstrates that all phenomena exist because
of highest knowledge and, at the same time, accounted for
emptiness is the same as dependent co-origination
the possibility of the conditioned, conventional forms in ev-
(prat¯ıtya-samutpa¯da). As radical relational existence, empti-
eryday life. However, to say that emptiness is “the object”
ness is identical to existence. Contrary to the claim of his op-
of knowledge does not mean at the highest level of truth that
ponents that to designate everything as “empty” is to say that
emptiness exists as a separate entity. This is the realization
nothing exists, Na¯ga¯rjuna insists that one can account for
of the “emptiness of emptiness.” Because “the two modes of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

S´U
¯ NYAM AND S´U¯NYATA¯
8858
truth”—like everything else—are related but distinct, the
for example, subject and object, being and nonbeing. The
systematic formulation of how they were to be defined and
elimination of dualistic fabrication is true emptiness. Con-
related became a focus of much subsequent discussion and
sciousness, in Yoga¯ca¯ra reflection, is the comprehensive reali-
writing throughout the millennia. Within the Ma¯dhyamika
ty and is composed of three kinds of reality: completely fic-
school and between various schools or lineages of teaching
tive or illusory (parikalpita-svabha¯va), dependent or
in India, Tibet, China, Korea, and Japan, there were various
conditioned (paratantra-svabha¯va), and truly real or nondual
understandings of the two levels of truth and the meaning
(parinis:panna-svabha¯va). Through the practice of the Bodhi-
of emptiness in the context of realizing the highest truth.
sattva Path the illusory reality is recognized for what it is:
Within Ma¯dhyamika, the subschool called Pra¯san˙gika (from
nonexistent. This recognition purifies the conditioned exis-
prasan˙ga, a logical method of “necessary consequence”)
tence, which itself is not a real object but a modality of con-
stressed the distorting character of all concepts and logic. Its
sciousness. When this is realized, the nonduality (or empti-
adherents applied their rigorous “consequential dialectic” to
ness) of all things is manifest and exists as the ultimate reality
all concepts that purported to express the highest truth, in
(parama¯rtha sat). Whereas the Ma¯dhyamikas stress that both
order to dislodge any pretense of language to do so. Language
the conditioned forms and the unconditioned reality are
and logic are, nevertheless, important tools to show the self-
empty, the Yoga¯ca¯ras emphasize that the true reality is nei-
contradictory and distortional character of conceptual for-
ther empty nor nonempty.
mulation. In his Prasannapada¯ (Clearly worded commen-
Another aspect of the Yoga¯ca¯ra emphasis on conscious-
tary), on Na¯ga¯rjuna’s Mu¯lamadhyamakaka¯rika¯s, Candrak¯ırti
ness, found in several Indian discourses that contributed to
advocates this position, emphasizing that the awareness of
the Maha¯ya¯na understanding of ultimate reality, was the no-
emptiness is the destruction of all views or formulations.
tion of the “matrix of enlightened reality” (tatha¯gata-garbha).
Even the negation of self-existent reality (svabha¯va) is not a
Vasubandhu had described the basis of multiple kinds of
positive cognition of anything. In his commentary,
consciousness as a “store consciousness” (alaya-vijñana).
Candrak¯ırti argues against Bha¯vaviveka, an important
This store consciousness contains both pure and impure
spokesperson for the other Ma¯dhyamika subschool, the
“seeds” (b¯ıjas) that influence subsequent consciousness. Sim-
Sva¯tantrikas (“Independents”). The Sva¯tantrikas held that
ilarly, the tatha¯gata-garbha is the womb, or matrix, from
language and logic cannot express the most profound aspects
which pure consciousness in the manifested world arises.
of the highest truth but that some assertions express the truth
Such a Maha¯ya¯na text as the Sr¯ıma¯la¯dev¯ı-sim:hana¯da Su¯tra
of emptiness more accurately than others. Further, the accu-
(The lion’s roar of Queen Srimala) equates the tatha¯gata-
rate statements are amenable to verification within conven-
garbha with emptiness. Here “emptiness” means both “being
tional rules of logical justification. This discussion continued
devoid of impurities” and the natural “power of enlighten-
outside India, especially in the development of Tibetan Bud-
ment” to produce nonattached consciousness in worldly
dhist lineages. For example, the Pra¯san˙gika position was
forms. The ultimate nature of the tatha¯gata-garbha is perfect
elaborated by the Sa skya and later by the Rnying ma pa
purity. It is manifested in forms as well as being the formless
commentators, while the Sva¯tantrika position was advocated
reality. However, enlightened reality—also called “the Bud-
by the Dge lugs pa lineage, including the great master Tsong
dha nature”—is said to be nonempty in respect to the virtues
kha pa (1357–1419 CE). The Tibetan monasteries developed
of Buddhahood, which are manifested in the phenomenal
their own lineages by drawing on ideas and interpretations
world. Insofar as there is a strong emphasis on enlightened
from various earlier schools. They attempted to synthesize
reality, which is manifest in particular concrete forms, the
the teachings from different sources and thus develop a more
tatha¯gata-garbha is said to be neither simply empty nor sim-
complete view, while the Pra¯san˙gika view is said to be the
ply nonempty. In India during the second half of the first
basis for knowing emptiness and is found in all four divisions
millennium CE, in China beginning in the fifth century CE,
of the tantras (“deep meaning texts”).
and in the development of the Tibetan lineages, Buddhist
THE YOGA¯CA¯RA SCHOOL. The ideas of the other major Indi-
scholars developed several formulations of the relation be-
an school of Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism, the Yoga¯ca¯ra, were sys-
tween the conditioned and the unconditioned realities, be-
tematically formulated during the fourth century CE by the
tween the pure and the impure conditioning influences, and
two monks Asan˙ga and Vasubandhu. Like the
between emptiness and conditional form.
Ma¯dhyamikas, the Yoga¯ca¯ras also recognize that all phenom-
EMPTINESS IN CHINESE AND JAPANESE SCHOOLS. In China
ena are empty (i.e., conditioned, without selfsubsisting reali-
the Ma¯dhyamika school maintained a teaching lineage for
ty). However, they insist that the “courser in wisdom” should
several centuries from the fifth century CE on as the Sanlun
positively affirm the ultimate reality of consciousness. It is
(“three [middle way] treatises”) school. The teachings of the
consciousness that is empty and that knows in an empty or
Ma¯dhyamika were studied in Japan from the seventh century
delusive manner. All living beings, Asan˙ga claims in his
CE on but without a separate community following a lineage
Madhya¯nta-vibhaga (Distinguishing between the middle and
succession. The Yoga¯ca¯ra doctrine was transmitted to China
extremes), have the capacity to pervasively construct “that
through the translation of texts and a lineage of teachers that
which is not there” (abhu¯ta-parikalpa). This capacity artifi-
became known as the Faxiang (“characteristics of dharma”)
cially divides the interdependent world into many dualities,
school. This school was transmitted to Japan during the sev-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

S´U
¯ NYAM AND S´U¯NYATA¯
8859
enth and eighth centuries CE, where it was known as the
the emptiness of the interrelatedness of conditioned exis-
Hosso¯ school. The Chinese Maha¯ya¯na Buddhists, during the
tence (dependent co-origination); this, in turn, is also the
fifth and sixth centuries, wrestled with the cognition of emp-
non-self-substantial (empty) nature of illusory mental con-
tiness first in relation to Neo-Daoist notions of nothingness
struction. To know the intrinsic emptiness (“suchness”) of
(kong), which implied that emptiness is a primary source
all forms is the highest awareness. However, most people do
from which all phenomenal forms arise. In the flowering of
not see the complex emptiness of everything. At a lower level
Buddhism in China (from the sixth century CE through the
of awareness, one can also say that the evil and pain experi-
first half of the ninth century CE), Buddhist scholars under-
enced in the world represent only the potential for realizing
stood emptiness within the context of the broadbased Chi-
incomprehensible “suchness” and that the tatha¯gata-garbha
nese philosophical problem of the relation between the sub-
causes the transformation of enlightenment in particular
stance or foundation (ti) of everything and its function or
minds and moments of consciousness. Nevertheless, in reali-
appearance (yong) in the changing world. Within the Sanlun
ty, the world is an inconceivably vast expression of emptiness
school, contrasting understandings of this relation between
that is the glorious manifestation of unchanging fullness, an
substance and function are found in the writings of Sengzhao
overbrimming potential of “openness.” Another very impor-
(374–414 CE) and of Jizang (549–623 CE). Sengzhao as-
tant expression of emptiness is found in the “Meditation
sumed the identity of substance and function, affirming that
school,” which is known as Chan in China and Zen in Japan.
emptiness is the foundation of all things that appear through
The focus in Chan communities has been, and is, on “the
dependent co-arising and is the nature of insight that recog-
practice of emptiness.” The basic negation of concepts as in-
nizes the illusory (empty) character of phenomena; thereby
adequate communication of “the way things are” and an em-
the enlightened person abides in non-abiding (emptiness)
phasis on quieting the mind and extending the empty mode
and moves (in an empty manner) in conditioned existence.
of perception into daily life continue the themes found in
Jizang, on the contrary, held that substance and function
the Bodhisattva Path as portrayed in the Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯
need to be clearly distinguished, and emphasized that the
Su¯tras. Zen masters have commented on these discourses as
highest truth is manifest when the conventional truth is ne-
well as on the central Ma¯dhyamika and Yoga¯ca¯ra treatises
gated. Emptiness is basically the dialectical negation of both
and on the poems and comments of previous Zen masters.
being and nonbeing and of both affirmation and negation.
Zen is the practice of manifesting “the Buddha mind,” which
The highest truth is known in conditioned existence when
is also “no-mind.” The realization of “no-mind” is the loss
names and characteristics of things are negated or transcend-
of attachment to conventional perceptions, theoretical con-
ed in nonphenomenal awareness. During the sixth and sev-
cepts about reality, and self-images. In that state of aware-
enth centuries CE, the Chinese Buddhists synthesized the no-
ness, a Zen practitioner is directly confronted with empti-
tions of emptiness, multiple kinds of truth (reality), and
ness—not as an idea or as the denial of an idea but as “what
dependent co-arising within a cosmological context in devel-
is at that moment.” Many Zen masters have emphasized that
oping two distinctly Chinese schools or teaching lineages.
the notion of emptiness is misleading or useless when it is
These were Tiantai, formulated by Zhiyi (531–597 CE), and
used to describe a distinctive quality of experience. At the
Huayan, systematized by Fazang (643–712 CE). Both are at-
same time, “emptiness” is prominently used as a focus of
tempts to relate substance and function in one harmonious
meditation, in which the meditator is called on to “become
and interrelated matrix of reality. Chih-i held that there was
emptiness.” Basically, it is a mental tool to dissipate attach-
a threefold truth—the empty (kong), the provisional (jia),
ment to images and concepts. In the contemporary discus-
and the middle (zhong)—and that these three parts are recip-
sion of cross-cultural philosophy and interfaith dialogue in
rocally identical and simultaneous. Rather than view the
which Buddhists are involved, the notion of emptiness and
truths in a lower-to-higher order, he presented them as dif-
the negating dialectic are important points of engagement
ferent modalities of one universal consciousness. While they
with other philosophies. The empty perception of “the way
appear to be separate processes, he maintained, in their deep-
things are” has been compared with the critique of reason
est character of interrelatedness they are one undifferentiated
given by the eighteenth-century German philosopher Im-
matrix whose principle is beyond dualistic or linear compre-
manuel Kant and with the distorting character of language
hension. Fazang held that the “nature of things” was empti-
described by the twentieth-century philosophers Ludwig
ness, by which he meant the harmonious interdependent co-
Wittgenstein and Martin Heidegger. The claim that all
arising of particular, concrete phenomena. Such a universe
things are dependently co-originated is compared with simi-
is “the body of the tatha¯gata.” Rather than devaluing particu-
lar concepts in “process philosophy,” as expounded, for ex-
lar phenomena because they are conditioned (non-eternal),
ample, in Alfred North Whitehead’s Process and Reality. The
his system insists that each has supreme value in its interre-
notion of emptiness forms a central concern in the philo-
latedness to everything else. Fazang held that the three na-
sophical thought of the contemporary Japanese philosophers
tures (levels of awareness) proposed by Yoga¯ca¯ra teachers are
Nishida Kitaro¯ and Nishitani Keiji as they discuss the nature
intrinsically interrelated, and together form a whole, because
of goodness, existence, and selfhood in a cross-cultural philo-
they are all empty. The most profound nature is the incom-
sophical context. In interfaith dialogue, emptiness is a major
prehensible “suchness” (formless emptiness), which is also
topic in the Christian and Buddhist discussion of the nature
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8860
SUPERNATURAL, THE
of ultimate reality, human nature, and religious awareness.
New Sources
Likewise, the empty apprehension of oneself that is best
Burton, D. Emptiness Appraised: A Critical Study of Nagarjuna’s
manifested in compassion is compared with mystical disci-
Philosophy. Richmond, U.K., 1999.
plines that require the love of others found in various reli-
Hopkins, J. Emptiness in the Mind-Only School of Buddhism: Dy-
gious traditions. As a fundamental and multidimensional
namic Responses to Dzong-ka-ba’s The Essence of Eloquence: I.
concept, emptiness continues to engage reflective people
Berkeley, 1999.
who pursue the tantalizing question of the nature of things.
Hopkins, J., and E. Napper. Meditation on Emptiness. Boston,
1996.
SEE ALSO A¯laya-vijña¯na; Bodhisattva Path; Buddhism,
Ichimura, S. Buddhist Critical Spirituality: Prajña and Sunyata.
Schools of, article on Tibetan and Mongolian Buddhism;
Delhi, 2001.
Buddhist Philosophy; Chan; Dharma, article on Buddhist
King, R. Indian Philosophy: An Introduction to Hindu and Buddhist
Dharma and Dharmas; Huayan; Ma¯dhyamika; Na¯ga¯rjuna;
Thought. Washington, D.C., 1999.
Nirva¯n:a; Numbers, article on Binary Symbolism; Prajña¯;
Napper, E. Dependent-Arising and Emptiness: A Tibetan Buddhist
Prat¯ıtya-samutpa¯da; Soteriology; Tatha¯gata-garbha; Tiantai;
Interpretation of Madhyamika Philosophy Emphasizing the
Yoga¯ca¯ra; Zen.
Compatibility of Emptiness and Conventional Phenomena.
Boston, 2003.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Viévard, L. Vacuité (Sunyata) et Compassion (Karuna) dans le
Bouddhisme Madhyamaka. Paris, 2002.
A good historical introduction to the development of the “teach-
ing of emptiness” in India is Edward Conze’s Buddhist
Williams, P., and A. Tribe. Buddhist Thought: A Complete Intro-
Thought in India (London, 1962); his translations of the
duction to the Indian Tradition. New York, 2000.
Prajñapa¯ramita¯ Su¯tras, especially The Perfection of Wisdom in
FREDERICK J. STRENG (1987)
Eight Thousand Lines and Its Verse Summary (Bolinas, Calif.,
Revised Bibliography
1973), are basic for understanding how the term “empty”
functions in communicating the Bodhisattva Path. A stan-
dard philosophical analysis of Indian Ma¯dhyamika thought,
emphasizing the logical dialectic, is T. R. V. Murti’s The
SUPERNATURAL, THE. Mysterious occurrences
Central Philosophy of Buddhism, 2d ed. (London, 1970), and
and beings that habitually or occasionally impinge upon
a useful linguistic and philosophical analysis of the transla-
one’s everyday experience are called “supernatural.” It is
tion of the Indian Madhyamika into Chinese thought is
commonly said that belief in the supernatural characterizes
found in Richard H. Robinson’s Early Ma¯dhyamika in India
all religions and that belief in the supernatural wanes in mod-
and China (Madison, Wis., 1967). In my book Emptiness: A
ern societies.
Study in Religious Meaning (New York, 1967) I compare the
religious language structure of the term “emptiness” and the
HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE NOTION. The term su-
Indian Ma¯dhyamika dialectic with other kinds of religious
pernatural was given wide currency by Thomas Aquinas
expression in order to delineate their religious meaning. A
(1225–1274) and the Scholastics, but it had numerous ante-
collection of essays edited by Minoru Kiyota, Maha¯ya¯na
cedents in the idiom of the Hellenistic thinkers and church
Buddhist Meditation (Honolulu, 1978), contains several ex-
fathers. Neoplatonists in particular accumulated superlatives
cellent essays on the meaning of emptiness in Buddhist theo-
to speak of the realm of the divine: It was above the highest
ry and practice in India, Tibet, China, and Japan. An intro-
heaven, beyond the world, and even beyond being. Chris-
duction to the understanding of emptiness within the
tians spoke of God as being above nature: He had not grown
meditative practice of Tibetan Buddhism is Practice and The-
out of anything but was eternally self-subsistent. They also
ory of Tibetan Buddhism, edited and translated by Geshe
spoke of Christ as bringing to humankind benefits that were
Lhundup Sopa and Jeffrey Hopkins (New York, 1976). A
above nature, that is, benefits that were beyond what human
lengthy explanation of the realization of emptiness according
to the texts and oral traditions of the Pra¯san˙gika-
beings could reach with their own powers. This link between
Ma¯dhyamika tradition in Tibet is Jeffrey Hopkins’s Medita-
grace and the supernatural became firmly entrenched in
tion on Emptiness (London, 1983). Two different and com-
scholastic theology. Thomas taught that in the Fall humanity
plementary interpretations of emptiness in Huayan Bud-
was hurt in its very nature (that is, weakened as a being) and
dhism are found in Garma C. C. Zhang’s The Buddhist
lost its supernatural gifts, especially its access to the vision
Teaching of Totality (University Park, Pa., 1971) and Francis
of God. God, according to Thomas, in his grace gratuitously
H. Cook’s Huayan Buddhism (University Park, Pa., 1977).
heals the wounds (and thus restores to humans what natural-
A classic introduction to the Zen negation of mental images
ly belongs to them) and reopens humanity’s path to his su-
is D. T. Suzuki’s The Zen Doctrine of No-Mind (London,
pernatural end, thus restoring access to the added bliss of life
1949), which is also found in an abbreviated form in Zen
with God. This theology expresses a constant theme in the
Buddhism: Selected Writings of D. T. Suzuki, edited by Wil-
liam Barrett (Garden City, N.Y., 1956). Nishitani Keiji’s Re-
Christian faith: The natural and the supernatural are at odds;
ligion and Nothingness, translated by Jan van Bragf (Berkeley,
the sacred and the profane are estranged. God, who is quite
Calif., 1982), is a prime example of a contemporary philo-
separate and distinct from the world, is not responsible for
sophical use of the notion of emptiness to explore the deepest
this state of affairs, and his intention is to rectify it. Nature
awareness of existence.
and supernature will, in time, be reconciled.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUPERNATURAL, THE
8861
The word supernatural, however, left the confines of the
came stately. Miracles as powerful disruptions of nature’s
schools and began to lose its precise technical meaning. It be-
laws appeared, then, necessary to the cause of religion. Many
came associated with the unusual, the marvelous, the surpris-
theologians thus taught that human beings must regard the
ing. Robert Lenoble (1968) has shown a continuity, from an-
supernatural as contrary to nature: God, they said, intervenes
tiquity to the present day, in what he calls “marvel
providentially, and occasionally suspends the course of na-
psychology.” Popular thought makes rough distinctions be-
ture; he also reveals supernatural truths that humans must
tween what is natural, what is artificial, and what is miracu-
obediently accept even though their truth is not manifest to
lous: Water flows down into valleys, human beings build
one’s unaided reason. Rare were the theological voices like
dams, and the Virgin diverts floods from villages when dams
that of William Law (1686–1761), who taught that “there
break down. What characterizes common thinking about the
is nothing that is supernatural but God alone.” Since it was
subject is uncertainty about the precise borders between the
evident that nature would always be what Newton said it
natural, the artificial, and the miraculous. When the dam
was, salvation tended to become less cosmic and more interi-
breaks down, does it do so by itself, through wear and tear,
or. Nature and grace remained isolated: Humans would
or because some man has put explosives in it or some woman
enjoy redeemed existence only in heaven. Eighteenth-
has cast a spell upon it? And does the water spare the village
century philosophers such as Voltaire, Hume, and Gibbon,
because of its situation—the village is on high land—or be-
for their part, gave currency to the idea that the supernatural
cause of divine intervention? While medieval theologians
was a notion accepted only by the ignorant and the cred-
had used the term supernatural to refer to the moral and spir-
ulous.
itual dynamics of salvation, ordinary Christians came to call
The far-reaching impact of the Baroque on sensibilities
supernatural any extraordinary occurrence that could not be
may be observed in the novel, a literary form whose real de-
accounted for by the usual explanations at hand.
velopment began in the eighteenth century. The supernatu-
The scientific revolution of the seventeenth century rad-
ral, the Gothic, and the fantastic were predominant themes
ically transformed the idea of cognition. With the mechanis-
in early examples of this mass-appeal genre. Suspense, terror,
tic revolution came, certainly for some human beings, a pre-
and pleasure were sustained by stories of desolate houses,
cise knowledge of the limits of the natural. “Natural” causes
mysterious dogs, vampires, murderous plants, doomed in-
have come to explain increasing amounts of experience, and
fants, premature burials, and preternaturally lascivious
it is commonly assumed that in time, natural causes will be
monks. An abundance of torture, carnality, magic, and soli-
found for events that currently resist explanation. Nature is
tary horror placed the protagonist and the reader in a world
seen to be a rigid, coherent system that works like a clock,
totally unlike the safe everyday middle-class world, and kept
does not pursue moral ends, and is indifferent to human as-
them thrilled, constantly on the verge of terrifying doom or
pirations. Modern humans know how to build dams that are
unspeakable bliss. There was also a constant epistemological
suspense, a specifically modern feature in fantastic tales:
fail-safe; they know for sure that those dams cannot be de-
Were the events or apparitions caused supernaturally, or
stroyed by spells; and they do not count on the Virgin to in-
were they in reality some clever manipulation of appear-
tervene in the event of an accident. Nature, then, always
ances? The protagonist’s and the reader’s senses of reality
works according to rigorous laws and, by definition, excludes
were kept constantly off balance, precisely at a time when sci-
the miraculous. (The older nature was malleable: It was quite
ence and society worked together to give them a world as safe
willing to see God—who ruled over it—reorder its workings
as possible (Penzoldt, 1952). The entry of the supernatural
momentarily or locally to bring about a miracle for some spe-
into literature raised interesting questions: Did readers who
cial purpose.) At first, the new nature was deemed to magnify
enjoyed these novels believe in the existence of supernatural
God even more than the older one: Its strict regularity and
beings and the possibility of supernatural occurrences? One
its order seemed to testify to the awesome grandeur of its cre-
might agree that people believe anything while they are read-
ator. That it was not a model and had nothing to teach hu-
ing it, but what happens to their belief when they are not
manity was deemed at first only to serve the interests of the
reading but instead dealing and coping with their everyday
dialogue between man and God. René Descartes (1596–
world?
1650) taught that human beings and God are alike in that
both are spirits. The human being, a finite spirit, cannot
APPLICATION OF THE NOTION TO THE STUDY OF RELIGIOUS
create ex nihilo, but like an engineer, can shape everything:
AND CULTURAL SYSTEMS. Among scholars of the nineteenth
The whole of nature is matter in his hands (Lenoble, 1968).
century it came to be commonly admitted that belief in what
Herbert Spencer has called “the supernatural genesis of phe-
At the same time, however, for reasons that had to do
nomena” characterized religious people. All religions were
with the aftereffects of the wars of religion, the rise of the
said to feature belief in supernatural beings. Émile Durkheim
modern state, and the new demands for social conformity,
(1858–1917) noted that religion thrives on the sense of
the Baroque taste spread in Christian lands. What was infi-
things surpassing human knowledge, and he quoted Spen-
nite, awesome, powerful, overwhelming, and stunning was
cer’s reference to the omnipresence of something inscrutable.
considered to convey a sense of God. Religious architecture
But Durkheim also stressed that the idea of the supernatural
and furniture became calculatedly impressive; oratory be-
appeared only very late in religious evolution, and that many
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8862
SUPERNATURAL, THE
Christians were confident that God and nature were as one,
of the king of the gods; (2) the support or enmity of powerful
or that dogma and reason fully agreed. The idea that belief
gods who have influence at court (Athena); (3) the support
in the supernatural was characteristic of religion remained,
or enmity of powerful gods who rule in some corner of the
however, firmly entrenched. Lucien Lévy-Bruhl (1857–
world (Poseidon); (4) minor gods or goddesses (Calypso,
1939) in his early influential work argued that the primitive
who enjoys a perpetual vacation at her seashore home); (5)
mind believed in “mystical,” not “physical,” influences,
human beings with magical powers (Circe); (6) monstrous
whereas practically all contemporaries recognize a clear line
beings with terrifying powers (the Sirens); (7) powerful gi-
of demarcation between the supernatural (rejected by all ex-
ants (the Cyclops); and (8) very unusual human beings (the
cept the credulous) and the data furnished by everyday ordi-
lotus-eaters, who are more strange than ordinary foreigners).
nary sense experience and the broad light of day. R. R. Mar-
The hero himself is endowed with exceptional powers of en-
ret (1866–1943) confirmed that the notion gives a good
durance and prowess at the bow; he performs an extraordi-
minimal definition of religion. He classified the supernatural
nary feat (he returns from Hades) and thus represents here
according to negative modes (taboo) and positive modes
the ninth type of being. Other heroes in such tales can fly,
(mana). The sense of the supernatural, Marret stressed, is an
change their size, and so on. All nine types of beings may be
existential and affective reality, a response to the extranormal
called supernatural or said to have supernatural traits, al-
and the uncanny, and is thus not related to a reasoned theory
though all may also be characterized by terms other than su-
of nature. “Power belongeth unto God,” and the sense of the
pernatural. Only the first three are the object of religious de-
supernatural is the sense of the nearly overwhelming presence
votion or have cults. The fourth type, while divine, may be
of great power. Paul Radin (1883–1959) argued against
outside the religious world. Sirens and witches have powers
Lévy-Bruhl and spoke of the supernatural as arising against
ordinary human beings do not have, while giants (like
a background of inevitable fears (stemming from economic
dwarfs) have only their unusual size in their favor.
and psychic insecurity) that he found to be present in all
human beings, primitive and modern. He saw in the modern
There is thus a whole range of modes of being and
West a decline in religion and in recourse to supernatural be-
modes of power, finely shaded, for all these beings, and a
ings for help, because other means of emphasizing and main-
whole range of appropriate human responses to them. The
taining life values were available and on the ascendant. Revi-
hero is the person best equipped to survive in this perilous
sion of the initial positivist separation between credulous and
world, who possesses an appropriately wide range of skills
rational people reached a climax with Lévy-Bruhl’s famous
and attitudes. Senior gods are to be honored with sacrifices
reversal, recorded in his Notebooks (posthumously published
and piety. Sirens are simply to be avoided. One can do busi-
in 1949): “Primitives reject contradiction, just as we do,
ness with the Cyclops, but the game is dangerous. Transac-
when they perceive it.” Lévy-Bruhl developed comparative
tions with Calypso and Circe are profitable and agreeable,
epistemology, according to whose tenets anthropologists
provided the hero keeps them at arm’s length or has some
were to compare modes of thought, psychic capacities, and
special protection. There is also a whole range of modes of
mental categories without assuming at the outset that they
belief, and only one part of it is appropriately labeled reli-
themselves were in possession of a language that could ade-
gious belief. The hero does not believe in Zeus in the same
quately give an account of everything other minds did
way that he believes in the Sirens. And it should not be im-
(Needham, 1972).
mediately clear to us what it means to attribute belief to the
bards who recite such tales and to the audiences that hear
While this should be admitted, scholars today should
them. Whether a man believes in Zeus may be tested: Does
still try to speak adequately of the varieties of admittedly ex-
he perform the appropriate ritual, and does he exhibit the
treme and nonverifiable languages people have recourse to
appropriate attitudes? But how can one verify behaviorally
when they express their reaction to situations that have pow-
a belief in sirens? How often are human beings confronted
erful impact on them but remain opaque in their meaning,
with apparently beautiful women half visible above reefs?
or desperately baffling in their consequence. Light can be de-
Needham (1972) has successfully argued that statements of
rived from recent developments in anthropology that have
belief are the only available evidence of the phenomenon.
profited from comparative studies in mythology, literature,
Both theologians and anthropologists, he maintains, have
and folklore. In all cultures stories abound, ranging from
taken too much for granted and have been too quick to speci-
myths to folk legends, that tell the adventures of heroes in
fy what beliefs other people have and what difference these
a world or worlds teeming with supernatural beings and awe-
beliefs make.
inspiring circumstances.
Belief in anything, including supernatural beings, is
Consider the example of the Odyssey, a fairly typical tale.
thus a very elusive phenomenon. The Dorze of Ethiopia say
(Supernatural occurrences there, however, are among the
that the leopard became a Christian and so eats no meat on
milder ones, and the range of unusual creatures is somewhat
the fast days of the Coptic church. Nevertheless, they watch
narrow: There is a shortage of evil spirits and demons such
their cattle just as carefully on those days. And they are baf-
as abound in other types of literature.) In his travels Odys-
fled when the anthropologist professes to see a contradiction
seus has to deal with (1) the remote but supreme authority
in this. So what does go on in their minds when they say the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUPERNATURAL, THE
8863
leopard fasts on Wednesdays and Fridays? Among contem-
or do they devour one’s trust for their own petty human
poraries, not everyone who reads horoscopes will profess be-
benefit?
lief in them, and among those who do profess such a belief,
how many are actually to be found making a decision on a
The modern concept of nature and natural causes firmly
primarily astrological basis? It would be safer to characterize
supports a reality principle: When physically sick (or, today,
religion by attitudinal factors and ritual practice rather than
even when anxious) people mainly turn to scientific medi-
by belief. And any statement of belief should be taken with
cine. Fear of and belief in supernatural agencies do not color
a grain of salt. People like, for adaptive or escapist purposes,
in any significant way their sense of what is feasible in their
to tell and hear stories that provide a map clarifying the con-
embodied condition. But people hold on to some nonscien-
figuration of forces in the world, that show modes of coping
tific health lore passed on through oral, unofficial channels,
with those forces, and that do not demand any firm commit-
and nostalgically transmit recipes for more natural care of the
ment to belief and ensuring action. Children everywhere ac-
human body and its ailments. Alternative “soft” medicines
quire their bearing in reality from fairy tales. What beliefs
prosper. In matters of wealth, prestige, and happiness there
they fleetingly entertain or settle on matter less than the in-
is no scientific establishment that rules over one’s expecta-
ferences they learn to draw about possible realities. The high-
tions; unproved arts and pleasurable illusions abound. The
ly imaginative stories of primitives abound in wit and irony
reality principles that set limits to one’s desires are socially
and cannot be pinned down with the psychology of belief
determined: Rules are prescribed according to what is social-
common among sober scientists (whose thinking often re-
ly admitted, rewarded, or punished.
flects the easy and moralistic recourse to expressions of belief
characteristic of early modern theologians).
Human beings want both to be believed and to be un-
derstood, but usually not at the same time and not by the
SYSTEMATIC CONSIDERATIONS. The human being has in its
same people. Individuals want their words and their symbols
favor a quick mobile mind, but it is frail and its body is des-
(1) to be believed and accepted and (2) to create reality, a
tined to contract disease and, ultimately, to die. Men and
safe common reality that is not limited to the individual
women are thus constantly the potential victims of aleatory
alone. Thus, individuals want to be supported and upheld,
events that can be painful to them. Fearful of impending di-
but they also want to be understood. They want to share
sasters, they seek the protection of stronger human beings.
something of their complex and problematic rapport by
As infants and children they start life with such protection.
means of their words and symbols. Thus individuals want
Later they attach themselves to strong persons whom they
the liveliness of their consciousness to be acknowledged.
count on to be successful and wise so that they themselves
When they want to be believed, they construct presumably
can live in a secure world, one without interstices from which
unpredictable attacks might come. When successful, these
strong structures (which are cemented by or rest upon strong
strong ones ward off actual dangers. When unsuccessful, as
ones) that they then deconstruct in the process of under-
they inevitably will be, the strong ones, if wise, will be an au-
standing. The characteristic feature of modern society is not
thority providing cognitive and affective reassurance: Yes,
fewer beliefs in supernatural beings but the variety of strong
loss and pain have occurred, but they are on the right path;
ones turned to and included in one’s world for different pur-
it was inevitable, some good may come of it, and, in any case,
poses and at different times, and the variety of the structures
there is lasting value in the new attitude gained and the new
of plausibility that buttress them.
turn taken (Sennett, 1980). Priests, who are typical examples
Thus, somewhat polytheistically, in matters of health
of strong ones, are also thinkers. They teach survival skills
people turn to state-supported hospitals and the health-food
and provide ritual and verbal comfort when these skills fail,
stores of the counterculture; they believe in public schools
as necessarily they must. Strong ones are therefore in touch
and in private ones; they read mainstream literature and
with suitable explanations that ideally can help in those
avant-garde poems; they watch television and go to art films;
boundary situations that occur when one’s ordinary world
they attend institutionalized churches and buy books about
falls apart.
spirituality in the free market of ideas. Alternative modes of
Strong ones, in turn, feel themselves in touch with a
knowledge prosper in the margins left by the dominant sci-
strength or with other real and enduring strong ones who are
entific or nonscientific modes. The symbolization of human-
beyond society, beyond this world, be they spirits, gods,
ity’s relation to the ultimate conditions of its existence is no
God, history, or “the way things are.” The label “supernatu-
longer the monopoly of any group explicitly labeled “reli-
ral” is appropriately attached to that strength or those preem-
gious.” And, heroic or not, humans, like the hero of many
inently strong beings that are not within the daily and social
folk tales, have no permanent master to guide their steps
range of interaction. The authority of the social strong ones
through all the perils of life. Everyone must encounter direct-
is thus always transitory and relative, more or less plausible.
ly the Circes and Poseidons of this world. At different times
The limits to their authority stem from one’s own willingness
they turn to different masters for help and protection. But
or ability to trust them; but one’s trust rests on one’s sense
in the present libertarian society the quality of their services
of their reliability: Are they in touch with the enduring
is uncertain, and, in any case, the good ones can help only
strength so that they can help one to keep in touch with it,
as long as one asks them to.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8864
SUPERSTITION
SEE ALSO Holy, Idea of the; Sacred and the Profane, The;
grate earlier, less sophisticated or disapproved religious atti-
Transcendence and Immanence.
tudes and behavior. A belief is perceived as superstitious by
adherents of a particular religious orthodoxy, and it is from
BIBLIOGRAPHY
their perspective that the category acquires its meaning. An
Bellah, Robert N. Beyond Belief: Essays on Religion in a Post-
anthropological description of the same belief would use dif-
Traditional World. New York, 1970. A collection of articles
ferent, nonjudgmental language drawn from the perspective
by a leading sociologist of religion. Especially noteworthy are
of people engaged in the beliefs and practices condemned as
those on religious evolution, on belief, and on symbolic
superstitious by others. The use of the term superstition is in-
realism.
evitably pejorative rather than descriptive or analytical, for
Douglas, Mary, and Aaron Wildavsky. Risk and Culture: An Essay
superstition is defined in opposition to a given culture’s con-
on the Selection of Technological and Environmental Dangers.
Berkeley, 1982. The illustrations are drawn from a specific
cept of true religion. Its specific meanings vary widely in dif-
contemporary issue, but the essay shows well how culture
ferent periods and contexts, so that a survey of its historical
achieves some protection against danger.
application rather than an abstract definition is the best ap-
Lenoble, Robert. Esquisse d’une histoire de l’idée de nature. Paris,
proach to the concept of superstition.
1968. The classic history of the ideas entertained about
ORIGIN AND CLASSICAL USAGE. The classical world criti-
nature.
cized certain religious behaviors as irrational, or as reflecting
Lubac, Henri de. Surnaturel: Études historiques. Paris, 1946. Essays
an incorrect understanding of both nature and divinity.
on the idea of the supernatural in Christian theology.
Greek writers from Theophrastus to Plutarch mockingly de-
Needham, Rodney. Belief, Language, and Experience. Oxford,
scribed a cringing, obsessive fear of the gods (deisidaimonia)
1972. A brilliant introduction to problems in comparative
as an inappropriate religious attitude. Roman philosophers
epistemology.
sometimes echoed this theme, but the etymology of the Latin
Penzoldt, Peter. The Supernatural in Fiction. 1952; New York,
word superstitio (from superstes, “surviving, witnessing”) indi-
1965. An excellent account of the supernatural novel.
cates a separate evolution from a possibly neutral meaning
Sennett, Richard. Authority. New York, 1980. The best analysis
of divination to a pejorative term. According to Émile Ben-
of authority as bond in modern society.
veniste, superstitio included the idea of surviving an event as
Turner, Victor. “An Ndembu Doctor in Practice.” In Magic, Faith
a witness and referred originally to divination concerning the
and Healing, edited by Ari Kiev. New York, 1964. A classic
past, the power to witness a distant event as though it were
account of a supernatural healing practice.
present. In its earliest Latin literary usage by Plautus and En-
Waardenburg, Jacques. Classical Approaches to the Study of Reli-
nius, superstitio was already a negative term describing divi-
gion: Aims, Methods and Theories of Research, vol. 1, Introduc-
nation, magic, and “bad religion” in general. Cicero gives a
tion and Anthology. Paris, 1973. The classic anthology of the
major statements by the founders of the modern study of re-
concrete example, explaining that “those who spent whole
ligion, including Spencer, Durkheim, Lévy-Bruhl, Marret,
days in prayer and offered sacrifices, that their children might
and Radin.
outlive them, are called superstitious” (On the Nature of the
New Sources
Gods 2.28). For classical Roman observers like Seneca, Lucre-
Auerbach, Nina. Our Vampires, Ourselves. Chicago, 1995.
tius, and Cicero, superstitio meant erroneous, false, or exces-
Berger, Peter. A Rumor of Angels: Modern Society and the Rediscov-
sive religious behaviors stemming from ignorance of philo-
ery of the Supernatural. New York, 1990.
sophical and scientific truths about the laws of nature. Such
Edmundson, Mark. Nightmare on Main Street: Angels, Sadomas-
ignorance was associated with the common people (vulgus)
ochism, and the Culture of the Gothic. Cambridge, Mass.,
and with the countryside (pagus), so that superstitious behav-
1997.
ior had a social locus in the uneducated, lower orders of
Karlsen, Carol. The Devil in the Shape of a Woman: Witchcraft in
Roman society. As the empire expanded, the term superstitio
Early New England. New York, 1987.
was applied to exotic foreign religions of which the Romans
Kieckhefer, Richard. Magic in the Middle Ages. New York, 1989.
disapproved, such as the Egyptian cult of Isis and later the
Lehmann, Arthur, and James Meyers, comp. Magic, Witchcraft,
Jewish sect of Christianity. Its meaning became more collec-
and Religion: An Anthropologic Study of the Supernatural.
tive, referring to the “religion of others” in pejorative terms
New York, 1989.
rather than to an individual Roman’s inappropriate or exag-
Nelson, Victoria. The Secret Life of Puppets. Cambridge, Mass.,
gerated religious attitudes.
2002.
EARLY CHRISTIANITY. The early Christians adopted this col-
Schmidt, Jean-Claude. Ghosts in the Middle Ages: The Living and
lective meaning, turning the category of superstition back on
the Dead in Medieval Society. Chicago, 1998.
the Romans. In the period after the second century, pagans
MICHEL DESPLAND (1987)
and Christians reciprocally condemned each other’s religious
Revised Bibliography
beliefs and ceremonial practices as the superstitious cult of
false deities. But the militant monotheism of Christianity in-
tensified the negative meanings of these charges. The church
SUPERSTITION. Superstition is a judgmental term tra-
fathers interpreted Roman statues as idols, their sacrifices as
ditionally used by dominant religions to categorize and deni-
offerings to the devil, and their oracles as the voices of de-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUPERSTITION
8865
mons. Such false beliefs did not deserve the name of religion,
vice opposed to the virtue of religion by means of excess . . .
for, as Lactantius explained, “religion is the worship of the
because it offers divine worship either to whom it ought not,
true, superstition is that of the false” (Divine Institutes 4.28).
or in a manner it ought not” (Summa theologiae 2.2.92.7).
Wishing to condemn the pagans out of their own mouths,
The idea of “undue worship of the true God” revived the
Augustine of Hippo quoted Cicero’s description of supersti-
classical meaning of exaggerated or overscrupulous religious
tious attitudes among the Romans, but he rejected Cicero’s
behavior, now seen as occurring within Christianity rather
distinction between religion and superstition as an inade-
than wholly or partially outside of it. Aquinas’s systematic
quate attempt “to praise the religion of the ancients which
exposition also classified idolatry, divination, and magical
he wishes to disjoin from superstition, but cannot find out
practices in general as superstitious by virtue of the inappro-
how to do so” (City of God 4.30). This use of superstitio to
priate object (demons rather than God) toward which they
categorize the whole of classical pagan religion as idolatrous
were directed. The Scholastic theory of the diabolical pact
and even demonic constitutes a basic core of meaning that
as the causative mechanism behind magical effects assured
persists throughout the common era.
that superstition in its medieval version was perceived as nei-
ther “harmless” nor inefficacious. Even if a magical proce-
MEDIEVAL CHRISTIANITY. The religions of the Germanic
dure did not directly invoke the power of the devil to gain
tribes were perceived in a similar way by the Christian mis-
its ends, it nevertheless drew on forces outside those con-
sionaries who undertook the conversion of these so-called
trolled or sanctioned by the church and was therefore pre-
barbarians in the period following the fall of the Roman Em-
sumptively diabolical.
pire. The cure for their idolatry and superstition was baptism
and the acceptance of Christianity as the true religion. But
The gradual extension of the medieval Inquisition’s ju-
even after the evangelization of whole tribes, attitudes, be-
risdiction to include cases of superstition as well as heresy was
liefs, and practices associated with pre-Christian religions
a turning point in the European attitude toward magical be-
persisted. Early medieval denunciations of such paganizing
liefs. Founded in the early thirteenth century to combat or-
observances in sermons and treatises against the superstitiones
ganized heretical groups such as the Waldensians and the Al-
rusticorum were frequent. The epistle On the Correction of
bigensians, the Inquisition was initially empowered to hear
Rustics (c. 572) by Bishop Martin of Braga condemned pop-
only those cases that involved an explicit diabolical pact and
ular magical practices, divination, and the worship of “rocks,
therefore “manifestly savored of heresy.” Infrequent four-
trees and springs” as apostasy to the devil. Not all supersti-
teenth-century sorcery trials involved literate men accused of
tion was rustic, however. Martin also rejected the use of Latin
conjuring demons or casting spells by using the techniques
calendrical vocabulary, since the days of the week were
of learned, ritual magic associated with handbooks like the
named after pagan gods (in his view demons) like Mars, Jove,
Key of Solomon. By the fifteenth century, however, the theory
and Venus. The limited, local success of such polemics is wit-
of the implicitly diabolical pact was invoked to extend in-
nessed by the fact that Portuguese, alone among the emer-
quisitorial jurisdiction to the magical activities of the illiter-
gent European vernaculars, purged this ancient vocabulary
ate population. As a result, the “new crime” of witchcraft
under church pressure.
emerged in this period, combining existing peasant beliefs in
the possibility of magical harm (maleficium) with the scholas-
The difficulties of weaning newly evangelized peoples
tic theory of the implicit diabolism of all magical effects.
from their old ways led Pope Gregory I (590–604) to suggest
a gradualist approach to their conversion. Writing to Augus-
While customary law in many parts of Europe had treat-
tine of Canterbury, a missionary in England in the early sev-
ed magical harm (maleficium) like any other crime causing
enth century, he acknowledged that “it is doubtless impossi-
physical harm to persons, livestock, or crops, without atten-
ble to cut out everything at once from their stubborn minds”
tion to the fact that such harm was alleged to have occurred
(Bede, History of the English Church and People 1.30). Grego-
through magical means, the new theological approach fo-
ry proposed that heathen shrines be reconsecrated as church-
cused directly on the means employed, not the end pursued.
es and that existing days of celebration be adapted to the
All magical activity implied that the perpetrator had ob-
Christian calendar. The Feast of Saint John the Baptist, for
tained the power to achieve those effects by apostasy to the
instance, was fixed on the former date of a midsummer festi-
devil. Superstitious offenses were no longer simply the topic
val. These syncretic fusions of old and new religious obser-
of pastoral reprimand by bishops and synods. By the late
vances were often the target of later reformers’ campaigns
Middle Ages such activities had been criminalized, and they
against “pagan survivals” within Christianity. Throughout
were increasingly prosecuted in both secular and church
the medieval period, church councils and synods condemned
courts during the late sixteenth and the seventeenth century.
paganizing and superstitious observances in an effort to com-
plete the process of Christianization by enforcing more or-
This campaign against popular magic emphasized those
thodox standards.
activities that were, in Aquinas’s terms, superstitious by vir-
tue of their presumptively diabolical object. The humanist
Scholastic theologians brought the analysis of supersti-
and Protestant reform movements of the early sixteenth cen-
tious error to a new level of thoroughness and sophistication.
tury stressed another meaning of the term superstition. Many
Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) defined superstition as “the
traditional Catholic religious observances were now judged
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8866
SUPERSTITION
superstitious because of the “inappropriate manner” in
their attention to the suppression of popular beliefs and prac-
which they offered worship to God. The Catholic humanist
tices categorized as superstitious. Trials for magical healing,
reformer Desiderius Erasmus (1466–1536) denounced the
divination, and love magic occupied a prominent place in in-
externalized ceremonialism of the late medieval church as a
quisitorial prosecution throughout the seventeenth century.
superstitious deformation of the true religion. His Praise of
This campaign against superstition occurred in different
Folly satirized clerical attachment to repetitious prayer, fast-
forms in both Protestant and Catholic countries as part of
ing, and other ascetic practices as well as popular devotion
a wider “reform of popular culture,” a systematic attempt by
to relics, saints, and shrines. A character in his Colloquies ob-
members of the clerical and lay elites to raise the religious
serves that “Of all Our Ladies, I like best Our Lady of Wals-
and moral level of the European population. Historical
ingham,” to which his companion replies, “And I Our Lady
studies of early modern Europe have shown that these efforts
of Mariastein.” These attitudes constituted, in Erasmus’s
to suppress popular magical beliefs were not wholly success-
view, a series of distractions from the central moral teachings
ful; the persistence of magical assumptions among the peas-
of Christianity. People might travel to see a saint’s bones, he
antry has also been documented by twentieth-century an-
complained, but they did not attempt to imitate the saint’s
thropological field studies.
holy life.
ENLIGHTENMENT AND POST-ENLIGHTENMENT ATTITUDES.
C
If the Protestant Reformation viewed the entire Roman
ATHOLICISM AND THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION. The
Protestant Reformation intensified humanist critiques of
Catholic religion as superstitious, the radical anticlerics of
Roman Catholicism. Starting with Martin Luther’s attack on
the French Enlightenment used the term in an even wider
indulgences in the Ninety-Five Theses (1517), the new theol-
sense, dismissing all traditional religions as superstitious.
ogy of justification by faith rather than by works provided
Voltaire’s Philosophical Dictionary (1764) asserts that “super-
the theoretical basis for rejecting Roman Catholic reliance on
stition was born in paganism, adopted by Judaism and infest-
external devotions as “works righteousness.” To John Calvin,
ed the Christian church from the beginning.” In place of the
superstition was the “pharisaical opinion of the dignity of
fanaticism and intolerance associated with organized reli-
works” maintained by the “false religion” of Rome. Having
gion, the philosophes proposed a “natural religion” that would
rejected most of the ceremonial aspects of Catholicism, from
acknowledge a supreme being but regard his creation as suffi-
holy water and saints’ cults to transubstantiation and the
cient revelation. The scientific study of nature was thus pro-
Mass, Protestants of all denominations agreed in their de-
posed as a new cultural orthodoxy, and the concept of super-
nunciations of the papist religion as magical and supersti-
stition was redefined to fit this frame of reference. From “bad
tious. The term was also used to describe backsliding within
religion” it came to mean “bad science,” assuming its modern
the reformed camp, whether high-church fondness for vest-
sense of misplaced assumptions about causality stemming
ments and incense or lingering attachments to rosaries and
from a faulty understanding of nature. Thus magical beliefs
shrines among the less advanced segments of the population.
and practices continue to be regarded as superstitious, al-
In the extensive vocabulary of sixteenth-century religious po-
though the original religious sense of the diabolical efficacy
lemics, one of the most common charges was that of super-
of such practices has been replaced with a scientific sense of
stition.
the impossibility of magical effects in a universe governed by
natural law.
Although the Roman Catholic Church had finer lines
to draw in deciding what was and was not superstitious, a
SEE ALSO Folklore; Folk Religion; Magic.
parallel effort to identify and eliminate popular “ignorance
and superstition” became a major preoccupation after the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Council of Trent (1545–1563). Responding in part to hu-
A general history of Western concepts of superstition has yet to
manist criticism, the church discouraged exaggerations of or-
be written. Such a history can be reconstructed with the aid
thodox observances, such as the “desire for fixed numbers of
of the primary materials presented by Lynn Thorndike in A
candles and Masses” described as superstitious in the Triden-
History of Magic and Experimental Science, 8 vols. (New York,
tine decrees. The definition adopted by the Council of Ma-
1923–1958), and by Henry C. Lea in Materials toward a His-
lines in 1607 expressed the Counter-Reformation position:
tory of Witchcraft, 3 vols. (New York, 1939).
“It is superstitious to expect any effect from anything, when
A succinct, careful review of the etymology and history of the term
such an effect cannot be produced by natural causes, by di-
in classical Roman literature is provided by Denise Grodzyn-
vine institution, or by the ordination or approval of the
ski in “Superstitio,” Revue des études anciennes 76 (January–
Church.” This ultimately jurisdictional approach left intact
June 1974): 36–60. In The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and
the indulgences and exorcisms condemned as “ecclesiastical
Function in Latin Antiquity (Chicago, 1981), Peter Brown
magic” by the Protestants, but it rejected popular magic by
argues convincingly against interpreting the cult of saints as
a superstitious deformation of the original Christian mes-
asserting an institutional monopoly on access to the super-
sage.
natural.
The uses of the concept in medieval canon law and ecclesiastical
Following the anti-Protestant heresy trials of the mid-
literature receives thorough, systematic attention in Dieter
sixteenth century, the Holy Offices of Spain and Italy turned
Harmening’s Superstitio: Überlieferungs- und theoriege-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUPREME BEINGS
8867
schichtliche Untersuchungen zur kirchlich-theologischen Aber-
praised in a specific historical situation. Considering the
glaubensliteratur des Mittelalters (Berlin, 1979). The medieval
complexities of any culture’s history, it is extraordinary that
condemnation of learned and popular magic as superstitious
a comparative discussion of the nature of supreme beings
is the subject of Edward Peters’s The Magician, the Witch,
constantly returns to the same cluster of religious ideas.
and the Law (Philadelphia, 1978).
Without prejudice to one or another aspect of supreme being
The Protestant expansion of the term during the Reformation to
highlighted in one historical moment or another, this article
include Roman Catholicism is described by Jean Delumeau
presents here a general view of the kinds of power and value
in “Les réformateurs et la superstition,” in Actes du Colloque
revealed in supreme beings. It should be noted that the intri-
l’Amiral de Cologny et Son Temps (Paris, 1974),
cacies of history make general statements a source of great
pp. 451–487. Keith Thomas provides a magisterial analysis
controversy. The supremacy of these divine figures marks
of the survival and suppression of magical beliefs after the
Reformation in Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in
with an appropriate intensity the heat of debate over their
Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century England
origin, nature, and form. Since each supreme being is a cre-
(New York, 1971). The sixteenth-century effort to achieve
ative and unique composition of elements, the attributes de-
a “reform of popular culture” is described as a “battle be-
scribed herein best serve to define the general category of su-
tween Carnival and Lent” by Peter Burke in Popular Culture
preme being, and, as shall be seen, apply to specific beings
in Early Modern Europe (New York, 1978). The Roman
only in one degree or another.
Catholic campaign against superstition is examined by M.
O’Neil, “Sacerdote ovvero strione: Ecclesiastical and Supersti-
The power of supreme beings is inherently ambivalent,
tious Remedies in Sixteenth Century Italy,” in Understand-
because they manifest their potent omnipresence in a passive
ing Popular Culture, edited by Steven L. Kaplan (New York,
mode. Unlike the activities of culture heroes, which are
1984).
abundantly described in epic cycles of myth, the presence of
E. William Monter chronicles the prosecution of superstitious of-
supreme beings is generally acknowledged in mythology only
fenses by post-Reformation religious orthodoxies and de-
in brief accounts. In contradistinction to the dramatic activi-
scribes also the Enlightenment assault on superstition and re-
ties of vegetation deities, totems, ancestors, and solar and
ligious intolerance in Ritual, Myth and Magic in Early
lunar divinities, supreme beings occupy almost no place in
Modern Europe (Athens, Ohio, 1983). A study of the mean-
scheduled public cults. It has long been acknowledged that
ing of superstition in the modern world is undertaken by
sky divinities, or “high gods,” admirably reveal many of the
Gustav Jahoda in The Psychology of Superstition (London,
central attributes and powers of supreme beings.
1969).
New Sources
Not limited to any single sphere of concern or influence
Meyer, Birgit, and Peter Pels. Magic and Modernity: Interfaces of
(e.g., fertility of plants or of animals), supreme beings are
Revelation and Concealment. Stanford, Calif., 2003.
omnipresent and omnipotent, but, by that very fact, they re-
Parish, Helen, and William G. Naphy, eds. Religion and Supersti-
main uninvolved with particular activities. Their power—
tion in Reformation Europe. Manchester and New York,
unreckoned by time, unbounded by space—applies to all
2002.
spheres of life and not to any one alone. Great power and
Trachtenberg, Joshua. Jewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in
presence reside in a supreme being’s inactive transcendence
Folk Religion (1939). Philadelphia, 2004.
of historical particularities. This remoteness relates to the
power of permanence that often reveals itself in symbolisms
MARY R. O’NEIL (1987)
of the sky and heavenly heights. Standing immutable since
Revised Bibliography
before time began, supreme beings remain uninvolved with
change. Their steadfastness and eternity go hand in hand
with their relative withdrawal from the detailed alterations
SUPREME BEINGS are divinities whose nature reveals
of historical circumstances. The uniqueness of their infinite
a unique quality of being—generally, a transcendent spiritual
character is often portrayed in myth as a kind of loneliness.
power—in a culture’s religious system. Such divine beings
By their very nature, they stand apart from creation. Never-
figure in many different religious systems, yet they manifest
theless, they seldom withdraw altogether from the world;
values and symbolic associations that display remarkable sim-
they withdraw only to that level that suits their infinite, om-
ilarities. The first section of this article presents, in a general
nipotent, omniscient character.
way, the power, attributes, and values common to a large
Transcendence enables supreme beings to see and to
number of supreme beings. The second section illustrates
know everything. This strongly colors the nature of their
these features by referring to specific historical forms of su-
spiritual force: By seeing and understanding all, they can do
preme beings. The final section summarizes the history of
everything. In keeping with their passive nature, it is the om-
scholarly interpretations of the origin, nature, and meaning
niscient thought of supreme beings that “actively” expresses
of these singularly important and complex supernatural
their infinite knowledge. As creators, supreme beings create
beings.
preeminently, but by no means exclusively, by the power of
GENERAL FEATURES. A supreme being is generally described
thought or word alone—creatio ex nihilo. Their word is cre-
in symbolic terms that reflect the values most highly ap-
atively powerful.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8868
SUPREME BEINGS
If supreme beings know all things in the world and even
limited to one or even several places on the globe. Nor does
think them into existence, such knowledge is not reciprocal.
geographic distribution entirely explain the process of the
Knowing everything, they often pass beyond the comprehen-
historical development or diffusion of this religious idea. No
sion of lesser beings. Once again, paradox pervades the na-
matter how marginal to the history of technological develop-
ture of supreme beings. Present everywhere, they remain in-
ment a culture might appear to be (e.g., the hunting cultures
accessible. Seeing all, they may remain invisible. In relation
of Tierra del Fuego), that culture’s complex notions of su-
to knowledge, supreme beings are the clearest revelation of
preme being give evidence of a lengthy and complicated his-
mystery—a sacred meaning that can never be exhaustively
tory. There appear to be no social or economic factors that
known, despite its uninterrupted presence. Full knowledge
determine, in cause-and-effect fashion, the compound of ele-
of a supreme being always remains hidden. In this connec-
ments that constitute the form through which a supreme
tion, supreme beings are often associated with religious spe-
being reveals itself in a culture. After lengthy debate among
cialists and esoteric societies, whose knowledge of special
scholars, little doubt remains that sophisticated theologies of
mysteries is made known in elaborate and secret initiations.
supreme being predate the introduction, through missionary
The majestic omnipresence of supreme beings involves
or colonial influence, of theological ideas from historical mo-
them in all that is. Their involvement with being as such
notheisms. Because arguments based solely on geographic
takes several particular expressions. They may create the uni-
and historical evidence have failed to be convincingly clear,
verse directly, or they may create it indirectly through super-
the survey of supreme beings presented here follows the logic
natural agents over whom they exercise control. In religious
of the structures that are evident in the forms of supreme be-
systems in which supreme beings have not bequeathed cre-
ings themselves. Structures exemplified briefly include (1) at-
ation to the guardianship of other supernatural beings, they
tributes, (2) activities, (3) relationships to other divinities,
may be viewed as sustaining all life, assuring the fruitfulness
and (4) the place of supreme beings in cult.
of creation, or owning all that exists. As the foundation of
Attributes. Even when the forms of supreme beings are
all that is real, they may be the sovereign upholders of the
only poorly outlined, they are more than vague supernatural
world order, rulers of all beings, and even providers of moral
forces. Supreme beings are divine persons, with names and
commandments and socioethical mores. As guarantors of
epithets that convey their attributes and reveal something
good order, supreme beings punish transgressions in passive
about their nature. In addition to personality, their charac-
ways, by withholding fertility (famine), health (epidemic), or
teristics include celestiality, primordiality, and omniscience;
the process of the seasons (drought). As creators and main-
associations with creation and death; remoteness and sym-
tainers of life, they fertilize the vital forms of the universe.
bolic means of access; and their tendency to be replaced by
Although a supreme being may be prayed to spontaneously
other concepts.
by individuals at any time and in any place, public invoca-
tion is often limited to times of calamity when life itself
Celestiality. The names of numerous supreme beings
seems threatened.
refer to their connections with the sky. Among the Sam-
oyeds, the supreme being is called Num (“sky”). Along the
One response consonant with the enigmatic, transcen-
Australian coast in the vicinity of Shoalhaven Bay, the name
dent, and passive power of supreme beings is the human ten-
Mirirul (“sky,” or “he who is in the sky”) indicates the su-
dency to replace them with other religious conceptions. In
preme beings found among the Yuin and their neighbors. In
fact, supreme beings per se do not usually dominate the reli-
Africa, one of the names for the supreme being of the Galla
gious imagination. When myths recount the withdrawal to
and other Oromo peoples is Waq (“sky”), as in the phrases
the transcendent heights appropriate to their nature, they are
guraci waq (“dark sky”) and waka kulkullu (“calm sky”). He
replaced in importance by more active religious forms: gods
is also called Cólok (“the sky”). Among some Ewe peoples,
who specialize in fertilizing activity, vegetation deities, storm
the universal father is called Dzingbe (“sky”); his wife is the
gods, culture heroes, divine twins, ancestors, the dead, world
earth. Northeast of the Ewe live the Akposo people, who call
rulers, theological abstractions of virtues, or metaphysical
the supreme being Uvolovu (“the high one,” or “the regions
principles of cosmic law. The passive is overtaken by the ac-
above”). Among the SelkDnam hunters of Tierra del Fuego,
tive. Transcendent station yields to the processes of the con-
the name of the supreme being is Témaukel (“the one up
crete world. Infinity gives way to the here and now. Yet, su-
there”), although this name is seldom uttered aloud. In its
preme beings reveal the very meaning of transcendence and
place, one uses the circumlocution so’onh-haskan (“dweller
infinity in all its forms: omnipresence, omniscience, omnipo-
in the sky”) or so’onh kas pémer (“he who is in the sky”).
tence.
Among the Tsimshian south of the Tlingit, an irascible su-
HISTORICAL FORMS. Although essential elements of the
preme being named Laxha (also called Laxhage or Laha,
power and structure of supreme beings may be recognized
“sky”) deluges the earth. The Haida of Queen Charlotte Is-
and isolated for the sake of analytic discussion, it must be ac-
lands call the supreme being Siñ or Sing (“bright sky”). The
knowledged that they have appeared across human history
connection of supreme beings with the sky is not exhausted
in complex forms that differ greatly in specific composition
by the direct translations of their names. More important,
from one culture to another. Their manifestations are not
in accounts that describe them as dwelling in the sky, or as
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUPREME BEINGS
8869
expressing themselves through celestial elements such as the
conducted a search for the land of Tamoi, the supreme being
stars and the rains, these associations are extended.
whose name means “great father.” He created life and now
governs a distant paradise wherein there is no death. In Aus-
Primordiality. Another large number of names refer to
tralia, the supreme being’s role as life-giver is recognized in
the antiquity of supreme beings, who often reveal, as part of
the epithets extended to Baiame, who is addressed as Mah-
their own nature, the meaning of what is primordial, most
manmu-rok (“our father”) among the Kamilaroi and as Boy-
fundamental, a part of the nature of existence from its earliest
jerh (“father”) among the Euahlayi. Among the Yuin, Dara-
beginnings. Primordiality is thus part of a supreme being’s
mulun is spoken to as Papang (“father”). The Kurnai use
nature. The Yahgan of Tierra del Fuego call their supreme
Mungan-ngaua (“our father”) as the proper name of their su-
being Watauineiwa (“the primeval,” or “the ancient one”).
preme being.
The Botocudo of eastern Brazil believe in a supreme being
who lives in heaven and is called Old Man or Father White-
Specific references to supreme beings as creators occur
head. During the great August sacrifices in Cuzco, Vira-
in many cultures. By way of brief illustration one may men-
cocha, the supreme being of the Inca, was praised as the one
tion examples from North America, Oceania, Africa, Austra-
“who exists from the beginning of the world to its end.”
lia, and South America.
Omniscience. A large body of epithets refers to the om-
Native American creator gods include Awonawilona,
niscience and omnivoyance of supreme beings. Baiame, su-
the Zuni supreme being whose solar associations are subli-
preme being of the Kamilaroi, Wiradjuri, and Euahlayi of
mated almost to the point of becoming a speculative philo-
New South Wales, sees and hears everything, especially at
sophical principle of life. He creates the clouds and the wa-
night, with his many eyes and ears. Daramulun, according
ters of the world from the breath of his own heart. Tirawa
to the Yuin, can observe all human action from his position
Atius of the Pawnee lives above and beyond the highest heav-
in heaven. In Assam, the Khasis of the Mon-Khmer nucleus
en. The wind is his breath. Tcuwut Makai, supreme being
of Indochinese peoples believe in a female supreme being and
of the Pima, dwells in the west, governing rain and winds.
creator who dwells in heaven and who sees and hears all that
His first creation was crushed when he pulled the sky too
happens on earth. On Madagascar, the supreme being An-
close to the earth. In his second attempt, he fixed the stars
driamanitra sees all those things that lie hidden. In the Aves-
and the Milky Way in the sky. Ahone is a sky-dwelling cre-
ta, Ahura Mazda¯ is described as vouru casani (“widely
ator of sun, moon, and stars. The existence of belief in him
seeing”).
is documented among peoples of the Virginia Colony in
1610. He had no cult to speak of; instead, sacrifices were
The clarity of a supreme being’s knowledge may be
made to Oke, a god who punished people with hurricane
manifested in the light of the bright sky, which, by virtue of
winds to make their crops suffer.
its own luminosity, sees and knows all existence that lies
below. The Altai Tatars call upon their supreme being as the
In Oceania, one may call attention to Tangaroa (Tan-
Ak Ajas (“white light”). The Khanty refer to Ajas Kan (“the
galoa, Ta’aroa, and many other variants), a widely known
bright leader”). Buriats speak of the dwelling of their celestial
Polynesian divinity of the sea; Agunua, the supreme spirit of
god as “a house ablaze with silver and gold.” For the Mansi,
San Cristobal in the Solomon Islands; Yelafaz, the anthropo-
Ta¯rem is a “good golden light on high.” In Sumerian, the
morphic sky-dwelling god of Yap; Djohu-ma-di-hutu (“lord
divinity is described as dingir (“shining, bright”), and in Ak-
above”), believed in by the Alfuri of Molucca; Qat, lunar su-
kadian, ellu expresses the same meaning.
preme being of the Banks Islands; Hintubuhet (“our bird-
woman”), supreme being in New Ireland; and Ndengei
Cosmogonic power. Other names refer to supreme be-
(Degei), the great serpent-god of Fiji. Ndengei usually lies
ings as the source of all life and power. The Warao of the
immobile in his cave on Mount Kauvandra on the northeast
Orinoco Delta refer to Kanobo (“great father”) as the author
coast of Viti Levu, but occasionally, when he is stirred, he
of life. Also in Venezuela, the Yaruro people believe in a great
causes earthquakes and heavy rains.
goddess who created the world. Everything sprang from her,
and everything living returns to the western paradise where
African supreme beings who are creators include Deng,
she now lives. The Caliña and Galibi peoples from the Suri-
the omniscient “free-divinity” of the Dinka people, who is
nam coast maintain that the goddess Amana (“she without
identified as Nhialic Aciek (“god the creator”). The term
a navel”) was not born but has lived forever. All life comes
nhial (“up,” or “above”) is associated with multiple modes
from her, for she begets and contains everything that comes
of supernatural expression. Among the Western Dinka,
to be. Her twin sons assist in creation. The supreme deity
Deng has no shrines but is honored in sacrifice together with
of the Koghi (Cágaba) of Colombia is also a universal mother
Nhialic (“divinity itself,” an appellation applied to Deng)
who gives birth to all creation. She rules the cycles of life,
and the ancestors. Also in Africa, one may point to Cagn,
death, and rebirth for all creatures. The mother is omnipres-
the mantis-shaped creator of the San people; Kosane, the
ent. Life is an intrauterine existence. Among the Mbyá, a
vaguely defined supreme being of the Venda; O:lo:run, high
Guaraní people of Paraguay, the supreme being gives life to
god of the Yoruba; Katonda, supreme being of the Ganda;
the world and continues to extend goods in the form of game
Lugaba, supreme creator divinity of the Hima; and Ngai, su-
and health. The Tupinamba of the southern Brazilian coast
preme being of the Maasai.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8870
SUPREME BEINGS
In South America, too, there is no shortage of supreme
Remoteness. More often than not, the sky is the princi-
beings who are creators. Among them one may mention
pal manifestation of supreme being. From this preponder-
Pelepelewa, god of the Trio of Surinam; Kamuscini, the talk-
ance of historical facts has come the term high god, over
ing sky-god of the Bakairi; Karu of the Mundurucú of the
whose origin and nature the controversy surrounding su-
Tapajós River; and El-al, a supreme being known in Patago-
preme being once raged. Scholars have made clear the fact
nia. In Australia, one finds many creator supreme beings cel-
that supreme being is not a simple personification of the
ebrated in scholarly literature. Among those not mentioned
“natural” object, the sky. Rather, a supreme being is a dis-
above are Bunjil of the Kulin, Nurrundere of the Narrinyeri,
tinct divine personality who reveals himself or herself in the
Mangarrara of the Larrakia people, and, as a collective name
power of the sky. Many peoples are careful to make the same
for the high god of the Aboriginal peoples of southeastern
distinction in various ways, speaking of their supreme being
Australia, the All-Father.
as dwelling beyond the sky, or as the invisible sky that lies
beyond the visible one, or as wearing the sky for a vestment.
Such examples by no means exhaust the number of su-
Puluga, in the Andaman Islands, is said to reside in heaven.
preme beings whose complicated nature includes the role of
The sky is his house. For Baiame, an Australian high god,
creator. The supreme beings mentioned above seem princi-
the sky is a campground, brightened with stars that serve as
pally interested in the creation of the sky, the stars, the earth,
campfires and traversed by the river of the Milky Way. Num,
and meteorological phenomena. They concern themselves
the Samoyed divinity whose name means “sky,” lies in the
with the creation of vegetation only in a secondary way.
seventh heaven, but he cannot be a simple personification of
However, other creators, a smaller group of supreme beings,
the natural sky, for he is also believed to be the earth and the
interest themselves particularly in the creation of trees, vines,
sea. For many Ewe-speaking populations, the blue color of
herbs, grasses, and other forms of vegetation.
the heavens is a veil that Mawu uses to shield her face, and
In general, this second group is more dramatically in-
the clouds are her clothing.
volved with rain than with other, more ethereal celestial ele-
Because a supreme being dwells in inaccessible heights
ments. Among many such supreme beings one may mention
and displays a passive and transcendent character, his outline
uNkulunkulu of the Zulu peoples; Bego Tanutanu, the cre-
tends to be left undefined. Although his personality is awe-
ator of the landscape, source of foods, plants, and instru-
some and powerful, he often avoids dramatic action in favor
ments of culture at Buin in the southern Bougainville straits;
of inert omnipresence. He may remain mysterious and
Tsui //goab, Khoi celestial god who unites the clouds and
vaguely delineated. Such is the case with Moma (“father”),
swells the rains; Teharonhiawakhon, the Iroquois twin divin-
the supreme being of the Witóto of Colombia. Associated
ity who holds heaven at two points (or with his two hands);
closely with the power of the word in rituals and chants, he
and Yuskeha, the parallel Huron divinity who sends good
created all things in the world from the mere “appearance”
weather for crops and enjoys sexual relations with Ataentsic
(naino) of each thing’s “nonexisting substance.” Moma calls
(“she whose body is ancient”), who is also called “the dark
himself Nainuema (“he who is or possesses what is not pres-
one” (i.e., the earth). One notices that supreme beings who
ent,” that is, illusive appearance). According to the Witóto,
are creators of vegetation tend to absorb or acquire attributes
Moma captured the specter of appearances in his dream and
more commonly seen among culture heroes, specialized dei-
pressed it to his breast until he could transform it into the
ties of vegetation, and storm gods.
earth. Earthmaker, supreme being of the Winnebago, comes
to consciousness in the primordium in order to make the
Control over life is also reflected in the supreme beings’
world keep still. He then remains aloof. What Earthmaker
ability to end life when they will. For example, among the
was like, or what there was before he came to consciousness,
Yámana of Tierra del Fuego, the supreme being is called
the Winnebago do not know. The Pawnee contend that
“slayer in the sky”; among the Maidu of north-central Cali-
Tirawa Atius (“father on high”) is in everything. However,
fornia, he is also called “a slayer.” Supreme beings often fig-
no one is able to know what he looks like.
ure in deaths that are mysterious, summary, and sudden. Ce-
lestial supreme beings strike humans with their thunderbolts.
The remoteness of the power of a supreme being may
The Semang of Kedah believe that the supreme being Kari
even be portrayed as indifference. When the passivity of a su-
created everything except the earth and humankind. These
preme being is exaggerated to the point of his extreme with-
last were fashioned by Ple, a subordinate deity. Kari sees ev-
drawal from creation, he takes the form of a deus otiosus, a
erything from on high and punishes humans by dropping on
god who has retired himself and his unique powers from the
them a flower from a mysterious plant. Where the flower
active world. He no longer captures the religious imagination
lands, fatal lightning strikes. The Apapocúva-Guaraní su-
in the commanding way of more dramatic supernatural be-
preme being, Nanderuvuçu (“our great father”), withdrew
ings. He may, nevertheless, remain the ground for all created
long ago into a distant dark country where the only light that
and creative possibilities. The Lenape (Delaware), a southern
exists comes from within his chest. Eventually, it is believed,
Algonquin group, believe that GicelamuDkaong (“he who
he intends to destroy the world and thereby bring about the
created us through his thought”) entrusted his supernatural
end of time.
responsibilities to subordinate beings: the winds, the lord of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUPREME BEINGS
8871
animals, the sun, the moon, and the thunder. He then with-
tween this world and the celestial powers is reflected also in
drew to the twelfth heaven. Nonetheless, he looks over
images of the Milky Way, the ladder reaching to heaven, and
human activities, especially the longhouse ceremonies, for
the liana. The climax (“ladder”) in the mysteries of Mithra
the center post of the cult house is the staff that he keeps in
had seven rungs fashioned of seven different metals. Cultures
his hand. Témaukel remains rather indifferent to the affairs
in North America, Oceania, Africa, and ancient Egypt all
of the SelkDnam of Tierra del Fuego. He did not complete
possess myths concerning ascent to heaven along a cosmic
the work of creation but deputized Kénos, the mythical an-
ladder.
cestor, to raise the sky and provide moral instruction. He
In Misminay, near Cuzco in Peru, the Milky Way is
now lives in the stars. Absent from cult, he still interests him-
conceived of as a stream of semen that flows through the cen-
self in moral behavior and punishes the wayward with sick-
ter of celestial space just as the Vilcanota River, its terrestrial
ness and premature death. The pre-Zoroastrian conception
counterpart, flows through the center of the earth. As the
of Ahura Mazda¯ depicted him as a divine being who creates
Milky Way encircles the world, it descends into the ocean
only through the mediation of the spenta mainyu (“good
in the west, absorbing the earth’s waters, and travels under-
spirit”).
ground to rise in the eastern sky. Taking the form of rain,
The paradoxical coupling of power and passivity within
fog, and hail, the heavenly water-semen falls into the head-
the supreme being of the sky may be made known in sexual
waters that feed the Vilcanota River. The Milky Way also
terms. Or the coupling of power and passivity may be ex-
contains female elements, the yana phuyu (“dark spots”),
pressed in terms of the alternations of the bright sky of day
which are the sources of various animal species.
and dark sky of night. Thus Puluga, though omniscient,
Celestial bodies and elements are often portrayed as the
knows the thoughts within human hearts only in the light
more active constituents and expressions of a supreme being
of day. In the Banks Islands, it is believed that at the begin-
himself. Nurrundere, thunder-voiced god of the Australian
ning night did not exist. Qat spread the night over the earth
Narrinyeri, produces the rainbow when he urinates. The
so that creation remained obscure. However, after a while the
Xhosa of southern Africa believe that hail falls when Utikxo
situation did not suit him, and, with a red obsidian knife
arms himself for battle. On Timor, monsoon rains come
(dawn), he cut into the darkness. The rays of sunlight that
forth from Usi Neno, a supreme being with strong solar as-
enter through the roof of a house are said to be his spears.
pects, as a result of the effort he expends in his intercourse
Among a western group of San, the supreme being, called
with Usi Afu, goddess of the earth. In Indonesia, in the
Kággen, produces darkness by spreading the bile that spills
Ambon Islands, the supreme being called Upu Lanito (“lord
when he splits open the gallbladder of an antelope. Upset by
heaven”) sets stars in the sky as a sign that he has gone to
the darkness, he creates the moon.
warn the sun and moon about an impending attack of nitu
The power of transcendent height is continued in the
(“spirits”). There are abundant accounts that describe the sky
supreme beings who dwell on the tops of mountains. Well
as the face of a supreme being; the sun and moon are his eyes.
known are Mount Olympus of Greek mythology and Harab-
It shall be seen that the more active divinities tend to
erazaiti in Iranian belief. In Palestine, Mount Tabor and
specialize in one life-giving activity or sphere (e.g., crops, ani-
Mount Gerizim stand as high holy places. Himinbjörg
mals, the dead, military organizations, cosmic laws, or the
(“heaven’s mountain”) figures importantly in the Norse
laws of a kingdom) rather than to remain, as do supreme be-
Eddas. Ngenéchen, divinity of the Araucanians of Chile and
ings, vague and passive sustainers of life in general. In many
Argentina, lived on top of volcanoes with his wife and chil-
instances, their activities are expressed in independent my-
dren. In the same area, the god Pillán, who lives on moun-
thologies of active supernatural beings who overshadow the
tains in the middle of the sky, seems to have served as a
remote and transcendent supreme being. The end result is
model for Ngenéchen.
that there exist religious systems wherein the supreme being
is supplanted by more active and specialized deities or, alter-
Just as mountains symbolically express access to the
natively, wherein the formal expression of the supreme being
transcendent realms of infinite power, so other paradigmatic
itself is presented not as remote and transcendent but as quite
symbols reveal the place of contact with the otherwise inac-
intensely involved with the specific life processes of the uni-
cessible source of life. In particular, the cosmic tree or world
verse. In the latter case, the form of the supreme being ab-
tree is a startling image of access to the dwelling of the high
sorbs attributes from other important and more active super-
god. Flathead Indians believe that the roots of the cosmic
natural beings like the culture hero, the trickster, or fertility
tree reach down into the dwelling place of the evil being,
gods.
Amtep. At the upper end lies Amotken (“the old one”), a
good celestial creator. Rites are often celebrated in connec-
Activities. It has been seen that supreme beings are su-
tion with an image of the cosmic tree. Thus, during the
preme by virtue of their unique nature, not necessarily by vir-
Turco-Tatar horse sacrifice, the shaman carries the soul of
tue of their achievements or exploits. Supreme being, by its
the victim to Ülgen, the supreme being, by scaling nine
very nature, underlies all that is; its character stands in a di-
notches cut into a birch tree. Ascending the tree, the shaman
rect relationship to what exists, what is ontologically true. In
reports his voyage through the nine heavens. Contact be-
this connection, supreme beings are often invoked as witness
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8872
SUPREME BEINGS
to oaths, as witness to what is. In northwestern Sumatra,
specific domains that are less than cosmogonic in scope and
among the Batak peoples, reference is made to Debata.
whose activities—the accomplishment and functioning of
When he smiles, his mouth opens to reveal his teeth in the
specific world processes—make sense in a world that already
form of lightning. He is invoked in oaths taken over serious
exists. Myths often recount the withdrawal of the high god
matters. He punishes perjury with bolts of lightning. On
as the event that marks the end of the primordium.
Ceram, people swear to the truth by Upu Langi (“lord heav-
en”) and his female counterpart, Upu Tapene. Otherwise,
Relationship to other divinities. A supreme being
there seems to be no regular cult offered to them. Swahili
rarely occupies the dominant position in a pantheon or a di-
speakers frequently testify to the truth of an assertion by
vine hierarchy. Once creation has ended, if indeed he was in-
swearing to “Mungu mmoja” (“the one god”) or by saying
volved actively in the cosmogony, the supreme being yields
“Mungu anaona” (“God is watching”).
the mythical stage to more active beings whose personalities
are more clearly delineated.
By no means are supreme beings always portrayed as
creators. Nevertheless, cosmogonic activity is the single activ-
A supreme being’s link to the very foundations of being
ity that befits their foundational character, their role as the
is often expressed in temporal terms (for example, he may
ground of all existence. Some supreme beings leave no room
exist before the other gods exist). Consequently, in the cases
for doubt about their cosmogonic activity. Their powerful
in which more active beings take over the religious imagina-
thought alone brings the world into being. Such is the man-
tion, his eventual passivity in relation to them may be ex-
ner in which Wakonda, the Omaha supreme being, created
pressed in terms of old age and its inactive fragility. In the
the world. At first, all things were in his mind. The same is
Akkadian text Enuma elish, the primordial couple, Apsu and
true of the Winnebago creator, Earthmaker. Creation pro-
Tiamat, now grown old, are nettled by the noise and games
ceeds from his thought. When he wishes something, it comes
of younger divinities, by whom they are eventually de-
to exist, just as he wishes. It has already been seen how the
stroyed. The god El, as reported in the Ugaritic texts, is weak
Witóto supreme being, called Nainuema (“he who is appear-
and senile. While in his palace in Mount Tsafon, El is at-
ance only”), ties a phantasm to his breast with his dream-
tacked by Baal. The younger god not only usurps the previ-
thread in order to create the world. The Maidu of California
ously dominant position of the supreme being but routs him
believe that Ko’doyanpe (“earth namer”) brought about cre-
to the farthest reaches of creation. In explicitly sexual terms,
ation after long and intense thought. Likewise, Dasan, the
younger gods may deprive a supreme being entirely of his no
high god-ancestor of the northern Pomo, called the world
longer exercised potency by castrating him. Ouranos, the
into being with his words. Whether such sublime notions are
Greek cosmocrat and husband of Gaia (Ge), was castrated
preserved from the most archaic traditions or whether they
by his son and successor Kronos. This event interrupted the
are the fruit of more recent theological speculations that have
unbroken coitus between sky and earth during the primordi-
purified and rarefied earlier ideas is a matter of some dispute.
um. When his sexual organs were tossed into the sea, Aphro-
dite came into being. In the Hurrito-Hittite theogony, which
As evident in several examples above, supreme beings’
appears to bear North Syrian and Sumerian influences, Alalu
involvement with creation may be more subtle and compli-
was replaced by the god Anu. After nine years had passed,
cated. They may take responsibility only for the initial cre-
Anu himself was attacked by Kumarbi, who bit Anu’s loins.
ative impulse toward form, leaving the final shaping of the
Swallowing part of the god’s sexual organ, Kumarbi became
world to other supernatural beings, especially to a “trans-
pregnant with three children. These violent divine beings ex-
former,” or culture hero. In many cases, the supreme being
press attributes quite different from those of the unchanging
is only indirectly involved in creation. He engenders, em-
supreme beings. Their dynamism tends to alienate still fur-
powers, or presides over those beings who create the world
ther from myth and cultic activity the transcendent and pas-
and its creatures. His creative activity remains supervisory.
sive character of supreme beings. Supreme beings are thus
In other instances, he may create in cooperation (or in com-
often obscured and their power eclipsed.
petition) with other powerful beings. In any case, a supreme
being appears to be more than a rational “first cause” of cre-
As is characteristic in the above examples, the younger,
ation. Life and existence, as a whole, stem from and are
“champion” divinities who usurp a supreme being’s position
maintained in accordance with his own inner nature. I do
are often associated with the fertility of fields and animals.
not speak here of a necessary pantheism or emanationism,
In their connection with agriculture and fecundity, they are
since a supreme being is a distinct personality who remains
often known in the violent but necessary manifestations of
distinguishable from creation.
weather and storm gods. Their character is bound up with
tempestuous change, the violence of concrete life processes
Regardless of the degree of his active participation in
that make fertility of seed and stock possible but unforesee-
creation, once the universe exists a supreme being’s major job
able. Such violence is one important aspect of Indra, hailed
is done. He then “retires” at some remove, often to the heav-
as “bull of the world,” “lord of the plow” (´siraspati), and
enly heights, where he devotes himself to the passive and
“master of the fields” (u¯rvavapati). He uses his vajra (thun-
transcendent pursuits of maintaining and sustaining life. He
derbolt) to kill the monstrous Vrta and thereby release the
may thus leave the world to powers who preside directly over
waters. Also in South Asia one finds Parjanya, son of the sky
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUPREME BEINGS
8873
and god of hurricanes. He unleashes the rains and assures fer-
vides passage between the spatial realms of the cosmos. The
tility for animals, crops, and humans. In Iran, the meteoro-
Saxons maintained a cult of a cosmic pillar called Irminsul,
logical divinity Verethraghna is dramatic and fertilizing. As
one image of which Charlemagne destroyed in the village of
illustrated by creators specializing in vegetation, the form of
Eresburg in 772. It was the “pillar of the universe” that sup-
a supreme being may itself contain aspects of these fecunda-
ported all existing things. Horace reports the existence of
tor beings. In such cases supreme beings maintain a more ac-
such a pillar and similar associated beliefs among the Ro-
tive role in the mythic imagination, but at the cost of losing
mans. In Vedic India, as reported in the first book of the
something of their unchanging nature.
R:gveda, a similar pillar was called the skambha. The Achilpa,
an Aranda group of Australia, carry a sacred pole that they
On the one hand, the passive involvement of a supreme
call kauwa-auwa, and they wander in the direction in which
being in the very ground of being in all its forms may give
it leans. It is a replica of the pillar fashioned by the god Num-
rise, eventually, to his usurpation or transformation by dy-
bakula who, after covering it with blood, ascended along the
namic figures specializing in one or another specific life form
kauwa-auwa until he disappeared into the sky.
or process: fertility and fecundator gods. On the other hand,
in a parallel but separate development, a supreme being’s su-
Cult. In his most removed form, as noted above, a su-
pervisory capacity, his general omniscience passively ex-
preme being usually inspires no regular public cult. A relative
pressed, may develop into more active and concrete expres-
absence of cult seems to characterize many of those celestial
sion in the form of a sovereign god. Whether such a
supreme beings whose passivity borders on otioseness. To a
sovereign god is the result of a process in which a supreme
great degree this is true of Thakur (among the Santa¯l of
being, for example a sky god, absorbs the traits of a cos-
India), Synshar (among the Khasis), Kari (among the Se-
mocrat, or vice versa, must be reviewed on a case-by-case
mang), Sammor or Peng (among the Sakai of the Malay Pen-
basis. In all these cases, however, the emphasis of the resul-
insula), Pirman (among the Benwa-Jakun of Johore), Tuhan
tant form no longer falls on the supreme being’s transcen-
Allah (also among Jakun groups), Muladjadi (among the
dent supervision of the universe but on his active guardian-
Batak of central Sumatra), Petara (among the Sea Dyaks of
ship of the norms of world order.
Borneo), Opo-geba-snulat (on the Indonesian island of
Buru), Lowalangi (on the island of Nias in Indonesia), Hin-
Certain sovereign divinities enforce the most general
tubuhet (in New Ireland), Ndengei (in Fiji), Takaro (on
cosmic or “natural” laws inherent in the structures of the uni-
Malo Island, near Malekula), Gueggiahora (among the Ca-
verse. Varun:a, called Sahasra¯ks:a (“thousand-eyed”) in the
macâes in Bahia, Brazil), Wendé (among the African
R:gveda, is the universal king (sam:raj), who guards the norms
Kaguru), Zame Asizame Ôyô (among the Fang of West Afri-
of world order. By virtue of his own nature, his power is over
ca), Mpambe (among the Anjanja south of Lake Malawi),
all existence. Unlike the champion gods of fertility, who vio-
Ruwa (among the Chagga of Mount Kilimanjaro), and Yela-
lently conquer their specialized domains, Varun:a reigns
faz (on the island of Yap).
through his innate relationship to r:ta (the cosmic, ethical,
and ritual order of the universe) and through his mastery of
In fact, those celestial supreme beings who do call forth
magico-spiritual influence (ma¯ya¯), which allows him to bind
a regular cult seem to be exceptional cases. Among them are
with his “nets,” “ropes,” and “knots” those who transgress
Agunua, venerated at Haununu on the southwest coast of
that order. In other cases, a sovereign divinity may be inter-
San Cristobal in the Solomon Islands, and Tabuarik, who,
ested less in cosmic processes than in human moral action.
together with his lightning-wife, De Itji, is celebrated in a
In such instances, he may send forth moral commandments
cult that features sacred stones (for instance, on Nikunau in
and laws and punish breaches of the ethical order. As sover-
the Gilbert Islands). More often supreme beings are invoked
eign, a supreme being may even interest himself in the details
spontaneously, and even frequently, by individuals or by a
of socioethical behavior, upholding the proper performance
community in extreme circumstances of famine, earthquake,
of customs and mores.
drought, and so on. When this irregular aspect of worship
first came to scholarly attention, it led investigators to under-
The cosmic pillar that upholds the universe, or the co-
value the importance of supreme beings. Unable to take seri-
lumna universalis, is often associated with the sovereign
ously the profound truth of myth, early investigators were
being, himself the upholder of cosmic order. As an axis
incapable of seeing that the absence of regular public cult was
mundi, like the cosmic tree and mountain, it points to as-
related to the supreme beings’ associations with the ground
pects of the sovereign that preserve celestial powers and asso-
of all being.
ciations. During their Winter Ceremonial, the Kwakiutl
people of the northwest American coast wrap a cedar “canni-
A supreme being is often associated with initiatory so-
bal pole” in red-cedar bark to endow it with nawalak
cieties that focus on the knowledge of mysteries. In such se-
(“supernatural power”). Projecting through the roof of the
cret initiations, many of a supreme being’s celestial attributes
house, the forty-foot post is considered to be the Post of the
are maintained. Such appears to be true among Native Amer-
World and the insignia of the great divinity Baxbakualanux-
ican tribes of California who possessed what was called the
siwae (“man-eater at the mouth of the river”). It is an image
Kuksu cult, wherein the masked initiates impersonated spir-
of the great copper pole that upholds the heavens and pro-
its of the dead. The sound of a bull-roarer imitated the voice
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8874
SUPREME BEINGS
of the supreme being and other spirits. The area in which
absorption of ideas from monotheisms is clearly evident, one
this secret society flourished coincides roughly with the area
does not generally find inert imitations of monotheisms but
in which there are clearly delineated concepts of a high god
lively new syntheses, often in terms that are best understood
(e.g., among the Maidu). However, this connection is a com-
as part of the religious history of a local culture’s conception
plicated one. Among the Yahgan of Tierra del Fuego, the
of supreme being.
ciexais puberty initiations involve themselves deeply with
SCHOLARLY THEORIES. In the development of the discipline
Watauineiwa, the supreme being who established them. In
of history of religions, the investigation of supreme beings
the kina, the secret society rituals of the Yahgan, however,
has occupied a special place. For more than a century, three
no mention is made of him. Nor does the supreme being fig-
factors have especially affected the scholarly debate about the
ure in the SelkDnam esoteric initiations (klóketen), on which
nature of supreme beings: the provenance of the materials
the Yahgan probably modeled the kina. Although knowledge
studied; the dogmatic concerns of the investigators, whether
of a supreme being may be transmitted, refined, and re-
theological or scientific; and the judgments in vogue regard-
shaped in secret societies, it is unwarranted to draw the more
ing the nature of religious expressions. On the most general
general conclusion that supreme beings are the creation of
plane, one may distinguish four important positions taken
such elites.
during the study of supreme beings over the past 120 years.
Among those supreme beings who merge with or yield
Four main views. The first point of view, exemplified
to more active forms, there exists a tendency toward a more
in the work of Leopold von Schroeder, interested itself in the
scheduled public cult. This can be seen in cults dedicated to
sky gods known through sacred texts in the Indo-European
solarized supreme beings. Although solarized supreme beings
family of languages. Interest in such exalted forms of su-
share something of the sacrality of the sky, their potency and
preme being was eclipsed when attention turned to the eth-
periodic activity often highlight the manifest rational order
nographic data pouring in from cultures outside the Indo-
of regulated life processes, which outshines the mysterious
European sphere. This second position, developed most suc-
and unfathomable order of being commonly associated with
cessfully by E. B. Tylor, held that it was impossible to see
celestial supreme beings.
supreme being as anything but a most recent religious form
in human history. Tylor considered the idea of supreme be-
Summary. The attributes and powers of supreme be-
ings to be a rational elaboration of simpler and earlier reli-
ings, often reflected in their very names, are most clearly
gious notions. The third perspective began with Andrew
made known in sky divinities. The activity that best suits the
Lang, who called attention to the authentic existence of su-
infinite and omnipotent nature of supreme beings is the cre-
preme beings outside Indo-European and ancient Near East-
ation of the world. Often, but not always, they create the
ern culture history, principally in Aboriginal Australia. Tak-
world through thought, a creatio ex nihilo, which is in keep-
ing his cue from Lang, Wilhelm Schmidt carried on an
ing with their passive nature. After creation, a supreme being
intense and comprehensive investigation of supreme beings
often retires on high and becomes even more transcendent
in traditional cultures of the Americas, Oceania, Australia,
a power. When supreme beings do take a more active role,
Asia, and Eurasia.
their form tends to merge with or yield to other divine forms.
Such is true, on the one hand, with sovereign divinities who
Regardless of their judgment on the antiquity and
ruled the world and, on the other hand, with fecundators and
meaning of the various forms of supreme being, these three
“champion” divinities. Knowledge of a transcendent and
views of the issue never succeeded in detaching the inquiry
mysterious supreme being is often better preserved in initia-
into the nature of supreme being from the question of the
tory secret societies than in the public cults that surround the
appearance of historical monotheism with its concomitant
more active expressions of sun god, storm god, or meteoro-
theological constructs of revelation, creator (or first cause of
logical beings.
creation), and moral rectitude. A historicist search for simple
origins, an exaggerated rationalism in defining religion, and
There is no doubt that many forms of supreme being,
a dismal appraisal of the nature of myth are common to all
as known today, have been influenced by the religious ideas
three approaches.
of historical monotheisms. Such contacts reveal themselves
in the very names of many supreme beings, not to mention
It fell to Raffaele Pettazzoni to take a fourth position by
the influences brought to light in careful study of the histo-
reinstating a consideration of the supreme being of the sky,
ries and religious ideas of cultures around the globe. Howev-
this time in a framework that treated the history of monothe-
er, the impact of such historical change ought not to be exag-
ism as a particular, even if related, historical instance. Draw-
gerated. In the first place, no culture’s religious ideas have
ing upon data from all over the world, Pettazzoni centered
remained without change through history. Even those forms
his research on what were called the “primitive” religions.
held by scholars to be most archaic give evidence of compli-
Taking Pettazzoni’s insight about the celestial being as a
cated historical processes that involve borrowing, deteriora-
starting point, Mircea Eliade has presented a morphology of
tion, new inspiration, and reconstitution. The contemporary
supreme beings that serves as the foundation for his compar-
era ought to be seen as a further instance of a much larger
ative historical studies of religion. In addition to these gener-
historical process. In the second place, in those areas where
al positions and their principal protagonists, a large number
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUPREME BEINGS
8875
of scholars interested themselves in one or another specific
whose exploits were recounted in myths. According to Mül-
aspect of the problem and contributed to the understanding
ler, the origin of supreme being lies neither in polytheism nor
of supreme beings.
in monotheism but in what he termed “kathenotheism,” the
tendency of the religious perception to treat any particular
Early studies. During the nineteenth century many
god as the only one in any specific moment.
scholars of religion investigated religious texts from cultures
in the Indo-European language family. Their main concerns
Much of the early interest in Indo-European supreme
were philological. When they investigated the meaning of
beings culminated some years later in the work of Leopold
specific religious images and forms, they took a special inter-
von Schroeder. In the first volume of his Arische Religion
est in those forms that were associated with natural phenom-
(1914), he presents in an exhaustive fashion the instances of
ena. Nevertheless, the comparative philology of Indo-
supreme sky beings: Indian Dyaus-pitr, Latin Jupiter, Greek
European languages pointed to the existence of a supreme
Zeus Pater, Scythian Zeus-Papaius, Illyrian Daipatures, and
sky god. The identification of the Indo-European radical dei-
Thraco-Phrygian Zeus-Pappos. However, by the time von
wos (“sky”) in designations meaning “god” (for example, in
Schroeder’s useful collection of researches had been gathered
Old German tivar, Lithuanian diewas, Latin deus, Iranian
together, the investigation of supreme beings in the history
div, and Sanskrit deva) lent support for a theory like that of
of religions had already passed beyond the relatively narrow
Charles Ploix, who contended in La nature des dieux: Études
confines of Indo-European texts. An increasing amount of
de mythologie greco-latine (1888) that the sky was the princi-
reliable ethnographic data and a better awareness of the enor-
pal subject of myth and religion.
mity of culture history demanded that the question be debat-
In this way, the nineteenth-century attempt to discover
ed on wider grounds. Rather than a contribution to the gen-
a theory of origins of religion in natural phenomena made
eral history of supreme being, von Schroeder’s work became
way also for a sky-dwelling supreme being. Unfortunately,
a masterful synthesis of a generation of research by specialists
a shallow understanding of myth in general led to the conclu-
in only one area of religion.
sion that supreme beings were merely personifications of one
Evolutionary theories. At the end of the nineteenth
or another natural phenomenon. In Die Herabkunft des
and the beginning of the twentieth century, when scholars
Feuers und des Göttertranks (1859), Adelbert Kuhn gave a
turned systematic attention to the history of religions outside
privileged place to meteorological phenomena such as rain,
Indo-European cultures, interest in the nature and meaning
lightning, storms, and thunder, holding that these celestial
of supreme being waned. In their enthusiasm for evolution-
phenomena were responsible for the development of mytho-
ary theories of the development of human ideas, various
logical themes.
schools of scientific thought placed the concept of supreme
In Die Geschichte der Religion (1869), Otto Pfleiderer
being on the opposite end of history from the origin of reli-
also laid great stress on the importance of a celestial supreme
gious thought. The idea of supreme being and its manifold
being. He considered the sky god a natural starting point for
forms were thus deprived of the prestige of origins.
the development of monotheism. By postulating that the ori-
gins of religion lay in the personification of natural phenom-
Sir John Lubbock, for example, contended that the ear-
ena in the heavens and by hypothesizing about the connec-
liest stages of human development gave evidence of a total
tion between the sky god and monotheism, he provoked
absence of religion. Religious inclinations began with a belief
reactions from investigators with theological concerns. E. G.
in fetishes and arrived at the concept of a supreme being only
Steude, in Ein Problem der allgemeinen Religionswissenschaft
after passing through the intervening stages of totemism,
und ein Versuch einer Lösung (1881), argued that early belief
worship of nature, shamanism, and anthropomorphism
in a sky god, although a vague form of monotheism, might
(idolatry). In a similar way, Herbert Spencer attributed the
easily degenerate into polytheism through the personifica-
origin of religious ideas to a vague belief in ghosts, which cul-
tion of other celestial phenomena. Therefore, “primitive” be-
minated in ancestor worship. The worship of distinguished
lief in a supreme being ought not to be judged a true mono-
ancestors eventually gave rise to the notion of supernatural
theism.
beings. Ultimately, the concept of supreme being was the
outcome of a lengthy historical process of reflection on
F. Max Müller, the foremost spokesperson of the school
human personalities such as a chief famous for strength and
of nature mythology, attempted to avoid the theological pit-
bravery, a medicine man of high esteem, or a stranger with
falls by positing the origin of religion in an innate capacity
superior knowledge of arts and inventions.
of the human soul to respond to the infinite. Consequently,
in his studies of comparative mythology Müller placed great
Various evolutionary theories found it inconceivable
stress on those objects that are wholly intangible and that
that an exalted notion of supreme being could exist in antiq-
best express infinity: the sun, the dawn, and the sky. The ex-
uity. Instead, religious history was seen as a development
perience of the infinite made available in the contemplation
from simple ideas to more complex ones. In this way, the
of these intangible objects (numina) ultimately gave rise to
“origin” of supreme beings was postulated in animal totems,
their designation by name (nomina). Through a “disease of
rudimentary human emotions, the human will at work in
language,” the named objects were personified as gods,
primitive magic, or a vague universal magic force.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8876
SUPREME BEINGS
The most popular of these theories was that of animism,
alted, the forms into which mythic fancy cast supreme beings
set forth by E. B. Tylor in Primitive Culture: Researches into
were often erratic and degrading.
the Development of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Art and
Lang’s insistence on the authentic existence of a sublime
Custom (1872). For Tylor, the idea of supreme being was
supreme being in the religious thought of cultures that ani-
only the last in a long series of developments of religious
mists deemed “lower” or “savage” races met with little success
ideas, which ultimately began with the idea of the human
during his lifetime. Nor was his the only voice to fall on deaf
soul. The doctrine of a supreme being emerged only in the
ears. As early as 1860, in his second volume of Anthropologie
“later stages” of human history after it had been transformed,
der Naturvölker, Theodore Waitz-Gerland had argued for the
rationally projected on nature, and developed throughout a
existence of an indigenous African religion whose ideas of su-
stage of ancestral worship and idolatry. Eventually it emerged
preme being were so exalted that they approached the limits
in the form of a “pure” spirit that took its place in a polythe-
of monotheism. In his History of Religion (1906), A. Menzies,
istic pantheon over which it gradually stood supreme.
too, had concluded that there existed a widespread belief in
The enthusiasm that greeted animism and other evolu-
a vague and remote divinity who managed the world but
tionary theories succeeded in displacing scholarly interest in
found no place in cult, but he was not sure how archaic the
supreme beings. In placing the idea of supreme being in the
form was.
most recent stages of human history, these theories implied
Wilhelm Schmidt. In the very year of Lang’s death,
or stated explicitly that the concept of supreme being was in-
Wilhelm Schmidt published the first volume of Der Urs-
troduced into the cultures of Aboriginal Australia, Africa,
prung der Gottesidee (1912), a twelve-volume work that was
and Native America by Christianity or Islam. In the opinions
to occupy him for the next forty years. An ethnologist of un-
of these evolutionary theorists, the concept of supreme being
common energies and linguistic abilities, Schmidt studied
was not an authentic local tradition. Scarcely heard in the din
supreme beings in a comprehensive fashion. Although he ac-
of scientific enthusiasm were opinions like those of the theo-
knowledged his debt to Andrew Lang for having recognized
logian C. von Orelli. Examining beliefs in supreme beings
the existence of supreme beings outside historical monothe-
in Africa, Australia, and North America in his Allgemeine Re-
isms, his main thrust was to situate the study of supreme be-
ligionsgeschichte (1899), von Orelli concluded that the origi-
ings in a more accurate historical framework than the one
nal form of religion was a monistic belief in a celestial divini-
provided by an ideology of evolution.
ty, whose nature was known through revealed truth.
Following Fritz Graebner and Bernard Ankermann,
Andrew Lang. A disciple of Tylor, Andrew Lang called
Schmidt attacked theories of a unilinear and evolutionary de-
for a reconsideration of supreme beings in the light of materi-
velopment of religious history. He argued convincingly that
als from southeastern Australia as reported by A. W. Howitt.
human history was a more complicated reality. In the place
Lang pointed to the authentic existence of the idea of su-
of simple unilinear development, Schmidt, following the
preme being among Australian Aborigines, Andamanese
trend of continental historical tradition, proposed the exis-
pygmies (Negritos), and certain peoples of Africa and the
tence of a number of culture circles (Kulturkreise), each with
Americas, whose life-ways were deemed most simple and
distinctive ecological, economic, political, social, and ideo-
whose religious ideas were therefore considered most archaic.
logical components that developed in relative independence
He thus questioned one of the fundamental presuppositions
of one another. By first delineating the characteristics of su-
of the animistic theory.
preme beings found in each culture circle and by comparing
Lang never abandoned totally the evolutionary scheme,
those traits seen to be common to distinct culture circles,
but he did challenge its overall simplicity. He argued that the
Schmidt hoped to arrive, through reliable empirical and his-
idea of supreme being stood quite apart from the religious
torical methods, at that original configuration of the idea of
conceptions of soul and spirit that emerged in response to
God existing in the common archaic culture (Urkultur). In
such phenomena as death, illness, and dreaming. A supreme
this way, Schmidt argued that the contemporary societies of
being was an entity with a quality of being unique unto itself.
Oceania, Africa, the Americas, and Asia ought not to be ran-
It could not be an elaboration of earlier and simpler notions,
ked in any temporal order on a unilinear time line. On the
for, in some cases, the idea of supreme being exists where no
other hand, features common to many of them pointed to
evidence of ancestor worship is found.
the existence of a temporally earlier culture of shared beliefs.
In The Making of Religion (1898), Lang presents the su-
Like Lang before him, Schmidt emphasized the moral
preme being as a deathless “maker” of all creation that is not
and rational capacities, reflected in the conceptions of su-
fashioned by human hands. Lang considered the idea of su-
preme beings, of those peoples who had been dubbed “sav-
preme being a sublime religious conception that the human
age” or “primitive.” In fact, Schmidt exaggerated the impor-
intellect was capable of conceiving at any stage of its histori-
tance of rationality in the nature of religion, for he held that
cal development. Though recognized by the religious intel-
supreme beings were inextricably bound to the rational pro-
lect, a supreme being was a creative power that the imagina-
cess of inquiry into the first causes of the universe.
tion eventually encrusted with mythical elements.
By studying those features common to the religions of
Consequently, although the conception of a creator was ex-
African and Asian pygmies, Schmidt postulated the existence
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUPREME BEINGS
8877
of shared religious beliefs stemming from the earlier histori-
process, the kernel idea of a primordial supreme being weak-
cal stratum that he called the religion of Archaic Pygmy Cul-
ened over time, even while the images of supreme being mul-
ture (Religion der Pygmäischen Ur-kultur). Abstracting from
tiplied themselves in number and breadth of special applica-
American and Arctic materials in the same manner, Schmidt
tion. History took its greatest toll on the idea of supreme
outlined the beliefs in a supreme being that characterized a
being in those cultures with a long history of ethnological
hypothetical Archaic Arctic-American Culture. Finally, by
change. For this reason, Schmidt laid great stress on the
comparing his constructions of Archaic Pygmy and Arctic-
study of cultures that remained on the margins of technolog-
American cultures with religious beliefs in southeastern Aus-
ical change.
tralia, Schmidt postulated the “historical outlines” of earliest
Schmidt’s historical extrapolations from ethnographic
belief in a supreme being.
materials drew criticism from anthropologists. His assertions
What Schmidt found in the reconstructed primordial
of the existence of a primordial monotheism and revelation
culture was a supreme being whose nature satisfied all human
disturbed theologians. From the point of view of history of
needs, in particular, the need for a rational first cause of the
religions, Schmidt’s greatest shortcoming would prove to be
universe and its creatures. In this way, the supreme being was
his lack of appreciation of religious elements other than
viewed as the father and founder of social realities, the fami-
strongly rational ones. In short, although he helped break the
ly, and kin alliances as well as the author of moral realities
stranglehold of evolutionary theories and renewed serious
in his role as lawgiver and ethical judge, who is himself free
study of supreme being, he continued a rational tradition of
from all moral corruption. Schmidt argued that the belief
interpretation that found it impossible to appreciate the
that the supreme being was a protective father, supportive
many existential dimensions of myth subsequently disclosed
of the virtues of trust and love, provided archaic humans
by a more profound hermeneutics of religion. For these rea-
with the capacity to live and work toward supramundane
sons, his ideas never gained widespread acceptance. Never-
goals. Rendering labor significant and providing a sense of
theless, Schmidt’s mammoth studies of supreme beings stand
responsibility, the belief in a supreme being proved to be an
as a monument to his industry and to the existence of the
effective impetus for the forward struggles of human history.
concept of supreme beings in the general history of cultures.
Thus, the supreme being of Archaic Culture was the
In Schmidt’s wake. A distinguished school of culture
lord of human history because he was seen to fill all time and
history grew up around the researches of Wilhelm Schmidt.
was the source of the beginnings of human life as well as the
Although his disciples were very careful to emend or even to
judge at its end. Furthermore, since the supreme being was
reject his historical conclusions about a primordial Archaic
believed to fill all the space of the universe, Archaic Culture
Culture and his theological conclusions about a primordial
could conceive of the existence of only one supreme being,
monotheism, they did continue to hold that the investiga-
unique and without peer. This being reigned as sovereign
tion of supreme beings outside monotheism constituted a
over all peoples of the earth. In short, through his historical
high priority of research. In particular, the researches of Will-
investigation of ethnographic data, Schmidt contended that
helm Koppers, Josef Haeckel, and Martin Gusinde con-
the religion of the most archaic human culture was a primor-
firmed the importance of the position of supreme beings in
dial monotheism (Urmonotheismus), whose existence could
many of the cultures that Schmidt had studied.
best be explained through a primordial revelation (Uroffen-
Reactions to Schmidt came from both theological and
barung) of the supreme being itself at the beginning of time.
ethnological quarters. In general, his critics raised their ob-
jections on the basis of material from one special field or an-
Recognizing that the high god is found in contemporary
other. For the most part, however, other investigators—
cultures with less frequency than in the primordial culture,
Preuss, Radin, Lowie, Söderblom, and van der Leeuw among
and acknowledging that the contemporary high god is often
them—agreed with Schmidt in recognizing the existence and
absent from scheduled cult and manifest in many obscure
importance of a supreme being in many cultures around the
forms, or even supplanted by other divine figures, Schmidt
world.
atributed this degeneration to the very march of history, to
the effects of change on human life and thought. Lang had
In “Die höchste Göttheit bei den kulturarmen Volkern”
made the same point. Where Lang had attributed the with-
(1922), Konrad T. Preuss claimed that supreme beings did
drawal of the high god to the cloak of mythic fancy put on
not form a late stage of human development but rather the
over time, Schmidt also considered the economic and social
foundation of human thought. In Glauben und Mystik im
realities of culture history. Thus, the experiences of matrilin-
Schatten des höchsten Wesens (1926), Preuss pointed out that
eal agrarian societies stressed the importance of a female su-
the separate ideas concerning the world are woven into a uni-
preme being, lunar associations, and blood sacrifices. Patri-
versal scheme personified by the supreme being of the sky.
lineal totemic cultures contributed emphases on solar
Paul Radin, in Primitive Man as Philosopher (1927), put for-
symbolism of a male supreme being. Patriarchal cattle-
ward the idea that a supreme being was a creation of a special
breeding cultures underlined the supreme being as a sky god,
type of religious person, one inclined toward intellectual re-
the highest in a pantheon of ranked beings increasingly asso-
flection. Speculative thought inclined itself toward an unap-
ciated with natural phenomena. Through such a historical
proachable, abstract divinity, absent from cult and from the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8878
SUPREME BEINGS
contamination of mythic fancy. Radin opposed this sublime
cal way. He is looked upon as a being who in the past accom-
figure to the figure of the transformer, a nonethical, material-
plished something extraordinary but who will never act in
istic, and dynamically dramatic figure who fascinated the
such a way again. Whereas Andrew Lang and Wilhelm
more pragmatically inclined religious mind. Robert H.
Schmidt believed that the supreme being suffered mythic
Lowie, who examined supreme beings in his Primitive Reli-
distortions accrued throughout history, van der Leeuw ar-
gion (1924), was not so much concerned with the historical
gued that the supreme being, as a structure of the religious
origin of the idea of supreme being. Admitting its antiquity,
psyche, exists outside history.
he insisted on the need to consider it as an idea on its own
Raffaele Pettazzoni. It was Raffaele Pettazzoni who
merits, quite apart from notions of spirit, ghost, ancestor, or
proposed that ambivalence is an essential component of the
mana.
structure of supreme beings. Reappropriating the historical
Nathan Söderblom, a great specialist in Iranian reli-
vision of Giovanni Battista Vico, who emphasized that every
gions, also abandoned the quest for the historical origins of
religious phenomenon is also a “genomenon” (something
religion in favor of a threefold typology of religions distin-
with a temporal history of development) and that the truths
guishing ethnic religion from mysticism of infinity and from
of human history are especially accessible through ideas
prophetic revelation. He denied any connection between
forged in the symbolic terms of their time (“verum et factum
what he termed “primitive high gods” and the supreme be-
convertuntur”), Pettazzoni embarked on an enormous study
ings of monotheisms. Since the high gods remained remote
of the historical expressions and forms of supreme beings.
from their world and absent from cult, they appeared to him
Nonetheless, he respected the efforts and contributions of
to be abstract reflections upon the origin of creation. Far
phenomenologists, who studied the forms of supreme beings
from being true divinities, they were a rational construct of
in their essential structures.
an “originator” (Urheber). In Das Werden des Gottesglaubens:
The essentially ambivalent structure of supreme beings
Untersuchungen über die Anfänge der Religion (1926), he pos-
emerged from Pettazzoni’s study of their historical forms.
tulated a different origin in human experience for the idea
On the one hand, one finds relatively inactive creators who
of a supreme being in the religions “of the Book.” In these
have retired to inaccessible regions once their acts of creation
traditions, prophets interpreted their experience of a divine
have been accomplished. On the other hand, one finds in
will making itself felt in both the legal and political arenas
history testimonies to supreme beings who are extremely dy-
of daily life as an experience of the supreme (that is, most
namic overseers of the moral order. These active and omni-
powerful and authoritative) being. This contrasts with the
scient sky gods often intervene directly in the course of
primitive notion of supreme being, which was, in his view,
human affairs by punishing transgressors of the statutes of
developed in response to questions about the origins of
social order with the weapons of weather and flood so charac-
things.
teristic of their own tempestuous natures.
Gerardus van der Leeuw employed several of Söder-
Over the course of time, Pettazzoni argued, these histor-
blom’s key concepts in his treatment of supreme beings in
ically separate features combined into a basic phenomenolog-
“Die Struktur der Vorstellung des sogenannten Höchsten
ical structure of a dualistic nature. Their common meeting
Wesens” (1931). Later, in Phänomenologie der Religion
ground is the sky. Pettazzoni pointed out the primordial and
(1933), van der Leeuw extended the basic cognitive catego-
cosmic quality of the remote and inactive creator. In his
ries that Söderblom thought lay behind the concept of su-
view, those features of a supreme being that emphasize his
preme being into a more refined Gestalt psychology of reli-
transcendence of the world are best suited to express his con-
gion. The supreme beings outside monotheisms were an
servation of the very conditions that guarantee its existence
outgrowth of the basic cognitive structure of origination.
and endurance. Once the world is fashioned, the function
Following Preuss, van der Leeuw also argued that these su-
of the creator can only be to prolong its duration and ensure
preme beings, these high gods, preserved the world order by
its stability. Further action would endanger it. Creativity and
serving as systematic expressions of the mystical unity on
passivity are thus indissolubly, if paradoxically, linked with
which the conception of the world of everyday experience
one another. In this way, Pettazzoni rejected the hypothesis
was grounded.
of Andrew Lang and Wilhelm Schmidt that the remoteness
of the creator is a historical development of mythic fantasy.
Like Söderblom and Preuss, van der Leeuw considered
the question of the nature and structure of supreme beings
On the other hand, criticizing the view held by van der
in isolation from the history of the idea and the historical sit-
Leeuw and Söderblom, which claimed that the dynamic fea-
uations of particular expressions of supreme beings. An in-
tures of supreme beings are foreign to the otiose figure of a
trinsic element of such supreme beings is their otiosity, their
primordial creator, Pettazzoni asserted that moral omni-
remoteness. Whatever form a supreme being may take,
science is also fundamental to the structure of supreme
whether sky god, weather god, or animal in form, it is always
being. The capacity for moral supervision renders a supreme
a form that remains in the background of the religious psy-
being morally relevant to historical and social order. Arguing
che. According to van der Leeuw, the supreme being created
that it is not only the God of historical monotheism who ac-
the world but now remains uninvolved with it in any practi-
tively involves himself in the course of human events, Pettaz-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUPREME BEINGS
8879
zoni documented the existence of all-seeing, celestial su-
preme manifestation of being and the occultation of its full-
preme beings in Australia, Asia, Indonesia, Melanesia, Africa,
ness before active but more circumscribed divine appearances
and the Americas. Cultures in all of these places provide evi-
lead to a process of experimentation with sacred forms. This
dence of the existence of an ambivalent supreme being, both
process constitutes the history of religious experience: a reli-
passive creator and omniscient sky god, who oversees the
gious quest for the full manifestation of supreme being,
moral order and who is inclined to cede his place to more
which myth describes as existing “in the beginning.”
specialized forms of weather divinities.
Eliade has made a historical application of his morpho-
Pettazzoni’s contribution to the study of supreme beings
logical analysis of supreme beings in Australian Religions: An
was his positive evaluation of myth. Rather than viewing it
Introduction (1973), in several articles on South American re-
as a degeneration or trivialization of a pure and primordial
ligions, and in A History of Religious Ideas (1978–1986) as
rational idea, Pettazzoni considered myth the most suitable
well as in other works. At first, Eliade draws attention to the
vehicle for the expression of the sublime and exalted truth
replacement of supreme beings by other divine forms that
contained in the nature of the transcendent and omniscient
share the celestial sacrality of supreme being even though
supreme being. The full existential meaning of supreme
they lose something of its transcendent omnipotence: weath-
being is manifest in myth as in no other form of rational dis-
er, storm, solar, and lunar gods as well as universal sovereign
course.
gods who reign from on high. To this extent he develops sug-
gestions made by Pettazzoni. However, his more general
Mircea Eliade. In several of his studies in the history
point is that supreme being is replaced in the religious imagi-
of religions, Mircea Eliade has given priority to the investiga-
nation by a range of epiphanies of elementary life forces that
tion of supreme beings. In his great morphological treatise,
come to compose a cosmic sacrality: water, stone, earth, veg-
Patterns in Comparative Religion (1958), the nature and
etation, and animals. These epiphanies reveal themselves as
meaning of supreme being becomes the foundation stone for
particular modes of being of which a supreme being is the
his approach to the study of religion. Observing the results
fullest manifestation. Because of this relationship to supreme
of earlier investigations, Eliade concludes that in every in-
being no longer fully manifest in history, each cosmic reli-
stance supreme being is a complex figure representing a very
gious form tends, by “imperial” expansion of its meaning to
involved historical process of religious experiences, revela-
all realms of life, to express itself as a revelation that, like su-
tions, and theoretical systematizations. Nonetheless, Eliade
preme being, includes all other possibilities. However, these
agrees with Pettazzoni that supreme being best manifests its
limited revelations are, by their very nature, incapable of ex-
unique spiritual quality as a hierophany of the sky. Height
pressing fully the sacred. They provoke the need for the expe-
and infinite space become especially suitable manifestations
rience of other forms.
of what is transcendent and supremely sacred. Such supreme
beings are primordial; they preexist the world as it is now
Concluding remarks. Understanding the nature, struc-
known, and they act as creators who are beneficent and eter-
ture, and meaning of supreme beings outside monotheism
nal. They establish the order of creation and become the up-
has remained a priority for scholars who study religion in a
holders of its laws. Consequently, Eliade holds that supreme
comparative and historical frame of reference. The study of
beings are more than simple hierophanies of the sky. Instead,
this important being has played a singular role in expunging
they possess a quality of being that is uniquely their own.
several futile assumptions that plagued the early stages of in-
vestigation. Specifically, the naive premises that the origins
Eliade’s special contribution to the study of supreme be-
of religion might be found in a single simple cause, that valid
ings is his illumination of the process of their withdrawal or
religious experience might be exhausted through rationalistic
disappearance. He draws attention to the fact that myth
explanations, and that religious history is a unilinear progres-
often narrates the withdrawal of a supreme being to remote
sive development had all to be abandoned. In their place, the
heights, whence he presides over the larger contours of life,
study of supreme beings has substituted a deeper apprecia-
destiny, and the afterlife of the soul, without, however, as-
tion of the complexities of human experience in all cultures
suming any dominant role in public cult. In retirement, su-
and in all times and a more profound understanding of the
preme beings are often replaced by other religious forms: by
wider existential dimensions of mythic truth.
divinities of nature, by ancestors, by powers of fertility, by
solar or lunar divinities, and so forth. Eliade contends that
In particular, better acquaintance with supreme beings
this tendency to give way to more concrete and dynamic
has underscored not only the inestimable value of the reli-
forms is an essential element of the stucture of supreme
gions of Asia, Africa, Oceania, the Americas, and archaic cul-
being.
tures but also the inescapable need to know them well in
order to understand the religious experience of humankind.
Further, Eliade holds up the withdrawal of supreme be-
ings as the exemplary model for the very process of the reli-
SEE ALSO Ahura Mazda¯ and Angra Mainyu; All-Father; An-
gious imagination in history. Considering “the sacred” as a
imism and Animatism; Axis Mundi; Cosmogony; Deus
structure of human awareness, he points to its historical oc-
Otiosus; El; Eliade, Mircea; Evolution, article on Evolution-
cultation or withdrawal even as it manifests itself in concrete
ism; God; Jupiter; Kulturkreiselehre; Lang, Andrew; Leeuw,
and, one could say, profane forms. The withdrawal of the su-
Gerardus van der; Lowie, Robert H.; Mawu-Lisa; Meteoro-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8880
SUPREME BEINGS
logical Beings; Mountains; Müller, F. Max; Num;
Africa
Num-Tu¯rem; Pettazzoni, Raffaele; Polytheism; Preuss, Kon-
E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Nuer Religion (Oxford, 1956). Godfrey
rad T.; Radin, Paul; Schmidt, Wilhelm; Shangdi; Sky; Sö-
Lienhardt, Divinity and Experience: The Religion of the Dinka
derblom, Nathan; Spener, Philipp Jakob; Tangaroa; Tian;
(Oxford, 1961). John S. Mbiti, African Religions and Philoso-
Tylor, E. B.; Ülgen; uNkulunkulu; Varun:a; Viracocha;
phy (New York, 1969). Charles H. Long, “The West African
Zeus.
High God: History and Religious Experience.” History of Re-
ligions 3 (1964): 328–349.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
South America
Mircea Eliade, “South American High Gods, Part I,” History of
General Works
Religions 8 (1968–1969): 338–354. Mircea Eliade, “South
A number of important studies treat the general investigation of
American High Gods, Part II,” History of Religions 10 (1970–
supreme beings on a large scale. In addition to their theoreti-
1971): 234–266. Arthur Andrew Demarest, Viracocha: The
cal and historical value, these works also provide ample bibli-
Nature and Antiquity of the Andean High God (Cambridge,
ographies on the subject. Mircea Eliade’s Patterns in Compar-
Mass., 1981). Ana Maria Mariscotti, “Die Stellung des
ative Religion (New York, 1958) deals at length with the
Gewittergottes in den Regionalen Pantheen der Zentralan-
question of supreme beings in chapter 2, “The Sky and Sky
den,” Baessler-Archiv (Berlin), n. s. 18 (1970): 427–436.
Gods.” There follow twelve pages of bibliography containing
some three hundred entries grouped by geographic and cul-
Mesoamerica
ture area. For a brief synthesis of Raffaele Pettazzoni’s view
Miguel León Portilla, La filosofía nahuatl estudiada en sus fuentes,
on the issue, see his “The Supreme Being: Phenomenological
2d ed. (Mexico City, 1959). Bodo Spranz, Göttergestalten in
Structure and Historical Development,” in The History of Re-
den mexikanischen Bilderhandschriften der Codex Borgia-
ligions: Essays in Methodology, edited by Joseph M. Kitagawa
Gruppe (Wiesbaden, 1964). Mercedes Olivera de Vazquez,
and Mircea Eliade (Chicago, 1959), pp. 59–66. Other im-
“Los ‘dueños del agua’ en Tlaxcalcingo,” Boletin del Instituto
portant works by Pettazzoni include Dio: Formazione e svi-
Nacional de Antropología e Historia (Mexico City) 35 (1969).
luppo del monoteismo nella storia delle religioni (Rome, 1922);
Ferdinand Anders, Das Pantheon der Maya (Graz, 1963).
“Allwissende höchste Wesen bei primitivsten Völkern,” Ar-
North America
chiv für Religionswissenschaft 29 (1930): 108–129, 209–243;
Josef Haekel, “Kosmischer Baum and Pfahl in Mythus und Kult
and L’onni-scienza di Dio (Turin, 1955). A wealth of material
der Stämme Nordwestamerikas,” Wiener völkerkundliche
is contained in the eleven thousand pages of Wilhelm
Mitteilungen 6 (1958): 3–81. A˚ke Hultkrantz, “The Struc-
Schmidt’s Der Ursprung der Gottesidee, 12 vols. (Münster,
ture of Theistic Beliefs among North American Plains Indi-
1912–1955). Other general works central to the discussion
ans,” Temenos 7 (1971): 66–74. A˚ke Hultkrantz, Religions of
of supreme beings include Nathan Söderblom’s Das Werden
the American Indians, translated by Monica Setterwall (Los
des Gottesglaubens: Untersuchungen über die Anfänge der Reli-
Angeles, 1979).
gion, 2d ed. (Leipzig, 1926); Gerardus van der Leeuw’s “Die
Australia
Struktur der Vorstellung des sogenannten Höchsten
E. A. Worms, “Djamar, the Creator,” Anthropos 45 (1950): 641–
Wesens,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft 29 (1931): 79–107;
658. T. G. H. Strehlow, “Personal Monototemism in a Poly-
Carl Clemen’s “Der sogenannte Monotheismus der Primiti-
totemic Community.” In Festschrift für A. E. Jensen, edited
ven,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft 27 (1927): 290–373;
by Eike Haberland et al. (Munich, 1964), pp. 723–754. Mir-
and Paul Radin’s Monotheism among Primitive Peoples (Lon-
cea Eliade, Australian Religions (Ithaca, N.Y., 1973).
don, 1924).
New Sources
Specific Studies
Egwu, Raphael. Igbo Idea of the Supreme Being and the Triune God.
Most of the recent works on the subject make no attempt to en-
Würzburg, 1998.
compass the wide parameters of the nature and meaning of
Global God: Multicultural Evangelical Views of God. Edited by
supreme beings. Any list of these studies specializing in the
Aida Besancon Spencer and William David Spencer. Grand
supreme being of one culture area could become inordinately
Rapids, Mich., 1998.
long. The following works, not included in the bibliogra-
Gupta, V. P. Cult of Mother Goddess: A Global Perspective. Delhi,
phies of the general treatises cited above, serve as illustrations
1999.
of the kind of works that bring clarity to the state of the ques-
Hodgson, Janet. God of the Xhosa: A Study of the Origins and De-
tion in their particular field.
velopment of the Traditional Concepts of the Supreme Being.
China
Cape Town and New York, 1982.
David N. Keightley, “The Religious Commitment: Shang Theol-
Motz, Lotte. Faces of the Goddess. New York, 1997.
ogy and the Genesis of Chinese Political Culture,” History
of Religions 17 (1978): 211–225. Joseph Shih, “The Notion
Pruett, Gorden E. As a Father Loves His Children: The Image of
of God in the Ancient Chinese Religion,” Numen 16 (1969):
the Supreme Being as Loving Father in Judaism, Christianity
99–138. Homer H. Dubs, “The Archaic Royal Jou Reli-
and Islam. Bethesda, Md., 1994.
gion,” T’oung pao 46 (1958): 217–259.
Ryan, Patrick. “‘Arise, O God:’ The Problem of ‘gods’ in West
Oceania
Africa.” Journal of Religion in Africa 11/3 (1980): 161–171.
Hans Schärer, Ngaju Religion: The Conception of God among a
Schwartz, O. Douglas. “Hardship and Evil in Plains Indian The-
South Borneo People, translated by Rodney Needham (The
ology.” American Journal of Theology & Philosophy 6/2–3
Hague, 1963). Anicetus B. Sinaga, Toba-Batak High God:
(1985): 102–114.
Transcendence and Immanence (St. Augustin, West Germany,
Spirituality and the Brain. Is God a Figment of the Imagination?
1981).
Films for the Humanities & Sciences. Princeton, 2002.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SU
¯ RDA¯S
8881
Tovagonze, Venance. “God-Concept: ‘Supreme Being’ in African
cluded in a select list of “accomplished scholars and poets”
Tribal Religions.” Journal of Dharma 17 (1992): 122–140.
whose luster was intended to burnish the reputation of Isla¯m
L
Sha¯h a half century or more later. Su¯rda¯s is the only non-
AWRENCE E. SULLIVAN (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Muslim to be included in the group.
This image of Su¯rda¯s as a court poet is entirely at vari-
ance with the Vallabhite account that has become so stan-
dard. But the most serious challenge to the Vallabhite view
SU
¯ RDA¯S (also called Su¯r Da¯s and Su¯rada¯sa; c. 1483–
comes not from alternate biographies, Vais:n:ava or otherwise,
1563), a North Indian devotional poet. Known for his bril-
but from the textual history of the Su¯rsa¯gar itself. Though
liant padas (lyrics) in the Braj dialect of Hindi, Su¯rda¯s is one
the present-day standard edition of nearly five thousand
of the most popular poets of Kr:s:n:a bhakti (devotion) in the
padas is indeed divided into twelve chapters following the
North Indian heartland.
Bha¯gavata Pura¯n:a, the oldest extant manuscripts, which con-
The traditionally accepted story of his life has come
tain only a few hundred padas, are not. Nor do the older
down through the hagiographic accounts of the Vallabhite
manuscripts follow the Vallabhite liturgical calendar, use the
sect of Kr:s:n:a bhakti, which claims Su¯rda¯s as the first of its
characteristic theological terminology of the sect, or group
“eight seals”—eight poets who lived during the early days of
the vinaya lyrics at the beginning as a distinct genre. The
the sect and whose compositions are part of the sect’s daily
present-day Su¯rsa¯gar is thus the product of gradual addition
liturgy. According to these accounts, Su¯rda¯s was born near
to an original core of episodic lyrics, and of the imposition
Delhi in 1478, the same year as Vallabha¯ca¯rya, the founder
of a systematic framework by a self-conscious sectarian tradi-
of the sect, and, like him, was of the Sa¯rasvat Bra¯hman: caste.
tion. A critical edition prepared by Kenneth E. Bryant in co-
Reputedly blind from birth, he was endowed with miracu-
operation with Vidyut Aklujkar and others is shortly to be
lous gifts of clairvoyance as well as great musical talent. At
published and will force a radical reevaluation of the text, at
a young age, he left home to become an ascetic, eventually
least in scholarly circles.
settling near Agra. There he composed devotional songs and
Despite the incorporation of Su¯rda¯s into the history and
attracted a following. In 1510 Vallabha¯ca¯rya came through
liturgy of the Vallabhite community, his importance as a reli-
on one of his preaching tours and met Su¯rda¯s. Until that
gious figure extends far beyond the sectarian. His name has
time, all of Su¯rda¯s’s compositions had been of the vinaya
become a household word used to refer to blind persons, es-
type—hymns of supplication and humble pleas for salvation.
pecially blind mendicant singers, while the Su¯rsa¯gar, whose
Vallabha¯ca¯rya taught him the story of Kr:s:n:a as embodied in
lyrics are sung by Indians of all sectarian persuasions, is con-
the tenth chapter of the Bha¯gavata Pura¯n:a, instructed him
sidered one of the literary and devotional treasures of the
in his doctrines, and enjoined him to sing about the l¯ıla¯ (di-
Hindi-speaking area. Su¯rda¯s’s lyrics touch on all aspects of
vine play) of Kr:s:n:a. He then brought Su¯rda¯s to the sect’s
the Kr:s:n:a story, but he is best known for his depiction of
newly established Shr¯ına¯thj¯ı temple in Govardhan and put
Kr:s:n:a’s childhood and adolescence. Among the poems on
him in charge of composing songs for the liturgy. In this set-
Kr:s:n:a’s childhood, those dealing with Kr:s:n:a as the butter
ting, where he spent the remainder of his life, Su¯rda¯s com-
thief are among the favorites. Also popular are the lyrics that
posed the Su¯rsa¯gar, a retelling of the Bha¯gavata Pura¯n:a in
describe the irresistible attraction of Kr:s:n:a’s flute-playing
twelve chapters of verse. He died, according to Vallabhite
and how it draws the cowherd women (gop¯ıs) from their
sources, shortly before the death of Vallabha¯ca¯rya’s son,
homes. Su¯rda¯s’s second most beloved theme is that of the
Vit:t:halna¯tha, in 1585, his life thus spanning that of both the
pain of separation (viraha) felt by Ra¯dha¯ and the cowherd
founder of the sect and his immediate successor.
women after Krishna leaves them and settles in Mathura, re-
Serious scholarly doubt has been cast on this account.
suming the royal station he was forced to abdicate at birth.
Another nonsectarian Hindu tradition suggests that Su¯rda¯s’s
Among these viraha poems are the famous “bee songs,” in
dates are 1483 to 1563, that he was by caste a Bha¯t: (panegy-
which the cowherd women mock the cold monistic philoso-
rist), and that he became blind only later in life. The issue
phy of Kr:s:n:a’s emissary Uddhav and assert the superiority
is further complicated by references in Muslim sources to a
of their loving personal devotion to Kr:s:n:a. Su¯rda¯s’s third
renowned singer named Su¯rda¯s at the court of the emperor
most popular theme is that of vinaya, in which he turns from
Akbar (r. 1556–1605). The somewhat subordinate ranking
dramatic third-person description and narration to the inti-
of this Mughal Su¯rda¯s—he is far less celebrated than his fa-
mate first-person voice of the devotee praying to his god for
ther, a certain Ra¯mda¯s—and a disagreement among the royal
salvation, sometimes humbly, sometimes with reckless aban-
choniclers as to whether Ra¯mda¯s hailed from Gwalior or
don. The Su¯rsa¯gar also contains padas that plumb Kr:s:n:a’s ac-
Lucknow makes it unlikely, however, that this Su¯rda¯s is the
tivities as a mature adult—stories associated with the great
same as the renowned Vais:n:ava poet. The early-seventeenth-
Maha¯bha¯rata epic—as well as a number that celebrate Ra¯ma
century Afsa¯nah-i-Sha¯ha¯n˙ of Muh:ammad Kab¯ır also men-
and S¯ıta¯, as in the Maha¯bha¯rata’s parallel epic, the Ra¯ma¯-
tions a Su¯rda¯s, who is referred to as a performer at the court
yan:a.
of the Afghan ruler Isla¯m Sha¯h (r. 1545–1555). This
Finally, there are poems that function as verbal icons,
Su¯rda¯s—who sounds more likely to be “our” man—is in-
as in the following example. Here, one young woman catches
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8882
SU
¯ RYA
a glimpse of Kr:s:n:a playing his flute Mural¯ı and shares her
and breaks new ground in the analysis of Indian devotional
vision with a friend, likening her mind and eyes to two birds:
poetry. In “The Early Su¯r Sa¯gar and Growth of the Su¯r Tra-
the cha¯tak, which survives on raindrops, and the chakor,
dition,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 99, no. 1
which lives on moonbeams:
(January–March 1979): 64–72, John Hawley presents for
the first time the manuscript evidence that challenges the tra-
Look, friend: look what a mass of delight—
ditional view of the Su¯rsa¯gar. Other essays by Hawley on var-
For my cha¯tak-bird mind, a cloud dark with love;
ious aspects of Su¯rda¯s’s life and works are collected in his Su¯r
a moon for my chakor-bird eyes.
Da¯s: Poet, Singer, Saint (Seattle, Wash., 1984); these are sup-
His earrings coil in the hollows of his neck,
plemented by a further set that appear in Three Bhakti Voices
gladdening his tender cheeks,
(Delhi, 2005). The most extensive translations of poems at-
As crocodiles might play on a nectar pond
tributed to Su¯rda¯s are by Jaikishandas Sadani (Rosary of
and make the moonlight shudder in their wake.
Hymns, New Delhi, 1991), A. J. Alston (The Divine Sports
of Krishna, London, 1993), Krishna P. Bahadur (The Poems
A wealth of elixir, his mouth and lips,
of Su¯rada¯sa, Delhi, 1999), and J. P. Srivatsava (in Medieval
and little Mural¯ı perched in his hands
Indian Literature: An Anthology, vol. 2, edited by K. Ayyappa
Seems to be filling that pair of lotus vessels
Paniker, New Delhi, 1999). The most ambitious critical as-
with still more of that immortal liquid.
sessment by Indian authors writing in English is K. C. Shar-
His deep-toned body, sheathed in brilliant silk,
ma, K. C. Yadav, and Pushpendra Sharma’s Su¯rada¯sa: A
glitters with a garland of basil leaves
Critical Study of His Life and Work (Delhi, 1997).
As if a coalition of lightning and cloud
The standard edition of the Su¯rsa¯gar, upon which many authors
had been ringed by parrots in flight.
rely, is the Nagari Pracharini Sabha’s Su¯rsa¯gar, 2 vols. (Vara-
Thick locks of hair; a lovely, easy laugh;
nasi, India, 1948, with subsequent reprints). Partial editions
eyebrows arched to a curve—
have also been produced by Java¯harla¯l Chaturved¯ı (Calcutta,
To gaze upon the splendor of the Lord of Su¯r
1965) and Ma¯ta¯prasa¯d Gupta (Agra, India, 1979). A full-
is to make one’s wishes lame.
scale critical edition of Su¯rda¯s poems that can be traced to
(Hawley and Bryant), Su¯r’s Ocean, §41
the sixteenth century has recently been completed by Ken-
neth Bryant and will be published as volume two of Su¯r’s
The Su¯rsa¯gar is a work of remarkable range, yet it is im-
Ocean (forthcoming). In the first volume of that work, John
portant to keep in mind that, at least until the eighteenth
Hawley provides a translation and poem-by-poem analysis of
century, it was composed entirely of independent lyrics such
compositions included in the Bryant edition, with extensive
as the one above, most of them quite short and all of them
introduction. Bryant and Gopal Narayan Bahura have per-
intended to be sung. The poet’s task was not to retell a sus-
formed a valuable service by publishing a facsimile edition
tained narrative but to allow his audiences to experience fa-
(Pad Su¯rada¯saj¯ı ka¯, Jaipur, India, 1982) of the earliest extant
miliar episodes in a fresh way, either by introducing some
manuscript containing poems attributed to Su¯rda¯s. Written
novel vignette or perspective, by phrasing his poems as puz-
at Fatehpur in 1582, it contains 239 Su¯rda¯s padas.
zles, by assembling metaphors and allusions in new ways, or
KARINE SCHOMER (1987)
by seducing his listeners into a langorous lethargy from
JOHN STRATTON HAWLEY (2005)
which he could then awake them. The hagiographer
Na¯bha¯da¯s, writing early in the seventeenth century, summed
up the views of many subsequent listeners, performers, and
SU
¯ RYA SEE SAURA HINDUISM
critics when he observed that what set Su¯rda¯s apart was his
status as a poet’s poet: “What poet, hearing the poems Su¯r
has made, will not nod his head?”
SUSANO-O NO MIKOTO, one of the major deities
SEE ALSO Bhakti; Hindi Religious Traditions; Kr:s:n:a; Poet-
in Japanese mythology, offspring of Izanagi and Izanami,
ry, article on Indian Religious Poetry; Vais:n:avism, article on
and brother of Amaterasu. The meaning of the word susano-o
Bha¯gavatas.
is interpreted as either “a terrible man,” or “the man of Susa,”
with susa read as a place-name. (Mikoto is a suffix used for
B
a respected person or deity.) The character of Susano-o is ex-
IBLIOGRAPHY
For a brief overview of the traditional understandings of Su¯rda¯s
tremely complex because he is an amalgam of several local
and his relationship to the Vallabhite sect, see S. M. Pandey
and national deities. Although this deity personifies evil, sev-
and Norman Zide’s “Su¯rda¯s and His Krishna-Bhakti,” in
eral of his acts have an unmistakably beneficent character.
Krishna: Myths, Rites, and Attitudes, edited by Milton Singer
Susano-o caused the most dramatic event in Japanese
(Chicago, 1966), pp. 173–199. Vraje´svara Varma¯’s Su¯rda¯s,
mythology when he angered Amaterasu. He first aroused her
2d ed. (Allahabad, India, 1979), is a balanced and thorough
study of Su¯rda¯s’s life and poetry. Pastorales par Soûr-Dâs,
wrath by emptying his bowels in the palace. But when Ama-
translated and edited by Charlotte Vaudeville (Paris, 1971),
terasu was injured as a result of Susano-o’s misbehavior she
contains representative padas and a critical introduction.
forthwith entered the Rock Cave of Heaven, and having fas-
Kenneth E. Bryant’s Poems to the Child-God (Berkeley,
tened the Rock Door, dwelt there in seclusion. Eight hun-
Calif., 1978) is a rhetorical study of Su¯rda¯s’s poetic strategies
dred myriad deities then gathered to consider how to lure her
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SU
¯ TRA LITERATURE
8883
out and restore light to the world. Their solution was to have
This supports the Nihongi’s description of Susano-o as ruler
Ame no Uzume, a female deity, perform an erotic dance in
of the sea.
front of the cave. This caused laughter among the deities, and
Amaterasu, curious about the noise outside, opened the door
SEE ALSO Amaterasu O
¯ mikami; Izanagi and Izanami; Japa-
a crack and peered out. Then Tajikara no Kami (god of
nese Religions, article on The Study of Myths.
strength) took her by the hand and led her out, and the radi-
ance of the supreme deity filled the universe. For his role in
BIBLIOGRAPHY
provoking this event, the deities punished Susano-o on the
Aston, W. G., trans. Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest
sacred ground. They cut off his beard and his fingernails and
Times to A. D. 697 (1896). Reprint, 2 vols. in 1, Tokyo,
1972.
toenails, and expelled him from the heavenly world. Because
of the banishment of Susano-o, the evil deity, a good crop
Aston, W. G. Shinto: The Way of the Gods (1905). Reprint, Tokyo,
was expected in the coming new season.
1968.
Chamberlain, Basil Hall, trans. Kojiki: Records of Ancient Matters
In this myth, Susano-o plays a negative role, but his later
(1882). 2d ed. With annotations by W. G. Aston. Tokyo,
activities are more positive. Following his expulsion from the
1932; reprint, Rutland, Vt., and Tokyo, 1982.
realm of the gods, Susano-o descended to the province of
Matsumura, Takeo. Nihon shinwa no kenkyu. Vol. 2. Tokyo,
Izumo, which was located in western Honshu, the main is-
1955.
land of Japan. There he learned that an eight-headed serpent
Philippi, Donald L., trans. Kojiki. Princeton, 1969.
appeared in Izumo each year to devour a young girl. Su-
sano-o intoxicated the serpent with liquor and killed it. As
KAKUBAYASHI FUMIO (1987 AND 2005)
he cut into the serpent’s body, the blade of his sword broke.
Thinking this strange, he cut open the flesh and discovered
a sword within. The sword, called Kusanagi no Tsurugi, be-
SU
¯ TRA LITERATURE. The Sanskrit term su¯tra
came one of the Three Imperial Regalia. After this incident,
means “a thread”; it is also used, however, to refer to a short,
Susano-o became the ancestor god of Izumo.
aphoristic sentence and, collectively, to a work consisting of
Susano-o is also the most important deity of northern
such sentences. Su¯tra literature, as distinguished from ´sa¯stra
Kyushu. Three female descendants of Susano-o were en-
literature, is in prose. The su¯tra style, characterized by laghut-
shrined at Munakata, a religious center of that region. Thus
va (“brevity, conciseness”), is a mnemonic device that at-
there is a link between the Munakata and Izumo shrines, not
tempts to condense as much meaning as possible into as few
only because Susano-o was the ancestor god of the female de-
words, even syllables, as possible.
ities but also because O
¯ kuninushi, the son of Susano-o, mar-
The most important su¯tra texts in the context of the re-
ried Takiribime, one of the three Munakata deities. The
ligious literature of India are the Kalpasu¯tras. The term kalpa
Munakata deities also had ties to western Honshu, for the
has been variously explained by different traditional and
deity enshrined at Itsukushima, near present-day Hiroshima
modern scholars, but can best be rendered as “ritual.” Kalpa,
and south of Izumo, is Itsukushima-hime, one of the three
together with ´siks:a¯ (phonetics), chandas (prosody), nirukta
Munakata deities.
(etymology), vya¯karan:a (grammar), and jyotis:a (astronomy),
This geographical pattern suggests that Susano-o and
is one of the six Veda¯n˙gas, or branches of learning auxiliary
his children were the deities of northern Kyushu and the
to the Vedas. The Kalpasu¯tras are closely connected with the
western tip of Honshu. In sharp contrast, Amaterasu was
individual Vedic schools (´sa¯kha¯s). (Even though not all the
originally the goddess of Yamato Province in central Japan.
texts have survived, it may be assumed that at one time each
Susano-o and Amaterasu might therefore represent two sepa-
Vedic school had not only its own sam:hita¯, bra¯hman:a,
rate political forces before the emergence of a unified Japa-
a¯ran:yaka, and upanis:ad but also its own kalpa-su¯tra.) There
nese kingdom—the one centered in northern Kyushu, the
are three main classifications of Kalpasu¯tra: S´rautasu¯tras,
other in Yamato. When the rival forces merged, the myths
Gr:hyasu¯tras, and Dharmasu¯tras.
were combined as they are found today in the Nihongi and
The ritual performances described in the S´rautasu¯tras
the Kojiki. The Kojiki states that when Susano-o went to the
distinguish themselves by their—often extreme—com-
heavenly world, there was consternation and alarm. Ama-
plexity. First, in addition to the yajama¯na (patron of the sac-
terasu said of the ascent of Susano-o that there was “surely
rifice) and his wife, for whose benefit the ritual is performed,
no good intent. It is only that he wishes to wrest my land
´srauta ritual can involve the presence of up to sixteen special-
from me.” Her reaction is understandable if the two deities
ized priests. Second, it requires an elaborately laid-out sacrifi-
were rivals before they were united as brother and sister.
cial area in which three sacred fires are kept burning continu-
Susano-o was also the god of the sea. Itsukushima-hime,
ally. Third, ´srauta ritual includes not only eka¯ha (“one-day-
one of his three daughters, was also enshrined at Okinoshi-
long”) ceremonies but also ah¯ına rituals, which last up to
ma, located in the Tsushima Strait north of Kyushu. In an-
twelve days, and sattra “sessions,” which can extend over sev-
cient times, when the government sent missions to Korea or
eral years. Large sections of the S´rautasu¯tras are devoted to
China, prayers for a safe voyage were offered at Okinoshima.
the Agnis:t:oma sacrifice, which is the prototype (prakr:ti) for
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8884
SUZUKI, D. T.
many variant forms of soma sacrifices collectively called
BIBLIOGRAPHY
jyotis:t:oma, among which are the seventeen-day-long Va-
The most recent, informative, and comprehensive book on the
japeya and the Ra¯jasu¯ya, the royal consecration. Other well-
Kalpasu¯tras is Jan Gonda’s The Ritual Sutras (Wiesbaden,
known ´srauta rituals are the sacrifices to the new and full
1977), vol. 1, pt. 2, of History of Indian Literature, edited by
moons (Dar´sapu¯rn:ama¯sau), the horse sacrifice (A´svamedha),
Jan Gonda. Some of the Gr:hyasu¯tras and Dharmasu¯tras are
and the animal sacrifice (Pa´subandha). Some S´rautasu¯tras
available in English translation in volumes 2, 14, 19, and 30
end in more or less independent appendices called
of the series “Sacred Books of the East” (Oxford, 1879–
1910), edited by F. Max Müller.
sulbasu¯tras; because they describe the exact layout of the sac-
rificial area (vedi), they are, in effect, the earliest Indian texts
New Sources
on geometry and mathematics.
Dharmasutras: The Law Codes of Apastamba, Gautama, Baudhay-
In addition to rites that are part of the daily life of the
ana, and Vasishtha. Annotated text and translation by Patrick
Olivelle. Delhi, 2000.
householder and rituals on such occasions as building a
house or digging a tank, the Gr:hyasu¯tras principally deal
LUDO ROCHER (1987)
with the sam:ska¯ras. These are the rites of passage that guide
Revised Bibliography
a Hindu through the various stages of his life, from concep-
tion until death, especially the Upanayana (his second birth,
at which time he begins the study of the Veda and is invested
with the sacred thread) and marriage. Many topics treated
SUZUKI, D. T. (1870–1966), also known as Suzuki
in the Gr:hyasu¯tras also appear in the Dharmasu¯tras, al-
Daisetsu Teitaro¯, Buddhist scholar, prolific author, and itin-
though the latter expand their teachings to cover all the du-
erant lecturer, remains the single most important figure in
ties and obligations of the different asramas (“stages of life”)
the popularization of Zen in the twentieth century. At the
and varn:as (“classes of society”). The Dharmasu¯tras, in
time of his death in 1966, Suzuki had authored dozens of
prose, are considered to be the precursors of the versified
volumes on Zen and Buddhism in English and had produced
Dharma´sa¯stras.
an even greater oeuvre in his native Japanese. His writings
on Zen remain influential in the West, and translations of
Treatises in su¯tra style also form the basic texts for the
his work into Korean, Chinese, and other Asian languages
six Hindu dar´sanas (orthodox philosophical systems). They
have contributed to a resurgence of popular interest in Zen
are Jaimini’s Pu¯rvam¯ıma¯m:sa¯ Su¯tras, Ba¯dara¯yan:a’s Uttara-
throughout East Asia. Suzuki’s accomplishments as a scholar,
m¯ıma¯m:sa¯ Su¯tras, or Veda¯nta Su¯tras, Gautama’s Nya¯ya Su¯tras,
popularizer, and evangelist are remarkable, given that his
Kan:a¯da’s Vai´ses:ika Su¯tras, Kapila’s Sa¯m:khya Su¯tras, and Pa-
philological skills were acquired largely on his own and that
tañjali’s Yoga Su¯tras. Some of these philosophical su¯tras are
he had no formal credentials as a Zen teacher. (Whereas he
so concise that they have lent themselves to divergent inter-
was a serious lay practitioner, he neither ordained as a priest
pretations, and they have thus become the authoritative texts
nor received Dharma transmission.) He owed his success to
for very different philosophical systems. Ba¯dara¯yan:a’s su¯tras,
his considerable intellectual and linguistic gifts, his seemingly
for example, are the common source for all later schools of
boundless enthusiasm and energy, his prodigious literary
Veda¯nta, including S´an:kara’s Advaita, Ra¯ma¯nuja’s Vi´sis:t:a¯d-
output, and his having the right message at the right time.
vaita, and Madhva’s Dvaita. The su¯tra style was also adopted
in certain Buddhist and Jain scriptures.
EARLY YEARS. Born Suzuki Teitaro¯ in the town of Kanazawa
(Ishikawa prefecture) on October 18, 1870, Suzuki was the
The area of su¯tra literature in which the ideal of brevity
youngest of five children. (The name Daisetsu or “great sim-
and conciseness has been realized most perfectly is the gram-
plicity” was given to him later by his Zen teacher Shaku So¯en
matical literature, which technically belongs to the
[1859–1919].) Suzuki’s family belonged to the Rinzai sect
Veda¯n˙gas, mentioned earlier. Pa¯n:ini’s As:t:a¯dhya¯y¯ı not only
of Zen, but Suzuki credited his own serious interest in Bud-
uses as few words as possible; it has recourse to all kinds of
dhism to the influence of his high-school mathematics teach-
devices to abbreviate the su¯tras, such as the replacement of
er Ho¯jo¯ Tokiyori (1858–1929), a student of the Zen master
longer grammatical terms with shorter symbols. The com-
Imakita Ko¯sen (1816–1892). Ho¯jo¯ was also responsible for
mentators on Pa¯n:ini’s work go to great length to account for
introducing Zen to Nishida Kitaro¯ (1870–1945), a classmate
the presence and meaning of each and every syllable in the
and friend of Suzuki who would later emerge as Japan’s pre-
As:t:a¯dhya¯y¯ı.
eminent modern philosopher.
It would be misleading to suggest specific dates for the
Kalpasu¯tras and for su¯tra literature generally. The texts clear-
Suzuki’s father, a physician, died soon after Suzuki’s
ly belong to the end of the Vedic period, and they are
fifth birthday, and in 1889 Suzuki was forced to leave school
thought to be earlier than the epic period. Allowing for ex-
and a probable career in medicine owing to his family’s on-
ceptions belonging to earlier or later dates, the major part of
going financial difficulties. Suzuki made a living for a while
the su¯tra literature may be safely situated in the second half
as a primary school English teacher and in 1891 entered the
of the first millennium
Tokyo Senmon Gakko¯, later renamed Waseda University.
BCE.
Later that same year, at the urging of his friend Nishida,
SEE ALSO S´a¯stra Literature.
Suzuki transferred to Tokyo Imperial University, and at the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUZUKI, D. T.
8885
same time began to practice Zen with Ko¯sen at Engakuji, an
Suzuki arrived in America in 1897 and went on to
important Rinzai monastery in Kamakura. When Ko¯sen
spend some eleven years in La Salle, earning his keep as trans-
died in 1892, Suzuki continued his Zen practice under
lator and proofreader at the Open Court Press. His life there
Ko¯sen’s successor, Shaku So¯en.
was by no means easy—he was obliged to perform domestic
services for the Carus household and he was provided with
Both Ko¯sen and So¯en were pivotal figures in the revival
little remuneration for the long hours he put in at the press.
of Zen following the government-sanctioned persecution of
By the time Suzuki was ready to return to Japan, he appears
Buddhism in the 1870s. Progressives like Ko¯sen and So¯en
to have grown disillusioned with his eccentric host, and he
sought to broaden Buddhism’s appeal, opening the doors of
rarely mentions Carus in later writings.
their monasteries to laypersons, encouraging secular educa-
tion, and promoting an ecumenical attitude toward other
Whatever Suzuki’s personal relationship may have been
Buddhist schools. (So¯en himself spent three years in Ceylon
with his employer, Carus’s philosophy left its mark on him.
studying Pali Buddhism with Ko¯sen’s blessing.) Suzuki took
Carus’s interest in monism, his evolutionary approach to re-
ligion, and his attempt to reconcile religion and science are
advantage of the liberal atmosphere at the Engakuji zendo¯
all in evidence in Suzuki’s later writings on Buddhism. But
(meditation hall), and it was through So¯en that Suzuki, who
Carus was not the only influence on Suzuki during his years
had considerable facility in English, became familiar with
in La Salle. Open Court Press published two leading intellec-
Occidental writings on Buddhism.
tual journals, Open Court and The Monist, and through them
INFLUENCES. Suzuki’s life took a turn in the early 1890s
Suzuki encountered the writings of many prominent philos-
when he became acquainted with the writings of Paul Carus
ophers of the day, including Charles Sanders Peirce (1839–
(1852–1919), an offbeat German philosopher and writer
1914) and William James (1842–1910). James’s book The
who had emigrated to the United States and was working as
Varieties of Religious Experience (1902) was responsible in
a writer and editor for Open Court Press in La Salle, Illinois.
part for Suzuki’s later emphasis on Zen as a form of religious
Suzuki’s contact with Carus came by way of So¯en, who met
mysticism predicated on “pure experience.”
Carus at the 1893 Chicago World’s Parliament of Religions.
Upon returning to Japan in 1909, Suzuki held a series
(So¯en attended as a member of the Japanese Buddhist delega-
of lectureships in English at Gakushuin (1909–1921) and
tion, and his speech to the Parliament had been translated
Tokyo Imperial University (1909–1914). In 1911 he mar-
into English by Suzuki.) Carus was in Chicago covering the
ried Beatrice Erskine Lane (1878–1939), a native of Newark,
Parliament for his journal, Open Court, and was so impressed
New Jersey, and graduate of Radcliffe College and Columbia
by So¯en and the other Buddhist representatives that he be-
University, whom Suzuki had met four years earlier in the
came an ardent champion and exponent of Buddhism in his
United States. The two had a son named Paul, but not much
publications. Soon after the Parliament Carus sent So¯en
more is known about Suzuki’s relationship with his wife.
some of his books, including a somewhat bowdlerized com-
Clearly, they had many interests in common: in addition to
pendium of Buddhist scriptures entitled Gospel of Buddha
having studied Western philosophy with William James and
(1894). So¯en, who knew little English, passed the Gospel on
Josiah Royce, Lane was a Theosophist and student of reli-
to Suzuki, who was immediately taken by Carus’s depiction
gious mysticism. In Japan she turned her attention to Shin-
of the Buddha as an eminently rational figure who eschewed
gon, a school of Japanese Esoteric Buddhism, and went on
religious institutions and meaningless ritual. Suzuki pro-
to publish some of the earliest work on the subject in En-
duced a Japanese translation of the Gospel and wrote to Carus
glish.
expressing praise for his understanding of Buddhism. Carus
Suzuki shared his wife’s interest in theosophy, and in
responded by sending Suzuki more of his publications, in-
the 1920s their Japanese home served as a meeting place for
cluding his book The Religion of Science (1893). Shortly
a branch of the Order of the Star in the East. (The Order,
thereafter, at Suzuki’s request, So¯en wrote to Carus saying
an offshoot of the Theosophical Society founded in 1911,
that Suzuki “has been so greatly inspired by your sound faith
continued until 1929 when it was disbanded by its spiritual
which is perceptible in your various works that he earnestly
leader, Jiddu Krishnamurti [1895–1986].)
desires to go abroad and to study under your personal guid-
ance.” Carus agreed at once to So¯en’s request and promised
Theosophy was fashionable at the time, as was Sweden-
to help Suzuki pay for the trip by offering him employment
borgianism, a Christian movement based on the writings of
as his personal assistant.
the Swedish mystic and theologian Emanuel Swedenborg
(1688–1772). Suzuki was enamored of Swedenborg for sev-
It is not surprising that Suzuki, a talented student of
eral years and was instrumental in the introduction of Swe-
Western philosophy and a lay practitioner of Zen, should
denborgianism to Japan, both as an active member of the
have been attracted to Carus’s writings. Carus was passion-
Japanese Swedenborg Society and as translator of four of
ately devoted to the reconciliation of science and religion,
Swedenborg’s works. In 1910 Suzuki traveled to London to
and his approach to Buddhism rendered it wholly commen-
attend the international Swedenborg conference in the ca-
surate with the modernist, rationalist, and scientific outlook
pacity of “Vice President,” returned again in 1912 to contin-
that dominated university campuses in Meiji, Japan.
ue his work for the Swedenborg Society, and in 1913 wrote
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8886
SUZUKI, D. T.
his own Japanese introduction to Swedenborg’s life and
masters alike as an oversimplification, however well inten-
teachings, dubbing him “the Buddha of the North.” Where-
tioned. More troubling, however, is Suzuki’s insistence that
as his passion for Swedenborg later cooled, his interest in
Zen constitutes the very essence of Japanese culture. Suzuki
Christian mysticism did not; his writings following the war
began emphasizing the connection between the Japanese cul-
are filled with appreciative discussions of the medieval Do-
tural experience and the experience of Zen in the 1930s as
minican mystic Meister Johannes Eckhart (c. 1260–1327/8).
part of his claim that the Japanese are more evolved spiritual-
ly than other peoples, including their Asian neighbors. Japa-
In 1921 Suzuki moved to Kyoto to take a position as
nese life is, according to Suzuki, inherently “Zen-like,” and
Professor of Buddhist Philosophy at Otani University, a uni-
thus the Japanese are naturally predisposed to Zen under-
versity affiliated with the Shin denomination of Japanese
standing.
Buddhism. (Suzuki had a life-long interest in Shin Pure Land
teachings and published many works touting the unity of
Suzuki’s attempts to ennoble Japanese culture must be
Zen and Pure Land thought.) Inspired in part by his experi-
understood within the context of the times—his writings on
ence with Open Court and The Monist, at Otani Suzuki
the subject first appear just as Japan’s imperial ambitions
launched the journal Eastern Buddhist, which was intended
were reaching new heights, and their armies were driving
to serve as a non-sectarian vehicle for the propagation of
deeper into Korea, Manchuria, and China. Suzuki’s exten-
Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism. “Our standpoint,” wrote Suzuki in
sive writings touting the innate spirituality of the Japanese,
the second issue of Eastern Buddhist, “is that the Maha¯ya¯na
and linking this spirituality with the warrior ethos, were in
ought to be considered one whole, individual thing and no
keeping with popular sentiments of the day. (The Zen estab-
sects, especially no sectarian prejudices, to be recognized in
lishment was, on the whole, an enthusiastic supporter of Jap-
it, except as so many phases or aspects of one fundamental
anese colonial expansion.) As the war progressed, so did the
truth. In this respect Buddhism and Christianity and all
extravagance of some of Suzuki’s claims. In 1944, for exam-
other religious beliefs are not more than variations of one sin-
ple, between trips to the air-raid shelter, Suzuki wrote a book
gle original Faith, deeply embedded in the human soul”
called Japanese Spirituality, which argued that true Zen is not
(Suzuki, 1921, p. 156).
a product of China, much less India, but rather emerged out
PHILOSOPHY OF ZEN. Virtually all of Suzuki’s later writings
of the meeting of Buddhism and Japanese culture in the Ka-
are attempts to elucidate this “one single original Faith,”
makura period. Suzuki was fully aware of the Indian and
which he would come to understand as grounded in a trans-
Chinese roots of Zen, having written extensively on the
cultural, transhistorical, nondual religious experience lying
topic, but here he insists that true Zen is not a “natural ex-
at the core of all the major religions. The word “Zen,” insists
pression” of those cultures, and thus it was not until Zen
Suzuki, refers precisely to this singular transformative experi-
came to Japan that it was fully realized. Besides, in Suzuki’s
ence. That is to say, Zen is not Buddhism, not religion, not
mind Zen had long since disappeared on the continent. In
philosophy, not really anything that can be talked about at
so far as such statements would have lent credibility to
all. In his An Introduction to Zen Buddhism Suzuki writes:
Japan’s sense of spiritual mission in Asia, Suzuki could un-
“Zen has no God to worship, no ceremonial rites to observe,
derstandably be construed as supporting the ongoing mili-
no future abode to which the dead are destined, and, last of
tary campaign.
all, Zen has no soul whose welfare is to be looked after by
After the Japanese defeat, Suzuki claimed to have been
somebody else and whose immortality is a matter of intense
opposed to the war; he said that he believed losing the war
concern with some people. Zen is free from all these dogmat-
was in Japan’s own best interests. Private letters to friends
ic and ‘religious’ encumbrances” (Suzuki, 1934, p. 14).
written prior to the war substantiate Suzuki’s claims: they ex-
The claim that true Zen is free of the trappings of reli-
press his reservations about Japanese militarism, and his dis-
gion might seem commonplace to contemporary students of
gust with excessive public displays of patriotic zeal. Never-
Buddhism, but it is nonetheless a rather peculiar way to char-
theless, some Japanese intellectuals such as Umehara Takeshi
acterize a tradition that placed tremendous emphasis on mo-
(1925–) took umbrage with Suzuki: if Suzuki was so op-
nastic ritual and liturgy, on funerary rites for the welfare of
posed to the war effort, why did he—a student of Zen who
the deceased, on literary accomplishment, and on the formal
claimed to have attained satori—not speak out openly?
veneration of a host of buddhas, bodhisattvas, and religious
IMPACT. Be that as it may, Suzuki’s lifelong effort to impart
patriarchs. Suzuki’s characterization of Zen as something
his love of Zen and Japanese culture must be deemed a re-
that transcends religious and cultural differences must be un-
sounding success. Following the war he continued to travel
derstood as the result of his life-long effort to synthesize a
to Europe and America, sometimes for extended periods of
variety of religious and philosophical traditions, both Bud-
time. He was a popular lecturer, speaking at college campus-
dhist and non-Buddhist, Eastern and Western. If his presen-
es around the world, and from 1951 to 1957 he held a series
tation of Zen seems unremarkable to us today, it testifies to
of professorships at Columbia University. And he was, above
the enduring legacy of Suzuki and his intellectual heirs.
all else, an indefatigable writer, producing over thirty vol-
Suzuki’s claim that Zen refers to a universal mystical ex-
umes in English and even more in Japanese. Whereas much
perience is considered by many modern scholars and Zen
of Suzuki’s writings were intended for a popular audience,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SUZUKI SHO
¯ SAN
8887
he did make substantial contributions to Buddhist scholar-
SUZUKI SHO
¯ SAN (1579–1655) was a Japanese Bud-
ship. His three-volume study of the Lan˙ka¯vata¯ra Su¯tra pub-
dhist monk known for his advocacy of Nio¯-zazen, a medita-
lished in the 1930s, for example, remains the most compre-
tive technique drawing upon both Zen and Pure Land meth-
hensive work on the subject to date, and Zen scholars
odologies. Sho¯san was a bodyguard retainer (hatamoto) of
continue to consult his editions of important Dunhuang
Tokugawa Ieyasu and fought in the crucial battles that gave
manuscripts.
the Tokugawa family control of all Japan. In 1620, a few
Suzuki’s work made a significant impact not only
years after Ieyasu’s death, Sho¯san tonsured himself as a Zen
among those interested in the study of religion, but also
monk, favoring the So¯to¯ sect. Yet he never formally became
among theologians, philosophers, writers, artists, and musi-
affiliated with any sect and soon set himself up as the master
cians. In his preface to Outlines of Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism Alan
of a small temple and meditation center called Onshinji
Watts reported that as early as 1927 James Bissett Pratt had
some miles out of Okazaki, near Asuke, his birthplace. After
observed “there are two kinds of cultured people: those who
six or seven years there, he moved to the Edo (Tokyo) vicini-
have read Suzuki and those who have not” (Suzuki, 1963,
ty, where he lived the rest of his life as a semi-itinerant teach-
p. xv). By the 1950s there seem to have been relatively few
er and writer.
of the latter, as is evident from the flattering profile of Suzuki
in the August 31, 1957, issue of the New Yorker. His influ-
Although Sho¯san was well known in Zen circles, his in-
ence on the beat poets is well known. According to William
fluence was negligible for two reasons: He never became an
Barrett in his Zen Buddhism: Selected Writing of D. T. Suzuki,
official member of any sect, and his meditational methods
the German philosopher Martin Heidegger (1889–1976) re-
and emphasis were nontraditional. He became widely known
marked, “If I understand this man correctly, this is what I
then and later for his so-called Nio¯-zazen. This “method”
have been trying to say in all my writings” (Barrett, 1956,
takes its name from Sho¯san’s use as models for meditation
p. xi). Suzuki’s English works, such as Zen and Japanese Cul-
the images of the two fierce warrior-gods (Nio¯) that guard
ture (first published as Zen Buddhism and Its Influence on Jap-
the entrance of many Buddhist temples in Japan, rather than
anese Culture, 1938)—a book that unapologetically cele-
the quietly seated Nyorai image. He also suggested as a
brates the unique spiritual gifts of the Japanese and the
model Fudo, the “angry” Buddha portrayed as wreathed in
sublime affinity between Zen and Japanese martial culture—
flames and with sword and lasso in either hand.
continue to capture the imagination of new generations of
readers. Whereas more traditional Zen teachers may dismiss
The reasons for this advocacy are given clearly by
Suzuki for his intellectualism or for his lack of proper Zen
Sho¯san. For beginners in meditation—and he considered
credentials, they have Suzuki to thank for the currency of
every contemporary, including himself, as such—the Nyorai
Zen in the West.
model was too passive. It did not embody the fierce energy
necessary for successfully engaging in the hand-to-hand com-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
bat with one’s self-love, which is essential for productive
Abe Masao. A Zen Life: D. T. Suzuki Remembered. New York,
meditation. Hence he recommended setting the back teeth,
1986.
tightly clenching the fists, scowling with a warrior’s fierce
Barrett, William. Zen Buddhism: Selected Writings of D. T. Suzuki.
glare, and repeating the Pure Land Nembutsu vigorously, all
New York, 1956.
the while thinking, “I am about to die.”
Faure, Bernard. Chan Insights and Oversights: An Epistemological
Critique of the Chan Tradition. Princeton, 1993.
Although unique to Sho¯san, Nio¯-zazen was not simply
Sharf, Robert H. “The Zen of Japanese Nationalism.” In Curators
a casual mixture of Pure Land and Zen methodologies, as his
of the Buddha: The Study of Buddhism under Colonialism, ed-
detractors in both sects have alleged. Rather, it was a tangible
ited by Donald S. Lopez, Jr., pp. 107–160. Chicago, 1995.
embodiment of his dominant conviction that the Buddhist
Suzuki D. T. An Introduction to Zen Buddhism. Kyoto, 1934.
dharma must be made available to the masses in the most ef-
Suzuki D. T. Essays in Zen Buddhism: First Series. London, 1949;
fective form, regardless of sectarian tradition. He was per-
reprint, New York, 1961.
suaded that Buddhism was being misperceived and bypassed
Suzuki D. T. Zen and Japanese Culture. Princeton, 1959.
as a passive, other-worldly faith in favor of “practical” and
Suzuki, D. T. Outlines of Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism. New York, 1963.
“useful” Confucianism. Nio¯-zazen was one way of combating
Suzuki D. T. Suzuki Daisetz zenshu¯ [Collected Works of Suzuki
this. But even more fundamentally, he sought to integrate
Daisetsu Teitaro¯]. 32 vols. Tokyo, 1968–1971.
Buddhism into the daily life of samurai, farmer, artisan, and
Suzuki D. T. Japanese Spirituality. Translated by Norman Wad-
merchant. He preached the inherent sanctity of all honest
dell. Tokyo, 1972.
labor as Heaven’s appointment for earthly life. By so regard-
Suzuki D. T. Swedenborg: Buddha of the North. Translated by An-
ing it, and by combining daily activities with the continual
drew Bernstein. Swedenborg Studies, no. 5. West Chester,
saying of the Nembutsu, one could cut off evil thoughts, ac-
Pa., 1996.
cumulate merit, and begin to walk the Buddha’s way toward
Switzer, A. Irwin, and John Snelling. D. T. Suzuki: A Biography.
enlightenment. Hence he preached that all work could be
1st ed. London, 1985.
made into Buddha work; that is, into genuine religious
ROBERT H. SHARF (2005)
discipline.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8888
SVENTOVIT
This fusion of the sacred and the secular in daily life,
fitting mantle, reaching to the idol’s knees, was made of sev-
made practical and specific in its form, was Sho¯san’s most
eral kinds of wood. The idol stood on the temple floor, with
important contribution to Buddhism. It is not to be seen as
its base hidden in the ground below. Nearby lay the god’s
a mere assertion of the innate sacrality of the secular and the
bridle and saddle, along with an enormous sword whose
profane, regardless of religious tradition. It is an assertion of
blade and scabbard were richly chased and damascened with
the potential sacredness of all human effort and a strong pro-
silver.
test against a Buddhism interpreted as otherworldly detach-
ment in the name of a religious transcendence of time and
A retinue of three hundred horsemen served Sventovit,
space.
and the plunder they won in war went to the head priest.
Saxo mentions that tribute was paid not only by the Wends
B
but also by the Scandinavians. In time, a treasure of incredi-
IBLIOGRAPHY
The English-language discussions of Suzuki Sho¯san are meager.
ble value was amassed; when the Christian Danes stormed
There is one volume, Selected Writings of Suzuki Sho¯san,
Arkona in 1168, they removed the statue and carried away
translated by Royal Tyler (Ithaca, N.Y., 1977), which is a
seven boxes of treasure, including two gold beakers.
serviceable treatment with substantial footnotes and a brief
introductory treatment of Sho¯san. Hajime Nakamura has
A white horse consecrated to Sventovit was venerated
dealt briefly with him in A History of the Development of Japa-
as an incarnation of the god himself. Success or failure in war
nese Thought, vol. 2, From 592 to 1868 (Tokyo, 1967), and
was foretold through the horse in the following manner:
“Suzuki Sho¯san, 1579–1655, and the Spirit of Capitalism in
three rows of palings or lances were laid by the priest in front
Japanese Buddhism,” Monumenta Nipponica 22 (1967):
of the temple; if the horse stepped across the first row with
1–14. Two essays, “Suzuki Sho¯san, Wayfarer” and “Selec-
its right foot first, the omen was favorable. The prophetic
tions from Suzuki Sho¯san,” translated by Jocelyn and Wins-
role of the horse in the divination ceremonies of the north-
ton King, appear in the Eastern Buddhist 12 (October 1979).
western Slavs is confirmed by its magic function in Russian
See also my chapter “Practising Dying: The Samurai-Zen
popular tradition, particularly by the traditional horse epi-
Death Techniques of Suzuki Sho¯san,” in Religious Encounters
with Death, edited by Frank E. Reynolds and Earle H.
thet, veshchii (“seer”), which has an exact correspondence in
Waugh (University Park, Pa., 1977), pp. 143–158, and my
the Avesta.
Death Was His Ko¯an: The Samurai-Zen of Suzuki Sho¯san
Shortly after harvest, a great festival was held in honor
(Berkeley, Calif., 1985), which is a substantial treatment of
Sho¯san’s life, thought, meditational method, and embodi-
of Sventovit. Cattle were sacrificed, and prophecies were
ment of Tokugawa social and religious values.
made from the quantity of mead that remained in the drink-
ing horn held by the god: if the liquid had diminished during
New Sources
the previous year, a bad harvest was predicted for the next.
Braverman, Arthur, trans. and ed. Warrior of Zen: The Diamond-
At the end of the ceremony, the priest poured the old liquid
Hard Wisdom Mind of Suzuki Shosan. New York, 1994.
out at the god’s feet and refilled the vessel, asking the god
WINSTON L. KING (1987)
to bestow victory on the country and to increase its wealth.
Revised Bibliography
Then a man-sized festal cake was brought in. Placing the
cake between himself and the people, the priest asked if he
was still visible; if the people answered in the affirmative, the
SVENTOVIT was the four-headed “god of gods” (deum
priest expressed the wish that they would not be able to see
deus) of the pre-Christian northwestern Slavs. His name,
him the next year. This ceremony was believed to ensure a
*Sventovit, is variously written—as Sventovit, Svantevit, Sua-
better harvest for the following year. (Similar customs of
tovitus, and, in the Knythlingasaga (c. 1265), Svantaviz—but
foretelling the future from gigantic cakes are known among
his cult is precisely described in the Gesta Danorum (14.564)
Belorussians and Russians in the twentieth century.)
of Saxo Grammaticus (late twelfth century).
Disposition of the Sventovit idol from Rügen is un-
The center for the worship of Sventovit was in Arkona,
known. In 1857 a carved wooden post was discovered in
on the Baltic island of Rügen. In the center of town was the
Zbruch, near Husjatyn in southeastern Poland, that bears a
citadel-temple, a wooden structure of consummate work-
striking resemblance to Saxo’s description. Carved on all four
manship, built with logs and topped by a red roof. Inside the
sides, in four registers, it shows four terminal figures, one of
surrounding fence was a barbican, whose four posts stood
which holds a drinking horn. Another four-headed statue,
free of the outer walls of the temple and adjoined some of
called Chetyrebog (“four-god”), stood in Tesnovka, near
the beams of the roof. The inner chamber, partitioned by
Kiev, until 1850. Prehistoric stone stelae depicting the same
heavy tapestries, held an enormous statue of Sventovit. Its
god, helmeted and holding a cornucopia in the right hand,
four heads and necks were joined together: facing north,
and occasionally with a horse engraved on the back, are
south, east, and west, they apparently corresponded to the
known from various Slavic territories. A stela from Stav-
four columns of the barbican. The faces were beardless and
chany, in the upper Dniester Basin, can be dated to the
the hair short. The statue’s right hand held a drinking horn
fourth to sixth century CE, but most of the finds are acciden-
inlaid with various metals; the left was set akimbo. A close-
tal and undated.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SWAMINARAYAN MOVEMENT
8889
West Slavic four-headed military gods were variously
SWAMINARAYAN ORIGIN NARRATIVE. All Swaminarayan
named, but in fact they probably represent one multifaceted
sects connect their devotional tradition to the historical per-
god, the archetypal Indo-European god of heavenly light.
son of Sahajanand Swami (1781–1830 CE), who was born
The gods Svarozhich, Iarovit, Porovit, and Sventovit, wor-
near Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh, in northern India. His biogra-
shiped in West Slavic temples of the eleventh and twelfth
phy is the basis for the Swaminarayan origin narrative, one
centuries, seem to represent the seasonal aspects of the sun:
that combines hagiography with historically confirmed per-
the winter or “young” sun (Svarozhich), the spring sun
sons, events, and places.
(Iarovit), the summer sun (Porovit), and the harvest sun
(Sventovit). The Roman Janus Quadrifons (“four-faced”) is
According to Swaminarayan tradition, the young Saha-
a parallel, as is the Iranian four-faced warrior god Vere-
janand Swami was known as Ghanshyama. Following the
thraghna.
death of his parents when he was eleven years old, he em-
barked on a phase of wandering. He attracted attention for
B
his textual knowledge (evidenced by his winning debates
IBLIOGRAPHY
Berlekamp, Hansdieter. “Die Ausgrabungen auf Kap Arkona,
with older religious scholars), asceticism (adoption of brah-
1969–1970.” In Berichte über den II. Internationalen Kongress
macarya vows of celibacy), and performance of austerities
für slawische Archäologie, vol. 3, pp. 285–289. Berlin, 1970.
(tapas), an example of which involved standing on one leg
Dyggve, Ejnar. “Der Holztempel Svantevits und der schuch-
for four months while clad only in a loincloth. At the age
hardtsche Baubefund zu Arkona.” In Berichte über den V. in-
of nineteen, Ghanshyama, now known as Nilkantha, arrived
ternationalen Kongress für Vor- und Frühgeschichte. Berlin,
in Saurashtra, the peninsular area of southern Gujarat. Here
1961.
he encountered Mukhtananda Swami, the senior ascetic of
Máchal, Jan. “Slavic Mythology.” In The Mythology of All Races,
a group whose head preceptor (guru), Ramananda Swami,
vol. 3, edited by Louis H. Gray and George Foot Moore,
was temporarily away. He asked Mukhtananda the questions
pp. 217–330. Boston, 1918.
he had asked during his encounters with ascetics throughout
Palm, Thede. Wendische Kultstätten: Quellenkritische Untersuchun-
India; receiving satisfactory answers, Nilkantha ended his pe-
gen zu den letzten Jahrhunderten slavischen Heidentums. Lund,
riod of wandering. On October 28, 1800, he was initiated
1937.
by Ramananda Swami and given two names, “Sahajanand”
Rosen-Przeworska, J. “La tradition du dieu celtique à quatre vis-
and “Narayan Muni.” Not long thereafter Ramananda
ages chez les Protoslaves et les Slaves occidentaux.” Antiquités
Swami, in spite of opposition from his followers, designated
nationales et internationales 4, no. 14–16 (April–December
the young Sahajanand Swami as his successor.
1963): 65–69.
The beginning of the Swaminarayan movement dates
Schuchhardt, Carl. Arkona, Rethra, Vineta. Berlin, 1926.
to 1801 when Sahajanand Swami became the leader of Ra-
Zakharov, Alexis A. “The Statue of Zbrucz.” Eurasia Septentrion-
mananda’s group. Swaminarayan literature records that
alis Antiqua 9 (1936): 336–348.
“Swami Narayan” quickly became known for his teachings,
New Sources
which emphasized moral, personal, and social betterment.
Kapica, F. S. Slavyanskije tradicionnije verovanija, prazdniki i ritu-
He traveled throughout the Gujarat region, outlining his be-
ali (Slavic traditional beliefs, festivities and rituals). Moscow,
havioral expectations along gender lines and according to so-
2001.
cial groups, from laity to ascetics and political leaders.
Shaparova, N. S. Kratkaya enciklopedija slavyanskoj mifologii (A
Though his followers record that he was against caste, Saha-
short dictionary of Slavic mythology). Moscow, 2001.
janand Swami’s teachings did not openly advocate the disso-
Tokarev, S. A. “Mifi narodov mira (World myths).” Bolshaya Ros-
lution of caste or the abandonment of commensal rules. For
sijskaya Enciklopedija, vol.1–2. Moscow, 1998.
both laity and ascetics, he supported varn:a¯´sramadharma, or
the fulfillment of duties according to caste, social class, and
MARIJA GIMBUTAS (1987)
gender. He prescribed nonviolence, abstinence from intoxi-
Revised Bibliography
cants, strict vegetarianism (including no onion or garlic), sex-
ual continence, and frugal living. Sahajanand Swami’s social
reform centered on the “uplift” of all peoples and ranged
SWAMINARAYAN MOVEMENT. Chronologi-
from the promotion of literacy for men and women to pro-
cally located between the “bhakti renaissance” of the medi-
viding assistance to famine sufferers. By age twenty-five, he
eval period and the early to mid-nineteenth-century Hindu
had an order of five hundred male sa¯dhus (ascetics) who, not-
revivalism of colonial India, the Swaminarayan movement is
withstanding the special rules requiring ascetics to avoid all
a devotional tradition rooted in Vais:n:avism and arising out
contact with women, were responsible for spreading his mes-
of Gujarat in western India. The spread and transnational
sage and consolidating the growing numbers of Swaminaray-
growth of specific Swaminarayan sects demonstrate how a re-
an satsan˙g¯ıs (devotees).
gional expression of Hindu devotionalism, in accommodat-
ing to larger political and social changes, has succeeded in
During Sahajanand Swami’s lifetime Gujarat came
providing meaningful ways of being Hindu in the diasporic
under British control. The Swaminarayan movement be-
context.
came further known for its campaigns against early child
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8890
SWAMINARAYAN MOVEMENT
marriage, widow immolation (sat¯ı), and female infanticide,
mits. Scholars of modern Gujarat history are critical of this
all practices that had excited concern among the indigenous
cooperation, arguing that the Swaminarayan movement’s
intelligentsia and colonial administrators of the established
alignment with the British reflected its bias toward promot-
Bengal Presidency. Because of his reputation for being a so-
ing its own caste and class interests at the expense of other
cial progressive, Sahajanand Swami attracted the interest of
groups either unable or unwilling to yield to Anglo-colonial
and subsequently met Bishop Reginald Heber, the Lord
hegemony. Indeed, Swaminarayan history does not show
Bishop of Calcutta, and John Malcolm, governor of the
much evidence of protest against the colonial presence.
Bombay Presidency. By the time of his death at the age of
NEW SWAMINARAYAN SECTS. As it happened, the greatest
forty-nine on June 1, 1830, Sahajanand Swami was consid-
schism in the Swaminarayan movement was prompted not
ered by his many satsan˙g¯ıs to be Bhagava¯n (Lord) Swami-
by outsiders but came from within. In 1906 a sa¯dhu, Swami
narayan, the highest manifestation of reality.
Yagnapurushdas, left the Vadtal temple. In 1907 he estab-
T
lished the first new Swaminarayan sect, the Bochasanwasi
HE ORIGINAL SWAMINARAYAN MOVEMENT. From its early
days, the Swaminarayan movement was noted for its organi-
Shri Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha (BAPS).
zational capacities and rationalized methods for transmitting
Headquartered in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, BAPS claims over
its practices and prescriptions. Sa¯dhus compiled Sahajanand
one million followers worldwide including both laity and as-
Swami’s discourses, maintained records of his activities, and
cetics. With its religious leaders and membership drawn
collected together commendatory letters written by colonial
from a wide caste background, caste distinctions in this new
administrators. Among his innovations, Sahajanand Swami
sect are of less concern than in the original Swaminarayan
established an institutional structure that provided for the
ga¯dd¯ıs. As part of its social reform activity, BAPS has estab-
perpetuation of the Swaminarayan satsan˙g, the community
lished temples and charitable projects in dalit (formerly re-
of followers-in-truth. Two administrative seats (ga¯dd¯ı), out-
ferred to as Untouchables or harijan) and adivasi (autochtho-
lined in the Lekh, a text written by Sahajanand Swami, were
nous groups or tribal communities) villages in Gujarat. More
established by dividing India into northern and southern ju-
so than the original sect, BAPS is a global movement and,
ridical territories. The Ahmedabad temple was designated
early on, it embraced new technologies to support its trans-
administrative head of the northern seat and the Vadtal tem-
national growth. It runs a large publishing house and music
ple, the center for the southern seat. Being celibate, Sahaja-
recording studio, and employs systematic methods for train-
nand Swami installed two nephews as a¯ca¯ryas (preceptors) in
ing sa¯dhus and laity in Swaminarayan bhakti. Additionally,
the administrative seats and specified that the sons of the
BAPS upholds the movement’s connection to social reform
a¯ca¯ryas would preserve these hereditary positions. The two
through a variety of programs and campaigns, such as anti-
hereditary lines and ga¯dd¯ıs still exist, although the migration
addiction and anti-dowry events, disaster relief, temple
of devotees has necessitated their merger into one organiza-
building, and the sponsorship of public festivals. BAPS activ-
tion (the International Swaminarayan Satsang Organization)
ities are not always without controversy, as in its open sup-
for the overseas communities. The a¯ca¯ryas oversee the tem-
port of the Sardar Sarovar dam project in Gujarat. For its
ples, sa¯dhus, and satsan˙g¯ıs in their respective ga¯dis. Further
supporters, the Sardar Sarovar dam and the multi-dam Nar-
duties include the administration of the Swaminarayan man-
mada Valley Development Project of which it is a key com-
tra for new male initiates, installation of temple icons, and
ponent are intended to increase power capacity and provide
management of the ga¯dd¯ı’s material wealth.
irrigation, cleaner drinking water, and flood control; for its
opponents, the dam is environmentally and socially disas-
Another distinction of the Swaminarayan movement is
trous and is purchased at the cost of submerging a high per-
the clear separation of men and women (str¯ı-purus:a marya¯da¯)
centage of dalit and adivasi villages. The wealthy BAPS orga-
in all temple activities and to some extent in social life as well.
nization is criticized by dam opponents for acting to protect
Swaminarayan temples have separate entrances for men and
its class interests, including those of its land holding mem-
women. Though women can take the vow of celibacy, there
bers. In response, BAPS followers who are familiar with the
is no comparable order of sa¯dhv¯ıs (female renunciates). The
Narmada controversy point to the various village relocation
wives of a¯ca¯ryas have substantial duties paralleling their hus-
and community rehabilitation projects voluntarily instigated
bands: they are responsible for teaching and overseeing the
and funded by BAPS.
activities of women satsan˙g¯ıs and for administering the
In addition to BAPS’s break from the original Swami-
Swaminarayan mantra (for women only).
narayan satsan˙g, other schisms have occurred. In 1966 a
Whereas the early satsan˙g¯ıs were from a wide variety of
handful of East African BAPS followers broke away and
castes and class backgrounds, later members came increasing-
founded the Yogi Divine Society. Additionally, sa¯dhus from
ly from the emerging Patidar farmer caste, who were finding
the original movement have left to form their own institu-
commercial success in agriculture and entrepreneurial activi-
tions that sometimes (e.g., Swaminarayan Gurukuls) but not
ties. In the years following Sahajanand Swami’s death, the
always (e.g., Swaminarayan Gadi) retain an affiliation with
cooperative relationship between Swaminarayan a¯ca¯ryas,
their ga¯dd¯ı.
sa¯dhus, and householders and the British allowed for favor-
SWAMINARAYAN TEXTS AND THEIR INTERPRETATION. Two
able reciprocation such as temple land grants and festival per-
core texts, the Vachanamritam (Vacana¯mr:ta) and Shiksha-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SWAMINARAYAN MOVEMENT
8891
patri (S´iks:a¯patr¯ı), provide the foundation for Swaminarayan
his divinity known only to those who were ready for this rev-
bhakti. Other important texts include hagiographies cum his-
elation. For the BAPS community, there is no ambiguity re-
tories such as the Satsangijivanam, which elaborate on Saha-
garding the identities and relationship of purus:ottama to
janand Swami’s life story and teachings. The Vachanamritam
aks:ara, the resolution of this distinction being the basis for
is the first Gujarati vernacular text and consists of 262 dis-
the sect’s founding.
courses given by Sahajanand Swami between 1819 and 1829
In contrast to the textual interpretations of the original
and recorded by senior sa¯dhus. The Shikshapatri, authored
Swaminarayan ga¯dd¯ı, BAPS founder Swami Yagnapurushdas
by Sahajanand Swami in 1826 and originally written in San-
expounded a return to the “correct” understanding of Lord
skrit, is a listing of 212 precepts, a code of behavior for
Swaminarayan’s teachings, specifically that Sahajanand
Swaminarayan followers. As the most accessible of Swami-
Swami is purus:ottama and his immanence is always present
narayan texts, the Shikshapatri is also the most controversial:
on Earth in the form of aks:ara or aks:arabrahman, the “living
its precepts range from the practical to the political, from
guru.” Aks:ara is thus conceptualized as having two states, one
matters of bodily hygiene and money management, to advice
with and one without form. In BAPS, the importance given
on coping with unjust rulers. This small manual is account-
to aks:ara as form distinguishes its textual interpretation from
able in part for the “puritanical” image of the Swaminarayan
the original ga¯dd¯ıs. Aks:ara with form is visible and tangible
movement.
as the contemporaneous living guru, the one who embodies
purus:ottama’s immanence. Referred to variously as
The philosophical foundation for Swaminarayan devo-
aks:araguru and aks:arabrahman and commonly translated as
tionalism is the vi´sis:t:a¯dvaita, or qualified non-dualism, of
“god-realized saint,” the living guru and form of aks:ara is al-
Ra¯ma¯nuja (1017–1137 CE). Sahajanand Swami expanded
ways male.
Ra¯ma¯nuja’s delineation of three separate and eternal existen-
tial entities into five, namely parabrahman, brahman, ma¯ya¯,
For BAPS satsan˙g¯ıs, it is contact with the personal and
¯ı´svara, and j¯ıva, but was most focused on the relationship
living form of aks:ara and the constant maintenance of devo-
between parabrahman, brahman, and j¯ıva. As explained in
tional attitudes to this form that allows for moks:a. By recog-
the Vachanamritam, parabrahman (synonymous with
nizing aks:ara in its manifest form, j¯ıva, clothed in human
purus:ottama) is the highest existential entity and is never
form and impaired by bodily emotions and senses, can ac-
formless: it possesses the power of immanence and action
quire the knowledge necessary for escaping the conditioning
(antarya¯m¯ı´sakti) and manifests itself in a distinctly human
of ma¯ya¯. In Swaminarayan devotionalism, ma¯ya¯ is under-
form. Brahman (synonymous with aks:ara and aks:ara-
stood, at the most general level, to be primordial matter
brahman) is the second-highest reality and, in its formless
(prakr:ti) or that which conceals the knowledge required for
state, is known as aks:aradha¯ma, the all-prevading and un-
j¯ıva to attain moks:a, the liberation from sam
˙ sa¯ra, the cycle
fathomable abode of parabrahman and all released j¯ıva. J¯ıva
of rebirth. Often translated as illusion, ma¯ya¯ is also associated
(also a¯tman) stands for the eternal, indivisible, and genderless
with causing egoism, bodily desires, and wordly attachments,
entity, often translated as soul. Swaminarayan devotionalism
all barriers to achieving release. The satsan˙g¯ı’s hope is to
offers release (moks:a) attainable not through textual knowl-
achieve this release in the current lifetime and thereafter to
edge or correct ritual practices but through the recognition
exist as brahmaru¯pa, in identification with brahman, in
that Sahajanand Swami is himself purus:ottama, that is the
aks:aradhama, alongside purus:ottama and aks:ara. In Swami-
highest existential reality, who appears in human form, and
narayan vi´sis:t:a¯dvaita, the ultimate reality, purus:ottama, never
who resides in aks:aradha¯ma. As the highest reality, Sahaja-
merges with aks:ara or with lower existential entities.
nand Swami is thus not an avata¯ra or descended form of a
BAPS followers do not follow the a¯ca¯ryas and temples
higher entity but the ultimate creator of all entities.
of the original ga¯dd¯ıs but have constructed temples to reflect
their interpretation of Swaminarayan vi´sis:t:a¯dvaita. Also, a
The most significant differences between the various
lineage of aks:aragurus, or living gurus, has been retroactively
sects in the Swaminarayan movement rest in the interpreta-
traced back to Gunatitanand Swami, a sa¯dhu who lived dur-
tion of who is purus:ottama and how to understand the rela-
ing Sahajanand Swami’s lifetime. The guru provides the tem-
tionship between this eternal entity with human-like form
plate for ideal devotional behavior and through him devotees
and satsan˙g¯ıs whose devotional activities are motivated by the
can achieve awareness of their eternal j¯ıva. The most recent
possibility that each individual j¯ıva can potentially achieve
living guru is Pramukh Swami who, in 1971, became the “re-
eternal existence in aks:aradham, alongside purus:ottama. The
ligious and spiritual” head of BAPS.
Vachanamritam, Shikshapatri, and iconic representations in
the six original Swaminarayan temples point to Kr:s:n:a
ON DEVOTIONAL PRACTICES. Membership in the Swami-
(Krishna) as purus:ottama, the foremost entity to whom devo-
narayan movement begins with a brief verbal initiation fol-
tion must be directed. For original sect members, this does
lowed by the devotee’s acceptance of the Swaminarayan
not necessarily disrupt the conviction that Sahajanand
mantra. The devotee then agrees to live a life according to
Swami is also purus:ottama, that is, Lord Swaminarayan, rath-
specifications outlined in the core Swaminarayan texts.
er than an avata¯ra of Krishna. Satsan˙g¯ıs explain this inconsis-
The Swaminarayan ritual calendar as well as its ritual
tency by noting that Sahajanand Swami was careful to make
practices, vocabulary, and gestures are similar to those found
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8892
SWAMINARAYAN MOVEMENT
among the Vallabha Sam:prada¯ya and in Vais:n:avism in gen-
festivals to promote “Hinduism.” BAPS Swaminarayan com-
eral. (Founded by Vallabha in the sixteenth century, the Val-
munities in the United States and Great Britain now have
labha Sam:prada¯ya is a Hindu devotional sect that remains
resident sa¯dhus who teach and administer temple activities.
influential in Gujarat and includes many wealthy merchants
North of London, a BAPS traditional-style marble and stone
and other business-oriented caste groups among its follow-
temple with an attached exhibition hall attracts upwards of
ers.) Satsan˙g¯ıs perform daily offerings (pu¯ja¯) to the iconic
ninety thousand visitors during Hindu new year celebra-
representation (mu¯rti) of Lord Swaminarayan kept in the
tions. Similar “traditional” temple complexes were complet-
home. For BAPS followers, pu¯ja¯ includes the pictorial forms
ed in Chicago, Illinois, and Houston, Texas. In Gandhina-
of the guru lineage and a reading selection from Swami ni
gar, Gujarat, an elaborate monument, exhibition, and
Vato, a collection of brief sayings by Gunatitanand Swami.
research center known as Akshardham was the site of a ter-
All satsan˙g¯ıs must dress modestly, wear a double-stranded
rorist attack in 2002. Swaminarayan sites and their polished
necklace of beads, and apply sectarian marks on their fore-
presentation of “Hinduism” are clearly attracting notice,
heads, with the women’s mark differing from the men’s. Be-
owing to a visibility reflective of the movement’s diasporic
sides regular participation at temple events, satsan˙g¯ıs are also
wealth and organized management structure.
expected to contribute a portion of their annual income to
What is remarkable is the degree to which BAPS, and
the temple.
to a lesser extent the original Swaminarayan ga¯dis, have trans-
The Vachanamritam outlines four categories of action
lated the injunction for moral living and reform into a larger
for helping devotees strengthen their devotionalism. Much
transnational project, one that positions Swaminarayan
of temple-based discourse and many events revolve around
bhakti as synonymous with a reified sense of “Hinduism.”
assisting satsan˙g¯ıs to reflect upon and act on these sugges-
This equation promotes a problematic conceptualization of
tions:
religion, one that uncritically conflates it with culture, lan-
guage, and geography and offers a seamless portrait of Hindu
1. Remain within the expectations and rules for moral
traditions. The contemporary Swaminarayan movement
living.
thus appears sympathetic to pro-Hindu fundamentalist sen-
2. Develop a deep attachment to Lord Swaminarayan and
timents. While this connection is disputed by its leaders,
sa¯dhus.
what is less refutable is the movement’s growing base of im-
3. Control mental and physical senses.
migrants who are attracted to representations of an essential-
ized Hinduism. The Swaminarayan movement has, in spite
4. Develop knowledge of Swaminarayan philosophy.
of its restrictive codes of behavior, endured for over two cen-
The most tangible means for attaining and expressing correct
turies: its newer communities demonstrate how politics of re-
devotional postures is to perform seva, service and resources
ligious nationalism and the needs and desires brought on by
that are volunteered. “Doing seva,” satsan˙g¯ıs note, helps them
diasporic living can spur accommodations to, rather than re-
to transcend bodily desires and focus more intensely on the
treat from, external changes.
glory of the highest existential reality, purus:ottama. Female
SEE ALSO Bhakti; Ra¯ma¯nuja; Vais:n:avism; Vallabha.
followers are especially visible as seva volunteers and this has
contributed to dramatic changes, particularly in the BAPS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
sect. In BAPS, women have parallel leadership positions and
Brent, Peter. Godmen of India. London, 1972. Contains account
activities to men. Women manage their groups and sponsor
of author’s meeting with the English translator of the Vacha-
their own events and publications. Though sometimes frus-
namritam, H. T. Dave, and Swami Jnanjivandas, the third
trated at the gender segregation and their inability to have
living guru in the Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam
direct contact with guru and sa¯dhus, women consider theirs
Swaminarayan Sanstha.
a privileged position, of having a god-realized guru who pow-
Dave, H. T. Shree Swaminarayan’s Vachanamritam. Bombay,
erfully guides them from a distance.
1977; reprint, Ahmedabad, India, 1989. First complete En-
C
glish translation of Sahajanand Swami’s discourses from the
ONTEMPORARY ISSUES. Coinciding with the migration of
Gujarati peoples, the Swaminarayan movement has also ex-
BAPS perspective.
panded beyond India. Its religious and lay leaders are focused
Dwyer, Rachel. “Caste, Religion, and Sect in Gujarat: Followers
on the needs of Hindus in the diaspora who are creating per-
of Vallabhacharya and Swaminarayan.” In Desh Pardesh: The
South Asian Presence in Britain, edited by Roger Ballard,
manent rather than temporary lives outside of India. BAPS,
pp. 165–190. London, 1994. A clear exposition of the caste
through its worldwide network of more than five hundred
composition of Gujarat and a comparative look at two Guja-
temples and a large “volunteer” base, is by far the most visible
rati Vais:n:ava religious sects, the Swaminarayan movement
sect in the Swaminarayan movement. Since it’s founding,
and Vallabha’s Pus:t:ima¯rga Sam:prada¯ya.
BAPS and its living gurus have traveled to wherever Gujaratis
Hardiman, David. “Class Base of Swaminarayan Sect.” In Eco-
have gone, openly addressing immigrant-diaspora issues of
nomic and Political Weekly (September 10, 1988): 1907–
resettlement, cultural loss, and community building. This
1912. Critical examination of the Ahmedabad ga¯dd¯ı of the
has resulted in the creation of programs that were not needed
original Swaminarayan movement. Argues that the activities
in the Gujarat context, such as Gujarati language classes and
and attitudes of this ga¯dd¯ı stem from its narrow caste base.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SWANS
8893
Heber, Reginald. Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Prov-
are remarkably prescient and others, when combined with
inces of India, from Calcutta to Bombay, 1824–1825, vol. 2.
more recent data (cf. Kim, 2001), underscore the transfor-
Philadelphia, 1828. A record of his diary, the second volume
mative capacity of this community, most notably reflected in
contains Bishop Heber’s encounter with Sahajanand Swami
profound changes in the role of women.
in March 1825. The Bishop’s conversation with the “Hin-
Shukla, Sandhya. “Building Diaspora and Nation: The 1991
doo reformer” as well as his descriptions of the meeting have
‘Cultural Festival of India’.” In Cultural Studies 11, no. 2
been deployed by the Swaminarayan movement as proof of
(1997): 296–315. Pointed critique of diasporic South Asians
its founder’s impact on the colonial presence in Gujarat. As
and their modes of identity and ethnicity-making. Article di-
a historical record, this diary confirms the positive impres-
rects attention to the BAPS-sponsored “Cultural Festival of
sion that the original Swaminarayan movement and its
India,” the first national event for the American Swami-
founder made on a Christian emissary and his countrymen.
narayan community.
Kim, Hanna Hea-Sun. “Being Swaminarayan: The Ontology and
Williams, Raymond Brady. Religion of Immigrants from India and
Significance of Belief in the Construction of a Gujarati Dias-
Pakistan: New Threads in the American Tapestry. Cambridge,
pora.” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, New York, 2001.
U.K., 1988. Provides a closer look at Gujarati Swaminarayan
An ethnographic exploration of the Bochasanwasi Shri Ak-
communities in the United States, including the original
shar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha based on fieldwork
Swaminarayan and Bochasanwasi Shree Akshar Purushottam
conducted in the United States, United Kingdom, and India.
Swaminarayan Sanstha sects.
Looks at the ways in which followers think about and partici-
pate in Swaminarayan devotionalism and draws closer atten-
Williams, Raymond Brady. An Introduction to Swaminarayan
tion to female followers and their engagement with Swami-
Hinduism. Cambridge, U.K., 2001. A revised and updated
narayan prescriptions of behavior. Provides comprehensive
version of an earlier text, A New Face of Hinduism: The
bibliography for BAPS publications.
Swaminarayan Religion, Cambridge, U.K., 1984. The most
comprehensive and accessible English-language source by a
Monier-Williams, Monier. “The Vaishn:ava Religion, with Special
non-Swaminarayan devotee on the history and religious phi-
Reference to the S´iksha¯-Pa¯tr¯ı of the Modern Sect called
losophy of the Swaminarayan movement. Contains a wealth
Sva¯mi-Na¯ra¯yan:a.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great
of details particularly with respect to the administration and
Britain and Ireland, n.s., 14 (1882): 289–316. Written after
organization of the dominant Swaminarayan sects. This
Monier-Williams, Boden Professor of Sanskrit at Oxford,
focus, which is necessarily a male one owing to the gender
had toured the Gujarat region in 1875. Though its language
segregation in the lay and religious hierarchy, is enriched by
and tone are reflective of the author’s Orientalist perspective,
Williams’s first-hand interviews with the male religious lead-
this article does contain an early portrait of the Vadtal
ership in the major sects of the Swaminarayan movement.
Swaminarayan ga¯dd¯ı during a Hindu new year celebration.
Primary materials and websites
Monier-Williams, Monier, ed. “Sanskrit Text of the S´iksha¯-Pa¯tr¯ı
Texts and other printed materials by the founder, principal reli-
of the Sva¯mi-Na¯ra¯yan:a Sect.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic So-
gious leaders, and followers of the Swaminarayan Movement
ciety of Great Britain and Ireland, n.s., 14 (1882): 733–772.
are generally available outside of India at the larger temples
Includes the full Sanskrit text of the Shikshapatri given to
connected to the different Swaminarayan sects. Though all
Monier-Williams by the a¯ca¯rya of the Vadtal ga¯dd¯ı in 1875.
sects use the same core texts (e.g., Vachanamritam, Shiksha-
Also includes Monier-Williams’s English translation, which,
patri), translations reflect their sectarian orientation. In addi-
when compared to the English translations by the sects in the
tion to books and other published media, the web sites for
Swaminarayan movement, reveals striking elisions and differ-
the two largest Swaminarayan sects offer explanatory essays
ing transliterations.
and updates on current temple and community activities.
Mukta, Parita. “The Public Face of Hindu Nationalism.” Ethnic
The web site for the original Swaminarayan ga¯dd¯ıs is
and Racial Studies 23, no. 3 (May 2000): 442–466, argues
www.moksha.akshardham.org. The web site for the Bocha-
that diasporic Hindus in the United Kingdom are fostering
sanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha is
religious nationalism through temples and temple-sponsored
www.swaminarayan.org.
activities. Polemical in tone, the article critiques the activities
of the London BAPS temple.
HANNA H. KIM (2005)
Pocock, David. Mind, Body, and Wealth: A Study of Belief and
Practice in an Indian Village. Oxford, 1973. An incisive eth-
nographic look at various Hindu sects in Gujarat. Included
SWAMI VIVEKANANDA SEE VIVEKANANDA
is an introduction to the original Swaminarayan community,
its founder, and its central texts. This book is notable for its
early effort to refrain from using the word religion in order
to avoid an artificial separation of Hindu practices from
SWANS. Related to the elements of both air and water,
other areas of social life.
the swan is a symbol of breath, spirit, transcendence, and
freedom. In many religious traditions it is interchangeable
Pocock, David. “Preservation of the Religious Life: Hindu Immi-
grants in England.” Contributions to Indian Sociology, n.s.,
with the goose or duck in signifying the soul. Swans connote
10, no. 2 (1976): 341–365. An ethnographic encounter with
both death beneath the waters and rebirth, or victory over
the Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan
death, in the air. The complexity of the symbol is reflected
Sanstha community in London, this is useful for its observa-
in its alchemical representation as the union of opposites, the
tions of BAPS in its early diasporic formation. Certain points
mystic center.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8894
SWAZI RELIGION
A prominent motif among origin myths is the cosmo-
magical. Shakespeare was known as the Swan of Avon;
gonic dive, in which a swan or other aquatic bird is sent by
Homer, the Swan of Maeander; and Vergil, the Mantuan
God to the depths of the primordial waters to bring back the
Swan. Ever since Plato had Socrates aver that swans “sing
“seed of earth,” from which God creates the world. This
more merrily at the approach of death because of the joy they
image existed in manifold versions among prehistoric popu-
have in going to the god they serve,” the term swan song has
lations of northern and eastern Europe and, from the third
been an epithet for an artist’s last work.
millennium BCE, among the peoples of America.
SEE ALSO Horses; Prehistoric Religions.
In Hindu iconography the swan personifies brahman-
a¯tman, the transcendent yet immanent ground of being, the
B
Self. Brahma¯ is often depicted borne on a swan, the divine
IBLIOGRAPHY
Bachelard, Gaston. L’eau et les rêves: Essai sur l’imagination de la
bird that laid upon the waters the cosmic egg from which
matière. 4th ed. Paris, 1978. A poetic and psychological med-
the god emerged. Variations of this image are common in
itation on the symbolic meaning of the swan in literature and
Bali and Sri Lanka. The param:ahamsa (“supreme swan” or
poetry. The author’s views are based mainly on poetry and
gander) represents freedom from bondage in the phenome-
dreams but are cognate with sacred and archaic myths.
nal sphere and is a term of honor addressed to mendicant as-
Brown, Joseph Epes, ed. The Sacred Pipe: Black Elk’s Account of
cetics. The ham:sa bird is carved on the ornamental bands of
the Seven Rites of the Oglala Sioux. Norman, Okla., 1953.
Kesava temple at Somnathpur, erected in 1268 and dedicat-
The swan as symbol of the Great Spirit; the concept of birds
ed to Vis:n:u.
as reflections of divine principles.
In ancient Egypt, swans were associated with the mystic
Campbell, Joseph. The Flight of the Wild Gander. New York,
journey to the otherworld, as they are in the shamanistic reli-
1969. An examination of the complex of motifs in which the
gions of North Asia. In ancient Greece, priests of the Eleu-
swan, interchangeable with the gander, is linked to the flight
sinian mysteries were regarded as descendants of the birds;
of the entranced shaman and to the brahman-a¯tman with
after their immersion in the purifying waters they were called
which the yogin seeks to identify.
swans. Vase paintings of the fifth century BCE show the swan
Eliade, Mircea. Zalmoxis, the Vanishing God: Comparative Studies
as their attribute. In its amatory aspect, the swan was sacred
in the Religions and Folklore of Dacia and Eastern Europe. Chi-
to Aphrodite and Venus and was the form assumed by Zeus
cago, 1972. The relation of the swan to prehistoric myths of
as Leda’s lover.
the cosmogonic dive.
As a solar sign, the swan was the sun god’s vehicle in
ANN DUNNIGAN (1987)
Greece; it was assimilated to the yang principle in China and
inscribed on one of the wings of Mithra, the Persian god of
light. In Celtic myths, swan deities represent the beneficent,
SWAZI RELIGION. The Swazi are part of the vast
healing power of the sun. In the ancient religion of the Sioux
Bantu-speaking population of southern Africa, and their rich
Indians of the North American Plains, birds are reflections
cultural heritage is a fusion of Nguni and Sotho elements.
of divine principles, and the sacred white swan symbolizes
Prior to the incursion of colonial and Western influences
the Great Spirit who controls all that moves and to whom
they were Iron Age horticulturalists and cattle pastoralists,
prayers are addressed.
organized into centralized chieftancies. Polygyny and patri-
An ambivalent symbol in Judaism, the swan (or the
lineal descent characterize the kinship system.
duck or goose) is conspicuous on ceremonial objects al-
The Swazi developed their particular national identity
though categorized as a bird of defilement in the Bible. In
under a dual monarchy represented by a hereditary king of
the Christian tradition, it symbolizes purity and grace and
the Nkosi Dlamini clan and a queen mother (the mother of
is emblematic of the Virgin. The belief that swans sing with
the king or, if she is dead, a surrogate). Unlike other African
their dying breath has linked them with martyrs.
kingdoms that came under British colonial rule, the Swazi
Folklore is rich in legends of swan maidens and swan
were never conquered by direct force, and much of their tra-
knights. Believed to have been totemistic figures and original
ditional culture survived and flourished under the leadership
founders of clans, the half-human, half-supernatural beings
of King Sobhuza II (1899–1982). A direct lineal descendant
who metamorphosed into swans became images of spiritual
of the founder of the royal Dlamini dynasty, Sobhuza was
power. The skiff that carried the archangelic grail knight Lo-
internationally acknowledged in 1968 as king and head of
hengrin, a savior sent by God to overcome evil, was drawn
the newly created, independent state of Swaziland.
by a swan. The motif of the swan maiden or knight is widely
In 1982 approximately half a million Swazi lived in the
disseminated in mythology and ritual throughout Europe,
Kingdom of Swaziland, an arbitarily demarcated country of
India, Persia, Japan, Oceania, Africa, and South America.
6,705 square miles wedged between the Republic of South
The bird’s sweet song has made it a perennial metaphor
Africa and the People’s Republic of Mozambique. This tiny
in the arts. The Egyptians associated it with the harp; the
kingdom, the heartland of traditional culture, is ecologically
Greeks, with the god of music; and the Celts deemed its song
diverse and rich in natural resources. Its wealth includes fer-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SWAZI RELIGION
8895
tile soils, abundant perennial bush pasturage, forests alive
and by its position in relation to the waxing and waning of
with wondrous trees and wild animals, precious minerals,
the moon. The divinity of the king is associated with the
and four major rivers and several streams. Some 40 percent
sun—radiant, burning, source of both heat and light, jour-
of all land, the legacy of colonial concessions, is owned by
neying across the sky in a more or less regular path twice a
whites. Although few Swazi are able to support themselves
year, controlling the seasons and the productive activities of
with agriculture or pastoralism and most rely on wage labor,
nature. The moon has its own internal dialectic, associated
they remain deeply attached to their ancestral lands and to
with fertility, femininity and growth, decline and rebirth.
their cattle. The land is vested in the king as trustee for the
Ceremonies to introduce a person into the fullness of a new
nation, and its use is allocated by hereditary chiefs to heads
status take place when the moon is growing or when it is full.
of homesteads. Throughout the region, the king and queen
A ceremony that temporarily isolates a man from his fellows
mother are renowned for their knowledge of ritual “to work
is held in the period of the moon’s decline and darkness.
the rain,” the symbol of fertility and “the water of life.”
The earth, mother to the living and the dead, must be
Swazi traditionalists perceive a majestic order in their
approached with reverence. When a person dies, all in the
universe, one alive with powers, emandla (a collective noun
homestead are prohibited from digging, plowing, or plant-
that has no singular). These powers continue through time
ing, or in other ways “wounding” the earth until the body
and are not bound by space. They appear in diverse forms
has been buried and the mourners purified. When Sobhuza
and operate with varying degrees of potency. They are in
died in late August 1982 (the time of the first rains), such
substance rather than of substance; in water, not of water; in
prohibitions were imposed throughout the kingdom until
earth, not of earth; in man, not of man. Among the Swazi,
the rising of the third moon. The fact that rain did not fall
no rigid division is drawn between natural and supernatural.
for several weeks afterward and that the country was threat-
No substance is considered immutable. Sacred and secular
ened by drought and famine was interpreted as a reaction to
are shifting dimensions of a total reality in which human be-
this disturbance in the balance between human actions, the
havior may influence the elements as much as the elements
ancestors, and cosmic powers.
influence the human condition. Between them there is per-
petual and dynamic interaction.
The king and the queen mother together represent the
physical embodiment of sacred power, as indicated by their
The Swazi have no elaborate myth of creation. The
traditional titles, ingwenyama (“the lion”) and indlovukah
world is there, mysterious and wonderful. In the symbolic
(“the she-elephant”). These are two of the most powerful an-
system of the Swazi, there is a diversified hierarchy of powers
imals in nature: the lion—male, father of many cubs, aggres-
connecting humans to each other and to the cosmos. In the
sive, carnivorous; the she-elephant—maternal, matriarchal,
mythical distance is Mvelamqandi (“who-appeared-first”)
stable, firm, herbivorous, mother of one calf after a long peri-
generally described as a power “above,” unapproachable, un-
od of gestation. Together the two monarchs are spoken of
predictable, of no specific sex. He/she is sometimes identified
as “a twin,” a mysterious, unequal double, united in a rela-
with, and sometimes distinguished from, Mkhulumqandi,
tionship riddled with ambivalence. Their everyday actions—
the first mkhulu, a term applied to a grandfather, symbolic
eating, drinking, bathing, dressing—are circumscribed by ta-
mediator between those living on the earth and those
boos, and they receive unique treatment to endow them with
“below,” the ancestors, emadloti. Mvelamqandi occasionally
the “shadow of sovereignty.”
sent as his messenger Mlendengamunye, the “one-legged”
(interpreted as oneness, unity), who descended in a thick
At the observable, sociological level, the queen mother
mist and whose appearance, visible only to women and chil-
and king live in separate homesteads; hers is the sacred cen-
dren, portended the coming of fever, a generic term for a va-
ter, his is the administrative capital. Their duties are comple-
riety of illnesses; thus Mlendengamunye had to be propitiat-
mentary; the balance of power is delicate, and tension be-
ed with symbolic sacrifices. He was last seen in the reign of
tween them is believed to endanger the physical condition
King Mbandzeni (1875–1889), during a period of early mis-
of the country. The most sacred objects are in the care of the
sionary activity. Although Mvelamqandi, Mkhulumqandi,
queen mother, and the king must come to the shrine of
and Mlendengamunye are no longer mentioned in prayer or
the nation to address his royal ancestors and offer sacrifices.
sacrifice, Swazi theologians, including Sobhuza, have re-
The correct performance of rituals takes considerable time,
ferred to these three divinities, as well as to other powers in
concentration, and self-discipline. While the secrets of spe-
the pantheon—such as the rainbow, titled Inkosatana (“the
cific rituals are known to appointed representatives of histor-
princess”); the lightning, titled Inyoni (“the bird”); and a
ically associated clans, only the king is “owner” of all.
water serpent, titled Inyoka Yemakhandakhanaa (“the snake
with many heads”)—to emphasize a sacred and hierarchical
Swazi religion sanctions enjoyment of the material and
order of the cosmos.
physical: food, women, and dancing. It does not idealize
poverty or place a value on suffering as a means to happiness
The earth is seen as stationary; the calendar of religious
or salvation. To deal with the hazards of life—failure of
events, both national and domestic, is regulated by the visible
crops, unfaithfulness of women, illness and ultimate death—
movements of the sun against fixed points on the horizon
the culture provides a set of optimistic notions and positive,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8896
SWAZI RELIGION
stereotyped techniques that are especially expressed through
dead, the older brother acts on behalf of the younger. In this
the ancestral cult, the vital religion of the Swazi.
patrilineal society, ancestors of a married woman remain at
her natal home, approachable only by her senior male kins-
In the ancestral cult, the world of the living is projected
men. Contact is usually made through the medium of “food”
into the world of spirits (emadloti), who continue the pat-
(meat, beer, or tobacco snuff); the dead, who are said to be
terns of superiority and inferiority established by earthly ex-
often hungry, “lick” the essence of the offerings laid at dusk
periences as man or woman, old or young, aristocrat or com-
on an altar in the shrine hut and left overnight.
moner.
Emadloti are spoken of with respect and fear, and they
Swazi believe that the spirit, or breath, has an existence
are routinely addressed with the formality demanded by liv-
distinct from that of the flesh. When a person dies, both flesh
ing elders. But they are not adored or worshiped. They are
and spirit must be correctly treated to safeguard the living
approached as practical beings, and appeals to them are
and show appropriate respect for the dead. Mortuary ritual
sometimes spontaneous and conversational, interspersed
varies according to both the status of the deceased and his
with rebukes and generally devoid of gratitude. There is no
or her relationship with different categories of mourners.
conflict between the ethics of the ancestral cult and the mun-
The flesh is buried in a cattle kraal, hut, cave, or royal grove.
dane desires of life. Swazi desire the ends they say the emadlo-
The spirit, after a brief period of aimless wandering, is ritual-
ti desire for them.
ly “brought back” at a sacrificial feast to the family circle.
Interpreting the messages of the ancestors is the task of
For conservatives, irrespective of rank or age, the ances-
diviners (tangoma), the main specialists in deep, esoteric
tors are an integral part of the reality of routine daily life.
knowledge. They are called upon to reveal the cause of illness
Their presence is all-pervasive; their relationships to each cat-
or misfortune (the particular offense or the specific ancestor
egory of members of the kinship circle—married, unmarried,
who must be “remembered” or appeased), and they indicate,
agnates, and in-laws—affect the language, movements, and
but do not carry out, the cure (ritual sacrifice, purification,
clothing of the living. This is particularly conspicuous in the
or medical treatment). Tangoma work in collaboration with
laws of “respect” governing the behavior of a married
specialists in medicines (tinyanga temitsi), but whereas the
woman, the outsider brought in to perpetuate the husband’s
latter acquire their knowledge voluntarily and deliberately,
lineage (e.g., she must avoid speaking any word containing
each diviner is “entered,” often against his or her will, by an
the first syllable of the names of particular senior male in-
ancestral spirit who takes control.
laws; she must not walk in front of the entrance to the shrine
or through the cattle kraal). Visitors, on entering a home-
The training of diviners is lengthy and arduous. They
stead, on receiving food or other hospitality, praise the head-
suffer both mentally and physically, and when they finally
man, not as an individual, but by reciting the names of his
qualify, “reborn like the new moon,” their entire being has
clan; clan praises are ancestral commemorations.
changed. Dressed in the strange costume of their new calling,
they demonstrate their powers in a public séance, accompa-
It is through the ancestors that Swazi confront the uni-
nying their performances with inspired songs and dances.
versal issues of mortality and morality. Emadloti represent
Techniques of divination vary; some diviners use material
continuity through fertility. They may appear in dreams, or
objects (bones, shells, roots), while others rely on “feel” or
they may materialize temporarily as “snakes” (e.g., the king
verbal cues. There is no fixed hierarchy of diviners, and repu-
as a terrifying mamba, the queen mother as a beautiful lizard,
tations fluctuate. Though some individual diviners are recog-
a wife as a harmless green garden snake).
nized as frauds and others are seen as fallible, perception
Illness and other misfortunes are frequently attributed
through possession by the ancestors is never challenged.
to the ancestors, but Swazi believe that emadloti do not inflict
Diviners, who are often of exceptional intelligence, per-
sufferings through malice or wanton cruelty. The mean hus-
form within the legal framework of religion. In this capacity
band, the adulterous wife, the overambitious younger broth-
they practice against evildoers (witches and sorcerers) who
er, the disobedient son may be dealt with directly or vicari-
act illegally, in secret and horrible ways, some through an in-
ously by the spirits, who thus act as custodians of correct
nate propensity for evil, others through deliberate use of ma-
behavior and social ethics. Ancestors punish, they do not kill;
terial substances, including poisons and parts of the human
death is brought about by evildoers (batsakatsi), who are in-
body. Political leaders and other aristocrats employ medicine
terested in destroying, not in perpetuating, the lineage or the
men and diviners to bolster their positions, but are actively
state. If an illness originally divined as sent by the emadloti
discouraged from becoming either medicine men or diviners
later becomes fatal, evildoers are assumed to have taken ad-
themselves, since this would interfere with their administra-
vantage of the patient’s weakened condition. Ancestors have
tive duties and does not fit into their ascribed status. The In-
greater wisdom, foresight, and power than the rest of man-
gwenyama is believed to have deeper knowledge than any of
kind, but they are not considered omnipotent.
his subjects and to be able to detect and destroy evildoers by
Swazi have no class of ordained priests, and the privi-
virtue of his royal blood reinforced by unique royal potions.
leged duty of appealing to the emadloti rests with the head
The king and his mother take the lead in the cycle of
of the family. The father acts on behalf of his sons; if he is
national rituals. The most dramatic and illuminating exam-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SWAZI RELIGION
8897
ple is the Ncwala, a ritual which grows in elaboration and
are sent on a pilgrimage to marshy areas to cut the long sup-
potency as the king increases in power. If the king dies and
ple reeds needed to repair the fences surrounding the enclo-
his successor is a minor, a very attenuated ceremony, known
sures of the queen mother and the queens. The reeds must
as the Simemo, is performed. (On Sobhuza’s death, the
be golden ripe, not brittle, the tassles full, and the seeds not
council selected as his heir a boy of fourteen years.) Tradi-
yet dispersed. The girls wear brief costumes to reveal their
tionally, the first full Ncwala should be performed when the
beauty and purity, and singing and dancing are essential for
young king reaches full manhood and is married to two ritual
the performance. The king must be present; the girls are
queens.
feasted and the ancestors offered their share.
Ncwala is divided into two parts, Little Ncwala and Big
Although early missionaries who preached the Protes-
Ncwala. Little Ncwala, which opens when the sun reaches
tant ethic condemned traditional Swazi beliefs and practices,
its resting place in the south and the moon has waned, lasts
Swazi rulers were interested in learning the new religion.
two days and symbolizes the break with the old year. Big
From their point of view, the ancestral cult is not incompati-
Ncwala, which opens when the moon is full and lasts six
ble with the basic tenets of Christianity, only with the specif-
days, symbolically revitalizes the king and fortifies the nation
ic applications of the tenets that missionaries have made.
against evildoers within the country and enemies outside its
Sobhuza never identified himself with any specific de-
borders. In the liminal period, sacred dances and songs are
nomination, but his role as priest-king of the entire country
practiced throughout the country, ritual costumes are pre-
was increasingly recognized during his reign not only by in-
pared, and sacred ingredients are collected by national
dependent African churches, but by some of the more con-
priests. Swazi participants, as well as foreign analysts, inter-
ventional congregations as well. Queen mothers have re-
pret the complex ritual at various levels of meaning.
tained their affiliation with individual churches while at the
Ingwenyama is recognized as the “owner” of Ncwala.
same time carrying out their traditional ritual duties. Priests
Anyone else who attempts to “dance Ncwala” is judged
of independent churches participate in Ncwala, and mem-
guilty of treason. Politically, Ncwala is a reflection of rank
bers of any denomination may hold services in the Lobamba
in which major social categories—princes, chiefs, queens,
National Church, an impressive structure completed in 1978
councillors, and warriors in age regiments—are visibly dis-
in the ambience of the ritual capital. The extent to which this
tinguished from each other by sacred costumes and perform
symbiotic process will continue is unpredictable. As long as
distinctive roles in the service of Ingwenyama as symbol of
the myth of the Swazi divine kingship retains a political hold
the nation. At another level, Ingwenyama is mystically iden-
over the Swazi, this will be ritualized in the Ncwala. If the
tified with the miraculous and ever-changing powers in na-
myth is abandoned and Swazi kingship ends or is made sub-
ture—the sun and the moon, not as separate elements but
ordinate to other myths with different loyalties and interests
in their interaction. The king’s body is bathed with “waters
(such as individual equality), both the ritual and the underly-
of all the world” drawn from rivers and from the ocean by
ing political meaning of the Ncwala will be lost. But judging
two groups of national priests, each group carrying a sacred
from the histories of other African societies, the Swazi will
gourd titled Inkosatana, “the princess,” which is also the title
hold to their belief in the ancestors and in diviners.
of the rainbow. Ingwenyama “bites” of the green foods of the
new year and also of the organs of a fierce black bull which
BIBLIOGRAPHY
has been thrown and pummeled to the rhythm of a lullaby
There is as yet no full-length study of Swazi religion, although a
by a regiment of “pure youths who have not yet spilled their
general monograph by Brian Allan Marwick, The Swazi
strength in children.”
(Cambridge, 1940), does include a chapter titled “Religion
and Magic.” A very rich store of information on Swazi be-
The king appears in the ceremonies in a variety of
liefs, rituals, and symbols is contained in books and articles
unique clothing, whether it be a penis sheath of ivory on his
I have written: among them, An African Aristocracy: Rank
naked body or, as at the climax of the main day, an indescrib-
among the Swazi (Oxford, 1947) is a detailed account of the
ably elaborate costume of bright green, razor-edged grass and
traditional political system and its economic and religious in-
evergreen shoots. With his face half hidden by a cap of black
stitutions; The Swazi: A South African Kingdom (New York,
plumes over a headband of lion skin, he is an awe-inspiring
1963) is a case study with an interpretive chapter on religion;
creature of the wild.
So-bhuza II: Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland (London,
1978) is a biography of a traditional king which illustrates
On the final day of the ritual, the day of purification,
the importance of religion as an attribute of modern Swazi
relics of the past year are burned on a pyre in the sibaya (cat-
kingship. The close relationship between Swazi kingship and
tle kraal) of the capital village, and rain, symbolizing the
the independent church movement is well documented by
blessing of the ancestors, must fall to extinguish the flame
Bengt Sundkler in Zulu Zion and Some Swazi Zionists (Lund
and Oxford, 1976).
and drench the rulers and their people.
My study “A Ritual of Kingship among the Swazi,” Africa 14
A complementary and less elaborate women’s ritual,
(1944): 230–256, also included in An African Aristocracy, is
Mhlanga (from the word for “reed,” a symbol of fertility),
a detailed ethnographic account of Ncwala based on partici-
centers on the queen mother. Each winter, unmarried girls
pant observation and texts. The ritual has received different
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8898
SWEARING
interpretations by scholars with diverse theoretical approach-
with a principle focus on studying mathematics and astrono-
es. The most significant of these studies are Max Gluckman’s
my. On his trip abroad, he also learned various practical
Rituals of Rebellion in Southeast Africa (Manchester, 1954),
skills, including engraving and instrument making. In addi-
which emphasizes political and social functions; T. O. Bei-
tion he wrote three volumes of poetry, and before returning
delman’s “Swazi Royal Ritual,” Africa 36 (October 1966):
home he wrote down descriptions of fourteen inventions, in-
373–405, which interprets the cosmological system and
cluding a submarine, an air pump, and a fixed-wing aircraft.
makes use of Jungian psychology; and Luc de Heusch’s My-
thes et rites bantous, vol. 2, Rois nés d’un coeur de vache (Paris,
Upon his return to Sweden in 1715, he began publish-
1982), which sets the Ncwala in a broad comparative frame-
ing Daedalus Hyperboreus, Sweden’s first scientific journal.
work built on a brilliant, Lévi-Straussian analysis of sacred
In addition, he became an assistant to the great inventor and
kingship in Africa.
mechanical genius Christopher Polhem (1668–1751). To-
New Sources
gether they served King Karl XII by working on various engi-
Cummergen, Paul. “Zionism and Politics in Swaziland.” Journal
neering projects. In recognition of Swedenborg’s contribu-
of Religion in Africa, 30 (2000): 370–386.
tions to the realm, the king named him Extraordinary
Hall, James. Sangoma: An Odyssey into the Spirit World of Africa.
Assessor of the Board of Mines. The death of Karl XII in Fre-
New York, 1994.
drikshald in 1718 brought an end to Sweden’s era as a great
Kasanene, Peter. Swazi Traditional Religion and Society. Mbabane,
power. Swedenborg was ennobled in 1719 by Queen Ulrika
1993.
Eleonora (1688–1741).
HILDA KUPER (1987)
The death of Karl XII ushered in what is called in Swe-
Revised Bibliography
den “the age of freedom” and the renunciation of the King’s
policies. The new political climate also put Swedenborg’s
commission as assessor in doubt. Determined to be seated,
SWEARING S
in 1720 Swedenborg traveled to Europe to study mining
EE VOWS AND OATHS
techniques. After his return to Sweden he took up his life as
a noble and author, and after 1724 as a bureaucrat, having
finally been granted a position as a regular assessor and given
SWEDENBORG, EMANUEL (1688–1772), was a
a salary. In this position he was one of seven men responsible
multifaceted genius, scientist, and visionary. He was born in
for Sweden’s important mining industry. The members of
Stockholm, Sweden, on January 29, and he died in London
the Board of Mines set policies, inspected mines for safety,
on March 29. Paradox surrounds Swedenborg’s intellectual
tested the metals produced for quality, set prices, and adjudi-
legacy. The scientific and philosophical works that brought
cated law suits. Swedenborg served on the board for twenty-
him the acclaim of his contemporaries have largely been for-
three years. Appointed president of the Board of Mines in
gotten. The contributions that he made to the Swedish
1747, he declined the appointment and resigned from the
Board of Mines and the House of Nobles were significant,
board in order to devote himself to his spiritual mission.
but like the efforts of most bureaucrats and politicians they
NATURAL PHILOSOPHER. With his career finally established,
were intended to have an immediate and practical impact on
Swedenborg turned his mind to understanding scientifically
policy, not history. Thus, despite his genius, Swedenborg’s
the riddle of creation and the purpose of self-conscious life.
exemplary life would attract scant notice, apart from his reve-
In 1734 he took a leave of absence from the Board of Mines
latory claims and his voluminous religious writings. He pub-
to publish his Opera philosophica et mineralia (Philosophical
lished his writings anonymously for almost twenty years and
and Mineralogical Works) in Liepzig. Swedenborg’s cosmolo-
never attempted to gather a following. Nonetheless, after his
gy is indebted in part to the philosophy of René Descartes
death, followers devoted to his religious works appeared first
(1596–1650). In a series of studies culminating in Principia
in Europe and then around the world.
rerum naturalium (The Principia; or the First Principles of
EDUCATION OF SCIENTIST AND CIVIL SERVANT. Sweden-
Natural Things, 1734) Swedenborg presented a theory about
borg was born into wealth and privilege; both of his parents
the origin of the universe. Starting from a mathematical
came from mine owning families. His father, Jesper Swed-
point of departure, he envisioned the planetary system as de-
berg (1653–1735), was ordained into the ministry of the Lu-
veloping a series of complicated particle combinations. Swe-
theran Church in 1682. In 1703 he was elevated to bishop
denborg tried to integrate the soul into this consistently
and served in Skara until his death in 1735. He name was
mechanistic structure, and in De infinito (The Infinite, 1734)
changed to Swedenborg upon ennoblement in 1719. Jesper
he presented his future research program “to prove the im-
Swedberg had pietistical leanings, believed in the importance
mortality of the soul to the very senses themselves.”
of works as well as faith, and had both a hymnbook and a
This empirical intention led him into an extensive study
translation of the Bible condemned by church censors.
of contemporary physiology and anatomy, as well as both an-
Emanuel Swedenborg matriculated at the University of
cient and modern philosophy. The first result of this effort
Uppsala, from which he graduated in 1709 with a degree in
was the publication of Oeconomia regni animalis (The econo-
philosophy. From 1710 until 1715 he traveled in Europe
my of the animal soul’s kingdom, 1740–1741). Dissatisfied
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SWEDENBORG, EMANUEL
8899
with his initial effort, believing that he had not been suffi-
nounced in the spiritual world on June 19, 1770, by the
ciently thorough, he began again. He published three vol-
twelve disciples who had followed Christ in the world. The
umes of Regnum animale (The animal soul’s kingdom,
record of the announcement was published in True Chris-
1744–1745) before abandoning the project.
tianity (1771), thus making it an historical event, and it be-
comes an internal and personal event whenever its truth is
RELIGIOUS CRISIS AND SPIRITUAL CALL. It was during this
accepted by an individual.
publishing trip abroad that Swedenborg experienced a pro-
found spiritual crisis during the 1743 to 1744 period. The
Swedenborg’s religious writings, set down in eighteen
crisis began in dreams that he recorded in a journal for his
different works, indicate that humanity now lives in a new
own personal use. Discovered in 1859, it is known today as
age in which every one can freely choose his or her spiritual
The Journal of Dreams. In it, he not only recorded his dreams,
destiny. The spiritual world, which encompasses heaven, the
he interpreted them. He discovered his sin of pride and arro-
world of spirits, and hell, is inhabited solely by men and
gance, he prayed, he sought forgiveness, and he found him-
women who have lived on this earth or other planets in the
self held in the bosom of Christ. He recorded intense temp-
universe. In the sight of the Lord, the heavens appear as one
tations that affected both his body and his spirit. Drawn
“grand man.” Individuals find their place there by discover-
deeply inward, he understood that he must follow Christ in
ing their dominant affection or love. No one is cast down
all things. He put aside his scientific work, obeying a divine
into hell or raised into heaven apart from the life they have
commission to write down and publish the true meaning of
led and chosen here on earth. However, it is not necessary
the scriptures, in order to make them universally available.
to know about Swedenborg, his teachings, or the new church
Swedenborg’s spiritual call can be viewed as either a disjunc-
to achieve eternal salvation. It is only necessary to live a good
tion in or a culmination of his own intellectual journey.
and useful life within the framework of the many spiritual
truths available around the globe.
Returning to Sweden he focused on studying the Bible
in Hebrew, searching for the key to its internal or spiritual
For twenty-seven years Swedenborg attended to his call
meaning. Swedenborg had earlier developed a doctrine of
to write and publish his new revelation “fresh from heaven.”
correspondences, according to which all phenomena of the
He never attempted to develop a following or organize a
physical world have their spiritual correspondences. He wres-
church. He initially published his works anonymously, but
tled with the meaning of the story of creation and the nature
several clairvoyant experiences that occurred in public re-
of God. He discovered that in the Bible, words used in one
vealed his extraordinary powers. Soon Swedenborg and his
place correspond to words used in another place, and finally
books became a focus of discussion and conversation in Eu-
he grasped the idea that the garden in Genesis does not refer
rope. Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) became so interested
to the natural creation of the earth and the universe, but to
that he ordered a complete set of the Arcana coelestia (Heav-
the spiritual process of human regeneration. Genesis details
enly secrets, 1749–1756). Although in private correspon-
this spiritual process through which every individual can re-
dence, Kant spoke in a positive tone about Swedenborg and
turn to and be conjoined with the one God, the Lord Jesus
his experiences, in 1766 he published Dreams of a Spirit-Seer,
Christ, to eternity. Swedenborg documents this in the eight
in which he ridiculed Swedenborg and his metaphysics.
volumes of the Arcana coelestia (Secrets of heaven, 1749–
Kant’s critique set the stage for the central controversy sur-
1756). In this work Swedenborg states that what he writes
rounding Swedenborg’s religious writings, which concerns
about heaven and eternal life is true, because his eyes and
whether they are what Swedenborg claims they are. Were the
spirit have been opened and “I have seen, I have heard and
works divinely revealed to him, or are they the product of
I have felt.”
an overactive imagination? Swedenborg’s writings have in-
spired the founding of churches by those who believe that
RELIGIOUS TEACHINGS, CONTROVERSY, AND IMPACT. The
the divine had a hand in them, but they are derided as the
focus of Swedenborg’s religious teachings is not on the cruci-
product of a mentally unstable man by those who believe
fixion and the sacrifice of Jesus, the only begotten son of
that they sprang from Swedenborg’s own imagination. A
God, to atone for the sins of humanity, but on the risen Lord
third possible approach to them, particularly attractive to
Jesus Christ who overcame the world. According to Sweden-
students of religion, is that Swedenborg drew on esoteric
borg, the Christian interpretation of the Trinity and redemp-
practices and traditions to shape his religious corpus.
tion led over time to the complete separation of faith and
charity, or belief and works, in the Christian churches. This
Despite the controversy surrounding the precise nature
necessitated the Last Judgment and the Second Coming. Ac-
of their inspiration, Swedenborg’s religious writings have had
cording to Swedenborg, the Last Judgment was a spiritual
a profound impact on Western literature and the arts, in
event that occurred in 1757. It made possible the Second
large part because of the doctrine of correspondences. To cite
Coming for everyone who is drawn to understand the spiri-
one example, in 1972 Joshua C. Taylor, the director of the
tual meaning of the new heaven and the new earth, described
National Gallery in Washington, D.C., testified to the im-
in the Book of Revelation and spiritually opened by means of
portance of Swedenborgianism in American art in the ca-
correspondences. Like the Last Judgment, the Second Com-
talogue that accompanied an exhibit entitled The Hand and
ing was also a spiritual event for Swedenborg. It was an-
the Spirit, which took place at the University Art Museum
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8900
SWEDENBORGIANISM
in Berkeley, California. In the catalogue Taylor identified
innovative exploration of the esoteric roots of the New Age
several categories of religious art in America, but said that he
Movement with attention to Swedenborg’s role in the trans-
found no sect or set of beliefs that provided an impulse to-
formation of perspective.
ward art, particularly in the nineteenth century, with one ex-
Johnson, Gregory, ed. Kant on Swedenborg: Dreams of a Spirit-Seer
ception—Swedenborgianism. Taylor wrote: “only Sweden-
and Other Writings. Translated by Gregory R. Johnson and
borgian teaching had a direct impact on art, and this was
Glenn Alexander Magee. West Chester, Pa., 2002. A reas-
through its link with a complex philosophical view of percep-
sessment of Kant’s view of Swedenborg suggesting Kant’s in-
tion and aesthetic judgement which suggested not narrative
debtedness to and use of Swedenborg in his own philosophy.
themes but a spiritual context for artistic form” (Dillenber-
Jonsson, Inge. Emanuel Swedenborg. Translated by Catherine
ger, 1972, p. 14).
Djurklou. New York, 1971. A modern intellectual history of
Swedenborg’s thought, connecting his thought to neo-
In 1908, and with great pomp and ceremony, Sweden-
Platonism and Descartes, as well as linking Swedenborg’s
borg’s remains were brought back to Sweden and laid to rest
philosophy and theology.
in Uppsala Cathedral. The Swedish government, not with-
Lamm, Martin. Swedenborg. Stockholm, 1915. This work has
out controversy, financed an elegant sarcophagus to hold the
been translated into German (Leipzig, 1922) and French
simple wooden coffin brought from London. The red granite
(Paris, 1936); it was translated into English by Thomas Spi-
memorial, approved by the Riksdag (the Swedish parlia-
ers and Anders Hallengren as Emanuel Swedenborg: The De-
ment), was carved to honor Swedenborg the scientist, despite
velopment of His Thought (West Chester, Pa., 2000). A pio-
the fact that his worldwide reputation, even then, rested on
neering biography of Swedenborg that places his thought
his revelations and religious writings. The parliament’s deci-
within the framework of Western literary and intellectual
sion not withstanding, Swedenborg’s religious writings con-
history.
tinue to shape the human spirit around the world in prayer,
Sigstedt, Cyriel. The Swedenborg Epic: The Life and Works of
poetry, paintings, story, and song.
Emanuel Swedenborg. London, 1952; reprint, 1981. A de-
tailed biography of Swedenborg that draws on the enormous
SEE ALSO Swedenborgianism.
document collection assembled by the Swedenborg Scientific
Association during the first half of the twentieth century.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Williams-Hogan, Jane. “The Place of Emanuel Swedenborg in
The Swedenborg Foundation in West Chester, Pa., is publishing
Modern Western Esoteric Tradition.” In Western Esotericism
the New Century Edition of the Works of Emanuel Sweden-
and the Science of Religion, edited by Antoine Faivre and
borg, with Jonathan Rose as series editor. The first title to
Wouter J. Hanegraaff, pp, 201–252. Leuven, Belgium,
be released in the series was Heaven and Hell (2000), translat-
1998. An exploration of Swedenborg’s religious system with-
ed by George F. Dole. Other series titles include a one-
in the framework of the five characteristics of esotericism as
volume edition, also translated by Dole, of Swedenborg’s Di-
defined by Antoine Faivre, as well as a response to Sweden-
vine Providence and Divine Love and Wisdom (2003).
borg’s thought by important figures in modern Western Eso-
tericism.
Heaven and Hell (2000). This book gives a detailed description of
life after death. Divine Providence and Divine Love and Wis-
JANE WILLIAMS-HOGAN (2005)
dom (2003). This book provides insight into the spiritual
laws governing human life, and insight into the divine pur-
pose and order of creation.
Benz, Ernst. Emanuel Swedenborg: Visionary Savant in the Age of
SWEDENBORGIANISM, often referred to as the
Reason. Translated by Nicholas Goodrich-Clarke. West
New Church or the Church of the New Jerusalem, is a global
Chester, Pa., 1949; reprint, 2002. A biography that examines
religious movement based upon the theological writings of
Swedenborg’s place within the rational and esoteric currents
Emanuel Swedenborg (1688–1772). When Swedenborg
of the eighteenth century.
died in London on March 29, 1772, his spiritual legacy was
Bergquist, Lars. Swedenborg’s Dream Diary. Translated by Anders
to be found in the books and manuscripts he left behind. His
Hallengren. West Chester, Pa., 1989; reprint, 2001. The
spiritual journey as a revelator began in 1744 when, at the
most recent examination of Swedenborg’s dream diary with
end of a profound personal spiritual crisis, he responded to
an attempt to connect his dreams to his social world and life.
what he believed was a call from Jesus Christ to serve him.
Dillenberger, Jane, and Joshua C. Taylor, The Hand and the Spir-
As he began to study the Bible in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin,
it: Religious Art in America 1700–1900, Berkley, Calif.,
he concluded that the Bible was written in correspondences,
1972. An exhibit catalog exploring American religious art
and became convinced that he had been called to reveal its
during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
internal or spiritual sense. His biblical exegesis laid the foun-
Dole, George F., and Robert H. Kirven. Scientist Explores Spirit:
dation for a new, written revelation. By the time of his death
A Biography of Emanuel Swedenborg. West Chester, Pa.,
he had published eighteen titles. His first theological work,
1992. A highly readable and clear short biography of Swe-
Arcana Coelestia (1749–1756) or Secrets of Heaven was pub-
denborg.
lished in eight volumes. It presents the spiritual or internal
Hanegraaff, Wouter J. New Age Religion and Western Culture: Es-
sense of the biblical books of Genesis and Exodus. Also in-
otericism in the Mirror of Secular Thought. Leiden, 1996. An
cluded in his corpus are works titled Heaven and Hell (1758),
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SWEDENBORGIANISM
8901
Last Judgment (1758), Divine Love and Wisdom (1763), Di-
last judgment, which Swedenborg claimed took place in
vine Providence (1764), Revelation Unveiled (1766), Love in
1757; the essential spiritual nature of human beings; the cor-
Marriage (1768), and True Christian Religion (1771).
respondence between the spiritual world and the natural
world; human freedom in spiritual things; the marriage of
Swedenborg’s print runs were large for the eighteenth
love and wisdom in the Lord and thus in all creation; the es-
century. It is known that in 1758 he published five books
sential partnership of faith and charity found in a life of use;
with print runs of one thousand each. He also distributed
and the sacred nature of marriage.
them widely, sending them to church officials in several
countries, as well as offering them for sale. Still, at the time
John Clowes had ordered a copy of Swedenborg’s Vera
of his death there were perhaps only a handful of individuals
Christiana Religio (True Christian Religion) in 1773 upon
who accepted his teachings in Europe. No organizations ex-
the recommendation of his solicitor. Upon receiving it, he
isted, established by him or others, to promote his new
put it aside, only picking it up to read months later, just be-
Christianity. Swedenborg was one of the last authors to write
fore he was to leave on an extended trip. He saw the words
exclusively in neo-Latin; his works, therefore, required trans-
Divinum Humanum (divine human) and closed the book.
lation into the vernacular to reach the growing number of
Several days later his recollection of these words was accom-
newly literate individuals. Prior to 1800, some of his works
panied by a deep sense of peace. This experience reoccurred
had been translated into German (1765), English (1770s),
daily. Finally, with a sense of urgency, he broke off his jour-
French (1782), and Russian (1780s).
ney and returned home to read the book that seemed to be
calling to him. Clowes wrote that after reading Swedenborg’s
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE NEW CHURCH. Despite the obsta-
book, all his theological questions had been answered.
cles to spreading Swedenborg’s message, his religious writ-
Clowes immediately became actively involved in the work of
ings had gained a sufficient following, particularly in En-
translation, as well as seeing to the publication and distribu-
gland, by the end of the 1770s that organized reading circles
tion of Swedenborg’s writings. He also assumed the role of
developed among the artisans and industrial workers of Lan-
shepherd to the groups that began to emerge in Lancashire.
cashire just as the cotton industry was taking off. By the mid
He remained active in this work until his death, although he
1770s copies of the translation of Heaven and Hell by Wil-
never separated from the Anglican Church in which he
liam Cookworthy (1705–1780) and Thomas Hartley
served as a pastor. In fact, Clowes lamented the move to form
(1707–1784) began to circulate in the villages and hamlets
a separate “New Church” organization promoted by Robert
surrounding Manchester. The development of the reading
Hindmarsh in London.
circles was due in part to the sensational claims made by Swe-
denborg in the book that he had “seen and heard” what lay
Hindmarsh, a printer by trade and a member of John
beyond death’s door. But as the sensationalism subsided,
Wesley’s Methodist movement, had frequently heard Swe-
those who remained interested in the theology were sup-
denborg’s writings discussed in the circles in which he lived
ported by the efforts of John Clowes (1743–1831), rector of
and worked. In 1782 he was given two of Swedenborg’s writ-
Saint John’s Anglican Church in Manchester, an early believ-
ings, Heaven and Hell and The Commerce between Soul and
er in and translator of Swedenborg’s writings.
Body (1769). Many years later, Hindmarsh wrote that after
reading them, he was immediately convinced of their heav-
According to Robert Hindmarsh (1759–1835), another
enly origins. Late in 1783 he circulated an advertisement
early believer, Swedenborgian minister, historian, and author
calling for any interested readers of Swedenborg to meet on
of Rise and Progress of the New Jerusalem Church in England,
December 5. Four of the five men who came to the meeting
America, and Other Parts (1861), these small circles in Lanca-
formed the nucleus of the London Theosophical Society de-
shire not only read and discussed what Swedenborg had writ-
voted to the study and publication of Swedenborg’s writings.
ten, but they soon began to worship together based on the
The fifth man, James Glen (1749–1814), a plantation
new vision of Christianity found in Swedenborg’s writings.
owner in South America, soon left for the New World carry-
Their focus was on worshiping the one divinely human God,
ing copies of Swedenborg’s writings with him. He stopped
the Lord Jesus Christ, who is considered to be a visible God
in Boston and Philadelphia, giving lectures in both cities and
who contains the invisible, as the physical human body con-
leaving behind books for sale. Even though he was just pass-
tains within it the invisible soul. Swedenborg, in True Chris-
ing through, Glen’s efforts made a significant contribution
tian Religion (1771), acknowledges the trinity in God. He
to the development of Swedenborgianism in the newly
wrote, “These three, the Father, Son, and the Holy Spirit,
formed United States.
are three essential components of one God. They are one the
way our soul, our body, and the things we do are one.” In
By 1787, when the New Church (the name, from Reve-
initiating worship, these early believers had grasped the cen-
lation 21:2, often taken by Swedenborgian churches) was for-
tral, indeed fundamental, teaching of Swedenborg’s theology
mally established in England, there were six groups in Lanca-
that God is one in essence and person and that the Lord Jesus
shire and the founding society in London. One of the
Christ is that God. In addition, Swedenborg’s teachings em-
remarkable sociological facts of the establishment of this or-
phasize the following ideas: the reality of the spiritual world
ganization is that it was founded by individuals who had
and the rationality of its operation; the spiritual nature of the
never personally known Swedenborg. Those who developed
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8902
SWEDENBORGIANISM
the rituals for worship and the organizational structure were
was the poet William Blake (1757–1827) and his wife, Cath-
attracted to the message of the theology, rather than to the
erine. Both signed the conference minute book acknowledg-
man who had written it.
ing their assent to the thirty-two propositions drawn from
the religious writings of Swedenborg that had been discussed
The British Conference of the New Church, as it was
and affirmed during the conference. Among other things, the
officially named, was an offshoot of the London Theosophi-
approved resolutions stated that “the Theological Writings
cal Society, which by 1787 had approximately one hundred
of the Honorable Emanuel Swedenborg are perfectly consis-
members drawn from various ranks in British society and in-
tent with the Holy Word; they also contain the Heavenly
cluding individuals from a variety of countries who resided
Doctrines of the New Church, which he [Swedenborg] was
in London. Their religious backgrounds were also diverse,
enabled by the Lord to draw from the Holy Word, while
coming from a wide range of Christian confessions, includ-
under the Inspiration and Illumination of his Holy Spirit.”
ing Anglican, Methodist, Baptist, Calvinist, and Dissenters.
Among them were also individuals who were mystics, Quak-
The last of the resolutions called for the group to meet
ers, deists, or agnostics. This Theosophical Society, which
again in April of the following year. On the agenda for subse-
predates the organization founded by H. P. Blavatsky and
quent conferences was the need to approve a liturgy consis-
Henry Steel Olcott in 1875, was an organization whose
tent with Swedenborg’s teachings, as well as principles of or-
membership had widely different interests in Swedenborg’s
ganization that would likewise be drawn from Swedenborg’s
religious writings. Some members believed that they were di-
revelation. Harmony reigned during this first general confer-
vinely given revelation from God and thus were to become
ence of the New Church, but the same spirit did not prevail
over time the source of renewal for Christianity. Among this
in the gatherings that followed. The underlying issue that de-
group, however, some believed that renewal first should be
veloped among conference participants was the growing at-
attempted within existing Christian confessions, while others
tachment of certain members to opposing models of church
felt that it was more in keeping with the message to form a
governance—congregational versus hierarchical.
new and separate organization. Other members were inter-
BRITISH CONFERENCE OF THE NEW CHURCH. The issue was
ested in Swedenborg’s writings in order to learn the secrets
not resolved until the general conference of 1815, when the
through which spirits could be contacted.
congregational model favored by the majority was no longer
challenged. By that time there were three societies in Lon-
Those who wished to form a separate organization asked
don, thirty societies in Lancashire, and ten others in Great
that a vote be taken in order to proceed. Losing the vote by
Britain. The British Conference has convened every year
a small margin, these members decided to go ahead with
since that date with the various congregations and societies
plans to form a new church. Hindmarsh led this movement.
sending delegates. In 1815 the conference also adopted a
Clowes hastened to London to dissuade them from making
presidential form of government with a one-year renewable
such a move. Unconvinced, the separatists went ahead with
term. This form of government persisted within the British
their plans and, on July 31, 1787, fourteen men and two
Conference until 1970, when the length of the presidential
women gathered to celebrate the sacraments of baptism and
term became five years. In 1900 the British Conference had
the holy supper in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, and
seventy-three societies with a total membership of 6,337.
thereby established the New Church. According to Hind-
They ran eleven day schools, which served 4,375 students,
marsh’s record in Rise and Progress, “All those present de-
and they had over 7,000 children in attendance at their Sun-
clared themselves to be ‘of the Lord’s New Church in its out-
day schools.
ward and visible form on Earth.’” On June 1 the following
year they completed the establishment of a new church when
From its beginning until the middle of the twentieth
two men were ordained into the priesthood. Although other
century, the British Conference not only served the New
Swedenborgian or New Church organizations have devel-
Church in Great Britain, but also believers and congrega-
oped in different countries around the world since 1788, all
tions throughout the British colonies. It was a source of theo-
of them acknowledge some form of direct or indirect indebt-
logical training, ministers, and hymnals and other printed
edness to the actions taken by the men and women present
material for groups in Australia, New Zealand, South Africa,
at these foundational ceremonies.
and Nigeria. At the beginning of the twenty-first century
these groups form independent associations, although histo-
The operational structure of this new organization was
ry and tradition connect them to the British Conference.
far from clear. In order to proceed, it was determined that
The largest of these groups (approximately 15,000 members)
a national conference of believers should be called to estab-
is the New Church of Southern Africa, founded by David
lish common beliefs, principles of association, and forms of
Mooki (1876–1927) in 1911. It was run as a mission of the
worship. A circular was sent out that included forty-two reso-
British Conference for many years, creating its own theologi-
lutions of belief to be affirmed at a conference to be held at
cal school in Orlando, Gauteng. The New Church of South-
a chapel in London’s East Cheap section in April 1789. On
ern Africa became independent in 1970, under the leader-
Easter Monday that year, approximately eighty men and
ship of Obed S. D. Mooki (1919–1990), son of the elder
women gathered at the chapel to attend the five-day confer-
Mooki. The president holding office in 2000 was Paul S.
ence, which ran from April 13 to 17. Among those present
Kenene.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SWEDENBORGIANISM
8903
During the first half of the nineteenth century, the cler-
tion and conducted the business of the church. To oversee
gy of the British Conference were trained through a tutorial
the work, officers were selected. At the first convention a
system. A theological school was established in London in
president was chosen; the next year the position of vice presi-
1865 in order to standardize training. It moved to Radcliffe,
dent was also established, but it was not until the eleventh
a suburb of Manchester, in 1984 to be closer to the geo-
annual convention that a financial report was submitted for
graphical center of the membership. A congregational system
approval. This basic system of government still frames the
of government had been chosen to enhance local control. A
work of the Swedenborgian Church of North America.
consequence of this system was that salaries of the clergy were
The doctrinal principles outlined by the General Con-
paid by the local congregations without any assistance from
vention emphasized “knowledge of the Lord in his Divine
the national body. As a result, recruiting men for the minis-
Humanity,” because church members believed it is the fun-
try was difficult, because in many locations with small con-
damental principle of all true religion. These principles also
gregations an adequate living could not be guaranteed. Thus,
emphasized sharing one’s faith with others so that the Lord’s
the British Conference throughout its history has had more
kingdom might come through the practice of the divine
congregations than ministers to serve them. This difficulty
teachings of charity, good works, and love for each other. At-
was at least technically addressed by opening the ministry to
tention was paid to the recruiting of sincere men to the min-
women in 1998. But the challenges of secularization and
istry, and a system of licensing and ordination was created
modernization could not be overcome simply by recruiting
that persisted until a theological school was established in
women into the ministry. Organizational and constitutional
Waltham, Massachusetts, in 1867.
changes were initiated in 1999 in an attempt to meet these
difficulties head on. The conference has thus become more
Controversy emerged within the General Convention of
centralized and more reliant on the Internet for all types of
the Church of the New Jerusalem when, after the American
communication, including recruitment of new members and
Civil War, some ministers and church members with a belief
instruction in the theological school. According to its vision
in a hierarchical form of government began to press their
statement, the British Conference has also chosen to be in-
views. Rebuffed by the General Convention, they formed
clusive and nonjudgmental, while at the same time it seeks
their own theological school in Philadelphia in 1876. The
to stimulate spiritual growth by applying the writings of Swe-
inability of the two groups to find a mutually acceptable so-
denborg to life.
lution led to a schism in 1890.
From 2001 to 2002, the British Conference of the New
The high point of growth for the General Convention
Church had the following statistical profile: 1,148 members,
in the nineteenth century was in 1890. In that year the annu-
29 worshiping congregations, and 7 groups; there were 25
al reports listed 154 societies, 119 ministers, and 7,095
ministers, of whom 14 were retired or no longer in active ser-
members. During the nineteenth century the convention’s
vice, and 44 lay worship leaders.
doctrinal emphasis on inward and individual spiritual devel-
opment fit well into the American spirit. The teachings were
THE SWEDENBORGIAN CHURCH OF NORTH AMERICA. The
a particularly unique source to learn more about human psy-
Swedenborgian Church of North America was organized as
chology and motivation. There was a strong identification
the General Convention of the Church of the New Jerusalem
of the membership with the teachings of Swedenborgianism,
in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in May 1817. At that time
and Swedenborgian thought and teachings were absorbed
there were approximately 360 receivers of Swedenborg’s
into the broader American culture, helping to create what
teachings in the United States, located in seventeen different
John Humphrey Noyes (1811–1886), historian and founder
societies. The issues before the convention were to establish
of the Oneida Community, called “Swedenborg’s century.”
a permanent organization that could oversee the needs of the
Samson Reed’s (1800–1880) Observations on the Growth of
already existent congregations; to assist in the development
the Mind (1826), a book based on Swedenborg’s principles,
of new ones; to regularize ordination; and to support mis-
suggested that changing times originate in a changing mind.
sionary efforts. Delegates assembled in Philadelphia from
Reed’s work had a far-reaching impact. It appealed to Ralph
five states: New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and
Waldo Emerson (1803–1882), and Emerson’s good friend,
Ohio. Two foreigners also attended the Philadelphia conven-
the English author Thomas Carlyle (1795–1881). It inspired
tion, one from Scotland and one from Sweden.
Emerson’s masterwork Nature (1836), and Emerson includ-
ed Swedenborg in his essay “Representative Men” (1850).
The General Convention’s adoption of a congregational
Carlyle wrote that Swedenborg’s new spiritual philosophy
form of government was natural, due to the democratic tem-
would soon leaven all religious thought.
per of early America, and because the congregations had ex-
isted prior to the central organizing body, as had also been
Swedenborg was also an important source of inspiration
the case in England. A proposal to consider a hierarchical
for Edgar Allan Poe (1809–1849) and Walt Whitman
form of government was placed on the agenda during the
(1819–1892). Both men broke important ground by bring-
1820s, but it was never actively considered. The General
ing new psychological insights into the very structure of their
Convention organized itself into regional associations, and
art, as did the celebrated landscape artist George Inness
delegates from the associations attended the annual conven-
(1825–1894), a member of the Swedenborgian Church and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8904
SWEDENBORGIANISM
a man who used Swedenborg’s teachings on the correspon-
ence and the Swedenborgian Church of North America, has
dences of color and form to shape his spiritualized land-
an episcopal form of church government. It was legally estab-
scapes.
lished in 1897 after withdrawing from the General Conven-
tion in 1890. The principles of what was called the “Acade-
This convergence of psychology and Swedenborgianism
my Movement” within the General Convention led to the
was an obvious strength for the development of the General
schism and separation. The members of the Academy Move-
Convention in the nineteenth century. However, as psychol-
ogy became an independent, nonreligious discipline, what
ment believed that the theological writings of Emanuel Swe-
had been a unique Swedenborgian contribution to American
denborg constituted the third testament of the Christian
culture became more widely available in a secularized form.
Bible. That is, they believed that Swedenborg’s writings were
This affected the growth of the General Convention.
not merely divinely inspired revelation, but were, in fact, the
word of God. Like the Old Testament and the New Testa-
In the twentieth century, the General Convention of the
ment, they were the third part of the divine word. Just as the
Church of the New Jerusalem became the Swedenborgian
sign on the cross calling Jesus “the king of the Jews” was writ-
Church of North America. It maintained its congregational
ten in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, so, according to the Gener-
structure, with a president (elected for a three-year term, eli-
al Church of the New Jerusalem, the Old Testament was
gible to serve one additional consecutive term), a vice presi-
written in Hebrew, the New Testament in Greek, and the
dent, recording secretary, and treasurer. Those who serve in
third and final testament was produced in Latin. Secondly,
the latter three offices are elected for one-year renewable
they believed that the theological writings of Swedenborg
terms. Together, these officers, plus three ministers and six
prescribed a hierarchical form of church government with
laypeople, constitute the General Council that governs the
three degrees of the priesthood. And thirdly, they believed
church. In addition there is a Council of Ministers that su-
in the necessity of educating children based on principles
pervises the pastoral and theological matters of the church.
drawn from these same theological works. Thus, even prior
The Swedenborgian Church of North America is
to separation from the General Convention, they had estab-
known as the liberal “branch” of the New Church in North
lished schools from the primary grades through high school
America. It is a member of the National Council of Church-
and college, culminating in a theological school for the train-
es, and it has attempted to meet the challenges of seculariza-
ing of priests.
tion by adapting to the enlightened values of Western post-
The schism was based on principle, but it also came
modern society. It supports environmental causes and has
about as a result of the clash of strong personalities and polit-
policies that welcome diversity and inclusiveness. The Swe-
ical maneuvering within the organization of the General
denborgian Church of North America has ordained women
Convention of the Church of the New Jerusalem. Once sep-
since 1975 and does not view a person’s sexual orientation
arated from the convention, the dominance of Bishop Wil-
as an impediment to ordination.
liam H. Benade (1816–1905) created new difficulties within
In 1999 the Swedenborgian Church of North America
the fledging organization. Finally, the members of the Ad-
closed its theological school, the Swedenborgian School of
vent Church that Benade had formed withdrew from him
Religion in Newton, Massachusetts, and the property was
and established a new organization in 1897—the General
sold. In 2001 the Swedenborg School of Religion formed a
Church of the New Jerusalem. The scope of the organization
partnership with the Pacific School of Religion in Berkeley,
was international from its inception. Congregations in Cana-
California. The program, supervised by the Pacific School’s
da and Great Britain joined with those in the United States
Swedenborg House of Studies, offers a master of divinity de-
in support of the principles of the Academy Movement.
gree, as well as a certificate of theological studies in conjunc-
These principles, developed by Benade, were maintained by
tion with the Pacific School. Distance education is a feature
the new organization, but his autocratic style of leadership
of the program, and the holdings of the library have been in-
was rejected. A group numbering 347 participated in the
tegrated into the database of the Graduate Theological
move to withdraw from the General Convention. In 1900,
Union in Berkley. This move has brought the theological ed-
just three years after incorporation, the General Church of
ucation of the Swedenborgian Church of North America
the New Jerusalem had an international membership of 560.
under the umbrella of one of the most progressive Christian
Because it was founded on principle rather than propinquity
theological schools in the United States.
or nationality, it competed with both the American General
Convention and the British Conference for members.
Statistics for the Swedenborgian Church of North
America reported in their journal, The Messenger, for the year
The General Church of the New Jerusalem created an
2001 are as follows: the church had a total membership of
organization in which theological and ecclesiastical matters
1,926, of which 1,431 were listed as active. They had 40
were separated from financial ones. The bishop was to super-
churches, 34 active ministers, and congregations in the Unit-
vise the spiritual life of the church but a lay board of directors
ed States, Canada, and Guyana.
was to supervise it financially. Furthermore, instead of
THE GENERAL CHURCH OF THE NEW JERUSALEM. The Gen-
adopting a binding constitution, the organization decided to
eral Church of the New Jerusalem, unlike the British Confer-
write a document titled “The Order and Organization of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SWEDENBORGIANISM
8905
General Church of the New Jerusalem.” Originally pub-
cated in New Church communities in the United States and
lished in 1914, it has been revised six times since that date.
Canada. In addition, there is a New Church elementary
The last revision occurred in 1999, when the language of the
school in South Africa, and one was established in Ghana in
document was made gender inclusive. The decision not to
1999. Two preschools were established that same year in
write a constitution was made so that the organizational
Denver, Colorado, and Ivyland, Pennsylvania.
structure of the General Church of the New Jerusalem could
be more responsive to the membership as it grew and devel-
A statistical profile of the General Church of the New
oped. Furthermore, given the difficulties of its own founda-
Jerusalem in 2000 indicated a membership of 4,585, with
tion, those involved did not want any form of organization
a total international community of approximately 14,000,
that would prevent future generations from making changes
including minors, young adults, and adults who attend
they might deem necessary for the life of the church.
church services but who have not signed the rolls. The
Council and assembly are also important governmental
church had 92 public places of worship in 2000—57 in the
principles for the General Church of the New Jerusalem.
United States, 8 in Canada, and 27 outside of North Ameri-
The bishop and the ministers all have lay councils that meet
ca. These groups were served by a total of 99 active and re-
with them on a regular basis. In addition, every four or five
tired clergymen.
years, all the members of the church get together at a general
THE SWEDENBORGIAN MOVEMENT WORLDWIDE. Other
assembly to make important decisions. These councils and
Swedenborgian organizations exist in the world beyond the
assemblies are governed by the principle of unanimity, with
three discussed above. In 2003 independent New Church
doubt signaling the need to delay decision making.
groups existed in Australia, France, Japan, Kenya, Nigeria,
Education is a word that is synonymous with the Acade-
the Philippines, Russia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, and the
my Movement and the General Church. This Swedenbor-
Ukraine, among other places. It is interesting to note, howev-
gian organization has made education one of its highest pri-
er, that from its inception the Swedenborgian movement has
orities; however, in 1995 evangelization became an
developed organizationally primarily within the framework
equivalent priority when an Office of Evangelization was es-
of English-speaking countries. The three organizations dis-
tablished. Due to its origins in the Academy Movement, the
cussed in this article not only developed in Great Britain and
General Church was a school before it became a church. The
the United States, but they also chose to establish theological
Academy Movement organized a theological school in 1876,
schools. Although other theological schools have subsequent-
when several ministers who were proponents of academy
ly been established outside of the United States and England,
principles were no long welcome to teach at the theological
these have all been developed through the missionary efforts
school in Waltham, Massachusetts. Soon the Academy
of English-speaking organizations.
Movement not only ran a theological school in Philadelphia,
but also a college and high school. These institutions moved
Many of these independent Swedenborgian organiza-
to Bryn Athyn, Pennsylvania, in the 1890s and were still in
tions have been started as a result of an individual reading
operation in 2003. The international character of the Gener-
one of Swedenborg’s theological writings and discovering the
al Church of the New Jerusalem has helped to create an in-
divine within it. The reader has then determined to form a
ternational student body at all of its schools, but particularly
church or religious organization in response. This pattern oc-
at the college. In 2000, students came from more than seven-
curred in Great Britain, France, Russia, and Sweden in the
teen countries, including Brazil, Canada, France, Korea, Sri
eighteenth century; in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and
Lanka, Sweden, and the United Kingdom.
the United States in the nineteenth century; in Brazil, Nige-
The General Church of the New Jerusalem is consid-
ria, South Africa, Japan, Korea, and Ghana in the twentieth
ered the most conservative of the New Church organizations.
century; and already in the twenty-first century in the Philip-
By 2003, for example, it still did not ordain women. None-
pines and Sri Lanka. While the membership numbers are not
theless, it is the most diverse both racially and nationally. An
large, these groups nonetheless represent a different mecha-
unpublished study by Jane Williams-Hogan in 1998 showed
nism of conversion than that of a personal encounter with
that the British Conference had a minority membership of
believers, gurus, or some other religiously inspired charismat-
5 percent, the Swedenborgian Church of North America had
ic person. Conversion occurs after reading a book, after
a 1½ percent minority membership, and the General Church
which the individual often attempts to find other similarly
of the New Jerusalem had 11 percent.
interested people or organizations. Writing to book publish-
Although nowhere is it mandated that members of this
ers is a common method by which these individuals find ex-
church live together in communities, in practice this is also
isting organizations and fellow believers. Thus, Sweden-
a characteristic of the General Church of the New Jerusalem.
borg’s method of spreading his message by publishing and
Communities have developed around existing General
distributing books, although it is no longer the only method
Church schools, or individuals will band together to form a
used to recruit new members, has been surprisingly effective.
community and a school. In the year 2000 the General
Church operated ten elementary schools, six of which are lo-
SEE ALSO Swedenborg, Emanuel.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8906
SWORDS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
divine. In particular, a symbol, as opposed to other forms of
Block, Marguerite Beck. The New Church in the New World: A
signification, tends to be understood as a representational
Study of Swedenborgianism in America. New York, 1932.
mechanism that renders transcendent realities into tangible
Evans, Jean. A History of the New Church in Southern Africa,
forms.
1909–1991, and a Tribute to the Late Reverend Obed S. D.
This article surveys the general outlines of the study of
Mooki. Johannesburg, South Africa, 1991.
symbolism by proceeding historically, highlighting certain
Hindmarsh, Robert. Rise and Progress of the New Jerusalem Church
key contributions relative to the study of religion and focus-
in England, America, and Other Parts. London, 1861.
ing attention on some of the main theoretical issues.
Robinson, I. A. A History of the New Church in Australia, 1832–
POINTS OF ORIGIN. Though the Romantics created the
1980. Melbourne, 1980.
modern apotheosis of the symbol, they did not invent the
Williams-Hogan, Jane. A New Church in a Disenchanted World:
idea. The symbol has a rich premodern history, which, while
A Study of the Formation and Development of the General Con-
not determinative, renders comprehensible certain habits of
ference of the New Church in Great Britain. Ann Arbor,
thought that animate the concept’s later history. The term
Mich., 1985.
originated in Greek. The neuter noun, sumbolon, is formed
Williams-Hogan, Jane. “Contemporary Swedenborgian Religious
from the verb sumballein (prefix sun + the verb ballein),
Organizations: A Comparative Sociology Analysis.” Unpub-
which can mean many things but whose least marked sense
lished paper presented at a Plenary Session of the 12th Inter-
is “to put” things “together.” In 1931, Walter Müri dis-
national CESNUR Conference, Turin, Italy, September 10–
proved conclusively the notion that the noun is derived from
12, 1998.
the notion of a thing “put together” with something else.
Williams-Hogan, Jane. “Discovering the Two Faces of Religious
Philological considerations argue against this interpretation
Charismatic Action—Traditional and Modern: A Model.”
and also against the idea that symbol indicated, from its in-
In Approaching Religion, part 1, edited by Tore Ahlbäck,
ception, an unspecific and general association between
pp. 273–304. A˚bo, Finland, 1999.
things. (This sense would have required sumblêma, which is
Williams-Hogan, Jane. Swedenborg e la Chiese swedenborgiane. To-
uncommon and attested very late.) Neuter nouns in omicron
rino, Italy, 2004.
formed from other -ballein verbs consistently mark the in-
JANE WILLIAMS-HOGAN (2005)
strument by which the action of the verb is completed. Conse-
quently, if the noun had actually been derived from the ver-
bal sense of “put together,” it would have yielded the sense
SWORDS S
of a device used to put other things together, and this sugges-
EE BLADES
tion turns out to be awkward in the face of attested ancient
usage.
The neuter noun in the classical period regularly desig-
SYMBOL AND SYMBOLISM. [This entry presents
nated one of the two halves of a deliberately broken piece of
a history of the study of symbolism: issues, theories, and ap-
material (a terracotta shard, for example) that were distribut-
proaches. For an explanation of symbols from various religious
ed to the two parties to an agreement in order to provide a
traditions, see Iconography.]
secure authentication, at some future date, of their original
Understanding symbolism as a particular mode of reli-
arrangement. One sense of the verb sumballein stands out
gious thought begins with some consideration of what one
clearly, given knowledge of the philological parallels, as the
means by the term. Most generally, a symbol is thought of
best explanation of the evidence for the noun. The verb has
as something that stands for something else. However, it is
a well-attested sense of “to agree,” which positions the sym-
not a simple matter to identify the particular mode of “stand-
bol as a device by which agreement is completed. Symbols
ing for” that provokes an observer to call something a sym-
seal the deal, so to speak. In the classical age, this context is
bol, as opposed to any of the other terms we use to designate
by far the most common. Symbols appear as authenticating
figurative devices, like sign, figure, metaphor, image, receipt,
markers in many different fields, including in hospitality ar-
token, or allegory, to name just a few. Although different defi-
rangements, in business, and in diplomacy. Although this
nitions have been used throughout the long history of semio-
background sets, at first glance, a kind of intuitively satisfy-
tics, a certain consistency exists in the characteristics thought
ing background for understanding the later history of a rep-
to be specific to “symbol” (Greek sumbolon, late Latin sym-
resentational device, on closer inspection, it is too humble
bolum, Italian simbolo, German Symbol, French symbole).
to have served as the origins for the master concept of figura-
These defining characteristics have consistently granted the
tion that appears later. A “receipt” and a “passport” are, after
idea a special relevance to religion. While various objects
all, a far cry from a mode of representation that mediates be-
have been called symbols—including the purely arbitrary sig-
tween humans and the divine. Two other contexts need to
nifiers used in mathematical or scientific notation and, in the
be considered; these will explain the ways in which a narrow
ancient period, the tokens of identity used in diplomacy and
term of authentication gains a broader meaning and will
as markers of business agreement—a large subset of these ap-
show that symbols had, even in their earliest days, certain
pear in contexts that deal specifically with figuration of the
unique representational powers.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYMBOL AND SYMBOLISM
8907
First, in the mystery religions and famously among ad-
cultic formulas, the term designated allegorical representa-
herents of the Pythagorean sects, the term sumbolon desig-
tions of the divine in poetic texts, and cultic manifestations
nates a particularly significant kind of authentication. It is
of divinities with their traditional accoutrements, such as ac-
the secret password or short, enigmatic verbal formula that
companying birds or distinctive dress. These two develop-
verifies membership in a particular cult. These symbols car-
ments show the newfound usefulness of the notion of the
ried the added power to authenticate a cult member as he
symbol in conceptualizing the ways in which divinities
or she ascended a ladder of spiritual wisdom. Knowledge of
(which in a Hellenistic context could make increasingly ex-
the secret symbol allows a person to gain access to higher tiers
travagant claims to transcendence) might somehow be cap-
of enlightenment. In the deepest expression of this aspect,
tured in more tangible forms. This use is an abrupt departure
the symbol can be used after death to give the deceased access
from the classical practice and is surely due to the influence
to the regions of the blessed, where souls live in splendor after
of the usages in divination and in the mysteries. So the sym-
their separation from their bodies. These symbols are indeed
bol began to describe that particular mode of representation
passports but ones that facilitate the movement of humans
through which, for example, Homer’s all-too-corporeal gods
toward the divine, and so set up conditions more congenial
or traditional cultic forms of anthropomorphic divinities
to the later development of the idea. This background under-
might relate to a transcendent divine principle as it was be-
lies the early Christian usage of the Latin symbolum for the
ginning to be understood. It is perhaps not a surprise that
Apostle’s Creed.
a parallel (and pivotal) context emerged in the Greek Magical
Papyri, in which a symbol meant a magical amulet or token.
The second important context for understanding the
It marked a divinely charged material object that had some
symbol’s later history is in the field of divination. A different
sort of numinous power to produce tangible effects here on
Greek term, the masculine sumbolos, which emerges from a
earth. It was intended to describe a reproduction of the di-
different sense of the originating verb sumballein, applies
vine in material form rather than a representation per se.
here. In addition to the idea of agreement, the verb carries
a meaning of “to meet.” Again, on philological parallels, the
SYMBOLS IN LATE ANTIQUITY. In late antiquity, the symbol
masculine noun in omicron indicates a thing or person doing
took on a new life, one that marked a crucial stage in its de-
the action of meeting, and so comes to indicate that which
velopment. The post-Plotinian Neoplatonists explicitly mar-
one meets. In the field of divination, chance meetings of
ried the Pythagorean password to enlightenment, the omen,
many kinds played an important role, and sumbolos is the
the material representation that renders the traditional god
most general term for these. Because of the prominence of
in tangible form, the allegorical representations of the divini-
the neuter form (and of neuter forms in the language of divi-
ties in poetic texts, and the amulet of the magicians in order
nation more generally) the masculine term tends to become
to produce a systematic theory of the symbol as a master de-
assimilated to the neuter. By the classical period, it had out-
vice of representation. The first stage in this development be-
grown its specific use to describe an ominous chance meeting
gins with the work of Iamblichus (c. 245–c. 325), who fol-
and had become a general term for a divine sign of any kind.
lowed Plotinus’ lead in making philosophy a soteriological
The symbol as divine sign forms the second important back-
pursuit. Drawing on the Pythagoreans for inspiration, he
ground idea to the later development of the concept. In a
claimed that different levels of knowledge required different
kind of mirror image of the symbol in the Mysteries, the di-
forms of discourse. Scientific knowledge might be reached
vine sign also facilitates movement of the divine toward the
adequately through likenesses and images, but esoteric wis-
human. In both contexts, human aspirations for the divine
dom of the divine superstructure of the cosmos required a
are expressed in concrete form.
secret language of symbols. In his On the Mysteries, Iam-
blichus further develops this idea in relation to what he saw
These early manifestations of the notion of the symbol
as the secret symbolic language of the Egyptians. Knowledge
contain two important aspects. First, a current of secrecy is
of the hieroglyphs was spotty in late antiquity, and ignorance
present throughout. The symbol marks a form of sign that
of this language contributed greatly to its perceived capacity
brings something to light, and yet it means something that
to carry the most profound wisdom. Iamblichus also devoted
is not apparent to the uninitiated. In other words, the symbol
a great deal of attention to justifying a form of ritual praxis,
has an esoteric or “closing” function, as well as an exoteric
part of his comprehensive philosophical-religious discipline,
or “disclosing” one. Later theories of the symbolic will tend
in which symbols play a critical part. They are required to
to preserve this esoteric dimension and draw on the power
activate the rituals; more specifically, they are the material
that secrecy always bestows. In addition, the symbol in the
items or secret language that invokes the divine presence.
mystery context points to a performative dimension to sym-
This notion implies that symbolic figuration relies not on
bolic representation. It has the power to enact a change in
mimetic imitation but on the invocation of true presence.
the one who wields it.
These developments led to the work of the great follow-
On these bases, the term symbol came into slightly
er of Iamblichus, Proclus (d. 485). Proclus created a highly
broader use around the Mediterranean in the wake of Alex-
developed symbol theory that played a central role in his
andrian Hellenization after the third century BCE. In addi-
metaphysics, his theory of ritual, and his views on figuration
tion to divine omens of all kinds, as well as magico-religious
of the divine in language or in the arts. All the post-Plotinian
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8908
SYMBOL AND SYMBOLISM
Neoplatonists understood that the transcendent principle of
godhead. (The corpus also served as a guide for Christian
the universe, the One, radiated out from itself the whole of
mysticisms of many varieties across medieval Europe, both
the universe, with each successive layer of reality imitating
in the east and the west.) In his Summa theologica, Thomas
what had come immediately before it. This view made the
Aquinas cites Dionysius some seventeen hundred times,
cosmos a kind of cascading theophany. Yet they also tried
more often than any other writer except Augustine of Hippo.
to comprehend Plato’s famous conundrum that representa-
THE ROMANTIC MOVEMENT. The turning point for contem-
tion is always and everywhere a movement away from, rather
porary interest in symbolic theory, and the most convenient
than closer to, the truth. The Neoplatonists had to work
point at which to begin a brief account of its modern life,
within two views: that the material world is a theophany and
occurred around the middle of the eighteenth century,
that it is a shadow world of hopelessly decayed imitation.
among a group of thinkers and literary figures who have
More often than his predecessors, Proclus uses the “symbol”
come to be known collectively as the Romantic movement.
precisely to resolve this tension. In his theory, most clearly
Their concern with symbols—charged by their reading of
articulated in his Commentary on the Republic, symbolic figu-
the late-antique Neoplatonists, but less the outcome of any
ration does not involve imitation based on resemblance—in
single current of symbolic theory than a constellation of ideas
other words, Plato’s objections do not apply to it. Instead,
scattered throughout the disciplines of Western academia—
the symbol reproduces the real presence of its referent; it op-
was one aspect of their general spirit of resistance against
erates according to invocation and not according to imita-
what they perceived as the dangerous excesses of eighteenth-
tion. Drawing on an apothegm he knew from the Chaldean
century rationalism. With the Romantics, the “symbol” grew
Oracles, a text of dubious provenance that became a holy
in importance and became the most prominent vehicle for
book for the Neoplatonists, Proclus stated that as the higher
the view that figuration, now considered in its most general
orders create the cosmos through imitation, they sow “sym-
terms, is a root process defining the human being and, im-
bols” throughout it. Proclus thought these symbols were
portantly, that figuration, considered as a mental process, re-
nodes of divine radiance nestled within our tragically de-
sides in a position of priority over even rational thought
cayed world of imitations. These secret symbols can be har-
itself.
nessed by the knowledgeable poet, philosopher, or ritual
practitioner, in order to render the divine in a suitable mate-
One of these Romantics, Johann Georg Hamann
rial form. This theory allows him to construct a defense of
(1730–1788) reflected the general mood, though not the ac-
Homer, construct a metaphysics that mediates between the
ademic rigor of the times, in arguing the merits of poetic dis-
divine source and its mundane effluxions, and develop an ex-
course as the “mother tongue of humanity.” In protest
planation for how the divine might actually be made present
against Kant, this most difficult and oracular of Romantic
in ritual praxis.
authors saw the perfection of knowledge not in abstraction
but in symbols, since symbols enable one to view all the phe-
While Proclus is not particularly well known in the
nomena of nature and history as revelations of a divine com-
wider contemporary history of ideas, his thought regarding
munication. His contemporary, Johann Gottfried Herder
the symbol has had a long-standing and definitive influence.
(1744–1803), who was taught by both Kant and Hamann,
Certain key Romantic philosophers recovered his corpus in
was more balanced in his approach to the Enlightenment and
the eighteenth century, and their theories will be discussed
its representatives. For Herder, the task of aesthetics lay in
below. Proclus’s ideas also greatly influenced a person who
the search for a universal logic of artistic symbolization; to
became the single most important authority on figuration of
this end, he developed his own theory of the evolution of lan-
the divine for medieval readers of the Bible. Shortly after
guage, giving a central role to folk poetry. His use of Jean-
Proclus’s death, a body of work emerged that came to be at-
Jacques Rousseau’s (1712–1778) model of human growth as
tributed to Dionysius the Areopagite, Paul’s convert men-
an analogy for the course of history and its progress away
tioned in Acts 17:34. This pseudepigraphical collection of
from the childlike innocence of the “noble savage” was wide-
texts reinvented Proclus’s theories of symbolism to help the
spread in the Romantic movement. Similarly, Novalis (Frie-
early Christians understand the representation of the divine
drich von Hardenberg, 1772–1801) also defended the pri-
in cult, in texts, and in Dionysius’ emanationist metaphysics.
macy of imagination and poetry as a means to produce the
Dionysius reworked Proclus’s theories for an understanding
symbolism of a higher reality, and he drew special attention
of the Christian sacraments (in the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy),
to the “magical” power of symbolic words. Among theorists
hierarchical tiers of beings (in the Celestial Hierarchy) and the
of literature, Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772–1834), influ-
places in Scripture where the divine is figured in physical and
enced by F. W. J. Schelling (1775–1854) and the late-
sometimes even entirely corporeal form (in the Divine
antique Neoplatonists, found the symbol to be a powerful
Names). Dionysius’s mystical hermeneutics applied to all as-
representational tool that had the unique capacity to grasp
pects of the divinely infused world, from scripture to church
the transcendent in physical, palpable form. The symbol, he
to cosmos. When his corpus was translated by John Scotus
thought, becomes “consubstantial” with its referent.
Eriugena in the ninth century, it quickly became the authori-
tative guide for medieval clergy trying to understand how the
Together with Georg Christoph Lichtenberg (1742–
Scriptures could assign tangible qualities to the transcendent
1799), a physicist with a mystical bent who was actually anti-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYMBOL AND SYMBOLISM
8909
Romantic, the self-avowed psychological novelist Karl Philip
to unify (sun-ballein) spirit and matter. Objections to
Moritz (1757–1793) merits mention for drawing attention
Creuzer’s work, however, in particular to his attempt to show
to dreams as symbolic expressions of the inner self. The first
the influence of Oriental symbolism on Christian symbol-
major achievement in this area came after the turn of the cen-
ism, arose on every side, the most devastating of them from
tury, with Gotthilf Heinrich Schubert (1780–1860), whose
the pen of the classicist Johann Heinrich Voss (1751–1826).
views of the dream as an abbreviated hieroglyphic language
Even scholars in the early twenty-first century often deny
later earned him recognition by Freud as a forerunner of
Creuzer the important place he deserves in the history of the
modern psychological dream interpretation. The work of
study of symbolism.
Carl Gustav Carus (1789–1869) on dream interpretation has
Perhaps the best known of the Romantic students of
more immediate links to modern psychology, however, be-
symbolism is Johann Jakob Bachofen (1850–1887). A histo-
cause of the extensive and systematic use he made of the no-
rian devoted to the non-literate ancient world, he turned to
tion of an unconscious mind, a notion that incidentally was
myth as a guide to understanding the distant past, and from
widespread among the Romantics. Carus’s distinction be-
there developed a highly particularized exegesis of symbols.
tween relative and absolute layers of the unconscious, and his
While Bachofen appears to have carried on his work inde-
argument for a participation of the latter in a sort of univer-
pendently of Dulare and Creuzer, he shared their concern
sal, pantheistic life force reflected in dream symbols, were an
for developing a universal, abstract theory of the symbol
inspiration to theories later developed by Jung after his break
rooted in the facts of history. For him, the fundamental
from Freud.
theme of the ancient myths—and hence also the basis for the
One side effect of the Romantic movement—perhaps
symbols that myths interpret—was that of gynecocracy, or
the one that, more than any other, carried the attention to
mother right. Although modern scholarship has since dis-
symbolism over into the nineteenth century—was the variety
credited this idea, along with most of his other historical ar-
of opinion it sparked among classical mythologists, both
guments, the remarkable imagination and suggestiveness of
among those sympathetic to the Romantics and those op-
Bachofen’s work has kept it alive among those concerned
posed. Scholars such as Samuel Clarke (1675–1729), Johann
with a general theory of the symbol.
Ernesti (1707–1781), Christian Heyne (1729–1812), and
THE SYMBOLISTS. The Symbolist movement was one of lit-
Johann Hermann (1772–1848) reinterpreted the gods and
erary esotericism that formed among a group of French poets
heroes of ancient Greece as symbols expressing a primitive
in the final two decades of the nineteenth century. The lead-
level of philosophy or psychology. The very tools of allegore-
ing thinker was Stéphane Mallarmé (1842–1898); after his
sis that the medieval theologians—following a tradition
death, it virtually came to an end. Although its roots may be
going back to the Greek philosophers and literary critics—
traced to the philosophies of Hegel and Schopenhauer, the
had used to reveal the hidden wisdom of the ancient myths
Aesthetic movement in England, and the mystical writings
were used to discredit its symbolic importance. Moritz,
of Swinburne, the movement took shape basically as a reac-
among others, objected to the reductionism in such interpre-
tion against the impact of scientific realism on the literary
tation and argued for the primacy of understanding the his-
arts.
torical conditions of classical antiquity. The complaints of
Jacques Antoine Dulare (1775–1835) against “symbolizing”
Unlike the Romantics, who had been more concerned
what were basically pragmatic cults and beliefs typified the
with the interpretation of specific symbols or the develop-
new and more empirical approach to the symbol that was
ment of a general theory about symbolization processes, the
gaining strength. This foment of opinion generated many
Symbolists were preoccupied with creating symbols of ideal
later efforts to link a personal meaning of symbols to a gener-
beauty appropriate to their age. While the Romantics were
al morphology of nature myths, such as are described in the
overtly political and public—the idea of the “noble savage”
work of Georg Ferdinand Frobenius (1849–1917) and Paul
that was so dear to them provided part of the intellectual
Ehrenreich (1855–1914).
backdrop to the French Revolution—the Symbolists deliber-
ately withdrew from the vulgar sentiments of public life.
One key figure, whose systematic treatment of symbols
Theirs was a quasi-metaphysical, highly theoretical attempt
united the influences of the Romantic movement with the
to idealize absolute Beauty, to promote its contemplation,
study of classical mythology, was Georg Friedrich Creuzer
and at the same time to create it by restoring a musical sense
(1771–1858). Creuzer was steeped in late antique ideas
to poetry and by using highly symbolic terms. Given to theo-
about the symbol. He produced editions of Proclus and other
rizing about symbols in esoteric terms, as these thinkers were,
key Neoplatonists which helped to re-awaken the Neopla-
it is no surprise that their influence was restricted. In other
tonic spirit of the symbol. Employing a comparative ap-
respects, too, the major proponents of the movement seemed
proach that used materials from Egypt, Greece, and Rome,
intentionally to flout existing traditions. Mallarmé used
as well as India and Persia, he tried to develop a theory of
Christian ritual symbolism to erect a metaphysics designed
symbolism that would at once respect the pragmatic mean-
to explain symbols. Charles Baudelaire (1821–1867), who
ing of symbols as carriers of concrete tradition (including the
may be credited as the first poet to exalt the value of symbols,
scientific) and the religious meaning of symbols as the force
did so by inverting the symbols of Christianity into a sort
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8910
SYMBOL AND SYMBOLISM
of diabolism. Paul Verlaine (1844–1896) also gave more
had helped to rediscover interested Tylor as a potential clue
popular form to the principles of Mallarmé by locating them
to the evolutionary development of mind, and led him to un-
within a Christian context. In fact, however, all of the Sym-
cover a fundamental animism at the source of the symbolic
bolists stood firmly outside of the Christian frame in their
process.
search for an alternate center to their aesthetic-mystico-
Another important influence on symbol theory at the
religious sensibility: ideal Beauty.
time was James G. Frazer (1854–1941). His monumental
Although the Symbolist movement was short-lived, and
study on the notion of the slain god, The Golden Bough,
its theories have long since fallen out of favor, it did have an
which had grown out of his work on nature symbolism and
impact on symbolism in literature by cross-fertilizing it with
relied heavily on insights from Robertson Smith, not only
anthropology, classics, and religion. The American counter-
influenced students in all fields of symbolism, but also affect-
part of the movement, represented by writers such as Edgar
ed scholars of literature. The sheer scope and wealth of Fra-
Allen Poe, Herman Melville, and Henry James, as well as Eu-
zer’s achievement, however, tended to overshadow the lack
ropean post-Symbolists such as Rainer Maria Rilke and Wil-
of development in his theory of symbols. And, as had Tylor,
liam Butler Yeats, shared many of the Symbolists’ instincts
he bypassed important questions raised by the Romantics
about the mystical dimension of symbolism. Despite the
and the Symbolists.
movement’s lack of influence on the study of symbols then
At the start of the twentieth century, interest in symbol-
being undertaken by philosophers and anthropologists, its
ism continued to strengthen and to gain respectability
reorientation from the objective world of facts to the evoca-
among academics. Typical of this trend was Franz Boas
tive, psychological power of symbols brought the symbolic
(1858–1942), whose work on primitive art symbols led him
process itself to the surface, thereby foreshadowing develop-
to a number of interesting but controversial conclusions
ments in the twentieth century.
about the relationship between religious ideas and the literal-
THE RISE OF MODERN ANTHROPOLOGY. By Bachofen’s
ization of natural symbols. The major influence at the time,
time, the influence of the Romantic movement on the study
however, came from the work of Émile Durkheim (1858–
of symbols had begun to wane. Ethnological data gathered
1917). Turning away from the nineteenth-century bias to-
directly from primitive societies was beginning to accumu-
ward treating symbols as discrete entities with meanings in
late, and the empirical method for the study of symbols, in-
themselves—and thus turning his back on the Romantics
cluding those of the ancient world, was becoming more disci-
and the Symbolists alike—Durkheim sought to uncover
plined. Important work was done by Lewis H. Morgan
their social implications. He did not care very much about
(1818–1881) on Native American sacrificial rites; by Wil-
any inner reality in symbols, nor did he care where they came
liam Robertson Smith (1846–1894) on Semitic sacrifice; by
from; he was interested only in their effect on the society that
Henry Clay Trumbull (1830–1903) on the comparative
used them. To this end, he proposed the revolutionary idea
study of sacrifice in India, China, the Near East, Africa, and
of viewing society as a system of forces conditioned by the
Central America; by John Ferguson McLennan (1827–
symbolizing process: symbols were social because they pre-
1881) on marriage symbolism; and by N. D. Fustel de Cou-
served and expressed social sentiments. In assuming that
langes (1830–1889) on the influence of religious symbols on
non-empirical symbolic referents must be distorted represen-
ancient Greek and Roman civil institutions. These and other
tations of empirical reality, many critics later argued,
works of the period contained a new rigorous approach to
Durkheim had viewed symbols too narrowly and failed to
analyzing the data, coupled with an attempt to translate the
appreciate their polyvalent structure. While his concern with
meaning of symbols into abstractions more suitable to the
symbolic referents may have prevented him from exploring
modern critical mind.
the wider reaches of symbolic significance, the boldness of
This new scientific approach did much to demystify the
his hypothesis laid a challenge before students of the symbol
study of occult and secret symbolic traditions, as well as to
that retains its force in the early twenty-first century.
open the way to a more objective study of sexual symbolism
A. R. Radcliffe-Brown (1881–1955) owed much to
in primitive culture and religious rites. The censure that
Durkheim in the former’s approach to symbols as meanings
Creuzer and Dulare had encountered a century before began
that give expression to sentiments in individuals in order to
steadily to weaken.
regulate collective needs or preserve relations and interests
important to a particular society. Despite Radcliffe-Brown’s
No doubt the most important figure of this period is
numerous intuitions and descriptive distinctions, as well as
Edward Burnett Tylor (1832–1917), rightly credited as the
a more scrupulous grounding in direct fieldwork than his
founder of modern cultural anthropology. Tylor’s contribu-
predecessor, his work suffers from a certain lack of theoretical
tion to the study of the symbol has no direct links to the Ro-
clarity by comparison.
mantics. Drawing instead from mid-nineteenth-century
British philosophy, which had been rocked by evolutionary
Bronislaw Malinowski (1884–1942) shared many of
theory, he formulated a rather rationalistic and often conde-
Radcliffe-Brown’s views, but Malinowski approached sym-
scending view of symbols. The myth-making faculty of prim-
bols with a keener sensitivity to their linguistic implications
itive peoples that F. Max Müller and the brothers Grimm
and a more complex theoretical understanding of them.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYMBOL AND SYMBOLISM
8911
Rather than viewing words as having meaning in themselves,
that these symbols reflect the visible world of nature. In his
he saw them as entirely relative to their context, where they
researches on Semitic religions, Robertson Smith suggested
both communicate conventions and organize behavior. Like
that symbols of divinity, even those clearly wrought by
all symbols (of which they are the prototype), words modify
human hands, were originally drawn from earth symbols.
the human organism in order to transform physiological
Mary Douglas has taken a more developed and inventive ap-
drives into cultural values. Although Malinowski confused
proach to natural symbols,, linking the origins of symboliza-
speech with language, and so was driven to generalizations
tion to the structure and processes of the human body. She
that contemporary linguistic theory no longer accepts, his
reminds her colleagues that the modern study of symbols
main concern was in classifying and interpreting symbolic
needs to consider symbols generated by social structures that
forms to show how the process of symbolization affects the
may alienate people from themselves, from one another, and
formation and function of culture. He succeeded in undoing
from the earth.
the generalized symbolic interpretations of myths that some
anthropologists had inherited from the Romantics.
Modern anthropological theory owes much to Claude
Lévi-Strauss and his research in linguistics and depth psy-
R. R. Marett (1866–1943) attempted to trace the ori-
chology, particularly in the realm of myth and symbol. In-
gins of religion to pre-animist beliefs in superhuman forces,
stead of the functional approach championed by Malinow-
but these efforts were armchair investigations from a scholar
ski, or the more traditional symbolic approach that described
who preferred common sense to actual work in the field. De-
symbols primarily in terms of their meanings, Lévi-Strauss’s
spite their limitations, however, his reports had high literary
structuralism resurrected interest in myths and symbols as
value and considerable influence on many other theoreticians
phenomena more basic than the meanings they convey, the
working in symbolic theory. Lucien Lévy-Bruhl (1857–
social functions they fulfill, or the social systems that give
1939), most often remembered for his attempt to relate the
them shape. Symbols belong to their own systems, he assert-
origins of religion to a “prelogical” primitive mind that
ed, within which they are subject to certain basic relation-
shared in the realities of nature by means of what he called
ships and patterns of transformation. His attempt to locate
participation mystique—a position that he retracted later in
a universal human nature in some common, relatively stable
life—also deserves credit for highlighting the need to study
mental structures underlying all variations in behavioral ex-
symbolic thought and behavior.
pression has helped to revive the Romantics’ quest for a gen-
Although the contributions of these pioneers continue
eralized theory and to preserve sensitivity to insights in sym-
to be recognized and supported by field studies, scholars hold
bolic theory developed in other disciplines.
many diverse opinions as a result of increased sensitivity to
DEPTH PSYCHOLOGY. Although some Romantics and others
the complexities of symbol theory. Social scientists have be-
developed psychological theories of the symbol in the nine-
come increasingly aware of the methodological assumptions
teenth century, these theories did not gain prominence until
underlying their own behavior and of the effects of psycho-
the twentieth century, notably in the work of Freud and
logical factors, the critical apparatus of philosophical herme-
Jung.
neutics, and advances in linguistic theory.
Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) founded his psychoana-
Victor Turner (1920–1983) developed an important
lytic movement on a theory of symbols whose refinement he
theory of symbolism from his studies on ritual in the late
pursued throughout his life. Freud used the dream symbols
twentieth century. Particular symbols can be understood, he
of the neurotically disturbed as fundamental data for his the-
argued, only by setting them in their wide “action-field con-
ories of how one’s perception of the past is distorted, dis-
text,” considering their immediate role in ritual, and observ-
placed, condensed, and filtered according to the internal
ing the particular patterns of behavior associated with them.
conscious and unconscious dynamics of the psyche. So star-
Turner saw this series of expanding contexts as giving mean-
tling and compelling were his ideas that by the early years
ing to the symbol; furthermore, he focused attention on the
of the twentieth century they had become essential lessons
context of the interpreter. His approach helped to clarify the
for students of symbolism. W. H. R. Rivers (1864–1922)
distinctions between exegetical meaning (given by indige-
and Charles Seligman (1873–1940), both British, were
nous informants), operational meaning (derived from obser-
among the first anthropologists to incorporate his ideas into
vation of a symbol’s use), and positional meaning (deduced
their ethnographic work. In 1935, Jackson Lincoln made a
from its place in the totality of symbols). The psychological
daring application of Freud’s method of dream interpreta-
functions that Turner accorded symbols—to guard against
tion to primitive culture; after him, Géza Róheim (1891–
excessive emotion and to serve as a catharsis to express feel-
1953) used Freud’s ideas in his studies of myth and folklore.
ings—initially were controversial but now have become
Freud’s concept of condensation, applied early on by Edward
commonplace.
Sapir (1894–1939), has appeared in the work of such con-
Ever since Durkheim, anthropologists have emphasized
temporaries as Victor Turner and Mary Douglas. Even those
the pivotal role of social structure (as both matrix and off-
who, like Malinowski, were repelled by Freud’s neglect of so-
spring) in the symbolic process, but the concrete forms of
cial factors, or who, like Lévi-Strauss, rejected the primacy
many symbols have caused scholars to investigate the ways
Freud gave to the sexual meaning and etiology of symbols,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8912
SYMBOL AND SYMBOLISM
have had to acknowledge the significance of unconscious fac-
Among contemporary philosophers who have grappled
tors in the formation of myths and symbols.
impressively with the legacy of symbolic theory and with data
from psychoanalysis, anthropology, and linguistics, the work
Carl Gustav Jung (1875–1961) had less influence than
of Paul Ricoeur stands out for the wide influence it has en-
Freud on students of symbolism, but his research continues
joyed among students of religion. For Ricoeur, “thought”
to stimulate interdisciplinary studies, and it has won respect
needs something to “think about,” and what it thinks about
in many depth psychology circles which are inimical to
are symbols. The proper task of philosophy is hermeneutics,
Freud. By seeing symbols not merely as private symptoms of
which he understands as the recovery of meaning through
unresolved repressions, but as expressions of the psyche’s
attention to the symbol-making function that begins with
struggle for realization and individuation, Jung encouraged
language and carries over into every person’s attempt to be
a more positive assessment of many neglected esoteric and
rational.
mystical traditions from both East and West. His ideas af-
fected the work of the Sinologist Richard Wilhelm (1873–
Religious studies in the twentieth century have become
1930) and the Indian scholar Heinrich Zimmer (1890–
so closely bound to the study of symbols and the symbol-
1943). In contrast to Freud, Jung has not attracted much at-
forming process that one is almost unthinkable without the
tention from philosophers, but he has offered certain anthro-
other. The role that Mircea Eliade (1907–86) played in this
pologists, such as Paul Radin (1883–1959), a balance to
chapter of Western intellectual history is hard to overesti-
Freud’s excesses. Mythologists such as Joseph Campbell and
mate. In an impressive array of studies in the history of reli-
Károly Kerényi (1897–1973), as well as numerous critics of
gions ranging from primitive societies to esoteric traditions,
art and literature such as Herbert Read (1893–1968) and
Eliade gradually constructed a comparative view of the phe-
Maud Bodkin, bear the stamp of Jung’s symbolic theory
nomenon of symbolism that at once incorporates the gains
clearly in their work. Although his methods of scholarship
of other disciplines and informs them with fresh insight.
and use of data were controversial, both during his lifetime
The study of symbolism has also left its impression on
and afterward, Jung remains a testament to the power exert-
modern theological studies. By introducing the philosophical
ed by the study of symbolism over the inquiring intellect.
hermeneutic tradition into biblical research, Rudolf Bult-
P
mann (1884–1976) redefined the domain of scriptural
HILOSOPHY AND RELIGIOUS STUDIES. Although philoso-
phers and theologians have been interested in the problem
studies. In the area of systematic theology, Paul Tillich
of symbols since the time of the Neoplatonists, twentieth-
(1886–1965), whose dependence on existential hermeneu-
century symbolic theory became something of a cottage in-
tics is equally apparent, though at a more abstract level, ar-
dustry among philosophers interested in or influenced by the
gued throughout his work for the positive and indispensable
field of semiotics.
role that symbolism plays in religious language. Conversely,
he tried to show how the place of the symbol in human cul-
Charles Sanders Peirce (1839–1914) took the first im-
ture argues for the notion of an “Unconditioned” as a univer-
portant step in this direction. His distinctions among the
sal solvent of human consciousness.
terms sign, symbol, index, and icon posed a number of fun-
GENERAL SYMBOLIC THEORY. A symbol usually is some-
damental questions that continue to intrigue many philoso-
thing concrete and particular that represents something else,
phers; in fact, his research provided a stimulus for anthropol-
usually abstract and generalized. The symbol often becomes
ogists and historians to forge similar distinctions in their own
a focal point for thoughts and emotions associated with its
work. In 1923, C. K. Ogden and I. A. Richards published
referent, or a trigger for associated habits. While the symbol
The Meaning of Meaning, which disseminated Peirce’s cate-
itself is typically easily perceived, its referent may not be. In-
gories and stimulated interest in his ideas. American philoso-
deed, theorists commonly define a symbol in such a way that
pher C. W. Morris also incorporated new insights from se-
its referent is unclear, particularly with the powerful and last-
mantics and social psychology into the sphere of
ing religious symbols, which generally resist direct connec-
philosophical logic.
tion to a single definable referent.
Ernst Cassirer’s (1874–1945) work was much more am-
Theories of symbolism can be differentiated according
bitious in scope. He viewed the philosopher’s task as the
to the factors that are judged to be formative in the symboliz-
quest for the human spirit at work in culture, and coupled
ing process (such as tradition and convention, biological
this outlook with his neo-Kantian leanings to produce a the-
needs and processes, the occurrence of natural phenomena,
ory of “symbolic forms” as the basis to all human apprehen-
the structure of the human psyche, and divine hierophanies
sion of the world. Although Cassirer’s apparent neglect of
and revelations). A common, though largely tacit, assump-
criteria for verification has made him easy prey to later gener-
tion in most modern theories of symbolism is that the capaci-
ations of scholars, his attempt to develop a consistent theory
ty to generate and use symbols is a core technology unique
of mind grounded in the symbolic function represents a bold
to the human species. This assumption exists as a prerequisite
step beyond the purely logical frame of Peirce. His most no-
for, rather than an epiphenomenon of, the capacity for
table successor in this regard has been Susanne Langer, best
higher-order mental activity. Cassirer made this point force-
known for her aesthetic theory.
fully in referring to symbolization as the root of all social
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYMBOL AND SYMBOLISM
8913
communication, calling human beings homo symbolicus. Su-
Mircea Eliade made one of the boldest attempts to de-
sanne Langer extended the argument further, viewing sym-
scribe this relationship in terms appropriate to religious sym-
bolization as one of the most basic and primitive functions
bolism. Echoing the Symbolists and Romantics, Eliade con-
of mind. Symbols appear not only in rational, discursive
tended that the symbol reveals certain dimensions of reality
thought and behavior but also in the arts, which Langer at-
that would otherwise elude understanding. For him, these
tempts to define as varieties of “virtual” behavior. Theorizing
deeper dimensions are disclosed not only through the reflec-
of the symbolic process, therefore, typically involves theoriz-
tion of the interpreter of the symbols, but also in the “inter-
ing of the structure of the psyche itself in order to explain
nal logic” of the symbols. This idea, however, depends on
how meaning is created and handed down as humans repro-
the premise that there is something contained “in” the sym-
duce. The British linguistic analysts and those of the Vienna
bol that is being disclosed. He and Rudolf Otto, call this em-
Circle also contributed to symbolic theory: they were con-
bedded something “the sacred,” a reality of an order distinct
cerned with discovering the invariable patterns by which
from the natural and possessed of a power beyond humans’
meaning enters into human communication and with dis-
comprehension and control. This shift away from the know-
posing of the distorted patterns by which meaning is turned
ing subject does not deny the opening assertion that symbols
into nonsense. Moreover, Freud’s point of departure in the
are constituted as such subjectively, nor that they are basical-
neurotic symptom and Jung’s search for archaic, archetypal
ly cultural phenomena. Rather, it moves away from the an-
patterns both represent attempts to describe the universal
thropological approach to one that seeks to remove the arbi-
structure of mind in terms of symbol-making processes.
trariness from the symbol, through an assertion that the
THE MEANING OF RELIGIOUS SYMBOLS. The problem of
symbol reveals something else, something outside the closed
symbolic meaning introduces a consideration of hermeneu-
system of human cultural production. This attitude opens
tics and of semiotic logic. To the extent that they invoke a
a path to understanding “natural symbols” that goes beyond
hermeneutics, religious symbols ask the scholar to consider
investigations into the natural capacity of mind, and estab-
what qualities—subjective, objective, or both—define a sym-
lishes symbolic conventions in order to capture invariable
bol as religious. Next, the researcher must determine whether
patterns of meaning that those conventions communicate.
a possible religious symbol is actually functioning as a living
symbol or should instead be classified as some other form of
Jung’s research into “natural symbols” gradually deflect-
communication. What works as a symbol in one age may,
ed his mature work away from models of the psyche and
even within a given tradition, cease to be relevant in the next
questions of physiology toward a search for “archetypal” pat-
age. Naturally, the same precept applies to differences among
terns of meaning by which symbols could be classified and
various cultural settings, and even among individuals. Prob-
interrelated. Although his early work with Freud had con-
lems like these underlie the distinction between a synchronic
vinced him of the need to see the symbolic process at work
study of symbols, which seeks to locate a symbol within a
in the psychic appropriation of physiological processes, Jung
certain living context or fund of symbols, and a diachronic
eventually placed greater emphasis on the religious and spiri-
approach, which looks for invariable patterns in religious
tual significance of universal patterns that appear in the indi-
symbolism. While many anthropologists take the synchronic
vidual experience of symbols.
approach, Lévi-Strauss represents the diachronic approach.
Opinions vary widely regarding the general nature, clas-
His work on patterns of binary opposition has tried to brack-
sification of forms, and function of symbolism in culture and
et the question of the concrete meaning of symbols in order
psyche, and the problems multiply when considering the ac-
to concentrate on the deep structure of the symbol-making
tual interpretation of particular symbols. The topic is com-
mind. Most students of the religious symbol part from him
monly divided into two areas: a general hermeneutics, or
on this point. Many, in fact, would say that Lévi-Strauss
rules for interpreting symbols, and actual exegesis within a
himself subsequently departed from this position by arguing
given hermeneutics. Many scholars have attempted to pro-
that one cannot clarify the process of signification without
duce universally applicable lexicons of symbols purporting
beginning with the concrete meaning of concrete symbols.
to decode the secrets of dreams, religious imagery, esoteric
Turning to semiotics, religious symbols raise equally
traditions, and the like. A philosophical approach to herme-
fundamental questions. Early in the twentieth century, the
neutics that is more congenial to scholarly endeavors and
Swiss linguistic theoretician Ferdinand de Saussure (1857–
closer to the goal of the Romantics is Ricoeur’s restatement
1913) set the tone for much of general symbolic theory. He
of one of the symbol’s oldest characteristics: that a symbol
had three objectives: to identify the signifier, to determine
both reveals and conceals—that it possesses both a symptom-
just what it is signifying, and to describe the mechanism by
hiding and a truth-proclaiming dimension. In this view,
which the signifying process takes place. Yet another aspect,
meaning and the interpretation of meaning are essential and
one that Saussure purposefully neglected in his own work,
complementary moments in the general phenomenology of
has proved to be essential to many of the most creative mod-
the symbol: interpretation involves refining the symbol and
ern studies of religious symbolism: namely, the nature and
looking to the interpreter to reveal everything condensed in
extent of the relationship between signifier and signified,
the symbol. The symptomatic dimension of the symbol, for
apart from the actual mechanism by which it is established.
Ricoeur, finds its clearest exponent in Freud, who attempted
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8914
SYMBOL AND SYMBOLISM
to reduce all symbols to some repression of desire. (Ricoeur
are the introduction of C. M. Bowra in A Heritage of Symbol-
found Jung too obscure and difficult to follow.) To Freud’s
ism (1943; reprint, New York, 1961), which contains a brief
“hermeneutic of suspicion,” which is basically a process of
but authoritative account of the French Symbolists; and
“demystification,” Ricoeur adds a hermeneutic standpoint
Otto Gruppe, Geschichte der klassischen Mythologie und Reli-
long preserved in the West through Christian interpreters of
gionsgeschichte während des Mittelalters im Abendland and
the words of the scriptures: opening oneself up to the inex-
während der Neuzeit (Leipzig, 1921) and Jean Pépin, Mythe
et allégorie: Les origenes grecques et les contestations judéo-
haustible “kerygmatic” (teaching) capacity of the symbol.
chrétiennes (Paris, 1976), which contains detailed informa-
THE ENDURANCE OF SYMBOLS. The idea of the symbolic has
tion on numerous thinkers in Western history who came to
proved compelling across the centuries and over many dispa-
symbolic theory by way of classical mythology. For more in-
rate cultures. This may have as much to do with what the
formation on the classical background, see Peter T. Struck,
symbol hides as with what it puts on display. Among the dif-
Birth of the Symbol: Ancient Readers at the Limits of their Texts
ferent types of figuration of which humans have conceived,
(Princeton, N.J., 2004).
symbols most consistently promise revelation—but they earn
An important study of the religious-symbolic qualities attributed
this capacity through an equal and opposite tendency to
to the written word is Alfred Bertholet’s Die Macht der
mystify. From the early passwords of the mystery religions,
Schrift in Glauben und Aberglauben (Berlin, 1949). Harold
to the secret hermeneutics of Pseudo-Dionysius, to the Ro-
Bayley’s The Lost Language of Symbolism, 2 vols. in 1 (1912;
mantics’ vehicles toward the transcendent, to Eliade’s prom-
reprint, London, 1974), despite its age, remains a classic
study of the origin of symbolic folklore surrounding the em-
ise of divine disclosure, the symbol is a repository for the pe-
blem, including much material of directly religious interest.
rennial desire of humans to see their gods. Since direct
revelation lies out of reach, one settles for an image, a repre-
Myth, Symbol, and Reality, edited by Alan M. Olson (Notre
sentation that is usually called a symbol. At the same time,
Dame, Ind., 1980), presents a good overview of the range of
current symbolic theory; Jacques Waardenburg’s notes pro-
the more this mode of figuration promises, the more it takes
vide a good deal of useful bibliographical material. A study
away. Clouds of mystery thicken around the signified to the
by John Skorupski, Symbol and Theory: A Philosophical Study
precise degree that the signifier comes more clearly into view.
of Theories of Religion in Social Anthropology (Cambridge,
At last, face-to-face always turns out to be not yet.
U.K., 1976), draws careful attention to the contribution that
Although symbols are a human creation, they seem to
recent British philosophy has made to clarifying the conflicts
in anthropological opinion. Philip Pettit, The Concept of
have a life of their own, describing a dimension of human
Structuralism (Berkeley, Calif., 1975) and Peter Munz, When
experience that stubbornly resists humans’ control. Conse-
the Golden Bough Breaks: Structuralism or Typology? (London,
quently, they have become especially relevant in a world that
1973) are both short but extremely helpful guides to the de-
has developed increasingly elaborate conceptions of its own
bate surrounding the work of Lévi-Strauss and its relation-
utter self-containment. Technological advances and expan-
ship to linguistic theory. In the latter half of his book, Munz
sion of knowledge—dizzying over the mere forty lifetimes
does a particularly noteworthy job of isolating the principal
that separate us from the classical Greeks—stand as impedi-
theoretical problems faced by psychology, metaphysics, and
ments to even entertaining the idea of human limitation. But
mythology in trying to explain the symbolic process. In a
the symbol endures, ready to reassert, via a rich language of
provocative little book, Rethinking Symbolism, translated by
human imagination and through a process that operates at
Alice L. Morton (Cambridge, U.K., 1975), Dan Sperber ar-
gues forcefully against the underlying assumption of much
the root level of human experience, the infinite expanse
current theory about symbols’ meaning—in particular the
against which humans’ most magnificent achievements must
ideas of Freud, Lévi-Strauss, and Turner—on the grounds
always, in the end, be measured.
that they work without meaning at all.
S
The opening chapter of Mircea Eliade’s Images and Symbols:
EE ALSO Cassirer, Ernst; Eliade, Mircea; Iconography; Im-
ages, article on Images, Icons, and Idols; Jung, C. G.; Lang-
Studies in Religious Symbolism (New York, 1961) is a helpful
introduction to the basic philosophical position he has main-
er, Susanne; Myth, overview article.
tained rather consistently throughout his work; also see
Eliade’s “Methodological Remarks on the Study of Religious
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Symbolism” in The History of Religions: Essays in Methodolo-
Among the most extensive and readily accessible bibliographies on
gy, ed. Mircea Eliade and Joseph M. Kitagawa (Chicago,
symbolism are those included in Juan Eduardo Circlot, A
1959). In Freud and Philosophy (New Haven, Conn., 1970),
Dictionary of Symbolism, translated by Jack Sage (1962; 2d
Paul Ricoeur lays out in detail his own theory of symbolism,
ed., New York, 1971), and Raymond Firth, Symbols: Public
in contrast not only to Freud’s psychoanalysis but also to
and Private (Ithaca, N.Y., 1973). Circlot’s lengthy introduc-
other philosophical schools. A straightforward history of
tory essay offers a helpful overview of symbolic theory, par-
modern hermeneutics that aids in connecting symbolism
ticularly as it pertains to the interpretation of esoteric materi-
with contemporary Christian theology and exegesis work has
al. The first six chapters of Firth’s masterful work constitute
been done by Richard E. Palmer in Hermeneutics: Interpreta-
the perhaps most comprehensive treatment available of the
tion Theory in Schleiermacher, Dilthey, Heidegger, and Ga-
rise and development of anthropological work on symbols;
damer (Evanston, Ill., 1969). For a concise account of Paul
in addition, he covers the range of opinion regarding the rela-
Tillich’s position and its major objections to psychological,
tionship between symbol and myth. Other helpful sources
sociological, and philosophical approaches to the symbol, see
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYMBOLIC TIME
8915
his essay “The Religious Symbol,” Daedalus 87 (1958): 321.
cated as the periodical structure of the religious year. Calen-
Jacques Ellul’s The New Demons, translated by C. Edward
drical periodicity has an order that is temporally specific and
Hopkins (New York, 1975), offers a good taste of his long-
reflects the dynamics of the symbolic function. It cannot be
standing campaign against the mindless absorption of the sa-
adequately analyzed by means of a descriptive model of the
cred symbols of religious tradition into technological modes
immediate empirical form of cyclic repetition.
of thought. Gabriel Vahanian’s God and Utopia (New York,
1977) and David A. Martin’s The Breaking of the Image (New
The analysis of symbolic time may be pursued by link-
York, 1980) present contrasting but more positive approach-
ing the periodical structure of the religious symbols to the
es to the question of the future of religious symbolism in a
relational character of the symbol itself. It is possible to iden-
technological society.
tify the dominant symbols that constitute the paradigmatic
For some recent trends among sociologists of religion who are in-
structure of a symbolic system and to identify their symbolic
terested in the subject of symbolism, see the Proceedings of
components and processual aspects, which define the dy-
the Fourteenth International Conference on Sociology of Reli-
namic movement of symbolic time.
gion, Strasbourg, 1977. Jolande Jacobi’s Complex, Archetype,
Symbol in the Psychology of C. G. Jung, translated by Ralph
A dominant symbol is a processual unity of word, semi-
Manheim (Princeton, 1959), and a special issue of Rivista di
otic transformation of an object of mediation, and action.
psicologia analitica (no. 2, 1971) both provide handy intro-
It is structured as a relation that mediates a dynamic order
ductions to the Jungian approach to the symbol. The vol-
of reality. Each symbolic feature is formed in such a way as
umes of the Eranos Jahrbuch (Zurich, 1934–) and Symbolon
to be a relational structure that binds two or more polarities
(Basel, 1960–) are a good source of information for current
to each other. As a unity, the religious symbol is generated
interdisciplinary work going on in the interpretation of an-
within the dynamic of a relation between the subject and
cient and modern symbolism, both Eastern and Western.
God, or an ultimate reality that has the capacity to condition
PETER T. STRUCK (2005)
the life of the subject. In their complex temporal features,
symbols are the work of reason and the structures of percep-
tion, the dynamics of value, and the form of action in an in-
tentional condition that comes into being when a constitu-
SYMBOLIC TIME is understood to be the temporal
tive relation between polar subjects appears as a new
form that organizes the symbols of a religious system into an
possibility or a new necessity.
order of periodicity. The analysis of symbolic time extends
the understanding of religion as a symbolic system, so that
In this sense, religious symbols are structures that are
the major functions of time within the system may be taken
formed in the course of action and in the elaboration of expe-
into account: (1) the time intrinsic to the formation of reli-
rience. Symbol formation is present in the mental activity of
gious symbols and to the ritual performance (i.e., the time
the individual from the earliest stages; it is the way by which
that is internal to the sacred event), (2) the connection that
the relation with reality is established. But the temporal anal-
symbolic time has with the history and dynamic of a religious
ysis of the type of processual structures that are differentiated
social bond, and (3) the time that is specific to the intention-
by the religious symbol shows that the relation may not be
al life of the individual.
defined simply in terms of subjectivity or in terms of inter-
subjective exchange. The central structure of a religious sym-
INTENTIONAL CHARACTER OF SYMBOLIC TIME. Symbolic
bol defines the condition itself of “being in relation,” the
periodicity encompasses, in its temporal structure, both
condition that shall be called intentionality or intentional
change and duration, implying a sheer sequence of symbolic
bond; a symbol articulates the effective relation that condi-
events and also a type of internal correlation of events and
tions the life of the intentional subjects.
symbols that reflects the functional unity of the interval of
time and the continuity of its structure.
Symbols differentiate the direct expression and perfor-
mance of the bond that relates the subject with the intention-
The calendrical structure of the symbolic system has a
al object. The symbolic bond has a polar structure: It is con-
complexity that differs from that of a means of time reckon-
stituted both by the orientation of the subject toward the
ing or chronology. The temporal order of symbolic events
object and by the way in which the object is determinant and
is quite different from the abstract concept of time as a con-
active in the intentional life of the subject. The symbol is also
tinuous quantity infinitely divisible into successive parts that
performative because it elaborates the cognitive and dynamic
are homogeneous and impenetrable (Hubert and Mauss,
structure of the intentional relation itself.
1909, p. 190). When compared with the chronological suc-
cession of cosmological time units, the symbolic performa-
Symbolic time in its specifically religious form is the re-
tive system of festivals within a given culture or historical re-
sult of a temporal elaboration of the intentional exchange
ligion appears to be discontinuous and to have an uneven
with an ultimate reality. This temporal elaboration repre-
distribution over the sequence of the year. An order of prece-
sents a dynamic, generative process. In fact, symbols are tem-
dence among religious festivals emphasizes a single festival,
porally correlated in such a way as to constitute the nascent
or set of festivals, around which the entire calendrical perfor-
state of a bond with an intentional reality and to resolve un-
mance of the symbolic system is organized and that is repli-
viable conditions in that relation. This article shall call the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8916
SYMBOLIC TIME
temporal development and articulation of symbols within a
namic generated in the intentional relation. It is not an inde-
symbolic system the figura.
pendent object but the temporal creativity in which the actu-
al intentional event has its passage to a public, new bond.
As the specific modality of the bond, a religious “public”
This applies not only to the individual symbol but also to
symbol and the figura have a temporally complex structure.
the symbolic system as it is shaped by the interrelation of sa-
The symbol does not define exclusively or simply a subjective
cred text, symbolic forms of intentional exchange, and sym-
or intersubjective perception of and orientation toward a sig-
bolic action.
nificant reality. Nor does the symbol, as the synthesis of the
intentional process of a bipolar dynamic, present merely the
Three theoretical elements, therefore, define symbolic
synthetic form of probability of a logical inference. Instead,
time, namely, figura, periodicity, and intentional epigenesis.
being the structure that defines the dynamic of an effective
The “figura” is the set of symbols that are temporally corre-
relation of the intentional bond, the “public” symbol is a
lated into a periodical system, and it is the original central
temporal relation of relations in the sense that it defines the
structure of time within the intentional event. For this rea-
transformation by which the subjective perception emerges
son, the figura is the minimal unit of analyis of the symbolic
into a form of reciprocity, which is constitutive of an inten-
temporal function. Periodicity defines the correlation of the
tional bond.
symbols within a temporal interval. Intentionality, as the re-
This process of transformation to public intentional
lational character of the symbols, is the epigenetic process,
form corresponds to the epigenesis of a new intentional and
the nascent state of an intentional bond.
social reality and to the cultural creations that have pro-
The temporal function of the figura is the dynamic pro-
duced, through time, a vital bond. The path from a subjec-
cess of a presence that has an intentional character. In the
tive to a “public” symbol progresses through a symbolic in-
development from the first insight to an intentional bond,
novation, differentiated by the figura. It traces into specific
the figura is directed toward the resolution of the tension be-
structures of dominant symbols and into their temporal cor-
tween those factors that are generative of an intentional bond
relation a sheer sequence from past to future of temporal
and those that move in a contrary direction and finally de-
symbolic modalities, from the original insight to a condition
stroy the bond or reduce its vitality. The formation of a
of vital presence to a new structural orientation of action that
figura and its performance is the result of a sequence of his-
expresses the time and the creative character of the bond.
torical choices and actions related to the formation and selec-
The religious figura, itself, has an historical formation that
tion of symbolic institutional structures. The figura reflects
has come about through the actions of founders, the creativi-
the experience of long periods of trial and error in the histori-
ty of individuals and collective movements that have pro-
cal formation of a religious tradition, a sacred history, and
duced innovation within a tradition of forms of religious re-
a people. The intentional character of the figura becomes
lation. The temporal dimension is intrinsic to the public
most evident in the language and action of the sacrifice and
symbol because it corresponds to the dynamic structure of
in the formulation of the sacred bond.
the intentional relation, to its unity and transformation.
By formalizing the “relational” aspect of the symbols
Symbols are generated within the intentional relation
and of the development of the figura and by correlating it
and constitute necessary structures and functions by which
with the symbolic, sequential, and performative movement
the new reality becomes and remains intentional. Formed
of the figura, one may specify the intentional character of pe-
within the intentional exchange, symbols are complex facts
riodicity presented by symbolic time.
that differentiate the generative force of relation. They elabo-
rate the internal principle of causality, the order of necessity,
INTENTIONAL EPIGENESIS AND FORMATION OF THE
and the temporal logic that is stated within an intentional
FIGURA. The process of formation of the religious bond
reality.
within a sacred history corresponds to the development of
symbolic structures of a divine encounter and union. De-
Because the symbol is both temporal and intentional,
fined in its relational character both of divinization and of
it is possible to interpret the symbolic or religious system not
incarnation, the development is a process of transcendence
primarily as a system of signification, as analogical represen-
that has the temporal structure of a total object relation. The
tation, nor simply as a set of metaphors, but as a processual
total object relation is an intentional action that transforms
structure that elaborates the forms of the “condition of being
the bond from subjective to public. It is a nascent state with-
in relation” and the dynamics of the nascent state that is cre-
in the intentional event that guides the passage from an inad-
ated within the ultimate intentional relation. The connota-
equate modality of relation (in which the subject attempts
tive and denotative features of signification that the symbol
to appropriate the value of life represented by the object and
clearly presents may, consequently, be seen to be functions
to negate the intentional value of the object and the constitu-
of the primary structure of the symbol as intentional relation.
tive and vital character of the relation) to a modality of the
The temporal function indicates that the symbol is the
bond in which the object is restored to its original value as
constant empirical constituent of the intentional relation.
object of relation. With this epigenetic movement, both sub-
The religious symbol is a temporal artifact specific to the dy-
ject and object come to be recognized in their wholeness as
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYMBOLIC TIME
8917
vital to the bond, and the bond becomes a creative condition
rameters: time units, rules of symbolic performance, and sets
of intentional life.
of festivals or rituals. The “time units” are periodical intervals
In theological or religious language, the epigenetic se-
normally related to astronomic measurements of the solar
quence is often expressed in terms of the transformation
and lunar year, the solstices and equinoxes, the month, the
from death to life, from darkness to light, from slavery to
week, and the day. The set of performative rules defines the
freedom through a time and history of salvation.
logic of interrelation of the symbolic features of word, action,
and object in the form of intentional exchange and coordi-
A total object relation allows the recognition of the
nates the different symbols in such a way as to express the
other as total object. This is achieved by means of a resolu-
intentional structure of the figura through its temporal peri-
tion of the dynamics and structural intentional modalities of
odical performance. Festivals are symbolic public actions that
a partial object relation that are destructive or appropriative
have a mythic and ritual structure.
of the object and therefore inadequate to the condition of
reciprocity of an intentional bond. This occurs through a
The features of the three main temporal parameters are
creative intentional initiative (gift, sacrifice) in which the in-
correlated so that a condition of time is created that is period-
tentional dynamics of the partial object relation are trans-
ical. The temporal coordination of the dominant symbols is
formed from appropriative to reciprocal and through models
ritualized in a calendrical, repetitive form.
of thought and action that sustain intentional reciprocity in
the creation of sociocultural institutions that express the
The different festivals and their distribution, which is,
bond. It follows from this that the nascent state and the epi-
as has been seen, uneven and discontinuous through the year,
genesis of a total object relation, in its temporal symbolic
correspond to the calendrical coordination of specific events
structure, is a sequence of intentional positions that build a
of the epigenetic sequence. These events are correlated into
symbolic intentional bond. Each passage from one intention-
a performative paradigm that has the pattern of a “fact com-
al position to another is guided, in its unity, by particular
ing into being” (fait naissant). This performative pattern,
dominant symbols.
which structures the individual ritual and permeates the peri-
odicity of the figura, has a tripartite structure consisting of
The temporal correlation of the dominant symbols is
a phase of separation and destructuration, of limen, and of
the order of successive creations of the intentional relation;
restructuration and organization into a new relationship (van
this develops the nascent state into a vital form of life and
Gennep, 1960; Turner, 1969). In the first phase the ritual
corresponds to the sacred history of the bond.
subjects become detached from their former modalities of in-
The initial stages of the sequence are not merely inci-
tentional relation and from their structural expression; in the
dental to the development of a vital cultural and institutional
last phase a new cultural and structural bond is created in
bond. They are, instead, the necessary elements, stages, and
which the individual and the collectivity express a new inten-
modalities of the temporal process of the bond itself.
tional modality. The celebration of the intentional bond oc-
Symbolic time is a generative symbolic form. It traces
curs in the liminal phase of the ritual and is centered in the
and differentiates a specific way by which human action, in
performance of the sacrifice. The central phase is liminal and
a given intentional bond, both at the level of the individual
transitional: The ritual actors are freed from structural or so-
and of the collectivity, becomes intentionally creative. The
cial definition while they acquire a new symbolic definition.
nascent state related to the figura is a process of formation
The performative paradigm of the figura elaborates the
of something new, the specific event of the coming into
three main phases and conditions of the epigenetic sequence
being of an intentional bond, a dynamic covenant that con-
that are intrinsic to the formation of a bond: the originating
stitutes a new order of possibility and the creation of new cul-
occasion and condition of the fact coming into being, which
tural and institutional forms. The figura is the generative
carries with it the resolution of modalities that are contrary
time of an intentional public bond that has been brought
to the bond, the definition of the bond through the sacrifice,
about by a transformation of the structure of intentional rela-
and the public and historical structures instituted by the
tions and by the symbolic and institutional elaboration of in-
bond. The whole corresponds to the nascent state and to the
tentional existence.
process of adaptation within the intentional bond.
The intentional character of the figura within the devel-
opment of a sacred history is differentiated as the paradig-
Every festival, and indeed the figura as a whole, creates
matic action, the symbolic agent (identified as founder, hero,
a confrontation between the new and the old, between viable
or prophet), and the normative order of intentional life.
and unviable modalities of the bond. Through the performa-
Symbolic time is, therefore, interior to the intentional rela-
tive pattern, the figura roots the continuity of the cultural
tion of the bond, and symbols are structures that both differ-
symbolic institution in a constant dynamic process.
entiate and connect the initial perception of reality to the
THE PERIODICITY OF THE FIGURA. The figura is predicated
elaboration of concrete forms of relation and to their articu-
on the correlation of the epigenetic and performative para-
lation through time.
digms. In the case of the Christian tradition, the figura is
RITUAL PERFORMANCE. The figura, as it is represented by
centered on the three initiatory sacramental symbols of bap-
a calendrical order, makes use of three types of temporal pa-
tism, Eucharist, and confirmation. The epigenetic model is
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8918
SYMBOLIC TIME
defined in terms of transformation from a condition of death
movement of religious time repeating in ritual form the cen-
to one of life. The transformation is elaborated in a structural
tral paradigm of the figura.
and dynamic sequence of active and passive exchanges be-
The performance of the figura, which is the original
tween God and humanity. The line of action of God toward
central structure of time, is also the anamnesis and memorial
humans initiates the sequence and is coordinated—in a dia-
of the foundation of the bond. The historical formation of
logical structure—with a complementary line of action of
the calendar shows a progressive differentiation of a set of fes-
humans toward God. Initiated by gift, the sequence passes
tivals, which is correlated to the central structure of the figura
through a creative intentional crisis that is specified in the
and which celebrates the apotheosis of the historical founder,
sacrifice and leads, at the end of the process of transforma-
the unity of the people of the covenant, and the celebration
tion, to a differentiation of a total object relation. The perfor-
of those events that have been most significant for the histor-
mative model of the festivals of Easter time (which articulates
ical continuity and development of the bond. The two orders
the three dominant sacramental symbols and which is central
of time, the periodical symbolic structure of the bond and
to the religious year) constitutes an order of relation between
the celebration of the continuity and the tradition of the
intentional events that have been differentiated through the
bond, are frequently positioned along two discrete temporal
“history of salvation” from creation and the original relation
axes within the periodical interval of the year. For example,
with God to the constitution of the covenant.
the epigenetic performance may be positioned on the lunar
From the point of view of the epigenetic performative
axis; the celebration of the historical formation of the tradi-
sequence, the order of “events” in a sacred history derives its
tion may be positioned on the solar axis. But the religious
significance and constitutive character not primarily from
calendar expresses primarily the order of the temporal epige-
the chronological aspect of the sequence but from its relation
netic symbols.
to the dynamics and transformations of the intentional bond
and from the conditions of continuity of that bond. Togeth-
The intentional bond creates and sustains an objective
er the two complementary models, the epigenetic and the
order of relations that is linguistic, institutional, and norma-
performative, constitute the periodical order of a religious
tive. Although it may appear to be independent of the time
figura which, in its temporal unity, sustains the dynamic
of epigenetic performance, this symbolic institutional order
continuity of the intentional relation. The three phases of the
has an inherently temporal structure and is ruled by the time-
ritual process translate each of the three epigenetic positions
like order of the figura.
and the sequence as a whole, which develops the institutional
The figura is dynamic rather than static, synchronic as
forms of the intentional relation into the performative pat-
well as diachronic; it is related to the event but in such a way
tern of a fact coming into being.
that the event may be understood as a nascent state and the
The sacrifice is at the center of the figura both in the
creative element of history and continuity. The figura is not
epigenetic sequence and in the performative process. As the
an ahistorical archetype, nor is it a rigid whole, obeying some
point of qualitative change in the creation of the bond, the
closed formal principle. It is, instead, connected to the histo-
sacrifice is the active resolution of what is contradictory to
ry of religious interpretation and ideas; it is internal to the
the bond and the affirmation of a new condition of total ob-
process of formation of intentional action and to that of the
ject relation. In the ritual process, the sacrifice specifies the
social bond. The figura expresses a form of causality that is
structural differentiation of the intentional bond in its “com-
specific to the intentional character of the historical event.
ing into being.” The ritual process may be described as a per-
The individual is directly active in forming and per-
formative sequence that has an epigenetic function.
forming the figura but the figura is the way toward the bond
The performative articulation of symbols and festivals
for the individual. By defining the dynamic structure of the
creates the temporal order of the positions of epigenesis
bond, the figura traces an initiatory path toward the public
through the ritual sequence while maintaining the explicit
character of experience. The time of the figura becomes the
connection of each festival and dominant symbol with the
time and depth of the religious structure of mind of the indi-
central symbolic position elaborated by the sacrifice. This re-
vidual.
sults in a periodical correlation of the different symbols with
The symbolic time system within a culture may present
the transformative structure of the sacrifice. While festivals
a broad range of historical variation. By the way in which the
mark the change related to the symbolic positions, the sacri-
polar aspects of the figura are emphasized, a tradition may
fice renews the central dynamic of the nascent state of the
differ in style and in institutional form. For example, Mani-
bond. This periodical process of the figura creates a “dynam-
chaeism and other forms of religious dualism explain the
ic state,” which corresponds to the complex intentional rela-
confrontation inherent in the intentional relation as a con-
tion of the bond.
flict between two opposite and independent systems of reali-
The calendrical system elaborates the periodical tempo-
ty and two orders of time. Other religious systems, such as
ral order of the figura, which is ritually performed in the in-
Judaism, connect the religious polarities into one order of re-
terval of the year through a set of festivals. Recurrent inter-
lation and correlate the intentional confrontation with the
vals of the year, like the week or the day, offer a rhythmic
time itself of the intentional bond.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYMEON THE NEW THEOLOGIAN
8919
Particular historical styles within one religion, while
because he considered himself a zealot battling the fossilized
maintaining the temporal integrity of the figura, may differ
segments of the institutional church for a return to radical
in the interpretation and emphasis that they give to the epi-
gospel Christianity. That he, as all mystics who articulated
genetic or to the performative orders of symbolic time or to
their experiences in writings, would be branded as a danger-
one of the dominant symbols. But the religious figura is si-
ous reformer walking the slender line between orthodoxy and
multaneously a transformative nascent state and a living tra-
heresy is not surprising. His ardent, passionate nature, plus
dition. Symbolic time, by sustaining a system of religious rec-
the genuinely rare mystical graces that he had experienced,
iprocity, an intentional vision, and a processual articulation
compounded to “force” him, as he confessed, to share his
of reality, is structured in its development and unity as an
mystical experiences freely with others.
epiphany of intentional life.
Symeon was born at Galatia in Paphlagonia (in Asia
SEE ALSO Calendars; Ritual.
Minor) in 949. This was the time of the powerful Macedo-
nian dynasty, which had given the Byzantine empire its
BIBLIOGRAPHY
greatest periods of peace and expanding prosperity. Symeon’s
Mircea Eliade’s Cosmos and History: The Myth of the Eternal Return
parents, Basil and Theophano, belonged to the Byzantine
(New York, 1954) remains the fundamental study of periodi-
provincial nobility, which had won favor with the adminis-
cal return to the mythical time of the origin. Henri Hubert
tration and had acquired some modicum of wealth.
and Marcel Mauss, in “La représentation du temps dans la
religion et la magie” in their Mélanges d’histoire des religions
There are two main sources of knowledge about Sym-
(Paris, 1909), pp. 189–229, first described the qualitative na-
eon’s life: the Life written by his disciple, Nicetas Stethatos,
ture of calendrical time. The performative structure of the
and the writings of Symeon himself. Symeon’s uncle Basil
ritual process is analyzed in Arnold van Gennep’s classic
brought him to the imperial court of Constantinople, where
work of 1909, The Rites of Passage (Chicago, 1960), and in
he continued his secondary education. Refusing to pursue
Victor Turner’s The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-
higher studies, he was taken under direction by a holy monk
Structure (Chicago, 1969). Francesco Alberoni has made a
of the Stoudion monastery in Constantinople, who allowed
significant contribution to the understanding of dynamic
him to enter the monastery in his twenty-seventh year.
structures of the nascent state in Movement and Institution
(New York, 1984). Symbolic intentionality is presented in
The fervent life of the novice under the guidance of his
relation to the Christian liturgical year in my book Tempo
charismatic spiritual director caused jealousy among the
symbolico: Liturgia della vita (Brescia, 1985). Henri-Irénée
monks, and Symeon transferred to the neighboring monas-
Marrou offers a thoughtful approach to the theological inter-
tery of Saint Mamas. Here he made great progress in learning
pretation of time and history in Théologie de l’histoire (Paris,
and in spiritual perfection, and within three years he was ton-
1968). For an illuminating analysis of studies of time in an-
sured monk, ordained priest, and elected abbot. By his dis-
cient cultures and of the concept of periodicity in historiog-
raphy, see Arnaldo Momigliano’s “Time in Ancient Histori-
courses (catecheses) to his monks, he strove to lead them into
ography,” in his Essays in Ancient and Modern Historiography
a greater consciousness of God’s presence indwelling them,
(Middletown, Conn., 1977). Clifford Geertz’s The Interpre-
but not without stirring up great opposition, especially from
tation of Cultures (New York, 1973) makes an important
Stephen, archbishop of Nicomedia and chief adviser to the
contribution to the study of religion as a symbolic system.
patriarch of Constantinople. Stephen emphasized reason,
The temporal forms within narrative are discussed by Paul
philosophy, and rhetoric in his theology; Symeon’s theology
Ricoeur in Time and Narrative (Chicago, 1984).
was charismatic and apophatic, stressing a mystical and inte-
New Sources
rior way of negation that doubts the capacity of reason to
Baumgarten, Albert I., ed. Apocalyptic Time. Leiden and Boston,
comprehend mystery.
2000.
Under attack, and desirous of more solitude for prayer
Bradshaw, Paul F., and Lawrence A. Hoffman. Passover and Eas-
and writing, Symeon resigned as abbot in 1005. Four years
ter: The Symbolic Structuring of Sacred Seasons. Notre Dame,
later, the official circle of theologians headed by Stephen suc-
Ind., 1999.
ceeded in having Symeon exiled to a small town called
DARIO ZADRA (1987)
Paloukiton, near Chrysopolis on the Asiatic shore of the Bos-
Revised Bibliography
porus. There he passed thirteen years in the small monastery
of Saint Marina in prayer and writing, dying in 1022.
Symeon, as one of the most “personal” writers in Byzan-
SYMEON THE NEW THEOLOGIAN (949–
tine spirituality, reveals himself in his writings in all his sin-
1022) was a Christian mystic. Symeon is called “the New
fulness and ecstatic joy in union with God. His central work
Theologian,” first because, like John the Evangelist, he
can justly be considered his thirty-four discourses, Catecheses.
speaks of mystical union with the Trinity, and, second, be-
As these were preached before a live audience of his fellow
cause Gregory of Nazianzus, known as “the Theologian,”
monks of Saint Mamas, usually during the morning office
had also written passionately on the Trinity. Symeon’s per-
of matins, they represent a genre unique in Byzantine spiritu-
sonal life and his writings reflect a good deal of the polemical,
ality. Two characteristics shine forth in this writing. One sees
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8920
SYNAGOGUE
a most traditional presentation of classical themes common
Symeon may be judged in the light of his unique, pow-
to all the Greek fathers who wrote on the spiritual life of asce-
erful, and affective personality as against the formalism that
sis and contemplation. But on the other hand, one finds a
had suffocated much of the charismatic and mystical ele-
new and insistent accent on the operations of the Holy Spirit
ments in the church of Constantinople. His works were root-
to effect the end of the spiritual life and of all Christian asce-
ed in the great traditions of the Eastern Christian fathers,
sis and contemplation, namely, greater mystical union with
both dogmatically and mystically and, as such, present a bal-
the indwelling Trinity.
anced Christian mystical theology.
Other writings of Symeon developed around key theo-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
logical issues as he engaged in controversy with Stephen and
The critical Greek text with a French translation of Symeon’s
other official “scholastic” Byzantine theologians. In these
main works can be found in volumes 51, 96, 104, 113, 122,
writings Symeon is not exhorting monks but is struggling to
129, 156, 174, and 196 of Sources chrétiennes (Paris, 1957–
combat the heavy rational theology that he felt was destroy-
1973). An English translation of Catéchèses by C. J. de Ca-
ing true Christianity. His writings collected in Theological
tanzaro is available in Symeon the New Theologian: The Dis-
Treatises form an integrated series focusing on the unity of
courses (New York, 1980) in “The Classics of Western Spiri-
the Trinity.
tuality.” My translation of Hymnes is in Hymns of Divine Love
by St. Symeon the New Theologian (Penville, N.J., 1975). Dis-
The fifteen writings collected in Ethical Treatises are
cussion of Symeon’s life and thought can be found in my The
much more uneven. The first two treatises deal with the
Mystic of Fire and Light: St. Symeon, the New Theologian
economy of God’s salvation; the following nine (numbers
(Penville, N.J., 1975).
3–11) form a fairly unified presentation of Symeon’s doc-
GEORGE A. MALONEY (1987)
trine on mysticism; the last four (numbers 12–15) deal with
a variety of subjects of a more practical nature concerning
the way in which ordinary people in the world can attain sal-
SYNAGOGUE. The origins of the synagogue are ob-
vation.
scure and will probably never be known. This is in part be-
Symeon’s Practical and Theological Chapters is a collec-
cause the synagogue developed in a nonrevolutionary man-
tion of ideas about a variety of topics, probably notes gath-
ner, its significance recognized only once it was a well-
ered by him on points touching the ascetical and contempla-
established institution of Jewish life. A hint of the original
tive life of Christians. But it is Symeon’s Hymns of Divine
function of this institution may be found in its most promi-
Love, which he completed shortly before his death in 1022,
nent Greek and Hebrew names used in antiquity, sunagog¯e
that will place him in the ranks of the greatest mystics of all
and beit knesset. Both refer to an assembly or house of assem-
time. These are fifty-eight hymns without any unifying
bly. Numerous theories have been propounded to explain
theme or system of mystical theology, but they show clearly
the origins of this institution. The most venerable of these
Symeon’s own mystical experiences through the power of
places the origins of the synagogue in Babylonia (modern
poetic rhythm. His mystical experiences and personal love
Iraq) during the sixth century BCE. There, “by the waters of
toward Jesus Christ are expressed in a language rarely sur-
Babylon,” this theory suggests, the exiled Judeans assembled
passed by other mystics except those who, like Symeon, had
to “sing the Lord’s song in a strange land” (Ps. 137). Ezekiel
to resort to poetry, as did John of the Cross, to convey the
11:16, “Though I removed them far off among the nations,
intensity of such ecstatic mystical union. Each hymn is a po-
and though I scattered them among the countries, yet I have
etic composition of great power and beauty that can ignite
been a lesser sanctuary to them for a while in the countries
in the reader a desire to strive to attain such “endless light”
where they have gone,” has often been cited in support of
as Symeon must have enjoyed.
this thesis. This approach has roots that go back at least to
the medieval period in Babylonia (modern Iraq), and it was
In Symeon were combined the two predominant cur-
developed further by Christian Hebraists beginning in the
rents within Eastern Christianity of the earlier centuries. One
seventeenth century in their attempt to find biblical anteced-
was the mystical school of the Desert Fathers, which stressed
ents for later Jewish practice. More recent theories place the
the Semitic concept of a total experience of God and human-
origins of the synagogue in third-century BCE Egypt, assert-
ity in the locus Dei, the place of God in the person called in
ing that Jewish “prayer places” (proseuch¯e) described in in-
biblical language the “heart.” The second approach was the
scriptions were in fact the earliest synagogues, or elsewhere
intellectual mysticism of the Alexandrian school of Clement
in the Western Diaspora. These approaches assert the priori-
of Alexandria, Origen, and Evagrios of Pontus. The accent
ty of exile and hence distance from the Jerusalem Temple as
here was on the human mind, which, when purified of the
a determining factor in the formation of the synagogue. In
hold of the sensible world of passions, was able to “see” God
recent years the origins of the synagogue in biblical Israel
in an interior light. In addition to producing this synthesis,
have been asserted. According to this theory, the Second
Symeon was an innovator in writing candidly of his own
Temple–period synagogue was the descendant of the “gate
mystical experiences and in presenting these as normative for
of the city” of biblical times. None of these approaches is
all Christians.
supported by sufficient data.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYNAGOGUE
8921
An approach that is more clearly supported by the avail-
(sunagogai). There, arranged in rows according to their
able evidence suggests that the synagogue as a place for reli-
ages, the younger below the elder, they sit decorously
gious ritual was a development of the later Second Temple
as befits the occasion with attentive ears. Then one
period. This approach begins with the fact that institutions
takes the books (biblous) and reads aloud and another
known as “synagogues” are clearly evidenced in literary and
of especial proficiency comes forward and expounds
archaeological sources from the first century
what is not understood. . . .
CE, and it cau-
tiously assumes a development that occurred before syna-
Luke 4:16–30 and the Acts of the Apostles 13:15–16 provide
gogues were mentioned in literary texts without asserting a
additional early illustrations of public Scripture reading and
specific moment when the first synagogue appeared. A long
explication in synagogues. It is unknown whether other litur-
prehistory is assumed by Acts of the Apostles 15:21, by Jose-
gical acts were performed in synagogues at this time, though
phus Flavius (Against Apion 2.175), and by the ancient rabbis
ample numbers of later Second Temple–period Jewish prayer
(e.g., t. Megillah 2:12), all of whom assert the existence of
texts are extant.
synagogues in hoary biblical antiquity. The factors occasion-
It is likely that the earliest synagogue buildings (like
ing the earliest development of the synagogue were shared
many after them) were simply rooms within domestic struc-
by other communities in the Greco-Roman world. The gen-
tures with no special renovations, and hence are unidentifi-
eral trend toward smaller religious communities that existed
able archaeologically. Five purpose-built or purpose-
side by side with the major cults of each city was adopted
renovated buildings that might be identified as later Second
by Jews in Palestine and in Diaspora settings. This phenome-
Temple–period synagogues have been excavated in Israel.
non may be evidenced in Egypt as early as the third century,
These were uncovered at Masada, Gamla, Herodian, Kiryat
if the “prayer places” (proseuch¯e) known from epigraphy were
Sefer, and Modi’in. Other supposed synagogues, at Magdala,
in any way similar to “prayer places” known from the writ-
Capernaum, and Jericho, are far less likely. Gamla is the ear-
ings of the first-century Egyptian scholar Philo of Alexandria.
liest synagogue. This large public building was built on the
A Jewish “prayer place” from the second century BCE was dis-
eastern side of Gamla, next to the city wall. Built of local ba-
covered on the Greek island of Delos. We have no idea what
salt, this structure is rectangular (13.4 by 17 meters). The
kinds of “prayer” took place in these early “prayer places.”
main entrance was on the west, with an exedra and an open
By the first century (and undoubtedly much earlier) the in-
court in front of it. The center of the hall was unpaved and
creasing significance of Scripture and its interpretation in
surrounded (except for the main entrance) by stepped bench-
Second Temple–period Judaism set the liturgical frame for
es. The synagogue at Masada is a ten-meter-square room that
these synagogues. This focus on Scripture and scriptural in-
was converted by the Jewish rebels who inhabited this desert
terpretation is expressed early on in the public ceremony of
fortress from 66 to 74
reading and interpreting the Pentateuch described in Nehe-
CE. The rebels added banks of benches
on each wall, and a small room on the northwestern wall
miah 8, a Persian-period text that exercised a profound influ-
within which were found fragments of the books of Deuter-
ence upon later synagogue practice.
onomy and Ezekiel. The literary definition of the first-century
The best evidence for synagogues during the first centu-
synagogue as a house of assembly where Scripture was stud-
ry is a monumental inscription found just south of the Tem-
ied is uniquely paralleled in this structure. At Herodian a
ple Mount in Jerusalem by R. Weill in 1913–1914. This
room was converted by Jewish rebels with the addition of
Greek inscription translates:
benches that were similar to those at Masada. The syna-
gogues at Kiryat Sefer and Modi’in are small freestanding
Theodotos, son of Vettenos the priest and synagogue
structures with benches lining the walls. It seems likely that
leader (archisynagogos), son of a synagogue leader and
these communal buildings served as synagogues as well,
grandson of a synagogue leader, built the synagogue for
though there is no epigraphic evidence to support this identi-
the reading of the Torah and studying of the command-
ments, and as a hostel with chambers and water installa-
fication.
tions to provide for the needs of itinerants from abroad,
LATE ANTIQUITY: THE LATE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE PERI-
which his fathers, the elders and Simonides founded.
ODS. Evidence for synagogues during the second through the
fourth centuries is mostly literary. Rabbinic literature from
The terminus ad quem for the inscription is the destruction
Palestine and from Sassanid Babylonia (modern Iraq) present
of Jerusalem by the Romans in 70 CE. It provides evidence
synagogues as regular features of the Jewish communal land-
of three generations of priestly synagogue leaders. The litur-
scape. Early rabbinic (Tannaitic) literature mentions a broad
gical focal point for this, and for every other Second Tem-
range of activities that took place within synagogues. These
ple–period text that has been recovered, is scriptural study.
included the recitation of Aramaic translations of the Torah
This is clearly the element that distinguished synagogue lit-
reading (m. Megillah 4:6,10), Torah blessings (t. Kippurim
urgy, both for Jews and non-Jews. Philo describes the Sab-
3:18), sounding of the ram’s horn (shofar) on the new year
bath liturgy of an Essene “synagogue” in Palestine:
(m. Rosh Hashanah 3:7), use of the palm frond (lulav), myr-
For that day has been set apart to be kept holy and on
tle, willow, and citron (ethrog) on the feast of Tabernacles (m.
it they abstain from all other work and proceed to sa-
Sukkah 3:13; t. Sukkah 2:10), recitation of the Book of Esther
cred places (hierous. . .topous) that they call synagogues
reading on the Feast of Esther (Purim), possibly even by
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8922
SYNAGOGUE
women (m. Megillah 2:4), recitation of the hallel psalms (t.
the Prophets and Writings). If they sell books, they
Pesahim 10:8), eulogies (t. Megillah 2:18), public oaths (m.
must acquire a Pentateuch (scroll). But, if they sell a
Shevuot 4:10), local charity collection (t. Shabbat 16:22; t.
Pentateuch, they may not acquire books (of the Proph-
Terumah 1:10; t. Baba Batra 8:4; Matt. 6:2), communal
ets and Writings). And if they sell books, they may not
meals (m. Zavim 3:2; m. Bekhorot 5:5). By the third century
acquire cloths. And if they sell cloths, they may not ac-
they were also used as elementary schools (y. Megillah 3:4,
quire a chest, And if they sell a chest, they may not ac-
quire a synagogue. And if they sell a synagogue, they
73a). Rabbinic literature suggests the development of an in-
may not acquire town square.
creasingly standardized public liturgical tradition, important
elements of which were enacted within synagogues (e.g., m.
Tosefta Sukkah 4:6 projects a second-century Palestinian re-
Berakhot 7:3). Rabbinic public prayer (the “public” defined
ality onto a great synagogue in Alexandria. This text focuses
as a quorum of at least ten men) took place in formal thrice-
attention upon a large podium (bimah) upon which the bib-
daily sessions as well as in the context of communal meals.
lical texts were read, with no mention of a Torah shrine. An
This format continues to this day. In liberal Jewish commu-
ideal synagogue is described in Tosefta Megillah 21–23,
nities the quorum now includes women. In antiquity there
which establishes categories that set the parameters of Jewish
was considerable variation in custom dependent on locality
legal discussions of synagogue architecture for the next two
and scholar, modern scholars differing on the balance be-
millennia. At the same time it suggests a second focal point
tween variation and standardization. Rabbinic liturgy was
within synagogues: orientation toward Jerusalem.
built around the recitation of the “Shema (Deut. 6:4–9,
The Community leader (hazan ha-knesset) arises to
11:13–21; Num. 15:37–40) and its blessings” together with
read, someone stands until the time when he reads.
the Eighteen Benedictions (also known as the “Standing
How do the elders sit? Facing the people, their backs
prayer,” the Amidah) morning and evening, and the Eigh-
to the qodesh. When they set down the (Scroll) chest—
teen Benedictions with accompanying liturgy in afternoon
its front is toward the people, its back to the qodesh. The
prayers. Prayer times, though not the content of these rituals,
hazan ha-knesset faces the qodesh. All the people face the
were associated with the times of the Temple sacrifices. By
qodesh. For it is said: “and the congregation was assem-
the third century public prayer was described homiletically
bled at the door of the tent of meeting (Lev. 8:4).” The
doors of the synagogue are built on the eastern side, for
as being equivalent in efficacy to sacrifices in the Temple, al-
thus we find in the Tabernacle, for it is said: “Before the
though the notion of the rebuilding of the Jerusalem Temple
Tabernacle toward the east, before the tent of meeting
was never questioned in liturgical terms until the advent of
eastward (Num. 3:38).” It is only built at the highest
modern Reform Judaism. In rabbinic times synagogue prayer
point of the town, for it is written: “Above the bustling
and the preexisting public reading of Scripture melded into
(streets) she (wisdom, i.e., Torah) calls out (Prov.
a single liturgical structure. The Torah was publicly read,
1:21).”
with attendant blessings, in the morning and afternoon ser-
The location of the synagogue and some of its internal ar-
vices on the Sabbath and festivals and on Monday and
rangement are articulated through reference to the biblical
Thursday mornings. A reading from the prophets (the hafta-
Tabernacle and the Temple of Jerusalem. Alignment toward
rah) accompanied the Sabbath morning and festival Torah
Jerusalem as focused through a Torah cabinet became basic
reading. Scripture reading was simultaneously translated into
to synagogue architecture, as did the notion that the ideal
Aramaic (later concretized in Targum texts such those pre-
synagogue should be higher than the surrounding structures
served in Targum Neofiti and Targum Onkelos), a tradition
(the latter having generally been kept in the breach). The
that was popular into the early Middle Ages and is still fol-
identification of the synagogue with the Temple was a devel-
lowed by Yemenite Jews. Various cycles for reading Torah
oping concept throughout antiquity and the medieval peri-
existed in antiquity. Palestinians generally completed the en-
od. By the third century the cabinet (teva) was being called
tire Pentateuch in something more than three years, while
arona (cabinet, reminiscent of the Ark of the Covenant), and
Babylonians read on a yearly cycle. The Babylonian custom
its curtain parokhta, reminiscent of the Temple curtain.
is followed in all traditional communities today.
There is no evidence for the physical separation of men and
The increase in synagogue functions was paralleled by
women in ancient synagogues, though a social distinction ex-
the developing notion that synagogues were in some way
isted. Physical gender separation is known beginning during
holy. Mishnah Megillah 3:1–3 describes the centrality of
the early Middle Ages, when it was seen as an expression of
Scripture within the synagogue, as well as the transient holi-
the holiness of the synagogue due to its conceptual relation-
ness ascribed to this institution by the early rabbis. At the
ship with the Temple (where gender separation sometimes
focal point of the synagogue, this text suggests, was the
occurred).
Torah scroll, which stood at the top of a hierarchy:
The dual foci—the scrolls as local cult object along with
The people of a town who sold their town square: They
a more subtle physical alignment in the direction of Jerusa-
must buy a synagogue with its proceeds; If they sell a
lem—became ideologically significant features of almost all
synagogue, they must acquire a (scroll) chest. If they sell
synagogues until modern times. While the standard codes of
a (scroll) chest, they must acquire cloths (to wrap sacred
Jewish law all legislate that the synagogue interior be aligned
scrolls). If they sell cloths, they must acquire books (of
toward the Torah shrine on the Jerusalem wall of the syna-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYNAGOGUE
8923
gogue, local realities were far more complex even in the
basilica form was used by both Jews and Christians begin-
most rabbinically oriented medieval and early modern com-
ning around the turn of the fourth century. “Broadhouse-
munities.
type” synagogues have benches built around the interior
walls, focusing attention upon the center of the room. The
Archaeological evidence for purpose-built synagogues
broadhouses from the Hebron Hills (e.g., Eshtemoa, Khirbet
begins to appear during the late third or early fourth century,
Susiya) form a regional type. The entrances of these halls
becoming quite common between the fifth and ninth centu-
were aligned toward the east. The eastward alignment is per-
ries. Undoubtedly there were many other buildings that are
haps modeled upon the Temple, and parallels Tosefta Megil-
archaeologically unidentifiable as synagogues. More than one
lah 3:23. The interior of the synagogue hall was aligned to-
hundred synagogues are known archaeologically from the
ward the Torah shrine, which stood on the Jerusalem-aligned
Land of Israel, and another ten structures have been discov-
wall.
ered that served Diaspora communities. At least 150 Diaspo-
ra synagogues are known from literary and archaeological
Galilean-type basilicas are architecturally related to the
sources. The earliest extant late-antique synagogue is also one
narrow gable churches of nearby Syria. Like these churches,
of the most important. The synagogue discovered at Dura
most Galilean-type synagogues were entered through three
Europos, a city in the Syrian desert, is the earliest yet discov-
portals. A unique feature of these synagogues is the arrange-
ered, and among the most important. Excavated in 1932, the
ment of the interior columns. Columns were constructed on
Dura synagogue was built as a renovated private dwelling.
the northern, eastern, and western sides of the hall. This
Sometime before 244–245 this dwelling was renovated as a
served to focus attention on the interior of the southern, Je-
synagogue. The largest room was renovated for this purpose,
rusalem wall with its three portals. Scholars have posited that
with a large Torah shrine built on the western (Jerusalem-
Torah shrines were constructed between the doors on the Je-
aligned) wall and benches around the walls. The façade of
rusalem wall at Capernaum, Chorazin, and Meiron. In an
the Torah shrine was decorated with the image of the Jerusa-
instructive parallel, S. D. Goitein notes that in synagogues
lem Temple, flanked on the right by the Binding of Isaac
in Yemen two entrances flank the Torah shrine on the Jeru-
(which according to 2 Chronicles 3:1 took place on “Mt. Mo-
salem wall and that this arrangement existed in a synagogue
riah,” the Temple Mount) and on the left by a seven-
in medieval Hebron.
branched menorah, a palm frond (lulav), and citron (ethrog).
Basilical synagogues were constructed throughout the
There was some other painting, lost in a massive renovation
Land of Israel. In “basilica-type” synagogues the visitor
of the synagogue that took place in 244–245. At that time
might cross the expanse of the atrium, sometimes a narthex,
the walls were completely covered with paintings drawn from
and the nave, to reach the Jerusalem-aligned wall. At the cen-
the Hebrew Bible and read through the prism of Jewish bib-
ter of this wall was the building’s focal point, the Torah
lical interpretation (midrash). Sixty percent of the paintings
shrine, which often stood upon a raised platform. Following
have been preserved. Themes are generally heroic, reflecting
contemporary church architecture, synagogues from the late
such themes as the Discovery of Moses by the Daughter of
fifth century onward often included an apse on the Jerusalem
Pharaoh, the Crossing of the Read Sea, the Tribes encamped
wall that housed the Torah shrine, and the platform was
around the Tabernacle, Ezekiel’s Vision of the Dry Bones,
often surrounded by a low partition (called in Christian con-
and Esther before King Ahasveros. The paintings show pro-
text a “chancel screen”) decorated with Jewish iconography.
found parallels with traditions preserved in rabbinic litera-
ture, as do Aramaic and Persian inscriptions on the paintings
The art of Palestinian synagogues, particularly decorat-
and a Jewish liturgical parchment found near the synagogue.
ed mosaics, is an integral part of the late Roman and Byzan-
The Dura synagogue has been interpreted as a forerunner of
tine artistic tradition. The synagogue at Beth Alpha contains
Christian art and as evidence for a supposed late-antique
the most completely preserved Byzantine period mosaic and
“nonrabbinic Judaism.” The evidence is actually much closer
well exemplifies this tradition. It builds on iconography well
to rabbinic tradition than most contemporary scholars have
known from the Hammath Tiberias B, 2a mosaic, with its
suggested.
images of the zodiac and a panel containing a Torah shrine
flanked by two menorahs. The Beth Alpha mosaic is divided
Archaeological evidence for synagogues increases from
into three panels. As at Hammath Tiberias, closest to the
the fourth century onward. Synagogues conforming to three
Torah shrine of the synagogue is a panel containing the
main architectural types were constructed by Jews in late an-
image of a shrine flanked by lighted menorahs. In the center
tique Palestine: the broadhouse (e.g., Horvat Shema, Eshte-
is a zodiac wheel, personifications of the seasons in the cor-
moa), the “Galilean-type” basilica (e.g., Capernaum, Kefar
ners, and unique to this building, closest to the entrance to
Baram), and longhouse basilicas (e.g., Hammath Tiberias B,
the synagogue, the image of the Binding of Isaac (Genesis
stratum 2a), which from the latter fifth or sixth century on-
22).
ward often were apsidal (Beth Alpha, Na’aran).
Zodiacs and some other images are often labeled in He-
The interior space of most of these synagogues was
brew, the language of Scripture and most liturgy, even as
aligned toward a permanent Torah shrine, which usually
dedicatory inscriptions appear in Aramaic and Greek. At
stood on the Jerusalem-aligned side of the synagogue. The
Beth Alpha the narrative of the scene is glossed with biblical
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8924
SYNAGOGUE
citations in Hebrew. Biblical themes in other synagogues in-
with a large freestanding Torah shrine. This Torah shrine is
clude David (Gaza), Daniel in the Lion’s Den (Na’aran and
structurally contiguous with images of shrines in wall paint-
Khirbet Susiya), and Gerasa (Noah’s Ark, labeled in Greek).
ings and gold glasses discovered in the Jewish catacombs of
Sepphoris contains the Angelic Visitation to Abraham (Gene-
Rome and with images on oil lamps discovered in Ostia.
sis 18), the Binding of Isaac, Aaron before the Tabernacle,
and other cultic imagery. Jews continued to use images of
The Sardis synagogue is the largest and the grandest syn-
the zodiac long after Christians abandoned this imagery,
agogue yet uncovered, its main hall measuring fifty-four by
owing to the significance of the heavens and constructions
eighteen meters. It has been estimated that the synagogue
of time in Jewish thought and liturgy.
could accommodate one thousand people. This impressive
building, the largest synagogue known before the modern
Archaeological remains of late-antique synagogues show
period, was part of the municipal center of Sardis and taken
important parallels to contemporaneous liturgical and rab-
over by the Jewish community and remodeled as a synagogue
binic texts. This is particularly evident in inscriptions, where
during the fourth century. It formed the southern side of the
formulae show clear relationships with literary sources. A
civic center of Sardis. The remodeling included the installa-
very significant example is the Rehov inscription, discovered
tion of two aediculae on stepped podia on the eastern wall
in the narthex of a sixth-century synagogue. This twenty-
of the synagogue and the construction of a podium in the
nine-line inscription, which deals with local agricultural law,
center of the hall. The significance of these aediculae is made
is the earliest extant physical evidence of a rabbinic text. In-
clear both by their prominence and by an inscription found
creased decoration of the physical environment of Palestin-
near them that reads “Find, open, read, observe.” Another
ian synagogues paralleled the development of increasingly
Greek inscription refers to the Torah shrine as the nomo-
complex liturgical texts. Professional poets composed prayers
phylakion, “the place that protects the Torah.” A molding
for each Sabbath and festival according to the local reading
from the synagogue contains both an inscribed menorah and
cycles. These texts (piyyutim) were often quite complex.
the image of a Torah shrine with its doors open to show
Named poets appear from the fourth century onward, begin-
scrolls stacked horizontally within it.
ning with Yosse ben Yosse, Yannai, Eleazar son of Rabbi Qal-
lir, Yehuda, and Yohanan the Priest. These homiletic texts
We know little of the liturgies of Jews in the western Di-
strongly parallel public homilies (midrashim) and traditions
aspora. John Chrysostom describes synagogue customs in
in Targumic literature. There is no theme in synagogue art
fourth-century Antioch as part of his polemic Against the
that does not find important parallels in these literatures.
Jews, aimed against Judaizers within his community. These
The tradition of virtuoso poets preparing liturgical composi-
include blowing the ram’s horn on Rosh Hashannah, walk-
tions for synagogue performance continued through the
ing barefooted and fasting on Yom Kippur (known from rab-
Middle Ages, particularly (though hardly exclusively) in areas
binic literature), and incubation in synagogues. He also
of Italy and Northern Europe that continued elements of the
knows that Jews and non-Jews considered synagogues to be
Palestinian liturgical tradition.
holy places, the sanctity of the place being construed as deriv-
Known Diaspora synagogues during this period con-
ing from the presence of biblical scrolls. Chrysostom suggests
form to local architectural norms. What unifies them are the
that reading of Psalms was important to synagogue liturgy.
presence of a large Torah shrine and often images of meno-
Inscriptions, most notably a Greek rendition of Psalm
rahs. Other than Dura, the most impressive extant Diaspora
135:25 discovered in ancient Nicaea (today Iznik in Turkey)
synagogues were uncovered in Ostia Antica, the ancient port
supports this. These characteristics (other than incubation)
of Rome, and in Sardis in Asia Minor. The Ostia synagogue
were also prevalent in synagogues in Palestine and in Sassani-
building was first constructed toward the end of the first cen-
an Iraq that are described in the Babylonian Talmud. The
tury of the Common Era, though it is not known whether
great significance of Torah shrines and images of shrines full
it served as a synagogue at this point. The use of the building
of scrolls suggests the centrality of Scripture within Diaspora
as a synagogue went through two stages. It was enlarged dur-
communities, as it was for communities in the Land of Israel.
ing the second and third centuries, then enlarged further and
MEDIEVAL AND MODERN SYNAGOGUES. Liturgies during
partly rebuilt at the beginning of the fourth. The entrances
medieval and modern times were largely based upon models
in the façade of the basilica from the second through third
developed already in classical rabbinic literature. While sig-
centuries are aligned toward the east-southeast, perhaps in
nificant differences exist between Ashkenazic (Central and
the direction of Jerusalem. A stepped podium stood on the
Eastern European) rites, Sephardic (Spanish and Portuguese)
wall opposite the main entrance. A Latin and Greek inscrip-
rites, Italian, and the rites of Jews in the lands of Islam, the
tion from this phase makes mention of a shrine for the
differences are far outweighed by the continuities. Modern
Torah:
liturgies maintain continuity to the extent that each move-
For the well-being of the emperor! Mindus Faustus es-
ment sees itself as bound by Talmudic tradition. The interior
tablished and built (it) and set up the ark (keiboton) of
furnishings of synagogues also follow ancient models as pre-
the Holy Torah (nomo hagio).
served in rabbinic sources. These include a large permanent
During the fourth century the southernmost entrance portal
Torah shrine (called aron ha-qodesh, “Holy Ark” by Ash-
on the eastern wall of the synagogue was sealed and replaced
kenazim; hekhal, “shrine,” by Sephardim), generally on the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYNAGOGUE
8925
Jerusalem-aligned wall of the synagogue and a platform for
Levi Abulafia, treasurer to King Pedro the Cruel of Castile.
reading Scripture.
Its ornamental plasterwork with Hebrew inscriptions and
Mudéjar designs is especially noteworthy. The Sephardic
In all periods of Jewish history, the physical structure
(Spanish-Portuguese) synagogue of Amsterdam, designed by
of the purpose-built synagogue buildings generally followed
the Dutch architect Elias Bouman around 1675, became the
the styles prevailing in contemporary non-Jewish architec-
prototype for synagogues for the entire Sephardic world. The
ture. Neither early rabbinic literature nor later medieval and
Amsterdam synagogue, a large, galleried basilican hall, was
modern rabbinic scholars focused on the architectural aspects
clearly inspired by neighboring Protestant churches.
of the synagogue. Architects, however, were confronted with
a major liturgical problem. Since two major components of
The many rural wooden synagogues in Poland, Lithua-
the synagogue were the Torah shrine and the platform
nia, and the Ukraine, most destroyed by the Nazis, are most
(bimah) from which it was read, the spatial relationship be-
interesting. Dating from the seventeenth to the nineteenth
tween the two had to be resolved. The sixteenth-century Se-
centuries, these wooden synagogues, probably constructed
phardic legalist Joseph Caro (1488–1575) reflects on this
by anonymous Jewish craftsmen, had intricate multicolored
tension. Caro debates whether the platform must be placed
painted interiors. In many of them, four wooden columns
in the center of the hall or whether it could be joined with
supported the interior domed bimah. Numerous synagogues
the Torah shrine, usually on the Jerusalem-aligned side of the
are extant from this period from Islamic countries, India, and
building. Caro writes: “the placement [of the bimah] in
elsewhere in Asia and the Americas. Among the most exotic
the center is not required, rather everything depends upon
is a synagogue known only from drawings dated 1722 by a
the locality and the time. . .” (Kesef Mishneh to Maimoni-
Jesuit missionary. The synagogue of Kaifeng, China, was
des’ Mishneh Torah 11:3). Solutions (and nonsolutions) dif-
built in a local vernacular architecture and furnishings. A
fered from community to community. In Central Europe,
raised bimah stood at the center of the prayer hall, with a
for example, the center of attention was the almemor, the
Torah shine aligned toward Jerusalem on the western wall.
reading podium, which dominated the entire space. In ba-
M
roque and rococo Italy, however, a harmonious solution was
ODERN SYNAGOGUE ARCHITECTURE. During the nine-
teenth century, when Jews in Western Europe were emanci-
found between the reading podium and the Torah shrine by
pated and American Jews strove for full acceptance, promi-
placing them at opposite ends of the hall, connected by a
nent architects, some of whom were Jewish, built large and
broad and open central aisle. Seating was placed on the sides.
impressive synagogues as statements of the new status of Jews
In such a way neither dominated but both contributed to a
in Western society. These synagogues were often built in
sense of balance.
neo-Islamic and neo-Byzantine styles (although sometimes
MEDIEVAL AND PRE-EMANCIPATION SYNAGOGUES. Much
the Romanesque was employed), ostensibly to emphasize the
of what we know about synagogues in Byzantine Palestine
Eastern origins of Judaism. Neoclassical synagogues were
and under medieval Islam is derived from the documents dis-
also constructed, especially in America at the turn of the
covered in the repository of the medieval Ben Ezra Syna-
twentieth century as an alternative to Christian and Moslem
gogue in old Cairo (Fostat), itself an exceptional example of
architecture and as a statement of a developing Jewish-
synagogue architecture under Islam. Archaeological evidence
American synthesis.
for medieval European synagogues is widespread beginning
near the turn of the first millennium. The famous Worms
In the modern period, many innovations have been in-
synagogue, built in 1175, is generally accepted by scholars
troduced to synagogue architecture, particularly within liber-
as the oldest surviving medieval synagogue. Although the
al communities. Separate seating for women has been elimi-
original was destroyed by the Nazis, a faithful reconstruction
nated in liberal synagogues, thus generally making balconies
now stands in its place. Its double-nave building, patterned
or separate rooms unnecessary. In America, Reform (and
after Romanesque chapter houses of convents and monastic
today, many Conservative) synagogues are referred to as
refectories suggest a model that is found in such later Ashke-
“temples,” originally in an attempt to distance their commu-
nazic synagogues as the famous late thirteenth-century Alt-
nities from traditional beliefs in the messianic return to Zion
neuschul of Prague, the old synagogue of Kraców (in the sub-
and the rebuilding of the Jerusalem Temple and to avoid the
urb of Kazimierz), and those of Regensburg, in Bavaria, and
term “synagogue,” which had negative connotations in
Buda (now part of the city of Budapest). The almemor
Christian circles. Prayer services became far less participatory
(bimah) in these synagogues predominated: it stood in the
and hierarchical, following Protestant liturgical models. This
center between two columns or piers.
was expressed architecturally through the construction of a
single podium at the focal point of the synagogue, which
There are two synagogues extant in Toledo, Spain, albe-
housed a Torah shrine, a reading table (often turned toward
it transformed into churches after the expulsion in 1492: the
the congregation rather than toward the shrine), and a speak-
five-aisled synagogue later known as Santa María la Blanca
ing lectern. During the postwar years daring experimentation
and the synagogue later known as El Tránsito. In style Santa
by such leading architects as Frank Lloyd Wright and Erich
María la Blanca resembles twelfth-century Moroccan
Mendelssohn employed a modernist aesthetic for American
mosques. El Tránsito was built around 1357 by Shemu’el ha-
synagogue buildings. Synagogues were consciously integrat-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8926
SYNCRETISM [FIRST EDITION]
ed into their surroundings, and the maximum use of glass
Reif, Stefan C. Judaism and Hebrew Prayer. Cambridge, U.K.,
brings nature into the sanctuary. Recent years have seen a
1993. A survey of the history of Jewish prayer from its origins
turning away from the monumentality of the nineteenth-
to the modern period.
and twentieth-century edifices. Synagogue architecture in
JOSEPH GUTMANN (1987)
America has become far less monumental, responding to a
STEVEN FINE (2005)
current the focus on “spirituality” and “community.” The
central bimah has reappeared in liberal synagogues (and reas-
serted itself within Orthodox contexts), as more participato-
ry and less hierarchical liturgical forms have emerged.
SYNCRETISM [FIRST EDITION]. The term syn-
cretism usually refers to connections of a special kind between
SEE ALSO Judaism, overview article.
languages, cultures, or religions. This term is most frequently
used in the history of religions, where a special effort has
BIBLIOGRAPHY
been made to give it a more precise meaning.
Fine, Steven. Art and Judaism During the Greco-Roman Period: To-
ward a New “Jewish Archaeology.” Cambridge, 2005. In addi-
HISTORY AND USEFULNESS OF THE CONCEPT. The term
tion to presenting a liturgical analysis of ancient synagogue
sugkr¯etismos first occurs in Plutarch (Moralia 490ab). It was
remains and further reflection on the notion of synagogue
probably based on sugkr¯etos (Ionian form of sugkratos,
holiness, Fine discusses the significance of ideology and in-
“mixed together”) and was explained by popular etymology
fluence of ancient synagogue architecture in the construction
or by Plutarch himself as referring to the behavior of the Cre-
of American neoclassical synagogues.
tans who, despite the discord habitual among them, closed
Fine, Steven, ed. Sacred Realm: The Emergence of the Synagogue in
ranks when an external enemy attacked them. Early interpre-
the Ancient World. New York, 1996. Essays by Fine, E. Mey-
tations, which reversed the relation between coinage and
ers, L. Rutgers, L. Feldman, R. Hachlili, and A. Shinan sur-
meaning, may be left aside. Discussions of the term in the
vey the history, literature and archaeology in the ancient
Suda (4.451), the Etymologicum magnum (732.54f.), and
world.
Erasmus’s Adagia (27) and Epistolae (3.539) are based on
Grossman, Susan, and Rivka Haut, eds. Daughters of the King:
Plutarch’s explanation, which was thus transmitted to the
Women in the Synagogue. New York, 1992. Essays in this vol-
modern period. Efforts at reconciliation between Molinists
ume discuss both the history of women’s participation in
and Thomists in the sixteenth century and between Luther-
synagogue life and more recent developments in North
ans and Calvinists in the seventeenth century can be criti-
American Jewish communities.
cized as syncretist. The first application of the term to a situa-
Gruber, Sam. “Archaeological Remains of Ashkenazic Jewry in
tion in the history of religions probably ocurred in an
Europe: A New Source of Pride and History.” In What Ath-
anonymous review (of an edition of Minucius Felix) that ap-
ens Has to Do with Jerusalem: Essays in Classical, Jewish, and
Early Christian Archaeology in Honor of Gideon Foerster, ed.
peared in Fraser’s Magazine for Town and Country (London,
L. Rutgers, pp. 267–301. Louvain, 2002. The most recent
1853, vol. 47, p. 294). Thereafter it appeared rather fre-
and comprehensive study of archaeological remains of early
quently in the science of religion and historical theology of
European synagogues.
the second half of the nineteenth century. Hermann Usener
Gruber, Sam. American Synagogues: A Century of Architecture and
(Götternamen, 1896; 1928, pp. 337–340) rendered it as
Jewish Community. New York, 2003. A general presentation
“mishmash of religions” (Religionsmischerei). In German,
of the history and architecture of synagogues in America dur-
Mischerei, unlike Mischung (“mixture, blending”), has nega-
ing the twentieth century.
tive overtones, and in fact Usener regarded the phenomenon
Gutmann, Joseph. The Jewish Sanctuary. Leiden, Netherlands,
of syncretism as an unprincipled abandonment of the faith
1983. An introduction to the synagogue, its art and arch-
of the Fathers, even though it was at the same time a neces-
itecture.
sary transitional stage in the history of religions. Later on,
Jarrassé, Dominique. Synagogues: Architecture and Jewish Identity.
the word came to be used mostly without negative overtones,
Paris, 2001. This survey of synagogue architecture is refresh-
but it continued to be applied in all sorts of ways.
ing both because it is not focused on the United States, but
on synagogues of the Islamic world and Asia.
As an explanatory category. Precise application makes
it clear that no definition of syncretism is possible without
Krinsky, Carol H. Synagogues of Europe. New York, 1985. Krinsky
surveys the architectural history of the synagogue in Europe.
a specific context and that the term cannot serve as an ade-
quate description of homogeneous sets of phenomena. It is
Lambert, Phyllis, ed. Fortifications and the Synagogue: The Fortress
possible, nonetheless, to use the concept of syncretism as a
of Babylon and the Ben Ezra Synagogue, Cairo. Montreal,
2001. An in-depth study of the Ben Ezra synagogue in Cairo,
category of historico-genetic explanation. It makes possible
this collection throws considerable light on the history of the
a critique of the Romantic ideological contrast between syn-
synagogue during the medieval and modern periods in the
cretism and pure national tradition or, as the case may be,
lands of Islam.
uncontaminated popular religion. In addition, it is a useful
Levine, L. I. The Synagogue: The First Thousand Years. New
heuristic tool for tracking down otherwise hidden anteced-
Haven, Conn., 2000. A handbook for the study of the syna-
ents of historical facts, as well as for identifying the phenom-
gogue from its origins to the rise of Islam.
enon of syncretism itself as something (requiring later defini-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYNCRETISM [FIRST EDITION]
8927
tion) that can in turn be an antecedent for subsequent factual
tises on religions, where it designates both simple and com-
situations. The concept also contributes to a sociopsy-
plex phenomena; its definition is taken for granted and vari-
chological clarification of a readiness for the balancing, sub-
ous inferences are drawn from it. Only in the 1970s were
ordination, superordination, and unification of truth.
initial efforts undertaken to distinguish between the concept
and the array of phenomena.
As a description of phenomena. In the use of the con-
cept of syncretism there is no adaequatio intellectus et rei
Subsequent stages in scholarship are represented by the
(“correspondence of mind and object”). The concept is in
conferences on the problem that were held in Äbo (1966),
principle a tool for interpretation and as such is in principle
Göttingen (Reinhausen) and Strasbourg (both in 1971),
independent of the term inherited from antiquity. Agree-
Santa Barbara (1972), and Besançon (1973). These have led
ment must be reached on what the term is to mean here and
to various consensuses. The present article attempts simply
now. The parties to the agreement must see to it that the
to advance the consensus, but it cannot promise any certain
constituents of the concept are close enough to one another,
results.
despite the diversity in the phenomena, that a unity of type
is preserved. An individual connection is not to be described
System and history. The concept of syncretism can be
as syncretist when taken in isolation but only when it is seen
used to describe either a state or a process. It is used in the
as an element in a complex unity.
first way if, for example, an entire religion—or its particular
components or traits—are described as a syncretism or as
TYPOLOGY OF PHENOMENA. Since it is not possible to apply
syncretic. In this case the concept is applied statically to de-
the concept of syncretism in a universal, univocal way, a ty-
scribe a state or condition in which the characteristics of the
pology is needed. For present purposes we may propose two
object are systematically correlated among themselves.
main headings, as follows.
The concept is used processually when we speak of a
Relations between complex wholes. A complex unity
syncretic tendency or development, or of a development that
or whole can be any coherence of mental elements and of ac-
will end in syncretism. Syncretism is here understood as a
tions, representations, or objects related to these elements,
process which extends through time and in which gradations
which has the function of giving human beings an irreduc-
or stages of development are to be distinguished. This may
ible explanation of their world, as well as norms that are like-
be called a dynamic concept of syncretism. An attempt has
wise not further reducible. The coherence can take sociologi-
been made to capture this dimension of syncretism in neolo-
cal form in an organization or institution, though it need
gisms like syncretization.
not; in its intellectual expression it can be presented as a sys-
tem but may also take some other doctrinal form.
SYNCRETISM IN HISTORY. It follows from the above that a
Relations between particular components. Particular
project for a “history of syncretism” would be inappropriate.
components of a religion (e.g., its gods) can also be linked
All that can be done is to point out constellations in the gen-
to one another in various ways. They can be identified; new
eral history of religions that have made possible what histori-
relations can be established between them; various shifts may
ans may, under certain conditions, call “syncretism.” The
occur within a pantheon due to encounters with another
syncretic results of these constellations as such are not initial-
pantheon. Such particular relations, which are established
ly cohesive in respect to content, although such cohesiveness
quasi-organically (at least at the popular level) and anony-
may of course occur. The location of such results under the
mously, presuppose relations between complex units or
concept of syncretism depends on a genetic and typological
wholes. But a particular component can also be the creation
analysis. At the present time such an analysis can only take
of a literary author. Here the establishment of particular rela-
the form of a classification. The present article is therefore
tions can be undertaken by individuals and without any con-
organized along classificatory lines, but within the classes
nection in principle with more comprehensive encounters
suggested the examples offered will be in chronological
between cultures and religions, even where the latter have oc-
order.
curred. Many an author has established his own syncretism
Presuppositions. Religious entities that were originally
(e.g., in the Hellenistic age of late antiquity certain Pythago-
separate can come together in such a way that a syncretism
reans, astrologers, Orphics, Physikoi, the various compilers
results. The first possible result is that what is superimposed
of the Hermetic corpus and the sibylline and Chaldean ora-
predominates, while what is older survives. This happened,
cles, the Tübingen theosophists, alchemists, Lukianos of Sa-
for example, in the Nabatean and Palmyrene religions of the
mosata, Aelius Aristides, Numenius of Apamea, Porphyry,
Hellenistic period, and in the associations that arose as a re-
Iamblichus, and Sallust).
sult of Christian missionization in Africa. A second possibili-
THE LATE-TWENTIETH-CENTURY STATE OF SCHOLARSHIP.
ty is that the substratum continues to exercise dominance;
When the concept of syncretism is used in describing phe-
for example, the Sumerian substratum in relation to the Ak-
nomena, the application of the term is still not the result of
kadian superimposition, the Celtic substratum in relation to
an analysis; rather, it serves as a disparaging judgment on cer-
the Roman superimposition, and perhaps the Germanic es-
tain manifestations, a judgment assumed to be obvious. The
chatology in relation to a superimposed Oriental one. A third
adjective syncretic, used in this way, occurs in countless trea-
possibility is that a balance may be established between the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8928
SYNCRETISM [FIRST EDITION]
various components, as, for example, in Manichaeism or in
production through food cultivation as a cultural fact attrib-
some pseudo-Islamic sects (such as Ahl i Haqq, the Druze,
utable to women.
the Yesids). In addition to a syncretism of what was originally
Closer observation showed, however, that food-
separate, there is a syncretism of elements from related
collecting and grain-harvesting peoples and early food culti-
sources. Jewish, Christian, Islamic, and Marxist eschatolo-
vators exhibited a characteristic that was typical of hunters—
gies, for example, are all related, yet each of them developed
namely, the relating of a group of people to a particular ani-
into something so independent of the others that the few at-
mal. There is thus the possibility that from the outset food
tempts, mostly of a literary kind, which have been made to
was collected or was grown and harvested not only for
fuse them or reduce them to a common denominator can,
human consumption but for animal consumption as well.
with reservations, be called syncretist.
The conclusion would be not that the relations of human
Syncretism in religion need not be accompanied by syn-
groups to certain animals and their relations to certain plants
cretism in other areas. In principle, the coincidence and non-
were antecedently connected but rather that the two types
coincidence of diverse syncretisms occur with equal frequen-
of cultures and their modes of religious expression were
cy. Though it seems odd to speak of a “mixed” language or
fused.
of a “mixed” culture, since any culture in principle always
The situation is clearer in cases where there is written
has heterogeneous precursors, there are nonetheless examples
evidence. In Asia Minor and Media in the first century CE
of such that will clarify what is meant. The mixed Jewish-
worshippers of the Iranian goddess Ana¯hita¯ lived together
German culture of the Middle Ages also used a mixed lan-
with worshipers of the Greek goddess Artemis, and this sym-
guage, Yiddish. But a cultural syncretism need not be accom-
biosis led to a limited syncretism. Other symbioses in the
panied by a linguistic syncretism; for example, on the islands
same part of the world did not, however, lead to any syncre-
of Japan, continental Asian and oceanic insular cultures have
tism. Symbioses are to be presupposed prior to many other
mingled, but the Japanese language has remained homoge-
and varied linkings of divinities throughout the Hellenistic
neous. Conversely, a linguistic syncretism need not be
world. The doctrines espoused by modern messianic move-
matched by a cultural one; thus a certain form of Persian-
ments in Africa, Asia, and Latin America have demonstrably
Turkish literary language is in the service solely of Islamic
been shaped by the contacts of ethnic groups with represen-
culture.
tatives of Western civilization; the preaching of missionaries
has played an important but by no means isolated role here.
Analogous relations exist between cultural and religious
syncretisms. An example of the coincidence of a syncretic
Acculturation. If we locate the fact of symbiosis in the
culture with a syncretic religion can be seen in hellenized
larger context of the systems in which those living together
Egypt, especially in the cult of Serapis and possibly also in
are socialized and to which a great many subsystems also be-
modern nativist movements in some regions that were colo-
long, we may speak of acculturation. Once movements of
nized by Western societies. A cultural syncretism is to be
conquest became imperial in scope (e.g., the Achaemenid
found, to a certain measure, for some time after the migra-
dynasty and the empires of Alexander the Great, the Ro-
tion of the Israelites into Canaan; yet there was no corre-
mans, the Spaniards, and the English), they brought diverse
sponding religious syncretism, and where such threatened to
cultures into contact; the conflation of tradition that resulted
occur, the prophets resisted it.
for one of the two sides could repeatedly lead to syncretisms.
A linguistic syncretism matched by a religious syncre-
Superposition. The most extensive example of this was
tism often occurs when a language is pidginized or creolized
probably the migration of the Aryans into the Asiatic sub-
in a group in which tribal religion has to some extent been
continent, which was already inhabited by non-Indo-
amalgamated with Christianity. On the other hand, a lin-
European peoples. Depending on local circumstances, we
guistic syncretism was not accompanied by a religious syn-
may speak of a sanskritization of the Dravidian part of India,
cretism when a Hebrew-Aramaic language was used for dis-
of a hierarchization of castes, and so on. In any case, Hindu-
cussion in Rabbinic Judaism; nor was a religious syncretism
ism—the Hinduism of the epic and Puranic period and
accompanied by a linguistic syncretism in the mystery reli-
thereafter—became a religion very different from that of the
gions of late antiquity with their hieros logos only in Greek.
Vedas. The comprehensiveness of which its representatives
boast is one aspect of its syncretist character.
Symbiosis. A social presupposition for the rise of a syn-
Parallel phenomena. Not every symbiosis, accultura-
cretism can be the coexistence of various groups. It may be
tion, or superposition, however, has led to a syncretism.
hypothesized that there were coexistences like this even in
Other formations may have resulted, the names of which are
prehistoric times, insofar as inferences regarding that period
often, and misleadingly, used as synonyms for syncretism.
can be made from the nonliterate cultures of modern times.
The matrilinear traits observable, until their recent disap-
Synthesis. Although J. D. Droysen and others have
pearance, in many food-growing cultures were ascribed to
called Hellenism a mixed culture, it was not syncretic
groups possessing a developing economy in the Neolithic pe-
throughout. The ideas of Droysen and later scholars who
riod; scholars even went so far as to regard the transition to
speak of Hellenism as a reconciliation of cultures or an inte-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYNCRETISM [FIRST EDITION]
8929
gration of cultures into a higher unity are better represented
guages spoken in Asia Minor and the Semitic, Iranian, and
by the term synthesis, which in turn is to be understood as
Egyptian languages spoken in various regions began to assert
a complex of synthetic phenomena. This can correctly be
themselves again, after the spread of Greek culture in the cit-
taken to mean that there were as many kinds of Hellenism
ies of the East in approximately the second century CE, their
as there were cultures that established links of one or other
revival did not bring a return to prehellenistic conditions but
kind with Greek culture. Egyptian, Babylonian, and Iranian
rather a transformation, or metamorphosis, of the synthetic
Hellenism were the principal types, and most of the cults
and at times syncretistic character of Hellenism into a new
within each of the three were synthetic in character after the
unity. This unity operated in the direction of homogeneity,
manner of Hellenistic Judaism or many of the city-state cults
although analytically viewed it was itself not homogeneous
in the empires of the Seleucids and Antigonids. Syncretist
and it did not, on that account, become uniform.
formations in religion were special cases in these various Hel-
Earlier, a complex process of transformation had like-
lenisms.
wise given rise to the Christianity of the apostolic and
Evolution. This term designates a process, internal to a
postapostolic ages. Despite the multiform derivation of
system, that produces new elements and that is irreversible.
many of its basic concepts and views, this Christianity was
The new elements can then become the center of a new unity
not a syncretist religion (with, for example, rabbinic and
and thus of a new system. The result of the process is a new
Hellenistic Judaism as two of its chief components). The
religion, but this new religion is not syncretic. It was in this
same must be said of Catholicism, which came into being
way that Buddhism arose out of the previous religious sys-
after a further transformation, namely, a now non-Judaic
tems in India and not by way of a clash between Brahmanism
Hellenization of Christianity. In a similar manner, various
and alien systems. The Baha¯D¯ı religion and even its precursor,
forms of Eastern Christianity developed that can no longer
Babism, arose because their founders took over, from the
be described as Hellenistic and certainly not as syncretic; this
Twelvers, the institution of the imam, or mediator of revela-
development took place not only in the Nestorian and Mo-
tion; non-Islamic elements played no part in this process.
nophysite churches, but in smaller churches as well.
Harmonization. Theosophists in particular incline to
Manichaeism and orthodox Zoroastrianism, among
the conviction that all religions are true and lead to union
other religions, emerged in a region in which Baptist, Syrian
with God. Thus Ramakrishna (1834–1886) said that he had
Christian, and Zurvanite elements were in close but unde-
tried all religions (i.e., Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity)
fined proximity. Manichaeism was, in addition, syncretic,
and had found that all were moving toward the same God
but the syncretism was held in check by systematization. Zo-
in different ways. The founders and adherents of other neo-
roastrianism was not syncretic. Even elements that from an
Hindu reform movements hold similar views. Comparable
analytical standpoint were not Iranian appeared in it as Irani-
tenets are also found frequently in the broad stream of tradi-
cized, although there was no question of “absorption.”
tion flowing from ancient Gnosticism via the Neoplatonism
Disintegration. If the component parts that produced
of the Middle Ages and Renaissance (Neoplatonism was con-
a syncretic formation had been independent for a sufficiently
cerned to harmonize philosophy and religion rather than var-
long time or if they continued to have an independent exis-
ious religions) to modern anthroposophy. The claim is usual-
tence alongside the syncretism, they also tended to reassert
ly not made that all religions teach the same thing, nor are
themselves in a perceptible way within it. To the extent that
the lines of demarcation between them removed. But a har-
this happened, the syncretist structure fell apart. Thus not
mony is establihed among them by the claim that they are
only did the various Eastern Hellenistic societies undergo de-
all seeking the same goal. This assertion includes an emphasis
hellenization, but there were also Greek reactions against
on the unity of the goal (e.g., God), which is comparable to
them. From the eighth century onward in Japan there were
presuppositions of unity that can in other circumstances lead
syncretist unions of Shinto¯ and Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism, but
to a syncretism. In the cases mentioned here, however, no
people visited temples of each separate religion as well as
syncretism has resulted.
temples shared by both; the result was a continuing aware-
Consequences. When a religio-historical development
ness of the difference between the two. With the exception
has in fact reached a syncretistic stage, its syncretistic charac-
of Ryo¯bu Shinto¯, which did not break up until the four-
ter is usually not communicated to the subsequent stages. To
teenth century and then did so for political reasons, these
this extent it is correct to say that syncretism is always a tran-
syncretisms did not last long, although the symbiosis of
sitional phase. Here again various kinds are to be distin-
Shinto¯ devotees and Buddhists continued.
guished.
Absorption. When a superimposed level does not ulti-
Transformation. An example that was significant on the
mately lose out to the subordinate level—as frequently hap-
scene of world history because it accompanied the expansion
pens—but remains dominant, absorption occurs. Thus, for
of Islam was the dehellenization of the Orient. This process
example, it is very likely that the sky god of the invading
occurred not only in religion but also in the area of material
Greeks became heir to the many mountain gods of the pre-
culture, with which archaeology and aesthetics deal; in the
Greek period. In a way, faith in Yahveh, who rules from
institutions of government; and even in ideas. Once the lan-
Sinai, absorbed the faith of nomads from the tribes of Abra-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8930
SYNCRETISM [FIRST EDITION]
ham, Isaac, and Jacob in the God of their fathers as well as
Agni, Su¯rya, and Yama could be regarded as the same amid
belief in the Canaanite high god El.
numerous variations, while both Vais:n:avism and S´aivism in-
corporated many other Hindu traditions.
CONNECTIONS BETWEEN COMPLEX UNITIES. Whole reli-
gions may be confronted with one another in processes of
COMBINATION OF PARTICULAR ELEMENTS. The reference
acculturation and superposition. This happened when the
here is to combinations established among, for example,
religion of the Greek city-state met local religions in Asia
rites, ideas, symbols, divinities, persons, writings, and so on.
Minor, the Fertile Crescent, Iran, and Egypt. Ever since
Either one element is enriched by other meanings or it con-
scholars began to pay closer attention to the consequences
tinues to exist alongside other elements. But even this juxta-
of Alexander’s expedition, the “syncretism of antiquity” has
position can take various forms and indicate either latent
been regarded as the classic instance of syncretism in the his-
competition or reciprocal completion.
tory of religions. It is to be noted, however, that the result
of the confrontation was not simply new, limited syncretic
Addition. When the dividing line between diverse ele-
religions along the whole line. Rather, the few institutional-
ments is removed (and with it the competition between
ized or organized religious systems of which this can be said
them), but one element does not absorb the other, the result
already presupposed partial and more diffuse areas of syncre-
is a combination whose components not only are evident to
tism. In many cases, the rise of such diffuse areas was pro-
the modern student but must also have been recognizable by
moted when the Greek conviction of the oneness of truth en-
the devotees of the time. That sort of thing happened both
countered a type of thinking that was imprecise in its
within individual religions and between religions. In Egypt,
concepts and tended to focus on the pictorial.
for example, one kind of eternity (nhh) was assigned to the
god Re, another (dt) to the god Atum. The result was the
Between religions. In relations between the Sumerians
god Re-Atum. Something comparable occurred frequently in
and the Akkadians, only the process just described above oc-
Hellenism. The addition of Baal of Doliche to a Jupiter al-
curred. On the other hand, the religio-political effort of Sar-
ready assimilated with Zeus produced Jupiter Dolichenus,
gon of Akkad (r. c. 2350–2294 BCE) and his daughter to
and so forth.
unite the Sumerian and Semitic religions was of a different
nature. Its thrust was to remove the distinction between orig-
Theocrasies—combinations of gods—presuppose addi-
inally different religious systems, in order that, contrary to
tions. They occur when for practical purposes one god is
what happened in Israel, the opposition between the incom-
fused with another in the eyes of his worshipers, even though
ing Semitic and native Sumerian religions, and thus their la-
there may be no identification at the conceptual level. In the
tent or open competition, might disappear.
many half-theriomorphic gods of Egypt a tendency to blur
the borderlines between forms and concepts is already recog-
In tenth-century China, theological systems were creat-
nizable. A number of the major Egyptian divinities arose in
ed out of Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. There al-
this manner, but the names of many lesser gods were also
ready existed a widespread popular conviction, which
combined, and either kept their separate determinatives or
impacted on everyday life, that these three religions comple-
were written with a common determinative.
mented each other and even intended the same thing.
Similar theocrasies occurred, though less frequently,
Within religions. In Egypt the systems and mytholo-
among all the peoples of the ancient Near East. The demon-
gies of the gods that were represented by originally different
strable reason often was that polytheism caused difficulties
priesthoods underwent a variety of combinations when indi-
for the faithful. But politics may also have been present in
vidual districts were united, although the combinatory pro-
the background, especially in the encounter of different peo-
cess did not occur solely under these conditions. Theologians
ples. At the instigation of the Egyptian magnate the Uza-
among the priests felt impelled by the universalist claims of
Hor-Resnet (a Persian collaborator) the Persian king Camby-
their local gods to assimilate, for example, the cosmogonies
ses II (r. 528–522
of Heliopolis and Hermopolis, Heliopolis and Memphis,
BCE) prostrated himself before the image
of Neith of Sais and had sacrifices offered to her in her tem-
Hermopolis and Memphis, Memphis and Thebes. A similar
ple as mother of Re (and therefore of the living pharaoh), as
process occurred in the formation of the imperial cult of
well as to Osiris (and therefore to the pharaoh after his
Marduk at Babylon, but opportunities of this kind were far
death). One might assume that in honoring these divinities
more numerous in Egypt and lasted far longer. The Egyp-
he actually intended to honor the corresponding Iranian di-
tian-Hellenistic syncretism of the Ptolemaic period was
vinities: the goddess later promoted by Artaxerxes II (r. 405–
therefore perhaps the richest of the syncretisms that arose in
359
the confines of Alexander’s empire.
BCE) under the name Ana¯hita¯, and the fravashi of the
king. The Egyptian may also have composed the canal in-
The example of Egypt has led scholars to speak of syn-
scription in which Darius the Great (r. 521–486 BCE) de-
cretism also within Iranian and Greek religion. But the con-
scribes himself as son of Neith and thus establishes a link
cept is not appropriate here. On the other hand, there were
with this goddess that the Iranian king did not have with
many instances of intrareligious syncretism in India: the
Ana˜hita˜. As a result, the character of Ana˜hita˜ likewise
myths of the gods Savitr:i, Indra, Va¯yu, Aryaman, Rudra,
changed in the ensuing period.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYNCRETISM [FIRST EDITION]
8931
This first instance of an international theocrasy preced-
Parallelization. The paralleling of elements is most eas-
ed the many theocrasies of the Hellenistic age. Among these,
ily practiced when one is persuaded of the unity of truth. If
the Alexandrian triad of Sarapis, Isis, and Harpocrates calls
truth is one, diverse names do not point to real differences
for special attention. Sarapis developed out of Osiris, Apis,
but may be shown to be simply different names for the same
and probably a “Hades Jupiter Dis” of Asia Minor into the
thing. This is the path very clearly taken by Greek thinkers,
god of an imperial cult that Ptolemy I (r. 323–285 BCE), with
and in this respect Roman thought followed Greek. Primary
the aid of priests, philosophers, and masters of ceremonies,
among the various modes of parallelization is that of inter-
established for the Egyptians and Greeks of his empire. Isis
pretation.
“of a thousand names,” the “manifestation in a single form
of goddesses and gods,” could in principle absorb every form
Interpretation. Interpretatio graeca and interpretatio ro-
on her peaceful triumphal march. Harpocrates, her underage
mana were long regarded as a principal presupposition, or
son, who was an aspect of Horus, was equated with many
even as a principal phase, of syncretism itself. This is under-
other youthful gods and finally with Herakles.
standable in view of the wide diffusion of both. Behind these
two “interpretations,” however, there was in most instances
A new divinity, Hermes Trismegistos, arose through a
no real theocrasy but only a tendency toward it. This tenden-
fusion of Hermes, the Greek god of fortunate inventions,
cy was most widespread in literature, so that we may speak
and Thoth, the divine scribe of the Egyptians. This new god
first of all of a literary syncretism. In Porphyry, for example,
became the focus of an entire corpus of writings and re-
the Arimanius Deus (“the god who apes”) is learnedly inter-
mained the master and guarantor of esoteric knowledge
preted as antimimos daimon. Apollo appears in place of
down to the Renaissance.
Mithra (probably in order to show the harmony between
Greeks and Persians) on votive tablets in the Fire Sanctuary
Philo Byblius tells us of Greco-Canaanite theocrasies.
of Persepolis during the time of Alexander. Helios stands for
Greco-Aramaic-Iranian theocrasies were wide-spread in the
Mithra in Xenophon and probably also in Plutarch (unless
East, while theocrasies in general were rarer in the West; the
he stands here for Ohrmazd), in relief sculptures of the Par-
latter included ancient Spanish-Phoenician or Celtic-
thian period, and so on.
Roman.
Greek interpretation claimed to be interested, though
Forms of worship. When one rite adopts components
not exclusively, in those individual traits of the alien object
from another rite, forms of worship are combined. But be-
that already seemed familiar. The Roman renaming of the
cause the basic stock of possible ritual actions is relatively
Greek gods was also clearly a form of interpretation. But a
small, external influence in this area is often indistinguish-
new kind of interpretationes Romanae occurred once Rome
able from the action of factors already present in the tradi-
had destroyed the Seleucid and Ptolemaic empires and con-
tion. This situation is clearest in the area of the Christian lit-
quered regions belonging to the Celts and the Germans.
urgy and, indeed, from the beginning as far as the sacraments
Thenceforth interpretations no longer simply established
are concerned. Because ablution rituals of all kinds were so
parallels, as they did among the Greeks; rather there was al-
widespread, it is often unclear whether baptism was an act
ways present to some degree a subordination of the local god
that stood out—because of its initiatory nature—in a series
to the corresponding Roman god. The counterexample of
of already-existing ablutions, or whether the ablutions repre-
the Hebew Yahveh, who refused even to be interpreted as Ju-
sented secondary repetitions of an originally unique act of
piter, throws light on the exclusive character of Roman inter-
baptism.
pretation and the resultant tendency to theocrasy. Interpreta-
Baptism thus provides a fundamental example of the
tions of Yahveh occurred only on the fringes of Judaism, as,
difficulty of clearly establishing a connection between vari-
for example, in Elephantine (an island in the Nile), or among
ous rites. Jewish proselyte baptism, for example, probably
the Hypsistarians where, characteristically, interpretation
originated within Judaism and was not taken from outside
was rendered possible only by using the Greek equivalent of
baptist movements of the kind that lived on in the rites of
the biblical El ’Elyon (Hypsistos). Appropriative interpreta-
the Elkesites and the Mandaeans. Christian baptism, for its
tions of other traditions reached their high point in gnosti-
part, rather than having been derived from that same external
cism, where the conviction of the unity of truth had become
environment, represented an acceptance and development of
a faith in the unity of redemption that would not allow any
the baptism of John, which itself was part of the Jewish mi-
division. For this reason, gnostic systems also provide the
lieu, but had acquired an eschatological dimension.
most impressive instances of the various kinds of syncretism.
These were always preceded by an interpretatio gnostica.
On the other hand, baptism clearly entered the Mithra
mystery cults from outside, probably from Christianity. The
Equivalence. Clearly, equivalence is a presupposition in
ceremonies of many African independent churches and of
all forms of parallelization, in identification and theocrasy,
the cargo cults of Melanesia are fusions of Protestant liturgies
and in the syncretism of complex unities. But it acquires a
and ethnic cults. The cult of Umbanda in Brazil is a combi-
special developmental significance when unities, or elements
nation of the liturgy of the Catholic Mass with West African
of them, are assigned different values and are conceived as
rituals.
ways to the same goal, with the stipulation that one of them
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8932
SYNCRETISM [FIRST EDITION]
leads to the goal more effectively than the others. This type
fields. Such religions are as it were “metasyncretisms” or “sec-
of valuation has found a place in the philosophy of religion,
ond-level” syncretisms.
for example, in that of S´an˙kara (c. 738–822 CE), who speaks
of a graduated way to God. The early Christian doctrine of
Mystery religions. “Mystery” as a cult form did not as
a praeparatio evangelica (preparation for the gospel) among
such have a syncretist character. This is clear from the so-
the Greeks and the Jews likewise belongs here to some extent,
called mysteries of the ancient world: the Eleusinian myster-
though it loses its syncretist character due to its apologetic
ies, the mysteries of the Cabiri of Samothrace, or, in the pre-
function in relation to Judaism and paganism. On the other
Hellenistic period, those of Orpheus, Dionysos, and Cybele.
hand, a developmental or evolutionary equivalence is fre-
Nonetheless, the kind of mystery worship in which the most
quently admitted in the later stages of many religions (for ex-
important factor was the conformity in destiny between the
ample, post-Islamic, post-Christian, and post-Shinto¯), and,
initiate and his or her deity did foster the development of
more generally, in numerous new entities of the present time,
syncretic mystery religions in the Hellenistic period. The Isis
which, despite their claims to a higher truth, are forced to
mysteries of Egypt presupposed the faith in Osiris that had
admit that the truth-claims of their predecessors have a rela-
already acquired syncretic ties (though not related to the
tive validity.
mysteries) in the Serapis cult of the Ptolemies. The Mithra
mysteries of Asia Minor did not presuppose any ancient Ira-
Amalgamation. This term describes a fusion that is
nian mystery but only the god Mithra as such, albeit a
more irreversible than a simple mingling. The term mingling
Mithra equated with Sol and Helios. In this instance, the sec-
is more appropriate as a description of the phenomenon of
ond-level syncretism emerged through the addition of a fur-
syncretism. This is due to the origin of the term in ancient
ther link with a mystery type of worship native to Asia
physics, in which there was much discussion of combina-
Minor. Something similar is to be said of the mysteries of
tions, mixtures, and fusions, while the problem of the mass
Sebazios, who had been an ancient Phrygian or Lydian god,
or quantity that an element may no longer have if it is truly
and of Jupiter Dolichenus, who had been the Baal of Doli-
part of a mixture remained ultimately unresolved. This is
che. Once the basic idea of the mysteries of Cybele and Attis
very much in keeping with the dissolubility of a syncretism,
was integrated into the context provided by the idea of the
which can become operative at any time. Amalgamation, on
so-called dying and rising gods, these mysteries acquired a
the other hand, describes a borderline case of syncretism and
different character than they had had before the introduction
to that extent is by and large equivalent to synthesis.
of agriculture into Asia Minor.
Exchange of qualities. First mention belongs here to the
Manichaeism. Syncretisms that were part Babylonian,
exchange of qualities between the bodhisattvas of Maha¯ya¯na
part Iranian, part Christian Hellenism were presupposed by
Buddhism and the spirits and demons (including the kami
Manichaeism. Its founder, Mani, effected a further syncre-
of Shinto¯) of the peoples proselytized by this version of Bud-
tism by creating a unique system in which previously existing
dhism. It is not a matter of equivalent figures, so that we can-
linkages were interrelated in an entirely new and original
not speak of parallelization or addition. Nor is it a matter of
way. Manichaeism could therefore be described, depending
gods on both sides though gods might arise from the process.
on those being addressed, as true Christianity, true gnosis,
The bodhisattvas, now outfitted with qualities derived from
true Zoroastrianism, true shamanism, true Buddhism, and
the relevant folklore, had the important function of showing
even true Taoism. At times these missionary efforts gave rise
that redemption, for which the redemption accomplished by
to new syncretistic formations. There is doubt whether the
the Buddha paves the way, is present in the traditions of the
latter repeat earlier syncretisms—for example, the part
proselytized peoples. To this end the figures involved must
played by Buddhism in the rise of Manichaeism is disput-
resemble one another; on the other hand, they have no per-
ed—or, on the contrary, that they represent “third-level”
sonal core, but rather their characteristics are interwoven as
syncretisms. To a certain extent, therefore, Manichaeism was
in a jigsaw puzzle.
the supreme syncretism, and it is not surprising that, given
its power of suggestion, people saw medieval Bogomilism
Identification. Wherever there is no theocrasy, identifi-
and Catharism as revivals of it. The latter, however, repre-
cation, which in principle supposes the same degree of iden-
sented something different, namely, transformations of
tity on both sides, exists. It is difficult, however, to see that
Paulicianism that retained to some extent a dualistic charac-
the logical process represented by identification has actually
ter, but were not on this account to be classified as properly
been at work in the linking of religious traditions. At most
syncretist.
it can be said that in literary syncretisms, the authors of
which have been trained in logic, identifications do occur,
Gnosticism. Only Valentinianism and Sethianism can
for example, between central concepts of spirit, or between
be compared with Manichaeism in their degree of systematic
these and personifications.
formulation. The other Gnostic doctrines were not systems
but myths; all however, were syncretic in the same degree,
SYNCRETIST RELIGIONS. These are the high points of syn-
despite differences in content. All were also preceded by
cretic processes inasmuch as they are not the first realizations
Greco-Oriental syncretisms, though this does not mean that
of syncretism but already presuppose less organized syncretic
Greek teaching on spirit is to be understood as forming the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYNCRETISM [FIRST EDITION]
8933
nucleus of the gnostic doctrine of redemption. Central to the
intelligible only against the background of Christian mis-
Gnostic concept of redemption was the idea of a redeemer
sionary activity. These cults materialize the objects of the
who himself needed redemption; around this spiritual nucle-
Christian hope proclaimed by the missionaries and turn
us the syncretic contents of the various Gnosticisms were or-
them into forms of tangible prosperity imported from out-
ganized in very diverse ways. Such phenomena could arise
side; they thus produce numerous new interpretations of
even on the fringes of Judaism, although Judaism by its na-
Christ and other biblical figures in the light of indigenous
ture provided the fewest necessary presuppositions. On the
saviors. The equal or higher status that these cults give to
other hand, the process readily occurred in the Greco-
their own mythical tradition as compared with the Bible
Oriental religions. Second-level syncretisms made their ap-
leads inevitably to the development of new myths that retain
pearance in the structure of the myths, in the peculiar charac-
only a formal likeness either to Christian legend or their own
ter of the redeemer figures, and in the way history and the
older myths.
world were conceived. The result was a basic pattern that has
A similar situation is discernible in the so-called African
recurred in the various Gnosticisms down to the modern pe-
independent churches, especially when ancestor worship and
riod, although this does not mean that all the details of these
initiation are combined with Christian veneration of the
later Gnosticisms derive from ancient Gnosticism.
saints and with baptism. Further linkages lead to a mythical
topography into which the biblical topography can be
Middle Ages. Here I mean to speak of “Middle Ages”
incorporated and to a parallel-structured eschatological geog-
in both the West and the East, despite the fact that the line
raphy.
of demarcation from the modern period, which alone makes
the term meaningful, is not the same in the East as in the
Of the new supraregional institutions of the present
West. The unbroken transmission of the alchemy of late an-
time, some are less syncretistic, others more; the most syncre-
tiquity down to the Renaissance, the uninterrupted continu-
tistic is the Unification Church, in which old Korean sha-
ity of heikhalot mysticism and the Qabbalah as a broad
manistic, Maha¯ya¯na Buddhist, and Presbyterian contribu-
stream within the Jewish tradition, and the ever-possible re-
tions are still recognizable.
vival of Neoplatonic thought meant that new syncretisms
Other modern syncretic movements focus on a present
could constantly arise; these would be comparable to the
that is in need of improvement. In Brazil the Catholic eccle-
ones that occurred in the period when alchemy, Jewish mys-
sial tradition, Pentecostalism, and African and Indian cults,
ticism, and Neoplatonism first appeared. In many instances
as well as, in some cases, an academic formation in the my-
(for example, Ramón Lull (c. 1232–1315), related traditions
thology of European classical antiquity, all had to come in
from the Islamic world were added, although in Lull’s case
contact in order that the great syncretic religions—
any basically syncretist pattern disappeared due to the level
Candomblé, Macumba, and Umbanda—might arise. The
of conceptual abstraction. The same is true of Agrippa
syncretic teaching on spirits and gods found in these religions
(1486–1535) in relation to Jewish mysticism and of Paracel-
can be interpreted in terms of Christian veneration of the
sus (1493–1541) in relation to Neoplatonism. In the milieus
saints or of Indian, African, or even Greek mythology. A
of these two men, however, there were popular forms of both
common orientation to a Buddhist king and a socialist party
white and black magic that can be described as syncretic. In
leader, whose charisma ensured the prosperity of the coun-
the East, syncretisms of a new kind arose in various places.
try, led to a Buddhist-Marxist syncretism in Burma. In Viet-
First mention belongs here to the connections between an
nam, contacts between Buddhism, Christianity, and popular
already syncretic Hinduism and a nonsyncretic Islam, fos-
religion led to the establishment of a new organized religion,
tered in part by the religious policy of Akbar (1542–1605).
Cao Dai.
This ranged from the so-called Muslim brahmans (via inter-
CONCLUSION. It can be stated as a principle that syncretism,
actions between Muslims and Hindus at common festivals
where verifiable, is a late stage in a particular epoch of the
and common shrines in the Punjab and the Sultanates of
history of religions. It will therefore always contain truth-
Delhi) to the formation of a syncretistic organization, Sikh-
claims, inasmuch as insight gained at last into the relativity
ism. In the Near East, the continuance of ancient syncretisms
of all that has preceded makes it possible to compare, com-
despite the superposition of Islam led to syncretisms with the
bine, and interchange elements from the tradition. A tolerant
latter, as among the Druze, the Shams¯ıyah, the Yesid, the
attitude to all that is of value in the world is thus a basic con-
Ahl-i H:aqq, and in some Turkish orders of dervishes. In mis-
dition for the rise of any syncretism, as well as a basic virtue
sionary Buddhism there arose the connections, mentioned
of the human being who is shaped by syncretism and in turn
earlier, between the bodhisattvas and the spirits (or demons)
supports it. In addition, however, an enormous intellectual
of Central Asiatic, Chinese, and Japanese folklore.
power is required in order to cement all the elements togeth-
er into a new type of tradition and, further, to maintain the
Modern age. The acculturation process of the nine-
combination of the erudite and the popular.
teenth and twentieth centuries has likewise produced new
syncretisms that focus either on a utopian future or on a pres-
SEE ALSO Gnosticism; Hellenistic Religions; Hermetism;
ent that is in need of improvement. Among the former type,
Manichaeism; Mystery Religions; New Religious Move-
the cargo cults of Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia are
ments.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8934
SYNCRETISM [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Japan, see Joseph M. Kitagawa’s Religion in Japanese History
Modern study of the topic was inaugurated by Richard Reitzen-
(New York, 1966) and J. H. Kamstra’s Encounter or Syncre-
stein and H. H. Schaeder in their classic Studien zum antiken
tism: The Initial Growth of Japanese Buddhism (Leiden,
Synkretismus aus Iran und Griechenland (Leipzig, 1926). The
1967). On syncretism within a variety of Buddhist cultures,
investigation begun there has been continued in a series of
see Buddhist Backgrounds of the Burmese Revolution, by
symposia: Syncretism: Based on Papers Read at the Symposium
Emanuel Sarkisyanz (The Hague, 1965), and Buddhism in
on Cultural Contact, Meeting on Religious Syncretism Held at
Ceylon and Studies in Religious Syncretism in Buddhist Coun-
Abo on the 8th–10th of September 1966, edited by Sven S.
tries, edited by Heinz Bechert (Göttingen, 1978).
Hartman (Stockholm, 1969); Les syncrétismes dans les religions
grecque et romaine: Colloque de Strasbourg, 9–11 juin 1971
On the Christian position regarding the problem, consult Willem
(Paris, 1973); Synkretismus im syrisch-persischen Kulturgebiet:
Adolph Visser’t Hooft’s No Other Name: The Choice between
Bericht über ein Symposion in Reinhausen bei Göttingen in der
Syncretism and Christian Universalism (London, 1963). On
Zeit vom 4. bis 8. Oktober 1971, edited by Albrecht Dietrich
the dispute concerning syncretism within the Protestant
(Göttingen, 1975); Les syncrétismes dans les religions de
church, see Otto Ritschl’s Die reformierte Theologie des 16.
l’antiquité: Colloque de Besançon, 22–23 octobre 1973, edited
und 17. Jahrhunderts in ihrer Entstehung und Entwicklung
by Françoise Dunand and Pierre L. Lévêque (Leiden, 1975);
(Göttingen, 1926).
and Religious Syncretism in Antiquity: Essays in Conversation
CARSTEN COLPE (1987)
with Geo Widengren, edited by Birger A. Pearson (Missoula,
Translated from German by Matthew J. O’Connell
Mont., 1975). A recent approach to the topic can be found
in Ulrich Berner’s Untersuchungen zur Verwendung des Syn-
kretismus-Begriffes (Wiesbaden, 1982). The historical situa-
tions in which syncretisms can arise are best described in
SYNCRETISM [FURTHER CONSIDERA-
Mircea Eliade’s monumental A History of Religious Ideas
(Chicago, 1978–1986).
TIONS]. Syncretism belongs with several other terms in
the study of religions, such as myth, magic, or religion, that
Many volumes are devoted to the critical appraisal of syncretist
derive from Greek or Latin words but have a complex seman-
materials in the series “Études préliminaires aux religions ori-
entales dans l’Empire romain,” edited by Maarten J. Ver-
tic history in which the meaning of the ancient Greek or
maseren (Leiden, 1967–1981). The theme was also the sub-
Latin word is relatively unimportant when compared to the
ject of a special research area undertaken from 1968 to 1981,
adoption and resemantization of the term in modern scholar-
the results of which were published in the series “Göttinger
ly discourse. In the case of syncretism, Erasmus’s adaptation
Orientforschungen”; see especially Joachim Spiegel’s Die
and Latinization of Greek synkr¯etismós (Plutarch, the Suda
Götter von Abydos: Studien zum ägyptischen Synkretismus
lexicon) into syncretismus paved the way for later usages.
(Wiesbaden, 1971); Wolfgang Schenkel’s Kultmythos und
Erasmus adopted the term in its ancient meaning of “band-
Märtyrerlegende: Zur Kontinuität des ägyptischen Denkens
ing together of Cretans” as a proverbial term to designate an
(Wiesbaden, 1977); Brigitte Altenmüller’s Synkretismus in
alliance of unlike partners based on usefulness, not on mutu-
den Sargtexten (Wiesbaden, 1975); and Maria Theresia Der-
al attraction, and he applied it to the changing coalitions in
chain-Urtel’s Synkretismus in ägyptischer Ikonographie: Die
the religious fights of his own time (Adagia 1.1.11) or to the
Göttin Tjenenet (Wiesbaden, 1979). In addition to the works
on Egypt, the series offers a general study: Synkretismusfor-
necessity of humanist scholars to close ranks against their
schung: Theorie und Praxis, edited by Gernot Wiessner
ideological enemies (Letter 947 to Melanchthon, from
(Wiesbaden, 1978). The principle of syncretism is also dis-
1519). After Erasmus the term radically changed its mean-
cussed in Richard Merz’s Die numinose Mischgestalt (Berlin,
ing. When reused in Protestant sources in its French and En-
1978).
glish adaptations, it referred to the closing of ranks among
Hypotheses regarding an ancient syncretism in Greece and Iran
different groups of reformed Christians, especially Lutherans
are defended by Otto Kern in Die Religion der Griechen, vol.
and Calvinists, despite their considerable doctrinal differ-
1, Von den Anfängen bis Hesiod (Berlin, 1926), and vol. 2,
ences and under the pressure of their common enemy, the
Die Hochblüte bis zum Ausgang des fünften Jahrhunderts (Ber-
papacy, and it was used to censure this closing of the ranks
lin, 1935), and by Sven S. Hartman in Gayomart: Étude sur
as bizarre and unacceptable. Although in these texts the in-
le syncrétisme dans l’ancien Iran (Uppsala, 1953). Descrip-
tended meaning was “a behavior like that of Erasmus’s belea-
tions of syncretism in India can be found in almost every
guered Cretans,” it was quickly understood as “unprincipled
study on the religions of India. On late antiquity, see, in ad-
blending of theological and liturgical truth (ours) and false-
dition to the symposia mentioned above, Christoph Elsas’s
hood (theirs) under outside pressure.” This negative use and
Neuplatonische und gnostische Weltablehnung in der Schule
Plotins (Berlin, 1973). On South America, see Lindolfo
meaning resurfaced in the nineteenth-century missionary po-
Weingärtner’s Umbanda: Synkretistische Kulte in Brasilien,
lemics against native influences on Christianity, and it sur-
eine Herausforderung für die christliche Kirche (Erlangen,
vives in contemporary Catholic discourse about ecumenism
1969); Ulrich Fischer’s Zur Liturgie des Umbandakultes (Lei-
and any other “relativisms” (Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger). In
den, 1970); and Horst H. Figge’s Geisterkult: Besessenheit und
a more descriptive sense, but still with negative connotations,
Magie in der Umbanda-Religion Brasiliens (Freiburg, 1973).
the term became prominent in the scholarly language of his-
For a discussion on syncretism in Africa, see Raymond Rozier’s
torians of religion, philosophers, and linguists in the latter
Le Burundi: Pays de la vache et du tambour (Paris, 1973). On
half of the nineteenth century. In the study of religions, it
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYNCRETISM [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
8935
was mainly used to describe the later stages of Greek and
(such as Sumerian and Assyrian religion), the mutual influ-
Roman religions, with their many imports from Near East-
ence of local religions (as in ancient Egyptian religion), the
ern cultures (J. Réville, La religion à Rome sous les Sévères,
appropriation of foreign divinities (such as Mithra in Rome),
1886) or its identification of divinities such as Asclepius and
or the combination of different divinities into one entity
Zeus (“synkretismus oder religionsmischerei,” H. Usener, Göt-
(such as Zeus and Asclepius). Some of these phenomena were
ternamen, 1895 [1949], p. 337); as a precursor, J. A. Hartung
viewed as unconscious, others could be seen as a conscious
had described the reception of Greek elements into Roman
blending of religious elements; usually, however, an evolu-
religion as Vermischung (Die Religion der Römer, 1836,
tionary approach prevailed that had no interest in individual
p. 249). But as early as in the 1880s it was used in other reli-
agents of syncretism. The usefulness of the term was debated
gions, such as Talmudic Judaism or Avestan religion (see
well before Karsten Colpe’s above entry in this encyclopedia,
Journal of the American Oriental Society 11 [1887]: 114, or
and the debate continues, with good reasons. A successful
16 [1894]: 76). From the perspective of a church historian
scholarly term is an instrument that enables succinct com-
following the church’s traditional evaluation, Adolf von
parison between phenomena that are viewed as related; in
Harnack used the concept to characterize gnosticism (Lehr-
order to do so, it has to have a precise content and its mean-
buch der Dogmengeschichte, vol. 1, 1886; see A. Hilgenfeld,
ing has to find wide agreement in the scholarly community.
“Religionsmischung,” Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theolo-
If the content is vague and fuzzy, comparison is impossible,
gie 33 [1890]: 1). Negative connotations are obvious, and
and if the community does not agree on the definition, com-
“syncretistic” almost equals “heretical.” Thus, syncretism was
munication outside a narrow circle of initiates breaks down.
and still is used as a normative term. Its scholarly use as a
RECENT APPROACHES. In the years after Colpe’s entry (and
descriptive term creates the same complex problems as the
already before that), the term underwent more and some-
use of the term magic: it has proved almost impossible to free
times radical criticism; some of the critics rejected it in favor
it entirely from normative connotations.
of another term.
Two assumptions underlie the descriptive usage: reli-
Redefinition. A first approach insisted on the extreme
gions can be understood as autonomous entities, and purity
fluidity of the concept and its lack of definition, which re-
is their early (“original”) stage; in a simple evolutionary con-
duces its heuristic value. Instead of rejecting the term alto-
cept, syncretism (impurity) is seen as a later phenomenon
gether, several critics paralleled Colpe’s own move to rede-
(lucid in G. van der Leeuw, La religion dans son essence et ses
fine the term. Perhaps the most interesting proposal is Ulrich
manifestations, 1948, pp. 167 ff., 589–593). This appropria-
Berner’s (1992, 2001). Using Niklaus Luhmann’s system
tion of elements from other, especially Asian religious cul-
theory, Berner differentiates between the religious system
tures was often viewed as a sign of weakening (“effete times,”
(such as Greek religion, or Christianity) and the elements of
Journal of the American Oriental Society 11 [1887]: 114) and
this system; he regards religions as systems whose elements—
a result of the population mix in the great urban centers of
both their own form and their relationship to the overall sys-
later antiquity (“syncretism and cosmopolitanism,” Journal
tem—are constantly changing. He defines syncretism not as
of the American Oriental Society 11 [1887]: 16, and [1894]:
the result of a process (as many earlier scholars had done) but
76). Subtexts are the negative view of city life in an industri-
as the process itself. This leads him to locate syncretism on
alized society whose ideals were still derived from a rapidly
both levels of the system: syncretism acts either between dif-
disappearing rural life, and the equally negative view of the
ferent religious systems (say between Shintoism and Chris-
Semitic East as a foil to Greekness, Romanness, or Christian-
tianity) or between single elements of the same system (say
ity (e.g., M. Olender, Les langues du paradis, 1989,
between two Greek divinities); for the latter process, he also
pp. 75–111 on Ernest Renan). Political implications are evi-
proposed to use the term rationalization, leaving syncretism
dent, and it would be interesting to compare the contempo-
to designate processes between different religious systems.
rary development of the terms nation and nationalism: the
On both levels, he then introduced several other terms to
rise of two major European nation-states, Germany and
deal with phenomena that traditionally were also called syn-
Italy, falls into the same period as the rise of the term syncre-
cretism.
tism. In an interesting inversion, the term also characterized
the religious imperialism of the Roman emperors who appro-
This approach to religious terminology shares its prob-
priated foreign cults as part of a strategy of homogenizing the
lems with many comparable approaches in which a tradition-
empire (“all the varieties of mankind . . . restamped at the
al but vague term is retained with a new and specific defini-
Caesarean mint,” Frazer’s Magazine for Town and Country
tion: it has to find a consensus group that shares its meaning.
47 [1853]: 294): this prepared for its critical use in colonial
In the case of syncretism, such a consensus has not been
history.
reached. In Colpe’s proposal the term remains so loose, de-
spite the initial definition, as to comprise a large group of dif-
As a scholarly term, syncretism has been used for describ-
ferent phenomena; in Berner’s case, one might argue that it
ing a wide variety of phenomena, such as the influence of one
would be easier to replace syncretism with yet another new
religion on another (Christian or Islamic influence on Afri-
term than to retain it in its strictly confined meaning; in fact,
can religions), the interpenetration of two religious systems
Berner also uses systematization to denote processes that af-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8936
SYNCRETISM [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
fect entire religious systems. Berner’s insistence on syncre-
mise, although it is somewhat prior to the introduction of
tism as a process, however, has become crucial; other schol-
the term hybridity. It starts from the same discontent with
ars, as we shall see presently, shared this evaluation.
syncretism as a very vague descriptive term with a normative
life of its own and the view that there are no religions that
A similar development occurred in anthropology. An-
would be entirely autonomous entities. All religious phe-
thropologists were less susceptible to the notion of pure cul-
nomena in a given society have always been open to interac-
tures than historians of religion, and early on they subscribed
tions not only from inside the system (Berner’s “rationaliza-
to a descriptive use of the term. But anthropologists also
tion”) but from the outside, which lead to changes in single
began to realize that such a description would make sense
elements or in the entire system. Thus, as a descriptive cate-
only when applied to a process, “syncretization,” not to a
gory of religious or cultural phenomena, syncretism would
state: syncretism as a state would call for its opposite, pure
be unnecessary, not the least because it is a category that is
culture, but such a pure culture exists only at the end of an
based on an evolutionary understanding of culture and reli-
almost infinite regression towards hypothetical origins; all
gion: these phenomena are defined by their origin. Neverthe-
known past and present cultures are syncretistic (Stewart and
less, in this approach the concept is retained in two distinct
Shaw, 1994, pp. 7–9; Johnston, 2002, pp. 71ff).
ways: as describing processes of religious change and in a dis-
Rejection. More recently, scholars rejected the term al-
course of syncretism; these discourses necessarily involve the
together. Following the lead of recent cultural studies, espe-
workings of power and of agency (Stewart and Shaw, 1994).
cially Homi Bhabha (The Location of Culture, 1994) who in
turn followed the pioneering work of the colonial historian
The first way became a focus of scholarly interest in the
Edward Said, these scholars reject the assumption that reli-
later quarter of the twentieth century, and it lacked a distinct
gions are autonomous entities or systems that can at some
vocabulary. Agreeing with Berner’s restriction of “syncre-
point react with each other; they rather focus on the constant
tism” to processes only, this approach opens itself to the same
interaction of single elements in a continuum where interac-
problem as the first, that is, to the necessity of defining the
tion takes place both at the zones of contact and at every pos-
term in a rather specialized way, which therefore potentially
sible other place as well; in Luhmann’s sense, then, we would
reduces its communicative value. The second interest is a
have to enlarge the system to global size. Boundaries are not
critical and historical one and reflects the self-reflexive state
the result of intrinsic processes but they are set from outside,
of contemporary religious studies that it shares with most
usually through hierarchically superior and powerful agents
other fields in cultural and social studies that also led to the
that delineate national religions (versus foreign religions), or-
rejection of the term. The two ways of dealing with the term
thodoxies (versus heresies), or correct religions (versus native
and the underlying reality seem in a somewhat precarious
distortions in a colonial setting). The discourse on syncre-
combination; there is no self-evident path leading from syn-
tism is thus inevitably political, and the descriptive term
cretism as a process to syncretism as a discourse.
“syncretism” is replaced by “hybridity” to express this aceph-
EXEMPLIFICATION. An example might highlight the advan-
alous interaction of elements in a potentially global system.
tages and problems in the different approaches. I shall not
Up to now, the term and its concomitant methodology have
select one of the well-known areas of syncretism as outlined
been applied to the question of gnosticism (King, 2003) or
above by Colpe but deal with two very distinct phenomena,
the formation of Christianity and rabbinic Judaism (Boyarin,
the creation of new religious movements and the formation
1999, p. 8).
of divine personalities.
This approach builds on the insight that religions are
Invention of a new religion. In the past, the term was
not autonomous entities (Joachim Wach, Religionswissen-
applied with preference to new religious entities, either to de-
schaft. Prolegomen zu ihrer wissenschaftlichen Grundlegung,
fine them or to characterize their creation. A case in point
1924, p. 86) and succeeds in taking the criticism against the
is the Roman mysteries of Mithra. A single actor, the anony-
term syncretism seriously; in a move that is similar to the re-
mous inventor of Mithraism, created it in a conscious act of
jection of the term magic as a “semantic trap” (M. Wax and
bricolage by taking over elements from what he regarded as
R. Wax, Current Anthropology 4 [1963]: 495–513), the de-
an exotic religion (Persian) but acting inside his own cultural
scription makes use of a new term. Two problems will have
and religious matrix and reacting to concerns in this very so-
to be addressed in future research. One is the simple fact that
ciety (Beck, 1998, pp. 115–128). One could call this creative
traditional terminology is surprisingly resistant and inert (or,
process syncretism and agree that the term has to be confined
perhaps less surprisingly, the scholarly community as such is
to comparable processes, such as the formation of single
conservative), as the case of magic demonstrates. The other,
gnostic bodies or even the creation of Mormonism, or one
more serious question is whether a model that deals with cul-
could define the term hybridity to denote these same process-
ture can be transferred to religion without modifications and
es. The decision is more one of political correctness than of
adaptations: is religion an integral and equal subsystem of
scholarly gain, and in both cases, it involves the redefinition
culture, or do its elements behave in a different way?
of a broader term from another field.
Middle ground. In between these two opposing views
Formation of a divine personality. Another area that
lies a third approach that on the surface looks like a compro-
traditionally made use of the term syncretism is the formation
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYNCRETISM [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
8937
of divine personalities. A complex case is the Greek god
in the East or dedicated in a Greek sanctuary by Greek and
Zeus. Linguistic and functional analysis has shown that Zeus
Eastern merchants, travelers, and religious specialists; the
has homologues outside Greece, in various other Indo-
identifications of a local god with Zeus by travelers such as
European religious cultures; whatever the exact mechanisms
Herodotus who wanted to understand and explain to their
of the diffusion of Indo-European speakers were, Zeus’s
audience a foreign god by translating his name, by Greek set-
Indo-European ancestry is well established. The way in
tlers who wanted to worship a local god under a name they
which Greek Zeus appeared in poetry and in the cults and
knew, by members of local elites in Anatolia, Etruria, and
images between 700 BCE and 400 BCE is considerably more
Rome who intended to enhance the prestige of their cult by
complex. He presides over the present cosmic order in a suc-
adding stories and images from Greece, or by local craftsmen
cession of rulers since the beginning of cosmogony and the-
looking for pictorial traditions that they lacked in their local
ogony. In a story that depends on several Near Eastern suc-
setting. These agents and interactions created the traditions
cession myths, he fought a battle of wits with Prometheus,
of local and Panhellenic storytelling, iconography, and cult.
a member of the earlier generation of gods and protector of
humans whose stories were influenced by those of Mesopota-
Using the language of syncretism, one would have to
mian Ea/Enki. In order to secure his power, he fought a
speak of two basic forms of syncretism, external and internal,
monster with snake features: this resonates with several Near
between systems and within a system. But to do this would
Eastern foundation myths; the later story of how he was at-
mean to drastically simplify the description of the various
tacked and temporarily defeated by Typhon is connected
processes and thus to lose a rich heuristic and descriptive ar-
with the Syrian Mount Kasios, where Baal Zaphon was wor-
senal; it seems better to create new and more specific terms
shiped. Like many Semitic Baalim and Anatolian weather
than to redefine syncretism to include just one type of process.
gods, Zeus was the god of rain, storms, and lightning whose
preferred place of worship was mountaintops. Thus, a con-
More problems arise when we try to define the bounda-
siderable number of Near Eastern stories helped to shape the
ries of the systems: do we have to respect the boundaries set
early Greek myths of Zeus, as Near Eastern mountain cults
by the locals, or do we impose them from our point of view,
shaped the cult of Zeus on mountaintops. The transfer
and if so, what are the criteria used? The boundaries that
mechanism of stories is clear: through direct or indirect con-
Greeks themselves defined were shifting over the period we
tact, a Near Eastern story was adapted and reshaped by an
focused on, from the city (polis) to the tribe, to all Greeks
early Greek singer; the reshaping was conditioned by the
as a unit; the shifts resulted from political developments in-
singer’s creativity, the specific circumstances of his perfor-
mance, and the expectations of the audience. The mecha-
side Greece. Modern definitions of boundaries usually follow
nism of cult transfer is less clear, but presumably some of the
language or political structure, thus replicating the model of
stories in turn created cults. Furthermore, most early Greek
the modern nation-state: Greek religion as an autonomous
communities worshiped Zeus, and their local stories legiti-
entity was the religion of the people who spoke Greek or of
mated and explained their cults. These local stories and cults
the territory over which Greeks ruled; this expanded the sys-
interacted with those of their neighbors; the stories were
tem when, as a consequence of Alexander’s conquests, Greek
sometimes picked up by itinerant singers and incorporated
became the language of the entire Eastern Mediterranean
into their narrative. Early Greek images of Zeus in the shape
world, whereas it would collapse when the Romans took
of a walking god brandishing a thunderbolt resonated with
over. More recently, scholars resignedly accepted the polis as
Syrian or Anatolian images of local Baalim and with Egyp-
the basic unit of religion and ended up with a vast plurality
tian monumental statues. In an inverse movement, gods in
of Greek religions. This verges towards a reductio ad ab-
other language areas were read as Zeus: Baalim in Syria; local
surdum: any religious contact between two cities could be
weather gods in Anatolia, who in Greek inscriptions ap-
called syncretism.
peared as Zeus, often with the local name as an epithet; Tinia
in Etruria; Jupiter in Rome.
CONCLUSIONS. Syncretism was heavily discussed in the
1970s and 1980s; then, the debate slowed down. Colpe’s
This narration assumes several processes of interaction
to have taken place and several categories of agents to have
hope that scholars could agree on one meaning proved un-
been consciously or unconsciously active: the transfer of nar-
founded; and since the term still has its polemical meaning
rations from the ancient Near East to Greece, from Asian sto-
in present-day church language, it is unlikely that such an
rytellers, scribes, priests, and ordinary people telling stories
agreement is imminent. In this situation it might be more
to Greek merchants, travelers and, finally, itinerant singers
useful not to use the term at all, even though no replacement
who diffused them to Greek audiences; the transfer of local
is in sight. As hybridity with its origin in the discourse of co-
Greek stories from one place to another by singers who made
lonial history suggests, the underlying problems of cultural
it part of their repertoire; the foundation of specific cults or
identity and autonomy are too sensitive to lend themselves
the change of local rituals through the agency either of a sing-
to neutral descriptions and formalizations; it is likely that the
er’s tale or a neighbor’s cult; the manufacturing of images by
coexistence of several scholarly communities with their own
Greek craftsmen after images seen by travelers and merchants
terminology will persist for some time.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8938
SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ity as well as the perfect divinity of Christ, inseparably and
Theoretical studies
unconfusedly united in a single divine-human nature of
Berner, Ulrich. Untersuchungen zur Verwendung des Synkretismus-
Christ’s person. In Christology these churches follow Severus
Begriffes. Göttingen, Germany, 1982.
of Antioch and also Cyril of Alexandria, who spoke of the
Berner, Ulrich. “Synkretismus.” In Handbuch religionswissen-
“one incarnate nature of the Word of God.” Long known
schaftlicher Grundbegriffe, vol. 5, pp. 143–152. Stuttgart,
as Syrian Orthodox, in April 2000 this church’s Holy Synod
Germany, 2001.
changed its official name in English to the Syriac Orthodox
Church of Antioch in order to avoid confusion with Syrian
Motte, André, and Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge. “Du ‘bon usage’
nationality.
de la notion de syncrétisme.” Kernos 7 (1994): 11–27.
HISTORY. Antioch was one of the largest cities in the ancient
Siller, Hermann Pius, ed. Suchbewegungen. Synkretismus—
kulturelle Identität und kirchliches Bekenntnis. Darmstadt,
eastern Mediterranean and became an important political,
Germany, 1991.
military, cultural, and commercial center after it was incor-
porated into the Roman Empire in 64 BCE. It became the
Stewart, Charles, and Rosalind Shaw, eds. Syncretism/Anti-
Greek-speaking capital of the Roman province of Syria,
syncretism: The Politics of Religious Synthesis. London and
New York, 1994.
where most of the inhabitants in the countryside spoke Syri-
ac, a dialect of Aramaic. A Christian community formed at
Select examples of recent usage
Antioch early in the common era; according to Acts 11:26,
Baines, John. “Egyptian Syncretism. Hans Bonnet’s Contribu-
it was here that the followers of Jesus were first called Chris-
tion.” Orientalia 68 (1999): 199–214.
tians, and a strong case has been made that the Gospel of Mat-
Beck, Roger. “The Mysteries of Mithras: A New Account of Their
thew was composed in the city. Both Peter and Paul spent
Genesis.” Journal of Roman Studies 88 (1998): 115–128.
time in Antioch; Paul and Barnabas later set out from the
Blázquez, José María. “El sincretismo en la Hispania Romana
city on their missionary journeys after the local prophets and
entre les religiones indigenas, Griega, Romana, Fenicia y
teachers agreed with the undertaking.
Mistéricas.” In Religiones en la España Antiqua, pp. 29–82.
Madrid, 1991. (Originally published in 1981.)
Ignatius of Antioch (c. 35–c. 107 CE) provided in his
writings the first evidence of a monarchical episcopacy at An-
Boyarin, Daniel. Dying for God: Martyrdom and the Making of
tioch, although the Antiochians themselves have traditional-
Christianity and Judaism. Stanford, Calif., 1999.
ly viewed Peter as their first bishop. In the second and third
Burkert, Walter. “Migrating Gods and Syncretism. Forms of Cult
centuries CE a number of heresies arose and caused unrest in
Transfer in the Ancient Mediterranean.” In The Howard Gil-
the community, including Gnosticism, docetism, Montan-
man International Conferences, vol. 2: Mediterranean Cultural
ism, and Novatianism. Yet these early centuries also saw
Interaction, edited by Asher Ovadiah, pp. 1–21. Tel Aviv,
2000.
great scholars and thinkers, such as Paul of Samosata (third
century CE), Theodore of Mopsuestia (c. 350–428 CE), and
Johnson, Paul Chistopher. Secrets, Gossip, and Gods. The Transfor-
Diodore of Tarsus (d. 394 CE), all three of whom the Syriac
mation of Brazilian Condomblé. Oxford, 2002.
Orthodox now regard as heretics. John Chrysostom (c. 354–
King, Karen L. What Is Gnosticism? Cambridge, Mass., 2003.
407 CE) came from the Greek-speaking city church.
Lambert, Wilfred G. “Syncretism and Religious Controversy in
The leadership of the Syriac Church was decimated by
Babylonia.” In Aufsätze zum 65. Geburtstag von Horst Klen-
gel, vol.1, pp. 159–162. Berlin, 1997.
the persecution that broke out under Diocletian around 304
CE. But by the time of the Council of Nicaea (325 CE) the
Martin, Luther H. “Why Cecropian Minerva? Hellenistic Reli-
metropolitanate of Antioch had largely recovered, having six
gious Syncretism as System.” Numen 30 (1983): 131–145.
Roman provinces under its jurisdiction (Palestine, Phoeni-
FRITZ GRAF (2005)
cia, Coele-Syria, Arabia, Mesopotamia, and Cilicia) with
sixty-six bishops and ten rural bishops. Edessa, rather than
Antioch, was now the center of Syriac Christianity, and its
SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH OF ANTI-
catechetical school, called the Athens of the Aramaic world,
OCH.
flourished until the Byzantine emperor Zeno destroyed it in
The Syriac Orthodox Church and its dependency
489 CE. The center then moved to Nisibis.
in India, along with the Coptic, Armenian, Ethiopian, Ma-
lankara, and Eritrean Orthodox Churches, make up a com-
Increased efforts by the Byzantine emperors to Helle-
munion now called Oriental Orthodox, erroneously called
nize the Syriac-speaking population in the countryside—
“Monophysite” in the past. These churches did not accept
where the “one nature” Christological formula was widely
the Council of Chalcedon (451 CE) and its Christological
accepted—met with stiff opposition there and also in Egypt.
definition that proposed two natures in Christ and so fell out
Resistance began in 449 CE with the Second Council of Eph-
of communion with the rest of the Christian world. But they
esus (called the “Robber Council” in the West) and exploded
never accepted the classical Monophysite position of Euty-
after Chalcedon’s adoption of the “two nature” formula in
ches, who affirmed that the humanity of Christ was absorbed
451 CE. In spite of efforts by the Byzantine emperors to im-
into his single divine nature. They affirm the perfect human-
pose Chalcedonian orthodoxy, in the end only about half of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
8939
the faithful of the ancient Antiochian Patriarchate (located
the faithful east of the Euphrates. Marutha of Tagrit (629–
mostly in the Hellenized urban areas) accepted Chalcedon.
649 CE) was the first bishop to hold this office, having re-
They eventually adopted the Byzantine rite and become what
ceived from the patriarch the title “maphrian of the East.”
is in the twenty-first century the Greek Orthodox Patriarch-
These metropolitans were elected by the bishops of the area
ate of Antioch. The other half, more representative of the
and enjoyed a high level of autonomy, even for a time or-
Syriac-speaking faithful of the interior, never accepted Chal-
daining the patriarchs. (The maphrians were nominated by
cedon, retained their Syriac liturgical tradition, and evolved
the patriarchs after 793 CE, and the office became defunct
into the Syriac Orthodox Church.
in 1848.) The great center of the church’s scholarship was
now at the monastery of Kenneshre on the Euphrates. Per-
By the end of the fifth century CE the Syro-Egyptian re-
haps its most famous graduate was Jacob of Edessa (633–708
volt found a great champion in Severus, patriarch of Antioch
CE), the ascetic scholar and exegete who revised the Syriac
(c. 465–538 CE), under whose influence the Synod of Tyre
Old Testament and the Syriac liturgy.
(513–515 CE) formally rejected the Chalcedonian formula.
Byzantium sought to crush the movement through ruthless
The Umayyad caliphate of Syria was replaced in 750 CE
persecution. In 518 CE the Second Council of Constantino-
by the Abbasid caliphate, and in 762 CE the capital was
ple deposed and anathematized Severus, who then fled to
moved to the newly founded city of Baghdad. Under the Ab-
Egypt.
basids, and also from 969 to 1043 CE, when the Fatimid ca-
liphate ruled Syria from Egypt, there was periodic persecu-
In 521 CE Emperor Justin expelled all non-Chal-
tion of Christians and some signs of corruption in the
cedonian monks and clergy and drove the Syriac Church
hierarchy and the monasteries. Many Christians converted
into the wilderness. This contributed to a renaissance of Syri-
to Islam. Seljuk Turks conquered Jerusalem and Damascus
ac monasticism, which was characterized by devotion to vig-
in the eleventh century. In 1092 the Turkish Empire col-
orous asceticism and solitude. One Syriac monastic, Saint
lapsed, and from 1098 to 1124 the Latin Crusaders occupied
Simeon Stylites (c. 389–459 CE), had spent years alone on
Antioch and Jerusalem.
top of a column, introducing a unique form of Syriac asceti-
cism known as stylitism; this practice continued well into the
Nevertheless in the twelfth century the Syriac Church
Middle Ages.
had 20 metropolitan sees, 103 bishops, and millions of be-
lievers in Syria and Mesopotamia. Sultan S:ala¯h: al-D¯ın (Sala-
In 544 CE the Syriac priest Jacob Baradeus was ordained
din), who defeated the Crusaders and took over Palestine
bishop through the influence of H:a¯rith ibn Jabalah, king of
from them, was supportive of culture and encouraged
the Arabs (c. 529–569 CE), with the support of Empress
learned Christians. An outstanding leader and scholar at this
Theodora (a Syrian) in Constantinople. Bishop Jacob
time was Patriarch Michael the Great (1126–1199), whose
Baradeus is credited with reviving the Syriac Orthodox hier-
Chronicle remains an important source of Syriac Orthodox
archy by ordaining some twenty-seven bishops and hundreds
history. The turbulent thirteenth century, wracked by inva-
of priests and deacons. Because of Bishop Jacob’s pivotal role
sions of Latin Crusaders from the West as well as of Mamluk
in preserving the church for future generations, its detractors
Turks and Mongols from the East, also produced a number
began much later to call the church “Jacobite.” But this name
of pivotal figures, including the chronicler and philosopher
was never accepted by the Syriac Orthodox themselves be-
Gregory Bar Hebraeus (1226–1286), maphrian of the East.
cause of its suggestion that Jacob had been the founder of
The Syriac Orthodox Church grew to more than two hun-
their church.
dred dioceses at this time; decline set in around 1401 with
The Persian invasions began when Chosroes I (reigned
the attack by Tamerlane, the Turkic conqueror.
531–579 CE) sacked Antioch in 540 CE and were repeated
In the seventeenth century a majority of the Thomas
in 614 CE; by 616 CE both Syria and Egypt had fallen to the
Christians of the Malabar Coast in India turned to the Syriac
Persian Sassanids. The Persians deported large numbers of
Orthodox Church and asked it to send them bishops in reac-
Syriac Christians to Mesopotamia, where they were joined
tion to the reforms and Latin practices that the Portuguese
by Christians disaffected from the local (Nestorian) church
had imposed on them at the Synod of Diamper in 1599.
of the East. The Syriac Church reorganized itself during this
This had led to the Coonen Cross revolt in 1653 and an ef-
period, and great centers developed at Seleucia-Ctesiphon
fort to receive pastoral oversight from a church that would
(Mesopotamia) and again at Edessa. In 629 CE the Byzantine
allow them to maintain their ancient traditions. This new re-
emperor Heraclius, who was an Edessan, drove out the Per-
lationship was formalized during the visit of Mar Gregorios,
sians and resumed persecution of the Syriac Orthodox.
Syriac metropolitan of Jerusalem, to India in 1664. The
group then formed an autonomous church within the Syriac
In 636 CE the Arabs conquered Syria. The new Islamic
Patriarchate.
Empire, cultured and tolerant, especially after MuEa¯wiya, the
first Umayyad caliph (661–680 CE), shifted its capital to Da-
By this time the church in Syria had dwindled to about
mascus, improved the legal status of the Syriac Orthodox,
twenty bishops from probably more than two hundred in the
and allowed them to organize themselves separately in Meso-
thirteenth century. Capuchin and Jesuit missionaries began
potamia with their own metropolitan with authority over all
to work among the Syriac Orthodox and received many of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8940
SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
them into the Catholic Church. The Catholic group chose
lands, in Germany, and in Switzerland. There is also a mon-
Bishop Andrew Akhijan as its patriarch in 1662, but he had
astery with about sixty monks connected with the seminary
no successor after his death in 1702. A Catholic patriarchate
in Sayedniya, Syria. The Syriac patriarch has also created a
was permanently established only in 1782, when Syriac Pa-
new order of nuns, the Virgins of Saint Jacob Baradeus,
triarch Michael Jarweh declared himself Catholic and took
which has about fifteen members. The order’s headquarters
refuge in Lebanon. The Orthodox then elected a new patri-
is in Atchaneh, Lebanon, and there are additional communi-
arch of their own, and the two lines have continued into the
ties in Damascus and Baghdad.
twenty-first century.
The Syriac Church in India suffered a split in 1912,
In the nineteenth century, in the Ottoman Turkish Em-
when a group composing about half of its members declared
pire, Kurds assaulted Syriac Christians with large-scale mas-
itself autocephalous (independent) of the Syriac Patriarchate
sacres in 1843, 1846, and 1860. In 1861 the Levant came
and elected its own catholicos. They and those who had re-
under the protection of the French, who worked to strength-
mained loyal to the Patriarchate were reconciled in 1958,
en the Catholics. During and immediately following World
when the Indian Supreme Court declared that only the ca-
War I, as the Ottoman Empire was collapsing, tens of thou-
tholicos subject to the Syriac patriarch and bishops in com-
sands of Syriac Orthodox died as a result of massacres and
munion with him had legal standing. But in 1975, after the
expulsions.
catholicos broke relations with Damascus, the Syriac Patri-
archate excommunicated and deposed him and appointed a
Protestant missionaries in the Middle East since 1819
rival, causing the community to split again. In June 1996 the
have also drawn many Syriac Orthodox into their faith com-
Supreme Court of India rendered a decision declaring that,
munities. Migrations to Europe and the Americas further de-
whereas there is only one Orthodox Church in India whose
pleted their numbers, with many of the émigrés joining other
spiritual head is the Syriac patriarch, the autocephalous ca-
churches, Protestant or Catholic.
tholicos alone has legal standing as the head of the church
MODERN TIMES. The nineteenth and twentieth centuries
in India. Unfortunately this did not reconcile the two com-
were turbulent times for the Syriac Orthodox in the Middle
munities, whose dispute has become embittered. In 2003 the
East, and the struggle for survival became more and more in-
two sides were more or less evenly divided with about one
tense. The headquarters of the Patriarchate, which had been
million adherents each.
in Antioch until 1034, at Mar Barsauma monastery until
ECUMENICAL ACTIVITY. The Syriac Orthodox Church has
1293, and at Der Zafaran monastery until 1933, moved to
been an active participant in the modern ecumenical move-
Homs in 1933 and then to Damascus in 1959. Headed in
ment; it has been a member of the World Council of
2003 by Mar Ignatius Zakka I Iwas (b. 1933, elected 1980),
Churches since 1960 and was a founding member of the
the church has a total of 25 bishops and about 500,000
Middle East Council of Churches. In most of the theological
members. The Syriac Orthodox Church in the twenty-first
dialogues it has acted in concert with the other Oriental Or-
century has an established hierarchy in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq,
thodox Churches. It has had a long-standing relationship
Jordan, Turkey, India, the United States, Canada, and Aus-
with the Anglican Communion in the Middle East and
tralia. There is also an Archdiocese of Central Europe and
India; the Oriental Orthodox and Anglicans reached a Chris-
the Benelux countries based in the Netherlands, an archdio-
tological agreement in 2002.
cese and patriarchal vicariate within the Metropolitanate of
Sweden and Scandinavia based in Södertälje, Sweden, and
The Syriac Orthodox Church also participated in unof-
an archdiocese in Germany.
ficial consultations with the Eastern (Byzantine) Orthodox
Churches from 1964 to 1971 and in an official joint com-
Some theological education is still provided by the
mission from 1985 to 1993. In addition the Syriac Orthodox
monasteries, but Saint Ephrem Syriac Orthodox Seminary
patriarch signed a joint statement with the Greek Orthodox
is the Patriarchate’s major theological school. It was founded
patriarch of Antioch on November 12, 1991, that sanctions
in Zahle, Lebanon, but moved to Mosul, Iraq, in 1939. It
much closer relations between the two churches, including
moved back to Zahle in the 1960s and relocated to At-
a substantial level of sacramental sharing.
chaneh, near Beirut, in 1968. The outbreak of civil war in
Relations with the Catholic Church have improved dra-
Lebanon forced the removal of the students to Damascus,
matically, as was shown by the signing of common declara-
Syria. New facilities for the seminary at Sayedniya, near Da-
tions by Pope Paul VI and Patriarch Ignatius Jacob III in
mascus, were consecrated by the Syriac patriarch on Septem-
1971 and by Pope John Paul II and Patriarch Ignatius Zakka
ber 14, 1996.
I Iwas in 1984. The second declaration states that past
The Syriac monastic tradition, nearly wiped out by the
schisms and divisions concerning the doctrine of the incarna-
invasions of Tamerlane, survives in the Tur Abdin region of
tion “in no way affect or touch the substance of their faith.”
southeastern Turkey. There are two sizable complexes at Der
It also authorized their faithful to receive the sacraments of
Mar Gabriel and Der Zafaran with a total of about fifteen
penance, Eucharist, and anointing of the sick in the other
monks and four communities of nuns in the area. There are
church when access to their own clergy is materially or mor-
monasteries in Jerusalem, near Mosul in Iraq, in the Nether-
ally impossible and outlined broad areas of pastoral coopera-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

SZOLD, HENRIETTA
8941
tion. In addition a direct bilateral theological dialogue be-
class. She subsequently taught, wrote articles in the Jewish
tween the Catholic Church and the Malankara Syrian
press, and organized night classes for east European Jewish
Orthodox Church began in 1989. It issued an agreement on
immigrants in Baltimore before leaving for Philadelphia in
interchurch marriages in 1993.
1893 to work for the Jewish Publication Society of America
LITURGY. The Syriac Orthodox liturgical tradition, often
(founded 1888). There, she edited and translated important
called West Syrian, drew upon translations of Greek texts
volumes of Judaica, indexed Heinrich Graetz’s History of the
from Jerusalem and Antioch and added Syriac-language ma-
Jews, and for a time compiled the American Jewish Year Book.
terial from Edessa, largely poetry and hymns. It is one of the
In 1903 she attended classes at Jewish Theological Seminary
richest ancient Christian liturgical traditions, with about one
of America in New York. In 1909, after her first love, Louis
hundred Eucharistic prayers, three baptismal liturgies, and
Ginzberg, professor at the seminary, married another
poetic sets of daily offices and festal liturgies now available
woman, she traveled to Palestine, where her Zionist commit-
in English (few of which are in use). The choir has not re-
ments were renewed. In 1910, she became secretary of the
placed the congregation in worship, as it has in the Byzantine
Federation of American Zionists, and two years later joined
tradition. The principal anaphora (Eucharistic prayer) is that
with other women to found Hadassah on a nationwide basis.
of Saint James, which is rooted in the Jerusalem tradition and
After 1916, she devoted her full attention to the organization
attained its present form at the end of the fourth century CE.
and spent considerable time in Palestine involved in its medi-
Many of the hymns in use come from Ephraem the Syrian,
cal and educational endeavors as well as broader Zionist af-
the great fourth-century CE ascetic and poet.
fairs. She spent her last years directing the efforts of Youth
Aliyah, the movement established to save Jewish youngsters
B
in Nazi-occupied Europe by bringing them to Palestine.
IBLIOGRAPHY
Atiya, Aziz S. A History of Eastern Christianity. London, 1968.
Henrietta Szold espoused a Jewish way of life that was
Brock, Sebastian, and David G. K. Taylor, eds. The Hidden Pearl:
at once deeply religious, strongly ethical, and broadly toler-
The Syrian Orthodox Church and Its Aramaic Heritage. Rome,
ant. Her religious practices and outlook were shaped by Con-
2001.
servative Judaism, but she followed an independent course,
Chaillot, Christine. The Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch and
evinced considerable interest in Jewish religious writings by
All the East: A Brief Introduction to Its Life and Spirituality.
women, and insisted on her right to recite the Qaddish
Geneva, 1998.
prayer in memory of her mother, as well as to fulfill other
Daniel, David. The Orthodox Church of India. 2d ed. New Delhi,
Jewish religious obligations traditionally restricted to men.
1986.
Impelled by her religious values as well as her lifelong paci-
fism, she associated during her last years with Jewish thinkers
McCullough, W. Stewart. A Short History of Syriac Christianity to
in Palestine who sought Arab-Jewish rapprochement and ad-
the Rise of Islam. Chico, Calif., 1982.
vocated a binational state. Her example of Jewish social activ-
Moffett, Samuel H. A History of Christianity in Asia, vol. 1: Begin-
ism coupled with her fostering of traditional Jewish ideals has
nings to 1500. New York, 1992.
inspired Jewish women throughout the world, particularly
Paulos Gregorios. The Orthodox Church in India: An Overview.
those associated with Hadassah.
Delhi and Kottayam, India, 1982.
Paulos Gregorios. “Syrian Orthodox Church of Antioch.” In The
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Encyclopedia of Religion, 1st ed., edited by Mircea Eliade, vol.
Henrietta Szold’s writings and letters remain scattered; for a small
14, pp. 227–230. New York, 1987.
selection, see Marvin Lowenthal’s Henrietta Szold: Life and
Letters (New York, 1942). A brief but penetrating overview
Sélis, Claude. Les Syriens orthodoxes et catholiques. Turnhout, Bel-
of Szold’s life and career by Arthur Hertzberg appears in No-
gium, 1988.
table American Women, edited by Edward T. James et al.
Trimingham, J. Spencer. Christianity among the Arabs in Pre-
(Cambridge, Mass., 1971). Full-length studies include Alex-
Islamic Times. New York, 1979.
andra Lee Levin’s The Szolds of Lombard Street: A Baltimore
Family, 1859–1909 (Philadelphia, 1960), which covers her
RONALD G. ROBERSON (2005)
early life, and two critical biographies: Irving Fineman’s
Woman of Valor: The Life of Henrietta Szold, 1860–1945
(New York, 1961) and Joan Dash’s Summoned to Jerusalem:
SZOLD, HENRIETTA (1860–1945), was a Zionist
The Life of Henrietta Szold (New York, 1979).
leader and a founding president of Hadassah, the leading
New Sources
women’s Zionist organization in the United States. Born in
Gidal, Nachum Tim. Henrietta Szold: A Documentation in Photos
Baltimore, Maryland, the eldest child of Benjamin Szold and
and Text. Jerusalem, 1997.
Sophia (Schaar) Szold, she was educated by her father, a
JONATHAN D. SARNA (1987)
rabbi, and in local schools, graduating first in her high school
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

T
T:ABAR¯I, AL- (AH 224/5–310; 839–923 CE), fully Abu¯ JaEfar Muh:ammad ibn Jar¯ır
al-T:abar¯ı, was an Islamic religious scholar and historian. Born in A¯mul in T:abarista¯n,
northern Persia, just south of the Caspian Sea, al-T:abar¯ı reports that by the age of seven
he had learned the QurDa¯n by heart, by the age of eight had qualified as a prayer leader
(ima¯m), and by the age of nine was studying traditions from Muh:ammad. At the age of
twelve he set off on the proverbial Muslim quest for knowledge, first by attending school
in Rayy (in what is now Tehran) and then, in 855, setting off for Baghdad, likely in hopes
of studying with the famous traditionist Ah:mad ibn H:anbal, who, however, died in that
same year just before al-T:abar¯ı’s arrival. After a number of sojourns in other cities in Iraq,
Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, he settled in Baghdad and devoted his life to scholarly pursuits
involving teaching and writing. Al-T:abar¯ı is reported to have written over twenty works,
although differentiating individual books is sometimes problematic because of the suspi-
cion that some works may be known under a variety of titles. According to various anec-
dotes, al-T:abar¯ı avoided taking any positions of administrative responsibility, despite the
urging of government officials and colleagues, and devoted his energies purely to his work.
Stories are told of him writing forty pages a day for forty years, and while the accuracy
of the numbers is doubtful given their symbolic value, his dedication to his work is appar-
ent in the level of his output.
Al-T:abar¯ı was an impressively prolific polymath. He wrote on such subjects as poet-
ry, lexicography, grammar, ethics, mathematics, and medicine, although none of his
works on these topics has survived. His fame today rests primarily upon his writings in
the fields of history, the QurDanic sciences, and law. The scope of his accomplishments
in the first two fields is especially significant given the unique value of his two main works,
the world history entitled TaDr¯ıkh al-rusul wa-al-mulu¯k (The history of the prophets and
the kings) and the commentary (tafs¯ır) on the QurDa¯n entitled Ja¯mi Eal-baya¯n Ean taDw¯ıl
a¯y al-QurDa¯n (The gathering of the explanation of the interpretation of verses of the
QurDa¯n).
Al-T:abar¯ı’s Ja¯mi Eal-baya¯n Ean taDw¯ıl a¯y al-QurDa¯n is, at least superficially, a volumi-
nous compendium of traditional matter concerned with the meaning of each verse of the
C LOCKWISE FROM TOP LEFT CORNER. The Golden Pavilion, or Kinkakuji, in Kyoto, Japan. [©Dallas
and John Heaton/Corbis]; Thor’s hammer amulet, tenth century. National Museum of Iceland,
Reykjavik. [©Werner Forman/Art Resource, N.Y.]; Tenth- to twelfth-century stone carving of
Chacmool near the Temple of the Warriors at Chichen Itza in Mexico. [©Kevin Schafer/
Corbis]; Temple of Hatshepsut in Luxor, Egypt. [©Dallas and John Heaton/Corbis]; Nepalese
Ta¯ra¯. [©Christie’s Images/Corbis].
8943

8944
T:ABAR¯I, AL-
QurDa¯n, presented in sequence following the text of scrip-
pretation. This “obvious” meaning of a text can be overrid-
ture. Some 35,000 traditions (with a significant degree of du-
den only by a positive indication of the necessity to do so,
plication present in actual interpretational material) going
as by a tradition that is fully authoritative and convincing.
back to the first Islamic century (seventh to eighth centuries
Otherwise the z:a¯hir meaning, defined as “what predominates
CE) are cited. Al-T:abar¯ı was also a creative scholar, however,
in practice,” al-gha¯lib f¯ı-al-isti Ema¯l, must be accepted.
and his editorial function in compiling this type of informa-
Al-T:abar¯ı also compiled as a separate work a massive collec-
tion cannot be ignored. Any reports of QurDanic interpreta-
tion and evaluation of textual variants to the QurDa¯n, Kita¯b
tion attributed to Muqa¯til ibn Sulayma¯n (d. 767), for exam-
f¯ı-al-qira¯Da¯t (A book on the variant readings), which still ex-
ple, are omitted, presumably because of his tarnished
ists today in manuscript form.
reputation as a reliable source. In general, al-T:abar¯ı omits
any information that was rejected by the consensus of the
As a historian, al-T:abar¯ı equaled his accomplishments
community at his time. In addition, al-T:abar¯ı virtually al-
as a QurDanic exegete. His TaDr¯ıkh al-rusul wa-al-mulu¯k,
ways notes which interpretation of a given verse he prefers,
which exists today in fifteen printed volumes, is said to be
and he is given to supporting his contentions with philologi-
a greatly abbreviated version of al-T:abar¯ı’s original plan. The
cal analysis or poetical evidence not necessarily connected
work commences with the creation and the era of the biblical
with any report from a traditional authority. He also discuss-
patriarchs, details some early rulers of Israel and Persia, and
es matters of dogmatics and law, in some instances in a de-
then moves on to Sassanid history. As might be expected, the
tailed manner and on a sophisticated level. The theological
text becomes far more detailed after this portion. For the life
outlook in his work is in keeping with the mainstream of
of Muh:ammad, the first four caliphs of Islam, the Umayyad
Baghdad thought at the time, following in the legacy of Ibn
dynasty, and the Abbasid rulers up to 915, it is organized
H:anbal, although his opinions did, on occasion, evoke some
year by year. The aim of the work was to document world
protest among local rival scholars. His theological position
history leading up to Muh:ammad, and then to trace the con-
is also evidenced in two independent works, S:ar¯ıh: al-sunnah
tinuity of the experiences of the Muslim community in the
(The essence of correct practice), a brief profession of faith
following years. Like his QurDa¯n commentary, this work is
( Eaq¯ıdah) written in response to accusations of incorrect be-
traditionally oriented in structure, although here al-T:abar¯ı’s
lief on al-T:abar¯ı’s part by his contemporaries; and a frag-
editorial role is more clearly limited to selection, arrange-
ment of his work on the “principles of religion,” us:u¯l al-d¯ın,
ment, and documentation of the material cited; rarely do the
entitled Tabs:¯ır f¯ı ma Ea¯lim al-d¯ın (An instruction concerning
editor’s own words intrude.
the characteristics of religion), which was directed to the in-
Al-T:abar¯ı’s respect for his method of simple presenta-
habitants of his hometown of A¯mul regarding sectarian opin-
tion results in much duplication, such that historical records
ions that were emerging in the area.
conveying similar material are found frequently. This results
Each section of Ja¯mi E al-baya¯n commences with a quo-
from the inclusion of reports that stem from different
tation from the QurDa¯n, generally a verse or a thematic unit.
sources, all of which were judged by al-T:abar¯ı to be trust-
Traditions are then cited, complete with their chains of au-
worthy in the isna¯d of their transmission and thus intrinsical-
thority (asa¯n¯ıd; singular: isna¯d) substantiating the transmis-
ly valuable. His history telling, therefore, is not linear but a
sion of the report; the traditions are grouped according to
conjunction of varying accounts. Al-T:abar¯ı’s editorial role
different possibilities of interpretation for the passage in
does at least allow him to support his own regional and parti-
question. The citation of these groups of traditions is fre-
san positions within the broad scheme of Islamic history.
quently preceded by a statement such as, “Interpreters differ
TaDr¯ıkh al-rusul wa-al-mulu¯k quickly became famous in the
concerning the meaning of God’s having said that. . . .”
Islamic world, with later writers using it as the basis for even
Following the enumeration of all attested interpretations,
more comprehensive works and others working at extending
al-T:abar¯ı usually gives his own preference, saying, “In my
its chronological dimensions and also translating it into Per-
opinion, the best of the statements is the following. . . ,”
sian and Turkish.
and he argues the case on the basis of parallel QurDanic pas-
sages, grammar, poetry, theology, or whatever seems appro-
Al-T:abar¯ı attempted to strike out on his own in the ju-
priate to make his point.
ristic field. He formed a school of law (called the Jar¯ır¯ıyah
after his father), but it quickly fell into obscurity after his
Al-T:abar¯ı also appended a fairly extensive introduction
death, since it was not substantially different from the school
to Ja¯mi E al-baya¯n entitled Risa¯lat al-tafs¯ır (The epistle on in-
of al-Sha¯fi E¯ı, to which al-T:abar¯ı originally belonged. Frag-
terpretation), in which he sets forth some principles of inter-
ments of a large work that al-T:abar¯ı wrote on law, Ikhtila¯f
pretation along with a discussion of the standard disputed
al-fuqaha¯D (The disagreement among the jurists), which de-
issues concerning the QurDa¯n (the language of the QurDa¯n,
tails the opinions of great jurists of early Islam, as well as of
the notion of the seven readings of the text, and the collec-
a collection of h:ad¯ıth entitled Tahdh¯ıb al-a¯tha¯r (The revised
tion of the QurDa¯n). He argues for a concept of the “obvious”
compilation of the traditions), still exist, but those works rep-
(z:a¯hir) meaning of the QurDa¯n, rather than metaphorical or
resent only a small portion of his overall scholarly output in
figurative renderings, as the only legitimate mode of inter-
the area.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

T:ABA¯T:ABA¯D¯I, EALLA¯MA
8945
Al-T:abar¯ı is considered a master of historical writing
tions cited by al-T:abar¯ı. Herbert Berg, The Development of
and of tafs¯ır, and in subsequent generations he was seen as
Exegesis in Early Islam: The Authenticity of Muslim Literature
the most important intellect of his age, a mujtahid. He
from the Formative Period (Richmond, U.K., 2000), uses
gained this stature not only because of his prodigious output
al-T:abar¯ı’s tafs¯ır as a source of data to discuss the issue of
but also because of his critical acumen, especially as displayed
the reliability of the ascription of material to early authori-
in Ja¯mi E al-baya¯n. The tafs¯ır is also the earliest complete and
ties. Claude Gilliot, Exégèse, langue, et théologie en Islam:
L’exégèse coranique de Tabari (m. 311/923) (Paris, 1990), is
extensive work of its type available today (although other
a masterful study of al-T:abar¯ı’s exegetical approach; it is sup-
briefer but earlier works do still exist), and the history has
plemented by Gilliot’s articles “Exégèse et sémantique insti-
been a major source for all reconstructions of events in early
tutionelle dans le commentaire de Tabari,” Studia Islamica
Islam, since it is, like the tafs¯ır, the earliest comprehensive
77 (1993): 41–94, and “Mythe, recit, histoire du salut dans
compilation of historical reports for the Islamic period. Con-
le commentaire coranique de Tabari,” Journal Asiatique 282
sidering the importance and value of the works, it is some-
(1994): 237–270.
what surprising that few complete manuscript copies have
On al-T:abar¯ı’s h:ad¯ıth work, see Claude Gilliot, “Le traitement du
survived to the present (scattered single volumes are available
H:ad¯ıt dans le Tahd¯ıb al-a¯ta¯r de Tabari,” Arabica 41 (1994):
in numerous libraries, however) and that, until the end of
¯
¯
¯
309–351. Al-T:abar¯ı’s creed is translated in Dominique
the nineteenth century, the complete work of the tafs¯ır was
Sourdel, “Une profession de foi de l’historien al-T:abar¯ı,”
believed lost. Perhaps because of the voluminous nature of
Revue des études islamiques 36 (1968): 177–199.
the texts, they remained works suitable only for other schol-
ANDREW RIPPIN (2005)
ars; later summaries and translations of the works became
particularly important and, in some ways, eclipsed the origi-
nal work, even though al-T:abar¯ı’s fame as a historian and
religious scholar remained intact.
T:ABA¯T:ABA¯D¯I, EALLA¯MA. Muh:ammad H:usayn
T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı (1903–1981) was arguably one of the most
B
prominent Sh¯ıE¯ı Muslim scholars of the twentieth century;
IBLIOGRAPHY
TaDr¯ıkh al-rusul wa-al-mulu¯k was published under the general edi-
he was given the honorific title EAlla¯ma, a testimony to the
torship of M. J. de Goeje with the title Annales quos scripsit
extent and depth of his knowledge in the Sh¯ıE¯ı tradition of
Abu¯ Djafar Moh:ammed ibn Djar¯ır at:-T:abari, 15 vols. (Lei-
Islamic scholarship.
den, 1879–1901). Other editions were printed in Cairo in
T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı was born into a family of Sh¯ıE¯ı Eulama¯D (Is-
1909 and in 1960–1965. The entire work has been translat-
lamic scholars) in Tabr¯ız, northwest of Iran, in 1903. In
ed into English in thirty-nine volumes, The History of
al-T:abar¯ı (Albany, N.Y., 1985–1999), volume 1, General
1918, after finishing his primary education, he entered the
Introduction, and From the Creation to the Flood, translated
field of religious studies and, until 1925, he studied Arabic
and annotated by Franz Rosenthal (1989), provides a de-
grammar, logic, principles of Islamic jurisprudence, Islamic
tailed survey of al-T:abar¯ı’s life, works, and accomplishments.
law, theology, and philosophy. In 1926 he settled in Najaf,
For an understanding of the scope of al-T:abar¯ı’s history, see
the most famous Sh¯ıE¯ı seminary (h:awza) in Iraq at that time,
Claude Gilliot, “Récit, mythe, et histoire chez Tabari: Une
in order to complete his higher studies, attaining a license
vision mythique de l’histoire universelle,” Mélanges de
to perform ijtiha¯d—independent reasoning and deduction
l’institut dominicain d’études orientales du Caire 21 (1993):
based on the principles and sources of Islamic law.
277–289; and Chase F. Robinson, Islamic Historiography
(Cambridge, U.K., 2003). A full treatment of al-T:abar¯ı’s
He returned to Tabr¯ız, his birthplace, in 1934. In 1946,
history and studies about it is found in Franz-Christoph
due to the political situation in the northwest of Iran, which
Muth, Die Annales von at:-T:abar¯ı im Spiegel der europäischen
at that time was under the influence of the Soviet Union, he
Bearbeitungen (Frankfurt, 1983).
went to the city of Qum, where he resumed his scholarly re-
Al-T:abar¯ı’s commentary (tafs¯ır) on the QurDa¯n, Ja¯mi E al-baya¯n
search. In Qum he taught Islamic philosophy and QurDanic
Ean taDw¯ıl a¯y al-QurDa¯n, was first published in Cairo in 1903
studies for the rest of his life and became one of the greatest
and again in 1905; a new Cairo edition was begun in 1954.
contemporary masters in these two disciplines.
A summary translation has been published in French by
T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı was a prolific writer in both Arabic and Per-
Pierre Godé, Commentaire du Coran (Paris, 1983), in five
volumes, and a portion, through su¯rah 2, verse 103 (includ-
sian. His work had a profound impact on contemporary
ing the introduction), is available in English as The Commen-
Sh¯ıE¯ı thought, principally through his contribution to four
tary on the QurDa¯n, by Abu¯ Ja Efar Muh:ammad b. Jar¯ır
areas: QurDanic commentary and interpretation, philosophy,
al-T:abar¯ı, Being an Abridged Translation of Ja¯mi E al-baya¯n
mysticism, and sociocultural debate.
Ean taDw¯ıl a¯y al-QurDa¯n, with an introduction and notes by
T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı successfully revitalized the discipline of
J. Cooper, edited by Wilferd Madelung and Alan Jones (Ox-
ford, 1987). A fundamental study on this work is Otto Loth,
QurDanic exegesis (tafs¯ır), making this one of the core sub-
“Tabari’s Korancommentar,” Zeitschrift der Deutsche morgen-
jects of the curriculum within the seminary of Qum. His
ländischen Gesellschaft 35 (1881): 588–628. Harris Birke-
own monumental commentary on the QurDa¯n, al-M¯ıza¯n f¯ı
land, The Lord Guideth: Studies on Primitive Islam (Oslo,
Tafs¯ır al-Qur Da¯n, is ample evidence of his mastery of all the
1956), provides a detailed study of the structure of the tradi-
sciences required for in-depth QurDanic interpretation.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8946
T:ABA¯T:ABA¯D¯I, EALLA¯MA
Al-M¯ıza¯n appeared at a time when standards of scholarship
gion in the modern world, the rights of women, and the
in Sh¯ıE¯ı seminaries were determined by the discipline of ju-
weakness of materialistic philosophy. Between 1958 and
risprudence (fiqh). Those who were involved in other fields,
1977 T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı had an important series of scholarly and
such as tafs¯ır, were considered weak both in scholarly and
philosophical debates with Henry Corbin, the renowned
social terms. The reason was that although in the seminaries
French scholar of Islamic thought. He also encouraged his
the discipline of fiqh was dominated by Us:u¯l¯ı thought, tafs¯ır
students to participate in sociocultural debates; among those
was still strongly influenced by the rival Akhba¯r¯ı school,
students, one should mention such figures as Murtad:a¯
which places primary stress upon the narration of traditions
Mut:ahhar¯ı and Muh:ammad H:usayn Bihisht¯ı, who went on
(ah:a¯d¯ıth or akhba¯r, pl. of khabar, “report”). Thus, tafs¯ır was
to play important roles in Iran’s Islamic revolution in 1979.
not given very much importance. T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı succeeded in
The influence of T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı on Sh¯ıE¯ı thought generally
radically changing this state of affairs, such that tafs¯ır is now
remains very strong; at present most of the masters of Islamic
considered one of the major disciplines within Sh¯ıE¯ı semi-
philosophy, mysticism, and interpretation of the QurDa¯n in
naries. The key interpretive principle applied by T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı
the seminaries of Iran were his students. In addition to the
in his commentary is that of interpreting verses of the QurDa¯n
above-named students, one should also mention such tower-
through other verses of the QurDa¯n. According to him, in
ing figures as S. J. A¯shtiyya¯n¯ı, Ayatollah Java¯d¯ı A¯mul¯ı, and
order to obtain an understanding of the objective meaning
Ayatollah H:asanza¯dih A¯mul¯ı, who are now known as the
of the QurDa¯n, the interpreter must set aside all personal ideas
leading experts in Iran in interpretation of the QurDa¯n, Islam-
and opinions and make an effort to understand and interpret
ic philosophy, and Eirfa¯n. Seyyed Hossein Nasr was also one
the verses of the QurDa¯n only in the light of other QurDanic
of T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı’s students, and it was through Nasr that
verses. Although this method was used in part by various
T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı was introduced to the English-speaking world,
schools of interpretation, it was T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı who articulated
with his translation of T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı’s Sh¯ı Ea dar Islam, as Shi Eite
and employed this method most successfully, making it the
Islam, in 1975. T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı died on November 15, 1981.
very cornerstone of his interpretive hermeneutic. He wrote
al-M¯ıza¯n over a period of eighteen years, from 1954 to 1972.
SEE ALSO Ibn al-EArab¯ı; Mulla¯ S:adra¯.
Originally written in Arabic in twenty volumes, it has been
translated into Persian, and the first six volumes have been
translated into English.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Works by T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı
T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı also played a significant role in elevating the
Al-M¯ıza¯n f¯ı Tafs¯ır al-Qur Da¯n. 20 vols. Beirut, 1974.
status of Islamic philosophy in Sh¯ıE¯ı circles, and particularly
within Iran; he contributed to the process by which philoso-
Shi Eite Islam. Translated and edited by Seyyed Hossein Nasr. Lon-
phy became once again a major focus of teaching and re-
don and Albany, N.Y., 1975. Includes T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı’s biogra-
phy and bibliography.
search. Although he was a master in Mulla¯ S:adra¯’s philo-
sophical school, al-h:ikmah al-muta Ea¯liyah (transcendent
The Qur Da¯n in Islam: Its Impact and Influence in the Life of Mus-
theosophy), he avoided the mixing of philosophy with the
lims. Translated by A. Yates. Blanco, Tex., and London,
traditional, transmitted sources, the QurDa¯n and h:ad¯ıth, that
1987.
characterizes the works of Mulla¯ S:adra¯’s school of philoso-
Islamic Teaching: An Overview. Translated by R. Campbell. New
phy. T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı insisted on maintaining a clear distinction
York, 1989. Includes a translation of the author’s brief auto-
between these two disciplines, as is clearly expressed in his
biography.
philosophical works Bida¯yat al-h:ikma (The beginning of phi-
Al-M¯ıza¯n: An Exegesis of the Qur Da¯n. Vols. 1–7. Translated by
losophy) and Niha¯yat al-h:ikma (The ultimate end/goal of
Syed Saeed Akhtar Rizvi. Tehran, 1983–1992.
philosophy).
Studies
His contribution to Islamic mysticism, known in its
Al-Aws¯ı, EAl¯ı. Al-T:aba¯t:aba¯ D¯ı wa Manhajuh f¯ı Tafs¯ırih al-M¯ıza¯n.
Sh¯ıE¯ı form as Eirfa¯n, consisted in his teaching of one of the
Tehran, 1985.
principal sources of this approach, that is, the school of
Mis:ba¯h:, Muh:ammad Taq¯ı. “Naqsh EAlla¯ma T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı Dar
Muh:y¯ı al-D¯ın Ibn al-EArab¯ı. He succeeded in his efforts, de-
Nihd:at Fikr¯ı Hawzah EIlmiyyah Qum.” In Ya¯dna¯mih Mufas-
spite strong opposition from many exoteric Sh¯ıE¯ı scholars of
sir Kab¯ır Usta¯d EAlla¯ma Sayyid Muh:ammad H:usayn
his time. The emergence in the Sh¯ıE¯ı seminary of Qum of
T:aba¯t:aba¯ D¯ı, edited by A. M¯ıya¯naj¯ı, pp. 135–144. Qum,
a new generation of scholars well-versed in the mysticism
Iran, 1982.
of Ibn EArab¯ı is in large part due to his influence.
Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. “T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı, Muh:ammad H:usayn.” In The
Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World, vol. 4, ed-
T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı was also actively involved in sociocultural
ited by John L. Esposito, pp 161–162. Oxford, 1995.
debates about Islam. After World War II, the influence of
modernism and Marxism on traditional Iranian society was
Qur Da¯nic Research Quarterly 9–10 (1997). Issue devoted to
increasing. T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı devoted several books and articles to
T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı.
discussing key issues arising out of these confrontations be-
MOHAMMAD JAFAR ELMI (2005)
tween modernism and tradition—such as the status of reli-
REZA SHAH-KAZEMI (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TABOO
8947
TABERNACLES, FEAST OF SEE SUKKOT
out Polynesia for the removal and neutralizing of tapu and
of polluting influences harmful to one’s tapu (Handy, 1927,
pp. 51–55). Fire and heat were also used ritually against
baneful influences, especially spirits. Many communities
TABOO is a social prohibition or restriction sanctioned
maintained a “sacred water” or spring specifically for the re-
by suprasocietal (innate) means or a socially sanctioned in-
moval of tapu.
junction alleged to have the force of such a prohibition.
Taboo stands at the intersection of human affairs and the
The cosmic principle or force behind the restrictions
forces of the larger universe. Generally it is determined by
and prohibitions of tapu is conveyed in the general Polyne-
divine or animistic mandates; but it may involve “punish-
sian conception of mana. Mana is invisible and abstract,
ment” by inherent circumstances as well, for instance, the
knowable only through its efficacy and through its manifes-
real, but exaggerated, danger of genetic damage to the off-
tation in things, yet it is universal. Like the Arabic barakah,
spring of incestuous unions implied in the incest taboo of
mana combines sacredness with the sense of “luck” or
American folk culture.
“power” in the most encompassing terms. Chiefs, chiefly
persons and their possessions and doings, and rites involving
The word taboo (from the Tongan tabu, a variant of the
the gods are tapu because they are suffused with mana. The
more general Polynesian term tapu and the Hawaiian kapu)
danger of polluting influences is that they may discharge the
reached the West through Captain James Cook’s account of
mana of persons or objects that are more highly endowed;
his third voyage. He was introduced to the term at Ton-
common persons, on the other hand, run the risk of being
gatapu, in the Tonga, or Friendly, Islands, and commented
struck or overcome by mana greater than theirs. Tapu may
that the word had a very comprehensive meaning but gener-
be seen as the “insulator” between unequal degrees of mana.
ally signified a thing that is forbidden (Webster, 1942, p. 5).
Thus Handy suggests that electricity may serve as a useful
In fact, the general Polynesian usage implies that what is tapu
analogy in illustrating the nature of the concept of mana
is interdicted through its relation to the sacred, or its relation
(ibid., p. 28), though of course it is fundamentally a religious
to cosmic forces. Tapu, then, relates the cosmic to human
rather than a naturalistic concept.
actions, and the realm of tapu amounts to a comprehensive
Even modern curers and others who have recourse to its
system of religious mandate controlling individual and social
manipulation consider mana distinct in its operation from
life.
the world of ordinary life processes, exchanges, and human
In Polynesian religion, tapu has the function of segregat-
interaction. Curers who use mana may not accept compensa-
ing persons, objects, or activities that are divine or sacred, or
tion in money (MacKenzie, 1977). As a universal power,
those that are corrupt or polluting, from the common, every-
mana is evidenced in every kind of efficacy: a woodcarver
day realm. Thus chiefs, high-ranking persons, and their lin-
manifests mana in his talents and in the tools and circum-
eages were surrounded with tapu; the heads of all persons,
stances of his work, and canoe makers, gardeners, curers, sor-
and especially of chiefly persons, were tapu; but also the
cerers all have their mana, capable of being lost or dispersed
clothing and sleeping places of women in their menstrual pe-
unless the proper tapu are observed. Of these examples of
riods were dangerous to men, who were tapu in relation to
mana the chiefly mana is the highest and most concentrated,
them (Best, 1905, p. 212). An “eating tapu” required men
and it poses a serious danger for the unprotected commoner.
and women, and often all classes of persons of unequal status,
As an abstract and generalized conception of power,
to eat separately, or even to have their food prepared sepa-
mana is analogous to Lakota wakan, Iroquois orenda, and
rately and with different utensils.
other concepts of power found among indigenous North
Consecrational tapu applied in circumstances of wor-
American groups. The term is by no means universal among
ship and labor performed for the gods and temples, and those
Austronesian-speaking peoples, though many have cognate
involved entered a tapu state, which had to be neutralized
notions. Among the major world religions mana has counter-
later. Life-crises events (birth, marriage, illness, death) in-
parts, perhaps, in the Islamic notion of barakah, the Hindu
volving chiefly persons, wars, and fishing expeditions im-
notion of sakti, and possibly in the Greco-Christian concept
posed community-wide restrictions on common activities,
of charisma.
including the preparation and eating of food, movement, the
The notion of the “psychic unity of mankind,” that is,
lighting of fires, and noisemaking. Tapu could also be in-
that human cultures everywhere must pass through certain
voked through appealing to the gods to enforce a prohibition
necessary stages of evolutionary growth, allowed speculative
on some object, crop, or piece of land; in the Marquesas Is-
writers around the turn of the twentieth century to draw con-
lands a chief could taboo land in this way by calling it his
spicuous examples of primitive religious concepts from par-
“head.” A temporary taboo laid on crops, trees, or fishing
ticular ethnographic areas and universalize them. The Poly-
grounds was called a rahui (Handy, 1927, p. 46).
nesian notions of tapu and mana lent themselves
Tapu, as a state of sacred interdiction, stands in contrast
extraordinarily well to this search for the epitomizing evolu-
to the neutral, or common, state, noa (whatever is free from
tionary trait, for they were already quite abstract and, in Cap-
tapu restriction). Fresh as well as salt water was used through-
tain Cook’s phrase, “very comprehensive” in their meanings.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8948
TABOO
Early anthropologists deemed taboo noteworthy, for it
Thus taboos serve to control and channel human inter-
marked the point where a religious idea (mana) affected the
action and collective activity through a system of negative
norms and regulation of everyday life. Breach of a taboo
differentiation, marking out certain persons, objects, and oc-
meant divine or other suprasocietal sanctions; hence, taboos,
casions by specifying what may not be done to, with, or on
or a system of taboos, outlined the spiritual mandate and
them. Words used as names are sometimes tabooed when a
boundaries for social existence.
person holding the name undergoes a change in status. In
the Marquesas and Society islands, a common word included
In the evolutionary model for primitive religion that
in the name of a king or heir apparent would be tabooed and
emerged in the decades immediately before and after 1900,
also replaced in everyday language. When a king of Tahiti
taboo played the role of archetypal religious rule, or man-
assumed the name Pomare, the word po (“night”) was re-
date; as mana did of generalized supernatural force, or power;
placed in common speech by rui, and mare (“cough”) was
and as totemism did of collective or individual identification
changed to kare (Webster, 1942, p. 301). Similar taboos are
with supernatural (or quasi-natural) entities. Thus emerged
found among the Zulu and the Malagasy. Among the Tiwi
the alliterative formula “totem and taboo” as an encompass-
of northern Australia, the name of a person who has died,
ing rubric for primitive religion, to which Freud turned in
together with the common-noun equivalent of that name,
seeking socially expressed equivalents for psychological
and all the names that the deceased had bestowed upon oth-
states.
ers, together with their equivalents, are tabooed for ordinary
In the writings of Émile Durkheim, and among his fol-
use and transferred to a sacred language (Lévi-Strauss, 1966,
lowers in the schools of French and British social anthropolo-
pp. 209–210).
gy, taboo came to have the sense of a largely social restriction,
Taboos on name use, and often on any sort of interac-
or mandate, through the Durkheimian proposition that the
tion, are frequently encountered in the norms for kin rela-
religious and the supernatural were the means by which soci-
tionship. In Papua New Guinea these are so common that
ety took account of its own existence—worshiped itself. If,
the Pidgin term for “relative by marriage” is simply tambu
in other words, the suprasocietal forces of the world around
(“taboo”). The extreme case, widespread in Aboriginal Aus-
us are nothing more than the reflection of society itself, then
tralia and New Guinea, is a taboo involving total avoidance
taboo, however it may be regarded by the members of a soci-
between a man and his wife’s (or future wife’s) mother. A
ety, is ultimately social in its origin. Even in this understand-
relationship is set up between them precisely by their not in-
ing of it, however, taboo carries a somewhat stronger conno-
teracting, one that forces them to communicate solely
tation than mere “law” or “rule,” for taboos are special
through the bridal exchanges. Thus the tabooing or, in this
instances in which social constraints are referred directly to
case, the negative differentiation of relationship creates the
the religious manifestation of the social rather than to a secu-
basis for future relationships by creating a marriage. Further
lar authority.
taboos of affinity control and direct the subsequent course
The modern sense of taboo has acquired a certain am-
of the relationship by restricting overfamiliarity among other
biguity through the widespread acceptance of a socio-centric
kinspeople brought into contact by the marriage.
interpretation. Thus, depending on whether one accepts a
Taboos on specific kinds, classes, or styles of food and
formal, cultural, or a sociological understanding of the prohi-
on food preparation are perhaps the most commonly en-
bition, the sanctions upon it will be, respectively, divine and
countered of all human prohibitions. Many peoples who
innate, or human and social.
have no general term for “taboo” have a word for “food
But the issue of the sanctioning force behind a taboo in-
taboo.” Food restrictions, probably universal in human cul-
volves only a partial appreciation of the distinctiveness of this
tures, often conceal (or initiate) preferences or are themselves
kind of prohibition. Taboo differs from abstract, codified
disguised as health precautions. Well-known examples in-
law in the degree to which the prohibited object or act is
clude the Hebraic prohibition against using the same utensils
specified and developed into a symbol, or even a fetish, of
for preparing meat and dairy products, the Hebraic and Is-
the prohibition itself. Taboo is not so much a system of regu-
lamic restrictions against eating the meat of animals that have
lations as it is a scheme of negative differentiation, in which
been incorrectly slaughtered and against eating pork, and the
the fact of prohibition and the prohibited act or object itself
Hindu ritual distinction between pakka¯ foods, prepared in
obscure the reasons for a prohibition. In this regard, the early
clarified butter, and kacca¯ foods, boiled in water. Among the
theorists who saw “totem and taboo” as interlinked bases of
Kaluli of Mount Bosavi in Papua New Guinea, an elaborate
“primitive thought” drew attention to a significant relation
system of food taboos operates to prevent relationships
between them. For taboo designates items in order to pro-
among cultural domains that must not be mixed. Married
hibit them, whereas totemic representation is based on affini-
men and women must not eat fresh meat, and smoked meat
ties between social units and phenomenal entities. Yet the
is available only through exchanges with in-laws; thus, bonds
practice of exogamy (marrying outside of one’s totemic
will form through marriage links rather than with single
group), once felt to be an integral part of totemism, compre-
hunters (Schieffelin, 1976, p. 71).
hends both of these at once, for it places a marriage taboo
Mourning restrictions most often take the form of ta-
on those who share affinities with the same entity.
boos, ranging from prohibitions on speaking of, or using the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAFS¯IR
8949
names of, the deceased, through those on the use of the
is never allowed to see the mother-in-law, much less speak
house or property of the deceased, to severe injunctions of
with her. But the taboo forces each party to be especially
seclusion (for widows or widowers). In parts of the Pacific,
aware of the other and to funnel their efforts into organizing
there are restrictions against washing or self-adornment, and
the exchanges that must pass between the two sides. An effec-
often the mourners must wear relics. In traditional China,
tive relationship is formed through the principle of “not re-
specific degrees of mourning behavior were specified accord-
lating”! Finally, what we know as the “incest taboo” is actual-
ing to one’s relationship to the deceased. Among the Yi peo-
ly the summation of a number of particular kin relationships,
ple of Yunnan Province in China visitors are prohibited from
which are of differing extent and content in different cul-
entering a compound where there are newborn infants or pi-
tures. What may be considered to be incestuous, or a relative,
glets, where someone is gravely ill, or where someone has
or a relationship, varies from one culture to another. But the
died. Immediately upon a person’s death, among the Usen
fact of kin regulation through restriction, or kin taboo, if you
Barok of New Ireland, a taboo called the lebe goes into effect:
will, is common to all cultures, for it is the essence of kinship.
no gardening can be done, no fires can be made, and no ar-
Hence, whether its prohibitions are imposed by men or gods,
guments will be tolerated until the conclusion of the final
taboo incorporates the regulatory imperative of culture itself.
mourning feast, up to a week later. It is also forbidden to
utter a cry of lament until the mourners hear the first squeals
SEE ALSO Evolution, article on Evolutionism; Power; Purifi-
of the pigs being slaughtered for the first feast.
cation.
Taboos surrounding ritual or worship are often the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
severest of all, for they involve mediation with the very forces
Best, Elsdon. “The Lore of the Whare-Kohanga.” Journal of the
that are understood to mete out the sanctions. The major rit-
Polynesian Society 15 (1906): 147–162. An early, but classic,
ual of the Daribi of Papua New Guinea concerns the placat-
discussion of mana and pollution in Maori lore.
ing of an unmourned and angry ghost, who possesses the
Handy, E. S. Craighill. Polynesian Religion. Honolulu, 1927. A
habu ritualists in the process. Any deviation from the pre-
dated, but synoptic, summary, with comprehensive sections
scribed format of the ritual results in the affliction of the of-
on mana and tapu.
fenders with the dread habu illness, a malign act of possession
Lévi-Strauss, Claude. La pensée sauvage. Paris, 1962. Translated
that is merely the intended therapeutic possession gone awry
anonymously as The Savage Mind (London, 1966). A chal-
(Wagner, 1972, p. 156). Food taboos accompanying the
lenging and highly original treatment of the symbolism of
Chihamba ritual among the Ndembu of Africa keep the par-
differentiation and classification.
ticipants from “eating Chihamba” or the characteristics asso-
MacKenzie, Margaret. “Mana in Maori Medicine: Rarotonga,
ciated with this spirit (Turner, 1975, pp. 71–72). The sense
Oceania.” In The Anthropology of Power, edited by Raymond
of ritual indiscretion as mediation gone wrong is conveyed
D. Fogelson and Richard N. Adams, pp. 45–56. New York,
by the Navajo belief that ghosts cause people to do the oppo-
1977. An engaging and illuminating account of the use of
site of whatever has been decreed in taboos.
mana in a modern, mechanized society.
Schieffelin, Edward L. The Sorrow of the Lonely and the Burning
The emphasis of a taboo, however negatively it may be
of the Dancers. New York, 1976. A well-written ethnographic
phrased, is always upon the thing, act, or word tabooed. We
exploration of an exotic worldview, including a comprehen-
tend to contemplate the object of the taboo itself in a search
sive investigation of food taboos.
for motives, or possibly origins, for the prohibition. Thus,
Turner, Victor. Revelation and Divination in Ndembu Ritual. Itha-
for instance, pork is a potential carrier of trichinosis, moth-
ca, N.Y., 1975. A mature consideration of ritual and ritual
ers-in-law have many potential conflicts of interest with their
prohibition by a foremost modern authority on the subject.
sons-in-law, and interbreeding among close relatives may
Wagner, Roy. Habu: The Innovation of Meaning in Daribi Reli-
lead to the expression of deleterious recessive genes. The dif-
gion. Chicago, 1972. A discussion of the symbolism of taboo
ficulty with this sort of literalistic thinking can be seen in
and ritual prohibition in a New Guinea society.
these examples. Taboo is usually indirect; its real object is not
Webster, Hutton. Taboo: A Sociological Study. Stanford, Calif.,
so much what is forbidden as it is the cultural and social cir-
1942. A highly detailed documentation of taboos and related
cumstances affected by the prohibition. The Kaluli do in-
ethnographic usages in a somewhat dated scholarly style.
deed say that the juices of fresh meat are unhealthy for
women and that their husbands should avoid it out of com-
ROY WAGNER (1987)
passion. But the taboo on the eating of fresh meat for mar-
ried persons serves to force them into the painstaking and
appropriate activity of preparing and exchanging smoked
TAFS¯IR is an Arabic word meaning “interpretation”; it is,
meat with relatives by marriage. It aligns with a number of
more specifically, the general term used in reference to all
other taboos to restrict interaction to culturally appropriate
genres of literature which are commentaries upon the
categories.
QurDa¯n.
The Daribi, in another example, actually have no expe-
TAFS¯IR AND RELATED TERMS. The word tafs¯ır is used only
rience of disagreeable mothers-in-law, for a married person
once in the QurDa¯n (25:33), but this is not overly surprising,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8950
TAFS¯IR
for most technical terms involved in Muslim exegesis have
It should also be noted that the terms tafs¯ır and ta Dw¯ıl
been derived and adapted either from the field of rhetoric or
were not in fact the exclusive property or concern of Mus-
from the legal tradition. In the case of tafs¯ır the word appears
lims; Jews and Christians writing commentaries on the Bible
to have evolved from a description of a poetic figure in which
in Arabic used both words. The Jewish theologian SaEadyah
one hemistich contains an explanation of the preceding one.
Gaon (d. 942) titled his Arabic translation of the Pentateuch
Tafs¯ır bas¯ıt: nas:s: al-Tu¯ra¯h (The simple interpretation of the
There is much discussion in various Arabic sources con-
text of the Torah), and the Copt Butrus al-Sadamanti in
cerning the precise meaning of the term tafs¯ır and its rela-
about the year 1260 wrote Al-muqaddimah f¯ı al-tafs¯ır (Intro-
tionship to other technical words such as ma Ea¯n¯ı, taDw¯ıl, and
duction to interpretation), which formed a part of his overall
sharh:, all of which connote “interpretation” in some way.
work on the interpretation of the New Testament Passion
Historically, ma Ea¯n¯ı, literally “meanings,” appears to have
narratives. These are only two examples of use of the word
been the earliest major term used for the title of works of in-
tafs¯ır for scriptural interpretation outside Islam; many other
terpretation; ta Dw¯ıl, literally related to the notion of “return-
similar instances could be cited.
ing to the beginning,” was introduced perhaps late in the
third century
PURPOSE OF TAFS¯IR. Interpretation aims to clarify a text.
AH (early tenth century CE) as the general term
for works of QurDa¯nic interpretation, only to have been sup-
Tafs¯ır takes as its beginning point the text of the QurDa¯n,
paying full attention to the text itself in order to make its
planted in the eleventh century CE by tafs¯ır. Sharh: seems to
meaning clear. It also functions simultaneously to adapt the
have been reserved primarily for profane purposes such as
text to the present situation of the interpreter. In other
commentaries on poetry, but it was also employed for
words, most interpretation is not purely theoretical; it has a
QurDanic super-commentaries. The prime focus of a dispute
very practical aspect of making the text applicable to the faith
which took place probably in the early tenth century and
and the way of life of the believers. The first of these two in-
which involved such central figures of early exegesis as Abu¯
terpretive aspects is generally provoked by insoluble prob-
JaEfar al-T:abar¯ı (d. 923 CE) and al-Ma¯tur¯ıd¯ı (d. 944) was the
lems in meaning, by insufficient detail, by intratextual con-
differentiation of tafs¯ır from ta Dw¯ıl. Both of these major exe-
tradiction, or by unacceptable meanings. Interpretation that
getes, note, used the word ta Dw¯ıl in the title of their com-
fits the text to the situation serves to align it with established
mentaries upon the QurDa¯n: Jami E al-baya¯n Ean taDw¯ıl a¯y
social custom, legal positions, and doctrinal assertions.
al-Qur Da¯n (The gathering of the explanation of the interpre-
tation of the verses of the QurDa¯n) and TaDw¯ıla¯t al-QurDa¯n
Other practical reasons can also be cited for the initial
(The interpretations of the QurDa¯n), respectively. The basic
creation of tafs¯ır as an entity. As Islam expanded, it was em-
question at stake concerned the ways in which traditional
braced by a large number of people who did not know Ara-
material could be employed to provide exegetical data.
bic; interpretation, sometimes in the form of translations (al-
Ta Dw¯ıl, in the understanding of some scholars, was interpre-
though this was officially frowned upon) and other times in
tation which dispensed with tradition and was founded upon
a simple Arabic which did not contain the ambiguities and
reason, personal opinion, individual research, or expertise,
difficulties of the original scriptural text, fulfilled the purpose
whereas tafs¯ır was based upon material (h:ad¯ıth) transmitted
of allowing easier access to the book. In addition, there was
through a chain of authorities from the earliest period of
the basic problem of the text itself and how it was to be read.
Islam, preferably from Muhammad himself or at least from
The early Arabic script was defective in its differentiation of
one of his companions. However, the point was certainly
letters of the alphabet and in the vocalization of the text; al-
never clear, because other proposed differentiations between
though eventually there arose an official system of readings
ta Dw¯ıl and tafs¯ır glossed those simple edges. Muqa¯til ibn
(qira¯’a¯t) which gave sanction to a basic seven sets of vocaliza-
Sulayma¯n, an early exegete (d. 767), for example, implies a
tions of the text (with further set variations still possible to
distinction between tafs¯ır as what is known on the human
some extent), in the earliest period a greater freedom with
level and ta Dw¯ıl as what is known to God alone. According
regard to the text seems to have been enjoyed. This freedom
to a similar notion, tafs¯ır applies to passages with one inter-
extended to the consonantal structure of the text and was le-
pretation and ta Dw¯ıl to those with multiple aspects. And, of
gitimized through the notion of the early existence of various
course, a further complication is indicated by the very title
codices of the QurDa¯n, each with its own textual peculiarities.
of al-T:abar¯ı’s tafs¯ır: that is, taDw¯ıl could be used for a work
Differences between these versions and the later, official
E
that was quite tradition-oriented, at least in basic form. A
Uthmanic text (as far as theses could be cited by the exe-
getes), as well as the variations created by the different official
further suggestion is that the dispute over tafs¯ır and ta Dw¯ıl
vocalization systems, then demanded explanation and justifi-
is to be traced back to the earliest sectarian disputes in Islam,
cation in order to establish claims that a particular reading
between the general community and the followers of
provided the best textual sense. The end result was that tafs¯ır
Muh:ammad’s son-in-law and cousin, EAl¯ı ibn Ab¯ı T:a¯lib
acted to establish a firm text of scripture within what became
(d. 661), known as the Sh¯ıEah, who wished to appropriate
the set limits of the qira¯ Da¯t.
the word ta Dw¯ıl for reference to interpretation of “concealed”
(i. e., esoteric) parts of the QurDa¯n as demanded by Sh¯ıE¯ı doc-
ORIGINS OF TAFS¯IR. Traditionally it has been held that tafs¯ır
trine.
arose as a natural practice, originating with Muh:ammad and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAFS¯IR
8951
then continuing organically from that point forward; the ear-
argument remains speculative. Manuscript evidence for tafs¯ır
liest material has thus become known as tafs¯ır al-nab¯ı (“the
barely reaches back to the third century AH (ninth century
interpretation of the Prophet”). Various companions of
CE), at which point several genres of commentary had already
Muh:ammad and some early believers are also seen as the
emerged. Much of the material found in these texts seems
major figures who started interpreting the QurDa¯n and teach-
to have originated in a popular worship context (such as
ing people exactly what their understanding of the text was;
semiliturgical usage or sermons) or in the storyteller environ-
central among them was EAbd Alla¯h ibn EAbba¯s (d. 687?),
ment provided by wandering preachers (qus:s:a¯s:) and their di-
who gained the title tarjuma¯n al-Qur Da¯n, “the interpreter of
dactic, homiletic sermonizing, which aimed to improve the
the QurDa¯n.”
religious sentiments of the uneducated majority of people.
In other words, producing entertaining tales was a key to the
A debate rages in the scholarly literature on the nature
development of tafs¯ır. From this point of view, the whole
of early tafs¯ır, most especially over the idea of opposition to
discussion of the origins of tafs¯ır as conducted by Goldziher,
the activity itself in the early Islamic period. This notion was
Birkeland, and Abbott is rendered rather redundant.
first isolated by Ignácz Goldziher in Die Richtungen der is-
LEGITIMATION OF TAFS¯IR IN THE QURDA¯N. While the
lamischen Koranauslegung (Leiden, 1920); on the basis of tra-
QurDa¯n does not explicitly state that it should be interpreted,
ditional Muslim reports concerning the caliph EUmar
commentators have been able to justify their profession over
(d. 644) and his punishment of a certain person (variously
the centuries by reference to the text itself. The most famous
identified) for interpreting unclear passages of the QurDa¯n,
and the most problematic passage applied in this way is su¯rah
Goldziher concluded that interpretation of QurDanic verses
3:5–6, the terminology of which has been referred to several
dealing with historical legends and eschatology was illegiti-
times in the preceding sections:
mate. Harris Birkeland in Old Muslim Opposition against In-
terpretation of the Koran (Oslo, 1955) rejected this conten-
It is He who has sent down to you the book in which
tion on the basis of his own evaluation of the traditional
are clear verses [muh:kama¯t] that are the essence of the
reports, which suggested to him certain contradictions, espe-
book and others that are unclear [mutasha¯biha¯t]. As for
cially over the identity of the flogging victim and over wheth-
those in whose hearts is a perversion, they follow the
unclear part, desiring dissension and desiring its inter-
er such punishment was in keeping with EUmar’s character.
pretation [ta’w¯ıl]. But no one knows its interpretation
Birkeland has argued that, rather than general opposition to
[ta’w¯ıl] except God. And those firm in knowledge say:
tafs¯ır, there was no opposition at all in the first Muslim cen-
“We believe in it; all is from our Lord.” Yet none re-
tury, that strong opposition arose in the second century, and
member except men who understand.
that thereafter the activity of tafs¯ır was brought into and
under the sphere of orthodox doctrine and requirements. In
This passage establishes two categories of interpretation, per-
particular, strict methods were introduced for the transmis-
haps most easily viewed as “clear” (muh:kam) versus “unclear”
sion of the information, which formed the core of interpreta-
(mutasha¯bih). Many different translations and identifications
tional procedure, and in this way, tafs¯ır gained total accep-
have been put forth for the latter, some of which render
tance. Nabia Abbott, in an excursus to her Studies in Arabic
the category hermeneutically trivial (e.g., identification of
Literary Papyri II: Qur Da¯nic Commentary and Tradition (Chi-
the “mysterious letters” which precede various su¯rahs as the
cago, 1967), reasserted Goldziher’s isolation of early opposi-
mutasha¯biha¯t), while others prove more valuable (e.g., identi-
tion on the basis of traditional information that the person
fication of all verses with more than one interpretive aspect
in question certainly existed and that flogging was in keeping
as mutasha¯biha¯t). Even more crucial, however, was the punc-
with the character of EUmar. For Abbott, however, the oppo-
tuation of the verse. The original Arabic text provides no in-
sition was limited to the interpretation of a specific category
dication of where stops and pauses should be taken; as a re-
of unclear verses (mutasha¯biha¯t), a claim that she based on
sult, it was also possible to render the latter part of the
pericope:
the traditional biographical material, which indicates that
those people who are mentioned as opponents of tafs¯ır in fact
But no one knows its interpretation except God and
transmitted much material themselves. Therefore, for Ab-
those firm in knowledge who say: “We believe in it; all
bott, the only opposition to tafs¯ır that ever existed was that
is from our Lord.”
connected with the ambiguous or unclear verses. Precisely
With such a reading, the interpretive task was not limited
what is to be understood by the “unclear verses,” however,
to the rather trite exercise of making totally plain the already
is glossed over in this argument. Exegetes never have agreed
clear verses; the unclear verses, too, became targets for the
and never will agree on which verses are unclear, or even on
commentators, and with that concept defined in some ap-
what that expression means. Some things are unclear to one
propriate manner, the way was opened for the creation of a
person while they are perfectly clear to another, often because
tafs¯ır on every verse of the QurDa¯n.
of a different (especially religious) perspective on the ma-
terial.
EMERGENCE OF TAFS¯IR LITERATURE. It seems fairly certain
that written tafs¯ır works began to emerge in the second cen-
The major problem with all of these discussions is the
tury AH at the latest. Documentation starts to proliferate to-
lack of substantial evidence, with the result that the entire
ward the end of that period, and various modes of analysis
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8952
TAFS¯IR
(e.g., attention to the convergent lines of transmission of a
the legal material a topical arrangement is the definitive crite-
text) also suggest this as the earliest verifiable period. The
rion. The fact that the actual content of Muqa¯til’s legal tafs¯ır,
emergent literature itself can be analyzed into various catego-
entitled Tafs¯ır khams m¯ı’ah a¯yah min al-Qur Da¯n (The Inter-
ries which not only display the distinctive literary qualities
pretation of Five Hundred Verses of the QurDa¯n), is probably
and differences of the texts but also suggest an overall relative
derived from his narrative tafs¯ır reveals that the prime criteri-
historical ordering of them. The five sequential categories
on is indeed the form of the work.
suggested by John Wansbrough in his Quranic Studies:
Muqa¯til’s text covers the following topics: faith, prayer,
Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation (Oxford,
charity, fasting, pilgrimage, retaliation, inheritance, usury,
1977) are narrative (aggadic), legal (halakhic), textual (maso-
wine, marriage, divorce, adultery, theft, debts, contracts, and
retic), rhetorical, and allegorical. While the historical se-
holy war. This range of topics gives a fair indication of the
quence itself may be open to some debate, the categorization
nature of much of the material in the QurDa¯n which was
itself is, in true scientific fashion, functional, unified, and re-
found to be of legal value.
vealing.
Textual tafs¯ır. Activities centered on explanations of
Narrative tafs¯ır. Narrative tafs¯ır is exemplified in the
the lexicon of scripture, along with its grammar and variant
text by Muqa¯til ibn Sulayma¯n, which has subsequently been
readings, are the focus of textual commentaries. One of the
given the title Tafs¯ır al-Qur Da¯n (Interpretation of the
earliest texts devoted to this type of analysis is that of the phi-
QurDa¯n), although that is unlikely to have been the original
lologist al-Farra¯D (d. 822) entitled Ma Ea¯n¯ı al-QurDa¯n (The
name, and is also embodied in various sections of the work
meanings of the QurDa¯n), a fairly technical work which pri-
by Ibn Ish:a¯q (d. 768), S¯ırat Rasu¯l Alla¯h (The life of the mes-
marily explains the difficult points of grammar and textual
senger of God). The creation of an edifying narrative, gener-
variants. The work of Abu¯ EUbayd (d. 838), Fad:a¯Dil
ally enhanced by folklore from the entire Near Eastern world
al-Qur Da¯n (The merits of the QurDa¯n), is similar, although
(including the heritages of Byzantium, Persia, and Egypt, but
it is divided by topic rather than following the QurDanic
most especially that of the Judeo-Christian milieu) is the
order, as does the work of al-Farra¯D. Earlier simple texts also
main feature of such commentaries. Adding detail to other-
exist, including that by Muqa¯til ibn Sulayma¯n, Kita¯b
wise sketchy scripture and answering the rather mundane
al-wuju¯h wa-al-naz:a¯Dir (The book of [word] senses and par-
questions which the curious mind will raise when confronted
allels), and al-Kisa¯D¯ı (d. 804), Mushtabiha¯t al-QurDa¯n (The
by a contextless scriptural passage are the central concerns of
resemblances of the QurDa¯n), both of which are devoted to
this genre. In fact, the actual narrative seems to be of prime
semantic analysis of the text. Muqa¯til’s text compiles lists of
importance; the text of scripture remains underneath the
word usages according to the number of senses of meaning
story itself, often subordinated in order to construct a
(wuju¯h) of a given word; al-Kisa¯D¯ı’s work is similar but deals
smoothly flowing narrative.
with phrases rather than individual words.
For the first part of su¯rah 2:189 (“They are asking you
Rhetorical tafs¯ır. Concern for the literary excellencies
about the new moons. Say: ‘They are appointed times for the
of scripture is the focal point of works such as that by Abu¯
people and the pilgrimage’”), Muqatil tries to provide the an-
EUbaydah (d. 824), Maja¯z al-QurDa¯n (The literary expression
swers for the curious reader. Just who is asking? Why did
of the QurDa¯n), although the origin of this type of analysis
they ask? Precisely what did they ask? This type of approach
may well be in textual exegesis (with a grammatical focus)
is the essence of aggadic tafs¯ır. Muqatil provides the follow-
rather than in a purely literary type. The impetus for its de-
ing comment on the verse:
velopment as a separate genre, however, was the nascent no-
MuEa¯dh ibn Jabl and ThaElabah ibn Ghanamah said:
tion of the miraculous character of the QurDa¯n and the liter-
“O Messenger! Why is it that the new moon is just visi-
ary evidence for it. While this became a full doctrine only
ble, then it appears small like a needle, then brightens
in the fourth century AH, its exegetical roots are to be found
until it is strong, then levels off and becomes a circle,
here. The work Ta Dw¯ıl mushkil al-QurDa¯n (The interpreta-
only to start to decrease and get smaller, until it returns
tion of the difficulties in the QurDa¯n), by Ibn Qutaybah
just as it was? Why does it not remain at a single level?”
(d. 889), proves to be an important transition point between
So God revealed the verse about the new moons.
this earliest rhetorical analysis based upon grammatical and
The identification of the participants and the precise ques-
exegetical niceties and that of the later doctrine of the mirac-
tion being asked (provided in a marvelously naive and there-
ulous character or inimitability of the QurDa¯n (i Eja¯z). In these
fore entertaining manner) are specified. The overall interpre-
texts attention is paid to the literary qualities of the QurDa¯n
tation of the verse becomes clear through this supplying of
which place it outside the norm of Arabic prose and poetry;
contextual material.
various poetical figures are isolated, for example, are subject-
ed to analysis for meaning, and, in many cases, are then com-
Legal tafs¯ır. Muqa¯til ibn Sulayma¯n once again is a focal
pared with older Arabic poetry.
point in the development of legal interpretation. Here, the
arrangement of the material becomes the prime indicator of
Allegorical tafs¯ır. Support for dissident opinion in
the genre; whereas in narrative interpretation the order of
Islam was generally found ex post facto through the expedien-
scripture for the most part serves as the basic framework, for
cy of allegorical interpretation. Supported through a termi-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAFS¯IR
8953
nological differentiation of the z:a¯hir as historia, “literal,” and
al-Zamakhshar¯ı (d. 1144), the philosopher Fakhr al-D¯ın
the ba¯t:in as allegoria, “symbolic,” the S:u¯f¯ı tafs¯ır of Sahl
al-Ra¯z¯ı (d. 1209), and the Sunn¯ı traditionalist al-Bayd:a¯w¯ı
al-Tustar¯ı (d. 896) exemplifies this trend in the earliest peri-
(d. sometime between 1286 and 1316). Debates rage among
od. No attempt is made in this work, however, to provide
these authors, and many others, over the central questions
an overall allegorical interpretation; rather, it takes isolated
of Islamic theology and the various positions to be found in
passages from the text of scripture and views them in light
the QurDa¯n. Topics covered include free will and predestina-
of mystical experience. The order of scripture is followed in
tion, the attributes of God, the nature of the QurDa¯n, the im-
al-Tustar¯ı’s text as it now exists, although the initial compila-
position of the tasks of the law, the nature and extent of the
tion may not have followed any such order. About one thou-
hereafter, and so forth. The MuEtazil¯ı al-Zamakhshar¯ı opts
sand verses (out of some sixty-two hundred) in the QurDa¯n
for interpretation based upon reason in his commentary
are covered in this manner.
Al-kashsha¯f Ean h:aqa¯Diq ghawa¯mid: al-tanz¯ıl (The unveiler of
the realities of the secrets of the revelation). Apparent contra-
The commentary itself, which is structured piecemeal
diction between verses of the QurDa¯n are resolved in favor of
and reads in a disjointed fashion, contains much more than
the MuEtazil¯ı doctrines of the unity and justice of God.
straightforward allegorical interpretation: legends of the an-
Al-Bayd:a¯w¯ı produced an edited version of the text by
cient prophets, stories about Muh:ammad, and even some
al-Zamakhshar¯ı in his Anwa¯r al-tanz¯ıl wa-asra¯r al-ta’w¯ıl
about the author of the work himself also find their place.
(The lights of the revelation and the secrets of the interpreta-
Nor is any overall pursuit of mystical themes to be found;
tion), removing in the process most of the MuEtazil¯ı tenden-
indeed, its general nature is fragmentary. The esoteric por-
cies and compressing the material into an even more concise
tions of the text are formed around typically S:u¯f¯ı medita-
form. Al-Ra¯z¯ı’s unfinished tafs¯ır, Mafa¯t¯ıh: al-ghayb (The keys
tions on the QurDa¯n, each taking a key word from the text.
of the unknown), discusses the QurDa¯n in terms of a rational-
Allegorical interpretation in this case becomes as much a pro-
ist philosophy which for the most part involved a rejection
cess of thematic association as one of textual commentary.
of the MuEtazil¯ı position and argued in support of ortho-
CONSOLIDATION OF CLASSICAL TAFS¯IR. It is with the fourth
doxy. Humans, for al-Ra¯z¯ı, are predetermined, and God’s
century AH (tenth century CE) that true works of tafs¯ır
freedom and power cannot be confined by human ration-
emerge, combining in various ways the five formative ele-
ality.
ments I have described above. The first landmark of this type
of tafs¯ır is that of al-T:abar¯ı, Ja¯mi E al-baya¯n Ean taDw¯ıl a¯y
Encyclopedist tafs¯ır works in the tradition of al-T:abar¯ı
al-Qur Da¯n, which gathers together in a compendium reports
also continue with writers such as Ibn Kath¯ır (d. 1373),
from earlier authorities dealing with most aspects of the
al-Shawka¯n¯ı (d. 1839), and al-A¯lu¯s¯ı (d. 1854). The opposite
QurDa¯n. Verse-by-verse analysis is provided, each detailed
trend toward distillation reaches its peak, in popular terms,
with virtually every major interpretational trend (except sec-
with the Tafs¯ır al-Jala¯layn of Jala¯l al-D¯ın al-Suyu¯t:¯ı
tarian). The material supplied in this manner is given in its
(d. 1505) and Jala¯l al-D¯ın al Mah:all¯ı (d. 1459).
full form, complete with the chains of transmitters for each
SPECIALIZATIONS WITHIN CLASSICAL TAFS¯IR. While the all-
item of information to lend the weight of tradition to each
encompassing commentary marks the highlight of exegetical
statement. This type of work is classically called tafs¯ır
activity in the classical period, the field of specialized
bi-al-ma Dthu¯r (“interpretation by tradition”), as opposed to
QurDa¯nic sciences was emerging at the same time, providing
tafs¯ır bi-al-ra Dy (“interpretation by opinion”), but the catego-
a number of subdisciplines within tafs¯ır. Some of these are
ries are misleading. Al-T:abar¯ı provides his own personal in-
continuations of the earliest developments; others arise
terpretation, both implicitly by his editorial selection of ma-
under new impetuses. General compendia of information on
terial and explicitly by stating his opinion where different
these sciences arise in the discipline known as Eulu¯m
trends of interpretation exist, sometimes even going against
al-Qur Da¯n (“the sciences of the QurDa¯n”), represented by such
the entire thrust of tradition and providing his own point of
works as Nukat al-intis:a¯r li-naql al-QurDa¯n (Gems of assis-
view; in this sense, this work, too, is tafs¯ır bi-al-ra Dy.
tance in the transmission of the QurDa¯n), by al-Ba¯qilla¯n¯ı
(d. 1012); Al-burha¯n f¯ı Eulu¯m al-QurDa¯n (The criterion for
In the centuries after al-T:abar¯ı, tafs¯ır as an activity in-
the sciences of the QurDa¯n), by al-Zarkash¯ı (d. 1391); and
creased and became more and more sophisticated and, in
Al-itqa¯n f¯ı !ulu¯m al-QurDa¯n (The perfection about the sci-
some cases, reached voluminous quantities. Al-Ma¯tur¯ıd¯ı,
ences of the QurDa¯n), by al-Suyu¯t:¯ı. The topics gathered in
Abu¯ al-Layth al-Samarqand¯ı (d. 983?), al-ThaElab¯ı
these books are also subjects of separate monographs by a
(d. 1035), and al-Wa¯h:id¯ı (d. 1075) are all prominent people
wide variety of writers; these topics include naskh, abrogation
who in the fourth and fifth centuries AH produced volumes
of legal passages of the QurDa¯n; asba¯b al-nuzu¯l, the occasions
of tafs¯ır, sometimes, as in the case of al-Wa¯h:id¯ı, in multiple
of revelation of individual verses and surahs of the QurDa¯n;
editions.
tajw¯ıd, recitation of the QurDa¯n; al-waqf wa-al-ibtida¯D,
Theological concerns begin to make a greater impact
pauses and starts in recitation of the QurDa¯n; qira¯Da¯t, variants
upon tafs¯ır in this period; it is a trend which culminates in
to the text of the QurDa¯n; marsu¯m al-khat:t:, the writing of the
the production of the most famous QurDa¯n commentaries in
QurDa¯n; ah:ka¯m, the laws of the QurDa¯n; ghar¯ıb, the strange
the Muslim world, those of the rationalist MuEtazil¯ı
or difficult words in the QurDa¯n; i Era¯b, the grammar of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8954
TAFS¯IR
QurDa¯n; qis:as: al-anbiya¯D, the stories of the prophets; and
liefs). Al-T:abars¯ı argues, however, that the only change that
i Eja¯z, the inimitability of the QurDa¯n. As these topics indi-
has occurred in the QurDa¯n concerns the overall order of the
cate, it is indeed difficult to separate developed tafs¯ır from
text itself and not its contents. One common textual variant
both legal concerns (fiqh) and grammar (nah:w).
which does receive wide acceptance among Sh¯ıE¯ı commenta-
SECTARIAN TAFS¯IR. Parallel to the development of main-
tors concerns the word ummah (“community”), which is be-
stream Sunn¯ı Muslim tafs¯ır in the classical period, works
lieved to be properly read a Dimmah (“leaders”) or imams
arose from various other Muslim groups, each pursuing its
(a Dimmah being the plural of ima¯m and having the same
own particular sectarian aim and, once again, attempting to
basic consonantal structure as ummah).
make the QurDa¯n relevant to its own particular point of view
The Sh¯ıEah, like the MuEtazilah, looked to the QurDa¯n
and situation.
for support of the rationalist theological doctrines that were
Shiism. For the Sh¯ıEah in general, the authority of the
a key element of their belief system: free will and the created
imams who descended from EAl¯ı ibn Ab¯ı T:a¯lib was ultimate
QurDa¯n. Their interpretational method, therefore, is similar
in matters of interpretation of the QurDa¯n. While h:ad¯ıth tra-
to that employed by al-Zamakhshar¯ı. The Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah like-
ditions circulated in Sunn¯ı circles were generally accepted,
wise employed the QurDa¯n as a reference point for their the-
this material was often supplemented or corrected on the au-
ologizing; the group’s esoteric leanings, often characterized
thority of the imams. The category of the mutasha¯biha¯t was
as extreme, are not witnessed in many texts but are found,
particularly useful to the Sh¯ıEah, for a number of appropriate
for example, in the fragmentary Miza¯j al-tasn¯ım (The condi-
“unclear” verses could be understood as referring to EAl¯ı and
tion of tasn¯ım) by Isma¯E¯ıl ibn Hibat Alla¯h (d. 1760). In gen-
his family. Such verses were also useful for “discovering” stri-
eral, the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı movement sees the outer meaning of the
dently critical comments concerning the early leaders of the
QurDa¯n as only the symbol of the true inner meaning. The
Muslim community, namely Abu¯ Bakr (d. 634), EUmar, and
imam of the age, who has in him the true, full revelation,
EUthma¯n.
adapts the QurDa¯n to the spiritual and mental condition of
humanity through interpretation; eventually, people will be
The earliest Ithna¯ EAshar¯ıyah or Twelver Sh¯ıE¯ıtafs¯ır in
brought to the true and full meaning of the text, which is
existence today appears to be the somewhat fragmentary
essentially the knowledge of the unity of God. Such is the
commentary of EAl¯ı ibn Ibra¯h¯ım al-Qumm¯ı (d. tenth centu-
presupposition with which all Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı tafs¯ır approaches the
ry) with the ascribed title Tafs¯ır al-Qur Da¯n; other prominent
text.
works include Al-tibya¯n f¯ı tafs¯ır al-Qur Da¯n (The explanation
in interpretation of the QurDa¯n), by Muh:ammad ibn
The more recent Baha¯D¯ı movement establishes its clear
al-H:asan al-T:u¯s¯ı (d. 1067), and a major commentary which
Islamic heritage through the existence of works of tafs¯ır writ-
is a compendium of information comparable to that of
ten in Arabic by Sayyid EAl¯ı Muh:ammad al-Sh¯ıra¯z¯ı (1819–
al-T:abar¯ı, Majma E al-baya¯n li- Eulu¯m al-QurDa¯n (The collec-
1850). Known as the Ba¯b, or “gate,” he claimed to have initi-
tion of the explanation of the sciences of the QurDa¯n), by Abu¯
ated a new prophetic cycle and became the focal point of the
EAl¯ı al-T:abars¯ı (d. 1153 or later).
movement which developed later as the Baha¯D¯ı. Among his
works are commentaries on su¯rahs 12, 108, and 113 of the
Allegorical interpretation is favored in Sh¯ıE¯ı tafs¯ır as a
QurDa¯n. In general these are marked by a spiritualistic inter-
process of looking for the “inner” meaning in many passages.
pretation of eschatology, including the notions of paradise,
The special way of applying this method is to find references
hell, death, and resurrection, all of which are taken to refer
to EAl¯ı and his family, which, of course, serves to promote
to the end of the prophetic cycle as well as the end of the
Sh¯ıE¯ı claims to power and legitimacy. For example, in
physical world (although the latter is recreated by God in
al-Qumm¯ı’s tafs¯ır, the notion of Islam itself is defined not
each prophetic cycle).
simply as submission to God but also as submission to the
authority of the line of imams. The use of textual variation
Sufism. Directly related to Sh¯ıE¯ı tafs¯ır in general is S:u¯f¯ı
is also present in some works, although whenever the Sh¯ıEah
interpretation, which provides a mystical speculation upon
have been powerful in political affairs and fully institutional-
the QurDa¯n. This interpretation usually justifies itself
ized, such notions have generally been rejected as anti-status
through reference to mystical activities believed to have been
quo. This was already true to some extent in the eleventh
practiced and supported by Muh:ammad. Sahl al-Tustar¯ı,
century but became even more so with the rise of the Safavids
mentioned above, probably represents the earliest example
in the sixteenth century. The specific argument occurred
of this tendency. Abu¯ EAbd al-Rah:ma¯n al-Sulam¯ı (d. 1012)
over whether some of the QurDa¯n had been changed, or even
compiled his H:aqa¯Diq al-tafs¯ır (The truths of interpretation)
omitted by EUthma¯n when he ordered its compilation, in
from various S:u¯f¯ı authorities and other important personali-
order to undermine Sh¯ıE¯ı claims. Passages referring directly
ties. All of the material can be considered allegorical, since
to EAl¯ı had been erased, it was suggested. Al-Qumm¯ı argues,
it is devoted to finding the inner meaning of each passage
for example, that there are verses in the QurDa¯n where “letters
as it relates to the mystical quest. A typical example is found
have been replaced by other letters,” and he says that there
in the interpretation of sura 17:1, the classical reference to
are places where “verses contradict what God has sent down”
Muh:ammad’s “night journey” to heaven, which is taken as
(that is, they contradict or at least do not support Sh¯ıE¯ı be-
a reference to each mystic’s ascent to the higher levels of con-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAFS¯IR
8955
sciousness. Another prominent S:u¯f¯ı, Abu¯ H:am¯ıd al-Ghaza¯l¯ı
al-Qur Da¯n. His commentary was directed toward making all
(d. 1111), did not write a commentary on the QurDa¯n as such
Muslims aware of the fact that Western influence in the
but found many occasions on which to record his approach
world required a new vision of Islam, for Islam as it was actu-
to the text of scripture from the point of view of the intellec-
ally practiced and believed in by most of its adherents would
tual S:u¯f¯ı. For al-Ghaza¯l¯ı as for most other mystics, the
be seriously threatened by modern advances in thought and
QurDa¯n works on two levels: the practical and the cognitive.
science. Where, therefore, was the true core of Islam to be
The former applies to the inner self and its purification with-
found? How was its center to be defined? For Ahmad Khan,
out neglect of the outer activities, while the latter is a mean-
these questions were to be answered through reference to the
ing found through inner experience in light of mystical
QurDa¯n, which, if it were properly understood through the
thought, and it can be reached only through firm knowledge
use of the powers of reason, would provide the necessary an-
of the practical or outer aspects. EAbd al-Razza¯q al-Qa¯sha¯n¯ı
swers. The basis of the required social and educational re-
(d. 1330?) compiled perhaps the most widely known S:u¯f¯ı
forms, for example, were to be found in the QurDa¯n. By re-
tafs¯ır, although it has often been mistakenly attributed di-
turning to the source of Islam, the religion would be
rectly to his teacher, the famous Muh:y¯ı al-D¯ın ibn al-EArab¯ı
revitalized and the future would be secure.
(d. 1240), and thus is usually known under the title of Tafs¯ır
Ibn al- EArab¯ı (The interpretation of Ibn al-EArab¯ı). As with
In the Arab world, Muh:ammad EAbduh (1849–1905),
al-Ghaza¯l¯ı, the outer principles of religion are not to be for-
a vigorous champion of educational reform, also wrote a
gotten, although within the context of the tafs¯ır they certain-
commentary on the QurDa¯n, commonly called Tafs¯ır
ly become submerged under allegorical interpretation, here
al-Mana¯r (The interpretation of al-Mana¯r), which was com-
seen in terms of the esoteric inner meaning as well as the
pleted after his death by his pupil Rash¯ıd Rid:a¯ (1865–1935).
symbolism of real events in the world.
Not overly modernistic in outlook, EAbduh’s tafs¯ır does,
however, urge the moderate use of rationality in matters of
EMERGENCE OF MODERN TAFS¯IR. The rise of colonialism
theology and tries to demonstrate that the QurDa¯n is to be
and the impact of Western thought in the eighteenth and
read primarily as a source of moral guidance applicable to the
nineteenth centuries certainly did not spell the end of tafs¯ır
modern situation. The spiritual aspect of the QurDa¯n was
activity; in fact, at various times, the modern world has pro-
most important to EAbduh, and he, like many commentators
voked more and more voluminous commentary upon the
in the past, was quite prepared to leave certain matters in the
QurDa¯n. Modern tafs¯ır is no different in basic impetus from
QurDa¯n unexplained and to concentrate on their mysterious-
its classical counterpart; it, too, desires to fit the text of scrip-
ness rather than to suggest resolutions for interpretational
ture to the conditions of the era contemporary with the inter-
difficulties.
preter.
This type of interpretation continues more recently in
The impact of science has perhaps been the major factor
the Arab world, represented, for example, by the intellectual
in creating new demands and also the element of contempo-
spokesman for the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, Sayyid
rary life to which much early modern tafs¯ır made its re-
Qut:b (1906–1959), who in his work F¯ı z:ila¯l al-QurDa¯n (In
sponse. Muslims had not understood the true message of the
the shade of the QurDa¯n) interprets the text according to his
QurDa¯n, most modernists argued, and had therefore lost
own particular ideological leanings. India, too, has produced
touch with the true scientific, rational spirit of the text. Out
many such commentaries; examples are Abu¯ al-Kala¯m Aza¯d
of this basic point several elements have emerged that unite
(1888–1959), whose Urdu work Tarjuma¯n al-Qur Da¯n (The
all modernist interpretations: (1) the attempt is made to in-
interpretation [or translation] of the QurDa¯n) emphasized the
terpret the QurDa¯n in the light of reason (“to interpret the
notion of the unity of humankind while its author faced the
QurDa¯n by the QurDa¯n,” as it is frequently phrased) rather
rising tide favoring the formation of Pakistan, and Abu¯
than with all the extraneous material provided by tradition
al-AEla¯ Mawdu¯d¯ı (1903–1979), the author of Tafh¯ım
in the form of h:ad¯ıth reports and earlier commentaries;
al-Qur Da¯n (The meaning of the QurDa¯n), who uses the
“Back to the source” often becomes the motto of such ap-
QurDa¯n to establish a blueprint for a future Islamic society
proaches; (2) the attempt is made, through the expediency
in Pakistan to be formed through his political party,
of interpretation, to strip the QurDa¯n of all legendary traits,
Jama¯Eat-i Isla¯m¯ı.
primitive ideas, fantastic stories, magic, fables, and supersti-
tion; symbolic interpretation is the primary means for such
The impact of Western science is perhaps the most no-
resolutions; (3) the attempt is made to rationalize doctrine
table aspect of modern commentaries. Both Ahmad Khan
as found in or as justified by reference to the QurDa¯n.
and EAbduh were intent on encouraging their compatriots to
embrace the scientific outlook of the West in order to share
The earliest focal point of modernist tafs¯ır activity arose
in the progress of the modern world. Often this effort in-
in India. Sha¯h Wal¯ı Alla¯h (1703–1762) is often seen as the
volved little more than simply stating that the QurDa¯n en-
precursor of the Indian reformist movement, but that trend
joins its readers to seek and use rational knowledge, but at
reached its true blossoming with the Indian civil servant and
other times it also involved the historical claim that Islam
educator Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817–1898), who wrote the
had developed science in the first place and had then passed
first major explicitly modernist tafs¯ır, entitled simply Tafs¯ır
it on to Europe, so that in embracing the scientific outlook
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8956
TAFS¯IR
in the present situation Muslims were only reclaiming what
are, however, most useful. Reference should be made to Géza
was truly Islamic. A more distinctive trend in tafs¯ır emerges
Vermès’s “Bible and Midrash,” in volume 1 of The Cam-
also, however, primarily in the person of T:ant:a¯w¯ı Jawhar¯ı
bridge History of the Bible, edited by Peter R. Ackroyd and
(1870–1940) and his twenty-six-volume work, Al-jawa¯hir f¯ı
C. F. Evans (Cambridge, 1970); this essay has been reprinted
tafs¯ır al-Qur Da¯n (Jewels in the interpretation of the QurDa¯n).
in Vermès’s Post-Biblical Jewish Studies (Leiden, 1975). Also
God would not have revealed the QurDa¯n, so the argument
see Renée Bloch’s “Midrash,” in volume 5 of the Supplement
au dictionnaire de la Bible, edited by Louis Pirot and others
goes, had he not included in it everything that people needed
(Paris, 1957); an English translation by Mary Howard Cal-
to know; science is obviously necessary in the modern world,
laway has been published in Approaches to Ancient Judaism,
so it should not be surprising to find all of science in the
edited by William S. Green (Missoula, Mont., 1978).
QurDa¯n when that scripture is properly understood. Jawhar¯ı
also makes reference to the classical notion of the miraculous
Four books are fundamental to the modern study of tafs¯ır: Die
Richtungen der islamischen Koranauslegung (Leiden, 1920), a
character or inimitability of the QurDa¯n (i Eja¯z), which he
collection of Ignácz Goldziher’s lectures delivered in 1913,
takes to refer primarily to the content of the text in terms
has yet to be replaced as a general overview of the subject;
of its knowledge concerning matters which are only now be-
Theodor Nöldeke’s Geschichte des Qora¯ns, vol. 2, Die Samm-
coming clear to humankind. Since the scientific knowledge
lung des Qora¯ns, 2d ed. (Leipzig, 1919), contains, especially
contained in the text is proof of its miraculous character, ref-
on pages 123–192, much valuable and basic material; John
erences are found in the QurDa¯n for numerous modern in-
Wansbrough’s Quranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scrip-
ventions (electricity, for example) and scientific discoveries
tural Interpretation (Oxford, 1977) is essential to the study
(the fact that the earth revolves around the sun).
of the formation and early development of tafs¯ır and to all
discussions of terminology and genres of exegetical literature;
Western thought has also influenced tafs¯ır in another
volume 1 of Fuat Sezgin’s Geschichte des arabischen Schrift-
way, although perhaps not so dramatically in terms of its
tums (Leiden, 1967) records most of the known Arabic works
popular acceptance as has “scientific” exegesis; the emergence
of tafs¯ır up to the fifth century AH.
of modern literary-philological-historical criticism has, thus
Jane I. Smith’s An Historical and Semantic Study of the Term
far, played a fairly minor role but most certainly has found
“Isla¯m” as Seen in a Sequence of Qur Da¯n Commentaries (Mis-
its supporters. EA¯Dishah EAbd al-Rah:ma¯n, a university profes-
soula, Mont., 1975), discusses the works of seventeen exe-
sor in Morocco who writes under the name Bint al-Sha¯t:iD,
getes on specific verses of the QurDa¯n and at the same time
represents a development of this line. This modern interpre-
provides useful introductions to the lives and works of the
tation is not a resurrection of the philological type of com-
individuals. On S:u¯f¯ı tafs¯ır two excellent works exist: Paul
mentary associated with al-Zamakhshar¯ı, for example, who,
Nwyia’s Exégèse coranique et langage mystique (Beirut, 1970)
although he wrote with great critical acumen, is for most
and Gerhard Böwering’s The Mystical Vision of Existence in
modernists too full of unnecessary material which is seen to
Classical Islam: The Qur Da¯nic Hermeneutics of the S:u¯f¯ı Sahl
al-Tustar¯ı, d. 283/896 (New York, 1980). The latter discuss-
be a hindrance to understanding in the modern world; rath-
es both textual and thematic matters in exemplary fashion.
er, EAbd al-Rah:ma¯n pursues a straightforward approach,
searching for the “original meaning” of a given Arabic word
Modern tafs¯ır has been analyzed by J. M. S. Baljon in Modern
or phrase in order to understand the QurDa¯n in its totality.
Muslim Koran Interpretation, 1880–1960 (Leiden, 1961) and
This process does not involve the use of material extraneous
by J. J. G. Jansen in The Interpretation of the Koran in Modern
Egypt (Leiden, 1974); both works provide basic yet informa-
to the QurDa¯n itself, except perhaps for the use of a small
tive overviews of the subject and bring Goldziher’s work up
amount of ancient poetry, but rather it uses the context of
to the present day.
a given textual passage to define a word in as many overall
contexts as it occurs. Neither the history of the Arabs nor
Not many works of tafs¯ır have been translated, primarily because
that of the biblical prophets nor scientific topics are to be
of their overly technical nature. Helmut Gätje has compiled
found in the QurDa¯n because providing such material is not
extracts from various exegetes and arranged them thematical-
ly for the use of students in his Koran und Koranexegese (Zu-
seen to be the task of the text. The purpose of the narrative
rich, 1971), translated by Alford T. Welch as The Qur Da¯n
elements of the QurDa¯n is to provide moral and spiritual
and Its Exegesis (Berkeley, 1976). Full works of tafs¯ır which
guidance to the believers, not to provide history or “facts.”
have been translated are very few: The Tales of the Prophets
Within the Muslim world, the attempt to demythologize
of al Kisa¯ D¯ı, translated by Wheeler M. Thackston (Boston,
scripture—as in this approach—marks the beginnings of an
1978), a book of the qis:as: al-anbiya¯ D genre, and The Recita-
incorporation of a type of modern critical scholarship devel-
tion and Interpretation of the Qur Da¯n: Al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s Theory,
oped in the context of biblical studies; its future at this point,
translated by Muhammad A. Quasem (London, 1982), are
however, remains uncertain.
two worthwhile texts. Attention should be paid to The Life
of Muhammad: A Translation of Ishaq’s “S¯ırat Rasu¯l Alla¯h”
S
(1955; reprint, Lahore, 1967), by Alfred Guillaume for the
EE ALSO Biblical Exegesis; IEja¯z; QurDa¯n; Scripture.
passages of early tafs¯ır which are contained in it; reference to
these is, however, unfortunately not facilitated by an index
BIBLIOGRAPHY
of QurDa¯nic verses in the translation. Translations of two
On the principles of interpretation there is little material available
chapters from the Tafs¯ır of al-Bayd:a¯w¯ı are available. These
specifically for the Muslim context; works on Jewish midrash
are primarily intended for students of Arabic, since the dis-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAGORE, RABINDRANATH
8957
cussion frequently tends to revolve around the sense of a
Elder, Earl Edgar, trans. A Commentary on the Creed of Islam: Sa Ed
given Arabic word or grammatical construction; Bayd:a¯w¯ı’s
al-D¯ın al-Tafta¯za¯n¯ı on the Creed of Najm al-D¯ın al-Nasaf¯ı.
Commentary on Surah 12 of the Qur Da¯n, edited by A. F. L.
2 vols. Translated with introduction and notes. New York,
Beeston (Oxford, 1963), is the most accessible of such texts.
1950.
Modern tafs¯ır has not been served well by translation either,
Ibn Khaldu¯n. Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History. 2d ed.
although the following are available: The Meaning of the
Translated by Franz Rosenthal. Princeton, 1967. See volume
Qur Da¯n, 8 vols., translated by A. A. Maududi (Lahore, 1967–
3, pages 117, 315.
1979); Abu¯ al-Kala¯m A¯za¯d’s Tarjuma¯n al-Qur Da¯n, 2 vols.,
translated and edited by Syed Abdul Latif (New York, 1962–
Storey, C. A. “Al-Tafta¯za¯n¯ı.” In The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Lei-
1967), and Sayyid Qut:b’s In the Shade of the Qur Da¯n, trans-
den, 1913–1934.
lated by M. A. Salahi and A. A. Shamis (London, 1979).
Tafta¯za¯n¯ı, MasEu¯d ibn EUmar al-. Maqa¯s:id al-t:a¯lib¯ın f¯ı us:u¯l
Further bibliography on tafs¯ır can be found in my article “The
al-d¯ın, and Sharh: al-Maqa¯s:id. Istanbul, 1887.
Present Status of Tafs¯ır Studies,” Muslim World 72 (July–
Tafta¯za¯n¯ı, MasEu¯d ibn EUmar al-. Sharh: al- Eaqa¯ Did al-Nasaf¯ıyah
December 1982): 224–238.
f¯ı us:u¯l al-d¯ın wa- Eilm al-kala¯m. Edited and introduced by
ANDREW RIPPIN (1987)
Claude Sala¯ma. Damascus, 1974. For further bibliographical
references, see Sala¯ma’s introduction.
WADI Z. HADDAD (1987)
TAFTA¯ZA¯N¯I, AL- (AH 722–791? / 1322–1389 CE),
more fully SaEd al-D¯ın MasEu¯d ibn EUmar al-Tafta¯za¯n¯ı; mas-
ter of a range of intellectual disciplines including theology,
philosophy, metaphysics, logic, grammar, and rhetoric, as
TAGORE, RABINDRANATH (1861–1941), poet,
well as fundamental principles of jurisprudence and
novelist, playwright, composer, and spiritual leader, is best
QurDanic exegesis. Born in Tafta¯za¯n, Khorasan, he is re-
known as the winner of the 1913 Nobel Prize for Literature
nowned for the breadth and quality of his scholarship,
and one of India’s greatest modern poets. Yet he was also a
though little is known about his personal life. His writing ca-
complex figure who embodied many of the deepest religious
reer started at the age of sixteen, and before his death his
and political tensions of late colonial India. As his friend
works were known and studied from the eastern part of the
E. J. Thompson described him, Tagore had a kind of dual
Muslim world to Egypt in the West. Al-Tafta¯za¯n¯ı’s emi-
soul, torn between his love of solitude, contemplation, and
nence in scholarship was noticed and recognized in his life-
art and his commitment to social action (Thompson, 1921).
time by the Mongol rulers, especially the famous Timur
Born in Kolkata to a wealthy Bengali Bra¯hman: family,
Lenk (Tamerlane), by whom he was personally honored.
Tagore was the son of Debendranath Tagore, a leader in the
Al-Tafta¯za¯n¯ı’s best-known work is probably his com-
influential Hindu reform movement known as the Bra¯hmo
mentary on the creed of al-Nasaf¯ı (d. 1142
Sama¯j and a key figure in the “Bengal Renaissance” of the
CE), Sharh:
al- Eaqa¯Did al-Nasaf¯ıyah, still studied in major Muslim semi-
nineteenth century. Although he later became critical of
naries. His work on the fundamental principles of Islamic
the movement, the universalistic and humanistic ideals of the
law, Sharh: al-talw¯ıh: Eala al-tawh:¯ıd li-matn al-tanq¯ıh: f¯ı us:u¯l
Bra¯hmo Sama¯j had a lasting impact on Rabindranath Ta-
al-fiqh, was published in Beirut in 1983. Because he wrote
gore’s thought.
commentaries on H:anaf¯ı as well as Sha¯fiE¯ı works of jurispru-
Tagore was a poet from an early age, composing his first
dence his biographers differed as to which school of law he
piece at age eight. He was not, however, a spirit to be re-
belonged to. The same was true in terms of his theological
strained by conventional educational institutions, and he left
position. His commentary on al-Nasaf¯ı’s EAqa¯Did (written in
school at fourteen to study at home. Though a lover of the
1367) led some to consider him a Matu¯r¯ıd¯ı in view of his
great Sanskrit poets like Kalidasa and the devotional lyrics
apparent espousal of their doctrines: for example, he viewed
of the Bengal Vais:n:avas, Tagore was also deeply influenced
creation (takw¯ın) as eternal and an essential attribute of God,
by nineteenth-century English poets, perhaps above all by
accepted the doctrine of free will, viewed the QurDa¯n as an
the English romantics like John Keats and Percy Bysshe Shel-
expression of God’s eternal self-speech (a position also adopt-
ley, whose reverence for nature and ideal of the creative artist
ed by the later AshEar¯ıyah), and rejected the possibility of ac-
can be seen throughout Tagore’s work.
tually seeing God in the afterlife. Despite these apparent
Ma¯tur¯ıd¯ı leanings, his Maqa¯s:id and Sharh: al-Maqa¯s:id (writ-
In 1890 Tagore took charge of the family estates in
ten in 1383) reveal him to be an AshEar¯ı. Clearly his was a
Shelidah (modern Bangladesh), where he came to admire the
mediating position in which he demonstrated independence
simple daily life, natural beauty, and folk culture of rural
of thought and a resistance to legal or doctrinal classification.
Bengal. Here he also first came into contact with the Bau¯ls,
a group of wandering spiritual “madmen” who reject the out-
B
ward trappings of institutional religion and instead seek the
IBLIOGRAPHY
Brockelmann, Carl. Geschichte der arabischen Literatur, vol. 2. 2d
indwelling “man of the heart,” the elusive presence of the di-
ed. Leiden, 1949. See also the supplement to volume 2 of the
vine that dwells within every human body. The Bau¯ls’ icono-
first edition. Leiden, 1938.
clastic “religion of man” (manusher dharma) had a lasting in-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8958
T:A¯HIRAH
fluence on Tagore’s spiritual ideals. Called by some the
He founded Shantiniketan (the “abode of peace”), one of
“greatest of the Bau¯ls,” Tagore was a key figure in the popu-
India’s most original examples of alternative pedagogy. Dis-
larization of Bau¯l music and spirituality as an icon of Bengali
mayed by the stifling structures of traditional education in
folk culture.
British India, Tagore turned instead to the model of the
tapovanas or forest hermitages. Classes at Shantiniketan were
Tagore described his own spiritual vision as a “religion
held outdoors, in the shade of trees, emphasized the arts, and
of the artist.” Rejecting the rigidity and superficiality of insti-
fostered the ideal of creative unity central to Tagore’s own
tutional religions, including that of the Bra¯hmo Sama¯j, he
philosophy.
based his “poet’s religion” on a vision of the creative unity
among God, humanity, and nature. Just as the One Divine
Tagore’s influence remains evident in contemporary
Creator manifests himself in the infinite forms and beauty
India not only in his homeland, where he is a cultural icon,
of nature, so too the individual artist reflects that diversity
but throughout the country and beyond. The composer of
and returns it to divine unity through poetry, music, and art.
the national anthems of both India and Bangladesh, he is also
Tagore’s literary output is astonishing in its breadth and
one of the most widely published authors of the twentieth
diversity. In addition to poetry in various genres, he wrote
and twenty-first centuries. However, perhaps his most lasting
novels, short stories, essays, political articles, and songs while
relevance lies in his encounters with religious violence and
also composing music and painting. He began translating his
terrorism in colonial India. His reflections on the “madness
works into English, and his first attempt, Gitanjali (Song of-
of nationalism” are no less relevant for the twenty-first centu-
ferings; 1913), won the Noble Prize for Literature in 1913.
ry, as religious violence has by no means ended but arguably
Praised by W. B. Yeats as lyrics “expressing in thought a
only grown more intense and destructive. It is more than a
world I have dreamt of all my life,” these songs helped give
little ironic that the same country that sings his lyrics in its
Tagore an international reputation and introduced Bengali
national anthem should remain torn by the very religious na-
literature to the world (Yeats 1913: xiii).
tionalism that Tagore so deplored.
Unfortunately Tagore has so often been subject to hagi-
SEE ALSO Bengali Religions; Hinduism; Poetry, article on
ography and aesthetic idealization that it is often forgotten
Indian Religious Poetry.
that he was, in his early life, also deeply involved in national-
ist politics. As an active participant in the Swadeshi (Our
Country) movement, he played an important role in the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
struggle for independence from British rule in the years up
Tagore’s works exist in many editions and translations, among
to 1907. He, however, grew disillusioned with the elitism
them the Oxford Tagore translations (Oxford, U.K., 2002–
and increasing violence of the movement and so gradually
2004) and the Rabindranath Tagore Omnibus (New Delhi,
2003). A thorough biography of Tagore in English is Krishna
retreated from the political sphere into the inner domain of
Dutta and Andrew Robinson, Rabindranath Tagore: The
poetry, art, and spirituality.
Myriad-Minded Man (New York, 1995). Older works in-
This profound disillusionment with the violence of the
clude Edward John Thompson, Rabindranath Tagore: His
nationalist movement and the retreat into an inner realm of
Life and Work (Calcutta, India, 1921); and Krishna Kripa-
spirituality is poignantly expressed in his novel The Home
lani, Rabindranath Tagore: A Biography (Calcutta, India,
1980). Useful discussions of Tagore’s role in modern Indian
and the World (Ghare-ba¯ire; 1919). One of Tagore’s darkest
religion and politics include David Kopf, The Brahmo Samaj
works, it centers on the terrorist violence of 1907 and the
and the Shaping of the Modern Indian Mind (Princeton, N.J.,
ultimate failure of violent revolt as a means to independence.
1979); Stephen N. Hay, Asian Ideas of East and West: Tagore
At the same time it also expresses Tagore’s own ambivalent
and His Critics in Japan, China, and India (Cambridge, U.K.,
status, torn between home and world, between the inner
1970); and Hugh B. Urban, Tantra: Sex, Secrecy, Politics, and
realm of art and spirituality and the outward realm of public
Power in the Study of Religion (Berkeley, Calif., 2003),
action.
chap. 3.
Even after his withdrawal from political action Tagore
HUGH B. URBAN (2005)
continued to speak on social and political issues, if only in
a sort of “antipolitical” way. In 1917, shocked by the horrors
of World War I, Tagore also delivered a series of lectures in
Japan and the United States that leveled a scathing attack on
T:A¯HIRAH SEE QURRAT AL-EAYN T:A¯HIRAH
the “madness of nationalism” (Kopf 1979: 301). A mon-
strous and dehumanizing force spreading through the globe,
nationalism had in Tagore’s eyes only succeeded in stripping
human beings of their individuality and ended in violent self-
TAI CHEN SEE DAI ZHEN
destruction.
In addition to his importance as a poet, artist, and polit-
ical figure, Tagore was also deeply concerned with education.
T’AI-CHI SEE TAIJI
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAIJI
8959
T’AI-HSÜ SEE TAIXU
This is the basis for the commonly accepted neo-Confucian
assertion that the Great Ultimate is embodied both singly by
each thing and collectively by all things.
TAIJI. In the Yi jing (Book of Changes; a wisdom book
It has been documented that Zhou’s Taijitu shuo grew
in ancient China that is widely believed to have been a major
out of a long Daoist tradition. Indeed, it is believed that
source of inspiration for Confucianism and Daoism), the
Zhou received the diagram itself from a Daoist master: Dao-
term Taiji (“great ultimate”) signifies the origin and ground
ist influences are evident even in his explanatory notes. His
of Heaven and earth and of all beings. It is the Great Ulti-
introduction of the term “the Non-Ultimate” or “the Ulti-
mate that is said to engender or produce yin and yang, the
mate of Non-being” (wuji) generated much controversy
twin cosmic forces, which in turn give rise to the symbols,
among Song and Ming dynasty Confucian thinkers because
patterns, and ideas that are, indeed, forms of yin and yang.
the notion “non-ultimate” or “non-being” seems closer to
The interaction of the two modalities of these cosmic forces
the Daoist idea of nothingness than the Confucian concept
bring about the eight trigrams that constitute the basis of the
that the human world is real. However, by defining human
Yi jing. Combining any two of the eight trigrams, each of
spirituality in terms of the notion that it is “man alone who
which contains three broken (yin) and three unbroken
receives the cosmic forces and the Five Agents in their most
(yang) lines, forms one of the sixty-four hexagrams. These
refined essence, and who is therefore most sensitive,” Zhou
are taken as codes for all possible forms of change, transfor-
clearly presents a philosophical anthropology in the tradition
mation, existence, life, situations, and institutions both in
of Confucian humanism.
nature and in culture. The Great Ultimate, then, is the high-
A similar attempt to read a humanist message into the
est and the most fundamental reality, and is said to generate
seemingly naturalistic doctrine of the Great Ultimate is also
and underlie all phenomena.
found in the writings of Shao Yong (Shao Kangjie, 1011–
However, it is misleading to conceive of the Great Ulti-
1077), perhaps one of the most metaphysical Confucian
mate as the functional equivalent of either the Judeo-
masters of the Song dynasty. Shao’s cosmology is presented
Christian concept of God or the Greek idea of Logos. The
as the numerical progression of the one to the many: “The
Great Ultimate is neither the willful creator nor pristine rea-
Great Ultimate is the One. It produces the two (yin and
son, but an integral part of an organic cosmic process. The
yang) without engaging in activity. The two (in their won-
inherent assumption of this interpretation is that the uni-
derful changes and transformations) constitute the spirit.
verse is in a dynamic process of transformation and, at the
Spirit engenders number, number engenders form, and form
same time, has an organic unity and an underlying harmony.
engenders concrete things” (Chan, 1969, pp. 492–493).
The universe, in Joseph Needham’s understanding, is well-
Shao further maintains that the human mind in its original
coordinated and well-ordered but lacks an ordainer. The
state is the Great Ultimate. If one’s mind can regain its origi-
Great Ultimate, so conceived, is a source or root, and is thus
nal calm, tranquility, and enlightenment it has the capacity
inseparable from what issues from it.
to investigate principle (li) to the utmost. The mind can then
fully embody the Great Ultimate not only as the defining
It was the Song-dynasty neo-Confucian master Zhou
characteristic of its true nature but also as an experienced re-
Dunyi (Zhou Lianxi, 1017–1073) who significantly contrib-
ality, a realized truth. This paradoxical conception that the
uted to the philosophical elaboration of the notion. In his
Great Ultimate is part of the deep structure of our minds but
Taijitu shuo (Explanation of the diagram of the Great Ulti-
that it can be fully realized only as a presence in our daily
mate), strongly influenced by the cosmology of the Yi jing,
lives is widely shared among neo-Confucian thinkers.
Zhou specifies the cosmic process as follows: the Great Ulti-
mate through movement and tranquility generates the two
Zhu Xi (1130–1200), in a rationalist attempt to provide
primordial cosmic forces, which in turn transform and unite
an overall cosmological and metaphysical vision, defines the
to give rise to the Five Agents or Five Phases (wuxing, water,
Great Ultimate as “nothing other than principle,” or, alter-
fire, wood, metal, and earth). When the five vital forces (qi),
nately, as “merely the principle of Heaven and earth and
corresponding to each of the five “elements” (agents or
the myriad things.” Perhaps inadvertently, Zhu Xi restricted
phases), interact among themselves and reach a harmonious
the Great Ultimate so as to acknowledge its function as the
order, the four seasons run their orderly course. This pro-
ground of all beings but not necessarily its role in the genera-
vides the proper environment for the Five Agents to come
tion of the universe. However, there is fruitful ambiguity in
into “mysterious union.” Such a union embraces the two pri-
Zhu Xi’s position. In response to the challenging question
mordial cosmic forces, the female and the male, which inter-
as to whether the Great Ultimate must split into parts to be-
act with each other to engender and transform all things. The
come the possession of each of the myriad things, Zhu Xi
continuous production and reproduction of the myriad
employed the famous Buddhist analogy of moonlight scat-
things make the universe an unending process of transforma-
tered upon rivers and lakes. That there is only one moon in
tion. It is in this sense, Zhou Dunyi states, that “the Five
the sky does not prevent its being seen everywhere without
Agents constitute a manifestation of yin and yang, and yin
losing its singularity and wholeness. Zhu Xi further depicts
and yang constitute a manifestation of the Great Ultimate.”
the Great Ultimate as having neither space nor form. The
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8960
TÁIN BÓ CUAILNGE
Great Ultimate, although symbolizing the principle of activi-
been compiled about the middle of the eleventh century
ty and tranquility, is not directly involved in the creative
from at least two variant written versions dating from about
transformation of the universe. Nevertheless, like Zhou
the ninth century, but may also have drawn upon sources in
Dunyi and other neo-Confucian thinkers, Zhu Xi insisted
oral tradition. On linguistic and other grounds Rudolf
that the truth of the Great Ultimate must be personally real-
Thurneysen (1921) concluded that the saga may have been
ized through moral self-cultivation: the truth of the Great
recorded for the first time in the middle of the seventh centu-
Ultimate is not simply knowledge about some external reali-
ry. Moreover, there is a poem composed not later than the
ty but a personal knowledge rooted in self-awareness in the
seventh century in which the supernatural woman Scáthach
ethico-religious sense.
addresses the principal hero of Táin Bó Cuailnge, Cú
In the folk tradition, the symbol of the Great Ultimate
Chulainn, and foretells, cryptically and laconically, some of
carries a connotation of mysterious creativity. The spiritual
the main events of the tale; but whether the poet was drawing
and physical exercise known as Taiji quan (a form of tradi-
upon an oral tradition or a written version of the tale is un-
tional Chinese shadowboxing) is still widely practiced. This
certain.
slow, firm, and rhythmic exercise disciplines the body and
In its extant form, the story tells of an attack on the
purifies the mind through coordinated movements and regu-
province of Ulster organized by Ailill and Medhbh, king and
lated breathing. It is a remarkable demonstration that cos-
queen of Connacht, and supported by the rest of Ireland.
mological thought can be translated into physical and mental
The object of the attack is to carry off the great bull of the
instruction for practical living without losing its intellectual
Ulster people, the Donn Cuailnge (“the brown bull of Cuail-
sophistication. After all, in the Chinese order of things, to
nge”). Such was the prestige of Táin Bó Cuailnge in early me-
know the highest truth is not simply to know about some-
dieval Ireland that it generated an extensive complex of ancil-
thing but to know how to do it properly through personal
lary tales and traditions and came to be accepted by native
knowledge.
men of learning as the classic statement of the heroic ethos.
As it stands, the saga reflects something of Irish political
SEE ALSO Confucianism; Li; Yinyang Wuxing; Zhou Dunyi;
conditions at the beginning of the historical period (fifth
Zhu Xi.
century) or earlier, but some scholars have suggested that its
original theme was the rivalry of two bulls. The background
BIBLIOGRAPHY
to this rivalry is given in a separate tale: the bulls had former-
Chan, Wing-tsit. A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton,
ly been magical swineherds who had quarreled and passed
1969. See chapters 28, 29, and 31.
through a series of metamorphoses before reaching their ac-
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese Philosophy. 2 vols. Princeton,
tual form. Bruce Lincoln has argued that the account of the
1952–1953. See volume 2, pages 435–442, 457–458, and
fight between the bulls at the end of Táin Bó Cuailnge is a
537–545.
reflex of an Indo-European cosmogonic myth: “a man . . .
Graham, A. C. Two Chinese Philosophers. London, 1958.
and a bull . . . are killed and dismembered, and from their
Needham, Joseph. Science and Civilisation in China. 5 vols. Cam-
bodies the world is constructed” (Priests, Warriors, and Cat-
bridge, 1954–.
tle, Berkeley, 1981, pp. 86–92). However, several difficulties
Tu Wei-ming. Humanity and Self-Cultivation: Essays in Confucian
remain to be resolved before this attractive hypothesis can be
Thought. Berkeley, 1979. See chapter 5, pages 72–76.
accepted.
TU WEI-MING (1987)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Carney, James. “Early Irish Literature: The State of Research.” In
Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference of Celtic
TÁIN BÓ CUAILNGE
Studies, pp. 113ff. Dublin, 1983. This lecture refers to recent
(The cattle raid of Cuailnge)
philological studies on the early history of Táin Bó Cuailnge.
is the longest and the most famous of the early Irish heroic
O’Rahilly, Cecile, ed. Táin Bó Cúailnge from the Book of Leinster.
tales. It exists in three recensions. The first of them is pre-
Dublin, 1967.
served in Lebhor na hUidhre (The book of the dun cow),
O’Rahilly, Cecile, ed. Táin Bó Cúailnge: Recension I. Dublin,
dated circa 1100 CE, and in the Yellow Book of Lecan, a late
1976. This and the preceding entry refer to the two main re-
fourteenth-century manuscript. The second is preserved in
censions of the saga. Both recensions provide an introduction
the Book of Leinster, written in the mid-twelfth century, and
and translation.
the third in two manuscripts of the fifteenth and sixteenth
Thurneysen, Rudolf. Die irische Helden- und Königsage bis zum sie-
centuries. However, as with many other early Irish tales, the
bzehnten Jahrhundert. 2 vols. (Halle, 1921). See pages 96ff.
date of the earliest extant manuscript provides only a termi-
This is the classic study of Táin Bó Cuailnge and the Ulster
nus ante quem for the first recording as well as for the compo-
cycle in general. The approach is predominantly textual and
sition of the text, and even in the first recension of Táin Bó
philological; the main shortcoming is its inadequate compre-
Cuailnge there are several linguistic strata which make it pos-
hension of the oral and mythological dimensions of early
sible to trace the earlier written history of the tale back to
Irish literary tradition.
the seventh or eighth century. This recension seems to have
PROINSIAS MAC CANA (1987 AND 2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAIPING
8961
TAIPING (“great peace” or “great equity”) denotes a pan-
upheaval, and formed the basis of Daoist as well as Buddhist
Chinese social ideal and utopian slogan of rebels and dynasty
messianism and eschatology in China. This Taiping ideology
founders. Ping (“level, balanced, just, harmonious”), daping
centered around the expectation that a divine or human sage
(“great peace”), or taiping (“supreme peace”) first appear in
ruler, the Perfect Lord of Great Peace (Taiping Zhenjun),
Confucian texts of the pre-Han (pre-206 BCE) era. There
emissary of Heaven, will appear on a prophesied date at the
these terms denoted the ideal state of the world that had ex-
height of a period of cosmic chaos and human suffering. He
isted in high antiquity and that could again be brought about
will save the elect (zhongmin, the “seed people”) from the de-
by a sage ruler who practiced the proper rites and music
monic forces sent to destroy all evildoers, and will usher in
(Daxue, Li ji). The term never implied social equality in a
the reign of Great Peace (as related in the Dongyuan shenzhou
modern sense but rather referred to a society where, as Xunzi
jing). Even in this religious setting, the messianic kingdom
defined it, each individual occupies the place that he should
is often no more and no less than a glorious new Chinese
and fulfills his task according to his capacities. At the same
dynasty, although in some Daoist traditions it is developed
time, Great Peace was not limited to human society but de-
into a paradisiacal utopia.
noted a cosmic harmony that resulted in a seasonal climate,
plentiful harvests, and longevity of all living beings (Chunqiu
Dynasty founders, especially those of the Tang, 618–
fanlu, Yantie lun). It was a state in which all the concentric
906, and the Ming, 1368–1644, tapped this messianic tradi-
spheres of the organic Chinese universe, which contained na-
tion by casting themselves in the role of the sage ruler of Tai-
ture as well as society, were perfectly attuned, communicated
ping. Ten times in Chinese history Taiping was chosen as
with each other in a balanced rhythm of timeliness, and
the name of a reign period (nianhao). Emperor Taiwu of the
brought maximum fulfillment to each living being.
Northern Wei called both himself and a period of his reign
(440–452) “Perfect Lord of Great Peace.”
During the Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), Great Peace
became the social ideal of the official Confucian state doc-
The second Taiping rebellion (1850–1865) was the
trine (which it remains to this day). However, when the Han
most powerful of several great uprisings toward the end of
declined, “Great Peace” became the slogan also of popular
the Manchu dynasty. In 1851, the visionary rebel leader
movements of revolt inspired by Daoism. Daoism had earlier
Hong Xiuquan (1813–1864) from Canton proclaimed the
found a place for the concept in its own philosophy. The
Heavenly Kingdom of Great Peace (Taiping Tianguo) with
Daoist philosopher Zhuangzi (fourth century BCE) had called
himself as Emperor of Great Peace (Taiping Tianzi). His reli-
a government that conformed to the order of nature taiping,
gion was a combination of Chinese traditions with many ele-
an idea that was in no contradiction to the Confucian defini-
ments from Protestant Christianity (monotheism, ten com-
tion of the term. The Daoist popular movements were op-
mandments, Sunday worship, iconoclasm, condemnation of
posed not to the ideal of Great Peace but to the dynasty that
“Chinese idol-worship”). Hong called himself the younger
subscribed to it and had failed to bring it about. Thus, tai-
brother of Jesus Christ. God had endowed him with imperial
ping cannot be called a “revolutionary” ideal, although two
legitimation (in the shape of a seal), with the (Daoist) power
of the greatest social upheavals in Chinese history are called
to kill demons (a sword), and with divine scriptures (revela-
Taiping rebellions.
tion in Chinese religion is always in the form of writing). The
Twice during the Han period, a group of fangshi
Taiping theocracy established in Nanjing was destroyed in
(“masters of [esoteric] techniques”) presented at court a Tai-
1864, but the Taiping ideal lives on in Daoism and in most
ping jing (Classic of Great Peace). It was rejected because of
of the modern Chinese syncretist religions.
its Daoist tenor. This or a similar Classic of Great Peace be-
came the sacred scripture of the first Taiping or “Yellow Tur-
SEE ALSO Daoism, overview article; Millenarianism, article
ban” Rebellion (184 CE), which eventually brought down the
on Chinese Millenarian Movements.
Han empire. This scripture, still extant in a revised version
(probably sixth century), elaborates the messianic element in
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the Taiping tradition: the Great Peace that the princes of
The basic texts on the Taiping ideal of antiquity and the Daoist
high antiquity brought about through a Daoist government
Taiping Dao movement are presented in Werner Eichhorn’s
of “nonintervention” (wuwei) is a state that will be recreated
“Tai-ping und Tai-ping Religion,” Mitteilungen des Instituts
in the near future as a result of revelations by a divine mes-
für Orientforschung 5 (1957): 113–140; see also Max Kalten-
senger called Celestial Master (Tianshi). The religious origi-
mark’s “The Ideology of the Tai-ping ching,” in Facets of
nality of this view lies in its substitution of the Confucian
Taoism, edited by Holmes Welch and myself (New Haven,
virtues and rites with Daoist spiritual exercises and other
1979), pp. 19–52. On medieval Daoist messianism, see my
methods of longevity as the means by which to reach
article “The Image of the Perfect Ruler in Early Taoist Messi-
Taiping.
anism: Lao-tzu and Li Hung,” History of Religions 9 (1969–
1970): 216–247, and “Taoist Messianism,” Numen 31
The rebellion of 184 was crushed, but it engendered a
(1984): 161–174. The religion of the nineteenth-century
messianic ideology that flourished during the Period of Dis-
Taiping Tianguo movement is the subject of a detailed mono-
union (220–581), was rekindled in all subsequent periods of
graph by Vincent Shih, The Taiping Ideology (Seattle, 1967).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8962
TAIWANESE RELIGIONS
New Sources
state kept a close watch on these movements during the early
Prazniak, Roxann. Of Camel Kings and Other Things: Rural Rebels
decades of the postwar era, the end of martial law in 1987
against Modernity in Late Imperial China. Lanham, Md.,
marked the beginning of a new era of religious development.
1999.
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Taiwan
Spence, Jonathan D. God’s Chinese Son: The Taiping Heavenly
Kingdom of Hong Xiuquan. New York, 1996.
boasts one of the most dynamic religious environments in
East Asia. In contrast with China, where religion is only
ANNA SEIDEL (1987)
gradually emerging from the shadow of long-term oppres-
Revised Bibliography
sion by a totalitarian regime, Taiwanese religions are thriving
and even expanding. Freedom of religion has always been
guaranteed under the ROC Constitution, Article 13 of
TAIWANESE RELIGIONS. The term Taiwanese re-
which clearly states, “the people shall have freedom of reli-
ligions is used here to describe the religious beliefs and prac-
gious beliefs.” However, now that Taiwan has developed into
tices of the people who inhabit Taiwan, regardless of their
a democracy, people can practice the religious tradition of
ethnic or sub-ethnic backgrounds. Taiwan has long been rec-
their choice without fear of state suppression. Members of
ognized for its diverse range of religious traditions. As differ-
any religious faith are free to congregate and introduce their
ent groups of Taiwanese have attempted to find meaningful
belief systems to others, while previously outlawed sectarian
ways to confront life crises, social disorder, natural disasters,
movements now operate openly and continue to expand.
and a sense of injustice, they have created a wide range of
The legitimacy of Taiwan’s religious traditions can also be
beliefs and practices, each with its own distinctive back-
seen in the formation of the Taiwan Association of Religious
ground and characteristics. This diversity befits Taiwan’s his-
Studies, which was founded on April 18, 1999, and has at-
torical development as an island situated in a key commercial
tracted the membership of dozens of students, faculty, and
and strategic location, and justifies the use of the plural form
religious specialists from both Taiwan and other countries.
in considering its religious traditions.
Another striking facet of religion in Taiwan is that eco-
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW. Taiwan was first settled by Aborigi-
nomic growth and technological development have not re-
nal peoples of Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) origin,
sulted in the decline of religious practice; on the contrary,
with significant immigration from the Chinese mainland
many educated men and women who surf the web on a daily
only beginning by the seventeenth century. During the Qing
basis apparently feel no qualms about practicing religion, and
dynasty (1644–1911), the island was largely a frontier region
many large religious organizations and temples have their
that never became fully integrated into the Chinese empire.
own websites.
However, Han Chinese migrants brought their gods over
ABORIGINAL RELIGIONS. Taiwan’s most venerable religious
from China, and worshipped them in various compatriot,
traditions are those of its Aboriginal peoples, who are usually
territorial, and commercial temples. Various Chinese sectari-
classified by place of residence as Plains Aborigines and
an movements, as well as Christianity, also began to spread
Mountain Aborigines. Long-term processes of acculturation
in developed areas of Taiwan, but it appears that no eminent
and even assimilation have diluted the aborigines’ religious
Buddhist or Daoist figures came to the island at this time.
traditions, which generally centered on ancestor worship,
During the colonial era (1895–1945), when Taiwan
lifecycle rituals, and annual festivals. Moreover, numerous
was ruled by Japan, the island enjoyed a prolonged period
aborigines have converted to Christianity, especially Presby-
of urbanization and industrialization, which laid a firm foun-
terianism. Some Aboriginal beliefs and practices have sur-
dation for its economic development. Taiwanese religious
vived, however, and are gaining increasing recognition from
traditions flourished during most of this era, despite policy
scholars and government officials. These religious traditions
shifts from laissez-faire (1895–1915) to regulation (1915–
continue to play important roles in aAboriginal life, and also
1930s) to efforts to co-opt Buddhism and Christianity while
serve as a vital force in the reformation of aborigine identity.
suppressing sectarian movements and temple cults under a
BUDDHISM. Historical evidence indicates that no eminent
“temple-restructuring” campaign enacted during the “Japa-
Buddhist monks came to Taiwan during the Qing dynasty,
nization” movement (1930s–1940s).
although some monks did make the journey across the Tai-
Taiwan became a province of the Republic of China
wan Straits from southern China in order to help manage
(ROC) in 1945, and the Nationalist (Guomindang) govern-
temples in Taiwan that were constructed by the state or local
ment relocated to Taiwan in 1949 after its defeat in the Chi-
communities. During the colonial era, lay Buddhists and
nese civil war. Many prominent religious specialists followed
members of the sam:gha attempted to evade state control by
the Nationalists over from China during these chaotic years,
actively cooperating with Japanese Buddhists. Some subordi-
including eminent Buddhist monks, the Daoist Celestial
nated their sacred sites administratively to Japanese Buddhist
Master (Tianshi), leaders of sectarian traditions such as the
lineages. Others formed religious associations that pledged
Way of Unity (Yiguan Dao), and Christian missionaries.
their loyalty to the colonial authorities, including the Patriot-
More recently, Tibetan Buddhists and members of new Japa-
ic Buddhist Association, the Buddhist Youth Association, the
nese religions have begun to proselytize in Taiwan. While the
Taiwan Friends of the Buddhist Way, and largest and per-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAIWANESE RELIGIONS
8963
haps most important of all, the South Seas Buddhist Associa-
continue to play key roles in communal festivals, particularly
tion. Nevertheless, Chinese Buddhists monastics managed to
those involving Daoist offerings (jiao; often referred to as
preserve many of their core beliefs and practices, and did not
“rites of renewal”).
copy their Japanese brethren to the extent of getting married,
eating meat, and drinking wine.
CHRISTIANITY AND OTHER FOREIGN RELIGIONS. The first
Christian missionaries arrived in Taiwan during the early
The postwar era has witnessed the growth of four prom-
years of the seventeenth century. These included Spanish
inent Buddhist organizations: the Buddhist Association of
Catholics who proselytized in the north and Dutch Protes-
the Republic of China, which until the 1960s served as the
tants who proselytized in the south. However, they do not
state-approved and sole representative of Buddhists in Tai-
appear to have attracted many converts, and ended up being
wan; the monastic order known as the Buddha’s Light
driven out of Taiwan by Koxinga (1624–1662). No subse-
Mountain (Foguangshan), which was founded by Venerable
quent missionizing efforts took place until the second half
Master Xingyun (Hsing-yun; b. 1927) and promotes a form
of the nineteenth century. Spanish Dominicans attempted
of humanistic Buddhism advocated by the reformer Taixu
to preach the gospel among Plains Aborigines in the hills and
(1890–1947); the Compassionate Relief Merit Society (Ciji
mountains of southern Taiwan, and educate catechists by
gongdehui), which was founded in 1966 by Master Zhengy-
opening a seminary and training school, but these efforts
an (Cheng-yen;b. 1937) and has gained renown worldwide
were largely unsuccessful until the early twentieth century.
for its charitable works; and Dharma Drum Mountain
English and Canadian Presbyterians exerted a far more sig-
(Fagushan), which was founded by Venerable Master
nificant influence throughout Taiwan. Among the most re-
Shengyan (Sheng-yen; b. 1930) and emphasizes the impor-
nowned Presbyterian missionaries of that era were Dr. James
tance of meditation and self-cultivation. The number of lay
L. Maxwell (1836–1921) and Dr. George L. Mackay (1844–
Buddhists in Taiwan has also increased since the 1960s, but
1901). Both combined proselytizing and healing: Maxwell
since most Taiwanese tend to identify themselves as “Bud-
was an unordained medical missionary, while Mackay pulled
dhists” regardless of whether or not they have been initiated
teeth and built hospitals. Like the Dominicans, the Presbyte-
into this religious tradition, the exact number of practicing
rians were most successful in attracting converts among Tai-
Buddhists in Taiwan is nearly impossible to quantify. One
wan’s Plains Aborigines, and were unable to make any in-
new development has been the growing influence of exiled
roads in Mountain Aborigine communities until the 1930s.
Tibetan monks of the Tantric Buddhist sect, who have at-
Despite initial slow growth and cases of persecution, the
tracted a sizeable following in Taiwan since the 1980s. The
Presbyterians were able to gain a significant following for a
Dalai Lama visited the island in 1997 and 2001.
number of reasons, including having women accompany
DAOISM. Daoist practice can be bifurcated into monastic
their missionary husbands (which allowed them to interact
and nonmonastic traditions, both of which have played im-
far more freely with Han Chinese and Aboriginal women),
portant roles in the history of Chinese religions. In Taiwan,
printing Bibles that used a romanized form of Southern Min
however, the former tradition has almost no presence. The
(Taiwan’s main local dialect), and publishing a journal enti-
nonmonastic tradition is far more influential, especially the
tled The Church News beginning in July 1885. Now named
Celestial Master movement, the leader of which has the au-
the Taiwan Church News, this journal is still being published
thority to bestow ordination registers on Taiwanese Daoist
today, and may be the oldest church newspaper in East Asia.
masters. A number of Daoist traditions that arose in south-
Education also played an important role in Presbyterian mis-
ern China are also prevalent in Taiwan, including the Lü-
sionizing efforts, with the Tainan Theological College being
shan, Pu’an, and Sannai movements. Hoklo and Hakka mas-
formally founded in 1880, and middle schools and girls’
ters from China’s southern provinces of Fujian and
schools being set up during the late nineteenth century as
Guangdong transmitted these different forms of Daoism to
well.
Taiwan during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and
Christianity flourished during much of the colonial era,
scholars are only beginning to fully appreciate the variation
as the Japanese were initially tolerant of a religion that they
in distribution and practice among Daoist masters belonging
saw as representing Western modernity. The Dominicans
to different sub-ethnic groups, particularly in terms of their
founded the Blessed Imelda School for Girls in 1917 in Tai-
liturgical traditions.
pei, and also established catechist schools in central and
After the sixty-third Celestial Master Zhang Enpu fol-
southern Taiwan, as well as the Santa Infancia of Holy
lowed the Nationalist government into exile in 1949, he at-
Childhood Orphanage in the south. In addition, Methodist
tempted to restructure Taiwanese Daoism by founding the
evangelists like Dr. John Sung (1901–1944), who converted
Daoist Association of the Province of Taiwan and the Daoist
thousands of followers throughout Asia, proselytized in Tai-
Assembly of the Republic of China. However, these organi-
wan. Japanese Christians also came to Taiwan, including
zations have exerted only a limited influence on the Daoist
members of the Japanese Anglican (Episcopal), Congrega-
movements mentioned above. Their liturgical traditions, in-
tional, Methodist, and Presbyterian churches. The colonial
cluding exorcistic and healing rites as well as mortuary ritu-
era also witnessed the development of two indigenous Chris-
als, are still frequently performed today, and Daoist masters
tian churches: the Holiness and the True Jesus.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8964
TAIWANESE RELIGIONS
The Presbyterians continued to build and manage hos-
costals (mainly members of the Assemblies of God), and the
pitals, as well as the Happy Mount Leprosy Colony (founded
Unification Church. However, most missionaries belonging
in northern Taiwan in 1934). Presbyterian theological col-
to these churches did not speak Southern Min, and unlike
leges in northern and southern Taiwan also thrived, while
the Presbyterian Church of Taiwan made little headway out-
the Reverend William Campbell (1841–1921) founded a
side of Taiwan’s major cities. Indigenous churches also grew
school for the blind in southern Taiwan in 1900 to 1901.
during the postwar era, particularly Holy Spirit, which be-
Missionary efforts to preach the gospel were further facilitat-
longs to the Pentecostal movement.
ed by the on-going translation and publishing of scriptures
Christianity in Taiwan is thriving at the beginning of
in romanized Southern Min. Other dedicated evangelists like
the twenty-first century. Roman Catholicism made a re-
Campbell N. Moody (1866–1940), who preached in over
markable comeback in Taiwan after 1949, when multitudes
900 of 1,100 villages in one county, also proved instrumental
of Catholic clergy and believers followed the Nationalists to
to the continuing growth of the Presbyterian movement.
the island, thereby infusing local Catholicism with new
Presbyterian leaders made great efforts to develop their
strength and vigor. According to government statistics, as of
church’s self-sufficiency by training local clergy and estab-
June 2001 there were 1,135 Catholic churches, 677 clergy-
lishing a united Presbyterian church (the Presbyterian
men, and 664 foreign missionaries in Taiwan serving nearly
Church of Taiwan). This took the form of a synod, with
300,000 believers. By that same date, the Protestant congre-
presbyteries in the north and south of the island serving as
gation had expanded to approximately 605,000 members,
equal partners. This self-sufficiency helped the Presbyterian
with 3,609 churches, 2,566 ministers, and 1,087 foreign
Church of Taiwan survive the difficult years of the late colo-
ministers. Of these, over 220,000 were members of the Pres-
nial and early postwar era.
byterian Church of Taiwan, which has begun to focus its ef-
During the 1930s, Christian believers engaged in a se-
forts on social welfare and environmental protection. The
ries of tense confrontations with the colonial authorities over
Presbyterian Church of Taiwan was active in organizing re-
politically charged issues such as whether Christians should
lief efforts after the devastating earthquake on September 21,
worship at Shinto¯ shrines. Roman Catholics decided to at-
1999, and the church worked alongside other Christian or-
tend, and English Presbyterians acquiesced as well, but Ca-
ganizations, such as the Chinese Christian Relief Association,
nadian Presbyterians were adamant in refusing to take part.
to help local communities engage in reconstruction efforts.
All Christian movements eventually lost control of schools
Other foreign religions in Taiwan include Islam, Juda-
and other church properties by the 1940s. Many foreign mis-
ism, Baha¯’¯ı, Tenrikyo¯, and Mahikarikyo¯. The largest of these
sionaries left Taiwan, while others were expelled; local Chris-
is Islam. Approximately twenty thousand Muslims accompa-
tians were harassed, and some detained. In 1943, all local
nied the Nationalist government to Taiwan in 1949, the ma-
churches were absorbed into the Japanese-run Christian
jority of whom were soldiers, civil servants, or food-service
Church of Taiwan, and many churches suffered during the
workers. As of June 2001 Taiwan was home to approximate-
Allied bombing of Taiwan. By the end of World War II,
ly 53,000 Muslims, as well as thirty-four mullahs and six
however, English and Canadian Presbyterian missionaries
mosques.
had begun to make plans to return to the island.
SECTARIAN RELIGIONS. By the eighteenth century, sectarian
Taiwan’s churches kept a low profile during the early
movements composed mostly of lay Buddhist believers had
years of the postwar era, particularly after the February 28
begun to make their presence felt in Taiwan. Subsequently
indicent of 1947, during which thousands of Taiwanese were
labeled “vegetarian religions” (zhaijiao) by the Japanese colo-
massacred by Nationalist forces intent on suppressing a local
nial authorities, these sects featured a membership of men
uprising. From 1965 to 1985, however, the Presbyterian
and women who identified themselves as adhering to a form
Church of Taiwan began to publicly criticize the cultural
of Buddhism that exists apart from and is superior to that
policies of Taiwan’s Nationalist government, while also ad-
of the ordained Buddhist clergy. In terms of practice, believ-
vocating Taiwanese identity. The Presbyterian Church of
ers generally perform a variety of Buddhist rituals, but adopt
Taiwan resisted attempts to promote Mandarin as a national
a strict diet that requires abstaining from meat and five types
language at the expense of local dialects, and continued to
of pungent roots (onions, chives, leeks, scallions, and garlic).
publish Bibles using Southern Min romanization, even after
Many vegetarian sects became popular due to their willing-
thousands of copies were confiscated. Some leaders, such as
ness to perform rites for the dead, often at rates cheaper than
the Reverend Kao Chun-min, went to prison for their be-
those charged by ordained Buddhist and Daoist specialists.
liefs. At the same time, however, the Presbyterian Church of
Some sects also featured latent millenarian doctrines, an issue
Taiwan and other churches managed to survive and even
that gained the attention of the colonial authorities after a
grow due to the Nationalist policy of opening Taiwan’s
millenarian-inspired uprising in 1915 known as the Xilai An
doors to Western missionaries, including Anglicans, Baptists,
Iincident. In order to survive the subsequent crackdown,
Catholics (Jesuits, Vincentians, and the Catholic Missionary
some members of vegetarian sects organized the Taiwan
Society of America, also known as the Maryknoll Order), Je-
Buddhist Dragon Flower Association (Fojiao Longhua hui)
hovah’s Witnesses, Lutherans, Methodists, Mormons, Pente-
in order to demonstrate their allegiance to the island’s Japa-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAIWANESE RELIGIONS
8965
nese overlords. Today, although many Taiwanese have
COMMUNAL RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS. Of Taiwan’s many
adopted different forms of vegetarian diets, the overall influ-
various beliefs and practices, communal religious traditions
ence of vegetarian movements is declining due to the rapid
centering on temple cults and festivals remain the most pop-
growth of the Buddhist organizations mentioned above.
ular and the most prevalent. Temples continue to play an in-
The latter half of the nineteenth century was a period
tegral role in individual, family, and community life, and
of rapid growth for other sectarian groups that practiced spir-
temple cults have retained their importance as sites for daily
it-writing, published morality books, and congregated at sa-
worship, community service, and massive festivals. Member-
cred sites often referred to as “phoenix halls” (luantang).
ship in a temple cult is ascriptive, and does not require any
Some scholars refer to such sects as “Confucian,” while some
form of initiation, so it is impossible to accurately calculate
groups have not hesitated to use this term as an autonym.
the exact number of men and women who belong to com-
The question of exactly how “Confucian” these movements
munal religious traditions. However, every year hundreds of
really are is difficult to resolve because this term has long
thousands of Taiwanese (including many members of the re-
been used to describe a wide variety of phenomena, includ-
ligious traditions discussed above) donate money to local
ing temples founded by state or local elites that are dedicated
temples and take part in their festivals.
to the worship of Confucius, secular organizations that stress
Most deities worshipped in temple cults in Taiwan were
Confucian teachings, such as the Confucius-Mencius Soci-
transmitted to the island from China, but there are also cults
ety, and a wide range of sectarian groups, such as the Divine
to indigenous deities, particularly local heroes and the unruly
Teachings of the Confucian Tradition (Ruzong shenjiao).
dead. Taiwan’s most ubiquitous deity is the Earth God (Tudi
Modern sects in China and Taiwan have not hesitated to use
gong), whose temples dot every urban and rural community.
the term Confucian to describe their tenets and practices, but
Other popular deities include Mazu (originally the goddess
for these groups, Confucianism includes unique and syncret-
of the sea, now worshipped as an all-powerful protective
ic interpretations of key Confucian philosophical texts, as
deity) and the Royal Lords (wangye; originally plague deities,
well as a distinctive liturgical style that differentiates them
but now invoked to counter all manner of calamities). These
from other similar and hence competing groups.
and other deities are worshipped for their ability to provide
health and prosperity, while their temples and festivals con-
Many sects that practice spirit-writing or publish moral-
tribute to the formation of local social structures and a sense
ity books remain highly popular in Taiwan today. Perhaps
of identity.
the largest and best-known movement is the Way of Unity,
which spread to Taiwan from China during the postwar era
One particularly fascinating phenomenon of the post-
and features an eclectic religious doctrine that draws upon
war era has been the steady popularity of cults associated
both traditional Chinese religious teachings and other major
with the unruly dead or eccentric deities, such as the Bud-
world religions like Christianity, Islam, Judaism, and Hindu-
dhist monk Crazy Ji (Jigong or Jidian), who gained renown
ism. Outlawed during the first decades of the postwar era,
for his spiritual powers despite a distinct penchant for eating
it is now a flourishing movement. According to government
meat, drinking wine, and hanging out with prostitutes. Such
statistics, as of June 2001 there were 3,218 large or medium-
cults were extremely active during the Everybody’s Happy
sized Yiguan Dao temples in Taiwan, with 2,326 temple
(Dajia le) lottery craze of the 1980s. The inauguration of a
priests serving approximately 887,000 believers. However,
Lotto lottery in January 2002 has prompted a new wave of
these numbers may be somewhat inflated, and the Way of
worship of Taiwan’s unruly gods, although the current fervor
Unity has undergone a series of schisms during the postwar
has been somewhat tempered by the fact that more and more
era, meaning that this data should not be seen as reflecting
Taiwanese are choosing to rely on computer programs to try
a single coherent religious movement. Other popular sectari-
to predict winning numbers.
an groups include Li-ism (Doctrine of Order), which like the
Another important development is that temples are no
Way of Unity was transmitted from China to Taiwan after
longer strictly local entities, but now play important roles on
1949, as well as a wide range of groups generally referred to
the national stage as well. The Nationalist government ac-
as “new religions” (xinxing zongjiao) that arose during the
tively attempted to discourage temple cults during the 1960s
postwar era, particularly following the lifting of martial law.
and 1970s (for example, in 1968, the Ministry of the Interior
One of the best known of these groups is the Religion of the
promoted a series of guidelines to regulate local religion enti-
Yellow Emperor (Xuanyuan jiao), which was formally
tled “Promoting Frugality in Folk Sacrifices”), a policy that
founded in Taiwan in 1957 by a legislator named Wang
only began to change during the 1980s and has now been
Hansheng. This sect attempts to promote Chinese national-
almost completely abandoned. Today’s political elites in-
ism, and preaches a syncretic philosophy combining ele-
creasingly appreciate the constructive roles temples play in
ments of Confucianism and Daoism. Other charismatic yet
Taiwanese society, and now limit any state intervention to
controversial leaders, including Lu Shengyan, Miaotian,
sponsoring local festivals while also attempting to regulate
Qinghai, and Song Qili, have formed sectarian associations
their contents. In addition, the modernization of Taiwan’s
that have attracted large numbers of dedicated followers but
infrastructure and liberalization of the mass media has result-
have yet to eclipse more established religions in terms of
ed in popular pilgrimage sites being able to exert an island-
numbers of believers and overall influence.
wide influence.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8966
TAIWANESE RELIGIONS
At the same time, since Taiwan began to democratize
ciety (Honolulu, 2003); Paul R. Katz and Murray A. Rubin-
during the 1980s, temple cults have been more than passive
stein, Religion and the Formation of Taiwanese Identities (New
observers of modernization and changing state policies; they
York, 2003); and Robert P. Weller, Alternate Civilities: De-
now play activist roles in community life by building libraries
mocracy and Culture in China and Taiwan (Boulder, Colo.,
and community centers, sponsoring cultural activities, such
1999). See also a special issue of The China Quarterly 174
as chess tournaments and classes in traditional fine arts, and
(June 2003), edited by Daniel L. Overmyer, entitled Religion
in China Today. Scholars can also keep up with develop-
engaging in a wide range of charities. Presidential and legisla-
ments in the field by visiting the websites of the Taiwan As-
tive candidates network with local elites and strive to attract
sociation of Religious Studies (tars.org.tw/tars.htm) and the
grassroots support by campaigning at temples to popular
Society for the Study of Chinese Religions (www.
local deities, while some aspiring politicians have attempted
indiana.edu/~sscr).
use temple cults to advance their own interests against those
Those who wish to learn more about Taiwan’s historical develop-
of the state. One example of the intense and also complex
ment before exploring its religious traditions should begin by
links between religion, politics, and identity in contemporary
consulting Murray A. Rubinstein, ed., Taiwan: A New Histo-
Taiwan involves the abortive attempt by a prominent Mazu
ry (Armonk, N.Y., 1999), which provides a fine overview of
temple known as the Zhenlan Gong to undertake a direct
the island’s history. Stevan Harrell and Huang Chun-chieh,
pilgrimage to the goddess’s ancestral temple in Fujian during
eds., Cultural Change in Postwar Taiwan (Boulder, Colo.,
the spring and summer of 2000, a move that challenged the
1994) treats the island’s recent cultural development, while
policies of the then newly elected government of President
Melissa J. Brown, Is Taiwan Chinese? The Impact of Culture,
Chen Shui-bian.
Power, and Migration on Changing Identities (Berkeley, 2004)
considers important issues of ethnicity and identity. Useful
The flourishing of Taiwan’s many religious traditions
background information about Taiwan may also be found
should come as no surprise to those who have studied the
on the Formosa website prepared by the Reed Institute (aca-
history of Chinese culture during the late imperial and mod-
demic.reed.edu/formosa/formosa_index_page/formosa_
ern eras. Religious associations and their sacred sites have
index.html), as well as on Taiwan’s Government Informa-
long constituted one of the most important public spaces in
tion Office website (www.gio.gov.tw/taiwan-website/
index.html).
Asian societies, and have been key arenas where elites and
representatives of the state vied to assert or reinforce their
Those wishing to begin their research by reading relevant second-
dominance over local culture and society. In Taiwan today,
ary literature should consult the following bibliographies:
democratization has further enhanced the importance of reli-
Laurence G. Thompson, Chinese Religion in Western Lan-
guages: A Comprehensive and Classified Bibliography of Publi-
gion in community life, and prompted representatives of the
cations in English, French, and German through 1980 (Tuc-
state to be more proactive in terms of interacting with the
son, Ariz., 1985); Laurence G. Thompson and Gary Seaman,
island’s religious traditions. A similar process may be begin-
Chinese Religions: Publications in Western Languages, Vol. 2:
ning in China, where local communities are slowly begin-
1981–1990 (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1993); Thompson and Sea-
ning to reassert their autonomy and religious networks are
man, Chinese Religions: Publications in Western Languages,
once again functioning as a second government in the sense
Vol. 3: 1991–1995 (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1998); and Thomp-
of providing services and mobilizing the population. The ex-
son, Seaman, and Zhifang Song, Chinese Religions: Publica-
tent to which the growth of local religious traditions may
tions in Western Languages, Vol. 4: 1996–2000 (Ann Arbor,
have a long-term impact on modern Chinese society remains
Mich., 2002). Another key source of information is the bibli-
to be seen, but the outpouring of new ethnographic work on
ography prepared by Philip Clart (web.missouri.edu/
China, as well as the continuing efforts of scholars research-
~religpc/bibliography_CPR.html), which is updated on a
regular basis. For a thorough bibliography of Chinese-
ing Taiwan and Hong Kong, should give us a more compre-
language and Japanese-language scholarship, see Lin Mei-
hensive perspective on this issue in the future.
rong, ed., Taiwan minjian xinyang yanjiu shumu (zengding
ban), rev. ed. (Nankang, Taiwan, 1997).
SEE ALSO Buddhism, article on Buddhism in China; Chi-
nese Religion, overview article; Christianity, article on
A great deal of research has been done on Taiwan’s Aboriginal
Christianity in Asia; Daoism, overview article.
peoples and their religious traditions, but relatively little has
been published in English. A good place to start is John R.
Shepherd’s Statecraft and Political Economy on the Taiwan
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Frontier, 1600–1800 (Stanford, Calif., 1993), which pro-
A massive corpus of Chinese-language scholarship on Taiwanese
vides an excellent account of Taiwan’s Plains Aborigines.
religions has been published since the mid-1980s. Good in-
Numerous scholars at the Institute of Ethnology, Academia
troductions to this subject may be found in Chang Hsun and
Sinica, such as Huang Ying-kuei and Pan Ing-hai, have pub-
Jiang Tsann-terng, eds., Taiwan bentu zongjiao yanjiu daolun
lished extensively on Aboriginal religion in both Chinese and
(Taipei, 2001), and Chang Hsun and Jiang Tsann-terng,
English, and scholars may keep track of their results by visit-
eds., Taiwan bentu zongjiao yanjiu de xin shiye han xin siwei
ing the Institute of Ethnology website (www.sinica.edu.tw/
(Taipei, 2003). Some Western-language works also provide
ioe/english/index.html) and reading the Institute’s Taiwan
valuable introductions to Taiwan’s religious traditions, in-
Journal of Anthropology. Useful background information may
cluding Philip Clart and Charles B. Jones, eds., Religion in
also be found in a special report on Taiwan’s aborigines in
Modern Taiwan: Tradition and Innovation in a Changing So-
Cultural Survival Quarterly 26, no. 2 (2002), available at
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAIXU
8967
www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/csq/index.cfm?
History and Magical Power in a Chinese Community (Stan-
id=26.2. See also the Council of Indigenous Peoples website
ford, Calif., 1987). Important essays were also published in
(www.apc.gov.tw/en/).
Arthur P. Wolf, ed., Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society
Taiwanese Buddhism has been extensively studied by local schol-
(Stanford, Calif., 1974), and G. William Skinner, ed. The
ars, with numerous important books and articles by Jiang
City in Late Imperial China (Stanford, Calif., 1977).
Tsann-terng and Lu Hui-hsing. For accounts in English, one
More recently, a new generation of researchers led by scholars like
should start with Charles B. Jones, Buddhism in Taiwan: Re-
Chang Hsun, Lin Fu-shih, Lin Mei-rong, Mio Yuko, P. Ste-
ligion and the State, 1660–1990 (Honolulu, 1999), as well
ven Sangren, Donald Sutton, Robert Weller, and James
as Julia C. Huang, “Recapturing Charisma: Emotion and
Wilkerson has begun to shed additional light on Taiwan’s
Rationalization in a Globalizing Buddhist Movement from
communal religious traditions. Some of the most important
Taiwan,” Ph.D. diss. (Boston University, 2001).
publications in English include Allessandro Dell’Orto, Place
and Spirit in Taiwan: Tudi Gong in the Stories, Strategies and
Early research on Taiwan’s Daoist traditions was initially un-
Memories of Everyday Life (London and New York, 2002);
dertaken by scholars like Kristofer M. Schipper and Liu Chi-
Marc L. Moskowitz, The Haunting Fetus: Abortion, Sexuality,
wan, but now much of the most important work is being
and the Spirit World in Taiwan (Honolulu, 2001); Meir Sha-
done by Lee Fong-mao. John Lagerwey’s Taoist Ritual in
har, Crazy Ji: Chinese Religion and Popular Literature (Cam-
Chinese Society and History (New York, 1987) provides a de-
bridge, Mass., 1998); Meir Shahar and Robert Weller, eds.,
tailed account of Taiwan’s liturgical Daoist traditions, while
Unruly Gods: Divinity and Society in China (Honolulu,
Kenneth Dean’s Taoist Ritual and Popular Cults of Southeast
1996); and Donald Sutton, Steps of Perfection: Exorcistic Per-
China (Princeton, 1993) contains invaluable information on
formers and Chinese Religion in Twentieth-Century Taiwan
their origins and links to communal religious traditions in
(Cambridge, Mass., 2003).
the province of Fujian.
A sizeable group of Taiwanese scholars has published in Chinese
PAUL R. KATZ (2005)
on Taiwan’s sectarian movements, including Cheng Chih-
ming, Chiu Hei-yuan, Li Shih-wei, Lin Pen-hsuan, Sung
Kuang-yu, and Wang Chien-ch’uan. Among the most valu-
able studies published in English are David K. Jordan and
TAIXU (1890–1947), Chinese Buddhist reformer, found-
Daniel L. Overmyer, The Flying Phoenix: Aspects of Chinese
er of the Wuchang Buddhist Institute and the Buddhist jour-
Sectarianism in Taiwan (Princeton, 1986), and Philip A.
nal Haichaoyin, and active participant in various Buddhist
Clart, “The Ritual Context of Morality Books: A Case Study
movements. Taixu’s lay name was Lü Peilin. Born in Hain-
of a Taiwanese Spirit-writing Cult,” Ph.D. diss. (University
ing in Zhejiang, he became a monk of the Linji school of
of British Columbia, 1996). See also Clart’s “Confucius and
Chan Buddhism at the age of sixteen. Buddhist scriptures as
the Mediums: Is there a ‘Popular Confucianism’?” T’oung
well as the radical political writings of Liang Qichao and oth-
Pao 89, nos. 1–3 (2003): 1–28. Barend ter Haar’s The White
ers inspired him to act for the reformation of Chinese Bud-
Lotus Teachings in Chinese Religious History (Leiden, 1992)
dhism. He tried to put his reform programs into practice by
contains a path-breaking analysis of the historical back-
ground of these movements.
founding the Fojiao Xiejin Hui (Association for the Ad-
vancement of Buddhism) in 1912, but the association was
Overviews of the history of Taiwanese Christianity include Hol-
short-lived owing to opposition from conservative Bud-
lington K. Tong’s Christianity in Taiwan: A History (Taipei,
dhists. In 1917 Taixu visited Taiwan and Japan. Later, he
1961) and William Jerome Richardson’s “Christianity in
Taiwan under Japanese Rule, 1895–1945,” Ph.D. diss.
established the Enlightenment Society (Jueshe) at Shanghai
(Saint John’s University, New York, 1972), which also con-
with the help of some eminent Chinese. The society orga-
tains useful appendices listing the names of all missionary
nized public lectures and disseminated knowledge of Bud-
personnel in Taiwan during the colonial era, as well as an an-
dhism through its own publications. Taixu next made a
notated bibliography of relevant primary sources. See also
preaching tour of several cities in China and in Malaya. In
Murray A. Rubinstein’s classic study, The Protestant Commu-
1920 he founded the Buddhist periodical Haichaoyin. He es-
nity on Modern Taiwan: Mission, Seminary, and Church (Ar-
tablished the Wuchang Buddhist Institute in 1922, the first
monk, N.Y., 1991). Useful essays on Taiwanese Christianity
modern Buddhist seminary in China. In 1923, Taixu and a
may also be found in Daniel H. Bays, ed., Christianity in
few followers founded the World Buddhist Federation,
China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present (Stanford,
which included among its members Inada Eisai and K. L.
Calif., 1996), as well as Stephen Uhalley Jr. and Xiaoxin Wu,
Reichelt. Two years later he led the Chinese Buddhist delega-
eds., China and Christianity: Burdened Past, Hopeful Future
(Armonk, N.Y., 2001).
tion to the Tokyo Conference of East Asian Buddhists. In
1927 he became the head of the Minnan Buddhist Institute.
An impressive amount of research on Taiwan’s communal reli-
During that year, he associated with the Chinese Nationalist
gious traditions has been published from the 1960s and
leader Chiang Kai-shek, who financed Taixu’s world tour in
1970s to the present day. Some of the most important early
scholarship was undertaken by Stephan Feuchtwang, David
1928. The Chinese Buddhist Association was founded by
Jordan, Daniel Overmyer, and Wang Shih-ch’ing. Among
Reverend Yuanying (1878–1953) at Shanghai in 1929, but
the most representative works of that era are David K. Jor-
Taixu’s early relation with it was not cordial, though he was
dan’s Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors: Folk Religion in a Taiwan-
on its standing committee. In 1930 he founded the Sino-
ese Village (Stanford, Calif., 1972), and P. Steven Sangren’s
Tibetan Buddhist Institute in Chongqing; this became the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8968
TALIESIN
headquarters of the Chinese Buddhist Association in the war
words like revolution, evolution, science, democracy, philosophy,
years, 1937 to 1945. During the war, Taixu led a Chinese
and freedom, as well as other concepts popular in his time.
Buddhist mission of goodwill to Burma, India, Ceylon, and
Although he may not always have used these terms with a
Malaya to win support and sympathy for China, and he was
clear understanding of their modern meaning, by incorporat-
awarded a medal by the Chinese government for his contri-
ing them into the context of Buddhism he made the tradi-
butions to the war effort. His influence on Nationalist lead-
tion continue to appeal to young people at the beginning of
ers declined after the war, and he died on March 12, 1947.
the twentieth century.
His writings were published posthumously in thirty-three
volumes.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Since the late nineteenth century, Chinese Buddhism
The most complete and competent account of Taixu is the chro-
nological biography compiled by Yinshun, T’ai-hsü ta-shih
has been under constant pressure from the government and
nien-p’u (1950; reprint, Taibei, 1973). Taixu’s autobio-
from intellectuals. In 1898 a high official proposed that 70
graphical writings, including T’ai-hsü tsu-chuan (rev. ed.,
percent of monastic buildings and their income should be
1945), can be found in the collection of his writings, T’ai-hsü
taken over to finance the public school system. Although this
ta-shih ch’üan-shu, vols. 29–30 (1953; reprint, Taibei, 1973).
was not put into practice, and although the Buddhists man-
Holmes Welch’s chapter on the monk in his The Buddhist
aged at times to put off or soften anti-Buddhist threats, the
Revival in China (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), pp. 51–57, is
idea of using Buddhist property to finance education arose
overly critical. See also Paul E. Callahan’s “T’ai-hsü and the
again in 1928 and 1942. Taixu’s suggestions for reform were
New Buddhist Movement,” Papers on China 6 (March
part of the Buddhist reaction to public pressure. As a com-
1952): 149–188, and the entry on Taixu in the Biographical
promise, Taixu suggested in 1942 that 40 percent of monas-
Dictionary of Republican China, 1911–1949, edited by How-
tic income be used for educational and charitable institutions
ard L. Boorman (New York, 1970). Selections from Taixu’s
writings in English translation can be found in his Lectures
run by the Buddhists in exchange for government protection
in Buddhism (Paris, 1928) and Chou Hsiang-kuang’s T’ai-
of monastic property, but his suggestion had no effect on ei-
hsü: His Life and Teachings (Allahabad, India, 1957).
ther side.
New Sources
Taixu’s attempts to reform and modernize Chinese
Fu, C.W.-h. and S. A. Wawrytko. Buddhist Ethics and Modern So-
Buddhism were to some extent successful. A number of
ciety: An International Symposium. New York, 1991.
prominent scholars and religious leaders were trained at the
Long, Darui. “An Interfaith Dialogue between the Chinese Bud-
academies and libraries that he founded, and his lectures and
dhist Leader Taixu and Christians.” Buddhist Christian
writings helped create a more positive public attitude toward
Studies 20 (2000): 167–189.
Buddhism. But his larger dream of a worldwide Buddhist
Pittman, Don A. “The Modern Buddhist Reformer T’ai-hsu on
movement, and his plan for reorganizing Buddhist institu-
Christianity.” Buddhist Christian Studies 13 (1993): 71–83.
tions throughout China never materialized during his life-
JAN YÜN-HUA (1987)
time. His ideas were often viewed by the conservative Bud-
Revised Bibliography
dhist establishment as radical and unacceptable. They
cooperated with him reluctantly in times of crisis but were
always opposed to his ideas on monastic affairs. Yet, viewed
from a historical perspective, his program of reform and
TALIESIN. The ninth-century Historia Brittonum, usual-
modernization (the establishment of Buddhist academies,
ly attributed to “Nennius,” names Taliesin as one of a famed
journals, foreign contacts, and so forth) can be seen to have
group of Welsh poets of the latter half of the sixth century.
created new patterns for Chinese Buddhism.
The thirteenth-century Book of Taliesin contains a body of
The religious thought of Taixu falls in the mainstream
poetry of diverse origins and different dates that the scribe
of Chinese Buddhism. It recognizes that all sentient beings
presumably associated with Taliesin, but modern research
possess the Buddha nature and are subject to the law of cau-
has isolated some twelve poems that are regarded as his au-
sation. The operation of cause and conditions is universal
thentic work. These are heroic court poems sung to royal pa-
and incessant, and all worldly phenomena are based on that
trons and to Urien, Owain, and Gwallawg, kings of the
operation. If one follows the five Buddhist precepts, a happy
sixth-century northern British kingdoms of Rheged and
life in this world is achievable. This happy life is, however,
Elmet.
not lasting; it is subject to change. One must therefore strive
The early medieval Welsh poet was a complex persona,
for a higher wisdom and thus attain nirva¯n:a. When one real-
and Taliesin acquired the status of a vaticinatory poet (per-
izes that there is neither self nor object and that only the
haps conflated with the figure of Myrddin/Merlin) and pur-
mind is universal and unlimited, one will work for the salva-
veyor of esoteric and learned lore, both bardic and Christian.
tion of all sentient beings so that they too may become Bud-
Many of the poems in the Book of Taliesin reflect this role,
dhas. Taixu’s contribution is his adoption of a new terminol-
which is given a specific context in the Story of Taliesin
ogy and a modern style of writing, thus tuning the old
(Hanes Taliesin). Although found in manuscript copies of the
philosophy to the new thought in China. He often used
sixteenth century and later, this composite tale is certainly
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TALMUD
8969
earlier. The first part relates how the witch Ceridwen con-
TALMUD. In form, the Talmud is an extended, multi-
centrated her learning in three drops of a brew which she pre-
volume elaboration of selected tractates of the Mishnah, but
pared for her son. At the crucial moment of fulfillment they
it must be emphasized that the contents of the Talmud go
fell onto the hand of a serving lad, Gwion Bach, who sucked
far beyond its ostensible base. No subject of interest to the
his scalded finger and acquired the knowledge and bardic
ancient rabbis failed to find its way into this immense body
power intended for the son. In the ensuing pursuit Gwion
of teaching, and for that reason no question arising in later
and Ceridwen undergo several metamorphoses until the lad
centuries was deemed outside the range that Talmudic teach-
is swallowed as a seed of corn by Ceridwen in the guise of
ing might legitimately claim to resolve. A document that
a hen to be reborn nine months later. He is taken up by Elf-
seemed merely to elucidate an older text eventually became
fin, named Taliesin, and soon reveals his precocity as poet
the all-embracing constitution of medieval Jewish life.
and sage. The rest of the tale recounts his feats of learning
The Mishnah supplied the overall format for the Tal-
at the court of the sixth-century king Maelgwn Gwynedd.
mud. Like the former, the Talmud is divided into tractates,
Poems of the Story of Taliesin are spoken by Taliesin,
which in turn are divided into chapters and then into para-
but those in the Book of Taliesin, though lacking this specific
graphs. Each phrase of the Mishnah is discussed, analyzed,
context, nevertheless refer to similar circumstances and are
and applied for as long as the editors of the Talmud have ma-
to be dated to the tenth century. One such poem alludes to
terials to supply; when such materials are exhausted (some-
Taliesin’s creation by the wizards Math and Gwydion, char-
times after very long and quite wide-ranging digressions), the
acters found in the Four Branches of the Mabinogi; another
discussion simply moves on to the next phrase or paragraph.
relates his transforming of trees into warriors in the Battle
The digressions can be such that one loses track of the Mish-
of Goddau. The poem titled The Spoils of Annwn refers to
naic passage under discussion for pages at a time, but the Tal-
the poet’s return as one of the survivors of Arthur’s disastrous
mud always picks up again from its base text when the next
attack on the otherworld, an episode underlying the Second
section begins.
Branch, which names Taliesin and a survivor. This early stra-
ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT. Very soon after it began to
tum of Taliesin’s legend links him not with historical charac-
circulate, the Mishnah of Yehudah ha-NasiD (compiled c.
ters of the sixth century but with purely mythological figures
200 CE) assumed a central place in rabbinic study. As time
and episodes. In later bardic tradition, Taliesin becomes the
went on, the structure and content of the Mishnah—the
archetypal inspired poet.
meaning and the sequence of its paragraphs—determined
the manner in which the growing accumulation of rabbinic
B
lore was organized. Non-Mishnaic legal materials (the so-
IBLIOGRAPHY
called outside traditions; Aram., baraitot) were studied pri-
Trioedd Ynys Prydein: The Welsh Triads, 2d ed. (Cardiff, 1978),
marily in connection with their Mishnaic parallels, and an
edited by Rachel Bromwich, gives a concise discussion of the
entire supplementary collection (Tosefta) that followed the
sources and offers scholarly opinion, while Ifor Williams’s
Chwedl Taliesin (Cardiff, 1957) analyzes the development of
Mishnah’s own sequence of orders, tractates, and chapters
the Taliesin legend. Patrick K. Ford edits the text of the leg-
was compiled. Similarly, post-Mishnaic rabbinic teachings—
end, Ystoria Taliesin (Cardiff, 1992) and in his introduction
of law, morality, theology, and so forth—were remembered
he discusses its themes; he translates the story in his The Ma-
and discussed primarily as the consecutive study of Mishnaic
binogi and Medieval Welsh Tales (Berkeley, 1977). See also
tractates called them to mind, so that most such teachings
Juliette Wood, “The Elphin Section of Hanes Taliesin,”
eventually came to be linked with one or another specific
Etudes Celtiques 18 (1981): 229–244, and “The Folklore
passage (or, occasionally, several) in the earlier collection.
Background of the Gwion Bach Section of Hanes Taliesin,”
Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies 29 (1982): 621–634.
In this way, great compilations of rabbinic teaching,
Marged Haycock has published a number of important arti-
each in the form of a loose exposition of the Mishnah, came
cles on the nonhistorical Taliesin material in the Book of Ta-
into being. Evidence suggests that various centers of rabbinic
liesin, including “Preideu Annwn and the Figure of Talie-
study developed their own such collections, though in the
sin,” Studia Celtica, 18/19 (1983–1984): 52–78, “Cadair
end only one overall collection was redacted for the Palestin-
Ceridwen,” in Iestyn Daniel and others, eds., Cyfoeth y Tes-
ian centers and one for Babylonia. For several generations,
tun (Cardiff, 2003), 148–175, “The Significance of the Cad
the collections remained fluid. Materials were added, revised,
Goddeu Tree List in the Book of Taliesin,” in M. J. Ball et
or shifted. Free association led to the production of extended
al., editors, Celtic Linguistics (Amsterdam, 1990): 297–331,
discourses or sets of sayings that at times had little to do with
“Taliesin’s Questions,” Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 33
the Mishnaic passages serving as points of departure. Early
(1997): 19–80.
materials tended to be brief explanations of the Mishnah or
BRYNLEY F. ROBERTS (1987 AND 2005)
citations of parallel texts, but later rabbis increasingly com-
mented as well on remarks of their predecessors or other
non-Mishnaic materials. Numerous scholars have seen in the
developing tradition two sorts of material: brief, apodictic
TALISMANS SEE AMULETS AND TALISMANS
statements of law and much longer dialectical explanations
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8970
TALMUD
of the specific laws and their underlying principles. Such dis-
lished its final version. Thanks to the labors of these latter
cussions in turn eventually gave rise to a new generation of
revisers, the Babylonian Talmud is far more thoroughly
legal dicta, and these in turn provoked new efforts at dialecti-
worked out than the Palestinian. Its arguments are replete
cal complication. Thus the Talmudic tradition grew.
with a sophisticated technical terminology for introducing
source materials, considering objections and counterobjec-
The Hebrew word talmud and its Aramaic equivalent
tions, offering refutations and defending against them, and
gemara D both mean “study.” Each term had other meanings
so forth. In addition to their detailed contributions, the sa-
at various times, but in the end gemara D came to be the name
voraim also composed entire sections of the Talmud; in par-
of the vast Mishnah commentary that had taken shape, and
ticular, the extended discussion at the beginning of many
talmud the name of the combined text (Mishnah plus
tractates is attributed to them. In general, the literary superi-
gemaraD) that eventually emerged. The rabbis of the immedi-
ority of the Babylonian Talmud, its far greater logical clarity,
ate post-Mishnaic period (third to fifth centuries CE) are
and its considerably larger bulk can be attributed to the sa-
called amora D from the Aramaic Dmr, “say, discuss”), because
voraim of the sixth and seventh centuries. The Talmud in
their characteristic contribution to the developing tradition
its current form did not exist until these had done their work.
was the extended discussion of the Mishnah they produced.
Through a process that can no longer be traced with cer-
While the Jerusalem Talmud treats the entire first order
tainty, the text of the gemara D underwent periodic reshaping
of the Mishnah, the Babylonian Talmud has gemaraD only
until finally the two Talmuds as we now know them came
for the first tractate (Berakhot), which deals with liturgy; the
into being. It should be emphasized that early rabbinic
rest of the order treats agricultural rules that were not consid-
Torah study was oral, so that the gemara D was not so much
ered applicable outside the Holy Land. On the other hand,
a fixed text as a more-or-less accepted formulation of accu-
and harder to explain, the great bulk of the fifth order, which
mulated lore. There is therefore no reason to assume that
regulates the long-destroyed Temple cult and is not to be
there ever was an authorized “original text” of the Talmud,
found in the Jerusalem Talmud, has very substantial Babylo-
and there may have been parallel recensions of these collec-
nian gemaraD. Otherwise, with minor exceptions, the two
tions from the earliest stages of their history preserved in dif-
Talmuds cover the same parts of the Mishnah.
ferent localities. There is still no altogether accepted standard
LATER DEVELOPMENTS. Over the several centuries following
text, and even the relatively uniform wording of recent cen-
the appearance of the two Talmuds, the Babylonian Talmud
turies has much to do with the eventual predominance of Eu-
gradually eclipsed the other. This predominance was ratio-
ropean over Asian and North African Jewry and the stan-
nalized by the claim that the Babylonian Talmud was the
dardization that inevitably followed the invention of
more recent, so that its editors already knew the Jerusalem
printing.
Talmud and could include its acceptable teachings in their
The Jerusalem, or Palestinian, Talmud. The so-called
own work and suppress those portions for any reason found
Jerusalem Talmud (Heb., Talmud Yerushalmi) is really the
unworthy. In retrospect, however, it is clear that such a claim
work of the rabbinic academies of the Galilee; it was substan-
was part of the propaganda of the Babylonian geonim of the
tially completed by the middle of the fifth century. The Jeru-
last centuries of the first millennium CE in favor of their own
salem Talmud covers the first four orders of the Mishnah
authority and against the rival authority of the rabbis of the
with the exception of two tractates (Avot and EEduyyot); in
Land of Israel. The eventual predominance of the Babylo-
the last two orders, only half of tractate Niddah has Palestin-
nian Talmud throughout the Diaspora and even in the Land
ian gemara D. The Jerusalem Talmud is characterized in gener-
of Israel probably is to be explained through reference to
al by brevity and an absence of editorial transitions and clari-
such factors as the relatively stronger ties of the rising com-
fications. Its discussions frequently seem laconic and
munities of North Africa and Spain to Babylonian Jewry and
elliptical and often take the form of terse remarks attributed
the relatively more severe decline of Palestinian Jewry, espe-
to one or another amora with no connective phrasing at all
cially under the onslaught of the Crusades. Those parts of
between them. Occasionally, however, such comments are
Europe, especially Italy, that retained strong ties with the
built up into a more integrated dialectical treatment, with
community in the Land of Israel apparently maintained a
objections raised and answered, contradictions cited and re-
tradition of study of the Jerusalem Talmud, but by the begin-
solved, and biblical proof texts adduced as the editors see fit.
ning of the second millennium this process had run its
course. From then on, “the Talmud” always meant the Baby-
The Babylonian Talmud. According to tradition, the
lonian. It was taken for granted that issues of Jewish law
redaction of the Babylonian Talmud (Heb., Talmud Bavli)
should be resolved by reference to the Babylonian Talmud,
was completed by the amoraim Ashi and RavinaD around the
not the Palestinian, and that the latter could provide rulings
year 500. It is clear, however, that the distinctive features of
only in cases where the Babylonian Talmud was silent or am-
this Talmud in contrast to the other are the work of several
biguous.
generations of mostly anonymous rabbis who came after
these authorities and are collectively known as the savoraim
Once the primacy of the Babylonian Talmud was estab-
(from the Aramaic root svr, “consider, hold an opinion”),
lished, this primacy was continually reinforced. The Babylo-
that is, those who reconsidered the Talmudic text and estab-
nian Talmud received more attention. It was studied by
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TALMUD
8971
more scholars, it became the subject of more and of better
The role of study and intellect. While the Mishnah
commentaries; it was copied more often and more carefully
looks like a law code, however, in fact it is probably some-
by larger numbers of scribes. The result is that modern schol-
thing other; its numerous unresolved disputes, its sporadic
ars have a more solidly established text of the Babylonian
use of biblical proof texts, and its occasional narratives all re-
Talmud and a more fully developed exegetical tradition with
flect the value of study as a religious ritual in its own right,
which to work. Modern critical study of the Jerusalem Tal-
and eventually the activity of studying God’s law was as im-
mud has much more fundamental analytical and restorative
portant in Talmudic religion as was the content of that
work to accomplish before a reliable and comprehensible text
study. Even before the Talmud was completed, this enhance-
becomes available.
ment of study as religious rite had led to the creation of an
elaborate set of legal corpora, most of which were identified
It should be noted as well that the power of the medieval
by the name of the master to whom the discrete opinions in
Christian church affected the development of the Talmud in
each corpus were attributed. The well-known Talmudic pen-
two important ways. Periodic waves of seizure and destruc-
chant for hair-splitting dialectics reflects the rabbis’ concern
tion reduced the number of Talmud manuscripts available
that each of these sets of teachings be internally consistent
in certain parts of Europe. The most important of these
on the one hand and significantly different from any other
waves took place in thirteenth-century France and in Italy
such set on the other. Hence the frequency with which the
at the time of the Counter-Reformation; the last burning of
Talmud records the chains of transmission by which individ-
the Talmud occurred in Poland in 1757. Occasionally thou-
ual sayings were passed on. Hence the steadily growing inte-
sands of copies of the Talmud or of Talmudic digests and
gration of teachings from widely disparate fields of law into
commentaries were destroyed at a time. In addition, Jewish
a single web, and the often forced effort to find unifying
efforts to avoid such destruction often led to voluntary or in-
principles behind teachings that seem to have nothing to do
voluntary submission of the Talmud to censorship by church
with one another. Hence, as well, the relative lack of interest
authorities. As a result, much early rabbinic discussion of
in the personalities of early masters, except, paradoxically, for
Jesus or the Christian religion has been lost or must now be
those few who became the subject of frequently incredible
recovered from scattered manuscripts.
legends.
TALMUDIC RELIGION. Despite its vast size and scope, the
This intellectual tendency had several important conse-
Talmud is not without focus. Certain themes and certain
quences for Talmudic religion. It gave rabbinic studiousness
styles of argument and discourse strongly predominate in its
a scholastic tinge that continued to sharpen as later centuries
pages, and as a result both the religion of the Talmudic sages
wore on. It made text commentary an important genre of re-
themselves and the forms of Judaism based on the Talmud
ligious literature; a standard edition of the Talmud even
that flourished during the Middle Ages are more compatible
today contains several classical commentaries on the page
with certain types of spirituality than with others.
along with the text and many, many more at the back of the
volume. Rabbinic intellectualism turned into disciplined ar-
The role of law. Well more than half of the Babylonian
gument; the interplay of proof and refutation became a holy
Talmud and more than three quarters of the Jerusalem Tal-
activity. It also gave primacy to the correct formulation of
mud are devoted to questions of law. The Mishnah itself
sacred texts and recitations; this in turn had important effects
takes the form of a law code, and Talmudic discussions are
on Talmudic and post-Talmudic conceptions of prayer,
chiefly concerned with clarifying, extending, and finding
meditation, and inward spirituality.
new applications for the provisions of Mishnaic law. This
T
concentration on law is related to the ancient rabbis’ role in
ALMUDIC LEARNING AND RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY. In the
ancient rabbis’ view there was a connection between their
their communities, where they usually served as judges,
emphasis on learning and the role of leadership to which they
teachers, or public administrators. Rabbinic piety came to be
aspired. It was taken for granted that only the Torah, when
organized around gratitude for the law and joy in its fulfill-
properly and sufficiently studied and understood, could en-
ment. The law was understood to be a divine gift, and obser-
able the people of Israel to become the “kingdom of priests
vance of its provisions was seen as the appropriate response
and holy nation” (Ex. 19:6) that God intended them to be.
to this generosity. To observe the law meant to strengthen
This in turn meant that only those properly and sufficiently
one’s link to its giver, and in developing the law into a huge
learned in Torah should be allowed to assume leadership
accumulation of detailed regulations covering all aspects of
over the community, since only such leaders could be trusted
day-to-day living, rabbinic teachers sought to multiply occa-
to guide the people in a divinely ordained direction.
sions for strengthening this link. Study of the law was both
the highest intellectual activity in which a Jew might engage
Inherent in Talmudic and post-Talmudic Judaism is the
and also a practical activity designed to further this expansion
assumption that Torah learning (once the Talmud was com-
of opportunity. Enlarging the scope of the law was not felt
plete, this meant Talmudic learning) is the only proper crite-
to be adding to an already heavy burden; on the contrary,
rion by which the leaders of the community should be select-
it increased the portion of one’s life that could be conducted
ed. Whenever conditions permitted, rabbis sought to
in response to the voice of God.
institutionalize their authority over the community. In the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8972
TAM, YAEAQOV BEN MEDIR
early period, this meant reaching an accommodation with
The Study of Ancient Judaism, vol. 2, edited by Jacob Neusner
the real rulers of the community (e.g., the Roman empire or,
(New York, 1981). Several of Neusner’s students also pro-
in Babylonia, the allegedly Davidic dynasty of the exilarchs).
duced longer examinations of the work of particular modern
Later, it meant assuring that internal Jewish courts should
scholars; he collected these in The Formation of the Babylo-
be dominated by rabbis and that Talmudic law should gov-
nian Talmud (Leiden, 1970). Readers can also consult
ern those aspects of life where Jews maintained internal au-
Strack-Stemberger, Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash
(revised edition, Minneapolis, 1992).
tonomy (marriage and divorce, religious ritual, educational
Neusner has also investigated the religious implications of con-
institutions). Although rabbinical authority was not without
ceiving of Torah study as a holy activity and the theological
challengers, it was never overthrown in principle until the
implications of rabbinic intellectuality; see his concise The
breakdown of Jewish self-government, which began in the
Glory of God Is Intelligence (Salt Lake City, Utah, 1978). A
late eighteenth century and continued into the nineteenth.
more popular effort of the same sort is Morris Adler’s The
TALMUD STUDY AS RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE. Rabbis saw
World of the Talmud (New York, 1958). See also my own
their own teaching as “oral Torah.” They believed the con-
“Talmud,” in Back to the Sources, edited by Barry W. Holtz
tents of the Talmud represented a part of the revelation to
(New York, 1984), pp. 129–175.
Moses that had been kept oral but faithfully transmitted for
ROBERT GOLDENBERG (1987 AND 2005)
centuries before its inclusion in the text of the Talmud. The
name Talmud, in fact, can be understood as a short form of
the common phrase talmud Torah, or “Torah study.” Thus
TAM, YAEAQOV BEN MEDIR (c. 1100–1171), lead-
to study Talmud was in fact to let oneself hear the word of
ing Jewish halakhic scholar, known as Rabbenu (“our teach-
God, and to add to the accumulation of commentaries, di-
er”) Tam from the biblical description of the patriarch Jacob
gests, codes, and the like was to make one’s own contribution
as tam (Gn. 25:27), a word often translated as “quiet,” with
to the spread of divine revelation in the world. To learn
the connotation of a studious, scholarly person. The scion
Torah was thus a kind of sober mysticism, a reliving of the
of a learned rabbinical family, he was the grandson of Rashi
events at Sinai, while to add to the growing body of “oral”
(Shelomoh ben Yitsh:aq, 1042–1105), the most prominent
law was to share in a divine activity. Already in the Talmud
Talmudic commentator, and the brother of ShemuDel ben
God is depicted as studying Torah several hours per day (B.
MeDir, the Rashbam. He was himself the greatest of the
T., EA. Z. 3b), but the kinship between the rabbi and God
founders of the Tosafist school of Talmudic commentators
was felt to be even stronger. By increasing the amount of
in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries.
Torah in the world, the rabbi could do what previously only
In his commentaries Tam employed the method of
God had been held able to accomplish.
comparative examination of the Talmudic texts, aiming to
Thus the text of the Talmud became the center of an
explain contradictions and inconsistencies while elucidating
activity believed to be the most Godlike available to human
the passages. He was against making any corrections in the
experience. Everyone (in practice this meant every male)
traditional text of the Talmud unless there was absolutely no
could study some Torah, and no one was considered incapa-
other way of understanding a particular passage. His con-
ble of adding a few original thoughts to a study session. Tal-
cerns encompassed practical legal and religious applications
mud study became a widespread activity among later Jewish
as well as a theoretical understanding of the Talmudic sys-
communities. The degree of commitment to this activity
tem. He generally opposed current usages that seemed con-
might vary, from the ascetic twenty-hour-per-day devotion
trary to Talmudic teachings and customs and also did not
of the secluded scholar to one-hour-per-week popular learn-
allow deviation from ancestral practices. His reasoned legal
ing on Sabbath afternoons. The climax of a boy’s education
decisions were based on the Talmud itself and not on the va-
was the point at which he was ready to learn gemara D. Such
rying needs of the time, although he sometimes resolved con-
“learning” continues even in the present time, even after the
tradictions between the Talmud and the religious and legal
functioning authority of Talmudic law has all but disap-
practices of the day by reinterpreting the traditional texts.
peared. It represents the most powerful and the most durable
Tam was accepted by his contemporaries as the greatest
inheritance of classical Judaism.
scholar of his generation. Many disciples flocked to study
with him from France and Germany and even as far away
SEE ALSO Biblical Exegesis, article on Jewish Views;
as Italy, Bohemia, and Russia; through them, his teachings
Halakhah; Mishnah and Tosefta.
and opinions circulated throughout Europe, reaching even
to Spain. Considered the central halakhic authority of the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
age, he received halakhic and Talmudic questions and prob-
The history and current state of critical scholarship about the two
lems from all parts of Europe. By virtue of his position he
Talmuds is comprehensively reviewed in two essays in Aufs-
tieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, vol. 2.19.2 (Berlin
issued various regulations (taanot) for the Jewish communi-
and New York, 1979): Baruch M. Bokser’s “An Annotated
ties of the time. Tam’s responsa (answers to questions posed)
Bibliographical Guide to the Study of the Palestinian Tal-
and comments on the Talmud were accepted as authoritative
mud,” pp. 139–256, and David Goodblatt’s “The Babylo-
by later generations, especially among Western (Ashkenazic)
nian Talmud,” pp. 257–336. Both have been reprinted in
orthodox Jewry.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAMIL RELIGIONS
8973
His main work is Sefer ha-yashar (Vienna, 1811), which
searchers by the first century was probably based largely on
includes his halakhic responsa (annotated Berlin, 1898) and
the Neolithic cultures that developed in the area. However,
his novellae, or comments, on the Talmud (annotated Jerusa-
these cultures were influenced in prehistoric times to varying
lem, 1959). The book as we have it is a later unedited collec-
degrees by the filtering of some remnants of a Negroid cul-
tion from the original with additions from other authors.
ture originating in East Africa; by migrations from the east-
However, the greater part of his teachings are not included
ern Mediterranean world refracted through the Elamite and
in this work but are scattered throughout the tosafot and the
Indus civilizations; by a megalithic culture that made its way
collections of responsa and decisions of his time.
into Southwest India by the eighth century BCE; and by a
people sometimes called “Proto-Australoid” who came into
SEE ALSO Tosafot.
the subcontinent by way of northeastern India from the
Malay peninsula.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
No monograph on YaEaqov ben MeDir Tam has appeared in En-
The religious life of the Tamil civilization of Cankam
glish. Three important discussions of Tam’s life and influ-
times gave evidence of no significant mythological or philo-
ence are my own “Yah:aso shel Rabbenu Tam le-beEayot ze-
sophical speculation nor of any sense of transcendence in a
mano,” Zion 19 (1954): 104–141; Viktor Aptowitzer’s
bifurcated universe. Rather, it was oriented by a fundamental
Mavo D le-sefer RaDavyah (Jerusalem, 1938), pp. 357–366; and
veneration of land and a sense of the celebration of individual
chapter 3 of E. E. Urbach’s Ba Ealei ha-tosafot, 4th ed. (Jerusa-
life. Colorful flora and fauna were extolled and ascribed a
lem, 1980).
symbolic significance that bordered on the sacred; for exam-
New Sources
ple, peacocks, elephants, and the blossoms of various trees
Langer, Ruth. “Kalir Was a Tanna: Rabbenu Tam’s Invocation of
were used as images for the basic realities of individual and
Antiquity in Defense of the Ashkenazi Payyetanic Tradi-
cosmos. Earth’s color and fertility were affirmed. Indigenous
tion.” HUCA 67 (1996): 95–106.
deities were venerated in field and hill, reflecting the attri-
SHALOM ALBECK (1987)
butes of the people in that zone and presiding over functions
Revised Bibliography
typical to their respective areas; thus, the god Murukan pre-
¯
sided over hill and hunt and battled the malevolent forces
of the hills, while Ve¯ntan oversaw the pastoral region and af-
¯
forded it rain.
TAMIL RELIGIONS. The term Tamil religions de-
notes the religious traditions and practices of Tamil-speaking
“Possession” is one of the most common ways in which
people. Most Tamils originated and continue to live in
the gods were believed to manifest themselves—both in their
India’s southernmost area, now known as the state of Tamil
priests and in young women. Worship of the gods sometimes
Nadu; however, millions of Tamils have migrated to other
occurred in a special place—in the clearing of a field or the
parts of India, especially to its large cities, as well as abroad,
bank of a river, for example, where a small pillar or kantu
particularly to Malaysia, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Madagascar,
was set up to represent the deity. The cult of the hero was
Australia, Great Britain and, more recently, to the United
a common feature of this period as evidenced by the erection
States and Canada. Many emigrant Tamils retain elements
of numerous hero stones (nat:ukkals) over the graves of fallen
of a cultural, linguistic, and religious tradition that predates
heroes, be they hunting warriors or tribal chieftains. Urn
the Christian era and has experienced a complex interaction
burial, a remnant of megalithic culture, was used occasional-
of influences from Dravidian, Sanskritic, and heterodox
ly, especially after the death of the chieftain or hero.
sources. At its apex between the eighth and fifteenth centu-
The city was not foreign to this early culture and by the
ries, the Tamil region was the major center of Hindu civiliza-
third century CE, at least, religious imagery reflected an urban
tion and, indeed, one of the major centers of civilization in
setting. Poets likened the urban chieftains and warriors to the
the world. Today, while most Tamils remain essentially
gods and spoke of urban festivals. Some of the earlier gods
Hindu, some Tamils have embraced elements of Islam and
were merged together in an urban setting, even while contin-
Christianity.
uing their earlier functions in extra-urban contexts. Rituals,
EARLY TAMIL RELIGION. A Neolithic cattle-herding culture
however, often continued to reflect a seasonal or folk charac-
existed in South India several millennia prior to the Christian
ter: In the hills, garlanded young women are said to have
era. By the first century, a relatively well-developed civiliza-
danced, intoxicated, with priests (v¯elans) of Murukan
tion had emerged, still largely pre-Hindu and only marginal-
¯
¯
(Cilappatika¯ram 24), while in the plain, at the onset of mon-
ly sanskritized. It is described in some detail in Tamil texts
soons, after harvests and transplantings, bathers gambolled
such as the Tolka¯ppiyam (a grammar written around the start
in the waters, were garlanded and smeared with sandal, often
of the Christian era) and by the “Can˙kam” poets—an “acad-
astride elephants or horses, and drank intoxicating beverages
emy” of poets who wrote in the first two centuries CE. This
(Paripa¯t:al 6, 7, 10).
culture was essentially Dravidian in nature.
¯ The early character of Tamil religion, in sum, was cele-
The origins of the Dravidians are still a matter of dis-
brative and relatively “democratic.” It embodied an aura of
pute, but the South Indian culture known to current re-
sacral immanence, sensing the sacred in the vegetation, fertil-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8974
TAMIL RELIGIONS
ity, and color of the land. The summum bonum of the reli-
Kalikanri (800–870), also known as Tiruman˙kai, who wrote
gious experience was expressed in terms of possession by the
¯¯
1,227 verses combining militant, heroic, and erotic imagery
god, or ecstasy. Into this milieu there immigrated a sobering
with the anguish of separation from his lord. The ninth- and
influence—a growing number of Jain and Buddhist commu-
tenth-century A¯lva¯rs associated primarily with western
nities and an increasing influx of brahmans and other north-
¯
Tamil country include Vit:t:ucit:t:an, known as Periya¯lva¯r
erners.
¯
¯
(“great A¯lva¯r”), who wrote 473 verses largely from the stand-
¯
T
point of the deity’s mother expressing fondness for the child
HE HETERODOXIES. By the third century BCE, pockets of
Jains and Buddhists were settling in the deep South. Some
Kr:s:n:a. Periya¯lva¯r’s daughter Ko¯tai, popularly known as
¯
may have migrated across the straits from Sri Lanka; others
A¯n:t:a¯l (“she who rules the lord”), wrote 173 verses. Often
¯
came southward during the reign of A´soka, the Mauryan em-
erotic, they focused on Kr:s:n:a as an adolescent from the view-
peror. By the first century CE, both had established settle-
point of a gop¯ı who spends time with the Lord in his inner
ments and built small institutions and shrines known as
chamber. Finally, Cat:ako¯pan or A¯lva¯r Ma¯ran (880–930),
¯
¯
¯ ¯
pal lis. Although both Jain and Buddhist monks tended to
also known affectionately as Namma¯lva¯r (“our own devo-
¯¯
¯
live outside the cities for centuries—the Jains often in rock
tee”), wrote 1,296 verses that combine passionate devotion
caves and the Buddhist monks in monastic communities—
for Kr:s:n:a with the metaphysics of Veda¯nta, the philosophical
their impact on Tamil country increased, enhanced by the
system of Vais:n:ava brahmans. Namma¯lva¯r has come to be
¯
influx and influence of lay members. The politics and litera-
seen as the most authoritative of the A¯lva¯rs for the Sri
¯
ture of Tamil country were influenced by Jain and Buddhist
Vais:n:avas.
savants, especially between the fourth and seventh centuries
While tradition claims there were sixty-three S´aiva poet-
CE. Consequently, the dominant mood of religion in Tamil
saints (Na¯yana¯rs)—perhaps in response to the traditional
country for some three centuries reflected Jain and Buddhist
¯
sixty-three saints of Jainism—there were in fact only eight
values. There was little emphasis on theism or indigenous sa-
who were poets of repute, while another S´aiva poet of the
cred places. Sobriety and self-effacement became a respected
period, Ma¯n:ikkava¯cakar, who was important for the shaping
way of life, especially for the elite.
of S´aiva devotionalism, was not accepted as a Na¯yana¯r for
THE HINDUIZATION OF TAMIL COUNTRY. Beginning in the
¯
several centuries. The earliest of the Na¯yana¯rs was probably
third century CE, migrating brahmans and other persons in-
¯
a woman, Ka¯raikka¯l Ammaiya¯r (seventh century CE), who re-
fluenced by Vedic and epic traditions were also becoming a
nounced worldly pleasures for devotion to S´iva. Tirumu¯lar
part of the Tamil landscape. In the early cities, chieftains
(eighth century CE) is noted for his 3,000-verse philosophical
who sought to enchance their status employed brahman
treatise, Tirumantiram, which interprets Sanskrit Agamic
priests to perform Vedic rituals as had been the case in the
and Tantric material into Tamil. The best known and most
north during the epic period. It was in the seventh century,
prolific of the Na¯yana¯r poets were the three whose poetry
however, that Hindu Sanskritic culture and religion merged
¯
makes up the first seven sections of the T¯evara¯m, the Tamil
with the indigenous Tamil society, leading to a pervasive
S´aiva canon. Two of these are seventh-century figures:
hinduization of Tamil country and the emergence of a new
Tiruna¯vukkaracar, better known as “Appar,” or “Father,”
and creative Hindu civilization.
and his younger contemporary, Campantar or
The first significant feature of the “Hindu age” in Tamil
Tiruña¯nacampantar, who is generally believed to have been
¯
India was the rise of devotional poetry (bhakti) in the vernac-
a child prodigy uttering all his poetry before the age of six-
ular language during the seventh, eighth, and ninth centu-
teen; the third poet is the ninth-century (?) Cuntaramu¯rtti.
ries. Poets who were followers of S´iva (Na¯yana¯rs) and of
However, perhaps the best of all the S´aiva poets of these three
¯
Vis:n:u (A¯lva¯rs: literally, those who are “immersed”) popular-
centuries was the ninth-century Ma¯n:ikkava¯cakar, for whom
¯
ized these two deities throughout Tamil country. These
the religious experience was like ecstasy and “madness” when
poets were drawn from all walks of life, though over half of
one was possessed by S´iva. Ma¯n:ikkava¯cakar’s use of erotic
them were of brahman or of royal background. At first, their
imagery apparently was a major factor in keeping him from
attacks on Jains and Buddhists tended to be virulent, espe-
being accepted as a poet of the S´aiva canon until at least the
cially in the case of the S´aiva Tiruñanacambantan. But by
twelfth century, when Ce¯kkila¯r included him in his
¯
¯
the mid-eighth century, Hindu devotionalism had taken a
Periyapura¯n:am, the mythical hagiography of the S´aiva saints.
significant hold in Tamil country and the poets could afford
The religion propagated by the bhakti poets used epic
to take a more accommodating attitude toward the declining
and puranic mythology selectively and gave it a locus in
Jain and Buddhist presence.
Tamil India. A number of basic themes were stressed: (1) the
Between the years 650 and 940 the twelve Vais:n:ava
supremacy, greatness, even terror of S´iva or Vis:n:u, coupled
poet-saints (A¯lva¯rs) wrote some four thousand verses, which
nonetheless by the deity’s grace and compassion for those
¯
were eventually canonized in the Na¯la¯yira-divyaprabandham
who were devoted to him; (2) the concrete and available
(The four thousand divine verses) edited in the tenth century
presence of the god in his specific sacred places and, hence,
by Na¯thamuni, the first major a¯ca¯rya, or sectarian teacher,
the desirability of pilgrimage, festival, and temple ritual; (3)
of Vais:n:avism. Of the earlier A¯lva¯rs, the most prolific was
the affirmation of the individual in the experience of bhakti
¯
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAMIL RELIGIONS
8975
or devotion to god and the possibility of anyone’s attaining
In addition to the literature, Tamil India became the
the god’s grace regardless of one’s station; (4) the sense of
scene for an explosion of temple construction, incorporating
community among the god’s devotees and the merit in serv-
an architecture that became characteristically Dravidian.
ing and being in such company; (5) the celebration of the
There was also prolific sculpting in stone, and, during the
experience of the god as the highest attainment of religion.
years of the Co¯la reign, in bronze. These architectural and
¯
sculpturing styles, together with the texts in which they were
Tamil bhakti reflected many strands of religion at once.
canonized, became the model for much of the architecture
While it incorporated, on the one hand, certain aspects of
in city and temple building to be found in Southeast Asia
Jain and Buddhist values (e.g., a sense of community among
from Burma to Cambodia. Another important achievement
devotees; hospitality to fellow devotees; and the possibility
of the “medieval” centuries was the development of Hindu
of spiritual attainment irrespective of social or economic
thought and of several philosophical schools. The religious
backgrounds); on the other hand, it directly confronted these
history of this era is perhaps most easily divided into three
heterodoxies with a vigorous theism; an affirmation of the
periods: The Pallava (575–900); Co¯la (900–1300); and Vi-
phenomenal world as God’s creation; and the importance of
¯
jayanagar (1300–1700) periods.
the devotional experience and of pilgrimage to the deity’s
special places. This bhakti movement reaffirmed elements of
The Pallava period. The Pallava period takes its name
early Tamil religious perspectives: the emphasis on celebra-
from the dynasty founded by Sim:havis:n:u and is best under-
tion, ecstasy, even possession by the god; the importance of
stood as a transitional or foundation era. In addition to the
the individual in religious experience; and the affirmation of
founding of bhakti sects devoted to S´iva and Vis:n:u, the peri-
the land and its special places. At the same time, Tamil bhak-
od is characterized by the start of the South Indian tradition
ti illustrated the importance of a number of elements of post-
of temple-building in permanent stone. Canons for the
Vedic orthodox, Sanskritic Hindu religion: the full-blown
building of these structures were developed and included the
theism and mythology of the epics and Pura¯n:as, the spawn-
classical Dravidian forms of the vima¯na or central tower and
ing of temple-oriented ritual centered by devapu¯ja¯ (worship
the man:t:apa or main hallway. The temple assumed the sym-
through the icon), increased emphasis on liberation as the
bolic character both of a microcosm and of the human form,
ultimate aim in religion, and others.
and became the major focus for ritual events. Temple icons
and the deities they represented were ascribed the attributes
The centerpiece of Tamil bhakti, nonetheless, remained
of kingship, while rituals addressed to the icon increasingly
the personality of the god and his relationship with individu-
assumed the character of the giving of gifts to a king.
al human beings. The god’s exploits were recited selectively;
his awesome and terror-inspiring character (as with S´iva) or
Another important development of this period was the
his miracle-working one (as with Vis:n:u), was invoked. Yet
growth of Brahmanic settlements in South India. These rural
at the same time, his grace (arul), love (anpu), and wooing
settlements, which came to be known as brahmadeyas, were
¯
of devotees was variously portrayed. The devotee, for his
granted by Tamil landowners as emblems of the alliances
part, learned to attain the god’s grace. The relationship was
that had developed between the two communities. The brah-
variously described as that of lover to a beloved; friend to
madeyas became major loci of Sanskrit learning and culture
friend; parent to child. The relationship generally differed in
and radiated Sanskritic influence into virtually all of Tamil
S´aiva and Vais:n:ava bhaktas: For the former, a certain indi-
life even while its brahman residents were being tamilized.
viduality of the devotee was thought to be retained in the de-
It is this period also that marks the life and work of
votional relationship with the god—a relationship said to be
S´an˙kara (788–820) and Bha¯skaran, his contemporary. The
that between sun and light or flower and fragrance. In
former was especially instrumental in making Advaita (mo-
Vais:n:ava bhakti, on the other hand, the loss of the devotee’s
nism) attractive to intellectuals, and in substantially ground-
selfhood in relation to the divine was stressed and the surren-
ing the speculative tradition in the Upanis:ads, thereby
der of the one to the other celebrated.
strengthening the Brahmanic option in its dispute with Bud-
R
dhist thought.
ELIGION IN THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD. From the eighth
through the fifteenth century much of Hindu civilization
The Co¯la period. The Co¯la period (900–1300) was
was centered in Tamil India, where a prolific religious litera-
¯
¯
characterized by the formalization and systematic Sanskrit-
ture emerged in both Tamil and Sanskrit. In addition to the
ization of religion. S´aivism received special favor under the
devotional literature, a number of ritual treatises were pre-
aegis of the Co¯las; hence, there was construction and en-
pared in this region, including many of the S´aiva¯gamas,
¯
largement of S´aiva temples. These temples were symbols of
those texts used by S´aiva sects, as well as those of the
the official state cult that overwhelmed or incorporated into
Vais:n:ava sects, the Pa¯ñcara¯tra¯gamas and Vaikha¯nasa¯gamas.
themselves many of the lesser village cults. (One of the few
Portions of several Pura¯n:as were authored by anonymous
major “folk” deities to survive and increase in strength in this
Tamil scholars and regional recensions of others prepared.
period was the Goddess, whose cultus and symbols were per-
Not least important of the literary corpus emerging after the
mitted to flourish and increase in popularity.) The temples
twelfth century were the Ta¯lapura¯n:as, or mythological stories
were at first characterized by the tall vima¯na or central tower,
of temple sites throughout Tamil country.
but eventually by the building of several ornate gopuras or
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8976
TAMIL RELIGIONS
entranceways at each site. The temple, further, became a cen-
It was during the Co¯la period that the influence of
ter for economic exchange, storage of land and goods, and
¯
Hindu (and especially S´aiva) thought, which had started
social interaction, as well as a symbol of political liaison be-
spreading into Southeast Asia under the Pallavas and Guptas,
tween kings, sectarian leaders, and landowners. A consider-
became more pronounced. Brahmans, now perceived as
able literature known as Talapura¯n:as, purporting to relate to
skilled and versatile advisers to kings, were to be found in
the mythic history of temple sites, began to develop.
such city-states as Polonna¯ruva (Sri Lanka), Pagan (Burma),
Ayutthaya¯ (Thailand), Angkor Wat and Angkor Thom
Another religious institution emerging to prominence
(Cambodia) and Madjapahit (Java). These brahmans and
in the Co¯la period was the mat:am (Skt., mat:ha) or monastic
¯
other Hindu immigrants transported notions of divine king-
center. The mat:am became a center of spiritual learning espe-
ship and cosmology; thus the architecture of capital cities,
cially for non-brahmans, though it often assumed economic
palaces, temples, and even the biers of dead kings, as well as
and political power as well. The brahmadeya or brahman set-
some of the rituals in the courts of Southeast Asia, came to
tlement continued to be the locus of much Sanskritic learn-
reflect motifs canonized in S´aiva¯gama texts of the Co¯la
ing, radiating Brahmanic influence throughout the region.
¯
period.
Systematization in textual form continued in both
S´aivism and Vais:n:avism. This was expressed in the contin-
The Vijayanagar period. With the decline of the Co¯la
¯
ued formalization of ritual texts—the S´aiva¯gamas for S´aiva
line and the rise of the Vijayanagar hegemony, whose capital
sects and the Pa¯ñcara¯tra¯gamas and Vaikha¯nasa¯gamas for
was in Andhra Pradesh, shifts occurred in the character of
Vais:n:avism—and in philosophical treatises. S´aiva Siddha¯nta
religion in Tamil India. While the Vijayanagars, through po-
proved to be the philosophical systematization of the S´aiva
litical alliances, succeeded in keeping the expanding Islamic
religious experience. It was formally expressed in forty terse
empire from making major political inroads in the South,
Tamil verses by the thirteenth-century poet Meykan:t:a¯r
there were nonetheless increasing Muslim influences. From
(Meykan:t:a Te¯var), and was known as the S´ivajña¯nabodham
the tenth century onward pockets of Muslims settled into
(Civaña¯napo¯tam). A verse commentary, known as the
small communities along the Tamil and Malabar coasts and
¯
S´ivajña¯nasiddhiya¯r, was written by his disciple Arun:anti
radiated influence outward from these centers, and by the
S´iva¯cariyar. S´aiva Siddha¯nta speaks of three realities—the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries occasional military expedi-
lord (pati), the human soul (pacu; Skt., pa´su), and the three
tions had led to brief periods of Muslim rule in several por-
bonds of human existence (pa¯ca; Skt., pa´sa). In S´aiva
tions of Tamil country.
Siddha¯nta the soul was to be freed from the bonds of karman
Another important political development of the Vijaya-
(the law of cause and effect), ma¯ya¯ (the over-valuing of the
nagar period, due in part to the increase in military capabili-
phenomenal world), and a¯n:ava (self-orientation) in order to
ty, was the rise of local and supralocal rulers known as
become permanently attached to (and hence share the quali-
na¯yakkas, who sustained pockets of political stability under
ty of) the lord S´iva.
suzerainty of the Telugu Vijayanagars. These na¯yakka do-
Vais:n:ava speculation, meanwhile, reached new heights
mains often led to the patronage of local Hindu institutions
during this period thanks largely to the work and thought
and the enhancement of local temples and festivals. The rise
of Ya¯muna (918–1038), Ra¯ma¯nuja (1017–1137), and Mad-
of the na¯yakka system in Tamil country also led to change
hva (1199–1278). A central concern of these a¯ca¯ryas, or pre-
in the role of brahmans and temples in the region. The brah-
ceptors, was that of affording a philosophical foundation for
madeya declined in power and brahmans were no longer
the devotional experience and hence in describing the rela-
given gifts to the degree that had been true in the Co¯la peri-
¯
tionship between the deity and the devotee, primarily in the
od. Yet brahmans, especially Telugu brahmans, became im-
form of surrender (prapatti). Ya¯muna extolled the greatness
portant consultants in military and ritual affairs, and the
of the lord and described the abject need of the devotee;
temples, their deities, and their festivals came increasingly to
Ra¯ma¯nuja affirmed this theme but went on to argue for the
express the reciprocities, including gift giving and the ex-
“qualified” nature of supreme existence (vi´sis:t:a¯dvaita) in
change of honors, that had been a part of the Co¯la socio-
¯
contradistinction to S´an˙kara’s more radical monism. Madh-
political order.
va, in contrast to the exponents of S´an˙kara’s system, argued
The Co¯la period was a time for the formalization and
for the reality and plurality of the world and the difference
¯
institutionalization of religion, especially of S´aivism, into
between the self and brahman. For each of these thinkers,
temples and literary texts written primarily in Sanskrit. In the
brahman was perceived in terms of a personal deity.
post-Co¯la period the vernacular once again became the chief
The twelfth century was the period in which perhaps the
¯
medium for religious expression, and thus the more popular
greatest Tamil poet lived. Kampan, the “imperial poet,” mas-
forms of Hinduism found expression across the Tamil re-
¯
ter of style and form, is best known for his transcreation of
gion. Tamil Hinduism during the Vijayanagar period thus
Va¯lm¯ıki’s Ra¯ma¯yan:a. While borrowing extensively from the
was characterized by resurgent devotionalism and increased
content and style of the Sanskrit epic, Kampan’s version,
participation in temple rituals and festivals by a broader spec-
¯
nonetheless, creatively adapts the finest of Tamil poetics, and
trum of people. One might speak of this new era as the “silver
locates the story in a distinctively Tamil landscape.
age” of Tamil bhakti.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAMIL RELIGIONS
8977
The harbinger of this post-Co¯la trend was
poet to celebrate in Tamil the childhood of Kr:s:n:a, there is
¯
Arun:akirina¯tar (c. 1475–1550). His poetry was characterized
increased use of this form of poetry in both Vais:n:ava and
by an ingenious use of meter and sound as an accompani-
S´aiva contexts. In this type of bhakti the poet often assumes
ment to dance; by a skillful combination of Sanskrit and
the form of the deity’s parent and equates the stages of child-
Tamil terms, albeit in a Tamil idiom that celebrated its very
hood to rhythms of the cosmos and of the poetic medium.
Tamilness; by lavish praise of Murukan and that deity’s con-
¯
sorts and sacred places; and by a call both to egalitarian issues
However, there was also a religious countermovement
and to a devotion to God. Arun:akir likened the religious ex-
to be found in Tamil country during much of this period.
perience to a profound silence.
Primarily between the tenth and fifteenth centuries a cryptic
“antiestablishment” form of religion found its expression in
By the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries bhakti liter-
the poetry and lifestyle of persons known as cittars (Skt., sid-
ature had mushroomed. Such poets as Ta¯yuma¯navar, Kacci-
dhas). Primarily S´aiva, the cittars were nonetheless commit-
¯
yapaciva, and Kuma¯rakurupara celebrated the mythology,
ted to the notion that S´iva or Civan was not to be worshiped
sacred places, and devotionalism of S´aivism. Tamil
in iconic form but rather as the supreme limitless one who
Ta¯lapura¯n:as, or mythologies of temple sites, proliferated in
was virtually identifiable with individual life-forms
the fifteen and sixteenth centuries, each purporting to de-
(j¯ıvana¯tman). Theirs was a lifestyle therefore given to yoga,
scribe the mythical history and grandeur of local temples by
bodily disciplines, meditation, and healing practices. Temple
localizing and re-enforcing themes that had been part of the
cults, iconic worship, caste, and Brahmanism were criticized,
Tamil landscape for centuries, especially the sacrality and
and such notions as karman and reincarnation de-
power of land and waters. The role of the Goddess was an
emphasized. Rather, the body was believed to be temple and
important theme in these temple myths, especially her iden-
microcosm, and internal power the noblest of virtues. In
tity with the land and the necessity to channel her consider-
their poetry, natural objects became images of the individu-
able power into the patterns of normative theism.
al’s spiritual quest: The dancing snake, for example, could
The late Vijayanagar period saw a resurgence of temple
be seen as the individual’s personhood or spirit, and the bee
construction. The number of temples almost tripled in the
came to represent the life force. Pattina¯ttar II (fourteenth-
¯
two centuries between 1550 and 1750. While the construc-
fifteenth centuries) and his disciple Pattirakiriyar, on the
tion of S´aiva temples was relatively moderate, particularly in
other hand, were more pessimistic: Life is tragic, the body
eastern portions of the Tamil region, temples to Vis:n:u, the
filthy, and the beauty of women detestable. The human is
Goddess, and S´iva’s sons Murukan and Gan:e´sa proliferated
a frustrated beggar who longs to be delivered and liberated
¯
much more rapidly than in earlier centuries, especially in
by God. This is a mood that appears, to varying extents, in
western portions of the region. Further, these temples more
the writings of Arun:akirina¯tar (fifteenth century),
frequently became the arena for public events, including
Tayuma¯navar (1706–1744), and Ra¯malin˙ka Cuva¯mikal
¯
marriages and festivals. Festivals such as the Cittarai festival
(nineteenth century).
(April–May) in Madurai and the Maha¯navam¯ı festival (Sep-
In summary, the Vijayanagar period was a time when
tember–October) in Vijayanagara were described by com-
religion subtly reaffirmed Hindu and Tamil identities in the
mentators in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries as enor-
wake of the extensive Sanskritization of the Co¯la period and
mous celebrations and paradigmatic events. Such festivals
¯
in the face of Muslim and Telugu influence throughout the
came to express a wide range of social and religious realities;
period. Literary and architectural expressions of religion re-
relationships between castes and sectarian groups; the role of
flected a resurgence of devotionalism and participation. The
the king as presiding presence, warrior par excellence, and
cultus of the Goddess had become widespread and devotion-
agent of prosperity; celebration of harvest or significant sea-
al Vais:n:avism and S´aivism were resurgent, most frequently
sonal transition; and the reenactment of the career of the
expressing themselves in worship of the deity’s childhood,
deity and the extolling of him or her as celestial prototype
the building of shrines, and the incorporation of aspects of
of the king and cosmic ruler. Extant temples were enlarged,
popular religion. In the meanwhile the tradition had also
gopuras, or entranceways, were donated by numbers of
produced a self-critical movement, focusing on the body as
wealthier families, and the temple environs took on the char-
medium of worship and raising questions about the public
acter of a miniature city.
cultus.
These centuries were also a time when some Sanskrit
PRE-MODERN PERIOD. By the seventeenth century Europe-
Pura¯n:as and epic literature were transcreated into Tamil. In
an influence had begun to leave its impact on Tamil culture
the seventeenth century, for example, the Tamil version of
and religion. As early as the fourth century Christians had
the Skanda Pura¯n:a appeared, giving to the epic deity a flavor
inhabited areas along the southwest coast. Pockets of Jewish
that incorporated all his appropriate Tamil heritage.
merchants settled in such western cities as Cochin where, by
Another form of bhakti literature that proliferated by
the eleventh century, they had negotiated extensive privileges
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was a form of poetry
and rights with local rulers. While these groups remained
known as pil:l:aitamil, which worshiped the deity in the form
economically active in the area now known as Kerala, they
of a child. While the A¯lva¯r A¯n:t:a¯l was apparently the first
tended to be socially insular and their impact on Tamil-
¯
¯
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8978
TAMIL RELIGIONS
speaking peoples was marginal. By the late sixteenth century,
“preaching missions” sponsored by missionaries to the more
however, Christian missionaries had begun to influence
subtle acts of discrimination and exploitation associated with
Tamil letters and lifestyle more actively: Enrique Enriquez,
colonialism.
a Portuguese Jesuit who was in southwestern India from
1546 to 1600, sought to prepare catechisms and grammars
Still another dimension of religion evident in the pre-
in Tamil in such a way as to make a permanent impact on
modern period that had an impact on current religious life
the development of Christian Tamil theological vocabulary
was the continuing practice of indigenous village and folk
and to create a Catholic fishing community. Roberto de No-
forms of worship. Encouraged by the relative eclecticism of
bili, a Jesuit who spent much of his life in Madurai after ar-
the Vijayanagar period, folk forms of religion became in-
riving in Goa in 1605, sought to present Christian scriptures
creasingly apparent and influential on the more literate forms
and thought as extensions and fulfillments of Tamil Brah-
of religion. Local deities designed to protect village and field
manism. Constantine Beschi, a Jesuit who was in Madurai
and representing the social stratification of their worshipers
from 1710 to 1747, made original contributions to Tamil
have been an important part of the Tamil religious landscape
literature.
even into the present century. These include such deities as
Aiyana¯r, who has been a protector deity of Tamil villages
The first of the Protestant missionaries was Bartholo-
since at least the eighth century; Karappaca¯mi, the black “ser-
maus Ziegenbalg, who arrived in Tranquebar in 1706. He
vant” god, and various regional virans (hero-warriors). Such
wrote relatively sympathetic manuscripts on the religious life
¯
deities as these are sometimes ascribed exploits of resistance
of South India and continued the process of translating the
to British forces in local mythology. Local goddesses such as
Bible and Christian ideas into Tamil. Christian Schwartz,
Mariamman are considered personifications of the world’s
who arrived in 1750, served an important role as mediator
¯
natural forces and hence are propitiated lest pestilence or na-
between local rulers and British officials. Others, such as Jo-
tional catastrophe befall. During the mid-twentieth century
hann Fabricius, who died in 1791, and the nineteenth centu-
many such deities have become linked to the “great tradi-
ry’s Bishop Caldwell, were instrumental in developing a dic-
tion” of Hinduism, particularly as those strata of society for
tionary and comparative Dravidian grammar respectively,
whom these deities were paradigmatic have been integrated
implements that increased the exchange of ideas between the
with the larger social order.
English and Tamil worlds. In the nineteenth century G. U.
T
Pope’s translation of Ma¯n:ikkava¯cakar and Henry White-
HE PRESENT. The Tamil religious response to the impact
of the West has been expressed in a great variety of ways.
head’s description of Tamil village religion helped make ele-
Some of these have been characteristic of neo-Hinduism
ments of the Tamil religious landscape better known to
throughout India. There has been some adaptation of strate-
Tamils as well as to the English-speaking world, even though
gies (e.g., the use of preaching missions and the development
the work of neither was free of the Western/Christian bias
of benevolent institutions) and of ideas from British and
of the authors. This sort of interpretive work continued into
Christian sources. There has been the syncretistic combina-
the twentieth century with the scholarship of C. G. Diehl
tion of ideas drawn selectively both from within the tradition
and others.
and from Christian or Western sources; most commonly,
An indigenous Tamil Christianity emerged during these
these “mosaics of religion” have been created by individuals
centuries that included not only the conversion of large
and by certain gurus and their groups. Sarvepalli Radhakrish-
groups of people from the lower strata of the social order in
nan (1888–1975) may be the best known of those southern
specific villages or districts, but also the development of such
thinkers of the twentieth century who have reaffirmed ele-
articulate Tamil spokesmen for the “new” religion as H. A.
ments of the Hindu tradition in ways that interweave West-
Krisna Pillai, Vedanayagar Sastriar, and A. J. Appasamy.
ern ideas.
Christian hospitals, schools, colleges, orphanages, and press-
es dotted the Tamil landscape and influenced the shape of
However, the last century and a half has been character-
Tamil Hindu responses.
ized by a rebirth of Tamil self-consciousness. The discovery,
translation, and interpretation of Tamil languages and litera-
Quite apart from the attempts at Christianization that
ture by Westerners has encouraged a resurgence of regional
accompanied the European presence were other forms of
and ethnic pride among Tamils. Classical Tamil texts have
westernization that influenced the shape of religion in Tamil
been recovered and republished. Tamil devotional literature
country. On the one hand, there were those Westerners who
has been memorized and is invoked as the standard of ideal
romanticized the Hindu tradition. Most notable of these was
religion, albeit interpreted and used selectively. Shrines have
Annie Besant (1847–1933; active in India between 1894 and
been renovated and their mythical antiquity extolled. Often,
1920), who established the international headquarters of the
regional traditions and myths assume precedence over na-
Theosophical Society in Madras and became both an active
tional ones. Thus even though brahmanization continues to
defender of Hindu values and a crusader for reform. On the
occur as folk and village culti are Hinduized, and although
other hand, there were tendencies to criticize or undermine
various Anglicizations have been accepted as normative, the
traditional patterns of life and religion in the area. These in-
Tamil and non-brahman roots of religious practice are per-
cluded a range of activities from the relatively virulent
petuated and practiced with fervor. As Tamils, especially
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAMIL RELIGIONS
8979
nonbrahmans, have migrated abroad in search of economic
and Brahmanic expressions of religion, this book remains the
opportunities, they have taken with them to Malaysia, Sri
only attempt at a comprehensive history of religion in South
Lanka, East Africa, Madagascar, and North America self-
India.
perceptions and religious lifestyles.
O’Flaherty, Wendy Doniger. S´iva: The Erotic Ascetic. Oxford,
The character of much of this Tamil religion in the
1981. While this book makes no reference to Tamil religion,
modern era is aptly described as neo-bhakti. Participation in
it is a structural analysis of much of the mythology of S´iva
festivals and pilgrimages at temple sites has increased geo-
gleaned from puranic texts focusing on themes of eroticism
and asceticism.
metrically. Renovation of some temples deemed significant
began in the latter part of the nineteenth century; they began
Reiniche, Marie-Louise. Les dieux et les hommes: Étude des cultes
to welcome all spectra of society in the 1920s, and they have
d’un village du Tirunelveli, Inde du Sud. Paris, 1979. An im-
become more accessible by transportation systems since the
portant study of cultic life in a Tamil village and how deities
1930s. Deities such as Murukan have attained enormous
reflect social and cultural realities therein.
¯
popularity throughout the region for a variety of reasons,
Shulman, David. Tamil Temple Myths. Princeton, N.J., 1980. A
among which are his appeal to all spectra of society; his pre-
bold, comprehensive examination of Tamil Talapura¯n:as
sumed Tamil antiquity and identity; and his amalgamation
(myths about a temple’s origin), centering on the intercon-
of much of the religious symbolism that has been part of
necting motifs of goddess, land, power, and sacrifice.
Tamil cultural history. In more recent decades, local god-
Singer, Milton. When A Great Tradition Modernizes. New York,
desses such as Mariamman have been increasingly brahman-
1972. A sociologist’s reflection, based primarily upon Tamil
¯
ized and made part of the great Hindu tradition even while
India, on the impact that the processes of modernization
retaining ties to local sites and folk culture. Aiyyappan,
have on religion.
whose prototypical shrine is in Kerala, has nonetheless at-
Smith, H. Daniel. A Descriptive Bibliography of the Printed Texts
tracted increasing numbers of Tamil worshipers who see in
of the Pa¯ñcara¯tra¯gama. 2 vols. Baroda, 1975–1980. An anno-
him Tamil roots, genuine power, and an invitation to a sense
tated description of some of the most important ritual texts
of community that transcends caste. Various forms of an-
of the Pa¯ñcara¯tra¯gama school of S´r¯ı Vais:n:avism.
cient ritual continue to be practiced in the homes of the or-
Stein, Burton. Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India.
thodox even while accommodations are made to the exigen-
Oxford, 1980. The definitive and comprehensive description
cies of commerce and contemporary life. At the same time,
of “medieval” South Indian history, including an analysis of
public pressures to “streamline” and “democratize” religion
the role of religious institutions throughout the period.
have led to the de-brahmanization of ritual in some temples
and the privatization of some religious practices. Yet in many
Stein, Burton, ed. South Indian Temples. New Delhi, 1978. Essays
on the sociological, political, and economic role of temples
respects, religion is as much a part of the contemporary
in medieval Tamil country.
Tamil consciousness as it has ever been.
Tiliander, Bror. Christian and Hindu Terminology. Uppsala, 1974.
SEE ALSO A¯lva¯rs; Besant, Annie; Bhakti; Buddhism, article
A description of how, by choice of Tamil and Sanskrit words
¯
on Buddhism in India; Gan:e´sa; Goddess Worship, article
in the translation process, early missionaries created a Tamil
on The Hindu Goddess; Hindu Tantric Literature; Indian
Christian vocabulary.
Religions, articles on History of Study and Rural Tradi-
Welbon, Guy, and Glenn E. Yocum, eds. Religious Festivals in
tions; Indus Valley Religion; Jainism; Kingship; Kr:s:n:aism;
South India and Sri Lanka. New Delhi, 1982. A wide-
Madhva; Ma¯n:ikkava¯cakar; Meykan:t:a¯r; Murukan; Radhakr-
ranging and useful series of essays incorporating philological
¯
ishnan, Sarvepalli; Ra¯ma¯nuja; Ra¯ma¯yan:a; S´aivism, articles
and anthropological studies in the festival experience of
on Na¯yana¯rs and S´aiva Siddha¯nta; S´an˙kara; Sinhala Reli-
South Indians, primarily of Tamil-speaking peoples.
¯
gion; Southeast Asian Religions, article on Mainland Cul-
Whitehead, Henry. The Village Gods of South India. 2d ed., rev.
tures; Temple, article on Hindu Temples; Vaikha¯nasas;
& enl. Delhi, 1976. Though written by a missionary and first
Vais:n:avism, article on Pa¯ñcara¯tras; Ya¯muna.
published early in this century, this book has remained a
“classic” description of village religion in nineteenth-century
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Tamil India.
Carman, John B. The Theology of Ra¯ma¯nuja. New Haven, Conn.,
Yocum, Glenn E. Hymns to the Dancing S´iva. New Delhi and Co-
1974. The most thorough single study of the eleventh-
lumbia, Mo., 1982. A comprehensive study of the most im-
century Hindu theologian, couched in discussion of the im-
portant of the Tamil S´aiva poets, the ninth-century
plications of studying a religious system from outside a
Ma¯n:ikkava¯cakar.
tradition.
Clothey, Fred W. The Many Faces of Murukan: The History and
Zvelebil, Kamil V. The Smile of Murukan: On Tamil Literature of
¯
Meaning of a South Indian God. The Hague, 1978. A phe-
South India. Leiden, 1973. The most comprehensive survey
nomenological analysis of how a god reflects the cultural his-
to date of Tamil literature, including chapters on many who
tory of the Tamil people.
had a religious impact: bhakti poets, the cittars, Kampan, and
Arunakiri.
Nilakanta Sastri, K. A. Development of Religion in South India.
Bombay, 1963. Though dated and focusing on Sanskritic
FRED W. CLOTHEY (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8980
TAMMUZ
TAMMUZ SEE DUMUZI
tion about Tangaroa, but his former importance is proven
by his appearance in many fagu (sacred) chants:
O Tangaroa in the immensity of space
TANGAROA is the most important of the “departmen-
Clear away the clouds by day
tal” gods of Polynesia. In his many cognates, he was wor-
Clear away the clouds by night
shiped by most Polynesians as the chief god and creator of
That Ru may see the stars of heaven
the world. His popularity, however, depended chiefly on his
To guide him in the land of his desire (Buck, 1938)
role as ruler over the ocean. Tangaroa stands as the origin
Tangaroa was portrayed as the supreme being in western and
and personification of all fish; his offspring are the creatures
central Polynesia, but he was worshiped as the god of the sea.
of the sea. Tangaroa was often appealed to by seafarers and
In the Samoan Islands, Tangaroa was essentially a creator—
fisherman, and, under the title Tangaroa-whakamautai, he
the being who formed the islands or who raised them up
was recognized by the Maori of New Zealand as the control-
from the depths of the sea. In Tongan mythology, Tangaroa
ler of the tides.
appeared as the sky god. Tui Tonga, the founder of the Ton-
gan royal family, was respected as having descended from
MYTHOLOGICAL CONTEXT. The souls of the Polynesian an-
Tangaroa. He was therefore held to be sacred and to possess
cestors live on in the spirit land of Hawaiki, which is the
great powers that were attributed to semidivine chiefs.
symbolic place of origin of the Polynesian people. Ancestor
Though Tangaroa was also referred to as the supreme being
deification was probably the original form of Polynesian reli-
and first cause in Samoa, the Society Islands, and Hawai’i,
gion. While some of the gods’ names were common through-
the complex was almost absent from the belief system of the
out the Pacific islands, most Polynesian gods were strictly
Polynesian marginal islands according to E. S. Craighill
local deities. The Polynesian deities have been classified into
Handy (1927).
four groups: supreme, “departmental,” tribal, and family.
The departmental gods were classified according to the as-
In the Cook Islands, Tangaroa and Rongo are said to
pect of nature they ruled. The major departmental gods—
have been the twin children of the primal parents Papa and
Tane, Rongo, Tu, and Tangaroa—were often portrayed in
Atea (“heaven”). Tangaroa is said to have taken a wife, Hina,
eastern Polynesian mythology as the sons of Rangi (“sky”)
in the Cook Islands—a conjunction that was held through-
and Papa (“earth”). Areas of authority were distributed
out Polynesia. On Easter Island, the Ariki Mau (“great
among the four departmental gods, who, together with the
chief”) was the possessor of mana (“power”) that was trans-
tribal ancestors, constituted the pantheon of the earliest
mitted down the genealogical line from the ancestral gods
Polynesian mythology and who were shared by many island
Tangaroa and Rongo. On Samoa, Rongo is said to be the
groups.
offspring of Tangaroa and Hina. Thus the roles of the gods,
as well as their names, frequently vary from region to region.
The parentage of these deities was often traced to ances-
tors: like the gods of Greek mythology, the Polynesian de-
There is a striking contrast to the above in the interpre-
partmental deities had once been living persons with human
tation given Tangaroa in the Marquesas Islands, where Tan-
desires and passions. The process of creating gods continued
garoa was elevated into a divinity who battled Atea for su-
in Polynesia until the advent of Christianity in the Pacific
premacy. A creation myth of the Marquesas, however,
islands during the early nineteenth century. In general, the
contains many references to Tangaroa as merely a god of the
study of Polynesian myths and religious beliefs has been de-
sea and winds. It is plausible that the status of Tangaroa de-
pendent upon source materials from early missionaries, who
clined under the growing influence of Christian missionaries
were not free from prejudice. The religion and mythology
on the islands. In Hawaii, where he is called Kaneloa, Tan-
of the Maori of New Zealand, however, were systematically
garoa was less important than the other departmental gods.
studied and therefore constitute an important exception.
This lack of status may have been due to the fact that the
people of Hawaii later arranged their pantheon to conform
TANGAROA’S ROLE. In New Zealand, Tangaroa appears to
with the Christian triadic pattern, using Kane (Tane), Ku
have been venerated under several names, such as Tangaroa-
(Tu), and Lono (Rongo) to form a trinity.
nui, Tangaroa-ra-vao, Tangaroa-mai-tu-rangi, Tangaroa-a-
mua, Tangaroa-a-timu, and Tangaroa-a-roto. On other
EFFECTS OF CHRISTIANIZATION. As might be expected, the
Polynesian islands, Tangaroa was known as TaDaroa, Tan-
advent of the Europeans led to radical changes in Polynesian
galoa, Tanaroa, and Kanaloa. Tangaroa’s role varied because
religions. In the Austral, Society, Tuamotu, and Gambier is-
major gods were often fused with local or family deities. Tan-
lands, the people still know Tangaroa as the god of the sea.
garoa did, however, continue to exist as an independent
Polynesian contact with Europeans, however, and the even-
major god in most of the Polynesian myths, and a distinct
tual conversion of many islanders to Christianity destroyed
Tangaroa cult developed in parallel to other common wor-
the old gods’ religious authority. Why, then, is Tangaroa the
ship practices. This cult apparently flourished on the islands
sole “survivor” among the many Polynesian gods? The an-
where there was an affinity between gods and eponymous an-
swer is tied to the fact that for the Polynesians, descendants
cestors. On some islands, there remains only scant informa-
of great seafarers, the ocean is vitally important. The music-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TANLUAN
8981
loving Polynesians continue to sing their old chants even
traditions as rationalism and empiricism, having studied Eu-
though they no longer fully understand the role that the texts
ropean philosophy during his years abroad. In 1947 Tang
had played in their religious traditions. The old fagu chants,
was named an academician of the Central Research Institute,
still known in the extreme eastern end of the Tuamotu Is-
and thereafter returned to the United States to give a series
lands, offer a sketch of the creation myths and of some of
of lectures at the University of California.
the religious concepts that existed before the advent of Chris-
Firmly rejecting suggestions that he go to Taiwan fol-
tianity. These chants contain not only the name of Tangaroa
lowing the establishment of the People’s Republic in 1949,
but also the names of other gods; even ancestral gods often
Tang actively took part in academic affairs in the newly es-
appear in parodies. But, in general, the gradual disintegration
tablished People’s Republic. He was appointed chairman of
of traditional island society has coincided with the death of
the Council for Academic Affairs and vice-president of Beij-
the Polynesian gods.
ing University, and was elected a member of the Academic
Radical change was enhanced by the modernization of
Society of the Chinese Academy of Sciences. In addition,
island societies after World War II. In the 1960s, Tangaroa
Tang was a member of the Standing Committee of the first,
was mentioned in only one of the parody chants that was
second, and third National People’s Congresses.
used on the occasion of welcoming visitors to the eastern Tu-
Consonant with both Marxist theory and contemporary
amotus:
scholarship in the social scientific study of religion, Tang fo-
We descend from Tangaroa Manini, we are ready for you
cused more on the historical and social impact of Buddhist
We love you Manini, with blessings
thought than on its religious influence. His principal works
Has come to our land. (Hatanaka, 1976)
include Hanwei liang Jin Nanbeichao fojiao shi (A history of
It may be that one day even the name of Tangaroa will no
Buddhism from the Han and Wei Dynasties to the Northern
longer be known to the Polynesian people; then all of the
and Southern Dynasties), Suitang fojiao shigao (A history of
gods will have returned to the land of Hawaiki.
Buddhism in the Sui and Tang Dynasties), and Yindu zhexue
shilue (A concise history of Indian philosophy). Through his
academic work and official posts Tang influenced an entire
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Buck, Peter H. Vikings of the Sunrise. New York, 1938.
generation of Chinese students of Buddhism.
Handy, E. S. Craighill. Polynesian Religion. Honolulu, 1927.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Handy, E. S. Craighill. History and Culture in the Society Islands.
Cihai: Zhexue fence. Shanghai, 1980.
Honolulu, 1930.
Tang Yongtong. Tang Yongtong quan ji. 7 vols. Shi Jia Zhuang,
Hatanaka, Sachiko. A Study of the Polynesian Migration to the East-
China, 2000.
ern Tuamotus: Preliminary Report. Kanazawa, Japan, 1976.
Tang Yongtong xueshu wenjhi. Beijing, 1983. Selected works of
SACHIKO HATANAKA (1987)
Tang Yongtong with full bibliography and biographical
sketch.
REN JIYU (1987 AND 2005)
TA¯NGRI SEE TENGRI
TANLUAN (traditional dates 476–542, but more proba-
TANG YONGTONG (1893–1964) was an eminent
bly c. 488–554) was the author of the first known systematic
scholar of the history of Chinese Buddhism. A native of
work to be produced in China on Pure Land (Chin., Jingtu)
Huangmei County in Hubei Province, China, Tang studied
Buddhism, that branch of the Buddhist tradition that em-
in Beijing and graduated from Quinghua University in
phasizes faith in the Buddha Amita¯bha (Buddha of Limitless
1917. In order to pursue his studies he went to the United
Light; Chin., Emituofo; Jpn., Amida) and rebirth in
States in the following year, where he specialized in philoso-
Sukha¯vat¯ı (“land of bliss”), Amita¯bha’s paradisiacal realm in
phy, Sanskrit, and Pali at Harvard University. Tang received
the western quarter of the universe, as a means of attaining
his master’s degree in 1922 and returned to China, where he
enlightenment. Tanluan’s writings were a major textual
began a teaching career that spanned four decades.
source for the Japanese monk Shinran (1173–1262), the
By the 1940s, Tang was already well established in the
founder of the Jo¯do Shinshu¯, which therefore regards Tan-
philosophy department of Beijing University, becoming its
luan as one of its major patriarchal figures.
chairman and eventually being named dean of the College
According to his biography in the Xu gaoseng zhuan
of Humanities. In addition to his research on Buddhism and
(Further Biographies of Eminent Monks), Tanluan was born
Indian philosophy, Tang was an expert on the school of
in the north, near Wutai Shan in Shansi Province, and stud-
thought known as xuanxue (“dark learning”), which flour-
ied Buddhism in his youth. Following a serious illness, how-
ished during the Wei and Jin dynasties (third and fourth cen-
ever, he took up the pursuit of techniques of immortality rec-
turies CE). He also lectured on such Western philosophical
ommended in various Daoist texts. His quest eventually led
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8982
TANLUAN
him to a supposed encounter with Tao Hongjing (456–536),
Tanluan’s demonstration of these simple practices is so-
the eminent Six Dynasties alchemist and master of the Mao-
phisticated and profound, being based heavily upon the
shan Daoist tradition, who allegedly transmitted to him ten
Maha¯prajña¯pa¯ramita¯ S´a¯stra (a commentary on the Perfection
fascicles of “scriptures of the immortals” (xian cjng). On his
of Wisdom Scripture attributed to Na¯ga¯rjuna), but it is not
way north again Tanluan stopped in Luoyang, where the In-
necessary to understand the demonstration in order to use
dian monk and translator Bodhiruci is said to have intro-
the practice. The upa¯ya (skill in means) involved is that of
duced him to the Guan wuliangshou jing (Scripture on the
the passionate longing for heavenly delights. The Pure Land
Visualization of the Buddha Amita¯bha). Bodhiruci remarked
is depicted as if it were a heaven of sensual delight (i. e., a
to him at the time that Amita¯bha (known also by his alter-
devaloka, or realm of a deity), but in fact it is outside of the
nate Sanskrit name, Amita¯yus, Buddha of Limitless Life) was
phenomenal world of sam:sa¯ra. It is not a phantasm, however:
the “greatest immortal” (da xian), given his ability to lead be-
“It exists extra-phenomenally,” says Tanluan, and is by its
ings out of the realm of rebirth altogether. This historically
inner nature pure in every respect, even in respect of discur-
questionable episode is nonetheless suggestive of the close
sive thought. Thus, when one dies and, through Amita¯bha’s
link that must have been popularly perceived between the so-
power, is reborn in the Pure Land and sees Amita¯bha there
teriological goals of Daoism and some of the Buddhist tradi-
as its lord, one is actually “not born.” One’s desires take on
tions, a link that may have contributed to the rapid growth
the Pure Land’s nature of desirelessness as the water of rivers
in popularity of the Amita¯bha cult in Tanluan’s time. In the
takes on the saltiness of the sea when it runs into it. One’s
aftermath of this encounter Tanluan devoted himself to the
passionate longing for delight is extinguished “like ice mixed
study of the Pure Land scriptures, eventually gathering
with fire: The fire [of the passions] goes out, and the ice [of
around himself a group of devotees to Amita¯bha.
the Pure Land’s delights] disappears.” Thus, one has effec-
Many Daoist and Buddhist works are attributed to Tan-
tively achieved nirva¯n:a and one functions like a bodhisattva
luan, but only two, both of which are Buddhist, are unques-
of the upper levels (i. e., a bodhisattva who has achieved the
tionably authentic. The first, a systematic treatise, is general-
state of nonretrogression), ever remaining fixed in the
ly known by the abbreviated title Wangsheng lun zhu (Notes
dharmaka¯ya (unmanifest Buddha nature) yet constantly
on the Treatise on Birth [in the Pure Land]; T. D. no. 1819).
manifesting bodies in all the worlds where Buddhist teachers
The second, the Zan Emitofoji (Canticles on Amita¯bha;
are needed, “like the sun that remains in the sky yet is reflect-
T. D. no. 1978), is an apparently liturgical work. The Lun
ed in hundreds of rivers and pools.”
zhu is Tanluan’s commentary (zhu) to the so-called
Sukha¯vat¯ıvyu¯hopade´sa* (Wuliangshou jing yupotishe yuans-
Tanluan was virtually ignored in China, but his influ-
heng ji), a collection of Buddhist-style hymns (Skt., ga¯tha¯),
ence in Japan has been considerable since Shinran’s time.
with autocommentary, attributed uncertainly to Vasuband-
Shinran used the Lun zhu as the major source of his
hu. Tanluan’s commentary proceeds carefully au pied de la
Kyo¯gyo¯shinsho¯, a collection of proof texts on Pure Land Bud-
lettre, with only a few insertions external to the format of
dhism, and composed his own San Amidabu-tsuge, which
“Vasubandhu’s” text. His general intent is to show how one
was closely based on Tanluan’s Zan Emitofo ji. Shinran built
may achieve liberation by availing oneself of the pure karman
his even simpler practice of gratefully rejoicing in already
of Amita¯bha, which is freely dispensed to all who seek it in
having been liberated by the power of Amita¯bha on the intel-
accordance with a series of resolves (pranidhana) taken by
lectual foundation provided by Tanluan.
this Buddha while still the bodhisattva Dharma¯kara.
S
Drawing on the Larger Sukha¯vat¯ıvyu¯ha Su¯tra, the Smal-
EE ALSO Amita¯bha; Jingtu; Nianfo; Shinran; Tao Hong-
jing.
ler Sukha¯vat¯ıvyu¯ha Su¯tra, and the Guan wuliangshou jing,
Tanluan shows how the power of Amita¯bha is effective for
all beings who call upon him in faith, even for laypersons
BIBLIOGRAPHY
who cannot meditate or for those sunk in immorality. Faith
For an excellent introduction to Tanluan’s thought and its influ-
in, and worship of, Amita¯bha is accomplished through what
ence on the Pure Land tradition in China, see Mochizuki
Tanluan (imparting his own classification to “Vasuband-
Shinko¯’s Chu¯goku jo¯do kyo¯rishi (Kyoto, 1964). Fukuhara
hu’s” discussion) termed the “five gates of recollection” (wu
Ryo¯gon’s O
¯ jo¯ ronchu¯ no kenkyu¯ (Kyoto, 1978) and Miko-
nianmen): bodily worship (i. e., bowing, etc.); vocal praise
gami Eryu¯’s O
¯ jo¯ ronchu¯ kaisetsu (Kyoto, 1969) contain valu-
(especially, but not exclusively the invocation of his name,
able analyses of the Wangsheng lun zhu, as does my own
i. e., nianfo practice); wholehearted resolve to be reborn in
“Tanluan’s Commentary on the Pure Land Discourse: An
Annotated Translation and Soteriological Analysis of the
the Pure Land; visualization (guan) of the delights of the
Wangshenglun Zhu” (Ph. D diss., University of Wisconsin,
Pure Land; and “turning toward” (huixiang), a purposely
1973). For a discussion of the influence of Tanluan’s
ambiguous term that means both turning toward beings
thought on Japanese Pure Land Buddhism, see Bando¯
while the practitioner is still in samsara, so as to give them
Sho¯jun’s “Shinran’s Indebtedness to Tanluan,” The Eastern
the religious merit gained through one’s own practice and,
Buddhist n. s. 4 (May 1971): 72–87, and, more fully, my
having been born in the Pure Land, turning back toward be-
“Shinran’s Proofs of True Buddhism: Hermeneutics and
ings by being reborn in samsara in order to liberate others.
Doctrinal Development in the Kyo¯gyo¯shinsho¯’s use of Tan-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TANNAIM
8983
luan’s Lunzhu,” in Buddhist Hermeneutics, edited by Donald
tanna Dim, who were in all respects living books. The process
S. Lopez, Jr. (Honolulu, forthcoming).
of committing the official text to memory most likely oc-
R
curred in the following way. First, the master would decide
OGER J. CORLESS (1987)
upon the version of the tradition to be taught. He would
then call upon his tanna D, who would be asked to recite the
tradition a great many times until its memorization was se-
T’AN-LUAN SEE TANLUAN
cure. At that time other tanna Dim might be called in, for
whom the first tanna D would then recite the tradition. He
would test their memorization, and in this way the version
of the text would be secured in the mouths of increasing
TANNAIM. The term tanna is used to refer to an author-
numbers of tanna’im.
ity of the Mishnah and its related works, in contradistinction
to amora, referring to a sage of the gemara D. The word derives
Such a method constituted genuine publication. There
from the Aramaic teni (“to repeat”) and by extension means
are several accounts in Talmudic literature in which the
“to learn” or “to teach.”
tanna D is consulted to clarify the official version of a tradi-
tion. When the tanna D testified to the reading of a text, his
The tannaim were the sages of rabbinic tradition who
testimony was deemed authoritative. Even the Mishnah’s ed-
lived immediately before, and then during the century and
itor, Yehuda ha-NasiD, is reported to have consulted his
a half following, the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem
tanna D for a proper reading, and this particular tannaD is
(70 CE). This period is traditionally divided into five or six
spoken of as having a “tested” or “revised” version of the
generations. The most prominent authorities of the period
Mishnah.
included Hillel, GamliDel the Elder, Yoh:anan ben ZakkDai,
GamliDel of Yavneh, EliEezer ben Hyrcanus, EAqivaD ben
Because the tanna D was depended upon to provide pub-
Yosef, MeDir, and Yehuda ha-NasiD. The period ends with the
lished traditions, without commentary and without emenda-
generation of Yehuda ha-NasiD, the editor of the Mishnah (c.
tion, the tanna Dim were apparently chosen for their phenom-
200 CE), although the following generation in Palestine is
enal memories, not their intelligence. An overly intelligent
one of transition. The division in Babylonia is clearer,
tanna D; might have been tempted to emend a text if he
though the amora Rav is occasionally spoken of as having
thought it to be problematic. One sage speaks of a tanna D as
tannaitic authority.
“a basket filled with books” (B.T., Meg. 28b), that is, filled
with information but not able to do much with it. A popular
The texts that record the traditions of these sages are
saying declares that “the tanna D recites and doesn’t know
termed tannaitic, and they include the Mishnah, the Tosefta,
what he is saying” (B.T., Soh:. 22a). Still, some of the greatest
the halakhic midrashim, and a broad variety of traditions pre-
sages also acted as tanna Dim. In addition, the potential falli-
served in the Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmuds. Traditions
bility of oral publication was widely recognized, and it is
that are ascribed tannaitic authority are introduced, almost
probably for this reason that Avot 3.7 warns strongly against
without exception in the Babylonian Talmud but with fre-
any interruption during one’s repetition exercises.
quent exception in the Jerusalem Talmud, with a set of tech-
nical vocabulary that employs the root tny. Such traditions
The traditions of certain schools were thought to be es-
are termed baraitot (sg., baraita D), meaning “traditions out-
pecially reliable. This was true of the schools of HiyyaD and
side, or excluded from, the Mishnah” (from Aramaic bar,
OshayaD, Palestinian sages of the transitional generation fol-
“outside”).
lowing the compilation of the Mishnah. The former of these
teachers is also spoken of as being a repeater for Yehuda ha-
The tannaitic texts, particularly the Mishnah but to a
NasiD.
significant extent the baraitot as well, form the basis of later
rabbinic legal deliberations. These texts were tested, inter-
SEE ALSO Beit Hillel and Beit Shammai; EliEezer ben Hyr-
preted, and sometimes emended by the amoraim, and they
canus; GamliDel of Yavneh; GamliDel the Elder; MeDir; Mish-
were in a very real sense accorded the authority of canon. The
nah and Tosefta; Yehuda ha-NasiD; Yoh:anan ben ZakkDai.
tannaim often became great legendary figures who were
thought to have experienced, and sometimes even instigated,
B
miracles.
IBLIOGRAPHY
Jacob N. Epstein provides a comprehensive review of the termi-
The term tanna D is secondarily used to refer to the pro-
nologies that identify tannaitic sources; see Mavo D le-nusah:
fessional repeater or reciter of the rabbinic schools who func-
ha-Mishnah, 2 vols. (1948; reprint, Jerusalem, 1964),
tioned during both the tannaitic and amoraic periods, even
pp. 813ff. The authoritative review of the tannaitic process
into the centuries that followed (the amoraic period ended
is Saul Lieberman’s “The Publication of the Mishnah,” in his
c. 500 CE). The tanna D may also have been referred to as roveh
Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (1950; reprint, New York,
(“repeater”), later confused with rabbah (“the great”).
1962), pp. 83–99. Lieberman was the first to frame the pro-
cess in terms of publication. Also extremely useful, despite
The official traditions of the rabbinic schools were oral.
its flaws, is Birger Gerhardsson’s Memory and Manuscript,
The functionaries who memorized the official texts were the
translated by Eric J. Sharpe (Uppsala, 1961), pp. 93–112.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8984
TANTRISM: AN OVERVIEW
New Sources
exchange of divine services, just as the vassals owed alle-
Berger, Michael S. Rabbinic Authority. New York, 1998.
giance and loyalty to the monarch through the ex-
Kalmin, Richard Lee. The Sage in Jewish Society in Late Antiquity.
changes of goods, services, land, and booty. (Indian Eso-
New York, 1999.
teric Buddhism, 2002, pp. 71–72.)
Melamed, Ezra Zion, ed. Midreshe halakhah shel ha-Tanaim be-
When one bears in mind the Indian feudal context within
Talmud Yerushalmi. Jerusalem, 2000.
which tantrism emerged out of preexisting Hindu, Buddhist,
DAVID KRAEMER (1987)
and Jain religious systems, a number of specifically tantric
Revised Bibliography
terms and practices become comprehensible. These include
the use of mantras (secret spells) as “weapons” (´sastras), “mis-
siles” (astras), and “armor” (kavaca); ritual practices of “bind-
ing the directions” (dig-bandhana) as a means to securing a
TANTRISM
This entry consists of the following articles:
consecrated space from invasion by demonic forces; the con-
struction of tantric man:d:alas on the model of fortified pal-
AN OVERVIEW
HINDU TANTRISM
ace-citadels; multiple associations of tantric goddesses with
warfare; the bearing of royal weapons or scepters (vajras) by
tantric initiates; the tantric “acts” (karmas) of pacification,
TANTRISM: AN OVERVIEW
subjugation, immobilization, enmity, eradication, and liqui-
The term tantrism is a nineteenth-century western invention,
dation; and the narrative use of the language of conquest
coined to refer to what were considered to be a body of het-
(both military and sexual) in tantric discourse in general.
erodox religious teachings, first discovered by European
Here, the original tantric practitioner par excellence was not
scholars in Indian works called Tantras. Although there is no
the traditional religious specialist—a Bra¯hman: priest or a
term in any Asian language for tantrism, it continues to be
Buddhist or Jain monk—but rather the king, as exemplary
applied by scholars to a bewilderingly diverse array of esoteric
member of the laity. Much of the early history of tantrism
precepts and practices attested across much of South, Inner,
is intertwined with the emergence of a new type of lay reli-
and East Asia from the sixth century CE down to the present
gious specialist, “shamanic” ascetic practitioners who identi-
day.
fied themselves, through their supernatural powers, with
The most salient phenomena common to all tantrisms
royal gods and divine kings. To these latter, they offered a
are the use of man:d:alas, mantras, and ritual practices in order
variety of services and products, including spells and potions
to map, organize, and control a universe of powerful beings,
for the control of women, the attainment of wealth, and the
impulses, or forces in pandemonium. Here, it is important
annihilation of enemies; spirit possession; magical healing
to note that the specifically tantric use of man:d:alas, mantras,
and manipulation of the dead, demons, and other entities;
and initiations first emerged in India as a religious response
future-telling; and so on. In Hindu and Buddhist circles,
to or reflection of a situation of anomie. With the fall of the
these tantric supermen were called “Perfected Beings” (Sidd-
imperial Guptas in about 550 CE, much of the Indian sub-
has, Maha¯siddhas) and “Virile Heroes” (V¯ıras); among
continent was plunged into a centuries-long period of feudal-
S´veta¯mbara Jains, the “Teachers” (Su¯ris) of the Kharatara
ism, in which multiple, shifting political “centers” were in
Gaccha sub-sect have played an analogous role.
constant flux, passing under the control of a series of often
GEOGRAPHICAL SPREAD OF TANTRISM. The origins of tan-
low-caste rulers whose claim to dominion over a territory
trism are Indian. All authentic tantric lineages—of deities,
was, from the standpoint of orthodox religious polity, illegit-
scriptures, oral teachings, and teachers—claim to extend
imate. In order to legitimate their power, these newly arisen
back to Indian scriptures. The founders of every major tan-
rulers called on a variety of religious specialists to ritually
tric tradition, school, or sect either trace their guru-disciple
consecrate them with tantric mantras, transforming them
lineages back to an Indian source, or are considered to be in-
into divine kings, and their conquered territories into equally
carnations of bodhisattvas whose cults first arose in India.
consecrated man:d:alas of royal power. Ronald M. Davidson
The exploded pantheons of tantrism—principal multi-
has encapsulated this feudal dynamic:
headed and multi-armed deities proliferating into man:d:alas
In the medieval military culture, the apotheosis of the
of families or clans—are generally Indian, or at least traceable
king served his strategy of divine right to the assump-
to Indian prototypes. The great bulk of tantric legends con-
tion of power, irrespective of his actual lineage. Howev-
cerns Indian Siddhas and Maha¯siddhas. The hieratic lan-
er, the process of divine royalty conversely implied the
guage of tantrism generally remains the Sanskrit of medieval
royalty of divinity, so the apotheosis of rulers entailed
India, so that for any lineage-based tantric body of practice
the feudalization of the gods. . . . [T]he great and
to be considered legitimate in Chinese, Japanese, Korean, or
local deities of the period . . . occupied positions in
metaphysical space analogous to the positions con-
Tibetan tantric traditions, its translated root text has had to
trolled by their devotees in terrestrial space, with all the
be traceable back to a Sanskrit original. In these translated
attendant rights and responsibilities. At the same time,
sources, mantras—whose efficacy resides in their sound
lesser divinities became understood as representatives of
shape—will not be translated, but rather frozen (at least in
the imperial divinity, who protected them in a complex
theory) in the original Sanskrit. Furthermore, Sanskrit char-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TANTRISM: AN OVERVIEW
8985
acters form the basis of the hieratic siddham script employed
a tantric mode by Hindus, Jains, and Buddhists alike. Simi-
in Chinese and Japanese tantric man:d:alas and texts. The
larly, the originally Indian tantric gods Ta¯ra¯, Ambika¯,
yogic practice that is so central to tantrism is also of Indian
Aks:obhya, Maha¯ka¯la, Gan:e´sa, Avalokite´svara, and Skanda,
origin (albeit influenced by Daoist techniques).
as well as numerous groups of multiple tantric deities, are
found throughout much of Asia.
Tantrism has persisted and quite often thrived across
F
much of Asia since its Indian origins in the middle of the first
UNDAMENTALS OF TANTRIC PRACTICE. Tantric practice
consists of a set of ritual and meditative strategies for access-
millennium of the common era. Its practitioners have lived
ing and appropriating the energy or enlightened conscious-
in India, China, Japan, Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan, Pakistan, Sri
ness of the absolute godhead that, coursing through the uni-
Lanka, Korea, and Mongolia, as well as in the “Greater
verse, infuses its creatures with life and the potential for
India” of medieval Southeast Asia: Cambodia, Burma, and
salvation. Humans in particular are empowered to realize
Indonesia. The medieval history of South Asian Hinduism,
this goal through strategies of embodiment—that is, of caus-
Buddhism, and Jainism is saturated with tantrism. In Hindu
ing that supreme energy, essence of nirva¯n:a, or quality of
India, the Pa¯ñcara¯tra, Gaud:¯ıya Vais:n:ava, Sahajiya¯, Pa¯´supata,
buddhahood to become concentrated in one or another sort
Ka¯pa¯lika, S´aiva Siddha¯nta, Siddha Kaula, Yogin¯ı Kaula,
of template or grid (a man:d:ala or mantra, the human body,
Krama, Trika, S´r¯ıvidya¯, Pa´scima¯mna¯ya, Na¯th Siddha, and
or a ritual structure)—prior to its internalization in or identi-
S´a¯kta movements, orders, and sects have all been tantric or
fication with the individual microcosm. This they may do
heavily colored by tantrism since the medieval period. Medi-
by appropriating elements of this world (which is real and
eval Jain tantric works such as the tenth-century Jva¯lin¯ı
not an illusion) such as words, images, bodies, and sub-
Kalpa resembled coeval Hindu and Buddhist Tantras in
stances, into rituals that collapse subject and object, thereby
every way but for the names of the deities who were the ob-
projecting them into a realization of their inherent buddha
jects of their ritual practice. Although Buddhism disappeared
nature or S´iva-self.
from the subcontinent in the thirteenth century, India (in-
cluding present-day Pakistan) was the cradle of Buddhist
Drawing on its feudal Indian origins, tantrism also re-
tantrism in its Maha¯ya¯na, Mantraya¯na, and Vajraya¯na forms,
mains a body of practice with explicit this-worldly aims: the
which were exported into Mongolia, Nepal, Bhutan, China,
control of all of the beings located in the universal power
Korea, Japan, and Tibet. Certain of the Yogin¯ı Tantras of
grid, including lesser gods, living people, the dead, animals,
early Buddhist tantrism originated in the Swat Valley of pres-
and demons. While much of tantric practice has become
ent-day Pakistan, and the tenth-century Ka¯lacakra Tantra,
sublimated into tame forms of “pure esotericism,” it must be
an important Vajraya¯na work, was likely written by an au-
recalled that the great volume of early tantric texts were de-
thor living in the same region. Tibetan Buddhism is nearly
voted to sorcery—that is, to magical techniques for control-
entirely a Vajraya¯na tradition: this applies to the four major
ling other beings against their will. Such remains the primary
existing schools (the Rnying ma [Nyingma] pas, Bka’ brgyud
goal of tantrism as it continues to be practiced on a popular
[Kagyu] pas, Sa skya [Sakya] pas, and Dge lugs [Geluk] pa),
level throughout much of Asia.
as well as to specific forms of practice, such as Rdzogs chen
The key to understanding tantric practice is the
(the “Great Perfection” practice unique to Nyingma). The
man:d:ala, the energy grid that represents the constant flow
ritual of the medieval Chinese state was tantric, and China
of divine and demonic, human and animal impulses in the
was the medieval changing-house for nearly every Buddhist
universe, as they interact in both constructive and destructive
tantric tradition transmitted to Japan, Korea, and Mongolia.
patterns. This grid is three-dimensional, in the sense that it
In China, tantrism has persisted, since the twelfth century
locates the supreme deity (god, goddess, celestial buddha,
CE, within Daoist ritual practice. In Japan, all of the eight
bodhisattva, or enlightened t¯ırtham:kara)—the source of that
traditional schools of Buddhism have a tantric pedigree: of
energy and ground of the grid itself—at the center and apex
these, the Shingon and Tendai schools have persisted as
of a hierarchized cosmos. All other beings, including the
Japan’s most successful exponents of “Pure Buddhist Esoteri-
practitioner, will be situated at lower levels of energy/
cism.” In Southeast Asia, Cambodian inscriptions indicate
consciousness/being, radiating downward and outward from
the presence of Hindu tantric specialists there in the early
the elevated center point. Because the deity is both transcen-
medieval period; the medieval kings of Bali underwent
dent and immanent, all of the beings located at the various
Hindu tantric initiations, and present-day Balinese Hindu-
energy levels on the grid participate in the outward flow of
ism continues to display its Indian tantric origins.
the godhead, and are in some way emanations or hypostases
of the deity himself (or herself).
From 1642 until the exile of its Dge lugs (Geluk) pa
leadership in 1950, Tibet was a tantric Buddhist theocracy.
This is particularly the case with the tantric guru, the
Today, the constitutional monarchies of Nepal and Bhutan
preceptor from whom a practitioner receives instruction and
are the world’s sole surviving “tantric kingdoms,” with their
initiation, and with whom tantric practitioners frequently
state ceremonial comprised of tantric liturgies and rituals and
identify the godhead at the center of the man:d:ala. Here, the
nearly all of their deities tantric. One of these, Bhairava, is
guru, as an already fully realized or empowered tantric being,
a tantric god found in every part of Asia, and worshipped in
plays a pivotal role, linking the human with the divine. In
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8986
TANTRISM: AN OVERVIEW
certain tantric traditions, the male guru’s female consort—
of reality. Among their disciples were members of the literati,
variously called the Yogin¯ı, D:a¯kin¯ı, “Action Seal,” or “Lotus
who committed these speech acts into writing, writings that
Maiden”—is equally exalted as she is identified with the su-
were in turn anthologized, codified, commentated on, and
preme female godhead. It is in this particular context that
systematized into texts and canons of texts. Tantric mantras,
sexualized ritual may be brought to the fore in tantric initia-
which were originally secret spells for coercing a wide range
tion: the female consort, as the embodiment of the divine,
of supernatural entities into doing one’s bidding, became
transmits to the initiand the transformative energy and wis-
“semanticized” into the phonematic manifestations of pow-
dom of the godhead through her sexual emissions, which are
erful gods and compassionate buddhas, who could be ac-
considered to be liquid gnosis. In this way, the initiand be-
cessed through the mantras’ proper pronunciation. The term
comes a member of the divine family or clan of both his guru
mu¯dra (“seal”), which originally referred to the sealing to-
and the godhead at the center of the man:d:ala.
gether of male and female bodies in sexual union, came to
refer to complex hand and finger positions to be maintained
Crucial to the initiation process as well as to many other
while meditating, or to the parched grain that Hindu practi-
types of tantric practice is the notion that within the gross
tioners consume as a tantric sacrament. The homa fire sacri-
body of the human microcosm there is a subtle, yogic body
fice rituals of early tantrism, which often involved the offer-
that is the mesocosmic replica of the divine dyad, the su-
ing of human and animal blood and gore to ravening
preme godhead in its male and female manifestations. This
demonic entities, became sublimated into either yogic prac-
body, comprised of energy channels and centers, drops and
tice or the meditative burning away of impediments to liber-
winds, is itself a man:d:ala: viewed from above, the vertical
ation or salvation in the fire of gnosis. More fundamentally,
central channel of the subtle body would appear as the center
the tantric ritual arena came to be sealed off from the power-
point of the man:d:ala, with the various energy centers aligned
ful but dangerous entities and forces of the original tantric
along that channel being so many concentric circles, wheels,
universe, with the pandemonium of the real world walled out
or lotuses radiating outward. As such, initiation and all forms
from the quiet center or the monastic cell or household
of yogic practice involve, once again, an effort on the part
shrine.
of the practitioner to return to the elevated center point of
the emanated man:d:ala. Movement toward the center, effect-
Orthodox Hindu and Buddhist hermeneutical strategies
ed through a combination of external ritual and internal
neutralized the heterodox and heteroprax content of early
meditative practices, basically entails harmonizing one’s own
tantrism by interpreting it in a variety of ways. On the one
energy or consciousness level with that of the (deities of the)
hand, much of what was objectionable in the externals of
circle in which one finds oneself. First encountered as obsta-
tantric practice was internalized into yogic, meditative, or
cles, these divine, demonic, or animal impulses are eventually
imaginative techniques. On the other, such practices were
overcome, and transformed into positive sources of energy
marginalized into the purview of a limited elite—the Siddhas
that carry one closer and closer to the deity at the center. Al-
and V¯ıras of tantric legend and their emulators—with more
ternatively, one may, having overcome them, also coerce
conventional, devotional, salvation-oriented practice recom-
those same potentially destructive lower-level beings to do
mended for the religious mainstream of monks, priests, and
one’s bidding, through various ritual technologies.
householders. Here, there was a trade-off between danger
and efficacy, purity and power in the world, in which cir-
THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION AND DOMESTICATION OF
cumspection was strongly advised to all but a select few. It
TANTRISM. As its sociopolitical contexts have changed, so
was the dangerous content of the early tantric rituals that
too has the content of tantrism, with persons from a broader
most distinguished them from those found in the orthodox
range of society appropriating and adapting its rituals and
Buddhist Su¯tra literature and the Hindu Vedas: but for those
their attendant metaphysics to their specific needs and aspi-
who dared to undertake them, and transact in prohibited
rations. In general terms, this has taken the form of an insti-
substances (sexual fluids, unclean or proscribed food) with
tutionalization of tantrism by Hindu Bra¯hman:s and Bud-
problematic beings (outcaste women, minions of the spirit
dhist monks on the one hand and, on the other, the
world) through heterodox practices (sexualized initiation rit-
domestication of its base from lay elites (kings, aristocrats,
uals, sorcery), self-transformation could be instantaneous
and Siddhas) to wider strata of householder society. In spite
rather than the result of several lifetimes of practice.
of periodic reformations or revivals of “primitive” tantrism
in various parts of the Asian world, both of these trends have
BIBLIOGRAPHY
had the effect of draining tantrism of its original specificities,
Davidson, Ronald M. Indian Esoteric Buddhism: A Social History
of making institutional forms of tantrism look more like the
of the Tantric Movement. New York, 2002.
broader, conventional, or orthodox religious contexts in
Faure, Bernard. The Red Thread: Buddhist Approaches to Sexuality.
which they have been embedded.
Princeton, N.J., 1998.
Many of the original tantric masters understood speech
Goudriaan, Teun, and Sanjukta Gupta. Hindu Tantric and S´akta
to be a performative act, and intentionally subverted conven-
Literature. Wiesbaden, Germany, 1981.
tional language in their teachings and use of mantras as a
Gupta, Sanjukta, Dirk Jan Hoens, and Teun Goudriaan. Hindu
means to effect a breakthrough in their disciples’ perception
Tantrism. Leiden, Netherlands, 1979.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TANTRISM: HINDU TANTRISM
8987
Harper, Katherine Anne, and Robert Brown, eds. The Roots of
knowledge is spread”), although not all of these “Tantras”
Tantra. Albany, N.Y., 2002.
can be regarded as “Tantric,” and other texts that may indeed
Kværne, Per. “On the Concept of Sahaja in Indian Buddhist Tan-
be so regarded are called by different names (e.g., A¯gamas,
tric Literature.” Temenos 11 (1975): 88–135.
Nigamas, and Samhitas).
Nandi, Ramendra Nath. Religious Institutions and Cults in the Dec-
A practitioner of Tantra is known as a ta¯ntrika or a
can. Delhi, 1973.
sa¯dhaka. The Tantric adept is termed a siddha or “accom-
Robinson, James, trans. Buddha’s Lions: The Lives of the Eighty-
plished one.” The ritual and meditative method or path dis-
Four Siddhas. Berkeley, Calif., 1979.
tinctive to Tantra is called a sa¯dhana (“performance leading
Samuel, Geoffrey. Civilized Shamans: Buddhism in Tibetan Socie-
to a goal”), which is supposed to result in the attainment of
ties. Washington, D.C., 1993.
certain “powers” (siddhis). As a path that often entails physi-
Snellgrove, David. Indo-Tibetan Buddhism: Indian Buddhists and
cal practices, Tantricism overlaps considerably with the
Their Tibetan Successors. 2 vols. Boston, 1987, 1995.
Hindu traditions of yoga: one sometimes encounters the
term tantra-yoga and a Tantric practitioner is frequently
Strickmann, Michel. Mantras et mandarins: Le bouddhisme tan-
called yogin or yogin¯ı.
trique en Chine. Paris, 1996. (English translation forthcom-
ing.)
Many scholars argue that there is, however, no indige-
White, David Gordon. Kiss of the Yogin¯ı: “Tantric Sex” in Its South
nous Indian term that corresponds to Tantrism; that is to say,
Asian Contexts. Chicago, 2003.
there was in the native tradition no recognition of a unified
White, David Gordon, ed. Tantra in Practice. Princeton, N.J.,
school or system or religious sect called Tantrism. Under this
2000.
view, the word and conceptual apparatus that usually clings
to it is entirely of foreign invention. David Gordon White
DAVID GORDON WHITE (2005)
has contended, however, that the term Tantrism does closely
correspond to the scholastic tradition of ritual exegesis em-
bodied in the textual corpus known as the Tantra´sa¯stra (The-
TANTRISM: HINDU TANTRISM
oretical treatises on Tantra), the most famous of which is the
Tantrism must certainly rank as among the most problemat-
Tantraloka of Abhinavagupta (eleventh century CE).
ic and controversial categories in the study of religion gener-
One should also note, as we have above, that the adjec-
ally and the study of Hinduism specifically. Virtually every
tive ta¯ntrika (“Tantric”) does appear in Sanskrit texts, in
proposition about Tantrism is disputed, ranging from its ori-
some cases to contrast a form of belief and practice to the
gins and distinctive traits to the evaluation of its place in the
more “orthodox” or “Vedic” (vaidika) forms of Hinduism.
history of religions. Herbert Guenther, one of the last centu-
In some of the non-Tantric Sanskritic texts, vaidika refers to
ry’s greatest scholars of the subject, once observed that Tan-
forms of practice suitable for brahmans and others of the
trism is “probably one of the haziest notions and misconcep-
higher classes, while the ta¯ntrika rites are relegated to the
tions the Western mind has evolved.” Often enough one
lower castes. In the Tantric texts, unsurprisingly, the ta¯ntrika
encounters completely contradictory statements concerning
path is defined very differently. Some contrast the wise
Tantrism in the scholarly literature. As one modern observer
ta¯ntrika, whose knowledge penetrates to the true meaning of
puts it, the term is a sort of “floating signifier . . . gathering
things, to the superficial vaidika. One text defines this form
to itself a range of contradictory qualities.” Because of this
of practice in the following way: “He by whom the senses
some have argued that there is no real referent to the words
are conquered and whose mind is fixed . . . he whose intel-
Tantrism or Tantric and therefore such terms should be
lect is still with regard to his own affairs or those of others
abandoned entirely. Others choose to retain the terminology,
. . . this, in short, is said to be the ta¯ntrika method.”
albeit not without reservations.
The origins of Tantricism are, like virtually everything
We may start with the problematic nature of the name
else about the phenomenon, also contested. Some think
Tantrism itself. The term derives from the Sanskrit root tan-,
Tantrism originated in Buddhist circles. Indeed, the oldest
“to extend, stretch, expand.” Tantra thus can mean “succes-
known “Tantric” texts are Buddhist; the Guhyasama¯ja Tan-
sion,” “unfolding,” “continuous process,” or “extension.”
tra, attributed to Asan˙ga, dates back perhaps to the third cen-
The term appears already in the Vedic Shrauta Su¯tras (c. fifth
tury CE. Other scholars, however, presume Hindu origins for
century BCE) in the sense of a “ritual framework” or “inter-
this form of religious belief and practice. Andre Padoux
weaving of rites,” and Tantrism does indeed refer often
(1987) states unequivocally that “Tantrism is fundamentally
enough to a certain type of ritual practice. The term is also
a Hindu phenomenon.”
used in the sense of an “extension” or “expansion of knowl-
edge,” or the “weaving” of various threads into a text; it can
Given the paucity of historical materials and the general
also be used as a synonym for a “system,” or “system of
uncertainty involved in the subject, the question of whether
thought,” or a “compendium.” Certain texts in the Hindu
Tantrism was originally Hindu or Buddhist will probably
tradition are thus labeled Tantras (one common definition
never be resolved. What is sure is that Buddhist and Hindu
within the indigenous tradition is “a scripture by which
Tantrism share much by way of doctrine, imagery, and prac-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8988
TANTRISM: HINDU TANTRISM
tice, and they apparently cross-fertilized each other over the
Wilson would opine, Tantrism stood “for all that is abomi-
course of centuries. Within Hinduism per se, there are also
nable in the present state of Hindu religion.”
Tantric strains within most of the major divisions of that
In the twentieth century some scholars arose to pro-
tradition—Vais:n:ava, S´aivite, and S´a¯kta (the latter is often re-
claim the exact opposite: that Tantrism was, in fact, both the
garded in its entirety as “Tantric”).
root and crowning achievement of Indian religiosity. Avalon
The term Tantrism thus refers to a broad movement,
regarded Tantrism as both “orthodox” (meaning, for him,
probably originating in the middle centuries of the first mil-
“Aryan” or “Vedic”) and in conformity to science. As for the
lennium CE, which spread into Hindu, Buddhist, and (to a
sexual components of this form of Hinduism, Avalon would
lesser extent) Jain traditions. This “movement” (some prefer
write that “There is nothing ‘foul’ in them except for people
to envisage Tantrism as simply an attitude) is usually concep-
to whom all erotic phenomena are foul” (1975, p. 134).
tualized as encompassing activities (symbolically imagined or
Other Western Indologists, including Heinrich Zimmer,
ritually enacted) normally prohibited in the bourgeois India
would also champion the cause of Tantrism as the ideal reli-
of the time, including some form of sexual intercourse (al-
gion for the modern age—creative, life-affirming, sensuous.
though the sexual component is often minimal in such
For Mircea Eliade, Tantrism represented the “autochthynous
groups and is, in any event, to be understood within a larger
heart of aboriginal India” and “reveals an experience that is
symbolic and ritual contextual framework).
no longer accessible in a desacralized society—the experience
of a sanctified sexual life” (1959, p. 172; 1970, p. 201). It
Tantrism in its origins was, then, fundamentally a set
is, according to Eliade, in Tantrism that the opposition of
of reinterpretations of the various existing religious traditions
the sacred and profane is finally resolved.
of India. It was also often perceived—both in historical India
Such views, positive and negative, in the West were ech-
and the modern West—as controversial if not dangerous and
oed in India. Many of the reformers of the so-called Neo-
degenerate. As Hugh Urban (2003) has written, for most un-
Hindu movement of the nineteenth and early twentieth cen-
derstandings of Tantrism (both popular and scholarly, Indi-
turies specifically targeted Tantrism as the prime example of
an and Western), the key element is “the very extremity of
how far Hindus have fallen from the purity of the golden age
Tantra, its radical Otherness.”
of Vedic origins. For many of the leaders of what is some-
HISTORY OF THE STUDY AND REPRESENTATION OF TAN-
times called the “Hindu renaissance,” Tantrism represented
TRISM. For many modern specialists, the category is now
everything wrong with Hinduism and for all that was an em-
viewed as inextricably bound up in the prejudices and cultur-
barrassment about India in relation to the West. Vivekanan-
al psychodynamics of the Westerners who, it is argued, “in-
da, in his nationalistically inspired opposition to Tantra,
vented” it in the nineteenth century. Some of the early West-
claimed it was “un-Indian,” with origins in Central Asia and
ern scholars of Tantrism seemed aware of the constructionist
Tibet.
nature of their label. Arthur Avalon (also known as John
For other Indians, however, Tantricism represented the
Woodroffe), one of the pioneers of Tantric studies, wrote in
very best of the Indian religious heritage. Perhaps the greatest
1922 that “the adjective tantric is largely a Western term.”
of all the modern Indian saints and mystics, Ramakrishna,
Once constructed, however, “Tantrism” took on a life of its
seems to have been a Tantric practitioner. On the other end
own and often served as a screen onto which outsiders pro-
of the spectrum, Tantrism’s association with radicalism, sub-
jected either their deepest anxieties and fears or their desires
version, and transgression made it appealing to Indian revo-
and hopes.
lutionaries in the extreme wings of the nationalist movement
of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. For revo-
Tantrism for many was the most degenerate and periph-
lutionary nationalists like Aurobindo Ghose (in his early
eral form of Indian religion. When it was first “discovered”
years), Tantric symbols and deities (especially the terrifying
by Westerners at the end of the eighteenth century, it was
figure of the Tantric goddess Ka¯l¯ı) became sources of revolu-
almost universally regarded as the most horrifying example
tionary inspiration. And for others, like the Marxist scholar
of the excesses of Indian religiosity. Otherwise put, Tantrism
N. N. Bhattacharyya, Tantrism represented evidence for an
was the label placed on those practices Westerners regarded
ancient classless society based on matriarchy and the worship
as most abhorrent. Such views were only strengthened in the
of the Mother Goddess that was largely eclipsed by the patri-
Victorian era where Tantrism was all but equated with illicit
archal, caste-oriented Vedic culture and its legacy.
sexuality. The “so-called Tantric religion,” writes one such
Victorian, is essentiality nothing more than a cult where “nu-
Among the many controversies regarding Tantra found
dity is worshipped in Bacchanalian orgies which cannot be
in the scholarly literature, there is also dispute about whether
described.” Already by this time the standard stereotypes of
Tantrism has been relegated to peripheral or tangential status
“Tantrism”—and ones that have often endured to this day—
vis-à-vis “real” Hinduism, or, conversely, whether the fasci-
were in place. What was definitive of this debased form of
nation with Tantricism—bordering on obsession—has
Hinduism was sexual licentiousness, as well as the consump-
blown out of all proportion its place in the study of that reli-
tion of prohibited substances, such as liquor, beef, and aph-
gion. Paul Muller-Ortega (1989) and Douglas Brooks
rodisiacs. In sum, as the nineteenth-century Indologist H. H.
(1990) both argue that, despite the apparent vogue and inter-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TANTRISM: HINDU TANTRISM
8989
est in Tantrism, it is nevertheless the unwanted “stepchild”
There is also no conclusive evidence of Hindu Tantras
of Indology—a persistence source of shame and embarrass-
in the period before 800 CE, although most scholars agree
ment, and thus neglected and poorly attended to. On the
that the classical form of Hindu Tantrism originated at least
other hand, Hugh Urban contends that “Tantrism has in fact
two or three centuries before that. Stone inscriptions indicate
been central to both academic and popular discourse about
that Tantric deities were worshiped in the fifth century and
India in the twentieth century. Indeed, it has in many cases
many agree that Tantrism was well established by the sixth
clearly been exaggerated and exploited” (2003, p. 8).
or seventh centuries CE. While there is little precisely dated
THE ORIGINS, HISTORY, AND TRADITIONS OF HINDU TAN-
evidence available, it seems that the period from the eighth
TRA. Andre Padoux observed that “the history of Tantrism
or ninth century to the fourteenth century was one in which
is impossible to write” due to the paucity of data (and, it
Tantrism flourished in India. Most of the texts regarded as
could be said, by virtue of the definitional uncertainty as
“Tantric” (the Tantras, Samhitas, and A¯gamas) date from
what counts as “Tantrism”). Such pessimism has not
this period, as do many temples and some of the greatest
changed much. Urban has reiterated that “the historical ori-
thinkers of the Tantric traditions (e.g., Abhinavagupta).
gins of the vast body of traditions that we call Tantra are
Already in the medieval period and then in subsequent
today lost in a mire of obscure Indian history and muddled
centuries, the Tantric movement exerted influences on all
scholarly conjecture” (2003, p. 23).
forms of Hinduism. It has been noted that the pantheon of
Scholars have nevertheless put forth two very different
present-day Hinduism is largely comprised of Tantric dei-
narratives to account for the possible sources of Tantrism.
ties. Tantrism also left its imprint on the temples, iconogra-
The first locates the earliest “Tantrism” in the Indus Valley
phy, and rituals of the more “mainstream” Hinduism. In-
civilization, here conceived as a matriarchal culture complete
deed, as we have seen, some scholars believe that the
with goddess worship, fertility rites, and proto-yogic prac-
influence of Tantrism was so great that virtually all of Hin-
tices. When Aryan invaders destroyed the Indus Valley civili-
duism from medieval times forward can be understood as
zation, Tantrism supposedly went underground, where it
“Tantric.” Mainstream Hinduism, under this view, is more
survived among the tribal groups at the periphery of Indian
“Tantric” than not.
culture but also as the “autochthonous substratum” of later
But despite the huge influence of Tantrism on the theol-
Hinduism. According to this account, Tantrism then re-
ogy, arts, iconography, temples, and rituals of the orthodox
emerges a thousand years later in texts of the middle centu-
or mainstream religion, most Hindus have not in the past
ries of the first millennium, but only as the Sanskritized, elit-
and would not now regard themselves as ta¯ntrikas. The eso-
ist expression of a continuous and fundamentally popular
teric nature of much of the practice together with the initia-
form of Indian religion.
tory structure of many of the Tantric groups have insured
A quite different narrative assumes that Tantrism de-
that membership of self-identified Tantric practitioners
rives from the Aryan or Vedic religion itself. From this point
would always be limited, even while “Tantric” influences on
of view, Tantrism is in essence the outgrowth of the intellec-
Hinduism have been pervasive. The secretive and esoteric na-
tual and religious elite, and not based on a popular move-
ture of many Tantric groups has also, in India as in the West,
ment (let alone “autochthonous substratum”) within Hindu-
helped to generate a dubious reputation for Tantrism. In
ism. Scholars adhering to this position cite the fact that the
much of today’s India, the label carries the same negative
texts in which the beliefs and practices of Tantrism are first
connotations it has borne for so long in the West. Brooks
encapsulated are written in Sanskrit, and not in any popular
observes that “The word ‘Tantra’ in vernacular languages [of
vernacular.
India] . . . is frequently used to conjure notions of black
magic, illicit sexuality, and immoral behavior” (1990, p. 5).
A third, and mediating, possibility for accounting for
the origins of Tantrism is to see it as the combination of both
“Tantrism,” writes Padoux, “is essentially sectarian.”
autochthonous and Vedic roots, or perhaps a synthesis of
The main division of sects in Hinduism as a whole consists
shamanic and magical practices (possibly originating in Cen-
of the worshipers of Vis:n:u (Vais:n:avas), the worshipers of
tral Asia) and the mystical speculations characteristic of the
S´iva (S´aivas or S´aivites), and those who worship the Goddess,
brahman elite.
in one or another of her many forms, as the supreme deity
(the S´a¯ktas). There are Tantric sects within each of these
All such attempts at locating the temporal and cultural
main divisions, although the Tantric groups within the
origins of Tantrism remain theoretical and speculative. The
S´aivite and S´a¯kta groupings regard S´iva and S´akti as insepa-
geographical origins of the Tantric movement of the middle
rable and therefore are not themselves clearly distinguishable
centuries of the Common Era is no less fraught with uncer-
according to these sectarian divisions. There is also consider-
tainty. Although many of the centers of the Tantric move-
able similarity between the terms Tantrism and S´a¯ktism;
ment were located in the frontier or border areas of India
while groups labeled in these two ways are not identical, they
(e.g., Kashmir and Assam), other equally important geo-
do intersect and often overlap.
graphical locales for Tantric expressions include Andhra,
Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, and Orissa. There does not seem
Among the Vais:n:avas, the Pa¯ñcara¯tra sect (with origins
to be one central place from which Tantrism sprung.
circa sixth century CE) was heavily influenced by the Tantric
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8990
TANTRISM: HINDU TANTRISM
movement, although today most members of this sect do not
ism. In recent years, however, there has also arisen a tendency
consider themselves as Tantric practitioners. The
to envision it as an extremely widespread, even ubiquitous,
Vais:n:ava-Sahajiya¯s of Bengal, however, remain close in spirit
trait of Indian religions in general. Eliade, for example, writes
to other forms of Tantrism. The Sahajiya¯s, who flourished
that “from the fifth century CE onward Tantrism becomes
especially between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries,
a pan-Indian ‘fashion.’ One meets it everywhere in innumer-
worship Vis:n:u in the form of Kr:s:n:a and his lover Ra¯dha¯. The
able different forms” (1970, p. 200). If, however, Tantrism
poems of the Sahajiya¯ Tantrics are replete in erotic imagery,
is found everywhere within Hinduism, “in innumerable dif-
and practitioners use devotional singing and dancing to try
ferent forms,” then what, if anything, constitutes its distinc-
to induce a state of mystical ecstasy envisioned as the union
tiveness?
of the god and his consort.
A SURVEY OF DEFINITIONAL TRAITS. It is generally agreed
It is, however, most especially in certain of the S´aivite
that there is no one body of doctrines and practices shared
sects that we find the classical instantiations of what is called
by all forms of Hindu Tantrism, and most scholars now also
Tantrism. One of the earliest of the S´aivite groups, the
believe that a search for a unitary definition of Tantrism is
Pa¯´supatas (dating to perhaps the second century CE), empha-
futile. What we refer to as Tantrism is not so much a unified
sized radical asceticism and bizarre or disreputable behavior
tradition but a loose grouping of particular texts, traditions,
(thought to be in imitation of the wild divine ascetic, S´iva)
practices, and doctrines that differ in some regards from each
in the pursuit of supernatural powers or siddhis. Other early
other and overlap considerably with other “non-Tantric”
S´aivite sects that display Tantric tendencies include the
currents within Hinduism. At best, then, there are elements
Ka¯pa¯likas and the Ka¯la¯mukhas, about whom little is known
that may be regarded only as characteristic, but not defini-
because no texts from these groups survive. Contemporary
tive, of Tantrism. Tantrism cannot be defined in terms of
reports about them, however, insist on their outrageous,
one or more standard traits but only in a “polythetic” man-
scandalous behavior and socially abhorrent practices. As their
ner in which any particular instance participates in one or
name indicates, the Ka¯pa¯likas (“skull-bearers”) probably
more of a set of “family resemblances.”
used human skulls as begging bowls, were said to frequently
practice in cemeteries, and may have engaged in ritualized
As a way to familiarize readers with what scholars have
sex. While evidence is scanty, it seems that such early S´aivite
meant by “Hindu Tantrism,” the following list of definition-
Tantrics embraced practices that subverted conventional
al traits may be useful. Many—indeed most—of these traits
morality and embraced controversial methods in the service
do not fit all instances of what has been called “Tantrism.”
of power and liberation.
Some of them are hotly contested by scholars (as noted
below), but each has appeared in the scholarly literature as
Another set of S´aivite Tantric practitioners were known
at least partially definitive of the phenomenon.
as the Na¯tha Siddhas (also known as the Ka¯nphat:a¯s, or
“split-ears”). They were also called the Gorakhna¯this due to
Non-Vedic or extra-Vedic in origin or scriptural au-
the name of their founder, Gorakhna¯th or Goraks:a, who was
thority. The ritual practices and methods for attaining reli-
supposedly the author of many of the Tantric texts of the
gious goals in Tantrism are often characterized as “non-
hat:hayoga tradition. The aim of these practitioners was that
Vedic” (by which is meant, to some extent, “unorthodox”
of many other Tantrics, the state of liberation in this lifetime
or at least “new,” “unprecedented”). Tantric rituals and most
known as j¯ıvanmukti, here thought to be achievable through
of the distinctive worldview associated with Tantrism do not
the distinctive practices of yoga entailing breath control and
appear in Vedic texts nor in the strictly Brahmanic or
retention and the “regression” of sexual energy and fluids.
“sma¯rta” traditions that represent themselves as closely based
on the Veda. Tantric texts, like the Vedas, do claim to be
Special mention must be made of the great philosopher
revealed from a transcendent source, but often enough there
of the “non-dual” S´aivism of Kashmir, Abhinavagupta (born
is no attempt to link the legitimating origin of Tantric prac-
c. 950 CE), who is responsible for many philosophically so-
tice back to the Vedas—as is indeed the case with the more
phisticated and systematic Tantric treatises written in San-
orthodox traditions of Hinduism.
skrit. One of the most famous of these is entitled the
Tantra¯loka (Elucidation of the Tantras), a commentary or
Tantrism, in other words, often represents its revela-
exegesis of the Tantras. David White has argued for the im-
tions as “new,” or rather “newly revealed.” This hitherto se-
portance of Abhinavagupta in the systematization and ratio-
cret knowledge is said to have now become available because
nalization of Tantra. In his exegesis of the esoteric rites of
it is especially suitable for the kali age, the present era of de-
Tantric practice, Abhinavagupta “sublimates, cosmeticizes,
generation when previously revealed methods and wisdom
and semanticizes many of its practices into a type of medita-
are no longer realizable by corrupt humans. As we have seen,
tive asceticism whose aim it was to realize a transcendent sub-
the orthodox traditions themselves sometimes draw a distinc-
jectivity. In the process, he transforms ritual from a form of
tion between vaidika and ta¯ntrika rituals and practitioners
‘doing’ to a form of ‘saying’” (2003, p. 16).
and, in this way, the Tantric traditions agree.
For some, then, Hindu “Tantrism” has been under-
This possible trait for what goes into constituting a
stood as referring to a particular kind of sect within Hindu-
group as “Tantric” does not preclude the claims sometimes
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TANTRISM: HINDU TANTRISM
8991
made in Tantric texts to Vedic legitimacy, which may have
So, with all one’s might, one should do Whatever fools
in some cases been introduced at a later date in order to facil-
condemn, And, since one’s mind is pure, Dwell in
itate acceptance of Tantrism by the more orthodox Hindus.
union with one’s divinity. The mystics, pure of mind
Nor does it necessarily deny that certain features of Tan-
Dally with lovely girls, Infatuated with the poisonous
trism, especially the emphasis on correlations and connec-
flame of passion That they may be set free from desire.
By his meditations the sage . . . draws out the venom
tions between the body, seen as a microcosm, and the uni-
(of snakebite) and drinks it. He makes his deity innocu-
verse as a whole or the macrocosm, at least resemble (if not
ous, And is not affected by the poison. . . . When he
derive) from modes of thought that may be characterized as
has developed a mind of wisdom And has set his heart
“Vedic” (see below). What the emphasis on the non- or
on enlightenment There is nothing he may not do To
extra-Vedic character of Tantrism does begin to point to is
uproot the world (from his mind). . . . Water in the
Tantrism’s controversial and “unorthodox” nature.
ear is removed by more water, A thorn (in the skin) by
another thorn. So wise men rid themselves of passion
Controversial or antinomian practices. It is indeed
By yet more passion. (Cittavi´suddhiprakaran:a, Embree,
the radical and transgressive methods prescribed by certain
1988, pp. 24–38)
groups in the history of Indian religion that are often enough
An anti-ascetic and anti-renunciatory attitude and a
assumed, at least in part, by the label Tantric. For some
positive attitude toward the body. Tantrism has often been
groups, this has meant antisocial ascetic practices, such as es-
viewed as a kind of reaction to the renunciatory and ascetic
chewing clothing and ordinary hygiene, meditating in ceme-
strains in Hinduism. From the time of the ancient
teries, and carrying human skulls as begging bowls, as well
Upanis:ads, asceticism and world renunciation were usually
as practices involving human corpses and the worship of dei-
thought to be more or less essential in the quest for liberation
ties in gruesome, terrifying forms. For others it has meant
or moks:a. Such an attitude is accompanied by a fundamental-
engaging in ritualized sex and the exchange of bodily fluids,
ly negative evaluation of the body and its desires.
or rituals that call for the ingestion of otherwise prohibited
substances. In all cases, the purpose of such antinomian be-
The “first characteristic” of Tantrism, according to
havior seems to have been in one way or another to transcend
Eliade, is its anti-ascetic attitude. The body is “revalorized”
the world of dualities (including “pure” and “impure,”
in Tantric circles and “acquires an importance it had never
“good” and “bad”).
before attained in the spiritual history of India . . . The Up-
anishadic and post-Upanishadic pessimism and asceticism
Among the best known of these controversial practices
are swept away. The body is no longer the source of pain,
is the ritual of indulging in what are called the five elements
but the most reliable and effective instrument at man’s dis-
or principles (pañcatattvas) or the “five M’s” (referring to the
posal for ‘conquering death’” (1970, p. 227).
Sanskrit letter with which each of the five begins). This prac-
tice forms the core of the so-called “left-handed” path
In Tantrism, the physical body becomes the vehicle and
(va¯mamarga) of Tantrism. Members of the group form a cir-
microcosmic locus of powers that can be tapped and enjoyed
cle of alternating males and females, which represents the
as the means to liberation. As such, the body must be kept
cosmos or man:d:ala. Having ritually constituted each male
healthy and strong, and a very different understanding of de-
as the god and each female as the goddess (and the embodi-
sire emerges. Tantrism sometimes represents itself as the
ment of the female energy known as ´sakti), practitioners then
“easy” path in which desire is not renounced but utilized on
make what are regarded as sacrificial offerings to the divine
the road to salvation. As one text puts it, “No one succeeds
within. These offerings consist of substances normally for-
in attaining perfection by employing difficult and vexing op-
bidden in caste Hinduism: meat (mamsa), fish (matsya), alco-
erations; but perfection can be gained by satisfying all one’s
hol (madhu), and parched grains (one of the meanings of
desires.”
term mudra¯, and perhaps indicating some kind of aphrodisi-
Madeleine Biardeau has summed up Tantrism as “an at-
ac). The ceremony culminates in the “fifth M,” ritual inter-
tempt to place kama, desire, in every meaning of the word,
course or maithuna, which epitomizes the transcendental
in the service of liberation . . . not to sacrifice this world for
unification and resolution of all opposites. This kind of prac-
liberation’s sake, but to reinstate it, in varying ways, within
tice could also, however, be done entirely imaginatively with-
the perspective of salvation” (cited in Padoux, 1987, p. 273)
in meditation, following the “right handed” path.
Thus Tantrism here means the use of desire to gain both
Esoteric Tantric groups thus claimed to be able to en-
worldly and supernatural “enjoyments” (bhukti or bhoga) as
gage in practices that for the uninitiated would result in the
well as powers (siddhis) and to attain the state of liberation
most disastrous karmic ends. Such a path is termed “heroic”
in this very lifetime and in the embodied state. The this-
(vira) and dangerous in that it intentionally confronts head-
worldly is not renounced but rather reintegrated into the so-
on the most deep-seated desires and the most repulsive of
teriological quest.
aversions in the attempt to rise above both. Through various
Such a view of the Tantric embrace of the body, desire,
meditative and ritual techniques, the Tantric practitioner
and sensuality must also be contextualized by the often
could “do whatever fools condemn” and rid himself “of pas-
equally characteristic trait of an emphasis on ritual and the
sion by yet more passion”:
use of yoga or mental and physical “discipline” in Tantric
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8992
TANTRISM: HINDU TANTRISM
groups. Desire—especially in its most powerful form, sexual
necessity of a spiritual master are essential Tantric traits,” ac-
desire—is not simply indulged in Tantric practice but rather
cording to Padoux.
is harnessed and “disciplined” by ritual or yogic methods.
Another way in which the esoteric knowledge and prac-
“The ‘easiness’ of the tantric path is more apparent than
tices of Tantrism were protected was through its elaborate
real,” writes Eliade. “The fact is that tantric road presupposes
system of symbols and especially by the utilization of an enig-
a long and difficult sadhana” (1970, p. 206).
matic and highly ambiguous form of language that renders
Religious use of sexual intercourse. David White has
many texts unintelligible to outsiders (and that provides end-
stated that “sexual ritual practice is the sole truly distinctive
less difficulties for scholars trying to decipher such dis-
feature of South Asian Tantric traditions. All of the other ele-
course). This form of writing is sometimes termed sandhya
ments of Tantric practice . . . may be found elsewhere”
bhasa or “twilight speech” to indicate its capacity to convey
(2003, p. 13). We have seen above how ritualized sex is inte-
within it two different meanings at once, and also to point
grated into the “left-handed” forms of Tantric practice and
to the paradoxical and ultimately indescribable qualities of
how “desire” is not to be avoided but utilized. The ritualized
esoteric realizations. Twilight speech may thus have as its
or even “yogic” sex of traditional Indian Tantric practice at
original purpose not only to protect secrets but also to indi-
least theoretically has nothing to do with simply indulging
cate that ordinary language is incapable of expressing the
one’s desires, let along with the orgiastic and lascivious. It
deep truths of Tantra.
rather takes place secretly under what might be called “labo-
Homologies and correlations between the macro-
ratory conditions” and within a context where all the partici-
cosm and the body regarded as a microcosm. The idea that
pants are advanced practitioners. The event is totally sacral-
the cosmos in its entirety, the macrocosm, is replicated or
ized; the participants are all fully divinized beforehand and
represented within the very body of the practitioner (con-
the act of intercourse is to be envisioned not as sex at all but
ceived of as a microcosm) is frequently encountered in Tan-
as the unification of all polarities, and most especially the
trism and, indeed, is a necessary assumption for much of
union of S´iva and S´akti, the passive and active principles of
Tantric ritual and meditative practice. The positing of corre-
the cosmos. Such a union is thought to represent or indeed
lations between the body and the world, between the micro-
actualize absolute reality itself.
cosm and macrocosm, between the human and the divine,
The purpose of the ritual is not climax in its conven-
and between the beings and actions involved in ritual and
tional sense of self-gratification, and indeed sometimes or-
the cosmic entities, energies, and processes—all these are
gasm is prohibited in this yogic form of sex. The goal is rath-
more or less necessary presuppositions for other elements of
er the experience of cosmic union, the highest and ultimate
the worldview and practices of Tantrism.
end of Tantric practice. As Georg Feuerstein (1998) notes,
In spirit, at least, if not in the specifics, this notion of
in opposition to the lurid notion of “Tantric sex” sometimes
a potentially discoverable nexus of resemblances linking the
current among outsiders, “There is nothing glamorous about
human, the ritual, and the cosmos is identical to that of Ve-
Tantric sexual intercourse.”
dism, culminating in the Upanis:adic equation of the Self
Esotericism and secrecy. Given the controversial na-
(a¯tman) and the macrocosmic principle of unity (the brah-
ture of Tantric groups, a high premium was (and may very
man). As such, the idea that Tantrism is entirely or pervasive-
well still be) placed on secrecy. Many, if not most, of the
ly “non-Vedic” and “unorthodox” must be qualified.
practices characteristic of “Tantrism” were traditionally car-
The positing of a mystical physiology or “subtle
ried out privately, away from the gaze of the uninitiated.
body” and the projection of divinities into the body. An
Practitioners were aware of the disapproval that would ac-
essential part of the idea of the body as a microcosm was the
company public knowledge of certain of their rituals. Texts
typically Tantric conceptualization of an “inner” or “subtle”
warn of the dire consequences that will befall those who re-
body and an intricate science of veins, channels, winds or en-
veal the secrets to outsiders. Tantric methods are also often
ergies, and centers that comprise what one may call a mysti-
said to be extremely dangerous to those who practice them
cal anatomy or physiology.
without proper initiation and guidance, and therefore on
these grounds too they should be kept from the awareness
While there are vague correspondences between the
of the general public.
structure and elements of this subtle body and the anatomi-
cal organs and endocrine system of the physical body, the
The esoteric nature of Tantrism was insured in part by
two are not identical. Thus, for example, the various centers
its initiatory structure. Only those who had gained the per-
or chakras (“wheels,” so called because they are envisioned
mission of the Tantric master or guru¯ and who had under-
as whirling circles) of the mystical body (some traditions
gone what can be very complex initiation or consecration
count five of these, others seven) are located near, but are not
(d¯ıks:a¯) ceremonies were eligible to learn the secrets of a par-
identified with, parts of the physical body: the crown of the
ticular sect. In opposition to the Vedic or Vedic-based ortho-
head, between the eyebrows, at the areas of the throat, heart,
dox groups, Tantric practice was typically open to initiates
navel, and sexual organ, and at the base of the spinal column.
of all castes and both genders. “Initiation, secrecy, and the
Each of these centers forms the locus of a complex set of im-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TANTRISM: HINDU TANTRISM
8993
agery; each is said to contain lotuses of different colors and
is imbued. Indeed, some scholars have focused on the “expe-
shapes, different Sanskrit letters or mantras, geometrical de-
riential” nature of Tantrism as its distinctive quality, its em-
signs, deities, cosmological elements and entities, and so
phasis on practice over doctrine and on results above all.
forth. Each chakra, in other words, is a tremendous potential
Tantric practitioners typically seek, in this very lifetime and
source of cosmic power of a certain sort. Taken together
in this very body, the experience of unity or oneness
these centers within the human body contain the universe
(“nonduality”), of “spontaneity” (sahaja), or of “moving
as a whole.
through the void” (khecari), which is most commonly known
as “liberation in this life” (j¯ıvanmukti). While there are, as
Linking together and springing forth from these centers
we have seen, many and various methods for attaining this
is a vast system of tens of thousands of nadis—veins, nerves,
goal, the conceptualization of the goal itself in these terms
currents, or channels—the most important of which is a
is perhaps one of the most basic commonalities shared by
“central channel” (sushumna) surrounded on either side by
Tantric groups.
two other nadis called the ida (on the left) and pingala (on
the right), the latter of which, among other things, is corre-
The liberated Tantric practitioner, the “accomplished
lated with the moon and the sun. Running through these
one” or siddha, is, according to one text, free from the “pairs
channels are various “winds” or energies known as pra¯n:as.
of opposites” or all duality, no longer bound by the forces
of karma, unconquerable, “without inhalation and exhala-
Tantric practice, especially but not exclusively in its
tion,” invulnerable to all weapons, and immortal. Other ex-
more meditative forms, consists of realizing the cosmic na-
traordinary powers (the “accomplishments” or siddhis) are
ture of this subtle body and then tapping into its transforma-
also sought and supposedly realized along the way to the ulti-
tive powers. This is done initially by imaginatively projecting
mate goal. These include the ability to fly, to know the past
divinities and powers into the body (the practice is called
and future, to decipher the languages of animals, realize one’s
nya¯sa), thereby homologizing it with the Tantric pantheon
previous lives, read the thoughts of others, become invisible,
in order to realize and awaken these forces within. This pro-
and so on. In some texts, abilities such as these are summa-
cess is often accompanied by the use of sacred and powerful
rized as the eight “great powers” (maha¯siddhis): miniaturiza-
syllables called “seed” or b¯ıja mantras and the use of secret
tion, magnification, levitation, extension, irresistible will,
gestures called mudra¯s.
mastery, lordship over the universe, and fulfillment of all
But the real centerpiece of such meditation is the awak-
desires.
ening of the energy, force, or power within the practitioner’s
MODERN WESTERN APPROPRIATIONS OF HINDU TANTRA.
being called ´sakti (the female and active principle of the uni-
The problems inherent in the study of Tantrism have been
verse) or kun:d:alin¯ı (envisioned as a snake coiled at the base
further compounded by the widespread interest in and ap-
of the spine). As one text puts it, “As a door is opened with
propriation of the term Tantra to identify certain modern
a key, so the yogi opens the door of liberation by awakening
and Western New Age beliefs and practices. This form of
the kun:d:alin¯ı.” This cosmic power, once aroused, is moved
“Neo-Tantrism” may or, more often, may not have anything
up through the central channel where it passes through, one
much in common with the Tantrism practiced traditionally
by one, each of the chakras and invigorates the dormant
in India. Neo-Tantrism is, however, often represented by its
powers within them. This results in the attainment of pro-
adherents and supporters as both “ancient” and “Indian,”
gressively higher states of consciousness and ability by the
perhaps in part as a means to legitimate its blend of spirituali-
practitioner. When the kun:d:alin¯ı reaches the chakra at the
ty and sexuality, sacred transcendence and materialistic in-
crown of the head—the divine seat of the god S´iva—the fe-
dulgence. Furthermore, Tantrism has also appealed to, and
male ´sakti is said to be reunited with the male principle. This
been appropriated by, some modern Western feminists. Tan-
is equated with liberation for the practitioner, a state that is
trism’s supposed matriarchal roots, its elevation of goddess
said to be accompanied by “great bliss” and ecstasy.
figures, its emphasis on the female power or ´sakti, its “embo-
Many scholars regard this mystical physiology as dis-
diedness” or valorization of the body and physicality, and the
tinctive to Tantra, especially the notions that the active force
supposed equality of the genders in its ritual practices—all
in the universe (´sakti, conceived as the Goddess) is present
these traits have endeared Tantrism to a certain segment of
also in each individual in the form of kun:d:alin¯ı. The identifi-
modern feminist spirituality.
cation with and appropriation of the power of the Goddess,
Neo-Tantrism first emerged as part of the spirituality as-
and the emphasis on tapping the ´sakti/kun:d:alin¯ı power with-
sociated with the counterculture of the 1960s. An important
in one’s body, forms what some would regard as an essential
cross-culturally transitional figure was Bhagawan Shree Raj-
element in what we call Tantra.
neesh (also known as Osho), an Indian guru¯ who attracted
Distinctive goals: The attainment of siddhis and the
a largely Western following with an eclectic philosophy re-
realization of liberation in this lifetime (j¯ıvanmukti).
volving around his particular vision of “Tantra”: “Tantra
While all forms of Hinduism seek the goal of liberation or
does not believe in improving your character . . . Tantra
release from the bonds of sam:sa¯ra, one of the features shared
says—if you are greedy, be greedy . . . If you are sexual, be
by most Tantric groups is the urgency with which that quest
sexual, don’t bother about it at all” (1974, p. 190). His teach-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8994
TANYAO
ings, he claimed, were particularly suitable for modern West-
Guenther, Herbert. The Tantric View of Life. Berkeley, 1972.
erners, an “iconoclastic brand of spirituality” or a “religion-
Gupta, Sanjukta, Jan Dirk Hoens, and Teun Goudriaan. Hindu
less religion” that does not deny or repress life and the body
Tantrism. Leiden, 1979.
but rather affirms and expresses sensuality and physicality.
Lorenzen, David N. The Kapalikas and Kalamukhas. New Delhi,
Since Rajneesh, New Age groups claiming to be in one
1972.
way or another Tantric have multiplied and spread. The in-
Muller-Ortega, Paul Eduardo. The Triadic Heart of S´iva: Kaula
ternet is replete with sites offering “Tantric sex,” “sex magic,”
Tantricism of Abhinavagupta in the Non-Dual Shaivism of
“sacred sex,” “spiritual sex,” and so forth—all under the um-
Kashmir. Albany, N.Y., 1989.
brella of Tantrism. Neo-Tantrism, it has been argued, repre-
Padoux, Andre. “Tantrism: An Overview.” In The Encyclopedia of
sents the ideal religion for consumer society, embracing the
Religion, edited by Mircea Eliade, vol. 13, pp. 272–274. New
most materialistic and hedonistic desires and repositioning
York, 1987.
them as “spiritual” and as the means for achieving transcen-
Rajneesh, Bhagwan Shree. Tantra: The Supreme Understanding.
dence.
Poona, India, 1974.
This new twist in the already extremely complex history
Urban, Hugh. Tantra: Sex, Secrecy, Politics, and Power in the Study
of the phenomena called Tantric has provoked yet more con-
of Religion. Berkeley, 2003.
troversy among scholars of Tantrism. Most view the appear-
White, David Gordon. The Alchemical Body: Siddha Traditions in
ance of neo-Tantrism as a trivializing perversion of the “au-
Medieval India. Chicago, 1996.
thentic” Tantric traditions. For these observers, neo-Tantrics
White, David Gordon. Kiss of the Yogini: “Tantric Sex” in its South
have mistaken, among other things, the “sexualization of rit-
Asian Contexts. Chicago, 2003.
ual” of traditional Tantrism for the “ritualization of sex.” Or,
White, David Gordon, ed. Tantra in Practice. Princeton, 2000.
otherwise put, they have (intentionally or not) blurred the
distinction made in the Indian tradition between the science
BRIAN K. SMITH (2005)
of Tantra (tantra´sa¯stra) and the science of erotics
(ka¯ma´sa¯stra)—the former entailing the use and transforma-
tion of desire in the service of liberation, whereas the latter’s
TANYAO (mid-fifth century CE), Chinese Buddhist
goal is the fulfillment of desire as one of the “ends of life”
monk and central figure in the revival of Buddhism after its
of a householder. One scholar thus refers to the “pathetic hy-
suppression by the Northern Wei dynasty (385–534). Little
brid of New Age ‘Tantric sex.’” For other observers, however,
is known about the early life of Tanyao except that he was
the neo-Tantrism of the modern West is just another incar-
eminent monk in the non-Chinese Bei Liang kingdom
nation of the infinitely protean, and always contestable, cate-
(397–439, in what is now Gansu province) before it was con-
gory of Tantrism.
quered by another non-Chinese kingdom, the Northern
S
Wei.
EE ALSO Buddhist Books and Texts, articles on Canon and
Canonization; Goddess Worship; Hindu Tantric Literature;
As was the case in many of the northern dynasties, Bud-
Kun:d:alin¯ı; Man:d:alas, article on Hindu Man:d:alas; Mantra;
dhism was popular among the rulers of the Northern Wei.
Mudra¯.
Thus when Tanyao arrived in the Northern Wei capital of
Pingzheng (modern Datong), he found allies among the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
many Buddhists at the imperial court, the most prominent
Avalon, Arthur (John Woodroffe). Introduction to Tantra Sa¯stra.
of whom was Crown Prince Huang. But Huang’s father, the
6th ed. Chennai, India, 1973.
reigning emperor Taiwudi, came under the influence of an
Avalon, Arthur (John Woodroffe). Shakti and Shakta. 8th ed.
anti-Buddhist clique led by the Daoist adept Kou Qianzhi
Chennai, India, 1975.
and the Daoist literatus Cui Hao, both openly hostile toward
Bharati, Agehananda. The Tantric Tradition. London, 1965.
Buddhism. In 446 the emperor instituted a series of repres-
Bhattacharya, Benyotosh. The World of Tantra. New Delhi, 1988.
sive measures against Buddhism, culminating in the issuance
Brooks, Douglas Renfrew. The Secret of the Three Cities: An Intro-
of an edict for its wholesale proscription.
duction to Hindu S´a¯kta Tantrism. Chicago, 1990.
The guiding hand behind the edict, which among other
Dasgupta, S. Obscure Religious Cults. 3d ed. Calcutta, 1969.
things ordered the execution of every monk in the realm, was
Dimock, Edwin C. The Place of the Hidden Moon: Erotic Mysticism
Cui Hao, who effected it by taking advantage of the emper-
in the Vaisnava-Sahajiya Cult of Bengal. Chicago, 1966.
or’s fury upon discovering a cache of weapons in a monastery
Eliade, Mircea. The Sacred and Profane: The Nature of Religion.
in the city of Chang’an, a fact that the emperor took to be
New York, 1959.
evidence of Buddhist complicity in a rebellion he had only
Eliade, Mircea. Yoga: Immortality and Freedom. Princeton, N.J.,
recently suppressed. Other officials at court, including Kou
1970.
Qianzhi, presented memorials urging the amelioration of the
Embree, Ainslie T., ed. Sources of Indian Tradition, vol. 1. New
harshest points of the edict, thus delaying its actual promul-
York, 1988.
gation and allowing monks time to flee or return to lay life,
Feuerstein, Georg. Tantra: The Path of Ecstasy. Boston, 1998.
Tanyao resisted giving up the robe until the concerned
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAO AND RE
8995
crown prince convinced him of the prudence of this action,
tery had the responsibility of cultivating its fields and main-
but he nevertheless maintained the sacerdotal paraphernalia
taining its buildings and grounds. With numerous monaste-
in secret.
ries under construction under Tanyao’s leadership, amnesty
Kou Qianzhi died in 448, and in 450 Cui Hao was exe-
after amnesty was granted to provide them with Buddha
cuted along with his entire clan for including unsavory as-
Households.
pects from the lives of the emperor’s ancestors in the official
The Sam:gha Households and the Buddha Households
history of the dynasty that he had been commissioned to
were important for other reasons as well. On the one hand,
write. With the passing of this duo, anti-Buddhist strictures
they served the state by opening up new lands for cultivation
began to relax. But full restoration occurred only after the
during the years when war-induced underpopulation left so
assassination, by a eunuch, of Taiwudi in 454 and the acces-
much land uncultivated that there were frequent famines.
sion of his grandson, Wenchengdi.
They also lightened the government’s burden of supporting
Buddhism had been subject to state control since the be-
prisoners. On the other hand, they provided the church with
ginning of the dynasty, when Emperor Taizu granted the
a source of revenue and a pool of potential converts.
Chinese monk Faguo the official title of daoren tong (director
In addition to his many administrative accomplish-
of monks). In that capacity Faguo set a precedent in Chinese
ments, Tanyao also translated scripture. His translations of
Buddhist history by identifying the emperor with the
the Sam:yuktaratnapit:aka Su¯tra (Za baocang jing), completed
Tatha¯gata and requiring monks to bow down to him, an act
with the assistance of Indian monks in 462, and the compila-
in clear violation of monastic precedent. The daoren tong,
tion Fu facang yinyuan zhuan, both containing many stories
which was abolished with the proscription of Buddhism, was
in the Ja¯taka and Avada¯na genres, provided edifying themes
revived with the restoration under a new name—the jianfu
for sculptors working in the Yungang caves.
cao (office to oversee merits), a name later changed to zhaox-
uan si (office to illumine the mysteries)—and presided over
SEE ALSO Kou Qianzhi.
by a Kashmiri called Shixian. The new office was the center
of a network, more finely woven than ever before, of govern-
mental control over religious affairs.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
For the traditional account of Tanyao’s life, see his biography in
Tanyao was Shixian’s successor and held the post, now
Daoxuan’s Xu gaoseng zhuan (T.D. 50.427c–428a). Tsuka-
called the shamen tong (office of the ´sraman:a superinten-
moto Zenryu¯’s authoritative study of the Northern Wei peri-
dant), for more than twenty years. It was he who took advan-
od, Shina Bukkyo¯shi kenkyu¯: Hokugi hen (Tokyo, 1942), in-
tage of the augmented interpenetration of government and
cludes a wealth of valuable material on Tanyao and his
religion to expand and glorify the Buddhist church.
intellectual and political milieu. The chapter on Tanyao has
One of his first important accomplishments was to per-
been translated by Galen E. Sargent as “The S´raman:a Super-
suade the new emperor, who was anxious to reverse the kar-
intendent T’an-yao and His Time,” Monumenta Serica 16
(1957): 363–396. See also Leon Hurvitz’s Wei Shou on Bud-
mic effects of his grandfather’s crimes, to undertake the cost-
dhism and Taoism (Kyoto, 1956), a translation of the Shilao
ly project of chiseling into the walls of the Yungang caves (a
zhi, and Tsukamoto Zenryu¯’s Daisekibutsu (Tokyo, 1953).
few miles west of the capital) massive images of Buddhas and
bodhisattvas, works still considered some of the greatest
New Sources
achievements of Chinese Buddhist art. The first group of
Huntington, John C. “The Iconography and Iconology of
caves (nos. 16–20 on modern charts) contains five Buddhas,
the ‘Tan Yao’ Caves at Yungang.” In Oriental Art (1986):
one seventy feet tall, representing the first two emperors of
142–159.
the dynasty; the then-reigning emperor Wenchengdi; his fa-
Tsukamoto Zenryu¯. A History of Early Chinese Buddhism: From Its
ther, Crown Prince Huang (who never reigned); and the in-
Introduction to the Death of Huiyuan. Translated by Leon
famous Taiwudi. The association of the imperial family with
Hurvitz. Tokyo, 1985.
Buddhism could not have been represented in more intimate
MIYAKAWA HISAYUKI (1987)
terms.
Revised Bibliography
Another step taken by Tanyao to expand the influence
of Buddhism was the establishment of Sam:gha Households
(sengji hu) and Buddha Households (fotu hu). A Sam:gha
Household was a voluntary association of a certain number
T’AN-YAO SEE TANYAO
of families responsible for paying sixty bushels of grain to the
local branch of the shamen tong. That office then stored the
grain for distribution to the poor in times of famine. Those
TAO-AN SEE DAO’AN
Sam:gha Households faithfully fulfilling their responsibility
were exempted from taxation.
Buddha Households consisted of a group chosen from
among criminals or slaves who as bondsmen of the monas-
TAO AND RE SEE DAO AND DE
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8996
TAO-CH’O
TAO-CH’O SEE DAOCHUO
named the Huayang Observatory (Huayang guan). He as-
sembled some disciples, and began the work of reconstruct-
ing the Shangqing scriptural corpus.
TAO HONGJING
Tao’s first major project was the compilation of the De-
(456–536 CE), a polymath scholar
ngzhen yinjue (Secret formulae for ascending to perfection).
of Daoism, was largely responsible for establishing the textu-
Most of this work is now lost, but originally it was a large
al corpus of the Maoshan or Shangqing (Highest Clarity) lin-
collection of technical material derived from Yang Xi’s reve-
eage, of which he is recognized as the tenth patriarch. Tao’s
lations. It was intended for Tao’s disciples, for whom he
contributions to the study of pharmacology and alchemy in
added copious annotations. The two works for which Tao
China are also of singular importance, and during his own
Hongjing is best know seem both to have been completed
lifetime he was recognized for his authoritative knowledge
in the same year, 499. The Zhengao (Declarations of the per-
of calligraphy and astrological calculations. Born near the
fected), is a compendium of the Maoshan revelations them-
southern imperial capital of Jiankang (modern-day Nanjing),
selves. It includes correspondence between Yang Xi and his
Tao was the scion of a leading family of gentry officials with
patrons, and records of conversations between Yang and his
a long history of service to the southern courts since the fall
perfected guests, as well as information on the secret geogra-
of the Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE).
phy of the Maoshan area. The Zhengao also contains many
The Tao family had marital links to some of the most
poems, ostensibly composed by the perfected. The ecstatic
important Daoist figures in Southern China, including the
style of these poems was to be influential, particularly during
great scholar Ge Hong (283–343 CE), but Hongjing’s moth-
the later Tang dynasty (618–907 CE).
er and grandfather were both Buddhists. Despite these reli-
Continuing a tradition passed down from his father and
gious affiliations, Tao’s early training was Confucian. He
grandfather, Tao also compiled his Bencao jing jizhu (Col-
completed several commentaries on Confucian classics at an
lected notes on the classic of pharmacopoeia). This was an
early age, and his dedication to scholarship soon earned him
expanded and annotated version of the oldest work of Chi-
a reputation at court. By his early twenties he had achieved
nese pharmacopoeia, Shennong bencao jing (Shen Nong’s
modest success in official service, being appointed “reader in
classic of pharmacopoeia). Tao doubled the number of en-
attendance” to imperial princes. His intellectual and scholas-
tries in the earlier classic and also reorganized the material
tic accomplishments garnered him much respect and allowed
according to more rational criteria. Although this work
him to move freely in the élite social circles and literary sa-
comes down to us only in fragmentary form, it had an enor-
lons of Jiankang.
mous impact on traditional Chinese medicine because it
During the period of mourning for his mother between
brought order and reason to a tradition in disarray. It also
484 and 486, Tao began his formal initiation into Daoism.
facilitated the systematic incorporation of materia medica
He became a disciple of Sun Youyue (398–489
into Chinese medical practice.
CE), abbot
of the Xingshi Temple in Jiankang. Sun had, in turn, been
In 502 a new dynasty, the Liang, replaced the previous
a disciple of Lu Xiujing (406–477 CE), the main systematizer
Qi dynasty (479–502 CE). Fortunately, Tao Hongjing en-
of the Lingbao ritual liturgy. Sun possessed textual artifacts
joyed a close personal relationship with Wudi (464–549 CE),
of the Maoshan revelations passed on by Lu, and he allowed
the first Liang emperor. This ensured continued imperial
Tao to view them. These texts had been produced between
support for Tao’s work, even when Wudi, a fervent Bud-
364 and 370 CE by a visionary named Yang Xi (330–c. 386)
dhist, proscribed Daoism in 504. It was in the same year,
living in the area of Maoshan (Mount Mao), southwest of
504, that Wudi commissioned Tao to undertake alchemical
the imperial capital. Yang claimed that he had received the
experiments on his behalf. Tao expended a great amount of
texts from a number of “perfected immortals” (zhenren), resi-
time and energy in his attempts to produce elixirs according
dents of the Heaven of Highest Clarity (Shangqing tian). The
to recipes described in the Shangqing scriptures. Tao’s care-
message of the perfected was a synthesis of Celestial Master’s
ful notes on his research are the earliest extant records of al-
Daoism, and elements of the southern occult traditions, such
chemical experimentation in China. His work also strength-
as represented in the work of Ge Hong. Alchemy and apotro-
ened the relationship of alchemy to Daoism.
paic ritual is much in evidence, but the texts pointed towards
the future of Daoism with their tendency toward techniques
During the latter part of his life, Tao Hongjing re-
of internal cultivation, such as visualization meditation.
mained based at Maoshan, but made an extended trip to the
southeast, to the area of modern Fujian province. He contin-
The style and content of the Maoshan manuscripts, as
ued his alchemical experiments on the trip, but it may be that
well as their calligraphy, made a deep impression on Tao,
he was also motivated by anticipation of a messianic apoca-
and he began searching for more examples, making a trip in
lypse, such as predicted in certain Shangqing texts. While on
490 to the eastern regions (present-day Zhejiang) for that
that excursion, Tao made the acquaintance of Zhou Ziliang,
purpose. Two years later, in 492, he renounced secular life
a young man who became his disciple. Zhou was a visionary
altogether and retired to live at Maoshan. With the help of
after the model of Yang Xi, and played host to some of the
imperial sponsorship, Tao built a hermitage there, which he
same perfected beings. In 515, at the age of only twenty,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAPAS
8997
Zhou committed ritual suicide in response to a divine sum-
Albany, N.Y., 1993. Excellent general study of Shangqing
mons received in the course of his visions. Tao submitted a
meditation.
textual record of Zhou’s activities and visions, entitled
Strickmann, Michel. “The Mao Shan Revelations: Taoism and the
Zhoushi mingtongji (The record of Master Zhou’s communi-
Aristocracy.” T’oung-pao 63 (1977): 1–64. Discussion of the
cation with the unseen world), to the imperial court in 517.
social and historical context of the Maoshan revelations.
Tao Hongjing’s involvement with Buddhism is often
Contains a translation of Tao’s account of the dispersion of
the Shangqing manuscripts.
overlooked. Tao had early exposure to the religion via his
mother and grandfather. Throughout his lifetime he contin-
Strickmann, Michel. “On the Alchemy of T’ao Hung-ching.” In
ued to befriend Buddhist priests, and was actively involved
Facets of Taoism: Essays in Chinese Religion, edited by Holmes
in debates over Buddhism’s nature and significance. It is
Welch and Anna Seidel, pp. 123–192. New Haven, Conn.,
and London, 1981. Still the best English-language source for
claimed that the founder of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism,
Tao Hongjing’s life and religious activities. Special focus on
Tanluan (476–542 CE), studied Daoist arts and herbalism
Tao’s alchemical practice and its significance.
with Tao. In 513 Tao formally took Buddhist vows and
Strickmann, Michel. Le Taoïsme du Mao Chan: Chronique d’une
when he died, about a month before his eightieth birthday
révélation. Paris, 1981. Strickmann’s book-length discussion
in 536 his disciples followed his instructions and arranged
of the Maoshan revelations and the Shangqing textual legacy.
for an equal number of Daoist and Buddhist priests to attend
The annotated reconstruction of the Shangqing textual cor-
his funeral.
pus is less extensive than Robinet’s, but is still very useful.
Tao Hongjing’s legacy is multifaceted. His work on
T. C. RUSSELL (2005)
pharmacopoeia and medicine was of great consequence for
the later development of Chinese medical practice. His al-
chemical studies were also highly influential, due especially
to the methodical and empirical spirit that he brought to
T’AO HUNG-CHING SEE TAO HONGJING
them. In terms of the history of Chinese religions however,
the institutional and textual foundation that he laid for the
Maoshan or Shangqing school had the greatest lasting im-
TAO-SHENG SEE DAOSHENG
pact. The semimonastic community that he established at
Maoshan was to provide the base upon which the success of
the Shangqing school was built during the succeeding Tang
dynasty, a time during which Daoism was favored with its
TAPAS. The Sanskrit term tapas, from tap (“heat”), was
greatest popularity among the Chinese elite.
in ancient India an expression of cosmic energy residing in
heat, fervor, and ardor. Through anthropocosmic correspon-
SEE ALSO Alchemy, article on Chinese Alchemy; Daoism,
dences established in early Vedic sacrificial traditions tapas
overview article and articles on Daoist Literature and The
became one of the key concepts of South Asian religions and
Daoist Religious Community.
the accepted term in Sanskrit and other Indic languages for
ascetic power, especially a severely disciplined self-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
mortification that produces both personal and cosmic
Mugitani Kunio. “To¯ Ko¯kei nempo ko¯ryaku.” To¯ho¯ shukyo¯ 47
results.
(1976): 30–61; 48 (1976): 56–83. An excellent source for
biographical information on Tao Hongjing. Relates Tao’s
A wide range of religious expressions concerning tapas
life to other political and cultural events of the day.
appears already in the R:gveda. The gods Agni, the sacrificial
Needham, Joseph, and Lu Gwei-Djen. “Spagyrical Discovery and
fire, and Su¯rya, the sun, both possess heat inherently, where-
Invention: Physiological Alchemy.” In Science and Civiliza-
as tapas is generated within the warrior deity Indra and his
tion in China, vol. 5: Chemistry and Chemical Technology, pt.
weapons as a concomitant of heroic fury in battle. Indra’s
5, pp. 210–220. Cambridge, U.K., 1983. Section h, discuss-
heated rage may be connected to certain proto-Indo-
es historical aspects of Tao Hongjing’s involvement with al-
European warrior-cult phenomena; R:gvedic references to as-
chemy.
cetics who handle fire, as well as other references to sweating
Needham, Joseph, et al. “Pandects of Natural History (Pen Tsao).”
as an initiatory technique, may be connected with pre-Vedic
In Science and Civilization in China, vol. 6: Biology and Bo-
ecstatic or shamanic experiences. Tapas can be a weapon it-
tanical Technology, sect. 38, pp. 220–263. Cambridge, U.K.,
1986. Discusses early Chinese pharmacopoeia and Tao’s
self, used by Indra, for example, to encircle Vr:tra, or em-
contributions to it.
ployed, perhaps ritually, by enemies of priests who pray to
Robinet, Isabelle. La révélation du Shangqing dans l’histoire du tao-
Indra and Varun:a for protection (R:gveda 10.167, 7.82). In
ïsme. 2 vols. Paris, 1984. A detailed study of the Maoshan
Hymn 9.113 the ritual production of divine soma is accom-
revelations and the Shangqing textual corpus. Volume 2 con-
plished by tapas, faith, order, and truth. But perhaps the
tains an extensive annotated listing of Shangqing texts and
most influential R:gvedic speculations on tapas occur in such
their content.
late cosmogonic hymns as 10.129 and 10.190, where tapas,
Robinet, Isabelle. Taoist Meditation: The Mao-shan Tradition of
existing prior to both divine and human beings, is linked in
Great Purity. Translated by Norman Girardot and Julian Pas.
the procreative process with primordial desire (ka¯ma), mind,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

8998
TAPAS
order, and truth, a cosmic association that served as a tem-
The ascetic, like the sacrificer, demonstrates his interior
plate for late Vedic soteriologies as well as post-Vedic popu-
fire as a cosmic force capable of recreating, reordering, or dis-
lar mythologies. Finally, the R:gveda reveals that the ancient
missing the world. So powerful is this religious model that
sages and godlike ancestors also embody this cosmic fervor,
much of the dramatic tension of post-Vedic mythology is
the r:s:is sitting to perform tapas (10.109), and the pitr:s
provided by world-threatening tapas produced from ascetic
(“ancestors”) attaining their invincible places in the heavens
ardor. Gods, goddesses, demons, kings, heroes, married
by means of tapas (10.154).
sages, celibate yogins, young children, even animals perform
tapas. The god Brahma¯ produces by tapas; S´iva’s tapas and
It is in the Yajurveda recensions, the Atharvaveda, and
magical fire alternately create and destroy; Pa¯rvat¯ı maintains
the several Bra¯hman:as that tapas receives full recognition: the
tapas for 36,000 years; a host of demons (asuras and daityas)
human body becomes a metaphor of sacrificial fire and tapas
concentrate on world domination by tapas; the Pa¯nd:ava he-
is simultaneously the means to and the experience of trans-
roes exercise tapas in forest exile. Tapas and ka¯ma cooperate
formation. The Vedic student (brahmaca¯rin), according to
in keeping the created world together; erotic desire poses the
Atharvaveda 11.5, generates such powerful tapas that it fills
strongest threat to ascetic world-transcendence, and there-
his teacher, the gods, and the three worlds. Tapas is primal
fore repression and lust together with self-control and self-
energy ready to be drawn upon by the knowledgeable, the
abandon provide antiphonal parallels to the ancient
adept, and the aggressively self-disciplined. Praja¯pati, lord of
Indra-Vr:tra cosmic opposition, a cooperative discord that
creatures, continues, in the Bra¯hman:as, the older impersonal
threads the drama of creation and recreation.
cosmogony involving tapas and blends with it the personal
Whereas Hinduism routinized tapas into ordinary ob-
one of self-sacrificing Purus:a (R:gveda 10.90): overcome with
servance of fasts, meditations, and yogalike practices, and
desire (ka¯ma), Praja¯pati discharges in heated procreation, ex-
Buddhism elected a middle path between austerity and in-
hausting himself into the substance of the universe by repeat-
dulgence, Jainism perfected tapas in both lay and monastic
ed emission. That this striving to create by self-heating pro-
careers as a means of burning off old karman and blocking
vided a ritual model is clear from the many correspondences
accretions of new karman. In Jainism and in some traditions
defining the Vedic sacrificer, who maintains the created
of Tantric yoga tapas survives today as disciplined self-
worlds by laborious ritual (karman); he is simultaneously
mortification and as an internal experience of transfor-
identified with the sacrificial fire, Agni, and
mation.
Purus:a-Praja¯pati, as he undergoes spiritual regeneration. The
way is now clear for ascetic technique to replicate, and in
SEE ALSO Agni; Indra.
some ways to replace, sacrificial technique. Both are perfor-
mances on an exhaustive, even painful scale: procreative on
BIBLIOGRAPHY
a sexual model, yet requiring chastity; bearing personal cos-
The best contextual discussion of tapas in Brahmanic initiation,
mic fruits, results that can be stored; and burning away, by
sacrifice, cosmogony, and eschatology is by Mircea Eliade in
inner heat, those impurities that are hindrances to transcen-
A History of Religious Ideas, vol. 1 (Chicago, 1978), esp.
dent, immutable being. S´atapatha Bra¯hman:a 10.4.4 is an il-
pp. 220–238. See also his Yoga: Immortality and Freedom, 2d
lustration of the Brahmanic bond between cosmogony
ed. (Princeton, 1969), pp. 106–114, 330–341. Chauncey J.
Blair’s Heat in the Rig Veda and the Atharva Veda (New
through sacrifice, and transcendence (rebirth) through ascet-
Haven, 1961) has analyzed the root tap, its derivatives, and
ic perseverance, all declared in Praja¯pati’s thousand-year
other words concerning “heat” in two Vedic texts. I discuss
tapas.
the religious significance of tapas as fire and heat in the Vedic
The Upanis:ads further explore these mysterious connec-
tradition in my book In the Image of Fire: Vedic Experiences
of Heat (Delhi, 1975), esp. chaps. 4–5. In Asceticism and
tions in the heat of sexuality, hatching, ripening, digestion,
Eroticism in the Mythology of S´iva (London, 1973) Wendy
strife, grief, rage, ecstasy, and mystical vision. The way is
Doniger O!Flaherty provides penetrating analyses of some
opened for a normative tapas practiced by every religious
forty-five motifs, primarily in the Pura¯n:as, on creative and
seeker in the third stage (a¯´srama) of life, and thus a modifica-
destructive tapas and so forth; see motifs 8, 10, 18, 25, 36,
tion or lay version of the extreme tapas professed by the ascet-
39, 45. On tapas in Jain monastic traditions, see Padmanabh
ic bent upon world- and self-conquest. In the texts of the
S. Jaini’s The Jaina Path of Purification (Berkeley, 1979), esp.
Jains and Buddhists, in various traditions of yoga and Tan-
pp. 250–251; for lay traditions, see R. H. B. Williams’s Jaina
tra, and in popular myths and folklore collected in the San-
Yoga: A Survey of the Mediaeval S´ra¯vaka¯ca¯ras (London,
skrit epics and Pura¯n:as, a profile emerges of ascetic tapas. By
1963), pp. 238–239.
degrees of fasting, chastity, silence, meditation, breath-
New Sources
control, and difficult postures, usually practiced in solitary
Bronkhorst, Johannes. The Two Sources of Indian Asceticism. Bern,
vigil in forests and mountains, the yogin or tapasvin “heats
1993.
the three worlds.” His techniques include a “five-fires” posi-
Kaelber, Walter O. Tapta-Marga: Asceticism and Initiation in
tion (sitting naked between four fires beneath the midsum-
Vedic India. Albany, N.Y., 1989.
mer sun), immersing himself in a river in midwinter, and re-
Keemattam, Augusthy. The Hermits of Rishikesh: A Sociological
maining unsheltered in monsoon rains.
Study. New Delhi, 1997.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAQ¯IYAH
8999
Yadavaprakasa. Rules and Regulations of Brahmanical Asceticism:
of religion (d¯ın) and true piety (taqwa¯; see QurDan 49:13).
Yatidharmasamuccaya of Yadava Prakasa. Albany, N.Y.,
In Sh¯ıE¯ı tradition, the concept of taq¯ıyah is intimately bound
1995.
up with the fundamental role of the imams, and their initi-
DAVID M. KNIPE (1987)
ates, as the divinely instituted guardians of the esoteric wis-
Revised Bibliography
dom or “hidden secret” (sirr maknu¯n) constituting the essen-
tial spiritual core and intention of the QurDanic revelation.
In this context, taq¯ıyah refers primarily to the initiate’s strict
TAPU S
responsibility to divulge the forms of that spiritual knowl-
EE POLYNESIAN RELIGIONS; TABOO
edge only to those rare individuals capable of perceiving (and
safeguarding) their inner truth.
TAQ¯IYAH (“safeguarding, protection”) and kitma¯n
Similar assumptions of esotericism—especially the basic
(“concealment”) are terms applied, primarily in the Sh¯ıE¯ı
distinction between a public level of formal “belief” and ritu-
branches of Islam, to two broader types of religious phenom-
al practice, and a higher level of contemplative insight and
ena: (1) the “prudential concealment” of one’s allegiance to
perception accessible only to a spiritual or intellectual elite—
a minority religious group in danger of persecution and (2)
were equally fundamental to such widespread (though by no
the esoteric “discipline of the arcane,” the restriction of a
means specifically Sh¯ıE¯ı) Islamic spiritual traditions as Su-
spiritual reality or mystery (or its symbolic form) only to
fism and the philosophic schools. Those assumptions, along
those inwardly capable of grasping its truth.
with corresponding practices, came to be pervasive not only
in the high literate culture (for example, S:u¯f¯ı mystical poet-
JURIDICAL AND ETHICAL DIMENSIONS. The classical discus-
ry) but also in social domains not involving strictly “reli-
sions found in all Islamic legal schools are based on various
gious” activities. Moreover, the social and political condi-
QurDanic verses (16:106, 3:28, 40:28, etc.) permitting the
tions underlying taq¯ıyah in Sh¯ıE¯ı circles, and such later
neglect of certain religious duties in situations of compulsion
offshoots as the Druze or Nus:ayr¯ıyah, likewise encouraged
or necessity. In each school an elaborate casuistry was devel-
similar precautionary developments among other minority
oped, detailing the special conditions for such exceptions.
religious groups or sects, whether Islamic (certain S:u¯f¯ı
However, the crucial practical question for Sh¯ıE¯ı groups,
t:ar¯ıqahs, religio-political “brotherhoods,” and so forth) or
given the endangered minority position of the Sh¯ıE¯ı imams
non-Islamic. Hence, “taq¯ıyah-like” phenomena—whether or
and their followers from earliest Islamic times onward, was
not justified in specifically Sh¯ıE¯ı terms—have continued to
that of concealing the outward signs of their Sh¯ıE¯ı allegiance
form an essential, if still relatively unstudied, dimension of
(for example, their distinctive forms of the ritual prayer and
religious and social life in many regions of the Islamic world
profession of faith) under threatening circumstances. Hence,
down to the present day.
Sh¯ıE¯ı legal discussions of taq¯ıyah traditionally focused on this
aspect, emphasizing, for example, surah 16:106, which was
taken to describe the divine forgiveness of a companion of
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the Prophet, EAmma¯r ibn Yas¯ır, who had been forced to deny
For the classical Islamic legal sources, see R. Strothmann’s
his faith by the idolators of Mecca.
“Tak:¯ıya,” in The Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam (Leiden,
1961), which includes non-Sh¯ıE¯ı treatments; Hamid En-
Sunn¯ı polemics against Shiism have traditionally
ayat’s Modern Islamic Political Thought (Austin, 1982),
stressed this narrowly prudential aspect of taq¯ıyah, portray-
which touches on contemporary Sh¯ıE¯ı political reinterpreta-
ing it as a sign of moral or religious hypocrisy, passivity, and
tions; and especially Etan Kohlberg’s “Some Ima¯m¯ı-Sh¯ıEa
the like. However, neither that polemic (which overlooks the
Views on Taqiyya,” Journal of the American Oriental Society
central theme of martyrdom and heroic resistance in Sh¯ıE¯ı
95 (1975): 395–402, with extensive bibliographic references.
piety and sacred history) nor the narrowly ethical reasonings
Henry Corbin’s En Islam iranien, 4 vols. (Paris, 1971–1972;
English translation in preparation), contains numerous
of the legal schools (including those of the Sh¯ıEah) accurately
translated canonical sayings of the Sh¯ıE¯ı imams concerning
conveys the distinctively positive symbolic function of
taq¯ıyah and its esoteric underpinnings, as well as later devel-
taq¯ıyah: for the Sh¯ıEah themselves, and like the martyrdom
opments; see index under ketma¯n and taq¯ıyeh. For illustra-
of so many imams and their supporters, it is a perennial and
tions from later Sh¯ıE¯ı thought and references to parallel phe-
fundamental form of “witnessing” their essential role as the
nomena in other Islamic traditions such as philosophy and
faithful spiritual elite of Islam, and not simply another com-
Sufism, see my work The Wisdom of the Throne (Princeton,
munal sect or school.
1981). References to the actual social manifestations of
S
taq¯ıyah at any period are usually fragmentary (given the very
PIRITUAL AND ESOTERIC DIMENSIONS. This uniquely Sh¯ıE¯ı
nature of the phenomenon) and must be gleaned from auto-
conception of taq¯ıyah (or kitma¯n) as a high spiritual duty,
biographies, travelers’ reports, and so on. Excellent illustra-
rather than a pragmatic necessity, is grounded in a large body
tions for nineteenth-century Iran may be found in Comte de
of reported sayings (h:ad¯ıth) of the first Sh¯ıE¯ı imam, EAl¯ı ibn
Gobineau’s Les religions et les philosophies dans l’Asie centrale,
Ab¯ı T:a¯lib (d. AH 40/661 CE), and other early imams (notably
2d ed. (1863; reprint, Paris, 1971), and Edward Granville
Muh:ammad al-Ba¯qir and JaEfar al-S:a¯diq) which repeatedly
Browne’s A Year amongst the Persians (1893; reprint, Cam-
stress the positive, essential role of taq¯ıyah as an integral part
bridge, 1959). For representative developments in the Indian
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TA¯RA¯
9000
context, see Azim Nanji’s The Niza¯r¯ı Isma¯!¯ıl¯ı Tradition in
form in contrast to the fierce representation of her corre-
the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent (Delmar, N. Y., 1978).
sponding Hindu goddess. Later, however, Ta¯ra¯ in her
Maha¯ma¯ya¯vijayava¯hin¯ı, or fierce, aspect is conceived as a war
JAMES WINSTON MORRIS (1987)
goddess in the manner similar to that of the Hindu Dev¯ı.
The iconic representations seem to indicate that Ta¯ra¯ in her
early and simple form is seated and possesses two arms and
TA¯RA¯ (Tib., Sgrol ma) is a Buddhist deity who represents
two hands. As time passes, her iconic representations became
the female counterpart of the bodhisattva Avalokite´svara. She
more complex: not only is there an increase in the numbers
appears as the savior of the world whenever people are in dis-
of heads, arms, and hands, but the number of accessory fig-
tress and thus is known in Tibet, where she has gained great
ures attending her gradually increases. Another feature of her
popularity, as the Great Savioress. By the time Maha¯ya¯na
iconic representation is her appearance with four—
and Vajraya¯na Buddhism were firmly established in Tibet,
Amogasiddhi, Ratnasambhava, Amita¯bha, and Aks:obhya
Ta¯ra¯ had become one of the most important female deities,
—of the Five Buddhas (the fifth being Vairocana). In these
one whose influence was reflected back as the very source of
representations, Ta¯ra¯ usually, but not always, appears in col-
the Tibetan people. One tradition has it that Avalokite´svara
ors corresponding to the colors of these Buddhas. The com-
and Ta¯ra¯, in the semblance of a monkey and a rock demon-
plexity of her iconic representation can be appreciated
ess, had monkey offspring who gradually became humans,
through a careful study of the Sa¯dhanama¯la¯, the
thus accounting for the origin of the Tibetans. As the ´sakti
Nis:pannayoga¯val¯ı, and other texts.
of the Buddha Amogasiddhi, Ta¯ra¯ also personifies “all-
Ta¯ra¯ is said to manifest herself in five forms for the ben-
accomplishing wisdom.”
efit of her worshipers. She takes on the five forms of the pro-
Ta¯ra¯ is said to represent the very essence of loving devo-
tective goddesses—Maha¯pratisara¯, Maha¯ma¯yu¯r¯ı, Maha¯sa¯-
tion, extending her loving care to the bad as well as the good.
hasrapramardan¯ı, Maha¯s¯ıtavat¯ı, and Maha¯mantra¯nusa¯-
She always accompanies the faithful in their religious prac-
rini—in order to protect beings from all sorts of earthy trou-
tices; hence, it is customary in monastic communities to
bles and miseries. Her protective power is categorized as de-
meditate on the man:d:ala of Ta¯ra¯ (Sgrol ma Dkyil ’khor).
fense against the “eight great terrors” (as:t:amaha¯bhaya), poeti-
However, it is difficult to determine whether, during the
cally expressed in verse by Candragomin. In time, the “eight
early spread of Buddhism, the influence of Ta¯ra¯ extended be-
great terrors,” the perils of elephants, lions, fire, serpents,
yond the court or scholarly circles.
robbers, fetters, sea monsters, and vampires, were each as-
signed their own Ta¯ra¯, and the depiction of eight Ta¯ra¯s be-
It is the opinion of some scholars that the cult of Ta¯ra¯
came a popular subject for artists.
was brought to Tibet by At¯ı´sa (982–1054). As evidence of
Ta¯ra¯ has been propitiated and invoked in various ways,
this, they point to the tradition that holds that At¯ı´sa’s trip
for various reasons, by various people. Many of her devotees
to Tibet and his meeting with ’Brom ston pa were predicted
hope for relief from a variety of worldly ills. For example,
by a yogin¯ı whom At¯ı´sa met under the tutelage of Ta¯ra¯, and
Candragomin, feeling sorry for a beggar woman who had no
to Ta¯ra¯’s alleged appearance before At¯ı´sa at Mnga’ ris, where
means to arrange for her daughter’s marriage, is said to have
he met ’Brom ston. However, tradition has it that when
prayed with tears in his eyes to a picture of Ta¯ra¯. The image
Srong bstan sgam po (d. 649) received the Nepalese princess
thereupon became a real Ta¯ra¯ who took off her ornaments
Bhrikut¯ı and the Chinese princess Wencheng as his brides,
made of various jewels and gave them to Candragomin, who
they brought Buddhist images and other objects with them.
in turn gave them to the beggar woman. Asvabha¯va com-
In later times, these two princesses were believed to have
posed a long eulogy to Bhat:t:a¯rika¯ A¯rya Ta¯ra¯ when his disci-
been incarnations of the green, or prosperous, and white, or
ples were bitten by a poisonous snake, whereby the snake en-
helpful, Ta¯ra¯. If this latter tradition is accepted then the in-
countered great pain. He then sprinkled water charmed with
troduction of Ta¯ra¯ into Tibet predates the arrival of At¯ı´sa.
a Ta¯ra¯ mantra on his disciples and the poison came out of
However, it can scarcely be doubted that it was At¯ı´sa who
their wounds.
gave new emphasis to the cult of Ta¯ra¯, to whom he was espe-
cially devoted.
The cult of Ta¯ra¯ that was reintroduced to Tibet during
the second diffusion of Buddhism did not become the exclu-
It is difficult to determine exactly when and how the
sive property of any one sect. Indeed, in the course of time
cult of Ta¯ra¯ emerged. Ta¯ra¯ shares many mythic parallels with
the cult of Ta¯ra¯ found its way into most of the countries
Brahmanic deities. For example, Durga¯ and Ta¯ra¯ hold sever-
where Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism spread.
al names in common. Thus, although some scholars claim
the priority of one over the other, it seems impossible to de-
SEE ALSO Avalokite´svara; Buddhism, article on Buddhism
termine whether the cult of Ta¯ra¯ has a Brahmanical origin
in Tibet.
or a Buddhist origin. The early sculptural representations of
Ta¯ra¯ seem to point to a sixth-century beginning for the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
image of the Buddhist Ta¯ra¯. These early images, found in
Beyer, Stephan, The Cult of Ta¯ra¯: Magic and Ritual in Tibet.
caves such as Ellora, Aurangabad, and others, depict a placid
Berkeley, 1973. An extremely comprehensive study on the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TARASCAN RELIGION
9001
cult of Ta¯ra¯ that gives both textual and practical examples of
the major empires of pre-Conquest Mexico, rivaling and suc-
Ta¯ra¯ worship and the way in which the divine power of Ta¯ra¯
cessfully repulsing the Aztec. Like the latter, they had a com-
can be acquired.
plex religious hierarchy, a priest-king, and a developed sys-
Blonay, Godefroy de. Matériaux pour Servir à l’Histoire de la Dé-
tem of rites, myths, and religious legends. During and
esse Buddhique Ta¯ra¯. Paris, 1895.
following the Spanish conquest in the sixteenth century,
Chandra, Lokesh. Hymns to Ta¯ra¯. New Delhi, 1967.
however, more than 90 percent of these people were de-
Chattopadhyaya, Debiprasad, ed. Ta¯rana¯tha’s History of Buddhism
stroyed in a holocaust of slaughter, disease, and slave labor.
in India. Translated from Tibetan by Lama Chimpa and
In the early twenty-first century about ninety thousand Indi-
Alaka Chattopadhyaya. Simla, India, 1970. Events related to
ans (about two-thirds Tarascan speaking)—surrounded by
Ta¯ra¯ are discussed throughout this religious history of Bud-
non-Tarascans—live on in the high, cool, green Sierra Taras-
dhism in India.
ca, where they subsist by various combinations of lumbering,
Ghosh, Mallar. Development of Buddhist Iconography in Eastern
arts and crafts, fishing, farming (mainly maize), and raising
India: A Study of Ta¯ra¯, Prajñas of Five Tatha¯gatas and Bhakti.
livestock. Immediate to moderately extended families are
New Delhi, 1980.
grouped into villages of several hundred to several thousand
Kumar, Pushpendra. Ta¯ra¯: The Supreme Goddess. Delhi, 1992.
persons. Factional rivalries within the villages are exceeded
Mullin, Glenn H., ed. Meditations upon Arya Ta¯ra¯. By the First,
by the nearly ubiquitous intervillage hostilities, and both,
Fifth and Seventh Dalai Lamas. Dharamsala, 1978.
like the rivalries between families, are balanced by a strong
Mullin, Glenn H., ed. Six Texts Related to the Ta¯ra¯ Tantra. By the
ethic of familial and communal solidarity and the integrative
First Dalai Lama. New Delhi, 1980.
function of religious ritual.
Rinpoche, Zopa. Ta¯ra¯: The Liberator. Boston, 1993.
Tarascan history is still reflected in today’s religious cul-
Rituals for the Practice of the Sarvadurgatipari´sodhana,
ture. Prehistoric ritual groups such as the “moon maidens”
Avalokite´svarasadhana, Tarasadhana, and Usnisavijaya
and mythical symbols such as deer masks and “the tigers” fig-
Teachings. By various Masters of the Phan-po Nalendra tra-
ure in the fiestas. But the main historic source of Tarascan
dition. New Delhi, 1978.
religion is Spain of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries—
Sastri, Hiranand. The Origin and Cult of Ta¯ra¯. New Delhi, 1977.
evident not only in “the Moors” and other ritual actors in
Sircar, Dines Chandra, ed. The S´akti Cult and Ta¯ra¯. Calcutta,
Tarascan religious fiestas but also in the dogmatically simple
1967. Proceedings of lectures and seminars organized by the
focus on Saint Francis and the holy family brought to them
U.G.C. Centre of Advanced Study in the Department of An-
by Franciscan missionaries, notably the great humanist Don
cient Indian History and Culture, University of Calcutta.
Contains twelve papers on S´akti and six papers on Ta¯ra¯. A
Vasco de Quiroga. Tarascan religious practice, whatever its
useful guide to the various problems related to a study of
sources, is marked by aesthetic integration, perhaps above all
Ta¯ra¯.
in the music of its many bands, and the diagnostic Dance
Taranatha, Jo-nan-pa. History of the Ta¯ra¯ Cult in Tantric Bud-
of the Little Old Men (hunched, red-masked figures who al-
dhism. Translated and edited by David Templeman.
ternate between hobbling on canes and jigging with adoles-
Dharamsala, 1981.
cent energy).
Taranatha, Jo-nan-pa. The Origin of Ta¯ra¯ Tantra. Translated and
A major axis of Tarascan religion lies in individual rites
edited by David Templeman. Dharamsala, 1981.
of passage. Baptism, ideally, takes place a week after birth:
Tromge, Jane. Red Ta¯ra¯ Commentary: Instructions for the Concise
A man and a woman, usually spouses, become the child’s
Practice known as Red Ta¯ra¯: An Open Door to Bliss and Ulti-
godparents and, more important, the ritual co-parents
mate Awareness. Junction City, Calif., 1994.
(Span., compadre; Tarascan, kúmpa) of the child’s parents.
Tulku, Chagdud, trans. Red Ta¯ra¯: An Open Door to Bliss and Ulti-
At two or three subsequent rites, notably that of confirma-
mate Awareness. Junction City, Calif., 1991.
tion, the parents acquire additional but less valued compadres
Wayman, Alex. “The Twenty-One Praises of Ta¯ra¯: A Syncretism
who, in particular, help with obligations in religious ritual.
of Caivism and Buddhism.” Journal of Bihar Research Society
The major individual rite, the wedding, includes a ceremony
45, nos. 36–43 (1959).
in a Roman Catholic church and a great deal of folk religious
Willson, Martin. In Praise of Ta¯ra¯: Songs to the Saviouress. Boston,
ritual—conspicuously the climactic and widespread kúpera
1986.
dance between the couple and their siblings and cousins,
Yeshe, Lama Thubten. Cittamani Ta¯ra¯: A Commentary on the An-
who successively dance up to each other, exchange drinks,
nuttarayoga-tantra Method of Cittamani Ta¯ra¯. Arnstorf,
and lightly scratch each others’ faces with rose thorns. This
1980.
wedding also invokes and creates ties of ritual kinship (kin-
Yeshe, Lama Thubten. Cittamani Ta¯ra¯: An Extended Sadhana.
ship and religious ritual are largely thought of and acted out
Translated and edited by Martin Willson. Boston, 1993.
in terms of each other). Death is celebrated by a night-long
LESLIE S. KAWAMURA (1987 AND 2005)
wake, with much drinking, and a funeral procession through
the entire village. (If the deceased was an infant or a child,
the body is borne on a table.)
TARASCAN RELIGION. The Tarascan Indians,
The main way the Tarascan relates to the supernatural,
speakers of a genetically unaffiliated language, created one of
however (aside from individual sorcery and witchcraft), is
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9002
TARASCAN RELIGION
through familial and communal ritual. Every town stages an
loss. At the other extreme a local priest may be active and
annual fiesta for its patron saint; most towns organize four
highly influential not only in religious ritual but also in local
to six such affairs each year, each for a different saint; and
politics—to the extent of controlling the external relations
at least one town, Ocumicho, puts on a fiesta every month—
of the village. The grass-roots role of the priest is so impor-
with a correspondingly great expenditure of time and energy.
tant because the Tarascan do not in general own or read the
These fiestas are run by elected officials or cargueros (Span.,
Bible or other religious literature (with the exception of a few
“load bearers”), who, with the support of dozens or even
thousand Protestants, limited to a few pueblos, who do have
scores of kin or ritual kin, may spend huge amounts of pesos
a superb Tarascan translation of both Testaments). The
on the bands, elaborate fireworks, alcohol, ceremonial dishes,
Tarascan concern is not with doctrine, argument, theology,
Catholic masses, livestock for slaughter, and other elements
or texts, but with a costly ritual and its economic, social, and
of the fiesta. While these expenses are often said to be ruin-
political implications.
ous, the average person is quite ready to incur them, or at
Nevertheless, the Tarascan share a network of explicit
least resigned to them because of the social status they imply.
and implicit understandings, symbols, and attitudes that
Also, the debts can be a source of prestige that links the car-
have been synthesized and transmitted largely by word of
guero into a larger human network. In some of the more con-
mouth. Every village, family, and individual holds to a differ-
servative towns the offices of the different saints are ranked
ent subset of these beliefs—pagan, local, Catholic, and secu-
in terms of prestige, forming a sort of “ceremonial ladder,”
lar—but there is cohesion in the area as a whole. This is in
in which the carguero who sponsors the associated fiestas
large part due to the fiestas. “Because of the fiestas,” modern
gradually ascends a series of metaphorical rungs. Although
industry has attracted few Tarascan; “because of the fiestas,”
most cargueros are men, women do most of the work of orga-
Protestant missionaries have made few converts; agrarian re-
nizing and preparation. Some annual fiestas—for example,
form has had to compromise with the fiestas; and work and
to Our Virgin of the Assumption—are purely religious, but
the family are strongly motivated by their roots in the fiestas.
the great majority involve commercial and market functions
Fiestas, not as symbols or surface phenomena only, but as
(these functions constitute the primary emphasis of some fes-
vivid, primary experiences, are the basis of Tarascan religion.
tivals).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Religious ritual is diagnostically regional. Some fiestas
Beals, Ralph. Cherán: A Sierra Tarascan Village. Washington,
are essentially local—for example, that of Saint Cecilia in
D.C., 1946.
tiny San José, where many of the men actually are musicians.
Bechtloff, Dagmar. Bruderschaften im Kolonialen Michoacár: Reli-
But people are aware of fiestas and practices in their entire
gion Zwischen Politik und Wirtschaft in Interkulturellen Gesell-
region as well, and a large number of fiestas are pan-
schaft. Münster, 1992.
Tarascan, either because they attract many pilgrims or be-
Becker, Marjorie. Setting the Virgin on Fire: Lázaro Cárdenas, Mi-
cause the day is celebrated in the several villages where a
choacán Peasants, and the Redemption of the Mexican Revolu-
given saint is patron, as in the cases of the popular San José
tion. Berkeley, Calif., 1995.
and San Francisco. All Saints and All Souls days are observed
Carrasco Pizana, Pedro. Tarascan Folk Religion: An Analysis of Eco-
in all towns by quiet vigils with flowers and bread figures at
nomic, Social, and Religious Intersections. New Orleans, 1952.
the graves of the recently deceased. In Janitzio, on the other
Foster, George M., assisted by Gabriel Ospino. Empire’s Children:
hand, a thousand candle-bearing canoes hover around the is-
The People of Tzintzuntzan. Washington, D. C., 1948.
land during the night of November 1. An individual whose
Foster, George M. Culture and Conquest: America’s Spanish Heri-
personal saint coincides with that of a village often makes a
tage. New York, 1960.
pilgrimage, or at least says a special prayer. (Prayer generally
Friedrich, Paul. “Revolutionary Politics and Communal Ritual.”
focuses on help with practical, personal problems such as ill-
In Political Anthropology, edited by Marc J. Swartz, Victor
ness or jealousy and envy, and so is inextricably intertwined
Turner, and Arthur Tuden, pp. 191–220. Chicago, 1966.
with the culture’s pervasive witchcraft and sorcery.)
Relación de las ceremonias y ritos y población y gobierno de los Indios
A notable feature is the great variation in the religious
de la provincia de Michoacán (1541). Morelia, Mexico, 1977.
autonomy of a village, which is reticulated closely with its
A facsimile reproduction of manuscript c. IV.5 in the Escori-
political orientation and economic standing. At one extreme
al Library, El Escorial, Spain, with transcription by José Tu-
dela and introduction by José Corona Núñez.
the annual and personal rituals (baptism, confirmation, mar-
riage, and the wake) are managed by local societies and reli-
Ribera Farfan, Carolina. Vida neuva pavra Tarecuato: cabildo y
gious specialists (who, for example, may know an oration by
parroquía ante la nueva evangelizacion. Zamora, Mich., 1998.
heart). A priest may come to a village once a month (or even
Verástique, Bernardino. Michoacán and Eden: Vasco de Quiroga
less often), or the person or persons concerned may go to the
and the Evangelization of Western Mexico. Austin, Tex., 2000.
county seat for the priest’s ministrations. Some villages cate-
Zantwijk, Rudolph A. M. van. Servants of the Saints: The Social
gorically refuse to allow a priest to participate in such sacred
and Cultural Identity of a Tarascan Community in Mexico.
matters as the construction of a new church or the organiza-
Assen, Netherlands, 1967.
tion of a passion play because they realistically fear financial
PAUL FRIEDRICH (1987 AND 2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

T:AR¯IQAH
9003
TARASIOS (c. 730–806), patriarch of Constantinople
dents for the rulings of Yehudah bar IlEai and appears to have
from 784 to 806. Tarasios was born to a prominent family
been formulated by Yehudah’s disciples.
in Constantinople. His father, Georgios, had served as a
In establishing the criteria for legal decisions on the per-
judge and prefect (mayor) of the capital. Tarasios was excel-
formance of religious obligations, T:arfon emphasized the
lently trained in theology and secular learning, which helped
importance of deed over intention, of formal action or objec-
him to rise in both the civil and ecclesiastical ranks. During
tive fact over subjective thought. This posture differs sharply
the reign of Leo IV and his wife Irene, Tarasios was chief sec-
from that of EAqivaD, who placed greater emphasis on the role
retary (protoasikritis) of the imperial court, perhaps from 775
of intention. In several instances T:arfon’s view is included
to 784, when he was ordained and elevated to the patriarchal
in the text as a foil for the authoritative opinion of EAqivaD.
throne. His speedy elevation to the ranks of the priesthood
was not unusual in the Byzantine church even though it was
T:arfon’s major rulings frequently concern rituals per-
objected to by several iconophiles.
formed by priests. In matters of dispute he consistently ruled
in favor of the priestly families. He ruled, for instance, that
As patriarch, Tarasios became instrumental in the con-
a priest may receive gifts of heave-offerings of wine and oil
vocation of the Second Council of Nicaea in 787, which con-
from a householder throughout the year, an economic ad-
demned iconoclasm. Not only was he the power behind the
vantage for the priest. T:arfon’s dicta emphasized that the
council, but it was on that occasion that the right of presid-
priests could play a central role in the life of the Jews even
ing over a council was transferred entirely to the patriarch.
after the destruction of the Temple.
Tarasios, a prudent man, proved moderate in his policies to-
ward both the problems of the imperial house and the icono-
SEE ALSO Tannaim.
clastic controversy. His moderation was perceived as laxity,
and Tarasios was attacked by the rigorous monastic party of
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Theodore of Studios.
Joel Gereboff’s Rabbi Tarfon: The Tradition, the Man and Early
Tarasios fostered the building of social welfare institu-
Rabbinic Judaism (Missoula, Mont., 1979) presents a system-
atic study and analysis of all the materials concerning this
tions, including a hospital and homes for the poor. He re-
rabbi. In Tannaitic Symposia (in Hebrew), 3 vols. (Jerusalem,
stored good relations with Rome and upon his death was
1967), Israel Konovitz collects all the references to T:arfon in
honored by both the Greek and the Latin churches. Only a
rabbinic literature.
few of his letters and a sermon survive. His biography, which
constitutes an important source for the period, was written
New Sources
Willems, Gerard F. “Le Juif Tryfon et rabbi Tarfon.” Bijdragen
by Deacon Ignatios.
50 (1989): 278–292.
B
TZVEE ZAHAVY (1987)
IBLIOGRAPHY
Revised Bibliography
Sources for Tarasios’s writings are Patrologia Graeca, edited by
J. P. Migne, vol. 98 (Paris, 1860), cols. 1423–1500, contain-
ing his Apologeticus ad populum, Epistolae, and Oratio; and
Les Régestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinople, edited by
T:AR¯IQAH.
Venance Grumel, vol. 1 (Istanbul, 1936), pp. 12–22. Refer-
The Arabic word t:ar¯ıqah, meaning a road or
ences to Tarasios may be found in Hans Georg Beck’s Kirche
path, also signifies a “mode” or “method” of action as well
und theologische Literatur im byzantinischen Reich (Munich,
as a “way” or code of belief. In the context of Sufism, t:ar¯ıqah
1959), p. 489; Io¯anne¯s Karaiannopoulos’s Pegai t¯es Buzan-
refers to both the path of spirituality itself —“the way”—and
tines historias, 4th ed. (Thessaloniki, 1978), p. 215; and S.
the manner of traveling (sulu¯k) along this path as the wayfar-
Efstratiades’s Hagiologion t¯es orthodoxou ekklesias (Athens,
er passes through various stages (mana¯zil) and stations
1935), pp. 445–446.
(maqa¯ma¯t) in the quest to approach nearer to God.
DEMETRIOS J. CONSTANTELOS (1987)
More concretely, however, t:ar¯ıqah (and its plural,
t:uru¯q) is used as a generic term for the various organized
brotherhoods or S:u¯f¯ı orders that direct this spiritual quest
into a particular code of practices pursued in a communal
T:ARFON (late first and early second centuries CE), Pales-
setting. It is in this sense that the word t:ar¯ıqah is most fre-
tinian tanna. A Jewish resident of Lod, he was the teacher
quently used: a confraternity founded around the figure or
of Yehudah bar IlEai and a prominent leader of the generation
the memory of a charismatic figure of spiritual authority.
of rabbis active at the seaside town of Yavneh after the de-
T:ar¯ıqahs are arranged hierarchically around loyalty and obe-
struction in 70 CE of the Temple in Jerusalem.
dience to a living guide or master, following fixed rites of ini-
There are two strands within the traditions associated
tiation, observing specific spiritual practices and a code of et-
with T:arfon. One group of traditions makes T:arfon subser-
iquette, typically centered in a physical structure other than
vient to his colleague EAqivaD ben Yosef and occasionally
a mosque (e.g., a shrine, lodge, hospice, retreat), and fi-
mocks T:arfon for foolishness in his behavior or opinions. A
nanced by pious endowments (waqf) of real property and in-
second group of traditions cites T:arfon’s actions as prece-
come.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9004
T:AR¯IQAH
A number of these t:ar¯ıqah brotherhoods date their de-
nates in part from a mystical hermeneutic applied to the lexi-
velopment into formal institutions to the twelfth and thir-
con of the QurDa¯n, investing particular verses and scenes with
teenth centuries; in the succeeding centuries they became
special significance, and from the intense, passionate spiritu-
geographically and culturally more pervasive and more struc-
ality evident in the s¯ırah of the Prophet and some of his com-
turally defined. These t:ar¯ıqahs—some regional, others wide-
panions. It was an impulse that grew stronger in the seventh
ly distributed, but few of them highly centralized—
and eighth centuries with the emergence of what Marshall
developed into a rich and diverse complex of religious associ-
Hodgson (1974) has described as “the piety-minded opposi-
ations throughout the Middle East, North and sub-Saharan
tion” to the luxury, worldliness, and nepotism of the Umay-
Africa, Arabia, Central Asia, South and Southeast Asia, and
yad caliphate and later dynasties. The mystical traditions of
China and in the twentieth century in Europe, North Ameri-
Sufism emerged from this piety-minded alternative to both
ca, and Australia. They were influential not only in the popu-
the political and the religious establishments. Islamic spiritu-
larization of Sufism but in the spread of Islam as a religion;
ality has also reemerged at various historical junctures, espe-
sometimes they have also fostered resistance movements or
cially the colonial period, in the form of counterculture, pro-
developed into political forces in their own right.
test, or even militant resistance movements.
Beyond this the influence of the t:ar¯ıqahs has been mani-
This religious quest for interior purity and control over
fold: they add an emotional, psychological, and spiritual di-
the self (nafs), the slaying of which was described by later
mension to devotional practice, in many cases by integrating
S:u¯f¯ıs as the greatest of human struggles (jiha¯d-i akbar), fell
poetry and music, the visual arts, and mystical contempla-
heir to the rich spiritual traditions of Hellenism and Chris-
tion into religious life; they contribute to the intimacy of so-
tianity in the eastern Mediterranean. In the manner of the
cial life; they are associated with trade and craft guilds; they
desert monks and other ascetics in Syria and Egypt, some
have provided staging posts and hospices for travelers and
Muslims began to wear a distinctive habit of coarse wool
merchants; and they maintain shrines and other facilities by
(s:u¯f). The term s:u¯f¯ı was used as early as the eighth century
means of charitable endowments. They have also served as
CE to describe a man wearing such wool garments, and
credit and finance institutions, thus contributing to com-
s:u¯f¯ıyah is attested in the following century in reference to
merce and a stable network of trade throughout the Muslim
groups or nascent communities of such S:u¯f¯ıs.
world, especially along the great distances of the Silk Road
across Central Asia to China and in the maritime trade of
SPIRITUAL EXERCISES. Early Islamic spirituality emphasized
the Indian Ocean.
reliance upon God through the practice of poverty (faqr). In-
deed two words for a “poor person,” dervish (Persian
Though their influence as institutions waned somewhat
darw¯ısh) and fakir (Arabic faq¯ır), retain their association
over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, a wide and vi-
with S:u¯f¯ı asceticism. Techniques of the S:u¯f¯ı via purgativa
brant variety of t:ar¯ıqah institutions still exist in various forms
included fasting, seclusion (khalwah), a daily calling oneself
in both urban and rural locales.
to account for one’s behavior (muh:a¯sibah), and scrupulous
ORIGINS AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT. The use of the word
introspection (mura¯qabah) with a view to weeding out im-
t:ar¯ıqah in the writings of al-Junayd (d. 910), al-H:alla¯j
pure intentions. S:u¯f¯ıs also spent much time in personal de-
(d. 922), al-Sarra¯j (d. 988), al-Hujw¯ır¯ı (d. 1072), and
votions, performing vigils, litanies (ah:za¯b), and intimate
al-Qushayr¯ı (d. 1074) denotes a method of moral psycholo-
prayers (variously called wird, muna¯ja¯t, du Ea¯D) in addition to
gy for the guidance of individuals directing their lives toward
the prescribed ritual prayers (s:ala¯t).
a knowledge of God. In early Sufism the term t:ar¯ıqah was
thus understood as a method or path by which an individual
Some contemplative or ecstatic exercises came to be per-
passing through various psychological stages in the obedience
formed in groups, such as the ceremonial dhikr, or “remem-
to and practice of the law (shar¯ı Eah) proceeds from one level
brance” of God, involving the repeated and rhythmic recita-
of knowledge of God to a higher one with the ultimate reality
tion of words and phrases—usually attributes of God derived
of God (h:aq¯ıqah) as the goal. Although Sufism has been ac-
from the QurDa¯n or forms of the Shaha¯dah—often in combi-
cused of advocating or permitting an antinomian path, the
nation with controlled breathing. Another group ceremony
t:ar¯ıqah orders for the most part held to the belief in the pri-
was the majlis-i sama¯ E (listening session or concert). As early
macy of shar¯ı Eah (which is itself etymologically related to an-
as 850 CE there were sama¯ E houses in Baghdad in which the
other root for road or path). As Jala¯l al-D¯ın Ru¯m¯ı’s famous
S:u¯f¯ıs could listen to music and let themselves be drawn into
Persian mystical poem, Mathnaw¯ı, expresses it:
mystical states. Sama¯ E might also feature the chanting or
singing of poetry on spiritual themes, accompanied by
Shar¯ı Eah is like a candle lighting the way. You must
music, to which the listeners might respond with rhythmic
take this candle in hand before the way can be traveled.
movement. Although similar to dancing, such responses
Having set out on the way, your walking is t:ar¯ıqah, and
were conceived as either a deliberate form of motive medita-
when you arrive at your destination, that is truth
tion or as an uncontrollable response to an ecstatic state.
(h:aq¯ıqah, the real, or God).
Most of the Eulama¯D rejected sama¯ E as an impious practice
The institutional elaboration of this path derived from a spir-
(in part because of the associations of music and dance with
itual impulse that established itself early in Islam. It origi-
royal courts and dancing slave girls) and it was not universal-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

T:AR¯IQAH
9005
ly accepted among the t:ar¯ıqahs, though many S:u¯f¯ı manuals
hours, and led the five daily prayers. Some kha¯naqa¯hs were
defend it when properly regulated. Some orders also hold
large and could accommodate both long- and short-term vis-
communal ceremonies involving the piercing of body parts
itors. The SaE¯ıd al-SuEada¯D in Egypt, founded by Saladin
with skewers or knives in trance-like states to induce or dem-
(S:ala¯h: al-D¯ın) in 1173, accommodated three hundred der-
onstrate the achievement of ecstatic states.
vishes, and contemporary chronicles record how every Friday
COMMUNAL LIFE. The nucleus from which the t:ar¯ıqahs de-
people gathered round to gain blessings by watching them
veloped was the relationship established between master and
leave the compound for the Friday noon prayer.
adept. This mirrored the teacher-student relationship in the
The communal life of the t:ar¯ıqah had obvious attrac-
madrasahs or the master-apprentice relationship in the urban
tions. Congregational prayer gave strength and warmed
craft guilds (from whose ranks the t:ar¯ıqahs drew much of
faith, collective pursuit of spiritual exercises created an en-
their membership). A popular preacher or revivalist, a healer,
couraging environment, and communal worship ceremonies
a visionary mystic, an ascetic or other holy man might draw
like dhikr and sama¯ E fostered mystical experience. The com-
a number of devoted listeners to hear lectures or to experi-
munal setting of the t:ar¯ıqah also led to greater formalization
ence the charisma and spiritual energy (barakah) of his pres-
of the relationship between the shaykh and his disciples. Fa-
ence. This might develop into a lasting relationship between
vored disciples enjoyed close companionship and conversa-
a spiritual guide (murshid), or elder (Arabic, shaykh; Persian,
tion with the shaykh, pursued in some of the t:ar¯ıqahs
p¯ır), directing his seeker (mur¯ıd). Prior to the twelfth century
through the technique of tawajjuh, or total face-to-face con-
the relationship of such disciples to one another was typically
centration. This was practiced by the disciple concentrating
unstructured, though they might travel together when ac-
on his shaykh as he performed the dhikr or by the shaykh who
companying the master on a journey and either do odd jobs
reciprocated by concentrating on his disciple, entering his
or beg to support themselves. Some groups, such as the
heart and guiding him.
Karra¯m¯ıyah (based on the teachings of the ascetic preacher
Ibn Karra¯m, d. 869), apparently evolved into more systemat-
The spiritual authority of the t:ar¯ıqahs and their shaykhs
ic movements.
are certified by a silsila, or “chain” of transmission, which (in
a parallel to the isna¯d of a h:ad¯ıth report) certify the founder
S:u¯f¯ı teachers who acquired a wider reputation were
of the order’s link to a presumed oral tradition of interpreta-
eventually able to set up hospices or lodges of their own to
tion handed down the generations from the Prophet. These
accommodate students. One of the earliest, a “small cloister”
silsilas, not all of them historically plausible, function as spiri-
(duwayrah), was established by the ascetic EAbd al-Wa¯h:id ibn
tual geneaologies and naturally diverge according to the date,
Zayd (d. c. 750) on the island of EAbba¯da¯n in the Persian
birthplace, and heritage claimed by the founder of the partic-
Gulf and continued to operate after his death. Other similar
ular t:ar¯ıqah. Most, however, converge on JaEfar al-S:a¯diq
institutions at about this time are described as existing in
(d. 765) and trace their way back to Muh:ammad through
eastern Persia, in Damascus, on the Byzantine frontier, and
his cousin and son-in-law EAl¯ı, who thus holds a special mys-
in Alexandria and North Africa.
tical significance for both Sunna¯ and Sh¯ıE¯ı S:u¯f¯ıs.
As a fraternity grew, it might move from the master’s
A master of outstanding spiritual authority and charis-
private house or shop to a separate compound, which could
ma might create so strong an impression on his followers that
include a hall for devotional exercises, a large kitchen for
his method and the community of disciples attached to him
guests and disciples, a small mosque, and possibly a school.
continued after his death. His mantle, literally symbolized
Larger centers included living quarters for some initiates, ei-
by the bestowal of a ceremonial patchwork cloak (khirqah),
ther individual cells or a larger dormitory. Often such centers
was passed to one or more of his chosen disciples, who inher-
grew up around the tomb of the founder of the t:ar¯ıqah or
ited his authority and continued his work either in the home
a local shrine visited by pilgrims. The names of these centers
kha¯naqa¯h or in an ancillary one in another city. This new
or retreats varied according to location and function, typical-
shaykh, who might be chosen from among the elder shaykh’s
ly za¯wiyah and riba¯t: in the Maghreb; tekke in Anatolia and
sons, appointed by the shaykh, or elected, was succeeded in
the Balkans; kha¯naqa¯h, a Persian word, throughout Iran and
turn by one of his disciples. In this way a line of transmission
India (sometimes as kha¯nagah) as well as in Egypt and the
of authority and barakah was established, so that the spiritual
Levant (as kha¯nqa¯h). The Persian word darga¯h (literally
power of the founding shaykh could be transmitted forward
“threshhold” but used for the royal court or palace) is also
to future generations of disciples.
found, particularly in India. The Chisht¯ıyah shaykhs in India
A new disciple then did not become simply the follower
prefer to use their own personal residence, designated as a
of a shaykh. He made his oath of allegiance both to his shaykh
“community home” (jama¯ Eat-kha¯nah), to avoid the adepts
and to the founder of the line of transmission to which his
becoming entangled in the mundane distractions of adminis-
shaykh was heir. By so doing he gained the right to have
tering a large center and its endowments.
knowledge of the special dhikr formulas distinctive to the
Some such kha¯naqa¯h centers kept open house, while
order and to share in the spiritual power of the entire line
others might be visited only by appointment. The shaykh
of transmission. Thus to the relationship between teacher
lived with his family in one quarter, saw his disciples at fixed
and disciple (joined by their mutual desire to draw closer to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9006
T:AR¯IQAH
God) was added the component of initiation into a source
votion. They extended their membership by granting asso-
of spiritual insight and power that extended over generations.
ciate tertiary status to individuals who, while living outside
the community, practiced their normal trades, performed the
Most S:u¯f¯ı orders insisted on the necessity of a living
daily prayers in the t:ar¯ıqah environment under the direction
guide to follow the t:ar¯ıqah, but there were exceptions. Some
of the shaykh and took part in dhikr exercises, litanies, or
S:u¯f¯ıs, calling themselves Uways¯ıs after the example of Uways
sama¯ E sessions.
al-Qaran¯ı (a contemporary of the Prophet who only met him
in a dream), claimed to have been initiated or illuminated
INITIATION RITUALS. Most of the t:ar¯ıqahs have similar ritu-
through a dream or vision of a past master rather than
als of admission, although degrees of fervor, sincerity, and
through the guidance and presence of a living master.
integrity have varied over time and place. An initiation, a
Qalandar¯ı dervishes underwent an initiation ritual that in-
great event in the life of both the initiate and the community,
cluded shaving the face (including eyebrows) and head but
is marked by a day of festival. A model initiation ceremony
normally practiced their wandering, mendicant, and antino-
described in one of the manuals for the Qa¯dir¯ıyah t:ar¯ıqah
mian lifestyle without direction from a shaykh.
is described as follows. The candidate first performs ritual ab-
lutions; he then prays two rak Eahs and sits facing the shaykh
THE T:AR¯IQAH AS AN ESTABLISHED INSTITUTION. The ma-
with his knees pressed together. Clasping his shaykh’s right
drasah system of education, by licensing professors, formaliz-
hand, he recites the opening su¯rah of the QurDa¯n followed
ing the curriculum, and subsidizing students, succeeded in
by a series of formulas invoking blessings upon the Prophet,
professionalizing the legal discipline in the eleventh and
and the various silsilas, especially those of the Qa¯dir¯ıyah line,
twelfth centuries CE. In the thirteenth century the Abbasid
by which his shaykh establishes his authority. Afterward the
caliph al-Na¯s:ir encouraged the spread of young men’s chival-
shaykh has him repeat, phrase by phrase, a formula contain-
ric societies (the futu¯wwa orders), establishing an interest in
ing various components: a prayer asking God’s forgiveness;
and conveying legitimacy on the idea of urban fraternal orga-
a testimony that the vow he is taking is that of God and his
nizations. These institutional models must also have suggest-
apostle; recognition that the hand of the shaykh is that of
ed themselves to the S:u¯f¯ı communities. If the community
EAbd al-Qa¯dir, founder of the order; and a promise that he
of disciples of a particular S:u¯f¯ı master survived and replicat-
will recite the dhikr as the shaykh requires him to do. The
ed itself for a generation or more after the death of the found-
shaykh then utters a prayer and recites the QurDanic verse of
er, it would often become known as the “method,” or
allegiance: “Those who vow their allegiance to you, vow their
t:ar¯ıqah, of its eponymous founder, as, for example, “the
allegiance to God; the hand of God is upon their hands.
method of Najm al-D¯ın Kubra¯,” or T:ar¯ıqat al-Kubra¯w¯ıyah.
Thus whoever violates it, violates himself, but whoever ful-
It has been supposed that the development of the t:ar¯ıqah or-
fills what he has promised God he will undertake, God will
ders into formal religious institutions centered around a
give him a mighty reward” (48:10). Alternately verse 16:91
lodge or shrine, following a fixed rule, and projected to con-
is used: “Fulfill the pact of God once you have made a pact
tinue functioning indefinitely began in the twelfth century
with him.”
(as some of the orders’ Silsilahs claim). Commonly, however
it was the children or grandchildren of the founding Shaykhs,
SOCIAL ETHICS AND ETIQUETTE. The number of manuals
rather than the Shaykhs themselves, who organized the disci-
filled with stories illustrating and enjoining delicate, tactful,
ple communities into institutional orders, a process that can
and respectful behavior on the t:ar¯ıqah initiates demonstrates
be clearly documented for the late thirteenth and fourteenth
a remarkable sensitivity to etiquette and propriety. One of
centuries. Later in the Ottoman period the t:ar¯ıqah institu-
the earliest treatises on the norms of proper behavior among
tions become corporate entities with subbranches that were
members of a t:ar¯ıqah, Abu¯ al-Naj¯ıb al-Suhraward¯ı’s A¯da¯b
sometimes described by a different generic term, t:a¯Difah (plu-
al-mur¯ıd¯ın (The manners of the disciples) dates from the
ral, t:awa¯Dif) as “societies.”
twelfth century CE. It is representative of practices in a num-
ber of orders and elaborates an etiquette of great sensitivity.
Despite the esoteric character of the theosophy they
Apart from its intrinsic interest, it demonstrates the primacy
promulgated, the ideas and rituals of the t:ar¯ıqahs attracted
of human values and courtesy over rigorous ascetic practices
the masses with the hope of obtaining spiritual and temporal
and complex theosophical ideas in the brotherhoods. It also
benefits from the sanctity and spiritual power of the great fig-
shows clearly that the t:ar¯ıqahs did not see themselves as sub-
ures in the orders, from the tombs in which they were buried,
sects outside the regular religious disciplines.
and from the places and relics with which they were associat-
ed. Thus the t:ar¯ıqahs became great communities, compris-
The work classifies religious scholars into three groups
ing all strata of society, offering something to the educated
(in practice these were not fixed identities but points on a
and uneducated alike, fostering devotional poetry and music,
continuum of religious orientation with considerable over-
tolerating a wide range of folk practices, yet preserving and
lap): traditionalists, jurists, and (S:u¯f¯ı) Dulama¯ E. The tradi-
extending a great tradition of spirituality. They likewise
tionalists are the watchmen of religion, who deal with the ex-
played a major social role. Their hospices (kha¯naqa¯hs) of-
ternal meaning of h:ad¯ıth. The jurists are the arbiters of
fered lodging to travelers, medical treatment for the sick, and
religion, whose specialty is their ability to make legal infer-
help for the poor. They also became centers for popular de-
ences. The S:u¯f¯ıs in turn base their lives and conduct on both
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

T:AR¯IQAH
9007
groups of specialists and refer to them in case of difficulties.
male servants of shaykhs serving S:u¯f¯ı brotherhoods in some
Tradition and law are the basis for their lives, including both
capacity behind the scenes, and the daughters of various
their inner modes of spirituality and their outward behavior.
shaykhs were married into the families of political or commu-
In the description of this outward behavior one sees an ex-
nity leaders, solidifying membership and backing for the
traordinary concern for personal relations in both family and
t:ar¯ıqah.
community life: patience with the ignorant, compassion with
After World War II women shaykhas directing circles of
one’s wife and family, agreement with brethren. Openness,
exclusively female disciples were noted among established
modesty, and humility are the ideals. The movements of
S:u¯f¯ı orders in Soviet Central Asia and the Caucasus, includ-
tongue, ear, eye, heart, hands, and feet are to be directed to
ing the Naqshband¯ıyah and Qa¯dir¯ıyah of Daghestan,
charity.
though this development was condemned by the Muslim
Meticulous attention is given to the details of social be-
Spiritual Board of the North Caucasus. In the late 1970s
havior, personal cleanliness, modesty in dress, and restraint
western S:u¯f¯ı women in northern California met with an
in eating. The brethren at any hospice should exercise great
elder Mevlevi initiate from Turkey who encouraged their ef-
care in their treatment of guests. As host, the shaykh should
forts; as a result some S:u¯f¯ı organizations in North America
encourage them to overcome their shyness at the table and
and in Turkey have begun not only accepting female disci-
offer them whatever food he is able to provide. The guest,
ples but even holding integrated ceremonies. However, in
for his part, should sit where he is directed, be pleased with
Turkey it is more common for women to participate in fe-
what is given to him, and not leave without excusing himself.
male-only dhikr ceremonies in the homes of individuals. The
The host should then accompany the departing guest to the
public participation of women in the t:ar¯ıqah environment
door of the house. In certain circumstances joking is permit-
(or the madrasah system) is not well documented for the me-
ted, provided that slandering, mimicry, and nonsense are
dieval period. In the absence of contrary evidence, it can be
avoided. This practice is supported by a tradition relating
assumed that the integrated public participation of women
words attributed to EAl¯ı: “When the Prophet saw one of his
in the t:ar¯ıqah orders is a development of the late twentieth
friends distressed, he would cheer him up by joking.”
century.
THE ROLE OF WOMEN. EAbd al-Rah:ma¯n Al-Sulam¯ı’s
The t:ar¯ıqahs of the thirteenth through the fifteenth cen-
(d. 1022) compilation of the lives of women S:u¯f¯ıs attests to
turies are the culminating point in a shift from an individual-
the involvement of many women besides the famous celibate
istic, elitist, ascetic spirituality to a corporate, congregational
saint Ra¯b¯ıEah al-EAdaw¯ıyah (d. 801). Ibn EArab¯ı (1165–
organization with a place for individuals representing a
1240) also writes about the miracles of S:u¯f¯ı women, one of
whole range of spiritual attainment and every stratum of so-
whom was his teacher. In Tunisia there is a shrine for a thir-
ciety. There may be an inclination to see in them a counter-
teenth-century woman saint, EA¯Disha al-Mannu¯b¯ıyah, whom
part to the religious orders that developed in the Christian
oral tradition asserts to have been a disciple of al-Sha¯dhil¯ı,
tradition from the fifth century onward and that also chan-
and S:u¯f¯ı women healers in contemporary India or Uzbeki-
neled a large part of the impulse for solitary asceticism into
stan attract many informal disciples.
an institutional framework. The analogy is only partly valid,
Although outstanding exemplars of female chastity and
for the two types of organization were different. The shaykh
purity in life or in literature have been upheld as saints and
of a za¯wiyah did not have the administrative authority of an
S:u¯f¯ı heroines, in which role they become public figures as
abbot, nor did the t:ar¯ıqahs have the same centralized govern-
honorary “men” (rija¯l), the wayfarer along the t:ar¯ıqah is con-
ment and formal lines of communication that linked the
ventionally assumed to be male. A rather misogynistic atti-
houses of the Benedictine order, for example. While the
tude can be found in some S:u¯f¯ı writings, including the view
t:ar¯ıqahs were, in one meaning of the term, corporate, they
that women (as well as children and the entaglements of sup-
did not become corporations in the Western sense.
porting a household) are distractions from the path of true
INDIVIDUAL T:AR¯IQAHS. There are over two hundred
spiritual struggle.
t:ar¯ıqahs, and in fact many more if the numerous branches
and subdivisions are counted. The selection presented here
The t:ar¯ıqah orders operate in the public sphere, which
is intended to show aspects of their individuality as reflected
has historically been a male domain in most Muslim socie-
in the social classes to which they made their appeal, their
ties, whereas women’s religious organizations tend to operate
attitudes toward government authority, their spiritual exer-
in the domestic sphere. In Salju¯q Anatolia and probably else-
cises and theosophy, and the circumstances in which they
where female members of ruling families cultivated relation-
flourished.
ships with S:u¯f¯ı teachers, often financing the construction of
their lodges, as dedicatory inscriptions attest. This probably
Qa¯dir¯ıyah. The Qa¯dir¯ıyah t:ar¯ıqah is commonly
gave aristocratic women considerable influence in the pro-
viewed as the first of the brotherhoods to emerge in the form
motion of specific orders, but it would appear that, as in a
of a structured organization, and it is still operating in the
mosque, women usually attended talks or other ceremonies
early twenty-first century. It began in Baghdad but eventual-
at S:u¯f¯ı lodges in a segregated gallery or behind a curtain or
ly established itself as far afield as Yemen, Egypt, Sudan, the
grille. There is also documentary evidence of the wives or fe-
Maghreb, West Africa, India, and Southeast Asia. It claims
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9008
T:AR¯IQAH
EAbd al-Qa¯dir al-J¯ıla¯n¯ı (1088–1166) from the region of
and his nephew, Shiha¯b al-D¯ın, who also figure in the silsila
G¯ıla¯n near the Caspian Sea in Iran as its founder, tracing its
of the Kubraw¯ıyah brotherhood as teachers of its founding
silsila through al-Junayd. EAbd al-Qa¯dir was a H:anbal¯ı legal
figures, Najm al-D¯ın Kubra¯ (d. c. 1220) and Najm al-D¯ın
scholar—a follower of the strictest, most literalist school of
Ra¯z¯ı (d. 1265). The Suhraward¯ıyah became one of the most
Islamic law—and was invested with the S:u¯f¯ı habit by the
prominent and influential brotherhoods, though it subdivid-
founder of the first H:anbal¯ı madrasah. Although he was a
ed into numerous branches after the fourteenth century.
stern teacher, EAbd al-Qa¯dir has become perhaps the most
famous saint in the Islamic world, and stories of his miracles
Mawlaw¯ıyah. The Mawlaw¯ıyah order, more common-
abound from Java to Morocco. His tomb in Baghdad has re-
ly known by its Turkish adjectival form, Mevlevi, takes its
mained a place of pilgrimage for members of the brother-
name from the title Mawlaw¯ı (my master), by which the Per-
hood to the twenty-first century, with pilgrims—many of
sian mystic poet Jala¯l al-D¯ın Ru¯m¯ı (1207–1273) was ad-
them from the Indo-Pakistan subcontinent, where the
dressed. His community of disciples in Konya was system-
Qa¯dir¯ıyah was introduced in the late fourteenth century—
atized into an order by Sult:a¯n Walad (d. 1312), Ru¯m¯ı’s son,
remaining there for weeks, silently sweeping his sanctuary
who built a shrine dome (türbe) over Ru¯m¯ı’s resting place.
with little brooms. Old Sindhi songs tell how EAbd al-Qa¯dir’s
From this base Sult:a¯n Walad and his son, U
¯ lu¯ EA¯rif Chalab¯ı,
spiritual realm extends through every town and region be-
established Mevlevi lodges throughout Anatolia, each with
tween Istanbul and Delhi.
its own deputized shaykh.
The Qa¯dir¯ıyah had a very catholic appeal; all strata of
As a boy Rumi had lived with his father, Baha¯D al-D¯ın-i
society from ruler to peasant found a place within it. In pop-
Walad (d. 1231), a visionary and mystically minded H:anaf¯ı
ular belief EAbd al-Qa¯dir was a renewer of Islam, and among
preacher (wa¯ Eiz:), in the small town of Wakhsh (in modern-
members of the order there is a well-known story that he dis-
day Tajikistan) and then in Samarqand before migrating to
covered a man by the wayside on the point of death and re-
Anatolia. Though Baha¯D al-D¯ın is seen as the seminal figure
vived him. The “man” then revealed that he was the religion
of the order, his importance has been exaggerated in the
of Islam. The order, it should be noted, was to play a particu-
hagiographical accounts of his life (the S:u¯f¯ı genre of biogra-
larly important role in the Islamization of West Africa.
phy typically casts its subjects in a miraculous light, empha-
sizing their importance and spiritual authority). Baha¯D
Rifa¯E¯ıyah. Slightly later than the founding of the
al-D¯ın apparently had a small handful of disciples in Khora-
Qa¯dir¯ıyah, the establishment of the Rifa¯D¯ıyah order in south-
san but enjoyed no great reputation before accepting the pa-
ern Iraq is credited to Ah:mad al-Rifa¯D¯ı (d. 1182). Although
tronage of the Salju¯q sultan in Konya, who established a ma-
never as popular as the Qa¯dir¯ıyah, it was widespread in An-
drasah for him, which functioned more as a S:u¯f¯ı center than
taolia by the fourteenth century and is still represented there
a college of law. When Baha¯D al-D¯ın died, one of his old dis-
and in Egypt. It is distinguished by one of its ritual practices,
ciples came from Khorasan to take charge of the Konya disci-
a particularly loud recitation of the dhikr, which led mem-
ples, a role Ru¯m¯ı eventually assumed after he had completed
bers to be known as the Howling Dervishes.
studies of law in Syria and a period of seclusion. Ru¯m¯ı also
Suhraward¯ıyah. One of the oldest t:ar¯ıqahs is the
cultivated relations with the Konya Salju¯qs and developed a
Suhraward¯ıyah, named after its founder, Abu¯ al-Naj¯ıb EAbd
following of his own but temporarily abandoned this role late
al-Qa¯hir al-Suhraward¯ı (d. 1168), author of the above-
in 1244 after meeting Shams al-D¯ın Tabr¯ız¯ı, an itinerant
mentioned A¯da¯b al-mur¯ıd¯ın, and also a professor of Sha¯fiEi
and iconoclastic S:u¯f¯ı with some training in Sha¯fiE¯ı fiqh, with
law at the Niz:a¯m¯ıyah college in Baghdad. Significantly he
whom Ru¯m¯ı spent an intense period of s:uh:bah and seclu-
was a pupil of Ah:mad al-Ghaza¯l¯ı (d. 1126), younger brother
sion. The encounter and the eventual disappearance of
of the great Abu¯ H:a¯mid al-Ghaza¯l¯ı (d. 1111), who helped
Shams from Konya led Ru¯m¯ı to an ecstatic form of love mys-
win acceptance for the S:u¯f¯ı dimension of Islam within the
ticism expressed through poetry and sama¯ D, extravagantly
wider Islamic community. The influence and scope of the
praising Shams, though subsequent figureheads of the disci-
order was extended and given its decisive character by EAbu¯
ple community, S:ala¯h al-D¯ın Zarku¯b (d. 1258) and Husa¯m
al-Naj¯ıb’s fraternal nephew and student, Shiha¯b al-D¯ın Abu¯
al-D¯ın Chalab¯ı (d. 1284), are also praised. Ru¯m¯ı’s extraordi-
H:afs: EUmar al-Suhraward¯ı (1145–1234), whose treatise
nary output of Persian poetry in his Mathnaw¯ı and D¯ıwa¯n
EAwa¯rif al-ma Ea¯rif (Masters of mystical insights) became a
has been recited widely, from Bosnia to Bengal and through-
standard work on the theory of S:u¯f¯ı devotion.
out Central Asia, inspiring many S:u¯f¯ıs of various t:ar¯ıqah af-
filiations to imitate or comment upon it.
The Abbasid caliph al-Na¯s:ir built a riba¯t: for Shiha¯b
al-D¯ın and his disciples in 1203 and appointed him as the
The Mevlevi t:ar¯ıqah operated primarily in the territo-
caliphal envoy to the Ayyu¯bid rulers of Egypt and Syria in
ries of the Ottoman Empire, where it became a wealthy cor-
1208 and then to the Salju¯qs of Asia Minor in 1221. Shiha¯b
poration with close ties to the imperial court. It was a heredi-
al-D¯ın Suhraward¯ı’s disciples spread from Asia Minor and
tary order and, thanks to its central organization, did not
Syria through Persia and northern India, and it was they who
fragment, though its character did change somewhat in the
established the Suhraward¯ıyah brotherhood on a permanent
mid–sixteenth century, when D¯ıwa¯nah Muh:ammad
footing. Its origins, however, are credited to Abu¯ al-Naj¯ıb
Chalab¯ı and Yu¯suf S¯ınacha¯k introduced Sh¯ıE¯ı influences
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

T:AR¯IQAH
9009
into the order. The Mevlevi order promoted calligraphy and
ders that still attracts and provides a basic spiritual formation
Persian literature, though it operated almost exclusively in
for many Egyptians. The appeal of the Sha¯dhil¯ıyah extends
Turkish- or Arabic-speaking environments. In later years
primarily to the officials and civil servants of the middle class,
there seems to have been much overlap between Mevlevi
whose responsibilities, values, and attitudes are embodied in
membership and that of other Anatolian orders, such as the
the order’s attention to detail. Even after the Atatürk govern-
Bekta¯sh¯ıyah, founded around the same time, and the
ment prohibited S:u¯f¯ı orders in Turkey in 1925, the
Khalwat¯ıyah, founded in the fourteenth century, both of
Sha¯dhil¯ıyah retained its attraction for the middle class. It has
which appeared more active by the twentieth century than
also gained a following among some European Muslims.
the Mevlevis.
Chisht¯ıyah. India was particularly fertile ground for the
After serving 1001 days in the kitchen of the Mevlevi
development of the t:ar¯ıqahs, and it is impossible to write the
lodge, initiates were permitted to participate in the character-
history of Islam in the subcontinent without a detailed study
istic “turning” ceremony, a meditative graceful spinning per-
of them. Along with the Suhraward¯ıyah, the Chisht¯ıyah was
formed in distinctive robes and hats to the accompaniment
among the earliest t:ar¯ıqahs operating in India, and the first
of a musical ensemble, usually consisting of a singer/reciter
to originate in the subcontinent. It was founded by MuE¯ın
and a variety of instruments, almost always including drums
al-D¯ın Chisht¯ı (d. 1236), a native of S¯ısta¯n, who had been
and a reed flute. Beginning in the late eighteenth century,
for a time a disciple of Abu¯ Naj¯ıb al-Suhraward¯ı. He arrived
a visit to one of the Mevlevi lodges to observe one of these
in Delhi in 1193 and then moved to Ajmer, an important
so-called Whirling Dervish ceremonies became an important
city in newly conquered Rajputana, where he founded a
part of European tourists’ experience of Istanbul.
kha¯naqa¯h. Niz:a¯m al-D¯ın Awliya¯D (d. 1325) spent fifty years
Sha¯dhil¯ıyah. Rather different in character is the
extending the Chisht¯ıyah throughout India by dispatching
Sha¯dhil¯ıyah, founded by Abu¯ al-H:asan al-Sha¯dhil¯ı of Tunis
hundreds of his own disciples from his center in Delhi. The
(1196–1258), who traveled widely in the Maghreb and
simplicity and ardor of Chisht¯ı teaching, their extreme hos-
Spain, finally settling in Alexandria, where he died. In con-
pitality and charity, and their readiness to welcome guests
trast to both the Rifa¯E¯ıyah and the Mawlaw¯ıyah, this t:ar¯ıqah
without discrimination attracted many followers. In fact the
practices internalized and silent devotions. Thus its appeal
Chisht¯ıyah illustrates in an exemplary manner the extraordi-
is individualistic, focusing on the development of private
nary contribution of the t:ar¯ıqahs to the Islamization of the
prayer. Nonetheless the emphasis of Abu¯ al-H:asan’s teaching
subcontinent.
was against the solitary and the institutional life alike, and
At first the adherents kept their distance from govern-
he urged his followers to realize their yearning for God
ment, but later they developed a close association with the
through faithful attention to their daily responsibilities in so-
Mughal court. Sal¯ım (later Jaha¯ng¯ır), the heir apparent of
ciety. They were not enjoined to beg or even to live in volun-
Emperor Akbar (d. 1605), was born in the home of a Chisht¯ı
tary poverty; Egyptian sources refer to the Sha¯dhil¯ıs’ tidy at-
shaykh, and in gratitude Akbar commissioned a splendid
tire, which distinguished them from many of the other S:u¯f¯ıs
darga¯h for the Chisht¯ıyah in Fatehpur Sikri. Jaha¯ng¯ır him-
thronging the streets of Cairo. The Sha¯dhil¯ıyah of Yemen
self decorated the Chisht¯ı city of Ajmer with beautiful build-
are also credited with discovering the value of brewed coffee
ings of white marble, and Jaha¯na¯ra¯ Begum (d. 1681), daugh-
beans as a means of staying awake during periods of night
ter of Sha¯hjaha¯n and Mumta¯z Mah:all, wrote about the life
prayer.
of MuE¯ın al-D¯ın Chisht¯ı and requested to be buried in his
This order has no special theosophical ideas apart from
shrine compound. The Chisht¯ıyah, like other t:ar¯ıqahs in
the fact that members are held to have been predestined to
India, contributed immensely to the development of litera-
join it from pre-eternity. Rather, the goal is a deep yet sober
ture in the vernacular languages, and a Chisht¯ı, EAbd
spirituality, drawing on al-Muh:a¯sib¯ı, the teacher of al-
al-Rah:ma¯n, who lived during the reign of Awrangz¯ıb (1658–
Junayd, on al-Makk¯ı and his Qu¯t al-qulu¯b (The nourish-
1707), is regarded as the greatest mystical poet in the Pashto
ment of the heart), and on the spiritual teaching of
language. This t:ar¯ıqah was noted for its active encourage-
al-Ghaza¯l¯ı in the fourth volume of Ih:ya¯D Eulu¯m al-d¯ın (The
ment of the practice of sama¯ E, an example followed by vari-
vivification of the religious sciences). Its teaching is subtle
ous other orders in South Asia, where the genre of S:u¯f¯ı music
and not directed at the masses, as can be seen from the
known as Qawwa¯l¯ı, which Fateh Ali Khan and other per-
H:ikam (Maxims), an enduring classic of S:u¯f¯ı spirituality
formers popularized around the world in the 1980s,
written by Abu¯ al-H:asan’s immediate successor, Ibn EAta¯D
developed.
Alla¯h al-Iskandar¯ı (d. 1309). This work, a collection of 262
Naqshband¯ıyah. Baha¯D al-D¯ın-i Naqshband (1318–
brief sayings followed by four short treatises and a number
1388) traces his mystical heritage through Am¯ır Kula¯l, a
of prayers, has generated numerous commentaries in many
spiritual adviser to T¯ımu¯r (Tamerlane), to the Persian-
of the languages of the Muslim world.
speaking Central Asian lineage of S:u¯f¯ıs, the Khwa¯jaga¯n, ini-
Like many of the orders, the Sha¯dhil¯ıyah produced a va-
tiated by Abu¯ Yu¯suf EAl¯ı Hamada¯n¯ı (d. 1140). Baha¯D al-D¯ın
riety of local offshoots all over the Muslim world. Among
founded the Naqshband¯ı t:ar¯ıqah in Bukhara, which he left
them, the H:a¯mid¯ıyah Sha¯dhil¯ıyah is one of the modern or-
only three times: twice for pilgrimage to Mecca and once to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9010
T:AR¯IQAH
meet with the ruler of Herat, MuEizz al-D¯ın H:usayn, to
of reaction against the syncretist D¯ın-i ila¯h¯ı (Divine Reli-
whom he taught the Naqshband¯ı principles. His tomb, sur-
gion) of the emperor Akbar. An important figure in this reac-
rounded by a large shrine complex, is a place of pilgrimage.
tion was Ah:mad Sirhind¯ı (d. 1624), who was initiated into
From here the t:ar¯ıqah spread geographically, coming to rival
the order by its shaykh, Khwa¯jah Ba¯q¯ı Billa¯h, in 1600. The
the popularity and influence of the Qa¯dir¯ıyah. It was to have
order remained involved in political developments, includ-
an important role in Central Asia and India and also devel-
ing a strong reaction against Hindu practices, up to 1740.
oped branches in Afghanistan, Iraq, Turkey, China, Suma-
The Naqshband¯ı Sha¯h Wal¯ı Alla¯h (1703–1762), enrolled
tra, the Riau archipelago, Java, and other Indonesian islands.
concurrently in the Qa¯dir¯ıyah, became the greatest reformer
The order still has a strong following scattered over the
of eighteenth-century Delhi and one of the leading figures
length and breadth of the Muslim world. In the late eigh-
in the renewal of Islam; his influence contributed to reform
teenth century Ma Ming-Hsin, who had become a
movements in the nineteenth century and beyond.
Naqshband¯ı-Jahr¯ı while on pilgrimage to Mecca, returned
to Kansu Province in China to found the politically impor-
In Sulayma¯n¯ıyah in Iraqi Kurdistan, Mawla¯na¯ Kha¯lid
tant “New Teaching” movement. In the first Indonesian
Baghda¯d¯ı (d. 1827) established a subbranch of the
elections in 1955, a Sumatran Naqshband¯ı was elected to the
Naqshband¯ı order, which developed an independent charac-
national parliament as the sole representative of the T
¸ ar¯ıqah
ter as the Kha¯lid¯ıyah. It absorbed most of the other
political party.
Naqshband¯ı branches in the Middle East and displaced the
Qa¯dir¯ıyah t:ar¯ıqah in Kurdistan. It cultivated relations with
Baha¯D al-D¯ın-i Naqshband rapidly established connec-
the Ottoman elite and fought for the Turks in the Russo-
tions between his t:ar¯ıqah, the trade and craft guilds, and the
Turkish War. Later implicated with opposition to the Turk-
merchant houses, so that as his spiritual influence grew, so
ish Republic, it was closed down with the rest of the S:u¯f¯ı or-
did his wealth. The order soon gained a position of power
ders in Turkey in 1925. After the Iraqi revolution in 1958,
in the Timurid court and, assuming a custodial role over gov-
the Kha¯lid¯ıyah shifted its operations to Iranian Kurdistan
ernment, supervised the administration of religious law. In-
until the Iranian Revolution of 1979.
deed under the leadership of Khwa¯jah Ah:ra¯r of Herat (1404–
1490), the Naqshband¯ıyah virtually dominated political life
The literature of the Naqshband¯ıyah t:ar¯ıqah is written
in Central Asia. It was his conviction that “to serve the world,
in Persian, and one of the great Persian mystical poets, EAbd
it is necessary to exercise political power”; in other words, it
al-Rah:ma¯n Ja¯m¯ı (d. 1492), was integrally involved in the
is necessary to maintain adequate control over rulers in order
order. Because of its Sunn¯ı loyalties, however, the
to ensure that they implement the divine law in every area
Naqshband¯ı inroads in Persia were uprooted in the sixteenth
of life.
century by the Sh¯ıE¯ı Safavid dynasty, paradoxically itself trac-
ing its lineage to a Sunn¯ı S:u¯f¯ı teacher, S:af¯ı al-D¯ın of Ardab¯ıl
Unlike the Chisht¯ıyah and those who followed their ex-
(1252–1334). His descendants eventually converted the
ample, the Naqshband¯ıyah recited their dhikr silently and
order to Shiism, built it into a militant movement, and ulti-
banned music and rhythmic movements. They believed that
mately conquered Iran in the late fifteenth century, establish-
through dhikr without words one could achieve a level of
ing a long-lived dynasty during which the country was con-
contemplation in which subject and object became indistin-
verted to Shiism.
guishable and the individual soul returned to God as it had
been before creation. Among their techniques of meditation
NiEmatulla¯h¯ıyah. Most of the S:u¯f¯ı fraternities dis-
was concentration on their shaykh; another practice was regu-
cussed here were founded and developed in a Sunn¯ı environ-
lar visitation of saints’ tombs in the hope that, by concentrat-
ment. Sha¯h NiEmat Alla¯h Wal¯ı (d. 1430), the eponymous
ing on the spirit of the departed shaykh, they would increase
founder of this t:ar¯ıqah, was a Sunn¯ı, though descended from
their spiritual strength.
the Prophet through the Sh¯ıE¯ı lineage of Isma¯E¯ıl, son of JaEfar
al-S:a¯diq. He studied in Shiraz and traveled widely among
The Naqshband¯ıyah was a moderate order that did not
S:u¯f¯ı circles in the Arabic-speaking Middle East before estab-
demand heroic austerities; like the Sha¯dhil¯ıyah, it regarded
lishing several lodges of his own in Central Asia, where he
spiritual purification and education of the heart as more pro-
came into competition with the Naqshband¯ıs. After T¯ımu¯r
ductive than harsh mortification designed to conquer the
grew suspicious of his aims and banished him from Transox-
lower soul. It taught a middle way, that the mean between
ania, Sha¯h NiEmat Alla¯h moved to Herat and finally settled
excessive hunger and excessive eating was the safest. The true
in Ma¯ha¯n, from where he promoted the theosophy of Ibn
fast consists of keeping the mind free from the food of satanic
EArab¯ı in his prolific and popular writings and poetry, win-
suggestions. Despite its essential sobriety, this method
ning many followers in the area of Shiraz and Kirma¯n. His
proved congenial to the poets of the time, and by the begin-
son, Khal¯ıl Alla¯h, was invited to South India by Ah:mad Sha¯h
ning of the eighteenth century all the leading poets in the
Bahma¯n in 1436, establishing a further NiEmatulla¯h¯ı follow-
Indo-Persian style were either members of the Naqshband¯ı
ing among the Deccani aristocracy. Exactly how the order
t:ar¯ıqah or under its influence.
took on a Sh¯ıE¯ı character is obscure, but the Safavid ruler and
The order played an important role in the religious and
ardent Sh¯ıE¯ı Sha¯h Isma¯E¯ıl appointed a NiEmatulla¯h¯ı shakyh,
political history of Mughal India as leaders of a movement
M¯ır Niz:a¯m al-D¯ın, as the chief religious official of the Sa-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

T:AR¯IQAH
9011
favid domain in 1512. Though the Safavid house intermar-
This t:ar¯ıqah won adherents in Egypt, Arabia, and other
ried with NiEmatulla¯h¯ıs, the order lost favor under Sha¯h
parts of Asia and still enjoys a strong following in parts of
EAbba¯s when it was implicated in a rebellion. It was only re-
Africa formerly under French rule. In the first half of the
vived in the eighteenth century by help sent from the Dec-
nineteenth century it was propagated in French Guinea by
cani branch of the t:ar¯ıqah in the person of MaEs:u¯m
EUmar Tal after his return to Dinguiray (which became one
EAl¯ı-Sha¯h, who had gained a large following throughout
of the most important religious cities in the region), where
Central Iran. He was executed in 1797 at the behest of Sh¯ıE¯ı
it took over and displaced the Qa¯dir¯ıyah tradition.
scholars implacably opposed to Sufism.
S¯ıd¯ı Muh:ammad ibn EAl¯ı al-Sanu¯s¯ı was born in Algeria
In the nineteenth century the NiEmatulla¯h¯ıyah of Iran
in 1791. From 1821 to 1828 he lived in Fez, where he stud-
broke into several branches, represented in the early twenty-
ied QurDanic exegesis, h:ad¯ıth, and jurisprudence. Traveling
first century principally by the S:af¯ı-EAl¯ısha¯h¯ıs and the
for the pilgrimage, he remained in Mecca from 1830 to
Sult:a¯n-EAl¯ısha¯h¯ıs, both of which were encouraged under the
1843, founding his first za¯wiyah there in 1837. On leaving
Pahlavi dynasty. In 1974 the order was brought to the West,
Mecca he settled in Cyrenaica, where he founded additional
where it was represented by Javad Nurbakhsh as Khaniqahi-
za¯wiyahs. After his death in 1859 the order was continued
Nimatullahi.
by his two sons, S¯ıd¯ı Muh:ammad al-Mahd¯ı (1844–1901),
his successor, and S¯ıd¯ı Muh:ammad al-Shar¯ıf (1846–1896).
Tija¯ni¯ıah and Sanu¯s¯ıyah. The eighteenth-century re-
Al-Sanu¯s¯ı left detailed instructions relating to initiation into
vival movements of Sha¯h Wal¯ı Alla¯h in India and
his order, and his devotional writings became the basis of the
Muh:ammad ibn EAbd al-Wahha¯b in Arabia had a counter-
Sanu¯s¯ı routines. At the same time all his activities were im-
part in the t:ar¯ıqahs. Sometimes this revival was expressed in
bued with a rigorous work ethic. He inspired his followers
the reform of existing orders, sometimes in the development
to work together to build roads, to form trade cooperatives,
of suborders, sometimes in the appearance of new ones. The
to undertake irrigation projects, and to establish agricultural
generation of orders in fact never ceased. In North and West
communities.
Africa, for example, between 1500 and 1900 at least twenty-
eight t:ar¯ıqahs emerged, one-third originating in Morocco.
In fact such activities were integral to the work of many
Here it is sufficient to draw attention to two that were to play
t:ar¯ıqahs, such as the Tija¯n¯ıyah and its offshoot in Senegal,
an important role in Islamic revival movements in the Sudan,
the Mur¯ıd movement. The discipline of the brethren had a
Egypt, and North and West Africa. The first was the
counterpart in the discipline of a trade guild or corporation.
Tija¯n¯ıyah, based in what is now Algeria and Morocco, and
Likewise the tremendous vitality of the nineteenth-century
the other the Sanu¯siyah in Libya.
t:ar¯ıqahs was also channeled into political activity, especially
diplomatic negotiations with the European powers.
The founder of the Tija¯n¯ıyah was Abu¯ al-EAbba¯s
Throughout this period it is clear that they operated as an
Ah:mad al-Tija¯n¯ı (1737–1815). He spent several years study-
invisible international network attempting to protect the cul-
ing in Fez, then he studied in Abyad: for five years, and in
tural and religious identity of Islam against the European
1773 he went to Mecca and Medina and finally to Cairo,
powers. The same Emir EAbd el-Kader who tried to involve
where he studied under various shaykhs, one of whom sug-
the Tija¯n¯ıyah in an uprising against the French had received
gested that he found a t:ar¯ıqah. He then returned to Fez,
an ija¯zah (license) to found his own branch of the Qa¯dir¯ıyah
where, although he continued to travel extensively, he main-
when he led the 1832 revolt against the French in Algeria
tained his center.
and proclaimed a jiha¯d. Captured by the French in 1847, he
wrote to Napoleon III in 1865, petitioning him to mediate
The demands of the order are exclusive, and members
with Czar Alexander II on behalf of the release from prison
may not join any other order. The Tija¯n¯ıyah have their own
of a Naqshband¯ı-Kha¯lid¯ı S:u¯f¯ı shaykh in Daghestan, Ima¯m
formulas for dhikr, to be recited as many as a hundred times
Sha¯mil (1796–1871), who had been imprisoned for taking
at particular points in the day. They are further distinguished
part in a jiha¯d movement against the Russian Empire in the
from many of the other orders by their submission to estab-
northern Caucasus.
lished government, even where this has been non-Muslim.
Thus throughout the French occupation of Algeria, they re-
There are also grounds for seeing a Sanu¯s¯ı inspiration
mained for the most part on good terms with the French au-
in the late nineteenth-century Achehnese war against the
thorities. When the emir EAbd el-Kader, a Qa¯dir¯ı named
Dutch, just as there had been a strong international
after the founder of the order, attempted to enlist them in
Naqshband¯ı movement behind resistance to the Dutch in
a struggle against the French in 1836, the Tija¯n¯ı chief re-
West Sumatra and other parts of the Indonesian archipelago.
fused, saying it was their purpose to live a religious life in
These influences, inspirations, networks, and personalities
peace. The emir then marched on their town and demanded
thus ranged between Algeria and the Caucasus, Cyrenaica,
that they submit to him, but they again refused and, al-
Malaya, Indonesia, and East and West Africa, with the hub
though outnumbered, resisted a siege for eight months, took
of the network at Mecca, where the shaykhs of the various
refuge in another town, and in the following year offered
regional establishments of the orders met and pooled infor-
moral and material aid to the French.
mation and ideas.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9012
T:AR¯IQAH
TRADITION AND CHANGE. In spite of this political vitality,
made them appear irrelevant to communities increasingly re-
the influence of the t:ar¯ıqahs was reduced to a minimum after
lated to the outside world.
the reformist movement inaugurated by Jama¯l al-D¯ın
If modernity has weakened the traditional membership
al-Afgha¯n¯ı and Muh:ammad EAbdu¯h resulted in an intensive
base and structure of the t:ar¯ıqahs and governments have reg-
campaign against them. There had been movements against
ulated or curtailed their functions, they nevertheless retain
the t:ar¯ıqahs before, yet a relative balance between the
vitality and the potential to adapt to changed circumstances.
strength of their supporters and their opponents had pre-
It is striking that in Indonesia, for example, the reformist-
vailed. In the early twentieth century, however, there was a
oriented anti-t:ar¯ıqah party, the Masyumi, which during the
qualitative change and a definite shift in balance as the con-
1950s appeared to reflect the dominant Islamic ethos, was
vergence of various factors militated against the t:ar¯ıqahs in
eclipsed by the traditional, adaptive t:ar¯ıqah-tolerant group,
a special way.
the Nahdatul Ulama. Research on African t:ar¯ıqahs shows
The reform movement was inspired in part by nine-
that they contribute to social stability and, in a very special
teenth-century European secular rationalism and in part by
way, to the work ethic. The Mur¯ıd¯ıyah of Senegal, born in
a renewed emphasis upon the rationalist or puritanical un-
an African environment, is an example of the moral authority
derstanding of Islam by movements such as Wahhabism
and social dedication of a modern t:ar¯ıqah. Equally impor-
(which led eventually to a ban on S:u¯f¯ı orders in Saudi Ara-
tant, various offshoots of the Naqshband¯ı order in former
bia). As a result many of the practices of the order were seen
Soviet territories, such as Daghestan and Chechnya, have be-
not only as idolatrous innovations—such as the celebration
come numerous and influential.
of the birthdays of deceased saints, the honoring of their
The tariqahs still play an important social and political
tombs, and certain forms of meditation—but also as harbor-
role in addition to the enrichment they bring to the spiritual
ing superstitions that disgraced Islam by making it appear
lives of millions of people. Traditional celebrations like the
contemptible to Europeans. Dervishes were also associated
mawlids, or saints’ birthdays, often sponsored by t:ar¯ıqah as-
with the use of narcotics (to induce ecstasy) and with the
sociations, remain extraordinary public events and displays
practice of pederasty, a habit attested in S:u¯f¯ı sources from
of devotional fervor in India. This is also true in Egypt,
the medieval period though not sanctioned by the official
where the Supreme Council of S:u¯f¯ı Orders estimated in
code of the t:ar¯ıqahs. Moreover since the reformists believed
1989 that between three and five million people belonged
the t:ar¯ıqahs attracted people to otherworldliness and magic
to one of the seventy-three registered orders. The interest in
instead of challenging them to face reality, they considered
theosophical Sufism has also increased, largely because it
it a root cause of the backwardness of Muslims. Muh:ammad
E
jumped across confessional boundaries in the twentieth cen-
Abdu¯h and Rash¯ıd Rid:a¯, for example, while accepting the
tury as Western scholars engaged with the S:u¯f¯ı tradition,
ethical and spiritual ideas of Sufism (as per al-Ghaza¯l¯ı), re-
first in the form of translations of S:u¯f¯ı poetry, then as the
garded every aspect of the t:ar¯ıqahs as degenerate, and in Tur-
object of metaphysical study (for example, in the Eranos
key under Atatürk they were outlawed altogether.
seminars in Switzerland). In the West, Sufism was offered as
Abuses were easy to find. Some shaykhs believed that ho-
the “perennial philosophy” and popularized as a method of
liness was hereditary; certain heads of orders regarded great
spiritual psychology by Idries Shah and others.
wealth as a right, an outward manifestation of the spiritual
Finally, S:u¯f¯ı poetry found a broader commercial audi-
favors they had received. Barakah (the blessing a shaykh and
ence. Following the earlier example of Hazrat Inayat Khan,
his silsila could give) was something to be bought and sold.
Meher Baba, and other teachers who came to the United
Moreover despite the international networks so characteristic
States from India and elsewhere to establish disciple commu-
of the t:ar¯ıqahs, many individual shaykhs remained too at-
nities, the traditional t:ar¯ıqah orders have also responded to
tached to family clan and local traditions to respond to the
this “New Age” receptivity. Traditional orders have estab-
rise of nationalism.
lished branches or subbranches in Europe and the United
Modernization and secularization also undermined the
States, including the Khaniqahi Nimatullahi, Sha¯dhil¯ıyah
social and economic foundations of the t:ariqahs. Employ-
(counting René Guénon among its members), Naqshbandi-
ment now required training in public institutions created by
Haqqani, and Jerrahi Order of America. Previously inter-
the state rather than the parochial education offered by
rupted traditions have also been successfully revived or recre-
t:ar¯ıqah schools and “study circles” (h:alaqa¯t). Clubs and asso-
ated by Western devotees, as is the case of the Mevlevi Order
ciations took over the social role of the t:ar¯ıqahs, and indus-
of America and the Threshold Society, which do not, howev-
trialization weakened the trade and craft guilds with which
er, require their members to be Muslims. These Western
they had been formerly associated. There were also rival reli-
t:ar¯ıqah branches purchase centers, appoint shaykhs, train dis-
gious organizations: for example, in Egypt, the Muslim
ciples, teach classes, sponsor festivals and academic confer-
Brotherhood, because of its dispersion into local groups, was
ences, and maintain a presence on the internet. Meanwhile
able to offer the community individual guidance and service
new orders, such as the MTO or Maktab-i t:ariqat-i Uways¯ı,
that had previously been the province of the t:ar¯ıqahs. More-
founded by Shah Maghsoud Angha (d. 1980), are actively
over the local orientation of many branches of the orders
promoted among diaspora communities and indigenous
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

T:AR¯IQAH
9013
Westerners. The International Association of Sufism, a non-
causing a significant reevaluation of views. The selective bib-
profit organization founded by Nahid Angha and Ali Kianfar
liography focuses on works in English. Spencer Trim-
in 1983, attempts not only to promote Sufism but to foster
ingham’s The Sufi Orders in Islam (New York, 1971; reprint
dialogue among the various organizations and orders of Su-
1998), though now somewhat dated, remains the standard
fism and to undertake pan-t:ar¯ıqah activities.
handbook on the subject. Readable scholarly overviews of the
history and practices of the t:ar¯ıqahs are in some general
Of equal significance is the renewed interest upon the
works on Sufism, including Carl Ernst’s The Shambhala
part of educated urbanites in the Middle East in Sufism as
Guide to Sufism (Boston, 1997) and William Chittick’s Intro-
a tolerant and inner-directed expression of Islamic spirituali-
duction to Sufism (Oxford, 2000). Alexander Knysh’s Islamic
ty, in contrast to fundamentalist or Islamist formulations of
Mysticism: A Short History (Leiden, 2000), conceived as a ref-
religion. For example, there was a significant surge of interest
erence work, provides a detailed history of the theory and
in the teachings of Ru¯m¯ı and the practices of the Mevlevis
praxis of Sufism, including the orders, systematically pres-
throughout the 1980s and 1990s among young people in
ented. John Voll, “Sufism: Sufi Orders,” in The Oxford Ency-
Iran, who saw him as representative of an expansive and tol-
clopedia of the Modern Islamic World, edited by John L. Espo-
sito (Oxford, 1995), provides an excellent précis and is
erant understanding of Islam. The Turkish Ministry of Cul-
especially good on the role of the t:ar¯ıqahs in resistance to co-
ture also promotes Ru¯m¯ı and the Mevlevis as representatives
lonialism. Specialist bibliographies are in the articles on the
of the great cultural and spiritual heritage of that country.
individual brotherhoods and their founding figures in Ehsan
The historical importance of the t:ar¯ıqahs is profound.
Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica (New York, 2001–),
After the fall of Baghdad to the Mongols in 1258, they
and H. A. R. Gibb et al., The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2d ed.
helped maintain communication and intellectual inter-
(Leiden, 1960–). The articles “T:ar¯ıqa” and “Tas:awwuf” in
change across the Arabic-, Turkish-, and Persian-speaking re-
the latter are especially important and comprehensive. Alan
gions. They had a stabilizing role in critical periods of change
Godlas’s online article “Sufism—Sufis—Sufi Orders: Su-
fism’s Many Paths,” available from www.arches.uga.edu/
and political uncertainty, and as new political centers of
~godlas/Sufism.html, contains extensive scholarly informa-
power became established, notably the Mughal and Otto-
tion about the t:ar¯ıqah organizations, complete with links to
man Empires, they either associated themselves with the rul-
S:u¯f¯ı teachers, orders, and subbranches on the web.
ing classes or became a significant element in the social fabric
Sources
of the new polity. Far from being rivals to the Eulama¯D, the
Abu¯ al-Naj¯ıb al-Suhraward¯ı’s A¯da¯b al-mur¯ıd¯ın is available in the
founders of the t:ar¯ıqahs and their successors, the great S:u¯f¯ı
abridged translation of Menahem Milson as A Sufi Rule for
shaykhs were masters of the law, and their spiritual exercises
Novices (Cambridge, Mass., 1975). See also H. Wilberforce
were a further dimension of their competence in fiqh, not
Clarke, trans., The EAwarif uDl-ma Earif by Shahab-uDd-Din b.
a substitute for it. In India in particular their contribution
Muhammad Suhrawardi (New York, 1973).
to a creative acceptance of Islam and faithful observance of
Special Studies
the norms of Islamic law—the Naqshband¯ı-inspired reform
Abbas, Shemeem. The Female Voice in Sufi Ritual: Devotional
movement in seventeenth-century Delhi is a notable exam-
Practices of Pakistan and India. Austin, Tex., 2002.
ple—is enormous.
Abun-Nasr, Jamil. The Tijaniyya: A Sufi Order in the Modern
The new centers of political authority both recognized
World. Oxford, U.K., 1965.
them as the standard-bearers and exemplars of the norms of
Baldick, Julian. Imaginary Muslims: The Uwaysi Sufis of Central
religious behavior and provided them with ample opportuni-
Asia. New York, 1993. A précis and analysis of a history of
ties to gain wealth, power, and influence. Given such accep-
the Uwaysi tradition written circa 1600.
tance, they added a richness and color, a vitality, and an emo-
Bashir, Shahzad. Messianic Hopes and Mystical Visions: The
tional intensity to every stratum of religious and social life.
Nu¯rbakhsh¯ıya between Medieval and Modern Islam. Colum-
Their cultural significance as promoters of literature and
bia, S.C., 2003.
music and their role in Islamizing the vernaculars of many
Bennigsen, Alexandre, and S. Enders Wimbush. Mystics and Com-
regions of the Muslim world have likewise been enormous.
missars. London, 1985. Excellent coverage of the S:u¯f¯ı broth-
erhoods of the Caucusus and Central Asia, including their
SEE ALSO Attention; Bist:a¯m¯ı, Abu¯ Yaz¯ıd al-; Dance;
development after the 1917 revolution.
Darw¯ısh; Dhikr, Ghaza¯l¯ı, Abu¯ H:a¯mid al-; Ibn al-EArab¯ı;
Bos, Matthijs van den. Mystic Regimes: Sufism and the State in Iran,
Ibn EAt:a¯ Alla¯h; Islam, articles on Islam in Central Asia,
from the Late Qajar Era to the Islamic Republic. Leiden, 2002.
Islam in South Asia, Islam in the Caucasus and the Middle
An anthropological approach to the NiEmatulla¯h¯ı brother-
Volga; Islamic Law, article on Shar¯ıEah; Islamic Religious
hood, focusing on the twentieth-century relations of the
Year; Khusraw, Am¯ır; Madhhab; Madrasah; Mosque; Mysti-
competing S:af¯ı-EAl¯ısha¯h¯ı and Sult:a¯n-EAl¯ısha¯h¯ı branches
cism; Niz:a¯m al-D¯ın Awl¯ıya¯; Retreat; Ru¯m¯ı, Jala¯l al-D¯ın;
and their connection to the Iranian state.
Sama¯E; Sufism; S:uh:bah; Sunnah; Wala¯yah; Waqf.
Buehler, Arthur. Sufi Heirs of the Prophet: The Indian Naqshbandi-
yya and the Rise of the Mediating Sufi Shaykh. Columbia,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
S.C., 1998. Traces the history of the Naqshbandis, the im-
General Works
pact of colonialism and modernity, and the changing con-
Literature in English, German, French, Arabic, and Turkish on
struction of spiritual authority of Naqshbandi shaykhs in
the t:ar¯ıqah orders and Islamic sainthood is extensive and is
South Asia.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9014
T:AR¯IQAH
Clarke, Peter B. West Africa and Islam: A Study of Religious Devel-
Lewis, Franklin. Rumi: Past and Present, East and West. Oxford,
opment from the Eighth to the Twentieth Century. London,
2000. Chapter 10 in particular deals with the history of the
1982.
Mevlevi order.
Clayer, Nathalie. Mystiques, état et société: Les halvetis dans l’aire
Lewisohn, Leonard, ed. The Heritage of Sufism. 3 vols., 2d ed. Ox-
balkanique de la fin du Xve siècle à nos jours. Leiden, Nether-
ford, 1999. A number of articles in these volumes discuss in-
lands, 1994.
dividual brotherhoods in the Persianate world.
Cornell, Rkia Elaroui, ed. and trans. Early Sufi Women. Louisville,
Lifchez, Raymond, ed. The Dervish Lodge: Architecture, Art, and
Ky., 1993. A translation of the earliest collection of the vitae
Sufism in Ottoman Turkey. Berkeley, Calif., 1992. An excel-
of S:u¯f¯ı women, by al-Sulam¯ı (d. 1021), with introduction
lent study of the physical structures maintained by various
on the role of women in Sufism.
S:u¯f¯ı organizations in Anatolia and their functions.
Cornell, Vincent. Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Mo-
Martin, Bradford G. Muslim Brotherhoods in Nineteenth Century
roccan Sufism. Austin, Tex., 1998.
Africa. Cambridge, U.K., 1976.
DeWeese, Devin. Islamization and Native Religion of the Golden
Massignon, Louis. Essai sur les origines de lexique technique de la
Horde. University Park, Pa., 1994. Describes the role of the
mystique musulmane. 3d ed. Paris, 1968.
Yasawiyya in the Islamization of the Central Asian steppes.
McChesney, R. D. Waqf in Central Asia: Four Hundred Years in
Ernst, Carl W. Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History, and Politics at
the History of a Muslim Shrine, 1480–1889. Princeton, N.J.,
a South Asian Sufi Center. Albany, N.Y., 1992. A study of the
1991.
role of Sufism and S:u¯f¯ı shrines in the Deccan and their influ-
Naguib al-Attas, Syed. Some Aspects of Sufism as Understood and
ence on Indian political history and conversion to Islam,
Practised among the Malays. Singapore, 1963.
based upon the Chishtis of Khulda¯ba¯d.
Netton, Ian Richard. Sufi Ritual: The Parallel Universe. Rich-
Ewing, Katherine Pratt. Arguing Sainthood: Modernity, Psycho-
mond, U.K., 2000.
analysis, and Islam. Durham, N.C., 1997. Explores the post-
O’Fahey, Rex. Enigmatic Saint: Ahmad Ibn Idris and the Idrisi
colonial construction of S:u¯f¯ı identity, particularly the figure
Tradition. Evanston, Ill., 1990.
of the P¯ır and the Qalandar, on the basis of fieldwork done
Pinto, Desiderio. Piri-Muridi Relationship: A Study of the Niza-
in Lahore, Pakistan.
muddin Dargah. New Delhi, 1995.
Gilsenan, Michael D. Saint and Sufi in Modern Egypt: An Essay
Popovic, Alexandre, and Gilles Veinstein, eds. Les ordres mystiques
in the Sociology of Religion. Oxford, 1973.
dans l’Islam: Cheminements et situation actuelle. Paris, 1986.
Gramlich, Richard. Die schiitischen Derwischorden Persiens. 3 vols.
Qureshi, Regula. Sufi Music of India and Pakistan: Sound, Context,
Wiesbaden, 1965–1981.
and Meaning in Qawwali. Cambridge, U.K., 1986; reprint
Gramlich, Richard. Die Wunder der Freunde Gottes: Theologien
Chicago, 1995.
und Erscheinungsformen des islamischen Heiligenwunders.
Raudavere, Catharina. The Book and the Roses: Sufi Women, Visi-
Stuttgart, 1987.
bility, and Zikir in Contemporary Istanbul. Istanbul, 2002.
Gramlich, Richard. Weltverzicht: Grundlagen und Weisen islamis-
Rizvi, Saiyid A. A. A History of Sufism in India. 2 vols. New Delhi,
cher Askese. Wiesbaden, 1997.
1983.
Hodgson, Marshall G. S. The Venture of Islam. Chicago, 1974.
Schimmel, Annemarie. Mystical Dimensions of Islam. Chapel Hill,
Hoffman, Valerie. Sufism, Mystics, and Saints in Modern Egypt.
N.C., 1975.
Columbia, S.C., 1995. Includes an examination of the role
Schimmel, Annemarie. My Soul Is a Woman: The Feminine in
of women and a comparison with elements of spirituality
Islam. Translated by Susan Ray. New York, 1997.
shared in common with Coptic Christianity.
Sirriyeh, Elizabeth. Sufis and Anti-Sufis: The Defence, Rethinking,
Huda, Qamar-ul. Striving for Divine Union: Spiritual Exercises of
and Rejection of Sufism in the Modern World. Richmond,
Suhraward¯ı Su¯f¯ıs. London, 2003.
U.K., 1999. A geographically wide-ranging study of Muslim
Johansen, Julian. Sufism and Islamic Reform in Egypt: The Battle
and colonial European reactions to popular Sufism as well
for Islamic Tradition. Oxford, 1996. Includes translations of
as the reshaping of Sufism from the eighteenth century to the
the Egyptian government’s 1976 and 1978 ordinances con-
twenty-first century.
cerning the S:u¯f¯ı orders.
Taylor, Christopher. In the Vicinity of the Righteous: Ziya¯ra and
Jong, F. de. Turuq and Turuq-Linked Institutions in Nineteenth
the Veneration of Muslim Saints in Late Medieval Egypt. Lei-
Century Egypt. Leiden, 1978.
den, 1999. Discusses the role of visitation of saint’s tombs
Jong. F. de, and Bernd Radtke, eds. Islamic Mysticism Contested:
in Egypt and its historical connection with the rise of the
Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and Polemics. Leiden,
t:ar¯ıqahs.
1999.
Viko⁄r, Knut. Sufi and Scholar on the Desert Edge: Muh:ammad b.
Karamustafa, Ahmet. God’s Unruly Friends: Dervish Groups in the
EAl¯ı al-Sanu¯s¯ı and His Brotherhood. London, 1995.
Islamic Later Middle Period, 1200–1550. Salt Lake City, Ut.,
Werbner, Pnina, and Helene Basu. Embodying Charisma: Moder-
1994. Discusses the history and practices of Qalandars and
nity, Locality, and Performance of Emotion in Sufi Cults. Lon-
non-affiliated S:u¯f¯ıs and dervishes.
don, 1998. Analyzes the rituals of local S:u¯f¯ı shrines and cen-
Karrar, Ali Salih. The Sufi Brotherhoods in the Sudan. Evanston,
ters in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.
Ill., 1992.
Wolper, Ethel Sara. Cities and Saints: Sufism and the Transforma-
Lapidus, Ira. Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages. Cambridge,
tion of Urban Space in Medieval Anatolia. University Park,
Mass., 1967.
Pa., 2003.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TATHA¯GATA
9015
Zarcone, Thierry, Ekrem I¸sin, and Arthur Buehler, eds. Journal
acting the ways that Gotama’s devotees had offered reverence
of the History of Sufism. Istanbul, 2000–. Vols. 1–2 cover the
to him as reported in scriptures. By ritually affirming the
Qa¯dir¯ıyah order.
Buddha’s continuing presence in the world as symbolic con-
A. H. JOHNS (1987)
tainer (ru¯pa-ka¯ya) of his all-knowing mind (dharma-ka¯ya),
F. D. LEWIS (2005)
stupas, and later buddha images, symbolically affirmed the
Buddha’s continuing power for this world, enabling devotees
through the centuries to establish their own relationship to
the Buddha at those sacred sites. Stupas and images provide
TATAR RELIGION SEE INNER ASIAN
physical supports both for rituals of offering and blessing and
RELIGIONS
for meditations that vividly bring to mind the Buddha’s
qualities and powers (buddha¯nusm:r:ti). Thus, in the early
centuries after the Buddha’s final nirva¯n:a, connotations of
tatha¯gata informed the emerging two ka¯ya paradigm of bud-
TATHA¯GATA. In pre-Buddhist India, the term
dhahood and religious practices centered upon it.
tatha¯gata designated a liberated sage. Unlike other titles for
Gotama Buddha common in Pali scriptures such as bhagavan
In several Abhidharma schools prior to the rise of
(blessed one) and jina (victorious one), the Buddha often
Maha¯ya¯na Buddhist movements, sam:sa¯ra and nirva¯n:a were
used the term tatha¯gata to refer to himself. As George Bond
framed as a fundamental dualism, nirva¯n:a understood as an
has noted, three etymologies for it are prominent in
unconditioned reality totally beyond the dependent origina-
Therava¯da texts: (1) tatha¯-gato, meaning “one who has gone
tion of conditioned life, attained by cutting off the inmost
thus,” who has attained nirva¯n:a like all prior buddhas, freed
causes for the five aggregates of conditioned life, for all com-
from the conditioned, distorted mentalities and sufferings of
ponents of mind and body, through long practice of the
mundane existence; (2) tatha-a¯gato, meaning “one who has
path. The pre-Maha¯ya¯na etymologies of tatha¯gata noted
come thus,” who has reached the attainment achieved by all
above express that dualism: “thus gone” to nirva¯n:a beyond
buddhas of prior ages, propelling him to come as the univer-
the conditioned arising of sam:sa¯ra, “thus come” from that
sal teacher for this age; and (3) tatha-a¯gato, meaning one who
transcendent attainment to reveal the path of liberation be-
has come to the final truth of things and shows the way to
fore passing totally beyond the world at final nirva¯n:a.
that truth.
But in the centuries after Gotama Buddha’s physical
To call Gotama Buddha tatha¯gata was to identify him
passing, within some Buddhist communities, the ritual and
as a type, the latest in the line of perfect buddhas from past
meditative practices mentioned above that symbolically af-
ages, highlighting his attainment as supreme for this age. All
firmed the continuing presence and power of the Buddha’s
tatha¯gatas are said to be one in their essential attainments,
nirva¯n:a in this world, together with further developments in
including four peerless types of fearlessness, ten powers of
practice and philosophy, gradually shifted doctrinal formula-
pervasive knowing (such as knowledge of the causal order,
tion of a Buddha’s nirva¯n:a toward non-dualism. A Buddha’s
of the capacities, dispositions and destinies of living beings,
nirvana was thus understood to be fundamentally undivided
and of the methods of spiritual development appropriate for
from this world in its pervasive awareness, spiritual power
each one), six types of perfected supernormal awareness, un-
and liberating activity. This reformulating of a buddha’s
conditional compassion, thirty-two exemplary marks of
nirva¯n:a began to take doctrinal expression in Maha¯sa¯m:ghika
physical perfection, and other excellences.
schools a few centuries after the Buddha’s pari nirva¯n:a, and
was much further developed in Maha¯ya¯na texts from the first
In line with the first and third etymologies of tatha¯gata
century BCE onward, where it became formalized as the doc-
above, to call Gotama tatha¯gata was to designate him the per-
trine of the “unrestricted” (all-active) nirva¯n:a of the buddhas
sonification of the dharma, of the truths and attainments that
(apratis:t:hit:a-nirva¯n:a). In this formulation, a buddha’s
he had realized. Thus, what made him a tatha¯gata was his
nirva¯n:a was said to far exceed that of his arhat disciples, be-
dharma-ka¯ya (Pali, dhamma-ka¯ya), his body of dharma at-
cause it comprised not only freedom from bondage to condi-
tainments, made manifest through the physical signs and
tioned causes of suffering, but also freedom to unleash vast
charismatic powers of his material body, his ru¯pa-ka¯ya.
and endless liberating activity for living beings.
In line with the second etymology of tatha¯gata, “one
Several factors contributing to this reformulation of
come thus as universal teacher,” to call Gotama tatha¯gata was
nirva¯n:a took expression in Maha¯ya¯na scriptures of the early
also to designate him the most worthy and karmically
centuries
weighty object of reverence and offerings. The Buddha, his
CE, including the emergence of a new Maha¯ya¯na
cosmology; a nondual ontology of emptiness; and further de-
community and teaching, were generously supported by the
velopment in practices and doctrines of devotion, compas-
offerings of devotees during his lifetime. After physical death,
sion, and nondual awareness.
the physical embodiment and presence of the Buddha
(ru¯pa-ka¯ya) was represented to the world in sacred reliquary
Influenced in part by the new meeting of cultures and
mounds containing his relics (stupas), which became focal
cosmologies in the Kus:a¯n:a Empire of Central Asia of the
objects of offering and circumambulation, symbolically reen-
early centuries CE, and in part by a new emphasis upon many
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9016
TATHA¯GATA
persons taking up the bodhisattva path (all of whom would
compassionate activity for beings (pun:ya, spiritual merit).
generate their own realm of buddha activity as fruition of
Bodhisattvas, by thereby accumulating vast wisdom and
that path), Maha¯ya¯na scriptures expressed a new Buddhist
merit, under the guidance and protection of the tatha¯gatas,
cosmology of numerous tatha¯gatas simultaneously inhabit-
generate luminous pure realms from which to enact their
ing different universes in all directions, often in radiant pure
own salvific activity as they become tatha¯gatas upon comple-
realms attended by celestial bodhisattvas (not just appearing
tion of their path. Thus, the tatha¯gatas, viewed from above
individually from age to age). In many Maha¯ya¯na scriptures,
as celestial powers and from below as the fruition of the bo-
the yogic powers of Buddha Gotama or advanced bodhisatt-
dhisattva path, spontaneously radiate blessings and salvific
vas opened devotees’ perception to visions of cosmic
activities and manifestations throughout their domains,
tatha¯gatas such as Amita¯bha, Aks:obhya, and Vairocana,
making the liberating power of sam:sa¯ra nirva¯n:a available to
whom devotees ritually reverenced and praised, to whom
beings in sam:sa¯ra as the compassionate outflow of their
they made manifold offerings, and from whom they received
knowledge that nirva¯n:a and sam:sa¯ra are ultimately un-
manifold radiant blessings. Scenes expressing this are promi-
divided.
nent, for example, in the Avatam:saka su¯tra collection, several
Because, Maha¯ya¯na texts say, thusness (tata¯hta) as the
Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯- su¯tras, Vimalak¯ırti, S´uram:gamasama¯dhi,
empty nondual reality of all things is undivided, the term
Sama¯dhira¯ja, and Saddharmapun:d:ar¯ıka.
tatha¯gata now also connotes undividedness among the
In such scriptures, visual or oral encounters with cosmic
tatha¯gatas in their essential realization of it, referred to as
tatha¯gatas often precede or follow a bodhisattva’s realization
dharmaka¯ya. Likewise, in thusness, all living beings are undi-
of transcendental wisdom (prajña¯pa¯ramita), the nondual
vided from the tatha¯gatas and possessed of a primordial puri-
awareness of tatha¯gatas and advanced bodhisattvas that dis-
ty of awareness that constitutes an innate potential for en-
cern the emptiness of all phenomena (´su¯nyata¯), their lack of
lightenment, referred to as the tatha¯gata essence of beings
substantial, independent existence. The empty nature of
(tatha¯gata-garbha), their intrinsic buddha nature. The onto-
phenomena, because known by the tatha¯gatas just thus, is
logical oneness of buddhas in nondual thusness supports a
frequently referred to as “thusness” (tathata¯). Although all
communion of tatha¯gatas and celestial bodhisattvas in their
conditioned phenomena continually change, their intrinsi-
visionary manifestations (witnessed in Maha¯ya¯na scriptures
cally empty nature never changes, is unconditioned and un-
by interactions among visionary tatha¯gatas), which—when
divided, like space. Whereas pre-Maha¯ya¯na Abhidharma
informed by the teaching of buddha nature—opens into a
schools taught penetrating insight (vipassana) to cut off the
communion with all living beings. Reverent gestures of bow-
dependent origination of conditioned phenomena and thus
ing and offering are given vivid ritual forms in liturgies such
attain the unconditioned peace of nirva¯n:a beyond them,
as the seven-part offering practice at the end of the
Maha¯ya¯na texts taught that the very nature of conditioned
Gan:d:avyu¯ha su¯tra, which includes praise, offering, confes-
phenomena was unconditioned emptiness (´su¯nyata¯), thus-
sion, ritual rejoicing, ritual requests, bodhisattva resolutions
ness (tathata¯), intrinsic peace. Hence, these texts proclaimed,
to attain enlightenment for beings, and dedication of merit
to realize ordinary phenomena as empty, intrinsically quies-
to all, while receiving radiant blessings from all the holy be-
cent, is to realize nirva¯n:a as undivided from sam:sa¯ra.
ings. Such practices express deepening communion with and
participation in the salvific activity of the tatha¯gatas and bo-
One way to express this Maha¯ya¯na metaphysic of non-
dhisattvas in and through the luminous, empty ground of
dualism was through playful reinterpretation of previous
thusness in which all are ultimately undivided.
Buddhist etymologies for tatha¯gata. Thus, the Buddha de-
Elements of such liturgical materials were taken up by
clares in the As:t:asa¯hasrika¯ (eight-thousand-verse)
Buddhist practice communities of Central Asia, East Asia,
Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯ su¯tra, “Tatha¯gatas (literally ones who have
and Tibet as means to collect merit and wisdom for the path,
‘thus gone’ or ‘thus come’) certainly do not come from any-
to receive blessings and inspiration from the tatha¯gatas and
where, nor do they go anywhere. For indeed thusness
celestial bodhisattvas, and to mediate their power to sur-
(tathata¯) is unmoving, and the Tatha¯gata is thusness” (Mak-
rounding communities for healing, protection, prosperity,
ransky, p. 32). Tatha¯gatas are those whose awareness has be-
auspiciousness, and well-being. In this way, practices mediat-
come nondual with thusness, who thereby abide in the ulti-
ing the power of tatha¯gatas and bodhisattvas became an im-
mate, unmoving nature of all phenomenal comings and
portant part of the activity of Maha¯ya¯na monastic institu-
goings, the undivided, empty, nirva¯n:ic dimension of this
tions of medieval India, East Asia, and Tibet, whose social,
world.
economic, and political support by local communities was
This implies that the awareness through which a bud-
motivated in part by communal desires for the application
dha or bodhisattva transcends bondage to sam:sa¯ra is also in-
of such ritual power to meet social needs.
timate with sam:sa¯ra. To know all living beings nondually
SEE ALSO Buddha; Perfectibility.
through undivided thusness is to sense all beings through
boundless, unconditional compassion and love. The bodhi-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
sattva path to buddhahood is therefore described as a synergy
For a summary of key Therava¯da sources on tatha¯gata, see George
of deepening wisdom of emptiness (prajña¯pa¯ramita) and
Bond, “Tatha¯gata,” in Encyclopedia of Religion, volume 14
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TATHA¯GATA-GARBHA
9017
(New York, 1987). For examples of early Buddhist and
concerning the other “self,” the living, empirical personality
Therava¯da ritualization of the Buddha’s nirva¯n:a as presence
that was acknowledged to exist, developed into two major
and power within sam:sa¯ra, see John Strong, The Legend of
concepts, “enlightenment-spirit” (bodhicitta), and “Buddha
King A´soka (Princeton, N.J., 1983), and Kevin Trainor, Rel-
essence” (tatha¯gata- or sugata-garbha). The “spirit of enlight-
ics, Ritual, and Representation in Buddhism (New York,
enment” concept dates from the earliest Maha¯ya¯na scriptures
1997). For Asian Buddhist practices mediating the power of
(first century BCE); its systematization was begun by the
tatha¯gatas and bodhisattvas, see Alan Sponberg, “Meditation
scholastic master Na¯ga¯rjuna (c. second century
in Fa-hsiang Buddhism,” Daniel Stevenson, “Four Kinds of
CE). The
Samadhi in Early T’ien-t’ai Buddhism,” and David Chappel,
second dates from the second and third centuries CE), with
“From Dispute to Dual Cultivation: Pure Land Responses
the emergence of the later Maha¯ya¯na scriptures such as the
to Ch’an Critics,” in Traditions of Meditation in Chinese Bud-
Lan:ka¯vata¯ra Su¯tra, the Sam:dhi-nirmocana Su¯tra, the
dhism, edited by Peter Gregory (Honolulu, 1986); Raoul
Tatha¯gatagarbha Su¯tra, the Sr¯ı-ma¯ladev¯ı Su¯tra and the
Birnbaum, The Healing Buddha (Boston, 1989); Glenn Wal-
Maha¯parinirva¯n:a Su¯tra. It was systematized by the Yoga¯ca¯ra
lis, Mediating the Power of Buddhas (Albany, N.Y., 2002);
masters Maitreyana¯tha, Asan˙ga, and Vasubandhu during the
David McMahan, Empty Vision (New York, 2002); and
fourth and fifth centuries CE.
Richard Payne and Kenneth Tanaka, eds., Approaching the
Land of Bliss (Honolulu, 2003). On this subject see also the
The enlightenment-spirit (bodhicitta) theory eventually
Princeton University series: Buddhism in Practice (Princeton,
began to reflect the original ambiguity of the Buddha’s use
N.J., 1995), Religions of India in Practice (Princeton, N.J.,
of self, by employing the scheme of “two realities” (satya-
1995), Religions of China in Practice (Princeton, N.J., 1996),
dvaya), the absolute and the relative. The absolute spirit was
edited by Donald S. Lopez, Jr., and Religions of Japan in
equated with the wisdom of selflessness, and the relative spir-
Practice (Princeton, N.J., 1999), edited by George J. Tabane,
it with the loving mind seeking the welfare of all beings. The
Jr. For systematic perspectives on tatha¯gata, especially within
perfection of the absolute spirit was thought to result in the
Maha¯ya¯na traditions, see Edward Conze, Buddhist Thought
in India (Ann Arbor. Mich., 1973); Paul Griffiths, On Being
achievement of the dharmaka¯ya (“truth body”) of Buddha-
Buddha (Albany, N.Y., 1994); John Makransky, Buddhahood
hood, and the perfection of the relative spirit in the achieve-
Embodied (Albany, N.Y., 1997); and Paul Williams,
ment of the ru¯paka¯ya (“form body”) of Buddhahood, with
Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism (New York, 1989).
its heavenly sam:bhoga (“beatific”) and earthly nirma¯n:a
(“emanation”) bodies. An important point is that the duality
JOHN MAKRANSKY (2005)
between the two spirits, as between the two realities, only ob-
tains from the relative perspective. In the enlightened view,
the two are ultimately the same: wisdom and compassion are
TATHA¯GATA-GARBHA.
one, the absolute is no different from the relative, and truth
Early monastic Buddhism
is equivalent to form. This is summarized in Na¯ga¯rjuna’s fa-
emphasized the reality of “selflessness” (ana¯tmata¯) as the es-
mous statement, “Emptiness [is] the essence of compassion”
sential nature of all beings. The “ignorance” (avidya¯) at the
(“S´u¯nyata¯-karun:a¯-garbham”).
root of suffering in the samsaric life cycle was said to be the
misperception of a fixed and independent “self” (a¯tman)
Against this background, we can understand the emer-
within a selfless, wholly relative person. The overcoming of
gence of the Buddha-essence doctrine. The Absolute Truth
the delusion of self was called “wisdom” (prajña¯), and it was
Body (dharmaka¯ya) of the Buddha is transcendent and eter-
commonly explained as the “wisdom of selflessness.” Howev-
nal, yet omnipresent and immanent in every atom of infini-
er, the earliest sermons of the Buddha are replete with such
ty. Thus, from a Buddha’s perspective, all beings are already
expressions as “mastery of the self is the real mastery,” “he
immersed in the “truth-body realm” (dharmaka¯yadha¯tu) and
who conquers his own self is the supreme warrior,” and so
persist in suffering only because they do not know their own
forth. Self-control was a prime goal of the early Buddhist
actual situation. Each being’s presence in the truth-realm is
monk or nun. Thus, the term self had two distinct connota-
the essence of each; it is each one’s essential participation in
tions. In one, it referred to a fixed, independent, self-
Buddhahood. Thus, each has an essence of Buddhahood,
substance, and in the other, it referred to the living, empiri-
that is, a Buddha essence within him or her that is one’s very
cal, continuum of the person; the former was denied and the
selflessness or “natural ultimate freedom” (prakr:ti-
latter, clearly presupposed.
parinirva¯n:a). One’s critique, through prajña¯, of the mis-
knowledge of self and the resultant realization of selflessness
With the rise of the messianic Buddhism of the “univer-
amounts to the removal of the obscurations of the Buddha
sal vehicle” (Maha¯ya¯na), both sides of this ambiguity were
essence and the revelation of the natural luminosity of the
developed in various ways. The “self” that was thought not
Buddha realm.
to exist was equated with “intrinsic reality” (svabha¯va), “in-
trinsic identity” (svalaks:an:a), and “intrinsic objectivity”
To refer to the useful compendium of sources written
(svaru¯pa). Its systematic denial was expanded beyond “sub-
by the Tibetan scholar Bu ston (1290–1364), the
jective selflessness” (pudgala-nairatmya) to encompass “ob-
Tatha¯gatagarbha Su¯tra gives nine similes of the Buddha es-
jective selflessness” (dharma naira¯tmya¯), which was under-
sence: like a Buddha in a closed lotus, like the honey in the
stood as equivalent to “emptiness” (´su¯nyata¯). Notions
comb, like the grain in the husk, like gold in ore, like treasure
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9018
TATHA¯GATA-GARBHA
buried beneath a pauper’s house, like a tree-seed in its sheath,
to awaken to the profound enlightenment.
like a Buddha-image wrapped in a filthy cloth, like a world
(Lan˙ka¯vata¯ra Su¯tra, ed. P. L. Vaidya, Darbhanga,
monarch amid the impurities of the womb, and like a golden
1959, p. 33)
image contained within its clay mold. Of these nine similes,
And in the Maha¯parinirva¯n:a Su¯tra the Buddha tells a
the first three are said to indicate the dharmaka¯ya in its senses
story about his meeting with five hundred ascetics who ad-
of “absolute” and “element” (dha¯tu), the simile of the golden
mired his beauty and inner composure and wanted to follow
image to indicate “suchness” (tathata¯), and the remaining
his teaching, but were afraid because they thought he was a
five to indicate the “spiritual gene” (gotra), an important
nihilist; he reassured them that he was not a spiritual nihilist
equivalent concept in which one’s inherent Buddhahood is
by teaching them the Buddha-essence doctrine.
conceived of as a genetic cause of the dharmaka¯ya.
Among the great Indian treatises, Maitreyana¯tha’s
The Maha¯parinirva¯n:a Su¯tra reveals the Buddha essence
Ratnagotravibha¯ga is the locus classicus of the systematic ex-
of all beings as permanent, happy, omnipresent, pure, and
position of the Buddha-essence doctrine. It is elucidated by
free, for this is how beings appear in a Buddha’s vision. The
Asan˙ga and Vasubandhu in great detail, without departing
Avatam:saka Su¯tra extends its visionary theme of the mutual
from the basic principles given in the scriptures above. On
interpenetration of all things to illustrate how the Buddha
the basis of this treatise, the Jonan˙ order of Tibetan Bud-
wisdom exists in the mind of every being as each one’s jewel-
dhism developed an elaborate theory of the Buddha essence,
like essential perfection. The An˙gulima¯l¯ıya Su¯tra states that
connecting it to various Tantric ideas. In Tantrism as well,
“the Buddha essence is the reality, the absolute body, the per-
the Esoteric concept of the “indestructible drop”
manent body, the inconceivable body of the transcendent
(aks:ayabindu) as the basis of transmigration and Buddha-
Lord. . . . It is the self.” The Lan˙ka¯vata¯ra Su¯tra mentions
hood and the life essence of a living being is extremely similar
the Buddha essence and equates it with the “fundamental
to the Buddha-essence doctrine. Philosophically, the Tibet-
consciousness” (a¯laya-vijña¯na), the basic seat of ignorance
ans tended to the explanation given in the Lan˙ka¯vata¯ra Su¯tra
underlying the six usual consciousnesses and the afflicted
that the tatha¯gata-garbha theory referred to selflessness in a
mentality (klis:t:amanas) in the idealist psychology of that
manner soothing to those still unprepared for the more radi-
scripture. Finally, the S´r¯ıma¯ladev¯ı Su¯tra mentions the Bud-
cal denial of self.
dha essence as indispensable both to the process of enlighten-
In East Asia, the notion of the tatha¯gata-garbha enjoyed
ment and to the afflicted world.
great popularity. In a treatise attributed to the Indian
The apparent contradiction between these revelations
A´svaghos:a, known in East Asia by the translated title Das-
and the earlier teachings that all beings are impermanent,
heng qixin lun (Awakening of faith in the Maha¯ya¯na), the
miserable, selfless, and impure is addressed in the scriptures
idealistic idea of mind as world-creator is wedded to the
themselves by referring to the two realities and the two per-
tatha¯gata-garbha doctrine to elevate the tatha¯gata-garbha to
spectives, using the hermeneutical concepts of “interpretable
the status of a divine mind responsible for the creation of the
meaning” (neya¯rtha) and “definitive meaning” (n¯ıta¯rtha).
world of transmigration as well as the attainment of libera-
The Buddha uses his “skill in liberative technique”
tion and enlightenment. The Chinese master Jing ying Hui-
(upa¯yakau´salya) to teach according to the abilities of his dis-
yuan (523–592 CE) developed an elaborate idealistic
ciples. The notion of an “intention” (abhipra¯ya or
(vijña¯nava¯da) Buddhology on this basis. His theories were
abhisam:dhi) underlying a teaching is introduced to explain
critiqued by the Centrist (Ma¯dhyamika) master Jizang (549–
the Buddha’s various strategies. Buston extracts a number of
623), who sought to avoid the theistic implications of doc-
such “intentions” from the texts. The tatha¯gata-garbha doc-
trines such as Huiyuan’s. Later systematizers such as Zhiyi
trine is taught in order to (1) eliminate despair and generate
of the Tiantai school, Fazang of the Huayen school, and
effort, giving the practitioner hope of attaining liberation; (2)
many of the greatest Chan masters used the Buddha-essence
eliminate pride and produce respect for others; (3) eliminate
doctrine in various ways, sometimes with an Idealist
absolutistic reifications and nihilistic repudiations and pro-
(Yoga¯ca¯ra) twist, at other times with a Centrist
duce wisdom.
(Ma¯dhyamika) twist. In modern East Asian Buddhism, the
doctrine is again serving Buddhist popularizers and dialogists
In the Lan˙ka¯vata¯ra Su¯tra, Mahamati asks the Buddha
as a strategy for reassuring cultures where “soul” theories are
how his Buddha-essence teaching differs from the “supreme-
traditional.
self” teaching of the brahmans. The Buddha replies:
It is noteworthy that the English popularization “Bud-
The perfect Buddhas have taught the Buddha essence
dha nature” comes from the East Asian writers, for the Chi-
intending emptiness, reality-limit, nirva¯n:a, non-
nese hsing can be read as “nature,” whereas the Sanskrit garb-
creation, signlessness, and wishlessness. For the imma-
ha, dha¯tu, or gotra cannot be stretched without considerable
ture to be free of their terror of selflessness, they teach
effort from the meanings “essence,” “element,” or “gene,” re-
the realms of non-conceptuality and non-appearance by
spectively, to that of “nature.”
the gateway [i.e., teaching] of the Buddha essence. . . .
They teach the essence to attract those heterodox per-
SEE ALSO A¯laya-vijña¯na; Buddhist Philosophy; Nirva¯n:a;
sons who are too deeply attached to their “self” notions
Soul, article on Buddhist Concepts; Tathata¯.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TATHATA¯
9019
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Suchness can only be understood through the inner re-
See David S. Ruegg’s La théorie du tatha¯gatagarbha et du gotra
alization that the true nature of existence does not manifest
(Paris, 1969), Diana Y. Paul’s Philosophy of Mind in Sixth
itself through dichotomous appearances: knower-known,
Century China (Stanford, Calif., 1984), and Takasaki
subject-object, perceiver and perceived. The notion of Such-
Jikido¯’s A Study on the Ratnagotravibha¯ga (Uttaratantra),
ness embraces two aspects, the immutability, purity, and to-
Being a Treatise on the Tatha¯gatagarbha Theory of Maha¯ya¯na
tality of all things, on the one hand, and the activities that
Buddhism (Rome, 1966). Buston’s compendium of sources
on tatha¯gata-garbha has been translated by Ruegg as Le traité
evolve within sam:sa¯ra, on the other. However, these two as-
du tatha¯gatagarbha de Bu ston Rin Chen Grub, traduction du
pects of Suchness denote fundamentally one and the same
De bzin gsegs pa’i snin po gsal zin mdzes par byed pa’i rgyan
reality. They cannot be considered as two separate entities;
(Paris, 1973).
rather, they are simply representations of Suchness “operat-
ing,” as it were, in its transcendental and phenomenal
New Sources
Brown, B. E. The Buddha Nature: A Study of the Tathagatagarbha
spheres. When equated with ´su¯nyata¯ (“emptiness”), tathata¯
and Alayavijñana. Delhi, 1991.
represents the absolute negation of all phenomena and their
attributes. Thus, in its metaphysical aspect it has nothing in
Hookham, S. K. The Buddha Within: Tathagatagarbha Doctrine
common with the conditioned and defiled world. It stands
according to the Shentong Interpretation of the Ratnagotravib-
haga. Albany, N.Y., 1991.
beyond and above the impurity and relativity of sam:sa¯ra.
Suchness remains free and undefiled; it cannot be compre-
King, Richard. “Is ‘Buddha-Nature’ Buddhist? Doctrinal Ten-
hended precisely because it comprises within itself the totali-
sions in the Srimala Sutra—an Early Tathagatagarbha Text.”
Numen 42 (1995): 1–20.
ty of things and because its nature escapes conceptual catego-
rization.
Lopez, Donald S., Jr., ed. Buddhism in Practice. Princeton, 1995.
Takasaki, Jikido. “The Tathagatagarbha Theory Reconsidered:
Sam:sa¯ra, the sphere of defilement and imperfection, has
Reflections on Some Recent Issues in Japanese Buddhist
no beginning but it can be brought to an end. Suchness,
Studies” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 27, nos. 1–2
which is eternal, pure, and perfect by nature, is present in
(2000): 73–83.
sam:sa¯ra but it remains obscured by defilements. Yet while it
is in the sphere of phenomenal existence that Suchness and
ROBERT A. F. THURMAN (1987)
Revised Bibliography
sam:sa¯ra coincide, they are neither identical nor distinct from
one another. Sam:sa¯ra makes its appearance as a chain of de-
pendently originating phenomena issuing from the
tatha¯gata-garbha (“womb of the Tatha¯gata”), which repre-
TATHATA¯. According to the Dasheng qixin lun (The
sents, as it were, the personified principle that stands be-
Awakening of Faith in Maha¯ya¯na), “suchness” (Skt., tathata¯
tween the absolute sphere, which is transcendent to human
or bhu¯tatathata¯; Chin., chen-ju; Tib., de bz´in nyid) denotes
thought, and the relative sphere, which is pervaded by imper-
the totality of reality in both its transcendental and phenom-
fections. When absolute reality becomes manifest in the rela-
enal aspects. It establishes the oneness and unity of the abso-
tive world it projects itself as, or is called, the store-
lute and relative spheres and expresses the totality of all
consciousness (a¯laya-vijña¯na), which contains within itself
things (dharmadha¯tu). Suchness is held to exist in all beings
two opposite principles. One is the principle of nonenligh-
and thus to undergo no changes either in its perfect or defiled
tenment and the inclination to perpetuate the cycle of sam-
state: its nature remains uncreated and eternal. All events and
saric existences; the other is the principle of enlightenment,
things of sam:sa¯ra (i.e., all dharmas) make their appearance
which represents the highest quality and state of mind, free
in the form of individualizations or mental constructions as
of all subjectivity.
a consequence of the beginningless continuity of the subcon-
scious memory (smr:ti) of past experiences acquired during
When it is devoid of all attributes and conceptual pro-
previous existences. It is through the elimination of all men-
jections, the mind may be compared to space insofar as it is
tal projections that the world construed in the mind (citta)
ubiquitous and constitutive of the unity of all things. This
ceases to make its appearances. When seen in this radically
universally perfect mind, enlightenment itself, constitutes
transformed way, all things in their essential nature escape
the dharmaka¯ya (“Dharma body, Dharma essence”) of all the
and defy any explanation or description because they are free
Tatha¯gatas. The mind aware of its perfect and pure nature
and beyond distinction, remain unchanged, and are charac-
abides in the state of enlightenment, yet so long as it is re-
terized by their absolute sameness (samata¯), which precludes
stricted and obscured by ignorance it remains in the state of
any transformation, destruction, or distinction. Since they
nonenlightenment. In other words, perfect enlightenment is
cannot be explained in any way, their verbal or conceptual
embedded in phenomenal existence through the presence of
descriptions must be regarded as mere representations; they
prajña¯ (“transcendental wisdom”) and through the law of
do not denote realities. All things remain ever as they are;
retribution (karman). By perfecting and unveiling prajña¯,
they are such (tatha¯) as they are, and it is their Suchness
and through the performance of meritorious acts, the ele-
(tathata¯), free of all attributes, that expresses the nature of
ment of enlightenment within the mind becomes purified
their oneness and totality.
and freed from karmic residues and wisdom becomes mani-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TATHATA¯
9020
fested in its fullness as the dharmaka¯ya. The impurities and
Sources of the tathata¯ theory include such canonical
mental projections that obscure the mind in its nonenlight-
works as the Lan:ka¯vata¯ra, Sr¯ıma¯la¯dev¯ısim:hana¯da, and
ened state are produced under the influence of avidya¯
Tatha¯gatagarbha Su¯tras, and several other Maha¯ya¯na works
(“ignorance”). It is ignorance that induces the appearance of
including the Dasheng qixin lun. The theory of tathata¯, al-
all mental constructs. When ignorance is subdued and elimi-
though present within the writings of both the Ma¯dhyamika
nated it is merely the “reenlightened” wisdom that shines
and (especially) Vijña¯nava¯da schools, has never been repre-
forth. Ignorance, although it is the cause of all mental states
sented by a separate tradition. It has nonetheless exercised in-
and projections that obscure the clarity of enlightenment, is
fluence on philosophical and religious speculation and was
nonetheless inherently present in enlightenment. Here again,
particularly and predominantly present in the latest phases
the two are neither identical nor nonidentical. Just as waves
of Buddhist writings known as the Tantras.
are present on water stirred by the wind, so are mental pro-
SEE ALSO A¯laya-vijña¯na; Nirva¯n:a; Prajña¯; Soteriology;
jections stimulated by the “winds” of ignorance. Once igno-
S´u¯nyam and S´u¯nyata¯; Tatha¯gata-garbha.
rance is eliminated, the mental “waves” subside and the puri-
ty of the mind in its enlightenment-essence remains
BIBLIOGRAPHY
undisturbed.
The authorship of the Dasheng qixin lun (Maha¯ya¯na´sraddhotpa¯da
The nature of perfect and timeless enlightenment is
S´a¯stra) is one of the most vexed questions in the textual his-
tory of Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism. Although the work is tradi-
characterized as unattainable by any means within the rela-
tionally attributed to A´svaghos:a, the Indian Buddhist writer
tive sphere. When enlightenment is totally free of all hin-
and poet of the first or second century CE, many scholars
drances (kle´sa¯varan:a and jñeya¯varan:a) and of the store-
have doubted this attribution, and some believe the work to
consciousness (a¯laya-vijña¯na), which becomes entangled in
be of Chinese origin. See especially Paul Demiéville’s “Sur
phenomenal events, it remains pure and immutable in its na-
l’authenticité du Ta tch’eng k’i sin louen,” in Bulletin de la
ture. Yet at the same time, this pure and unhindered enlight-
Maison Franco-Japonaise 2 (1929): 1–79, and Walter Lieben-
enment unfolds itself and becomes manifest as a tatha¯gata
thal’s “New Light on the Maha¯ya¯na-S´raddhotpa¯da S´a¯stra,”
(i.e., a Buddha), or in some other form, in order to bring liv-
T’oung pao 46 (1958): 155–216. Regardless of this question,
ing beings to spiritual maturation. Pure and perfect enlight-
the text has exercised great influence on the development of
Buddhism in China and continues to be studied to this day
enment may be spoken of as being present and manifest in
in Japan. Two translations of the work, which contains a full
the phenomenal sphere precisely as nonenlightenment when,
and readily comprehensible exposition of tathata¯, are D. T.
owing to the mind’s ignorance, the true nature of Suchness
Suzuki’s A´svaghos:a’s Discourse on the Awakening of Faith in
is not fully perceived. In this sense, the state of non-
the Maha¯ya¯na (Chicago, 1900) and Yoshito S. Hakeda’s The
enlightenment has no true existence of its own; it can only
Awakening of Faith, Attributed to A´svaghos:a (New York,
be considered in relation to perfect enlightenment, which,
1967).
as nonenlightenment, is obscured by ignorance. Thus, per-
Two studies of the Ratnagotravibha¯ga maha¯yana-uttaratantra, an
fect enlightenment, which remains unchanged and unim-
important source for theories of tatha¯gata-garbha and
peded at all times, is not really produced (it is ever present
tathata¯, are Eugene Obermiller’s The Sublime Science of the
within all things) but rather becomes manifested through
Great Vehicle to Salvation, Being a Manual of Buddhist Mo-
and within the defiled world that has evolved under the in-
nism (Leiden, 1931) and Takasaki Jikido¯’s A Study on the
fluence of ignorance. A full understanding of the Suchness
Ratnagotravibha¯ga (Uttaratantra) (Rome, 1966). A highly
of all things depends on the degree of the mind’s purity and
technical discussion of these topics can be found in David
Seyfort Ruegg’s La théorie du tatha¯gatagarbha et du gotra
the mind’s ability to perceive it. Ordinary people, over-
(Paris, 1969). See also Alex and Hideko Wayman’s transla-
whelmed by defilements and hindrances, do not perceive the
tion of the S´r¯ıma¯la¯ Su¯tra, the Lion’s Roar of Queen S´r¯ıma¯la¯:
nature and presence of Suchness. On the other hand, the
A Buddhist Scripture on the Tatha¯gatagarbha Theory (New
Tatha¯gatas understand it perfectly.
York, 1974), which contains a concise doctrinal exposition
in the introduction.
All beings are innerly endowed with Suchness and with
all the innate impulses necessary to eradicate imperfections
New Sources
and defilements and to pursue the path of moral activities.
Jñanasribhadra, Ye shes dpal bzang po, et al. Sei nyuryogakyo chu.
Kyoto, 1993.
From the moment that beings give rise to the thought of en-
lightenment (bodhicitta) until the moment they attain Bud-
Sharf, R. H. Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism: A Reading
dhahood they are protected and guided by the bodhisattvas
of the Treasure Store Treatise. Honolulu, 2002.
and tatha¯gatas, who assume various manifestations in order
Sutton, F. G. Existence and Enlightenment in the Lankavatara-
to guide them along the path. Suchness, although variously
Sutra: A Study in the Ontology and Epistemology of the Yoga-
cara School of Mahayana Buddhism. Albany, N.Y., 1991.
described as the effulgence of wisdom, as true knowledge or
pure mind, as tranquil, pure, eternal, and immutable, never-
Suzuki, D. T. Studies in the Lankavatara Sutra. New York, 2000.
theless remains free of all distinctions and attributes precisely
Tanabe, G. J. Religions of Japan in Practice. Princeton, 1999.
because all things are of “a single taste,” a single reality unaf-
TADEUSZ SKORUPSKI (1987)
fected by any modes of particularization or dualism.
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TAUBES, JAKOB
9021
TATTOOING SEE BODILY MARKS
identified in the origins of Jewish theocracy. In this work,
a year after the publication of Lebendiges Judentum (Living
Judaism; the book by Zwi Taubes, in which the Zionist
standpoint appears as the only means of escape for European
TAUBES, JAKOB. Jakob Taubes was born in Vienna
Jewry), there is no reference to the so’ha; however, the whole
on February 25, 1923. In 1937, as a result of the appoint-
work is based on the need to question the historical position
ment of his father, Zwi Taubes, as chief rabbi to Zürich, he
reached without resorting to the solution proposed by his fa-
moved to Switzerland and survived the Nazi persecution. In
ther. A forerunner of the debate that followed concerning
1943 he became a rabbi. In 1947 he completed his studies
modernity, despite being referred to by Karl Löwith (1897–
in philosophy at Zürich and published Abendländische Escha-
1973) in Meaning in History (1949), Abendländische Escha-
tologie (Western Eschatology).
tologie remained forgotten for a long time. The work is an
In 1948 he moved to the United States, where he mar-
attempt to examine the position in Western history of the
ried Susan Anima Feldman. He obtained a post at the Jewish
need for fulfillment specific to apocalyptics. It is divided into
Theological Seminary in New York, where he worked with
four parts: the first identifies in Jewish apocalyptics and their
Louis Finkelstein, S. Libermann, and Lewis L. Strauss. In
Gnostic expression “the essence of eschatology”; the second
1949 he met Gershom Scholem (1897–1982). However, his
is devoted to the “history of apocalyptics”; and the third and
association with Scholem was not successful: personal and
fourth volumes are concerned with its definition, first theo-
theoretical reasons led to a quick breakdown in their rela-
logically and then philosophically, in modernity.
tions.
The history of philosophy and political theology are the
two pivotal themes of his work and they find full expression
He returned to the United States in 1953 and after
in Paul’s (c. 3–c. 66) Messianism. At first Taubes attempted
being awarded a Rockefeller scholarship he spent the next
to redefine the idea of Messianism in a different way from
two years at Harvard University. In the academic year 1955–
Scholem; thus, in the seminar on the Letters to the Romans,
1956 he taught at Princeton University. In 1956 he was a
in an answer to the views of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–
professor of history and philosophy of religion at New York’s
1900), Sigmund Freud (1856–1939), Karl Barth (1886–
Columbia University, where he remained for ten years. He
1968), Schmitt, Walter Benjamin (1892–1940), and
met Peter Szondi (1893–) and Theodor Adorno (1903–
Scholem himself, he returns Paul to his Jewish roots, believ-
1969). In 1966 he was appointed as the chair of Jewish
ing that Paul’s antinomic Messianism, first of all, was the
studies at the Freie Universität Berlin, a post that he held
only way to attain the fulfillment of the original apocalyptic
until 1979, when he took charge of the new Department of
requirement of the end of history, without thereby resorting
Hermeneutics. During this same period he taught at the
to a dualist Gnostic or Marcionite solution, and also that it
Maison des Sciences de l’Homme in Paris. In Berlin Taubes
represented the most appropriate way of dealing with the
became an icon of the student movement.
question of Law, either the Torah or the Nomos, which
Along with Jürgen Habermas (1925–) and Dieter Hein-
nonetheless found its most complete expression in Schmitt’s
rich (1927–), he was editor of the Theorie series of
concept of sovereignty. In short, through Paul, Taubes pro-
Suhrkamp. In 1983 the first of the three-volume Religions-
duces a detailed Messianic account of the two main problems
theorie und Politische Theologie was published and dedicated
of the postmodern age: the end of history and the end of sov-
to Carl Schmitt (1888–1985), whom Taubes had met in
ereignty. In his opinion, following in the footsteps of Benja-
1978 and with whom he had remained in touch. The history
min, Pauline Messianism produced an upheaval of political
of this working relationship was the subject of his book Ge-
theology and a radical reconsideration of the history of phi-
genstrebige Fügung. In 1987 the Heidelberg Seminar on the
losophy.
Letters to the Romans took place and was eventually published
under the title Die politische Theologie des Paulus. After being
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ill on a number of occasions and spending time in nursing
Works by Jakob Taubes
homes, he died on March 21, 1987.
Religionstheorie und Politische Theologie. Munich, 1983–1987.
Taubes’s work was based on identifying a link between
Ad Carl Schmitt: Gegenstrebige Fügung. Berlin, 1987.
religion and politics. Beginning in the early 1980s he pre-
Abendländische Eschatologie. Munich, 1991.
pared work that would lead to the three-volume Religions-
Die politische Theologie des Paulus. Munich, 1993.
theorie und Politische Theologie, an endeavor that had actually
Vom Kult zur Kultur. Munich, 1996. A collection of essays.
begun in the 1950s when, after producing a work on political
Il prezzo del messianesimo: Lettere di Jacob Taubes a Gershom
philosophy and theology, he published two studies (Theology
Scholem e altri scritti. Macerata, Italy, 2000, with an unpub-
and Political Theory and On the Symbolic Order of Modern
lished seminar on Benjamin’s thesis.
Democracy), the product of a detailed study of Schmitt’s
Messianismo e cultura. Milan, 2001.
works; or earlier when, in Abendländische Eschatologie, the
Other Sources
only book published during his life, he attempted to return
On Taubes, see Norbert W. Bolz and Wolfgang Hübener’s collec-
to the problem of political theology, the source of which he
tion Spiegel und Gleichnis: Festschrift für Jacob Taubes (Würz-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9022
TAULER, JOHANNES
burg, 1983), Richard Faber, Eveline Goodman-Thau, and
Filthaut (Essen, 1961), pp. 436–479. A bibliography of
Thomas Macho’s collection Abendländische Eschatologie: Ad
works from 1961 until 1969 is in Bibliographisches Handbuch
Jacob Taubes (Würzburg, 2001), and also the monograph by
der Deutschen Literaturwissenschaft, vol. 1, edited by Clemens
Elettra Stimilli, Jacob Taubes: Sovranità e tempo messianico
Köttelwesch (Frankfurt, 1973). For 1969 through 1973
(Brescia, Italy, 2004).
there is Bibliographie der Deutschen Sprach- und Literatur-
E
wissenschaft, edited by Hildegard Huttermann, Clemens
LETTRA STIMILLI (2005)
Köttelwesch, and Heinz-Georg Halbe (Frankfurt, 1973).
The original texts of Tauler’s sermons are published as Ser-
mons de Tauler, 2 vols., edited by A. L. Corin (Liège, 1924–
TAULER, JOHANNES (c. 1300–1361), German Do-
1929). A critical edition was produced by Ferdinand Vetter
minican and mystic. Born at Strasbourg, Tauler entered the
as Die Predigten Taulers, “Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters,”
convent of the Strasbourg Dominicans as a young man and
vol. 11 (Berlin, 1910). A. L. Corin has translated the sermons
was probably a student, and certainly a disciple, of Meister
into French in three volumes, Sermons de Tauler (Paris,
Eckhart. Living at a time of political upheaval, aggravated by
1927–1935), and Georg Hofmann has produced a German
the social excesses that came in the wake of the Black Death,
edition in two volumes, Sämtliche Predigten (Freiburg,
Tauler was distinguished by a remarkable sobriety of lan-
1983). An English translation by Maria Shrady is available
guage and thought, a refusal of extremism, and a profound
as Johannes Tauler: Sermons (New York, 1985). Selections
understanding of human nature, which did not keep him
from Tauler have been translated and edited by Eric Col-
ledge and Sister M. Jane, O.P., as Spiritual Conferences (Saint
from being a demanding spiritual guide. His surviving ser-
Louis, 1961). A brief secondary source on Tauler is James M.
mons, all in German, were preached to Dominican nuns,
Clark’s The Great German Mystics (Oxford, 1949),
written down, copied, and sent to other convents eager for
pp. 36–54, with bibliography, pp. 114–117.
spiritual nourishment, then often in scarce supply.
Primarily a pedagogue and a “master of life,” Tauler
CLAIRE CHAMPOLLION (1987)
Translated from French by Matthew J. O’Connell
takes as his starting point a carefully defined conception of
“man as being really like three men (Menschen), though re-
maining one”: the sensible man, with sensations, percep-
tions, imagination, action, and sensible will; the rational or
TAEZIYAH, more fully known as ta Eziyah-khva¯n¯ı or
intellectual man, capable of abstract thought, conceptualiza-
shab¯ıh-khva¯n¯ı, is the Sh¯ıE¯ı passion play, performed mainly
tion, and deduction; and the higher, or interior and essential
in Iran. The word itself is derived from the Arabic Eaza¯D,
man, the “depth” (Grund) from which the spark emerges and
“mourning,” and the ta Eziyah performance marks the death
in which the birth of God takes place.
of H:usayn, the grandson of the prophet Muh:ammad and the
The spiritual life starts with sensible devotion (images
third imam of the Sh¯ıEah, who was brutally murdered, along
of the life, death, and resurrection of Christ) and a love that
with the male members of his family and a group of follow-
is felt strongly at the time of the first “conversion” of the
ers, while he was contesting his hereditary right to the caliph-
heart, often with a degree of exaltation that approaches in-
ate. The horrors of this hot and bloody scene, which took
toxication. But such devotion and love, though useful, re-
place on the plain of Karbala near the Euphrates on EA¯shu¯ra¯D,
main “in nature,” and there follows a lengthy period in
the tenth day of the Muslim month of Muh:arram, in AH 61/
which the person advances with difficulty, under the guid-
680 CE, became the prototype of Sh¯ıE¯ı martyrdom.
ance of reason as it exercises discernment, often amid obscu-
rity and aridity when reduced to its own powers and sus-
Beginning in the middle of the tenth century, annual
tained by naked faith. If the person perseveres, this period
parades held in Baghdad during the month of Muh:arram
brings a detachment that will do away with all obstacles to
vividly portrayed the fate of the martyrs, loudly lamented by
the unmediated encounter with God. In this process an expe-
attending crowds. When the Safavid monarch made Shiism
rienced teacher is needed. If God wills it, the person will at-
the state religion of Iran in the sixteenth century, these dem-
tain supernatural contemplation, a pure gift that cannot be
onstrations became highly elaborate, featuring men, on ca-
merited.
parisoned horses and camels, acting the role of martyrs with
In addition to Bernard of Clairvaux, William of Saint-
bloody wounds and gruesome injuries. Floats were also con-
Thierry, and Meister Eckhart, Tauler drew on Christian (Di-
structed to depict the various events at Karbala, and the en-
onysius the Areopagite) and non-Christian (Proclus) Neo-
tire parade was accompanied by funerary music while by-
platonism. Tauler exercised an extensive influence in the
standers wailed and beat their breasts. Contemporaneously,
Germanic countries (as a young man, Luther read and reread
the lives, deeds, and sufferings of H:usayn and other Sh¯ıE¯ı
him) and also—through Latin translations and complex
martyrs were also treated in a book entitled Rawd:at
channels—on Spanish and French spiritual writers.
al-shuhada¯ D (The Garden of the Martyrs), which in turn gave
rise to readings called rawzah-khva¯n¯ıs, or “garden recita-
¨
B
tions” in Persian. It was from a combination of the
IBLIOGRAPHY
An exhaustive bibliography of works published before 1961 is in
Muh:arram parades and the rawzah-khva¯n¯ı that the ta Eziyah
¨
Johannes Tauler: Ein Deutscher Mystiker, edited by Ephrem
drama emerged in the middle of the eighteenth century.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEARS
9023
Nowadays, ta Eziyah can be performed throughout the
well as of the tombs of other Sh¯ıE¯ı martyrs. These ta Eziyahs
year, but originally it was staged only in the month of
are not literal facsimiles of any particular tomb but imaginary
Muh:arram and the following month of S:afar. From the
recreations. Usually made of bamboo and/or sticks covered
crossroads and public squares where they were first pres-
with colorful paper and papier-mâché, these structures re-
ented, ta Eziyah performances soon moved to caravansaries
semble Indian architecture more than the architecture of
and private houses, and then to a special type of theater called
Western Asia, where the original tombs were built. The
tak¯ıyah or H:usayn¯ıyah. Over the next century and a half the-
ta Eziyahs are carried in processions (during the months of
aters of various sizes and constructions were built, reaching
Muh:arram and S:afar) and are housed in ima¯m-ba¯rahs and
enormous proportions in the elaborate Tak¯ıyah Dawlat
private houses, including those of Sunn¯ı Muslims. They may
(State Theater) built by Na¯s:ir al-D¯ın Sha¯h in the 1870s.
be small enough for two men to carry or immense structures
In all these performance areas or playhouses the main
carried by many people. At the conclusion of the procession
action takes place on a raised circular or square platform
some of the ta Eziyahs may be buried in a local “Karbala
around which the audience is seated on the ground, but the
ground.” Other models, known as zar¯ıh:s, are made of dura-
¨
movement of the actors in and around the audience preserves
ble material, generally silver, and are not carried in proces-
the traditional interaction of performers and spectators in the
sions or buried.
Muh:arram celebrations. Audience participation is so intense
S
ah-khva¯n¯ı.
that men and women weep and mourn as though the histori-
EE ALSO EA
¯ shu¯ra¯D; Ra¯wz¨
cal scenes before them were taking place in the immediate
present.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Chelkowski, Peter, ed. Ta!ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran. New
The protagonists, dressed predominantly in green, sing
York, 1979.
their parts, while the villains, who wear red, speak their lines.
Symbolic stage properties, such as a bowl of water to repre-
Pelly, Lewis. The Miracle Play of Hasan and Husain (1879). Re-
print, Farnborough, U.K., 1970.
sent a river, are improvised according to need, particularly
in the villages, where costumes are few. The director/
PETER CHELKOWSKI (1987)
producer is omnipresent on the stage as prompter, property
man, and regulator of the actors, musicians, and viewers. Vil-
lagers and townsmen participate when professional actors are
scarce, but troupes of actors travel from place to place, with
TEARS have always played important roles as symbols and
men playing the women’s roles. Parts are often passed from
signs in religious life around the world, yet they have only
father to son in family groups: acting is a hereditary trade.
recently begun to attract significant scholarly interest. From
the tears shed in love and longing for the absent Kr:s:n:a by
The Islamic Revolution of 1978–1979 utilized the
the gopis (milk maidens) in Brindavin to those shed by ShiEi
H:usayn paradigm and was carried out in accordance with
Muslims during the annual remembrance of the martyrdom
the Sh¯ıE¯ı calendar. The stationary rituals such as ta Eziyah and
of al-Husayn; from the tears of compunction of Christian
the rawzah-khva¯n¯ı served as political rallies at which the as-
¨
mystics to “the welcome of tears” of the Tapirapé people of
sembled people were stimulated by speakers who mixed the
central Brazil (in which friends literally bathe each other
Karbala mourning slogans with political ones. The digres-
when meeting), tears are ubiquitous in the world’s religions.
sions and the comparisons of the plight of H:usayn with the
A general overview of tears in the history of religions based
contemporary political, moral, and social situation have long
on a general phenomenology of tears enables us to appreciate
been a tradition at these rituals and can evoke in the audience
many of symbolic associations tears have had in diverse reli-
a particular social and religious climate which can move the
gious traditions, as well as their many uses in religious rituals.
audience to political action.
No attempt is made here to exhaust the diverse examples of
Ta Eziyah reached its peak in Iran in the second half of
ritualized tears in the history of religions. Instead, what fol-
the nineteenth century. In the 1960s and 1970s, because of
lows is a brief discussion of some of the central functions
overt westernization and other social and political factors, the
tears, or the acts of weeping, crying, and lamentation, have
performances, which had been an urban creation, retreated
served in religious ritual activities, as well as in narrative, pic-
to the rural areas. The fate of this original theater form in
torial, and dramatic representations.
the world of Islam is now uncertain. The Sh¯ıEah of the Cau-
THE PHENOMENOLOGICAL NATURE OF TEARS. Defined in
casus (part of Iran until the early nineteenth century) and of
physical terms, tears are a transparent saline liquid secreted
Iraq and southern Lebanon know it on a more limited scale.
from the lachrymal ducts around the eyes. The physiological
Innovative Western theater directors and producers are now
functions of tears are to keep the cornea moist, wash away
very much interested in the ta Eziyah as a means of breaking
irritants from the eyes, and, with the antibacteriological
down the barriers that divide the audience from the actors
agents they contain, fight infection of the eyes. It is not these
in Western theater.
physiological functions but rather the symbolic import of
On the Indian subcontinent the name ta Eziyah is given
tears, the various meanings that people have attributed to
to a symbolic miniature reproduction of H:usayn’s tomb as
them, and the diverse ways that tears have been ritualized
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9024
TEARS
that are important for the history of religions. In a pedantic
ferences posited among specific kinds of bodies, and the cul-
sense, tears are a human universal, for all healthy persons
tural valuations that are attached to specific body parts and
have the ability to shed tears. Yet, in the study of tears in the
bodily products all help to determine how these symbolically
history of religions, not all tears are identical; the meaning
charged things are viewed (positively or negatively) and how
of specific tears is culturally and historically negotiated and
they are related to each other. Less often noticed are the ways
renegotiated over time and space. The meaning attributed
these and related social factors affect how the human body
to specific tears depends upon a number of situational ele-
and its products are subjectively experienced by individuals.
ments and specific sociocultural expectations. Local con-
structions of gender, class, age groupings, and occupational
Mary Douglas famously argued that “the body can
roles, for instance, can all affect the meaning of tears, as well
stand for any bounded system. Its boundaries can represent
as the value and appropriateness of specific acts of crying
any boundaries which are threatened and precarious” (Doug-
tears. For a supposedly dispassionate Buddhist monk, for in-
las, 1966, p. 115). As an extruded liquid, tears cross the bodi-
stance, crying over a death might be considered inappropri-
ly boundary of inside and outside. They flow from the realm
ate, whereas this would not bring any censure for a lay
of the invisible to that of the visible, and from the hidden
person.
or private sphere to the public sphere. As Arnold van Gennep
noted many years ago, liminal states, sites, and activities, in-
The following basic phenomenological characteristics
cluding the crossing of boundaries, are ambivalent and inher-
are worthy of note:
ently dangerous (Van Gennep, 1960). When the boundary
1. tears are a salty liquid;
is bodily, issues of purity and pollution arise almost inevita-
bly. Thus, in an important sense, tears are liminal; they move
2. tears flow from the eyes down the face;
and exist betwixt and between two distinct states or spaces,
3. tears are an extruded bodily product;
and therefore they are “natural symbols” of transitions or
passages. These passages may be spatial or temporal, or both.
4. tears cross the bodily boundary of inside/outside;
Not surprisingly, ritual tears are often shed at important rites
5. tear-filled eyes produce blurred vision; and
of passage, such as weddings and funerals, as well as on more
6. tears are often, but not always, unwilled and uncon-
common occasions of parting or reunion.
trolled.
The liminal nature of tears enables them to serve as a
Because they are liquid, tears often are associated with water,
symbolic means of mediation between persons (living or
as well as with other bodily fluids such as blood and milk;
dead), between an individual and society, between the inner
because they flow downward, they are associated with
world and the outer world, and so forth. In this sense, tears
streams, waterfalls, and rain; and because they are saline,
play an important sociopolitical function in mediating (and
sometimes they are associated with the sea or ocean. In this
potentially transforming) power relations between humans,
manner, tears are connected to broader symbolic complexes.
divine and human beings, and the dead and the living. In
Yet, it is difficult to imagine disembodied tears because of
crossing the boundary of the body, bodily products have a
their immediate association with the human body and, more
transgressive potential that often makes them dangerous,
specifically, with the head and the body. Marcel Mauss
polluting, or disgusting. The ancient Indian text The Laws
(1872–1950), one of the leaders of the Durkheimian school
of Manu includes tears in a long list of bodily products that
of sociology, first pointed out that in societies and religions
are polluting. In many cultures blood becomes polluting
around the world, the human body is a primary site of sym-
when it flows outside a body (e.g., as menstrual flow), but
bolization and social control (Mauss, 1935, 1979). The
in other instances—or, better, in the case of other bodies—
human body as a whole, specific body parts (e.g., the head,
blood may be said to have positive power, as in the ritual
arms, feet, stomach, genitals), body orifices, and bodily prod-
bleedings the Aztec and Mayan kings performed on them-
ucts often become religiously or ideologically over-
selves in order to reinvigorate the cosmos. Unlike most other
determined signs. That is, the names of body parts meta-
bodily products, though, tears are usually considered to be
phorically come to refer to more than their physiological re-
polluting. Indeed, perhaps because of the function they play
ferents, while they also carry positive or negative
in washing the eyes, they are widely believed to be purifying
connotations. As such, they are discursive sites of multiple,
and even to possess healing powers.
competing, and even contradictory ascriptions of meaning
In many cases, instead of becoming a polluting sub-
and valuations. In addition, the body is frequently a physical
stance by transgressing the boundary of the individual
site of ritual work designed to transform it, enculturate it,
human body, tears function as a sign of a problem with the
or otherwise control it.
social body. Seemingly uncontrolled weeping produces a di-
Tears are a bodily product that is extruded from the
sheveled body, which itself symbolizes a disordered or chaot-
body, like blood, sweat, urine, feces, vomit, mucus, spittle,
ic social body. Thus, tears may imply that proper social
mother’s milk, and seminal fluids. All of these are symboli-
boundaries have been transgressed, or that a desired interper-
cally charged substances. However, the specific cultural and
sonal relationship has been ruptured. At the same time, tears
historical understanding of the human body as such, the dif-
can function as an invitation to the other party to repair a
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEARS
9025
broken relationship, or as an appeal for rectification of a
differences. Thus, ritual tears shed in mourning over a de-
problem.
ceased person may blur the boundary between the dead and
the living. Similarly, ritual tears may dissolve other spatial
Another potential meaning of tears that is suggested by
and temporal boundaries. The participants in the annual
their crossing the bodily boundary of inside/outside bears
ShiEi devotional rites of Muharram, for instance, weep in
mention: Tears may serve as a sign of ecstasy—an out-of-
order to return to the time and the place of the martyrdom
body state or psychosomatic experience. This is why tears are
of al-Husayn at Karbala. Recalling this aspect of the phe-
often associated with mystical experience in religions around
nomenology of tears also helps us to better understand the
the world, including Jewish Qabbalah, Christian mysticism,
phrase “dissolve into tears.” When an individual dissolves
and Sufism. Alternatively, tears may be taken as a sign that
into tears, verbal speech is no longer possible, but the entire
a spirit or deity has entered a body and possessed it. In the
body “speaks.” Collective weeping can produce a psychoso-
religious services of Pentecostal Christians, for example, the
matic experience of communion.
descent of the Holy Spirit into the body of a believer is sig-
naled by glossolalia (speaking in tongues), the loss of full
Another aspect of the phenomenology of tears has long
consciousness, and frequently by copious tears flowing down
caused problems for students of religion. Tears are often
the face. The absence of tears may also be a sign that a human
seemingly spontaneous emotional responses to external stim-
body has been possessed. During the Spanish Inquisition in
uli or memories. When understood to be a spontaneous and
Europe, suspected witches were sometimes ordered to cry.
unwilled affective response to joy, anger, frustration, and so
Because the ability to cry tears was considered to be a mark
on, crying appears to be a natural and universal human emo-
of human nature, the inability to produce them on com-
tional response and therefore, precultural in nature. Al-
mand signaled that a demonic nature inhabited the witch’s
though feelings or emotions have a subjective immediacy and
body.
reality, they have no observable or objective physical reality
per se. Feelings have to be expressed—in a grimace, a smile,
Healthy eyes bring light into the dark cavernous human
a frown, a cry, rolling of the eyes, and so on—in order to
body and the mind, providing crucial information about
be communicated to others. Tears, though, are literally ex-
conditions in the exterior world. In the West, the eyes have
pressed in the sense that lachrymal fluid is squeezed out of
long been called “windows to the soul.” Although this meta-
the body. This characteristic allows actual tears to provide
phor is culturally specific, reflecting on the phenomenology
apparent objective evidence of subjective states and of other-
of windows enables us to appreciate the symbolic associa-
wise hidden psychosomatic conditions.
tions drawn in the West between windows, eyes, and tears.
A transparent window provides outsiders with visual access
The problem historians of religions faced was that ritu-
to an interior space, while simultaneously providing insiders
alized weeping is clearly not spontaneous; it is choreo-
with visual access to the exterior. As such, windows are a pas-
graphed. Ritual weepers, professional and nonprofessional as
sive medium for visual activity across a boundary demarcat-
well, can often turn their tears on and off at will. Some West-
ing an interior and an exterior space. Eyes are like windows
ern scholars found this disconcerting; others found it to be
insofar as they, too provide visual access to both the interior
confirmatory evidence of the presumed duplicitous and in-
and exterior of the human body. In sharp contrast, tears cross
sincere nature of “primitives.” Yet others, perhaps influenced
the bodily boundary of inside and outside in one direction
by the Protestant suspicion of the “empty” rituals of the
only: Tears flow out of the eyes, not into them. The unidirec-
Roman Catholic Church, sought to distinguish between
tional nature of the flow of tears informs the widespread be-
“real” tears and artificial or false ones. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown
lief that tears carry information about the interior world of
in his famous anthropological study The Andaman Islanders
an individual (or, at times, of a group) out to the broader
(1922) noted that there were two types of weeping: (1) weep-
world. Tears are believed to be signs of interior and otherwise
ing as a spontaneous expression of feeling; and (2) weeping
invisible states, most commonly affective or spiritual states.
as “required by custom.” Following Durkheim’s argument
However, as noted earlier, the determination of the meaning
in The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (1912), Rad-
of specific tears is also affected by the local religious and med-
cliffe-Brown largely dissociated ritual weeping from individ-
ical understanding of the body. For instance, in the Western
ual emotions of grief, sadness, and so on. Functionalists fol-
humoral theory of the body, which held sway from the time
lowed Radcliffe-Brown in arguing that, rather than being
of Galen in the second century CE until the Renaissance, tears
provoked by a strong emotion such as grief, the tears shed
were taken to be a symptom of the changing balance of the
in ritual contexts primarily served to evoke feelings of social
five humors in the body. Similarly, melancholy, which was
solidarity. Here, too, they developed a claim made by
characterized by uncontrollable bouts of crying, was consid-
Durkheim, who asserted that ritual weeping produced a col-
ered to be the result of excess humidity in the body.
lective sense of “effervescence” that helped to restore and
strengthen proper social relations.
Unlike transparent windows and healthy eyes, which
allow clear vision across boundaries, tearful eyes produce
The functionalist interpretation of ritual weeping is not
blurred vision. Phenomenologically, this blurred vision of
completely wrong; ritual tears serve multiple purposes, in-
the outside world suggests the blurring of boundaries and
cluding creating a shared emotional state. However, insofar
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9026
TEARS
as this line of argument suggests that spontaneous tears are
signs. As signs, ritual tears exaggerate human emotions and
“real,” whereas ritual tears are not, it is misleading. In effect,
interpersonal relationships for dramatic effect. Mourning
to distinguish true and false tears in this way is to universalize
rites often include ritual weeping, with stylized performances
the Western bourgeois and Protestant privileging of the indi-
of grief. Weeping here may be an expression of felt emotion,
vidual as the ultimate locus of value. Moreover, it premature-
but it need not be. It may also help to create a sense of social
ly forecloses serious inquiry into the distinct local discourses
solidarity, as Durkheim first suggested, but frequently ritual
about tears and the body. Finally, to imply that “primitives”
weeping publicly displays the social and moral status of the
are hopelessly controlled by “custom” is to deny that they can
deceased and his or her family. One might say that in many
willfully act for their own intents and purposes. It also ig-
cultures ritual tears are the measure of the man. The death
nores the ways in which people everywhere at times use the
of a great man (however that be defined) provokes intense
cultural expectations concerning emotional displays for spe-
and extensive weeping, whereas a dead man for whom few
cific purposes. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize that
people weep risks being perceived to have been a “small” man
social and cultural “feeling rules” do inform ritualized weep-
in many ways. Similarly, weeping for the bride in marriage
ing and other affective displays. Cultural capital is often
rites marks a rite of passage, a separation of a woman from
gained by following such affective scripts, but we must also
her natal family, and her reincorporation into a new family.
take account of those affective displays that challenge the sta-
The sadness in parting may be real, but we must also note
tus quo.
that the “worth” of a bride may also be measured in part by
T
the depth of feelings of loss that are publicly displayed by rel-
EARS AS SUBSTANCE, SIGN, AND SYMBOL. Tears sometimes
function as a powerful substance in religious ritual practices
atives.
or in myths. That is, the actual physical tears themselves are
Ritualized tears also are used strategically or politically
believed to have specific powers. In the Middle East, for ex-
to “say” things by those who are powerless or who occupy
ample, tears have been collected in tiny glass bottles for their
a socially inferior position. In the ancient Near East, for ex-
healing qualities for thousands of years. Two examples illus-
ample, a widow, orphan, or resident alien could get a hearing
trate how one aspect of the phenomenology of tears—their
from the king by calling out to him, throwing herself pros-
salinity—has been adapted to local ecological and agricultur-
trate before him, and crying. In II Samuel 14 is an example
al conditions in symbolic form. During the annual dry sea-
of this: Joab asks a woman to dress as a widow and approach
son, as well as in periods of extended drought, the Aztecs per-
King David to appeal for his mercy on Absalom. The ruse
formed rain rituals which incorporated sacrifice and ritual
succeeds precisely because of the cultural expectation that a
weeping. More than being mere expressions of grief, it was
good king is one who protects the weak, the powerless, and
believed that the saline tears shed by participants produced
the poor. Not to respond to the tearful pleas of a widow
rain by flowing down to the moist and rotting underworld
could open the king to whispered criticism and even his
where fresh water was trapped. Like the salt water of the sea,
branding as a bad ruler. Significantly, in the Psalms and else-
tears had the power to desiccate the land and to wither the
where King David himself reportedly shed copious tears of
crops. Just as Aztec agricultural practices required them to
the same sort as this “widow”; that is, King David’s ritual
control and direct the salt water from the great Mexican
tears participated in the same cultural politics of affective dis-
basin in order to irrigate crops with fresh water, tears, too,
play. However, in this case, when David wept and appealed
were controlled and ritually directed. The ritual tears flowed
to Yahweh, he effectively placed himself in the inferior and
down, causing the release and counter flow of fresh produc-
debased position relative to God, whereas he was in the supe-
tive water from underworld springs.
rior position relative to the widow. In other words, insofar
These Aztec ritual tears recall those shed by Susano-o,
as God was imagined as a king writ large, even human kings
a Japanese deity, in a myth recounted in the Kojiki (712 CE).
had to appeal to Him through the same sort of stylized affec-
Like the Aztec rituals, the Susano-o myth cycle is closely re-
tive display.
lated to the local ecology, agricultural cycle, and irrigation
Scholars have only begun to investigate the ritual display
practices. After the death of Izanami, the spouse of Susano-
of emotions and, alternatively, the control of them. We will
o’s father, and her descent to the underworld, Susano-o was
fully appreciate such rituals, and understand the rich multi-
appointed to rule the realm of the ocean (a variant found in
tude of literary and artistic representations of tears, only by
the Nihon shoki [720 CE] says the underworld). Susano-o,
carefully noting how specific aspects of the phenomenologi-
however, refused: “He wept and howled until his beard ex-
cal nature of tears have been exploited, adopted, and adapted
tended down over his chest for a length of eight hands. His
by specifically situated persons in their own efforts to create
weeping was so violent that it caused the verdant mountains
religious and moral worlds of meaning. Medieval Japanese
to wither and all the rivers and waters to dry up” (Philippi,
poets often equated tears with the dew, employing the poetic
1968, p. 72) Here, too, salty tears shed over the dead threat-
conceit of “dew on [one’s] sleeves,” for instance, to suggest
en to destroy the fertility of the land.
the tears shed by a sensitive person. Although the Japanese
Although tears are sometimes powerful substances,
poets stressed the ephemeral nature of the dew and tears
more often they function as highly charged symbols and
(and, by extension, human feelings), the evidence of the his-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TECUMSEH
9027
tory of religions speaks to the ubiquitous presence of tears
ropean. Based on his visions, Neolin urged Native Americans
over time and space.
to regain their independence, to wean themselves from the
worst aspects of the fur trade, and to regain the old arts of
SEE ALSO Aztec Religion; Blood; Eye; Gennep, Arnold van;
self-sufficiency. He influenced Pontiac, leader of a massive
Head, article on Symbolism and Ritual Use; Human Body,
anti-British uprising in 1762 that involved Anishinaabes,
article on Myths and Symbolism; Liminality; Mauss, Mar-
Ottawas, Potawatomis, Menominees, Hurons, Delawares,
cel; Rain; Rites of Passage; Water.
Shawnees, Senecas, Mesquakies, Kickapoos, Macoutens,
Weas, Sauk, and Miamis.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Christian, William A. “Provoked Religious Weeping in Early
This movement, like many that followed, had emerged
Modern Spain.” In Religious Organization and Religious Ex-
in a context already strongly shaped by extensive contact and
perience, edited by John Davis, pp. 97–114. London, 1982.
trade with Europeans. In these contact-zones, diverse peoples
Corrigan, John, ed. Religion and Emotion: Approaches and Interpre-
moved across and depended upon multi-dimensional net-
tations. New York, 2004.
works of cross-cultural ties to engage in reciprocal forms of
Douglas, Mary. Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of
exchange. New kinds of political figures, alliance chiefs,
Pollution and Taboo. London, 1966.
helped mediate between non-hierarchical Native American
villages and imperial authorities. Over time, political, materi-
Durkheim, Emile. The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life. Lon-
don, 1912.
al, and cultural hybridity became the norm, not the anomaly.
Tensions and conflicts abounded, but Indians had an essen-
Ebersole, Gary L. “The Function of Ritual Weeping Revisited: Af-
tial place in this dynamic world and, most important, could
fective Expression and Moral Discourse.” History of Religions
compel non-Natives to come to terms with them.
39 (2000): 211–246.
Mauss, Marcel. “Techniques of the Body.” In Marcel Mauss, Soci-
When this balance shifted, as European settlement ex-
ology and Psychology, translated by Ben Brewster. London:
panded and the population of non-Natives soared, Native
1979, originally published in 1935.
Americans faced a serious crisis. In region after region, the
PhIlippi, Donald L., trans. Kojiki. Tokyo, 1968.
newcomers became less interested in Indian trade or showing
reciprocity within hybridized “middle grounds,” and far
Radcliffe-Brown, A. R. The Andaman Islanders. London, 1922, re-
vised ed. 1933.
more interested in acquiring Indian land, through any means
necessary. On the so-called frontier new forms of Indian-
Urban, Greg. “Ritual Wailing in Amerindian Brazil.” American
hating spread along with calls for the extermination of Na-
Anthropologist 90 (1988): 385–400.
tive Americans. Relations, always tense, became polarized
Van Gennep, Arnold. The Rites of Passage. Chicago, 1960, origi-
and racialized. Facing this new situation, American Indian
nally published 1909.
prophets like Neolin called for religiously motivated resis-
Wolfson, Eliot W. “Weeping, Death, and Spiritual Ascent in Six-
tance.
teenth-Century Jewish Mysticism.” In Death, Ecstasy, and
Other Worldly Journeys, edited by John J. Collins and Mi-
A few decades later and further into the interior, a Mo-
chael Fishbane, pp. 209–247. Albany, N.Y., 1995.
hawk prophetess named Coocoochee inspired Native Ameri-
cans of the Ohio and Great Lakes region to fight to rid their
GARY L. EBERSOLE (2005)
lands of the intrusive American presence. Indeed, on No-
vember 4, 1791, in western Ohio, Miamis, Shawnees, Dela-
wares, Potawatomis, Ottawas, Chippewas, Wyandots, Min-
TECUMSEH (1768–1813) or Tecumtha (“Shooting
gos, and Cherokees defeated a large army led by General
Star,” the celestial panther), a Kispoko Shawnee born near
Arthur St. Clair. Tecumseh certainly learned about this re-
the Mad River in western Ohio, devoted his life to intertribal
markable Indian victory over the Americans.
movements resisting American expansionism and its devas-
During his twenties, Tecumseh participated actively in
tating effects on American Indian communities. Because he
the Chickamaugan revolt in the Southeast. Like many Shaw-
and his compatriots fought during a period when power
nees, Tecumseh had strong ties to the region. His mother
shifted decisively toward the U.S. nation-state, historians
was Creek and he had children with a Cherokee woman. The
have asserted that theirs was a lost cause. Of course during
Chickamaugans comprised dissident Cherokees, Creeks,
Tecumseh’s lifetime no one could have known this. For
Shawnees, and ex-Tories. Disgusted with established tribal
many American Indians living in the interior, inter-tribal re-
leaders and distressed by settler incursions onto Indian lands,
sistance not only made sense, it was a well-established politi-
they built new intertribal towns near the Tennessee River.
cal tradition energized by powerful spiritual and cultural val-
In 1789, while fighting at their side in a Cumberland raid,
ues. This tradition influenced Tecumseh even as it enabled
Tecumseh saw his beloved older brother Cheeseekau (Pep-
him to influence Indians from the Great Lakes to the Gulf
quannakek, “Shawnee Warrior”) killed. Subsequent setbacks
Coast.
brought an end to the Chickamauga revolt a few years later.
During the mid-eighteenth century, the Delaware
The American opposition was simply too strong in the
prophet Neolin had called for a radical break with things Eu-
Southeast. The same was true in the Ohio country. In 1795
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9028
TECUMSEH
at the Treaty of Greenville, Shawnee leaders and others ceded
western country were common property among all the tribes,
about two-thirds of what is now Ohio to the Americans.
and a sale was void unless made by all the Tribes. his brother
concurred. Sounding an anti-colonial note that reflected in-
After 1795, in the Ohio country and in the Southeast,
creased racial consciousness, Tenskwatawa taught that whites
power continued to shift toward the Americans, but in an
were not created by God, but by a lesser spirit. Tenskwatawa
accelerated manner. During this period, the newly settled
and Tecumseh advocated Indian solidarity against the Amer-
states of Kentucky (1792) and Tennessee (1796) acted like
ican invasion. As the War of 1812 approached, they also
a great geopolitical wedge cutting into Indian country. On
carefully considered allying with the British to gain military
the one hand, this “wedge” acted as a barrier that made tradi-
support. Eventually they did so, only to be gravely disap-
tional intertribal diplomacy and exchange between northern
pointed.
and southern Indians more difficult and treacherous. On the
other hand, Kentucky and Tennessee provided staging
Tecumseh also sought support from southern tribes. In
grounds for the next wave of invasion and settlement into
1811, Tecumseh, accompanied by a Mequashake Shawnee
regions that would eventually be known as the Old North-
prophet named Seekaboo, traveled among Chickasaws,
west and Old Southwest. New cessions of tribal lands, north
Choctaws, and Creeks to promote pan-tribal cooperation
and south, chipped away at the remaining land base of interi-
and anti-American militancy. Their only success came
or Indians. By 1810, in the Old Northwest, settlers outnum-
among the Creeks, a strong nation increasingly vexed by
bered Indians nearly four to one. As newcomers threatened
trade debts, settler incursions, land cessions, internal class di-
to displace Indians and destroy all forms of reciprocal ex-
visions, and meddling federal Indian agents. To show their
change (the so-called “middle ground”), a new prophetic
solidarity with northern nations, rebel Creeks danced the
movement emerged among the Shawnees. It was led by Te-
Dance of the Indians of the Lakes. They also attacked leaders
cumseh’s younger brother Lalawethika (The Rattle).
closely connected with U.S. government officials.
Lalawethika (1775–1836) realized his own prophetic
Within two years, the Creek anti-colonial movement at-
destiny in 1804 when he awakened from a trance. He had
tracted nine thousand participants, about half of the entire
received a revelation directly from the Creator. This experi-
Creek nation. When a Creek civil war erupted between the
ence transformed Lalawethika. He stopped drinking and
rebel Redsticks and their accommodationist opponents,
took a new name, Tenskwatawa, the Open Door. Echoing
Americans in surrounding states and territories seized the
the messages of previous prophets, Tenskwatawa spoke
conflict as an opportunity to invade Creek country, ostensi-
against dependency, alcohol consumption, and land ces-
bly in behalf of the “friendly” Indians. American armies and
sions, and in favor of intertribal solidarity, temperance, and
militias crushed the Redstick faction and, with the war’s
reform. He disliked the fact that missionaries and other
close in 1814, exacted huge land cessions from the entire
agents of American culture encouraged Native men to work
Creek nation, friend and foe alike.
in the fields growing food crops. In his eyes, only women
By then Tecumseh himself was dead, killed in the Battle
tended domestic crops full time. Real men shed blood in the
of the Thames, near Moraviantown in Canada, on October
forest. Tenskwatawa charged several people among the Dela-
5, 1813. Two years earlier, as Tecumseh recruited support
wares with complicity with evil spirits. This witch-hunt led
in the South, an army led by William Henry Harrison had
to the execution of several people, including two annuity
destroyed Prophetstown. With these and other defeats, Te-
chiefs, who had close ties to the Americans or Christian mis-
cumseh’s and Tenskwatawa’s movement ended.
sionaries.
In some ways, however, the comprehensive religio-
Other modes of internal reform were less violent, but
political challenge that their movement embodied continued
also revealed tensions within tribal communities, between
to trouble Americans. Among other things, Americans who
accommodationists and rebels, and between Native Ameri-
wrote about this movement and its leading figures found it
cans and Americans. Tenskwatawa and Tecumseh organized
much easier and popular to divide in their representations
an intertribal village first at Greenville (now in Ohio), then
what had been united in practice. In novels, plays, histories,
at Prophetstown on the Upper Wabash river (now Indiana).
and speeches, white writers split religion and politics, di-
These towns attracted men and women from a dozen or so
vorced passion from reason, contrasted Tenskwatawa with
tribes, including Potawatomis, Ottawas, Ojibwas, Menomi-
Tecumseh. They demonized the prophet, who continued to
nees, Winnebagos, Kickapoos, Sacs, and Foxes. Inevitably,
live for more than two decades after the war, as the font of
this gathering, no matter how peaceful its intent, excited fear
all of kinds of irrational excesses, the one who foolishly led
and mistrust among white authorities and the chiefs closely
his followers into the disastrous Battle of Tippecanoe (No-
allied to them.
vember 7, 1811). And they mythologized his brother Te-
Tensions increased still further with the 1809 signing
cumseh, now safely dead, as a romantic, but doomed, warrior
of the Treaty of Fort Wayne, which ceded more than 2.5
who thought strategically and fought nobly, all for nought.
million acres of Indian land. The Delaware, Potawatomi,
In sum, white writers celebrated Tecumseh as a singular ge-
Miami, and other Indian leaders who signed were con-
nius, though one handicapped by his brother’s incompe-
demned by Tecumseh and Tenskwatawa. The lands in the
tence.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEHUELCHE RELIGION
9029
These simplistic stereotypes obscured the complex reali-
sea (the Flood?) or of a thick, wet darkness. During the sec-
ties. In fact, some Native Americans in the South remem-
ond era, the high god—known variously as Weq.on
bered Tecumseh as a prophet himself. And it is clear that he
(“truthful one”), Kooch (“heaven”), the Old One, and the
and Tenskwatawa both drew upon key ideas from previous
Everlasting One, among other paraphrases—creates and
intertribal resistance movements, movements that had fused
gives order to the cosmic elements. Third is the epoch of
prophetic teachings with political goals to rally Native com-
Elal, the young god who shapes the earth, performs the onto-
munities facing new forms of domination. In other words,
logical schism between undifferentiated and differentiated
Tecumseh fought with everything he had to defend the cul-
reality, and makes possible present-day human life with his
tural and political sovereignty of American Indians.
ordering of technoeconomic, social, ritual, and ethical phe-
nomena. His actions cover the end of the mythic era and
BIBLIOGRAPHY
mark the transition to the fourth age, the present one.
Dowd, Gregory Evans. A Spirited Resistance: The North American
The cosmology describes the world as a system of four
Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745–1815. Baltimore, 1992.
superimposed strata: the celestial sky, the atmospheric sky,
Edmunds, R. David. The Shawnee Prophet. Lincoln, Nebr., 1983.
the earth, and the subterranean region. The first is consid-
Martin, Joel. Sacred Revolt: The Muskogees’ Struggle for a New
ered to be the highest, the second and third are rated ambigu-
World. Boston, 1991.
ously, and the last stratum is ranked the lowest. The cardinal
Sugden, John. Tecumseh: A Life. New York, 1997.
points are rated similarly: the east is the best, the north and
south are ambiguous, and the west is very bad.
White, Richard. The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Repub-
lics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815. New York, 1991.
RITUAL. No form of cult to the high god is recorded. The
J
women possessed a repertory of sacred songs, dedicated to
OEL W. MARTIN (2005)
Elal and to Moon and Sun and their daughter, that were
transmitted matrilineally. The canonical and reduplicated
form of periodic exhortations given before hunting expedi-
TEHUELCHE RELIGION. [This entry discusses the
tions, which were uttered loudly by the chief of the local
religious system of the Aónikenk, or southern Tehuelche Indi-
group, suggests the transformation of an ancient prayer ad-
ans.] Known as the Aónikenk (“southerners”), the southern
dressed to Elal, inventor of hunting weapons and techniques.
Tehuelche Indians inhabited the region of Argentine Patago-
nia, which extends east and west from the Atlantic Ocean to
Moon is the feminine deity who rules over periodic and
the foothills of the southern Andes and north and south from
alternating processes: menstruation, gestation, the life cycle,
the Chubut River (43° south latitude) to the Strait of Magel-
and the tides. During the new moon and eclipses, the mem-
lan. The ethnographic data used in this essay come primarily
bers of the community would assemble behind their tents
from fieldwork done in the 1960s, when the surviving Aó-
looking to the east; the women intoned the song of the deity
nikenk population was estimated to number about two hun-
and addressed prayers to her, begging her to “return to illu-
dred, although barely seventy were still speaking their own
minate the world,” to grant them health, longevity, and good
language, which is part of the Araucana-chon family.
luck.
Until their final biological, social, and cultural annihila-
The song to the daughter of Sun and Moon was includ-
tion—due to pressures exerted by the Araucanian peoples to
ed in a rite for regulating high tide. This rite is related to an
the north and to European conquest and colonization during
episode of Elal’s cycle that associates the tides with the
the nineteenth century—they were nomadic hunters with set
daughter’s animistic states. According to it the goddess was
patterns of movement, encampments, and territories. Their
transformed into a siren; her excitement over the maternal
displacements were subject to seasonal variations: summer
apparition was linked to high tide during the first quarter of
hunting in the coastal region was accompanied by a certain
the moon, and her unhappiness during the last quarter to low
social dispersion, whereas the western areas of Aónikenk ter-
tide. The life cycle was marked by rites of passage: birth, pu-
ritory were associated with more stable winter settlements
berty initiation, marriage, and death were culturally mean-
and some degree of population concentration. The Aónikenk
ingful milestones. The events of the life of Elal symbolically
were subdivided into three groups, with a varying number
reflect these experiences, suggesting in both instances evolu-
of exogamous patrilineages; their residential pattern was
tionary stages of understanding, with special powers gained
patrilocal. There are numerous gaps in our knowledge of the
at each stage.
religious system of the southern Tehuelche, but an imposing,
The ritually and mythically significant classification of
if fragmentary, mythology stands out. By the time travelers
colors is based on the white-red-black triad. The highest op-
began to be familiar with Aónikenk mythology, it had al-
position sets up white and black as symbols of life and death
ready begun to disintegrate, in part because it was forbidden
(or concealment), respectively. Newborn babies were ritually
to share it with outsiders.
painted white, while gravediggers (a strictly female role) were
COSMOLOGY. The mythic chronology speaks of four ages.
painted black. The lowest opposition, according to a hypoth-
The chaos of the first age is expressed in the image of a deep
esis formulated by Carlos J. Gradin (1971, p. 113), contrast-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9030
TEHUELCHE RELIGION
ed the attraction of favorable aspects, denoted by white, with
death, illness, witches, the feminine, west, night, oddness,
the rejection of the malefic, indicated by red; in contextual
carrion birds, carnivores, animals that live in dens, fish and
terms, however, the two colors complemented each other
sea mammals, black, intemperance, and ignorance.
through their shared protective nature. Gradin’s hypothesis
MYTHOLOGY. The southern Tehuelche anthropogony in-
reaffirms the sequence of colors used in therapeutic and fu-
cludes motifs that relate to the differentiation of the human
nerary rites, where red accompanies the segregative phase,
species and to the origin of copulation, marriage, and death.
staving off the dangers entailed by impurity, and white ac-
The beginning of Aónikenk people is accounted for in two
companies the reincorporative phase, capturing the virtues
ways. One is that Elal modeled male and female genitals out
to which a renewed condition allows one to aspire.
of clay into which he then blew the breath of life; another
P
is that a role reversal between sea and land animals converted
ANTHEON. The Aónikenk deities’ spheres of activity and
their relationships of complementarity and exclusion present
the former into the Aónikenk. Since land creatures were
a confusing panorama, which I will attempt to clarify. Else-
turned into marine fauna, the Aónikenk attribute the taboo
where, I have noted processes of superimposition and trans-
on eating fish to this second mythical account.
position of attributes from the high god to other deities (Sif-
The cosmogony recounts that the high god abandons
fredi, 1969–1970, p. 247): for example, Elal possesses
his typical inactivity to begin the work of creation, which re-
omnipotence and creativity as well as characteristics of a cul-
sults from acts that are not always deliberate or conscious.
ture hero, while atmospheric phenomena are assigned to
One version of Aónikenk cosmogony contrasts the high god
Karuten (“thunder”), a being of the atmospheric sky who is
with xóno, the aquatic chaos that covered almost all primor-
subordinated to Elal. The role of judge of the dead is as-
dial space except for a small piece of land in the valley of the
signed to the dyadic deity High God/Seecho; the high god
Senguer River, in which the high god, little by little, grew
judges how well the ethical ideal has been realized by the de-
larger. This region, the true “cosmic center,” contains the
ceased, while Seecho, the “old woman” goddess, seconds his
palpable signs of divine action (i.e., certain topographical fea-
judgment. She admits to the afterworld—the eastern celestial
tures) and is also the setting for the fabulous birth of Elal and
sky—those among the dead who have tattoos on their left
for his acts on earth.
forearms (formerly such tattoos were the mark of initiates)
Manuel Llaras Samitier’s versions of Aónikenk cosmog-
and throws into the ocean those who lack tattoos. The belief
ony (in Wilbert, 1984, pp. 17–18) contrast Kooch with tons,
that the dead were reunited with Elal and the high god in
ubiquitous darkness. Saddened by his overwhelming soli-
the eastern celestial sky, a land that knows neither penury nor
tude, Kooch’s tears generate the “bitter sea” and his breath
illness, was well established. Elal moved definitively there
creates the wind that dispels darkness. The creation of Sun
after finishing his acts on earth, mounted on the swan god-
and Moon also plays a part in the darkness’s attenuation.
dess Kukn, the young goddess who assists Elal in many of
The amorous coupling and uncoupling of Sun and Moon
the cycle’s most important events.
evoke the rhythmic succession of darkness and light. Such
The dyad Elal/Kukn displays a similar structure to that
images express the establishment of a temporal ordering by
of the dyad High God/Seecho. The connection and hierar-
means of the alteration of day and night and of spatial order-
chical relationship between both dyads appears in the fact
ing through the regulation of the cosmic elements: light,
that the genesis and permanence of Elal’s and Kukn’s powers
wind, and clouds.
are ascribed to the high god. The secondary role and the spa-
THE CYCLE OF ELAL. Elal is the fruit of the union of anti-
tial liminality of both feminine deities—expressed by their
nomial conditions: his father, one of the chthonic monsters
placement in the atmospheric sky—symbolically confirms
engendered by tons, devours his pregnant mother, one of the
the social dominance of men. The resulting tetrad, articulat-
clouds created by Kooch. Elal’s maternal grandmother res-
ed along the criteria of age and sex (Old God/Old Goddess-
cues and raises the newborn Elal. Two testimonies enlivened
Young God/Young Goddess), suggestively resembles the
the Aónikenk’s memories: a bottomless spring, risen from
composition of Araucanian divine tetrads.
the corpse of the Cloud, Elal’s mother, marks the spot where
Elal was born, appropriately called Beautiful Water. The red
A similar coincidence between Tehuelche and Araucani-
dawns observed from high vantage points reaffirmed for the
an belief can be seen in a dualism that goes back to the pri-
Aónikenk this primordial shedding of blood.
mary confrontation between high, portrayed by the high
god, and low, represented either by darkness (tons) or by the
Elal symbolically represents a mediation between heav-
deep sea (xóno); high and low are the foundations of Order
enly and chthonic, the mythical and the present era, nature
and Chaos. This dialectic extends over a vast semantic field
and culture. His quasi-earthly condition is in harmony with
in which roles, states, orientations, luminosity, numerical
the formation of a world on a human scale. His mediation
properties, zoological and color classifications, and behavior-
of the chthonic realm, for purposes of giving it order, is evi-
al and cognative qualities converge. One pole links the celes-
dent in the battles against cannibalistic giants, whose pecu-
tial deities, life, healing, shamans, the masculine, east, day,
liarity lay in the vulnerability of their heels, a complementary
evenness, water birds, herbivores, white, red, temperance,
and converse trait to that shown by the solar people, whose
and wisdom—all of which contrast with the chthonic beings,
mouths operate as anuses. Elal’s slaying of the ogres, begin-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEHUELCHE RELIGION
9031
ning with his own father, culminates in their petrification.
of specific identities. On a sociological plane, the antisocial
They can thus be observed by the Aónikenk in the immuta-
and incestuous nature—or the “meanness”—of the primor-
ble form of rocks or fossil remains.
dial humanoids is contrasted with human sociability based
on the adequate sharing of goods, collaboration in hunting,
The mediation of the high aspect is developed during
sexual division of labor based on complementarity, prohibi-
Elal’s celestial journey to the region of Sun and Moon, his
tion of incest, and the exogamy of the local group. On an
future in-laws. The couple show their hostility by assigning
ethical plane, the formation of an Aónikenk ideal focused on
him to perform deadly trials for a three-day period—not un-
courage, industriousness, tolerance, hospitality, respect for
like the Aónikenk’s shaman’s apprentice, who was required
the property of others, and reserve in front of outsiders.
to spend three days of initiation in caves—before giving him
their daughter. Unlike other suitors, Elal is able to carry out
CONCLUSION. We are now witnessing the deplorable annihi-
all the trials with the help of Kukn, the swan goddess.
lation of this ethical ideal, extending throughout the south-
ern Tehuelche religious system. Although in mythical terms
In sociological terms, Elal’s unsuccessful marriage to the
the Aónikenk recognized the shock of the changes wrought
daughter of Sun expresses the risks of extreme exogamy.
by Europeans and their own consequent frustration, they did
Conversely, the cycle’s next episode, in which Elal’s grand-
so merely by becoming aware of, and not by actively resolv-
mother attempts to seduce him, highlights the Aónikenk’s
ing, the conflict.
abomination of incest in that the grandmother is trans-
formed into a mouse and condemned to live underground.
The absence of revivalist or revitalizing reactions would
The gravity and eschatological meaning of this is supported
have been compensated for, at the very least, by mythical re-
by one old Aónikenk woman’s assertion: “My grandmother
flection on the meanings of alcoholism, of being deprived of
trod on the mouse whenever she saw it, because it was to
their hunting lands, and of having to submit to foreign
blame for the departure of her powerful grandson, whom she
power. Incorporated as part of the cycle of Elal, the Aó-
had raised.”
nikenk’s great penury is reflected in the final impotence of
the once-powerful deity. Thus one sees a religiosity that,
The transition between the mythical and present eras is
since it is unable to form new relationships, is signaling the
understood as the passage from predifferentiated to clearly
demise of its foundations as a rationale for cultural practice.
defined reality. The Aónikenk believed that the earth
I hope in this article to have begun to fulfill, in at least
emerged from the unformed sea, which was forced to the east
a limited fashion, the mission entrusted by the last of the Aó-
by Elal’s unfailing arrows. Elal’s comings and goings from
nikenk: that of revealing and spreading their “Word,” which
west to east, resembling the Aónikenk’s seasonal migrations,
they knew would outlast their own lifetime and that of their
endowed their habitat with the contrasting topography of
gods, annihilated by history.
mountains, woods, plateaus, valleys, lakes, rivers, and is-
lands. The image of an almost empty sky is opposed to that
SEE ALSO Mapuche Religion.
of one peopled with constellations representing earthly ani-
mals and objects, a tradition shared by many hunting peo-
ples. Molded by Elal, the constellations constitute visible
BIBLIOGRAPHY
guides for human action.
The most complete compilation of Tehuelche mythic texts and
narratives can be found in Folk Literature of the Tehuelche In-
The schism between animal, human, and divine natures
dians, edited by Johannes Wilbert and Karin Simoneau,
is marked by the confinement of each to a defined sphere.
“UCLA Latin American Studies,” no. 59 (Los Angeles,
Although there is room for mediation between these spheres
1984). Johannes Wilbert’s introduction (pp. 1–13) provides
through shamans and witches, easy communication disap-
a rigorous history of Tehuelche folk literature studies.
Among the versions contributed by authors to the compila-
pears after the mythical era. A rock with the imprints of
tion can be recommended those obtained by Tomás Har-
Sun’s feet—probably a reference to the petrographs of the
rington (text 49), Rodolfo M. Casamiquela (texts 4, 69, 80,
“footprint style” (2500 BCE) of southern Patagonian rupestri-
95, and 104), and Marcelo Bórmida and me (texts 5, 11, 22–
an art (Gradin, 1971, p. 114)—locates the site where Sun,
24, 28–44, 46–48, 50–56, 58–60, 62–64, 66–68, 70–73,
exiled by Elal, was supposed to have helped himself up in
75, 78, 79, 83, 85–94, 96–102, and 105–110); these ver-
order to climb to the sky.
sions meet the appropriate heuristic requirements in regard
to collection, transcription, identification of informants, and
Temporally, the homogeneity of the original, predif-
genealogical proofs. Undoubtedly, the versions contributed
ferentiated reality—eternal life, continuing winter, and the
by Manuel Llaras Samitier (texts 1–3, 8–10, 12–14, 25, 45,
unformed sea—is contrasted with the periodicity and alter-
65, and 74), especially the cosmogonic ones, are the richest,
nation suggested by the appearence of the driving forces of
although unfortunately they do not always meet the above
the cycle of death and reproduction, of seasonality (and each
requirements.
season’s specific activities), and the movements of the tides.
The cultural links between certain southern Tehuelche, northern
In ontological terms, the lack of differentiation between the
Tehuelche, and Selk’nam (Ona) mythic themes are outlined
many primordial beings and things—indicated by their
by Marcelo Bórmida and me in “Mitología de los Tehuelches
shared humanoid condition—is set against the delineation
meridionales,” Runa: Archivo para las ciencias del hombre
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9032
TEILHARD DE CHARDIN, PIERRE
(Buenos Aires) 12 (1969–1970): 199–245. For a comparison
on the meaning of Christianity in the light of modern sci-
of these elements with those contained in the anthropogonies
ence, especially in relation to evolution. He was concerned
of the Gran Chaco, see Edgardo J. Cordeu’s and my “En
with the social, cultural, and spiritual evolution of human-
torno a algunas coherencias formales de las antropogonías del
kind, as well as the place of religion, spirituality, and mysti-
Chaco y Patagonia,” Relaciones de la Sociedad Argentina de
cism in an increasingly global society marked by pluralism
Antropología 5 (1970): 3–10. An interesting literary analysis
and convergence. Some of his thoughts parallel those of the
that excerpts an episode from the cycle of Elal and reformu-
Hindu evolutionary thinker Sri Aurobindo.
lates it in its context was done by Juan Adolfo Vázquez in
“Nacimiento e infancia de Elal: Mitoanalisis de un texto Te-
BIOGRAPHY. Born on May 1, 1881, in Sarcenat near Cler-
huelche meridional,” Revista iberoamericana (Pittsburgh) 95
mont-Ferrand, France, Pierre Teilhard de Chardin was the
(April–June 1976): 201–216. For a typological-comparative
fourth of eleven children of an ancient aristocratic family of
analysis of the deities and hierophanies and a summary expo-
the Auvergne. His father was a gentleman farmer with scien-
sition of the rites of passage and shamanistic and witchcraft
conceptions and practices, see my “Hierofanias y concep-
tific and literary interests; his mother was a great-grandniece
ciones mítico-religiosas de los Tehuelches meridionales,”
of Voltaire. Brought up in a traditional Catholic milieu
Runa: Archivo para las ciencias del hombre 12 (1969–1970):
marked by a vibrant faith, Teilhard’s pantheistic and mysti-
247–271. Carlos J. Gradin makes many valid suggestions on
cal leanings were already evident in childhood. His devout
the magico-religious meaning of southern Patagonian ru-
mother shared his interest in mysticism, whereas his father
pestrian art in “A propósito del arte rupertre en Patagonia
encouraged the collection of fossils, stones, and other speci-
meridional,” Anales de arqueología y etnología (Cuyo, Argenti-
mens, laying the foundations for his son’s future scientific
na) 26 (1971): 111–116. A reconstruction of the mythico-
career.
religious components of the Aónikenk habitat can be found
in my own “Aspectos mítico-religiosos de los Tehuelches me-
After an excellent education at a Jesuit boarding school,
ridionales (Aonik’enk): El Habitat,” Boletín del Centro Argen-
Teilhard entered the Jesuit novitiate at the age of eighteen.
tino de Estudios Americanos (Buenos Aires) 1 (January–April
Deeply torn between an equally passionate love for God and
1968): 49–54.
the natural world, he resolved his crisis of faith by realizing
New Sources
that the search for spiritual perfection could be combined
Aguerre, Ana M. Las Vidas de Panti: En la Tolderia Tehuelche del
with that for scientific understanding. When the Jesuits were
Rió Pinturas y el Despues, Provincia de Santa Cruz, Argentina.
exiled from France, he continued his theological studies at
Buenos Aires, 2000.
Hastings in the South of England (1902–1905; 1908–1912),
Bernal, Irma, and Mario Sánchez Proaño. Los Tehuelches y otros
where he was ordained in 1911. From 1905 to 1908 he
cazadores australes. Buenos Aires, 1988.
taught physics and chemistry to mainly Muslim pupils at a
Casamiquela, Rodolfo M. En pos del Gaulicho. Rio Negros, 1988.
Jesuit school in Cairo. There he first discovered his great at-
traction to the desert and the East, leading him later to write
McEwan, Colin, Luis A. Borrero, and Alfredo Prieto. Patagonia:
with great lyrical beauty about cosmic and mystical life, cul-
Natural History, Prehistory, and Ethnography at the Uttermost
minating in his spiritual classics “Mass on the World” (1923)
End of the Earth. London, 1997.
and The Divine Milieu (1927).
Nacuzzi, Lidia R. Identidades impuestas: Telhuelches, Aucas y Pam-
pas en el norte de la Patagonia. Buenos Aires, 1998.
Henri Bergson’s Creative Evolution (1907), which saw
Pérez Bugallo, Rubén. Pillantun, estudios de etno-organología pata-
the world immersed in an immense stream of evolutionary
gónica y pampeano. Buenos Aires, 1993.
creation, revealed to Teilhard the meaning of evolution for
the Christian faith. Overflowing with the presence of the di-
ALEJANDRA SIFFREDI (1987)
vine, the living world was experienced by Teilhard as an all-
Translated from Spanish by Erica Meltzer
Revised Bibliography
encompassing cosmic, mystical, and “divine milieu.” These
deeply mystical experiences were followed by scientific
studies in Paris, interrupted by World War I, during which
Teilhard served as a stretcher-bearer in a North African regi-
TEILHARD DE CHARDIN, PIERRE. Pierre
ment at the Western Front. Living through the fiercest bat-
Teilhard de Chardin (1881–1955), a French Jesuit, was a
tles, miraculously never wounded, he found himself part of
distinguished scientist of human origins, a Christian mystic,
a pluralistic “human milieu,” which led him to speculate
and a prolific religious writer. Prohibited by his church from
about the growing oneness of humanity. These reflections
publishing any nonscientific works, his philosophical and
grew later into the new idea of the “noosphere” (sphere of
theological writings were printed only after his death, though
mind), an immense web of inter-thinking and interaction
they circulated clandestinely before. His major opus, Le
that connects people around the globe, hailing a new stage
Phénomène humain, appeared in 1955 and was an immediate
in human evolution. Almost daily encounters with death
best-seller. The English translation, introduced by Julian
moved Teilhard to leave an “intellectual testament,” com-
Huxley, was titled The Phenomenon of Man (1959), later
municating his vision of the world, which in spite of its tur-
more accurately retranslated as The Human Phenomenon
moil he saw as animated by and drawn towards God. He
(1999). Throughout his life, Teilhard de Chardin reflected
began to write a series of stirring essays, published posthu-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEILHARD DE CHARDIN, PIERRE
9033
mously as Writings in Time of War (1968). Little known,
harshly dealt with by church authorities, Teilhard gained
these were seminal for his later work and provide one of the
loyal support from several members of his order, especially
best introductions to his thought.
Henri de Lubac and René d’Ouince, his longtime superior,
who described him as “a prophet on trial” in the church of
Teilhard completed his studies in geology and paleon-
his time.
tology after the war. Following the brilliant defense of his
doctorate in 1922, he was elected president of the French
THE HUMAN BEING, THE WORLD, AND GOD. Teilhard’s
Geological Society and appointed to the chair in geology at
method is based on a particular kind of phenomenology, dif-
the Institut Catholique in Paris, where he could publicly ex-
ferent from that of other disciplines. It emphasizes the study
pound his ideas about evolution and Christianity. This soon
of all phenomena by relating outer to inner “seeing.” Such
led to difficulties with his church, which continued through-
seeing involves the correlation of scientific knowledge of the
out his life. Because of these difficulties, he was glad to join
outer world with a unifying inner vision, whereby the world
a fossil expedition in China in 1923, where he traversed
is seen as held together by “Spirit.” This holistic approach
much of the Mongolian Desert. China soon became a place
leads to a profound transformation of the seeing person and
of almost permanent exile, and he spent most of his scientific
the world as seen, for seeing more implies being more.
career there (1926–1946) after his license to teach at the In-
stitut Catholique was revoked in 1925 as a result of a paper
Teilhard’s thought is profoundly ecological—he saw
he wrote on evolution and original sin. Teilhard first worked
human beings as an integral part of cosmos and nature, hu-
with Jesuit fellow scientists in Tianjin, and he then became
mankind as part of life, and life as part of the universe. In
a member of the Chinese Geological Survey in Beijing,
this dynamic and organic perspective the human being is not
where he collaborated in the discovery of the skull of the
a static center, but “the axis and leading shoot of evolution.”
200,000-year-old Peking Man at Zhoukoudian. His scientif-
The rise of evolution is an immense movement through
ic work brought him into contact with leading paleontolo-
time, from the development of the atom to the molecule and
gists of his time and involved numerous expeditions across
cell, to different forms of life, to human beings with their
Asia, including trips to India, Indonesia, Myanmar, Sri
great diversity. This evolutionary rise toward greater com-
Lanka, Vietnam, and Japan, as well as regular travels between
plexity leads in turn to a greater “within” of things, an in-
East and West.
crease in consciousness and reflection. The idea of greater in-
teriority emerging within more complex organic structures
The unforgettable experience of World War I was fol-
is described as the “law of complexity-consciousness,” some-
lowed by the equally formative discovery of the vast conti-
times called “Teilhardian law,” and it is recognized as one
nent of Asia with its variety of peoples and cultures. Many
of Teilhard’s master ideas.
of Teilhard’s essays were written in China, as were his two
main books, a practical treatise on spirituality, The Divine
Cosmic, human, and divine dimensions are closely in-
Milieu, and his best known, though most difficult work, The
terwoven. Each is involved in a process of becoming, or gene-
Human Phenomenon, which he wrote from 1938 to 1940.
sis, and all are centered in Christ. Whereas cosmogenesis refers
Teilhard met some of his best friends in China among Amer-
to the birth of the cosmos, anthropogenesis and noogenesis
ican and European scientific colleagues; he also first encoun-
refer specifically to the emergence of human beings and the
tered the American sculptor Lucile Swan in Beijing, with
birth of thought. These are closely studied by modern sci-
whom he formed a deep, intimate friendship that lasted until
ence, whereas Christogenesis, or the birth of God in Christ
the end of his life.
as an event of cosmic significance, can be seen only through
the eyes of faith. Cosmic and human evolution are moving
Teilhard returned to Paris after World War II and at-
onward to a fuller disclosure of Spirit, culminating in
tracted a considerable following for his ideas. In 1948 he was
“Christ-Omega.” The outcome of this forward and upward
invited as a candidate for the chair of paleontology at the
process cannot be taken for granted but involves human re-
Collège de France, but fearing further difficulties with the
sponsibility and co-creativity. For this reason, Teilhard was
Vatican, his order refused permission. Not being allowed to
much concerned with moral and ethical choices, with the
lecture in public or publish his writings, he accepted a re-
hope and energy needed for creating the right future for hu-
search post at the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropo-
manity and the planet, as expressed in The Future of Man
logical Research in New York in 1951, and made two trips
(1964). Working for the future and helping in “building the
to fossil sites in South Africa. Lonely and suffering, he spent
earth” is an important educational task that entails a change
the last years of his life mostly in New York, where he died
of mind and heart in people. Teilhard inquired into the re-
in 1955 on Easter Sunday (April 10), as had been his wish.
sources of spiritual energy needed to create a better quality
He is buried in the Jesuit cemetery at Saint Andrews on the
of life, greater human integration, and a more peaceful and
Hudson.
just world. Although there are thousands of engineers calcu-
The posthumous publication of his works raised much
lating the material energy reserves of the planet, Teilhard in-
interest and controversy due to the exploratory nature, com-
quired about “technicians of the Spirit” who can supply the
plexity, and unfamiliar terminology of his new ideas, but also
necessary spiritual energy to sustain the life of individuals
due to the challenge of his unifying global vision. Although
and the entire human community.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9034
TEILHARD DE CHARDIN, PIERRE
Here, the spiritual heritage of world faiths and philoso-
context—as well as ideas about spiritual energy, and the
phies is most important, providing some of the most valuable
transformative powers of love. The essayistic, fragmentary
spiritual energy resources. Human beings are responsible for
nature of Teilhard’s work, with its profusion of ideas and flu-
their further self-evolution and a greater unification of the
idity of language, marks him more as a postmodern than a
human community, but these goals need ultimately spiritual,
traditional thinker. Insufficiently well known, and often
rather than merely material, resources, and the greatest of
cited out of context, his work contains challenging reflec-
these spiritual resources is love. The noosphere as a sphere
tions on God, the world, humanity, science and religion,
of thought—surrounding the globe like the atmosphere as
ecological responsibilities, interfaith encounter, and the con-
a layer of air or the biosphere as layer of life—can also be in-
vergence of religions. Teilhard’s work also explores a greater
terpreted as an active sphere of love through which greater
unification, or “planetization,” of humanity; the place of the
bonds of unity, of “amorization,” are created between human
feminine and love in creating greater unity; and the central
beings. Teilhard was convinced that people must study the
importance of spirituality and mysticism. Some of his
phenomenon of love as the most sacred spiritual energy re-
thoughts are insufficiently developed and opaquely ex-
source in the same way that they study all other phenomena
pressed; others must be criticized for certain elements of ex-
in the world. Love is so central in his thinking that Teilhard’s
clusiveness and Eurocentrism. Yet his ideas are said to have
entire corpus can be interpreted as a metaphysic of love. Yet
influenced the founding debates of the United Nations, sev-
he also called for a rigorously scientific approach to the ener-
eral documents of the Second Vatican Council, Christian-
gies of love, just as the sociologist Pitirim Sorokin proposed
Marxist dialogue, discussions on futurology, and discussions
a scientific analysis of the production of “love-energy” in the
concerning the World Wide Web, whose patron he is some-
human community, so necessary for its self-transformation.
times said to be. Others have called Teilhard a New Age
prophet, yet such a description ignores the profoundly Chris-
Teilhard’s dynamic understanding of God is sometimes
tian core of his vision.
compared to that of process philosophy and is best described
as panentheism. His deeply mystical approach to God is ex-
Teilhard’s mysticism of action is directed towards the
pressed in his spiritual writings, such as The Divine Milieu
creative transformation of the outer and inner world, and it
and The Heart of Matter (1978). It centers above all in the
is based on the deepest communion with God, intimately
person of Christ, whom Teilhard experienced as a cosmic
present throughout creation. Teilhard’s powerful affirmation
and universal reality. He spoke of the “three natures” of
of the incarnation and his brilliant vision of the universal,
Christ: human, divine, and cosmic. His numerous reflections
cosmic Christ within an evolutionary perspective provide in-
on the universal, cosmic Christ contain important sugges-
spiring ideas for a reinterpretation of the Christian faith in
tions for a new Christology, never systematically developed.
the modern world, governed by an ongoing scientific and
Teilhard spoke of the ever-present, ever-greater Christ, ex-
spiritual quest. Theologians will be interested in his under-
pressing a strongly Christocentric vision of faith that was
standing of God, Christ, and creation; scholars of religion
grounded in a pan-Christic mysticism. As he often used the
will gain from his reflections on the place of religion, espe-
image of fire and heart, drawn from the Bible and the Chris-
cially mysticism, in human evolution; and scientists are at-
tian mystics, Teilhard’s spirituality can also be described as
tracted to the newly emerging possibilities of the noosphere
a fire-and-heart mysticism, at once profoundly modern and
and the as yet unexplored energies of love for achieving pro-
ancient. In its affirmation of the world as God’s creation, it
found personal and social transformation.
belongs to the kataphatic rather than apophatic type of
Christian mysticism, expressing a strong affinity with con-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
temporary creation spirituality.
Pierre Teilhard de Chardin’s religious and philosophical works
were published posthumously in French between 1955 and
Mircea Eliade saw Teilhard de Chardin’s specific genius
1976 in thirteen volumes entitled Oeuvres (Éditions du Seuil,
in celebrating the sacredness of the cosmos. However, the
Paris). Their English translations appeared between 1959
cosmos cannot be seen in isolation from the social and spiri-
and 1978. Also published were numerous volumes of letters,
tual bonds of humanity, animated by the powers of all-
extracts from his diaries, and the collection of his previously
transforming love and seeking a higher form of union. Scat-
published scientific papers, L’Oeuvre scientifique, edited by
tered across Teilhard’s writings exists a general theory about
Nicole and Karl Schmitz-Moormann, 11 vols. (Olten, Swit-
religion as the driving force in human evolution. Central to
zerland, 1971).
the phenomenon of religion and spirituality is the phenome-
Teilhard presents his evolutionary system in its most complete
non of mysticism, experienced in a variety of forms across
form in The Phenomenon of Man (London and New York,
different religious traditions and culminating in a mysticism
1959), now available in a much-improved translation by
of love and action.
Sarah Appleton-Weber, The Human Phenomenon (Brighton,
U.K., and Portland, Ore., 1999). To understand the full in-
Teilhard’s vision of the world represents a unique blend
tent of this work, one should first read Teilhard’s classic
of science, religion, and mysticism. Central to it are the ideas
treatment of Christian spirituality in The Divine Milieu
of the noosphere and the divine milieu—the first belonging
(London and New York, 1960; reprint, translated by Siôn
more to a secular context, the second to a deeply religious
Cowell, Brighton, UK, 2004), followed by the theological es-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEKAKWITHA, KATERI
9035
says in Science and Christ (London and New York, 1968) and
with Pitirim Sorokin’s ideas on love is found in Ursula King,
The Heart of Matter (London and New York, 1978). Many
“Love – A Higher Form of Human Energy in the Work of
readers find the easiest entry into Teilhard’s thought through
Teilhard de Chardin and Sorokin,” Zygon 39, no. 1 (2004):
his vivid letters, especially Letters from a Traveller, edited by
pp. 77–102.
Claude Arragonès (London, 1966), or through his early, very
The diffusion and critical reception of The Divine Milieu, espe-
lyrical work Writings in Time of War (London, 1968) and the
cially in France, has been closely examined by Hai-Yan
selected essays in Hymn of the Universe (London and New
Wang, Le phénomène Teilhard: L’aventure du livre Le Milieu
York, 1965). This also contains his famous “The Mass on the
Divin (Paris, 1999). A wide-ranging discussion of Teilhard
World,” originally written in 1923. Of particular appeal
de Chardin’s spirituality is found in Pierre Noir’s “Teilhard
among his other works are The Future of Man (London and
de Chardin,” Dictionnaire de spiritualité: Ascétique et mys-
New York, 1964), Human Energy (London and New York,
tique, doctrine et histoire, vol. 15, pp. 115–126 (Paris, 1991);
1969), and Christianity and Evolution (London and New
selected texts on spirituality have been thematically grouped
York, 1971).
in Pierre Teilhard de Chardin: Writings, Selected, with an In-
A helpful reference work has been provided by Siôn Cowell, The
troduction by Ursula King (Maryknoll, N.Y., 1999). The
Teilhard Lexicon (Brighton, UK, and Portland, Ore., 2001),
background, semantic context, and importance of Teilhard
the first English-language dictionary of Teilhard de Char-
de Chardin’s noosphere concept in relation to contemporary
din’s writings and vocabulary. Claude Cuénot’s biography,
scientific discussions are extensively documented in The Bio-
Teilhard de Chardin (London and Baltimore, 1965), with its
sphere and Noosphere Reader: Global Environment, Society,
rich documentation and detailed bibliography of Teilhard’s
and Change, edited by Paul R. Samson and David Pitt (Lon-
publications, is an indispensable resource, but not as readable
don, 1999). The relevance of Teilhard de Chardin’s work,
as the shorter life by Mary Lukas and Ellen Lukas, Teilhard
especially in relation to contemporary cosmology and ecolo-
(New York and London, 1977), or the illustrated biography
gy, is evident from the essays in Teilhard in the 21st Century:
by Ursula King, Spirit of Fire: The Life and Vision of Teilhard
The Emerging Spirit of Earth, edited by Arthur Fabel and
de Chardin (Maryknoll, N.Y., 1996). The vicissitudes of
Donald St. John (Maryknoll, N.Y., 2003).
Teilhard’s life, especially the censure of his writings, have
URSULA KING (2005)
been amply documented by his Jesuit superior, René
d’Ouince, in Un prophète en procès; vol. 1, Teilhard de Char-
din dans l’église de son temps (Paris, 1970). Among numerous
commentators the Jesuit Henri de Lubac must rank as one
TEKAKWITHA, KATERI (c. 1656–1680), native
of the best; his early study The Religion of Teilhard de Char-
American convert to Christianity. Tekakwitha was born in
din (London, 1967) is especially helpful. Another Jesuit,
the Iroquoian town of Gandahouhague, near present-day
Thomas M. King, offers a searching analysis of Teilhard’s
mystical experience in Teilhard’s Mysticism of Knowing (New
Fonda, New York. Her father was Mohawk, and her mother
York, 1981), undertaken from a different perspective by Ur-
Algonquin, a captive adopted into the Turtle clan after a
sula King in Towards a New Mysticism: Teilhard de Chardin
raid. When she was four years old Tekakwitha survived an
and Eastern Religions (London and New York, 1980), which
attack of smallpox that killed her immediate family. The dis-
examines Teilhard’s views on Eastern and Western religions
ease weakened her eyesight, and she afterward exhibited a
in a converging world, including his new mysticism of ac-
general tendency to withdraw from social contact. By 1667,
tion. R. C. Zaehner’s Evolution in Religion: A Study in Sri
when Tekakwitha first encountered Jesuit missionaries, she
Aurobindo and Pierre Teilhard de Chardin (Oxford, 1971)
was already inclined to a way of life that Christianity sanc-
provides an insightful comparison between a Hindu and
tioned. Indian townspeople exerted strong pressure to make
Christian approach to the evolutionary reinterpretation of
her conform to native ways, but she persisted in her new in-
two different religious traditions; see also Ursula King, “Teil-
terest. This determination culminated on Easter Day, 1676,
hard de Chardin and the Comparative Study of Religions”
in Christopher Lamb and Dan Cohn-Sherbok, eds., The Fu-
when she was baptized by Jacques de Lamberville, S.J. The
ture of Religion: Postmodern Perspectives, Essays in Honour of
following year, local opposition to her Catholicism mount-
Ninian Smart (London, 1999), pp. 54–76. J. A. Lyons’s The
ed, and she fled the region to take refuge with other Catholic
Cosmic Christ in Origen and Teilhard de Chardin (Oxford,
Indians living along the Saint Lawrence River in Upper
1982) analyzes Teilhard’s innovative passages on Christ’s
Canada.
“three natures” and his traditional roots in Greek patristics.
Tekakwitha settled at Caughnawaga, or La Prairie de la
An earlier overall theological synthesis was undertaken by
Christopher F. Mooney, Teilhard de Chardin and the Mystery
Madeleing, an intertribal village of Christian Indians bound
of Christ (New York, 1966).
together more by religious allegiance than by tribal heritage.
There she quickly established a reputation for austere self-
Well worth studying are The Letters of Teilhard de Chardin and
denial and pious virtue. From her First Communion at
Lucile Swan, edited by Thomas M. King and Mary Wood
Christmas 1677, until her death less than three years later,
Gilbert (Washington, D.C., 1993), especially for their de-
tailed coverage of his China years and his friendship with
the maiden impressed all about her with her modest fervor
Swan. Mathias Trennert-Hellwig, Die Urkraft des Kosmos:
and ardent prayers. Beset with a frail constitution, she
Dimensionen der Liebe im Werk Pierre Teilhard de Chardins
worked as best she could in village gardens, fasted two days
(Freiburg, Germany, 1993) provides the most comprehens-
per week, administered flagellations, and kept a private vow
sive study of Teilhard’s dynamic vision of love. A comparison
of chastity. In 1678 she began a quasi-convent patterned
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9036
TEKHINES
after the Hospital Sisters of Montreal, but such rigors has-
for the Hebrew liturgy or as a supplement, recited as occa-
tened her own end. Her death enhanced local stories about
sional and voluntary prayers. Although some tekhines were
her exemplary conduct, and Indian as well as French neigh-
intended to be recited in the synagogue and a few were writ-
bors made a shrine of her gravesite. Many were inspired by
ten for male worshippers (“A lovely prayer for good liveli-
her extraordinary life, and in 1932 she was nominated for
hood to be said every day by a business man”), the majority
sainthood. On October 22, 1980, John Paul II pronounced
were associated with women’s spiritual lives in the home:
her blessed, thus acknowledging her as an example of Catho-
prayers to be recited privately on each day of the week and
lic piety in colonial New France.
on Sabbaths, festivals, fasts, and new moons; for the three
so-called “women’s commandments” (namely lighting Sab-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
bath candles, removing a small portion of bread dough with
Buehrle, Marie E. Kateri of the Mohawks. Milwaukee, 1954.
a prayer recalling the priestly tithes in the ancient Temple
Fisher, Lillian M. Kateri Tekakwitha: The Lily of the Mohawks.
in Jerusalem, and observing menstrual avoidances and purifi-
Boston, 1996.
cation); for pregnancy and childbirth; for visiting the ceme-
tery; for private grief such as childlessness and widowhood;
Lecompte, Edouard. An Iroquois Virgin: Catherine Tekakwitha.
for recovery from illness; for sustenance and livelihood; and
New York, 1932.
for confession of sins. Tekhines framed women’s domestic
Lecompte, Edouard. Glory of the Mohawks: The Life of the Venera-
lives and roles as sacred, and they also connected them with
ble Catharine Tekakwith. Milwaukee, 1944.
the grander themes of Jewish thought, especially the hope for
HENRY WARNER BOWDEN (1987 AND 2005)
the messianic redemption and the end of exile.
BACKGROUND. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centu-
ries new rituals and genres of religious literature emerged
TEKHINES. Tekhines, a Yiddish word from the Hebrew
whose audience was a sort of intellectual middle class. This
Teh:innot, “supplications,” are Jewish private devotions and
development parallels the emergence of similar literature in
paraliturgical prayers in Yiddish written by both women and
Christian Europe, enabled in part by the rise of publishing
men but recited primarily by women. As texts in the vernacu-
after the invention of the printing press. Guides to the ethical
lar, tekhines are important sources for the history of popular
life, books of pious practices, and new liturgies and rituals,
Judaism in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth cen-
often in abridged and simplified form, were published both
turies, and they are particularly useful in studying the history
in Hebrew, for an audience of men with a basic education
of women’s religion.
in classical Jewish texts, and in Yiddish, the vernacular, for
women and nonscholarly men. Many of these new publica-
Most Jewish men of the period attained basic literacy
tions (including the Hebrew teh:innot, or supplemental
in Hebrew, and a few elite went on to full mastery of the clas-
prayers for men) developed out of and popularized a mystical
sic literary tradition. Only a small number of women, how-
pietism that had originated among the sixteenth-century
ever, learned more than the rudiments of Hebrew, and those
qabbalists of Safed in Palestine. Tekhines allowed women to
central and eastern European Jewish women who could read
participate in this pietistic revival and its popular literature.
usually were literate only in the vernacular Yiddish. Jewish
By contrast, however, tekhines published in the eighteenth
liturgy and other devotional and scholarly works were writ-
and nineteenth century show little evidence of influence
ten by men and were almost always in Hebrew, making them
from Hasidism, the great eastern European Jewish religious
inaccessible to most women. Furthermore because women
revival movement that originated in the mid–eighteenth
were excluded from most areas of public religious leadership
century.
and participation (they could not serve as rabbis, cantors,
judges, or advanced teachers and did not count in a quorum
HISTORY OF THE GENRE. Although there are some hand-
for public prayer), they left behind a scant literary legacy.
written tekhines, most of them were professionally printed.
Tekhines therefore, as an enormously popular devotional
The earliest versions—a few small, anonymous collections—
genre, allows scholars a valuable window into women’s reli-
appeared in the late sixteenth century in Prague. Two main
gious lives.
groups of tekhines exist, however: those that were printed in
western Europe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
In books of tekhines each individual prayer begins with
which, although published anonymously, were probably
a heading that describes when and sometimes how it should
written or compiled by men for women, and those that ap-
be recited: “A pretty tekhine to say on the Sabbath with great
peared in eastern Europe in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and
devotion”; “A tekhine that the woman should pray for herself
early nineteenth centuries, often with named authors, some
and her husband and children”; “A confession to say with
of which were written or compiled by women.
devotion, not too quickly; it is good for the soul”; “When
she comes out of the ritual bath”; “What one says on the Eve
Most western European tekhines were published in col-
of Yom Kippur in the cemetery”; “When the shofar is blown
lections addressing many topics, either in small books or as
on Rosh Hashanah, say this.” Scholars are divided as to
appendices to Hebrew prayer books. The first major collec-
whether these prayers were meant for women as a substitute
tion (containing thirty-six prayers), titled simply Tekhines,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEKHINES
9037
was published in Amsterdam in 1648; reprints, expansions,
lia in the eighteenth century), which contains three sections:
and additional collections followed. In the mid–eighteenth
one for the three “women’s commandments,” one for the
century a comprehensive collection containing 123 prayers
high holidays, and one for the Sabbath before the new moon.
emerged, titled Seyder tkhines u-vakoshes (Order of supplica-
In contrast to the western European texts, some eastern Eu-
tions and petitions, 1762), although there may be one or two
ropean tekhines suggest that women should take part—in
earlier editions. This tekhine was reprinted many times, with
some fashion—in such traditionally male activities as syna-
alterations, over the next 150 years, first in western and later
gogue prayer and Torah study.
in eastern Europe. The western European texts not only de-
By the mid–nineteenth century the genre had under-
pict the holiness to be found in the domestic and mundane
gone significant changes. Jews in central and western Europe
activities of a wife and mother, but they also describe for
had largely abandoned Yiddish; books comparable to tek-
women the angels, the patriarchs, the heroes of Jewish histo-
hines were published first in Germanized Yiddish, then in
ry, and the ancient Temple that stood in Jerusalem.
German in Yiddish characters, and finally in German. These
The earliest eastern European tekhines were published
texts expressed an entirely new sensibility, however, influ-
in Prague. Eyn Gor Sheyne Tkhine (A very beautiful tekhine,
enced by the rising ideal of the bourgeois family, with its
c. 1600) is one of the first to claim female authorship: it is
stress on sentiment and emotional family ties and its new
attributed to “a group of pious women.” Two other Prague
definition of gender roles. Similarly in eastern Europe the
imprints, one from the beginning of the eighteenth century
ideal of the bourgeois family came into play but in a rather
and the other from 1705, are also attributed to women: Ra-
different fashion. Maskilim, “enlighteners,” or men who
chel, daughter of Mordecai Sofer of Pinczow, and Beila,
wished to reform eastern European Jewish life, wrote tek-
daughter of Ber Horowitz. Like many other eastern Europe-
hines to reach the “benighted” traditional women with their
an texts, all three of these Prague tekhines were quite short,
reform program. Unlike earlier tekhine authors, female or
and each of them dealt with a single subject, such as a tekhine
male, they scorned their audience and the genre. Often be-
“to be recited with devotion every day.” One notable work,
cause they thought they could sell more books, they attribut-
however, Seyder Tkhines (Prague, 1718), was written by a
ed their works to female authors, either those who had actu-
man—Matthias ben Meir, the former rabbi of Sobota, Slova-
ally written tekhines a century earlier or to creations of their
kia—explicitly for a female audience. “My dear women,” he
own imagination. (Because the maskilic practice of using fe-
writes, “. . . I have made this tekhine for you in Yiddish,
male pseudonyms was well known, earlier scholars were
in order to honor God and . . . to honor all the pious
skeptical of any attributions to female authorship. Many sev-
women. For there are many women who would gladly awak-
enteenth- and eighteenth-century women authors have been
en their hearts by saying many tkhines.” This work contains
authenticated, however.) In addition to these newer maskilic
thirty-five prayers addressing a variety of topics.
tekhines, older texts and collections—both those that were
originally published in western Europe and those printed in
Except for the Prague imprints, the eastern European
eastern Europe—continued to be reprinted in eastern Eu-
tekhines were usually small pamphlets printed on bad paper
rope in numerous editions, although they are often revised
with crabbed type, often with no imprint, making their bibli-
or garbled by the printers.
ographic history difficult to trace. Books of tekhines originat-
ing in eighteenth-century eastern Europe, especially in Gali-
SIGNIFICANCE. The tekhines reveal a whole world of
cia, Volhynia, and Podolia (now parts of Poland, Belarus,
women’s religious lives, concerns, customs, and settings for
and the Ukraine), tended to deal with a smaller number of
prayer. These texts are deeply spiritual, no less than the com-
subjects (such as the high holidays and the penitential sea-
plex and esoteric works produced by qabbalists and Hasidic
masters. The women (and men) who composed these prayers
son), were often written by a single author, and were usually
for women addressed the spiritual issues of their day, whether
fewer than twenty pages. Because a significant number of
on the level of domestic piety or national redemption. The
these authors were women, these texts capture women’s
tekhines themselves are at home in the literature produced
voices directly. Important examples include: Tkhine imohes
for the intellectual middle class of this period; they fit well
(Tekhine of the [biblical] matriarchs), for the Sabbath before
among the guides to the upright life, books of customs, con-
the new moon, by Leah Horowitz (eighteenth century),
densed guides to pious practices, and digests of mystical
which argues for the power of women’s prayer and quotes
teachings that were read by householders and artisans. In-
from rabbinic and qabbalistic sources; Tkhine imohes fun rosh
deed the tekhines show how much women belonged to this
khoydesh elul (Tekhine of the matriarchs for the new moon
intellectual and spiritual world. Finally, the tekhines provide
of Elul [and the entire penitential season], n.d.) by Serl,
worshipers with a direct experience of passionately emotional
daughter of Jacob ben Wolf Kranz (the famed Preacher of
individual prayer that is mostly absent from the more collec-
Dubno, 1741–1804), which calls on the four biblical matri-
tive and formalized male worship experience.
archs (Sarah, Rebecca, Rachel, and Leah) to come to the aid
of the worshipper and plead her case before the heavenly
MODERN DEVELOPMENTS. As the use of Yiddish declined
court; and Shloyshe sheorim (The three gates), attributed to
among emigrants from eastern Europe in the late nineteenth
the legendary Sarah bas Tovim (who probably lived in Podo-
century and the twentieth century and the Yiddish-speaking
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9038
TEKKE
heartland was destroyed by the Holocaust, the genre of tek-
in nature, nor does it merely do justice to aesthetic consider-
hines nearly disappeared, except among Hasidim and other
ation, but it visualizes the cosmic force which creates innu-
isolated traditional, Yiddish-speaking populations. After the
merable forms, and these are one whole, and without the
1980s, however, the tekhines aroused new interest among
least of them the universal harmony would lack complete-
both scholars and members of the Jewish public. Jewish
ness” (“The Expressiveness of Indian Art,” Journal of the De-
women in particular have sought to find a usable past in
partment of Letters, University of Calcutta, 9, 1923, p. 67).
which to root themselves. Orthodox women have turned to
This intuitive understanding of the temple’s structure and
the traditional tekhines as a direct expression of their pre-
significance has been fleshed out and confirmed by Kram-
decessors’ spirituality. This movement has occurred despite
risch and others in the years since those words were penned.
the fact that, unlike their European ancestors, many young
A
Orthodox women in the United States in the early twenty-
XIS, ALTAR, AND ENCLOSURE. Hindu temples are built to
shelter images that focus worship; they also shelter the wor-
first century are well-educated in the Hebrew prayer book
shiper and provide space for a controlled ritual. Between the
and classical sources in Hebrew and may not speak or read
fifth and the fifteenth century
Yiddish at all. Liberal Jewish feminists have also sought role
CE, Hindu worshipers con-
structed stone temples throughout India, but sacred enclo-
models in the historical tekhines uncovered by scholars, and
sures of another sort had been built centuries before. Tree
many of them have also written and published new tekhines,
shrines and similar structures that enclose an object for wor-
some of which have been incorporated into new editions of
ship (tree, snake, lin:ga, pillar, standing yaks:a, all marked by
Conservative and Reconstructionist prayer books.
a vertical axis) within a square railing, or later within more
SEE ALSO Gender and Religion, article on Gender and Ju-
complicated hypaethral structures, have been illustrated in
daism; Judaism, articles on Judaism in Northern and East-
narrative relief-sculptures from the first few centuries BCE
ern Europe to 1500 and Judaism in Northern and Eastern
and CE. Whatever the variations, these structures mark a
Europe since 1500; Liturgy.
nodal point of manifestation, as does Vis:n:u in reliefs from
the fifth century CE that show him lying on the cosmic ocean,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
with a lotus that springs from his navel supporting Brahma¯,
Kay, Devra. Seyder Tkhines: The Forgotten Book of Common Prayer
who proceeds to generate the universe.
for Jewish Women. Philadelphia, 2004.
In creation myths and in the imagery of the lotus, as in
Kratz-Ritter, Bettina. Für “fromme Zionstöchter” und “gebildete
the structure of Mauryan monolithic pillars (from the third
Frauenzimmer.” Hildesheim, Germany, 1995.
century BCE), the cosmic axis separates heaven from the wa-
Weissler, Chava. Voices of the Matriarchs: Listening to the Prayers
ters. Creation flows from this nodal point toward the cardi-
of Early Modern Jewish Women. Boston, 1998.
nal directions, producing a universe that is square, marked
CHAVA WEISSLER (2005)
by the railing-enclosure of these early shrines, by the harmika¯
(upper platform) of the Buddhist stupa, and by the edges of
the brick altar used for sacrifice. The A¯pastamba S´ulbasu¯tra,
TEKKE S
a text probably of the fourth century
EE KHA
¯ NAQGA¯H
BCE, comments that
“though all the earth is vedi [altar], yet selecting a particular
part of it and measuring it they should perform the yajña
[‘sacrifice’] there” (6.2.4). The identity of the altar and the
TELEVISION SEE RELIGIOUS BROADCASTING
entirety of creation is thus established quite early, and this
configuration of vertical axis, square altar, and enclosure per-
sists in Indian architecture to demonstrate the participation
TEMPLE
of each monument in the cosmogonic process.
This entry consists of the following articles:
HINDU TEMPLES
DIAGRAM OF
CONSTRUCTION.
The Va¯stupurus:a
BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN SOUTH ASIA
Man:d:ala—the square diagram on which the altar, temples,
BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN EAST ASIA
houses, palaces, and cities are founded—also outlines cre-
BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN TIBET
ation (see figure 1). The myth of the va¯stupurus:a portrays the
BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
DAOIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
first sacrifice, in which a demon is flayed and his skin held
CONFUCIAN TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
down by divinities who ring the diagram (padadevata¯s; lit.,
ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN AND MEDITERRANEAN TEMPLES
“feet deities”). In the center is the “place for brahman”—the
MESOAMERICAN TEMPLES
formless, ultimate, “supreme reality.” The use of this dia-
gram for the construction of houses and the laying out of cit-
TEMPLE: HINDU TEMPLES
ies on a grid of eighty-one squares (nine by nine) is recorded
“The Indian temple, an exuberant growth of seemingly hap-
in a chapter on architecture in Vara¯hamihira’s sixth-century
hazard and numberless forms,” wrote Stella Kramrisch in
CE text, the Br:hat Sam:hita¯; the use of a grid of sixty-four
1922, “never loses control over its extravagant wealth. Their
squares (eight by eight) as a special case for the construction
organic structure is neither derived from any example seen
of temples (figure 1) is recorded in a separate chapter.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: HINDU TEMPLES
9039
CAVE, MOUNTAIN, AND SHELTER. By the early centuries CE
the use of anthropomorphic images to focus worship had
Roga
Diti
A-
Mu-
Bhal-
So-
Bhu-
Adi-
moved from “substratum” cults into mainstream Hinduism
Pap.
Agni
and into Buddhism. Early Hindu images often represented
hi
ti
khya
lata
ma
jaya
cosmic parturition—the coming into present existence of a
Sosa
Parjanya
divine reality that otherwise remains without form—as well
Rajay
Apah
as “meditational constructs,” to use T. S. Maxwell’s phrase.
Asara
Prthvidhara
Jayanta
The representation of the Buddha became permissible with
Rud-
Apav-
the emergence of two new conceptions: the Buddha in cos-
Varuna
Mi-
Brahman
Arya-
Indra
mic form, replacing or supplementing the stupa as focus for
meditation, and the boddhisattvas, figures who mediate be-
Kusumad
tra
Brahman
Man
Surya
tween the aspirant and the ultimate reality of nonexistence.
Behind anthropomorphic imagery in India, however, is al-
Jaya
Sav
ways an ultimate reality without form.
Vivasvant
Satya
Indra
Savit
Early shelters for anthropomorphic images were of sev-
Dauvar
Gan-
Ya-
Brhat-
Bhrsa
eral types: apsidal brick structures resembling the caitya-gr:has
Pa-
Bhrnga-
of the Buddhists, elliptical structures perhaps suggesting the
Pit
Antar
“cosmic egg,” open altars and hypaethral structures (both ex-
raja
dharva
ma
ksata
tha
san
Mrga
Anila
tending earlier aniconic formulas), small stone chatr¯ıs (um-
brellas or pavilions), cave shrines, and eventually temples
with towers. Rock-cut shrines of the early fifth century CE
(particularly those at Udayagiri, near Vidi´sa, in central
F I G U R E 1 . Va¯stupurus:a Man:d:ala. Ritual diagram for temple
India), present two imperative metaphors for the temple: the
construction as described in Vara¯hamihira’s Br:aht Sam:hita¯;
sanctum as womb (garbha) in which the seed of divinity can
sixth century CE.
be made manifest, and the temple as mountain. As the cave
opens up the earth, so the sanctum opens up the temple.
individual may choose one divinity as “trunk” for worship,
If existing cave shrines emphasize the cave metaphor, an
others take up appropriate positions as “branches.”
inscription dated 423/4 CE from Gan˙gadha¯ra in western
Only in the sixth century did such experiments lead to
India already compares a temple there to “the lofty peak
a North Indian temple form that was complete in its symbol-
(´sikhara) of the mountain Kaila¯´sa,” and the so-called Pa¯rvat¯ı
ism and architectural definition. On plan, the North Indian
Temple at Nachna of about 465 CE ornamentally rusticates
temple grows from the Va¯stupurus:a Man:d:ala (see figure 1):
its exterior walls to suggest Kaila¯´sa’s piled rocks and animal-
its corners are those of the square vedi; its walls are half the
filled grottoes. The metaphors of cave and mountain for
sanctum and temple are explicit in inscriptions and texts, but
width of the sanctum in thickness (as prescribed in the Br:hat
it is the concept of divinity made manifest and the practice
Sam:hita¯); at its center is the brahmastha¯na. The outer walls
of devotional worship (bhakti) that make the temple possi-
begin to acquire projecting planes that measure the dimen-
ble. The cosmic mountain and its womb/cave ultimately
sions of the interior sanctum and the “place for brahman.”
shelter a tender divinity, in the form of an image, and must
The central projections on the wall now and then show
open out to include and give shelter to the worshiper, who
closed doorways but most often frame secondary images
approaches the central point of cosmic manifestation along
(par´svadevata¯s) that extend and differentiate the form of the
a longitudinal axis.
divinity within. In elevation, these planes continue up
through the superstructure as bands that curve in to meet a
ICONICITY OF ARCHITECTURAL FORM. In North India, the
square slab at the top of the temple, from which a circular
fifth century CE saw experimentation in the means by which
necking projects. The necking supports a large, circular,
architecture could supply shelter to images. Small cave shel-
ribbed stone (a¯malaka) that takes the form of an a¯mala fruit
ters were excavated (Udayagiri), cavelike cells were construct-
and normally is crowned by a stone waterpot (kala´sa) from
ed (Sa¯ñc¯ı), structures with towers were built in impermanent
which leaves sometimes sprout.
materials (Gan˙gadha¯ra), and stone “mountains” were built
(as at Nachna) with cavelike sanctums. Some temples began
The imagery (and its iconicity) is explicit. Just as the
to show multiple and variant images of the central divinity
block of the temple’s walls projects planes outward in order
on the walls (Mad:hia), and others became complexes by ad-
to display the images that make its sacred content manifest,
ding subsidiary shrines to shelter other deities (Bhumara,
so too the temple “grows” in altitude, marking the process
Deogarh). Such a proliferation of images can be seen as a
of cosmic parturition by its form. The womb of the temple,
product of the Hindu conception of cosmic parturition: if
its sanctum (garbhagr:ha), provides the dimension for an ut-
divine reality is formless, through the process of creation it
taravedi (“upper altar”) that terminates the tower (some sev-
takes an infinity of forms in this (created) world; though the
enth-century shrines show this altar as a shallow, pillared
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9040
TEMPLE: HINDU TEMPLES
platform at the top of the curvilinear superstructure). Ex-
the cities into his temples. In fact, images of Guardians of
tending the dimensions of the brahmastha¯na, the necking
the Quarters (dikpa¯las) are placed on the corners of temples
above this vedi takes the form of the emerging “world pillar”
from about the seventh century, and a number of geometric
(axis mundi), which passes symbolically through the sanctum
experiments with plans based on the rotation of squares seem
with the body of the temple as its sheath.
to play on the fort as a form for temple architecture.
As North Indian architecture evolves between the sixth
Large temples in South India often enclose the sanctum
and the thirteenth centuries, the plan of the temple shows
in a series of ambulatory paths and walls that simulate rings
more and more offsets, the walls gain more images, and the
of fortification around a walled city, and in fact use the
central tower of the temple becomes clustered by other, min-
eighty-one-square man:d:ala appropriate for the city, with a
iature towers, increasingly giving the effect of a mountain
single square at the center surrounded by concentric rings of
peak through specifically architectural means. If this variety
squares, to define the temple’s plan. If practice in South
of constructional forms, buttresses, and images “body” forth
India increasingly emphasized the royal personality of the di-
reality in the manifest world, the ribbed a¯mala stone at the
vinity and his relation to his subjects and kingdom by use
top of the temple, much like the staff that sprouts in Tann-
of great festival processions, it also began to surround tem-
häuser, presents the ripening seed’s potentiality for fruition.
ples and contiguous sections of the city with walls pierced
Both the pot with germinating seeds that is buried under the
by gateways (gopuras) that became the focus of patronage
foundation and the vase finial placed on top of the temple
themselves.
as an act of final consecration ritually help to perpetuate cy-
ACCESS AND ASPIRANT. The Hindu temple must also act as
cles of cosmic growth and fruition.
access and approach for aspirants and worshipers. This role
PALACE, HUT, AND FORTRESS. The temple thus combines
changes the temple from a centralized, bilaterally symmetri-
physically the pillar that marks the axis of cosmic parturition,
cal structure (reflecting the nature of the cosmogonic pro-
the altar of sacrifice taking the shape of the created universe,
cess) to one with a defined longitudinal axis. On that axis
and the need for shelter of the tender divinity and the human
the worshipers approach their personal divinity within the
worshiper; it unites the cosmic mountain and potent cave.
sanctum; but also on that axis the aspirants increasingly can
South Indian temples, built in stone from the seventh centu-
place themselves, in halls built for that purpose, as if under
ry CE, give emphasis to the temple’s role as shelter for anthro-
the umbrella of the sacrificer, positioning themselves for as-
pomorphic divinities by retaining throughout their evolution
cent. “The whole intention of the Vedic tradition and of the
a terraced, palatial form crowned by a domed ´sikhara that
sacrifice is to define the Way (ma¯rga) by which the aspirant
has the shape of the ascetic’s hut. As early as the A¯j¯ıvika caves
. . . can ascend [the three] worlds,” wrote Ananda K. Coo-
in the Baraba¯r Hills of Bihar, dating from the third century
maraswamy. “Earth, Air, and Sky . . . compose the vertical
BCE, the hut of the living ascetic had been an architectural
Axis of the Universe. . . . [These are] the Way by which the
form appropriate for presenting the concept of sacred poten-
Devas first strode up and down these worlds . . . and the
tiality.
Way for the Sacrificer now to do likewise” (“Svayama¯tr:n:n:a¯:
Janua Coeli,” in Coomaraswamy, vol. 1, Selected Papers: Tra-
The temple is called pra¯sa¯da (“palace”) in North India,
ditional Art and Symbolism, ed. Roger Lipsey, Princeton,
and the architectural veneer of its superstructure, in both
1977, pp. 465–467, 470). The temple is as much a monu-
north and south, allude to forms of palace architecture. In
ment to the procession of time as it is a static model of the
the north, these have been completely subordinated to the
cosmos or a marker of its origin. Padadevata¯s ringing the
temple’s vertical ascent, becoming body for the altar that still
va¯stuman:d:ala (grid) are identified with the asterisms
presents itself at the top of the temple, open to the sky. In
(naks:atras) of the lunar calendar, and the temple both helps
the south, deities sheltered within the temple’s compact, pal-
generate and acts as a focus for the ritual time of the festival
ace-like structure increasingly took on the accoutrements of
calendar. Personal ritual within the temple involves both ap-
a secular ruler, through ritual and the cycle of festivals. While
proach and circumambulation, and movement by the aspi-
divinity in the form of images (mu¯rtis) could take on quali-
rant through time toward release had to be a recognized part
ties of royalty, and kings did validate their role by patronage
of the architect’s program for the temple.
of temples, the king was considered a reflection of divine
All sides of the temple allow access to the divinity
order principally through the quality of his actions and the
through imagery, but the entry that pierces and makes ritual
nature of his responsibilities, not by divine right.
approach possible, most frequently on the east, is given in-
If the temple is palace for divinity, it also is fortress, pro-
creasing importance and architectural definition as temples
tecting the world from disorder and chaos. Corners are “at-
evolve. Halls for ritual and assembly are added along this axis
tended with evils” according to the Br:hat Sam:hita¯ (53.84),
and sometimes used for dance or music to entertain the di-
and “the householder, if he is anxious to be happy, should
vinity, but often they serve simply as shelters for approach.
carefully preserve Brahman, who is stationed in the center
One common and potent configuration places the sanctum
of the dwelling, from injury” (53.66). In the puranic leg-
(sometimes surrounded by an enclosed ambulatory path) be-
end of S´iva conquering the three worlds, he frees three “cit-
hind a closed hall that may also be fronted by an open hall
ies” of demons, making them his devotees and transforming
and an entry pavilion.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN SOUTH ASIA
9041
In the Kan:d:ar¯ıya Maha¯deva Temple at Khajuraho
Meister, Michael W. “Measurement and Proportion in Hindu
(c. 1025–1050), for example, space for the worshiper within
Temple Architecture.” Interdisciplinary Science Reviews 10
the closed hall takes the same dimensions as the sanctum,
(1985): 248–258.
with parallel rings of the man:d:ala defining walls of the sanc-
Sarkar, H. Studies in Early Buddhist Architecture of India. New
tum, the space within the hall, ambulatory walls, and the
Delhi, 1966. Brings to light the results of new excavation and
outer enclosure. Ceilings in such halls imitate the canopy
research on early forms of Indian sacred architecture.
over the ritual sacrificer; this intention is made architectural-
Stein, Burton, ed. The South Indian Temple. New Delhi, 1978. A
ly clear in some cases by having a separately defined pavilion
collection of essays succinctly dealing with the South Indian
within the hall over the central platform, as at Sinnar in Ma-
temple as a sociological institution.
harashtra or at the great Jain temple at Ranakpur. The ritual
New Sources
fire can be placed in this position, and worshipers gather
Michell, George. The Hindu Temple: An Introduction to Its Mean-
there as much to carry out ritual as to face the image of the
ing and Forms. Chicago, 1988.
deity.
Royal Patrons and Great Temple Art. Edited by Vidya Dehejia.
THE TEMPLE IN THE HUMAN IMAGE. In such an architectur-
Bombay, 1988.
al context, yogin and god are equal participants: the place of
MICHAEL W. MEISTER (1987)
divine manifestation and the path of the aspirant have been
Revised Bibliography
given consubstantiality along the temple’s longitudinal axis;
sanctum and sacrificer’s space both have become altars mani-
festing supreme reality in human form. In the Hindu temple,
the axis of cosmic creation and the ritual path for release of
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
the aspirant/worshiper/sacrificer (yajama¯na) meet; the tem-
IN SOUTH ASIA
ple shares in the image of the “Supernal Man” (Purus:a). As
During the life of the Buddha (sixth to fifth century BCE),
Kramrisch has written, “Purus:a, which is beyond form, is the
he and his disciples were sheltered by lay followers near vari-
impulse towards manifestation” (“The Temple as Purus:a,”
ous urban centers in North India. After his death, according
in Studies in Indian Temple Architecture, ed. Pramod Chan-
to Buddhist tradition, his body was given royal cremation,
dra, New Delhi, 1975, p. 40). This is true whether that man-
and relics were distributed among eight city-states, which
ifestation is of the cosmos, of divine forms, or of human po-
then established royal burial mounds (stupas) incorporating
tential.
these relics in order to memorialize him. Two centuries later
the Mauryan emperor A´soka (r. c. 270–230 BCE) is said to
SEE ALSO Iconography, article on Hindu Iconography;
have reopened these stupas to distribute the relics more wide-
Man:d:alas, article on Hindu Man:d:alas.
ly in his attempt to spread the Buddha’s teachings; Buddhist
tradition relates that A´soka established 84,000 stupas
BIBLIOGRAPHY
throughout the empire.
Bhattacharyya, Tarapada. The Canons of Indian Art. Calcutta,
COMPOUNDS IN SOUTH ASIA. Though shelters for the
1963. A pioneering modern work on India’s architectural
monks and stupas as monuments to memorialize the Buddha
texts.
and his teaching defined the physical requirements of Bud-
Coomaraswamy, Ananda K. “Early Indian Architecture: II,
dhist architecture for many centuries, symbolic and ritual re-
Bodhi-Gharas.” Eastern Art 2 (1930): 225–235. In this series
quirements gradually transformed such elements into what
Coomaraswamy establishes a basis for understanding the
properly can be called Buddhist temple compounds.
forms of early Indian architecture.
Stupas and stupa-shrines. A stupa originally was used
Kramrisch, Stella. The Hindu Temple. 2 vols. Calcutta, 1946.
to mark the relics of the Buddha or one of his principal disci-
Kramrisch’s monumental work lays out, as no other, the ritu-
al and metaphysic of the temple and establishes a ground-
ples, as well as significant objects (such as the Buddha’s beg-
work for the analysis of standing monuments.
ging bowl) or places related to his life or sanctified by his
presence. At the same time, however, the structure of such
Meister, Michael W. “Man:d:ala and Practice in Na¯gara Architec-
ture in North India.” Journal of the American Oriental Society
a memorial stupa incorporated cosmogonic and cosmologi-
99 (1979): 204–219. An article that demonstrates through
cal references relating to a point or place of cosmic origina-
the analysis of standing monuments the practical applicabili-
tion (the egg, an:d:a), to a vertical axis marking cosmic partu-
ty of the ritual va¯stuman:d:ala.
rition, and to the cardinal orientation of the created universe.
Meister, Michael W., ed. Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architec-
Rituals related to such cosmogonic and cosmological beliefs
ture, vol. 1, pt. 1, “South India, Lower Dra¯vid:ade¯´sa.” Phila-
must have been carried out around large stupas such as those
delphia, 1983. The first in a series of volumes intended to
constructed at Sa¯ñc¯ı, Taxila, or Amara¯vat¯ı. Small stupas, set
cover the full spread of India’s temple architecture with tech-
up by laity as well as by members of the Buddha’s order
nical detail.
(sam:gha), were often used as votive markers of a follower’s
Meister, Michael W. “S´iva’s Forts in Central India.” In Discourses
devotion. A major complex such as that at Sa¯ñc¯ı grew to in-
on S´iva, edited by Michael W. Meister, pp. 119–142. Phila-
clude large stupas, monastic establishments, clusters of votive
delphia, 1984.
monuments, and eventually temples enshrining objects in-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9042
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN SOUTH ASIA
tended for devotional worship. Large free-standing stupas as
Ajanta¯ has more than thirty-two rock-cut Buddhist
ritual centers continue to mark major Buddhist sites in South
caves placed along the face of a horseshoe-shaped gorge; sev-
Asia, as well as in Myanmar, Nepal, Tibet, and Sri Lanka.
eral date between the first century BCE and the first century
Initially, the Buddha himself, as a great teacher who had
CE. Two of these early caves and two dating from the fifth
century
transcended the cycle of birth and rebirth through his teach-
CE are caitya halls; the remainder take a viha¯ra form.
The concept of a cosmic Buddha, still accessible to his mo-
ings, was not the focus of devotional practice. The stupa,
nastic aspirants, led to a significant change in the nature of
however, standing both for his presence and for a Buddhist
such a Buddhist establishment, however.
and Indian conception of universal order, took on its own
devotional aspect; shelters were constructed for the stupa and
The Buddha’s body. That the Buddha in his cosmic
its worshipers, as in the structural stupa-shrine at Bairat or
body could both be visible to worshipers and live among the
the excavated (rock-carved) stupa-houses (caityagr:ha) at
members of his sam:gha is the mystery of later Buddhism.
Guntupalli and Junnar.
Friar Bala, the high-status monk who set up the earliest im-
From these early enclosed stupas evolved a major type
ages and inscribed images at both Sa¯rna¯th and S´ra¯vast¯ı late
of Buddhist structure, the caitya hall, housing an object used
in the first century CE, called them bodhisattvas—the Buddha
as a focus for worship (caitya). These caitya halls are typically
returned to the worshiper, his “body made of mind” (mano-
apsidal structures with a central nave and side aisles; a stupa
maya). A third image, at Kau´sa¯mb¯ı, was dedicated by
is placed prominently (and mysteriously) within the apse.
Buddhamitra¯, a nun. Such images were set up under umbrel-
The structural examples are known only from their founda-
las marked with cosmological signs, on thrones at the base
tions, but a number of rock-carved caitya halls survive in the
of trees, within railings as were other open-air caityas, in asso-
Western Ghat mountains.
ciation with previously built stupas or those in caitya halls,
and ultimately in temple-shelters of their own.
The earliest of these, at Bha¯ja¯, Bedsa, and Kondane date
from the second or first centuries BCE; the largest, at Ka¯rl¯ı,
Monasteries and monastic shrines. For many centu-
from the first century CE; the latest, at Ellora, from perhaps
ries after the death of the Buddha, monastic retreats were
the early seventh century CE. Located on trade routes and pa-
provided principally for the assembly of monks during the
tronized by merchants and others from nearby urban centers,
rainy season, but such places took on other functions over
these large establishments also provided monastic cells for
time, becoming retreats for lay travelers and eventually cen-
wandering monks and abbots, and sheltered pilgrims and
ters for learning. Foundations at Taxila in the northwest and
travelers. At Bha¯ja¯, the abbot’s cave has a veranda guarded
at the important Buddhist university of Na¯landa¯ in Bihar
by large images of the sun and rain gods, Su¯rya and Indra;
show monastic complexes in the shape of rectilinear com-
the individual monastic cells at Kan:her¯ı, scattered across a
pounds with cells enclosing a central shared court. Monks
hillside outside of Mumbai, have stone beds and pillows, ve-
lived in these cells much as students live in a Banaras Hindu
randas, and grilled windows, each carefully located to take
University dormitory today.
advantage of views through the neighboring hills to the har-
Early monastic caves, carved in conjunction with major
bor beyond. Both nuns and monks inhabited these cells, and
caitya halls (as at Bha¯ja¯ and Ka¯rl¯ı), show cells arranged along
helped to sponsor them, forming a community of followers
verandas set into the surface of the rock. Gradually such
who served the site and eventually might die and be memori-
rock-carved sites began to mimic constructed monastic com-
alized there.
pounds, with cells surrounding an “open” court encased in
In the early centuries of the Common Era, much sectari-
the rock (the actual cave ceilings over these courts were paint-
an debate occurred within Buddhism over the role of the
ed to resemble cloth coverings hung as shelters from sun and
stupa—whether its function was primarily votive, memorial,
rain).
or cultic. The concept of the transcendent Buddha with em-
At Ajanta¯, side-by-side with fifth-century CE apsidal cai-
issaries (bodhisattvas) to assist the devotee led to the introduc-
tya halls, members of the royal Va¯ka¯t:aka court had similar
tion of images of the Buddha for worship; at the site of
monastic caves excavated but added to them an enlarged hall
Na¯ga¯rjunikon:d:a (third to fourth century CE) excavations
on axis with the cave entrance, in which an image of the cos-
have revealed a complex that combines a large, freestanding
mic Buddha was enshrined. These viha¯ra caves thus served
stupa, a monastic dormitory (viha¯ra), and a pair of apsidal
as votive “temples,” donated by the Va¯ka¯t:aka kings and their
caitya halls facing each other, with a stupa in one apse and
ministers, as well as residences for high members of the
an image of the Buddha in the other. In fifth-century caitya
sam:gha.
halls excavated at the great Buddhist cave site of Ajanta¯, an
image of the Buddha, placed against the apse-stupa as if
BUDDHIST EXPANSION. In the region of Gandha¯ra in the
emerging from it, is a standard part of the complex. In cave
northwest, through which Buddhism spread toward Central
29, a gigantic image of the Buddha, reclining at the moment
Asia, large monastic compounds also had associated stupas,
of his death and transcendence, fills the left wall of the cave
sometimes placed in the center of the court, as well as a
as well, his feet placed toward the apse and his head toward
gandhakut:¯ı (sweet-smelling chamber) among the monks’
daylight at the entrance.
rooms assigned as the residence of the Buddha. Gandha¯ran
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN SOUTH ASIA
9043
sculptural reliefs also show thatch-domed structures with
along a river at Na¯ga¯rjunakon:d:a; monasteries marching up
arched entrances, which shelter small stupas or relic contain-
the valleys through Swat; all intentionally partake of nature
ers as if for worship. These “vernacular” wooden or wattle-
and integrate themselves within a landscape. That we are
and-daub caitya shrines are sometimes depicted built on large
largely unable to reconstruct initial principles of Buddhist
platforms with a long central flight of steps and corner pillars
planning should not detract us from understanding that the
marking the compound as if equivalent to the large ritual stu-
result was intended to be what one scholar has described as
pas built in this region, as that at Saidu Sharif. Clusters of
a mesocosm—a sacred landscape in the living world.
votive stupas, as at Bha¯ja¯ and Kan:her¯ı, sometimes have in-
A pilgrimage and political complex such as that at Bami-
scriptions assigning each to a particular deceased member of
yan, Afghanistan—as famous for its frescoes as for the two
the monastic community.
giant Buddha statues destroyed in 2001 by the Taliban—can
Relic shrines and Buddhist retreats. As Buddhism
well exemplify the extent to which a Buddhist compound
spread to the northwest and south in the first centuries BCE,
could incorporate and model the world. Long before the ex-
relic shrines became a significant component of monastic
plicit rendering of buildings as cosmic maps (man:d:alas), as
and ritual compounds. In Gandha¯ra in the northwest, these
in Tibet, was common, Buddhist sites in South Asia less for-
could be simple shed-shelters placed in association with large
mally “centered” nature to bring the universe alive. At Bami-
ritual stupas, or they could take the form of relic stupas with
yan, a long cliff with mountains looming behind is honey-
enclosed chambers giving access to relic caskets. In South
combed with pilgrim’s caves. Two gigantic standing Buddha
India, carved reliefs also sometimes depict circular thatch-
statues were carved into the cliff some distance apart by the
domed shelters that frame reliquary urns. The cult of relics—
seventh century CE; a third reclining image of the Buddha’s
of the Buddha and of his monastic followers—gave a major
maha¯parinirva¯n:a was also recorded by pilgrim accounts. The
impetus to the process of conversion and the spread of Bud-
cliff’s facade was a single canvas, dwarfed by the landscape
dhism in both regions.
of the valley, but to visit these images in ritual order accord-
One first-century
ing to one scholar was to retrace the spiritual career of the
BCE relief from an early Buddhist
stupa site in Karnataka, Kanganhalli, uniquely depicts a
historical Buddha S´a¯kyamuni. Bamiyan’s valley became the
stepped embankment with pilgrims, much like the steps of
“compound” within which ambulation and pilgrimage oc-
the gha¯t (tank) excavated at the important Buddhist center
curred, as by extension did the kingdom of Bamiyan and the
of Na¯ga¯rjunakon:d:a. Four sacred structures shown lined up
human-occupied Jambudv¯ıpa continent cited so frequently
at the top consist of a solid stupa, a stupa set on a circular
in early Buddhist inscriptions and texts. Also in this valley
platform that has a visible reliquary shrine within, a sacred
in front of these images, according to the seventh-century CE
tree shrine, and what seems to be a large stepped altar.
Chinese visitor Xuanzang, the king performed a state ritual
(the Pañcava¯rs:ika) in which he gives up his wealth and
Other fragmentary reliefs from Kanganhalli represent
“body” and then has them restored. By doing so each year
the model for all Buddhist compounds, the viha¯ra and
he guaranteed the well-being of the assembled community.
“sweet-smelling” huts of the Jetavana garden into which the
BUDDHIST TEMPLES. Bodh Gaya¯, the site in Eastern India
Buddha and his followers took retreat. More detailed than
at which the historical Buddha is said to have achieved en-
similar narrative depictions from Barhut, these reliefs from
lightenment, reflects successive changes in Buddhist belief
Kanganhalli show simple gates and compound walls, an ox-
and practice. Under the present bodhi tree rests a stone altar
cart bringing coins to be spread out in payment, simple ascet-
set up in the time of A´soka Maurya to mark the place of the
ics’ huts (presumably the gandhakut:¯ı and kosambakut¯ı hut
Buddha’s enlightenment. The tree and altar are surrounded
for monks from Kosamb¯ı), a tree shrine, an altar marked
by a modern railing mimicking the form of an ancient tree
with footprints, a “walking path” for the Buddha, and a large
shrine, but railing pieces from the S´unga period (second to
tapering multistoried central assembly hall (viha¯ra).
first centuries BCE) remain nearby. Such open enclosures set
Landscape, statehood, and pilgrimage. The siting of
around objects of worship (trees, pillars, images of nature
Buddhist compounds was of utmost importance. Located
spirits, stupas) represent pre-Buddhist practices that were ab-
along trade and pilgrimage routes from an early period, Bud-
sorbed into the iconography of popular Buddhism. Set next
dhist establishments served merchants and coreligionists as
to the tree shrine is a large and restored brick temple of the
way stations in the wilderness, retreats in proximity to urban
seventh century CE, pyramidal in shape, its surface orna-
centers, and markers at sites (tirthas) sacred to other groups.
mented to suggest a multi-terraced palatial structure not un-
If the Jetavana garden was one model, the miracle at S´ra¯vast¯ı
like the viha¯ra represented in the Kanganhalli relief. A large
where the Buddha manifest himself in a multitude of forms
image of the Buddha is enshrined within the present struc-
provided a rationale. Stupas, monasteries, caitya halls, and
ture for worship. A relief on a second- to third-century CE
relic shrines all formed part of a natural landscape mapped
terra-cotta plaque from Kumra¯ha¯r demonstrates that an ear-
by pilgrims, merchants, monks, and nuns. The stupas on
lier shrine in much the same form was already there by that
Sa¯ñc¯ı hill; caitya halls and monasteries in Ajanta¯’s horseshoe
period. Though such a Buddhist temple structure was based
gorge; retreats carved into the Western Ghat mountains; the
exclusively on Indian palatial forms, its conceptualization al-
manmade embankment (gha¯t), tanks, and shrines laid out
ready suggests a model for the later pagoda temples that
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9044
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN SOUTH ASIA
range from Nepal through East Asia, although these draw on
BIBLIOGRAPHY
a different architectural language for their sheltering roofs.
Bareau, André. “La construction et le culte des stu¯pa d’apré le
The distinctive importance of Bodh Gaya¯ is attested by nu-
Vinayakapit:aka.” Bulletin de l’École Francaise d’Extreme-
merous votive miniature representations of this temple from
Orient 5 (1962): 229–274. A presentation of textual evi-
along trade and pilgrimage routes into southeast Asia.
dence for interpreting the uses put to the stupa within Indian
Buddhism.
Terraced “temples” of a different sort were built across
Coomaraswamy, Anada K. Essays in Early Indian Architecture, ed-
North India, most notably at Kumra¯ha¯r, Paharpur, and
ited by Michael W. Meister. New Delhi, 1992. Classic docu-
Laur:¯ıya Nandangar:h. These structures, suggesting temple-
mentation and interpretive essays on the representation of
mountains, featured cruciform bases with reentrant angles,
early India architecture in Buddhist sculpture.
on which stood either stupas or temple structures. The tem-
Dehejia, Vidya. Early Buddhist Rock Temples. Ithaca, N.Y., 1972.
ples, and sometimes the stupas, had shrines facing the cardi-
Concise, scholarly survey of the early Buddhist rock-cut tra-
nal directions. The great terraced temple at Paharpur was
dition in India.
also set within an enormous monastic court.
Dumarcay, Jacques. Borobudur. Oxford, 1978. A significant anal-
ysis by the architect responsible for the conservation of the
The most extensive representation of such terraced tem-
Borobudur monument.
ple structures is found among the monuments scattered
Dutt, Sukumar. Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India. Lon-
across the vast plains of Burma, particularly at Pagan. The
don, 1962. A pioneering study connecting Buddhist com-
Ananda temple there has a cruciform plan, interior ambula-
pounds and their users.
tories, and a central temple-like superstructure dating origi-
Faccenna, Domenico. Saidu Sharif I (Swat, Pakistan); vol. 2: The
nally from the early eleventh century.
Buddhist Sacred Area: The Stu¯pa Terrace. Rome, 1995. Pre-
liminary excavations report on a type-setting stupa and mon-
Cosmological compounds. The grandest expression of
astery complex in Swat.
such an architectural conception within the Buddhist tradi-
tion, and one that reflects an increasingly perceived relation-
Gutschow, Niels. The Nepalese Caitya: 1500 Years of Buddhist Vo-
tive Architecture in the Kathmandu Valley. Stuttgart, Germa-
ship between a manifest cosmic order and the responsibilities
ny, and London, 1997. An environmentally and culturally
of Buddhism to provide visible aids to the aspirant struggling
sensitive study of stupa complexes in Nepal.
toward release, was the monument at Borobudur in Java,
begun in the eighth century, but undoubtedly with South
Klimburg-Salter, Deborah E. The Kingdom of Ba¯miya¯n: Buddhist
Art and Culture of the Hindu Kush. Naples, Italy, 1989. Inter-
Asian prototypes. Though we are told that the compound
pretive exploration of the site and setting for the giant Bud-
underwent four periods of construction, with changing, pos-
dha images and related caves at this important pilgrimage
sibly even conflicting, conceptions of its final design, one
center in Afghanistan.
overriding metaphysical interpretation seems ultimately to
Levy, Robert I. Mesocosm: Hinduism and the Organization of a
emerge. In the opinion of most scholars, its five square ter-
Traditional Newar City in Nepal. Berkeley, Calif., 1990. A
raced galleries covered by sculpture and its three upper circu-
significant anthropological investigation of the mental space
lar terraces set with seventy-two perforated stupas and
of urban planning in traditional Nepal.
crowned by a solid stupa (with two empty chambers) were
Meister, Michael W. “Notes Toward the Study of Representations
meant to incorporate and represent a Buddhist metaphysics,
of Early Indian Architecture, Kanganhalli.” In Prasadam: Re-
both cosmological and ontological, through which aspirants
cent Researches on Archaeology, Art, Architecture and Culture,
could ultimately find their way to release. In Cambodia as
edited by S.S. Ramachandra Murty, D. Bhaskara Murti, and
well, where Khmer rulers patronized both Hindu and Bud-
D. Kiran Kranth Choudary. New Delhi, 2004. Important
dhist structures, the association of the king with the bodhi-
excavated evidence for early Buddhist compounds.
sattva Loke´svara reflected the former’s role as representative
Mitra, Debala. Buddhist Monuments. Calcutta, 1971. A general
of such a cosmic order on earth.
but detailed and well-informed survey of both Buddhist be-
lief and monuments in India by a past director general of the
From their simple beginnings as shelters for aspiring
Archaeological Survey of India.
monks to memorialize a past teacher, Buddhist compounds
Sarkar, H. Studies in Early Buddhist Architecture in India. Delhi,
became cosmogonic and cosmological monuments, accom-
India, 1966. An important study bringing together research
modating both state structures and lay rituals, and eventually
and the results of recent excavations.
restoring the Buddha to his worshipers as a cosmic presence,
Schopen, Gregory. Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks: Collected
accessible to monks and laity for devotion as well as instruc-
Papers on the Archaeology, Epigraphy, and Texts of Monastic
tion. Indeed, they became institutions to mold human aspi-
Buddhism in India. Honolulu, 1997. A significant reposi-
ration as permanent in form as the urban society the Buddha
tioning of lay and monastic popular practice surrounding
once had renounced. This transformation reflected the
monuments away from Buddhist canonical texts.
strength, pragmatism, and flexibility of the Buddha’s teach-
Slusser, Mary Shepherd. Nepal Mandala: A Cultural Study of the
ings and provides some explanation for the success of Bud-
Kathmandu Valley. Princeton, N.J., 1982. A magisterial in-
dhism’s great missionary expansion from India into other
troduction to the cities, monuments, and history of this once
parts of the Asian world.
closed Himalayan kingdom.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN EAST ASIA
9045
Stone, Elizabeth Rosen. The Buddhist Art of Na¯ga¯rjunakonda.
ity and four-sided enclosure dominated Chinese construc-
Delhi, 1994. Definitive study of archaeological evidence
tion; the latter was so important that it was almost impossible
from the most important region for early Buddhism in
to find a structure without an arcade-enclosed courtyard ad-
southern India.
joining or in front of it. Buildings and space multiplied along
MICHAEL W. MEISTER (2005)
orthogonal lines, sometimes joined by arcades, in either di-
rection. Except for watchtowers or gate-towers, before the
entry of Buddhism, Chinese buildings were one-story high.
These principles of Chinese construction and space would
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
influence and usually govern imperial and religious building
IN EAST ASIA
across East Asia until the twentieth century.
Symbols of the Buddha and precursors of Buddhist monu-
Construction in China’s first Buddhist centuries.
ments appeared in China in the Western Han dynasty (206
Three fundamental architectural forms of early Indian Bud-
BCE–9 CE). During the Eastern Han (23–220 CE), Buddhist
dhist construction—stupa, caitya, and viha¯ra—had to be ac-
images and places to worship them had made their way to
commodated by the Chinese system in order for Buddhist
the Chinese capital and many provincial regions. By the
temple compounds to exist. All three were achieved during
fourth century CE multicultural monastic communities prac-
the centuries of disunion between the fall of the Han dynasty
ticed Buddhism in China’s westernmost regions, including
in 220 and reunification under the Sui in 581. During this
oasis towns in what are today Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous
period, many of the non-Chinese rulers of small and short-
Region and Gansu province. By the next century, temple
lived dynasties and kingdoms were eager patrons of a religion
compounds had sprung up in cities, towns, and secluded,
whose origins were as foreign on Chinese soil as were they.
mountainous areas in every part of China, and Buddhism
By the end of the sixth century, Buddhism had become the
and its architecture had reached the Korean peninsula. By
dominant religion in every region of China and its borders.
the end of the sixth century, the religion flourished in all
The most striking symbol of Buddhism on the Chinese
three East Asian countries—China, Korea, and Japan.
landscape was the tower-like structure known as a pagoda,
In general, the movement of Buddhism and the temple
the Western name of the East Asian version of the stupa. The
compound was eastward, initially from India to Central Asia,
stupa had already undergone transformation along the route
to China, to Korea, to Japan, but occasionally transmission
eastward across Central Asia from its initial Indian form of
of architecture and ideas occurred via alternate routes that
a circular plan with an egg-shaped dome capped by a balus-
bypassed Central Asia or Korea, for instance. Wherever Bud-
trade-enclosed harmika¯ to a taller, occasionally four-sided
dhism went, the temple compound was the core of both mo-
monument. Its primary purposes as a relic mound, either for
nastic and religious communal life. Its size and complexity
the remains of a Buddhist or other sacred relics or to mark
increased with time, such that new sects gave rise to new ar-
a sacred place or event in the history of the faith, remained
chitectural forms and building arrangements. Patronage
the same. At least five versions of the pagoda stood as parts
often was a direct reflection of imperial interest in the faith.
of Chinese temple compounds before the beginning of the
Constructed almost exclusively with local materials, the ar-
Tang dynasty (618–907). Three examples of pagodas with
chitecture of temple compounds was adapted to every cli-
four-sided plans are represented by the single-story, nearly
mate and region of East Asia. Yet through two millennia of
square Four-Entry Pagoda at Shentong Monastery in Lic-
history, the core structure and the primary purposes of the
heng, Shandong, restored in 611; the multistory pillar-
Buddhist temple compound as a setting for Buddhist wor-
pagoda whose perimeter decreases story by story from base
ship and education have remained constant.
to top; and the multistory pillar-pagoda of uniform perime-
TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN CHINA. Buddhist temple com-
ter dimensions from first story to last. The latter two are
pounds presented the first serious challenge to the highly de-
found near centers of Buddhism in China that included
veloped, coherent, codified, and even rigid Chinese architec-
major clusters of Buddhist worship caves. Both forms of pil-
tural system. For more than two thousand years prior to the
lar-pagoda had roof eaves marking each story. The fourth
appearance of Buddhism, individual Chinese structures had
and fifth pagoda types taper in size from base to roof. One
been supported by timber frames made of primarily straight
has an octagonal and the other a dodecagonal ground plan.
pieces of wood. By the time Buddhism entered China, canti-
Numerous octagonal pagodas survive from every period of
levers in the form of bracket sets had been introduced to help
Chinese history, but the only surviving, and only known,
support the weight of large, prominent roof eaves, and ce-
twelve-sided pagoda was built at Songyue Monastery on
ramic tile had become the primary material for roof cover-
Mount Song, Henan, in 523. All pagodas of the early period
ings. The system was employed for emperors and common-
have replicas on their exterior facades of the doors, windows,
ers alike, in palaces and ritual halls of the sovereign, humble
and corbel bracketing found on contemporary Chinese
dwellings, and altars that were built by both groups. Ground
wooden architecture. Those that survive are brick or stone
plans of all these structures were almost invariably four-
masonry.
sided, the one exception being ritual halls that excavations
Joining the pagoda as a focal point of worship in an early
suggest had circular and octagonal rooms. Principles of axial-
Chinese temple compound was the Buddha hall, in which
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9046
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN EAST ASIA
were enshrined the main devotional images of the worship
have been carved into the face of rock. The concept of wor-
complex. Worshipers could enter Buddha halls, in contrast
ship in a cave-temple, however, was inherited from India by
to pagodas, which sometimes could be entered but in other
way of Central Asia. Cave-temples with relief sculptures and
instances had imagery carved on the exterior and were cir-
paintings decorating their interiors, along with freestanding
cumambulated during worship. The earliest extant wooden
temples in oases along the Silk Routes, were seen by Chinese
Chinese Buddha halls are from the eighth and ninth centu-
merchants before the fall of the Han dynasty. By the end of
ries. From excavated remains and written descriptions we
the fourth century, cave-temples in the vicinity of Dunhuang
know that Buddha halls of the sixth and seventh centuries
in Gansu province showed a unique blending of Chinese and
were rectangular in plan and of one story.
South Asian structure and iconography. Structural and deco-
rative features of cave-temples in Xinjiang and Gansu contin-
The site of Yongning Monastery in the Northern Wei
ued to bear signs of the native communities of monks and
(493–534) capital at Luoyang in Henan province is one of
merchants from every part of Asia as late as the tenth century.
the most extensively excavated and described temple com-
Most famous among cave-temple monasteries are, from west
pounds of the early period of Buddhist architecture in China.
to east, Kizil, Kumtura, and Bezeklik in Xinjiang; the Mogao
Its rectangular wooden pagoda soared 161 meters in nine
and other cave-temple groups in the Dunhuang region, and
stories. Each side of each story was supported by ten pillars
Maijishan in Gansu province; and Yun’gang, Tianlongshan,
and had three doors and six windows. The doors were ver-
Xiangtangshan, Longmen, and Gongxian in the north cen-
milion lacquer, held in place with golden nails. Golden bells
tral Chinese provinces of Shanxi, Hebei, and Henan. Addi-
hung from each corner of each level. The Great Buddha hall
tional cave-temples studied in the twentieth century Gansu,
directly to its north was fashioned after the main hall of audi-
the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region, southeastern China,
ence of Luoyang palace. It contained a three-meter-tall gol-
and Liaoning in the Northeast is giving way to the redating
den Buddha. Also following imperial architecture, Yongning
and refinement of chronologies for all of China’s cave-
Monastery was enclosed by a 212-by-301-meter mud-earth
temples.
wall, 3.3 meters thick, with a gate on each side. Its main gate,
seven bays across the front, was 66 meters high and rose three
The transmission of Buddhism and the rock-carved
stories. The others were two stories high. Records inform us
temple compound never followed a clear or direct path from
that Yongning Monastery had a thousand bays of rooms,
South to East Asia during the five centuries (fifth to tenth)
among which were monks’ quarters, towers, pavilions, and
during which the architectural form flourished in Central
the main Buddha hall and pagoda behind one another at the
Asia and China. Features of Chinese architecture, notably
center. Yongningsi (temple compound) was just one of
the ceramic tile roof and pillar-supported structure raised on
1,367 Buddhist structures or temple compounds in the
a high platform with bracket sets, appeared in the murals and
Northern Wei capital during its forty-year history. The main
in reliefs at each of the sites named above by the fifth or sixth
southern capital in Jiankang (present-day Nanjing) had 480
century. Often these indicators that Buddhism had entered
monasteries during the third through sixth centuries. Al-
the Chinese sphere existed alongside worshipers whose non-
though not all received the kind of imperial patronage lav-
Chinese ethnicity was emphasized in the paintings or sculp-
ished on Yongning Monastery, whether converted from resi-
ture. Even after the facial features of figures that decorated
dences, built anew, or expanded from earlier structures, every
the walls of Chinese caitya halls had become Sinified, ele-
temple compound had a pagoda and Buddha hall, and usual-
ments of South Asian architecture persisted. One of the most
common decorative features in Chinese cave-temples is the
ly at least an entry gate and one enclosing corridor joined to
pointed, horseshoe-shaped arch called a caitya arch.
the gate or surrounding the two main structures. All were
Chinese versions of the viha¯ra, the second Buddhist structur-
Temple compounds after 800 CE. The impermanence
al type imported from India. Like their Indian predecessors,
of wooden architecture has meant that rock-carved cave-
most contained residential architecture for monks, and, even
temples, paintings of temple compounds on the walls of
more so than in India, the Chinese Buddhist temple com-
cave-temples, and excavated remains provide the most reli-
pound was a group of courtyard-enclosed spaces. Unlike
able evidence of comprehensive Buddhist worship space be-
many Indian viha¯ra, pagodas projected above the low walls
fore the tenth century. Eight individual Buddha halls have
of temple compounds, and were sometimes the only feature
been identified from the period 782 to 966, most with origi-
that made it possible to distinguish a Chinese temple com-
nal images and some with wall paintings. Six are in Shanxi
pound from a palace complex.
province, one is in Hebei, and one in Fujian. All but one are
of the humble variety, with three or five bays across the front,
The last architectural form inherited from Indian Bud-
indicating that their temple compounds either were not re-
dhist temple compounds was the caitya. In China, the caitya
cipients of imperial patronage or were constructed in times
took the form of a rock-carved worship cave. The Chinese
of political and budgetary turmoil.
had occasionally carved tombs into natural rock prior to the
entry of Buddhism. In at least one instance—the panorama
In China, the most important temple compounds, in-
of rock-carved imagery from the Han dynasty at Lianyun-
cluding rock-carved worship caves, were commissioned by
gang in Jiansu province—Buddhist deities are believed to
the emperor or empress, often in or near national capitals,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN EAST ASIA
9047
sometimes near their burial sites and other times on sacred
included an even longer line of main structures: a hall to the
Buddhist peaks. Second-grade temple compounds often
Sixth Patriarch, a hall to S´a¯kyamuni Buddha, an ordination
were commissioned by prefectural governments. Third-grade
platform, and a pavilion to Avalokite´svara known as Dabei
monasteries would be founded by princes and princesses,
or Foxiang Pavilion, which stood on the main axial line be-
high-ranking nobility, or wealthy merchants. The same
hind the front gate. In addition, pairs of side halls, pavilions,
groups patronized temple compounds in Korea and Japan.
and towers framed each major courtyard in front of one of
The least distinguished temple compounds were built by
the axially-positioned structures.
local funds of private individuals.
The pairing of pagodas and pavilions on either side in
The greatest temple compounds of the Sui dynasty
front of a main hall became standard in tenth- to thirteenth-
(581–618) dominated their capital city Daxing (Chang’an
century Chinese Buddhist temple compounds. Shanhua
under the Tang dynasty, today Xian). Daxing Mountain
Monastery in Datong, Shanxi, consisted of a front gate, a hall
Monastery spanned an area 525 by 562 meters. Dachang-
of the three deities, and a main hall along its main building
ding Monastery was three times as large, with eastern and
line, along with two pairs of halls and a pair of pavilions
western divisions and a pagoda that soared more than 97 me-
joined to the covered arcade that enclosed it. One of the pa-
ters. It was still common at this time and in the subsequent
vilions at both Shanhua and Longxing monasteries contained
Tang dynasty for imperial residential architecture to be
the temple compound’s su¯tra collection. A standard feature
transformed into Buddhist temple compounds. The resi-
in Chinese monasteries of this middle period, the su¯tra hall
dence of the prince of Wei, son of the second Tang emperor,
was often a pavilion or other multistory structure.
was transformed in 658 into a monastery with more than
By the Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279), the major-
four thousand bays of rooms and thirteen major Buddhist
ity of temple compounds were dedicated to the Chan sect.
halls arranged around ten courtyards.
The major monasteries of this meditational form of Bud-
By the Tang dynasty, it is possible to associate building
dhism were dominated by seven halls arranged along a north-
plans with Buddhist ceremonies. Halls used for ordination
south line: a front gate, a Buddha hall, a Vairocana hall, a
of Zhenyan (Jpn., Shingon) monks were divided into front
law hall, front abbot’s quarters, abbot’s quarters, and a room
and back spaces; the private back space was used for the initi-
for seated meditation. Buildings for mundane affairs, such
ation rite in which the Womb and Diamond World
as storage halls and dormitories, filled the space on either side
man:d:alas were removed from the wall and placed on a low
of the main building line. Monks’ quarters sometimes con-
central table or on the floor. Other halls had a central altar
tained a single huge bed on which monks meditated and
with images where the pagoda-pillar had stood in cave-
slept. Other monasteries of the period had a hall dedicated
temples, and an enclosing ambulatory defined by pillars.
to the five hundred arhats (luohan). In addition to accounts
Both hall types and full-scale monasteries are depicted in
by Chinese pilgrims and records kept at the monasteries,
Buddhist murals and paintings on silk of the period.
knowledge of Southern Song monasteries such as Tiantongsi
is preserved in accounts of Japanese Buddhist pilgrims to
From the Song, Liao, and Jin dynasties of the mid-tenth
south China. An important account is the illustrated record
through mid-thirteenth centuries, monasteries with numer-
of Gikai, who visited the five headquarters of Chan Bud-
ous types of buildings survive all over China. A pagoda or
dhism in Zhejiang and Jiangsu provinces, including Ayu-
multistory pavilion and main Buddha hall remained the
wang (King A´soka) Monastery in Mingzhou, in 1259.
most important structures in most Chinese temple com-
By the thirteenth century, great variety was found in
pounds from this period. Sometimes the two were on a
monastery architecture in China. When a monastery con-
building line that dominated the temple compound. Temple
tained three main buildings, for instance, the most important
compounds of the period with pagodas or pavilions at their
Buddha hall could be right behind the main gate or last in
focus include Dule Monastery in Yi county, Hebei, whose
line. The lack of consistency can in part be explained by the
pavilion and front gate are dated 984; Fogong Monastery in
presence in China of numerous Buddhist sects and by an in-
Ying county, Shanxi, whose 67-meter pagoda, the tallest
creasing syncretism in Buddhist and Daoist worship that
wooden pagoda in China today, dates to 1056; and Fengguo
gave rise to new sects. Often a twelfth- or thirteenth-century
Monastery in Yi county, Liaoning, whose main hall was built
Buddhist temple compound was architecturally indistin-
in 1013. At Fengguo Monastery, a law (dharma) hall for ex-
guishable from a Daoist temple compound on the exterior;
pounding the Buddhist scriptures stood on the main build-
upon entering, however, statues and paintings confirmed the
ing line with the 48.2-by-25.13-meter main hall and pavilion
temple’s affiliation. In addition, Daoist precincts could be
behind the front gate. East and west of the central line were
constructed at Buddhist monasteries and Buddhist precincts
pavilions to the Three Vehicles (triya¯na) and Amita¯bha Bud-
at Daoist temple compounds. Guangsheng Monastery in
dha. A covered, pillar-supported arcade of 120 bays enclosed
Hongdong, Shanxi, contains a Buddhist and a Daoist hall
Fengguo Monastery. Longxing Monastery in Zhengding,
constructed in the first quarter of the fourteenth century.
Hebei, which was begun by imperial Song patronage shortly
after the establishment of the dynasty in 960 and whose
By the fourteenth century, Lamaist Buddhism had per-
buildings were repaired or restored during the next century,
vaded the Chinese landscape. The most representative struc-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9048
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN EAST ASIA
ture of a Lamaist Buddhist temple compound in China is the
Pusan. One of the most noteworthy is Haein Monastery,
bulb-shaped pagoda known as a dagoda, often painted white.
which has been destroyed and rebuilt seven times; Haein
The Lamaist pagoda of Miaoying Monastery, built in 1279,
Monastery houses an extensive set of woodblocks for the
and the one in Beihai Park, built in 1651, still rise above
printing of Buddhist scriptures and the Tripit:aka Koreana.
much of the rest of Beijing’s architecture. Lamaist temple
TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN JAPAN. Although rock-carved cave-
compounds dominated the regions of China adjacent to
temples were never constructed in Japan, more pre-ninth-
Tibet, in particular areas of Sichuan, Ningxia Hui, and
century wooden architecture from Buddhist temple com-
Qinghai, as well as Inner Mongolia. Patronized by the Man-
pounds survives there than in any other East Asian country.
chu rulers of the last Chinese dynasty, Qing (1644–1911),
Among remains from the Asuka and Nara periods (552–784
some of the most creative architecture of China’s last three
CE) are main Buddha image halls known in Japanese as kondo¯
imperial centuries stands at Lamaist temple compounds.
(literally, “golden hall”), octagonal halls that commemorate
Traditional Buddhist monasteries never disappeared
men important in a temple compound’s history; multistory
from China. Chan monasteries continued to be built and re-
pagodas, including two miniature pagodas; lecture halls for
stored into the last Qing century, especially at sacred loca-
teaching the scriptures; and gates, enclosing corridors, a su¯tra
tions, such as the Four Great Peaks; Wutai in Shanxi prov-
repository, a monks’ dormitory, and a refectory. Through
ince, dedicated to Mañju´sr¯ı; Putuo, the island off the coast
these structures, as well as excavated remains and literary de-
of Ningbo, dedicated to Avalokite´svara; Emei in Sichuan,
scriptions, temple compounds of the first Buddhist centuries
dedicated to Samantabhadra; and Jiuhua in Anhui, dedicated
in Japan, as well as China and Korea, have been reconstruct-
to Ks:itigarbha. The later temple compounds of traditional
ed. It is known, for example, that three arrangements domi-
sects retained axial arrangements and often were larger than
nated temple compounds in Japan in the first Buddhist cen-
their pre-fourteenth-century predecessors. These temple
turies. At Shitenno¯ji in Osaka, the pagoda and hall are on
compounds included two new hall types, the diamond hall
an axial line, the arrangement implemented in China at
and the hall of divine kings, both of which also were incorpo-
Yongning Monastery, as well as in the temple compounds
rated into Lamaist construction in China. Also new in four-
at Miruksa (early seventh century) of the Silla kingdom and
teenth-century temple compounds were brick “beamless”
Gumgangsa (sixth century) of the Paekche kingdom of
halls that were a sharp contrast to the ubiquitous wooden
Korea. At Japan’s Ho¯ryu¯ji, whose four oldest buildings date
buildings of Chinese construction.
to around 700, and at Kawaharadera, the pagoda and main
Buddha hall were placed side by side. At sixth-century As-
TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN KOREA. Buddhism entered Korea
ukadera, south of Nara in Asuka, three main Buddha halls
from China officially in 372. Although not every Chinese
enclosed a dominant central pagoda on all but the south side.
Buddhist sect became popular in Korea, most were known
Yet another Nara-period plan included twin pagodas on ei-
there. Thus Korean Buddhist temple compounds contained
ther side in front of the main hall. Each of these plans is sug-
the standard structures of Chinese monasteries. A standard
gested by excavated remains in Korean kingdoms of the sixth
plan in a Korean Buddhist temple compound, a plan that is
and seventh centuries; they are also seen in murals dating
equally common in China, includes an entry gate with a pair
from the seventh and eighth centuries on the walls of cave-
of divine kings on each side, followed by a law hall and main
temple compounds in China after Dunhuang. Expansive
hall, and often additional halls behind or on the sides of this
temple compounds of eighth-century Japan, including
core group. As in China, almost all Korean temple com-
Ho¯ryu¯ji and To¯daiji, inform us of yet more kinds of struc-
pounds have Buddha halls and pagodas. Rock-carved cave-
tures that survive in rebuilt versions—bell and drum towers
temples also are found in Korea, but are much rarer than in
used to keep time and call monks to prayer, halls for ceremo-
China.
nies of certain moons of the lunar year, ordination halls, and
treasure repositories. Temple compounds could also include
Korea’s best-known Buddhist temple compounds are
shrines to monks or monk-founders, halls to individual bud-
Pulguksa and So˘kkuram, both outside Kyo˘ngju, capital of
dhas or bodhisattvas, gardens, bathhouses, and anything else
the united Silla kingdom (668–935). Pulguksa consists of a
that offered full-service life and education to the monastic
front gate with two halls directly behind it, and smaller halls
and sometimes lay community.
dedicated to buddhas or bodhisattvas in their own precincts.
The entry and most of the enclosing corridors of the monas-
Coincident with the move of the main capital to Heian
tery are elevated on stone foundations. Pulguksa’s twin pago-
(Kyoto) at the end of the eighth century, esoteric Buddhist
das, similarly, are made of stone, the predominant Korean
sects, particularly Tendai and Shigon, both transmitted by
material of early pagodas. So˘kkuram is Korea’s most famous
monks who had traveled to China to study their teachings,
rock-carved Buddhist cave-chapel. The site with the greatest
rose in Japan. In contrast to the temple compounds of the
concentration of Buddhist rock-carved niches and worship
seventh and eighth centuries that dominated Japan’s capital
spaces in Korea is Namsan (southern mountain), also in the
cities, early Heian-period monasteries had smaller buildings
vicinity of Kyo˘ngju. In addition to thousands of images,
located in remote, often mountainous settings. Thereby, the
Namsan has a pair of stone pagodas. The largest temple com-
clergy were kept distant from court affairs. Muroji in Nara
pound in Korea is T’ongdo, located between Kyo˘ngju and
prefecture, Daigoji and Jingoji on the outskirts of Kyoto, and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN TIBET
9049
many of the monasteries of the sacred Buddhist peak Koya,
of luxurious living represented by the Silver Pavilion and the
trace their origins to this period. So does the Eastern Monas-
Golden Pavilion. Each was a devotional-meditational-
tery, To¯ji, in Kyoto. Although buildings of temple com-
reception hall for the private use of the shogun at his residen-
pounds in the middle part of the Heian period remained
tial-religious building complexes. The in-town shogunate
small in comparison to their Nara counterparts, decoration
residences also included tea huts and Zen meditational gar-
became lavish. The change corresponded to the surge in Pure
dens, sometimes made largely of rocks. The Muromachi pe-
Land Buddhism, whose monasteries often included a re-
riod was the last age of great innovation in Buddhist temple
creation of the Buddha’s paradise, or Pure Land, in the form
architecture in Japan.
of a hall with a lotus pond in front of it. The Phoenix Hall
Temple compounds survive, are restored, and built
of the Byo¯do¯in in Uji, once the residence of one of Japan’s
anew in China, Korea, and Japan today. After a millennium-
wealthiest families, and the Golden Hall of Chu¯sonji in
and-a-half of history, they are still centers of Buddhist educa-
Hiraizumi are typical Fujiwara-period (951–1086) monas-
tion, worship, and communal life.
tery buildings. By the end of the Heian period, however,
much less ornate temple compounds became popular: one-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
bay square halls dedicated to Amita¯bha Buddha of the West-
Prip-Moller, Johannes. Chinese Buddhist Monasteries: Their Plan
ern Paradise were common.
and its Function as a Setting for Buddhist Monastic Life. Co-
penhagen, 1937.
Austere construction characterized temple compounds
of the next period of Japanese history, named Kamakura
Seckel, Dietrich. The Art of Buddhism. Translated by Ann Keep.
(1185–1333) after the location of its capital, when the power
New York, 1968.
of government lay in the hands of the military ruler known
Soper, Alexander. The Evolution of Buddhist Architecture in Japan.
as the shogun. Austerities suited to a militaristic age were
Princeton, N.J., 1942.
compatible with Zen Buddhism, a meditational sect, which
Steinhardt, Nancy S., ed. and expander. Chinese Architecture. New
became popular across Japan beginning in the thirteenth
Haven, Conn., 2002.
century. Like Esoteric and Pure Land Buddhism, Zen was
Suzuki Kakichi. Early Buddhist Architecture in Japan. Translated
transmitted from China. Yet even from the twelfth, thir-
by Mary N. Parent and Nancy S. Steinhardt. Tokyo, New
teenth, and fourteenth centuries, when Chan (Jpn., Zen)
York, and San Francisco, 1980.
flourished in South China, few temple compounds survive
Zhongguo jianzhu yishu quanji, vol. 12: Fojiao jianzhu. Pt. 1: The
intact, in contrast to the scores of Zen temple compounds
North, edited by Cao Changzhi. Beijing, 2002; Pt. 2: The
with original structures in Japan. Zen temple compounds are
South, edited by Ding Chengpu. Beijing, 1999.
known for two-story entry gates where portrait statues of the
Zhongguo meishu quanji, vol. 4: Zongjia jianzhu, edited by Sun
sixteen arhats were installed on the second floor. The main
Dazhang and Yu Weiguo. Beijing, 1991.
Buddha hall of a Zen temple compound, where public cere-
monies were enacted, was known as butsuden. Other assem-
NANCY SHATZMAN STEINHARDT (2005)
blages of monks took place in the law hall. Both in Kamaku-
ra and later in Kyoto in the fourteenth through sixteenth
centuries, Zen temple compounds consisted of public recep-
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
tion space, used chiefly by the main abbot; abbot’s quarters;
IN TIBET
halls for study and meditation; a hall for su¯tra recitation; a
The area covered by Tibetan Buddhist culture—which ex-
hall dedicated to the monastery founder; and usually gar-
tends from the Tibetan Autonomous Region of China into
dens. The abbot’s quarters traced its origins to a humble one-
neighboring Chinese provinces and into adjacent parts of
bay square hut (ho¯jo¯), the kind of dwelling used by the earli-
India, Nepal, Bhutan, and Burma (Myanmar)—shares a
est Indian Buddhists, but these became increasingly impor-
common architectural tradition. The basic units are the tem-
tant and lavish by the end of the twelfth century. Yet another
ple and the stupa. Temples may stand alone either in open
hall type of Zen temple compounds was the shariden, the
countryside or in a village or town, or more commonly they
relic hall. Examples of all these structures remain in Kamaku-
may, singly or in a group, form the core of a monastic com-
ra and most survive at one of the best examples of a Zen tem-
munity, or sometimes of a fortified palace complex. Stupas,
ple compound, the To¯fukuji in Kyoto. Two styles of Kama-
usually modest in size, are ubiquitous features of the land-
kura temple compounds originated on China’s southeastern
scape. Occasionally a stupa of massive proportions will dom-
coast. They were differentiated by the names Indian style and
inate a monastery or temple site.
Tang (or Chinese) style, even though their buildings used
Chinese components from base to roof. Other temple archi-
The architectural style of Tibetan Buddhism is distinc-
tecture of the period and as late as the fifteenth century was
tive and as such has been exported to Mongolia and parts of
designated Japanese (native) style and mixed style.
China, and to Tibetan refugee communities around the
world. The style has been created over some fourteen centu-
The return of the shogunate to the Japanese capital in
ries as an eclectic mix from a variety of sources. Basic design
Kyoto ushered in the Muromachi age (1338–1573), a period
concepts of plan and elevation—viha¯ra, man:d:ala, multisto-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9050
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN TIBET
ried construction—derive largely from India, often via
The other major religious complex founded in Tibet
Nepal. The main inspiration for building materials and tech-
during the first spreading of Buddhism is Bsam yas, some
niques, as well as some of the decoration, has been the do-
120 kilometers southeast of Lhasa, built by King Khri Srong
mestic farmhouse architecture of Tibet itself, with its many
lde btsan (Trisong detsen, ruled c. 755–797) in about 770
regional variations. Economic conditions dictate the use of
as the home of the country’s first monastic community. Its
native labor—essentially drawn from the local peasant farm-
layout, based on the man:d:ala with explicit cosmic symbol-
ing population—for erecting and maintaining the main
ism, is strikingly different from that of the Jo khang. A cen-
structure of religious buildings, which follow the local farm-
tral building of three superimposed temple chambers con-
houses in their reliance on heavy load-bearing outer walls of
taining images of buddhas and divinities (the stories were
layered mud, mud brick, or rough stone. Internally the ceil-
originally built or decorated in Tibetan, Indian, and Chinese
ings and flat roofs are supported by wooden columns, beams,
style respectively) represents Mount Meru at the center of the
and joists, the timbers for which may have to be imported
universe in Indian cosmology, looking outwards across a low
from a distance. These factors in turn determine the form,
surrounding wall representing concentric rings of mountains
finish, and size of walls, room spaces, and other architectural
and lakes. Outside this, symmetrically placed at the quarters
elements of temples, which from the constructional point of
and intermediate directions, are four directional stupas and
view can be regarded as oversized farmhouses. Temples are
variously shaped small temples representing the sun and
however distinguished from farmhouses by decorative em-
moon and the four earthly continents. The whole is sur-
bellishments that have originated in India, Nepal, Kashmir,
rounded by a quasi-circular wall. Living quarters for monks
China, and Mongolia and have often been executed by
and other ancillary buildings are not part of the symbolic
craftspeople imported from those countries.
plan, as is normally the case in later buildings. The founda-
tion of Bsam yas marks the inauguration of Buddhism as the
THE FIRST SPREADING OF BUDDHISM: JO KHANG (JOK-
state religion of Tibet under the King as a kind of cosmocra-
HANG) AND BSAM YAS (SAMYE). Buddhism is traditionally
tor. Its plan was allegedly inspired by the monastery of
held to have been introduced into Tibet in the early seventh
Odantapuri in Bihar, India, and may also owe something to
century. A major landmark in the process was the foundation
the example of a temple at Wutaishan in China; there are
of the still extant Jo khang temple in Lhasa by the Nepalese
also interesting parallels with the roughly contemporary pal-
wife of King Srong btsan sgam po (Songtsen gampo, r. c.
ace-city of Baghdad. While the main structures of the present
618–641). While the story is heavily obscured by legend its
buildings at Bsam yas are original, the complex, like the Jo
essentials are plausible. The Jo khang, built on a level site and
khang, has suffered periods of damage and neglect, most re-
facing in the direction of Nepal, follows the viha¯ra layout so
cently in the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), and much
common in the architecture of the Kathmandu Valley. A
of the woodwork and decoration dates from later periods.
three-storied range of chambers faces inward toward a rec-
tangular inner courtyard, which, unlike its Nepalese proto-
THE SECOND SPREADING OF BUDDHISM: TABO AND ALCHI.
types, is covered with a flat roof. Light is admitted through
After the collapse of the early Tibetan empire in the years
a skylight onto the main image of the Buddha, which occu-
after 842 CE, Buddhism was on the defensive in a politically
pies a chamber in one of the shorter sides opposite the en-
fragmented country and little is known of architectural activ-
trance porch.
ity except for the mention of a few temples which, if genuine,
must have been very small. Datable building programs begin
While the outer walls and much of the present wood-
again in 996 with the Western Tibetan complexes of Tabo
work are entirely of the farmhouse-derived Tibetan type, the
and Mtho lding (Tholing, the latter largely destroyed in the
older columns, brackets, and door frames are compatible
Cultural Revolution). Generally, individual temples of this
with the seventh-century Nepalese style, suggesting the par-
period are much smaller than the Jo khang or Bsam yas, and
ticipation of craft workers from Nepal. The four small-
are built in small groups within walled compounds. While
pitched roofs perched on the flat top of the building, with
the details of a number of temple compounds from this peri-
their complex wooden bracketing and gilded metal covering
od are known, by far the best preserved are those at Tabo
are instantly recognizable as of Chinese inspiration, almost
and Alchi, both now in India.
certainly executed by Chinese artisans. At least one of them
is known to have been added in the fourteenth century.
The main temple at Tabo (Himachal Pradesh, India) is
externally an unprepossessing single-story mud-brick cham-
The inward-looking chambers of the Jo khang are occu-
ber with no windows or external decoration. Internally how-
pied by chapels containing images of Buddhist divinities and
ever it displays a sophisticated arrangement of the deities of
a variety of mural paintings, both iconic and narrative in sub-
the Vajradha¯tu Man:d:ala, crafted in stucco and fixed part way
ject matter. An additional circumambulation corridor was
up the internal walls of the single chamber. The image of the
later added round the whole building, and further concentric
central buddha, Vairocana, is moved along the axis from the
circumambulation routes lead round the streets outside and
entrance porch toward the rear of the chamber, and in a
toward the outskirts of the city of Lhasa, reinforcing the su-
small space behind it is the image of Amita¯bha, of whom
preme position of the Jo khang at the center of Tibetan reli-
Vairocana is an emanation. Thus the use of height to convey
gious life.
symbolically a progression to more supramundane levels at
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN TIBET
9051
Bsam yas is replaced by movement along an axis. Height is
In the late thirteenth century, additional single-story
however used to differentiate the mural paintings of the in-
temples were constructed along the sides of the compound
ternal walls, which cover historical and narrative themes
to create an enclosed central courtyard. This paved the way
lower down and iconic subjects higher up. The flat roof of
for a complete transformation of the complex in the early
the chamber is supported in the usual fashion by wooden col-
fourteenth century, made possible by the connections of the
umns to leave a central space suitable for the communal ritu-
local princes with the hierarchs of the nearby principality of
als of the monks. This practical requirement henceforth very
Sa skya (Sakya), who had been appointed viceroys of Tibet
commonly dictates the form of the Tibetan temple chamber.
by the Yuan (Mongol) dynasty of China. Lavish patronage
Conceptually it can be seen as both a man:d:ala, housing a
was available in the form of financing and the services of
conventional set of divine images, and as a viha¯ra, with the
mural painters, carpenters, and tile-makers sent from China.
images represented as statues or paintings looking into a cen-
The painters were from an imperial atelier set up some dec-
tral space from the sides, and the main image at the far end
ades earlier by the famous Nepalese artist and sculptor
opposite the entrance. Both types of plan are sanctioned in
Aniko. Thus the construction of this phase of Shalu was a
the Tibetan Buddhist scriptures: the viha¯ra mainly in the
true international effort, as has frequently been the case in
Vinaya texts of monastic discipline, and the man:d:ala in the
Tibetan architecture. Raw materials for tile glazing and
Tantras. Details of the carpentry recall styles from lower
painting must have been imported from China, while timber
down the Himalayan valleys, from whence most of the tim-
was transported from across the Himalayas.
ber probably came.
The central courtyard was roofed over to create a col-
While the assembly hall at Alchi in present-day Ladakh
umned assembly hall lit by a central skylight. Over the chap-
(India) resembles the main temple of Tabo, the Sumtsek or
els on each of the four sides was erected a Chinese pavilion
temple of three diminishing stories there reworks some of the
of traditional wooden construction with a pitched roof of
themes touched upon above. Of uncertain date, perhaps
green glazed tiles, looking onto the central roof terrace in the
eleventh to twelfth century, it is of man:d:ala-like plan with
fashion of the Jo khang. The whole was surrounded by a two-
four projections, one of them occupied by the entrance
story circumambulation corridor. Internal surfaces not al-
porch and the other three- by four-meter high stucco images
ready painted were covered with mural paintings, where
of bodhisattvas whose heads project above the ceiling into the
some of the earliest Chinese influence within Indo/Nepalese-
gallery of the next story. The small central space is occupied
derived Tibetan art can be seen.
by a stupa: too small for communal worship it was used like
By this time the distinctive Tibetan wooden entablature
a few others of its type for individual Tantric initiations. Just
of column, bracket, beam, and joist had evolved and was
as remarkable as the plan and elevation of the temple are its
used in the lower parts of the building. In the upper Chinese
paintings, which cover the entire inner surface in luxuriant
pavilions, however, Chinese bracketing and other carpentry
profusion. As at Bsam yas and Tabo, symbolic use is made
details are exactly those found in contemporary Chinese ar-
of height, with more mundane scenes and subjects below,
chitecture.
more transcendental ones above. Carpentry details at Alchi
strongly resemble those in the architecture of the Kashmir
THE DGE LUGS PA STYLE. The basic temple layout exempli-
Valley (now surviving only in stone), whence some of the
fied at Shalu was much utilized after the government was
craftsmen are known to have traveled.
taken over by the Dalai Lamas of the Dge lugs pa or Yellow
Hat order of Tibetan Buddhism in the mid-seventeenth cen-
TRANSITION: SHALU. The temple compound of Shalu near
tury. There was however a strong tendency to move the sites
Shigatse in south-central Tibet illustrates the transition from
of temples and monasteries away from the river plains of ear-
the style of the second spreading of Buddhism to the mature
lier times to defensive hilltop positions. From there they
style, sometimes called the Dge lugs (Geluk) pa style, which
could dominate the surrounding landscape not only visually
had evolved by the fifteenth to sixteenth century and contin-
and symbolically, but in some cases also militarily, in times
ues to this day.
when armed conflict between Buddhist monastic orders and
their backers was not unknown. In some cases the temple
The original temples at Shalu, from the early eleventh
and monastery merged with the fortified palace, so strong
century, comprised a pair of single windowless chambers
was the interconnection between religion and politics. The
sharing a party wall and known as the “twin chapels,” whose
most outstanding examples of this process are the Potala pal-
ceilings are each supported by four wooden columns remark-
ace of Lhasa and the dzongs of Bhutan, though there have
able in this period for their height, about six meters. They
been many others.
faced across what was presumably an open space toward a
two-story temple, nowadays made up of a chamber traversed
The Potala was begun by King Srong btsan sgam po in
by the main entrance passage, with a chapel devoted to the
637. In a development of the basic viha¯ra layout, a rectangu-
goddess of wisdom (Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯). The capitals and brack-
lar ground-floor assembly hall is surrounded by inward-
eting between the columns and ceilings of all these early tem-
looking cells over which are superimposed stories of further
ples show interesting experiments that bring together ele-
cells to leave a galleried and open central inner terrace over
ments of both Chinese- and Indian-derived carpentry.
the hall. The internal spaces are mostly dedicated as chapels,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9052
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
monastic rooms, and Dalai Lama’s living apartments or fu-
and Philip Denwood, pp. 220–229. London, 1997. Analysis
nerary stupas. The adjoining Red Palace to the east was erect-
of the successive building phases of Shalu Monastery.
ed by the last regent of the fifth Dalai Lama from 1690 to
Goepper, Roger. Alchi, Ladakh’s Hidden Buddhist Sanctuary: The
1694 to incorporate the latter’s mausoleum. Courtyards,
Sumtsek. London, 1996. Lavish documentation of the temple
monastic living quarters, access ramps, and defensive end
and its mural paintings.
bastions completed the complex. While it is defensible and
Guise, A., ed. The Potala Palace of Tibet. London, 1988.
has indeed been besieged a number of times, it is doubtful
Khosla, Romi. Buddhist Monasteries in the Western Himalaya.
whether its main purpose was defense so much as a visual
Kathmandu, Nepal, 1979. Study by an architect of a well-
symbol of the religio-political center of the Tibetan polity.
defined region (Ladakh and northern Himachal Pradesh)
The dzongs of Bhutan (the main ones located at Ha,
with unusually accurate plans.
Thimphu, Punakha, and Tongsa, and dating from the seven-
Klimburg-Salter, Deborah E. Tabo: A Lamp for the Kingdom.
teenth to the twentieth centuries), while built around a mo-
Milan, Italy, 1997. Thorough historical account and well-
nastic core, had defense as a principal purpose. Each was in-
illustrated documentation of the contents of this temple.
tended as a center of civil, military, and religious
Ricca, Franco, and Erberto Lo Bue. The Great Stupa of Gyantse:
administration for its surrounding valley complex. Within a
A Complete Tibetan Pantheon of the Fifteenth Century. Lon-
mighty enclosing and elongated rampart are typically two
don, 1993. Thorough textual and visual documentation.
courtyards: a public courtyard near the single entrance, sepa-
Richardson, Hugh Edward. “The Jo-khang: ‘Cathedral’ of Lhasa.”
rated by a towering central temple of three to five stories
In Essais sur l’art du Tibet, edited by Ariane Macdonald,
from an inner monastic courtyard.
pp. 157–188. Paris, 1977.
The external appearance of religious buildings has been
PHILIP DENWOOD (2005)
largely standardized, with outer walls tapering inward toward
the top, and whitewashed to contrast with black-framed win-
dows. The style closely resembles that of the local farm-
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
houses, even to the extent of incorporating the roof parapets
IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
of stacked brushwood or other fuel and animal fodder as a
Buddhists in Southeast Asia have established temple com-
fossilized element in religious buildings usually painted red.
pounds of importance since ancient times. In Java, signifi-
There are local variations—for instance in Bhutan the win-
cant complexes were built in the eighth and ninth centuries
dow frames are more elaborate and brightly painted and the
(in Central Java) and in the eleventh to fifteenth centuries
temples are provided with overhanging pitched wooden
(in East Java), prior to the spread of Islam. In mainland
roofs, but even here the red horizontal band is present in
Southeast Asia, where Therava¯da Buddhism is practiced
painted form. Stylized banners and standards of textile or,
today, the development of Buddhist temples can be traced
more commonly, gilded metal, of Indian, Nepalese, or Mon-
from early historical times through the present.
golian derivation adorn the roofs of temples, the more im-
Because so many temple compounds have included
portant of which may still be marked with small Chinese-
dwelling places for monks, it is sometimes held that it is pref-
style gilded pavilions. Internally the tapering wooden col-
erable to speak of monasteries, rather than temples. Since,
umns that support beams via elongated voluted brackets, all
however, monastic establishments are in general places of
brightly painted, have also been largely standardized.
public worship, either term is acceptable. Temple com-
THE STUPA: RGYAL RTSE (GYANTSE). Tibetans convention-
pounds can include the same elements found in India: the
ally recognize eight designs of stupa, relating them to epi-
stupa, which need not contain an actual relic of the Buddha;
sodes in the life of the Buddha. In practice all but the type
a sanctuary or a hall holding a principal Buddha image; and
commemorating the enlightenment are rare. However there
housing for monks. In the living traditions of Burma (Myan-
are a few examples of the “stupa of many doors,” the most
mar) and Thailand (together with Laos and Cambodia), spe-
remarkable being that in the town of Rgyal rtse, the so-called
cial importance is attached to halls that can accommodate
Kumbum, which dominates its temple complex. Built from
public worship and to those that provide for monastic cere-
1427 to 1439 by the local princes, it is unusual in that all
monies a space that is necessarily demarcated by ritual
five stories of the stepped base, the dome, and the spire are
boundary stones. Sometimes these halls are distinct, some-
hollowed out into chapels containing a rich variety of images
times one in the same.
and wall paintings. Thus the form of the stupa is fused with
In this entry, a survey of developments in Southeast Asia
that of an elaborate Tantric man:d:ala.
follows descriptions of three complexes of particular distinc-
B
tion and ambition: Borobudur in Central Java (eighth to
IBLIOGRAPHY
Chayet, Anne. Art et archéologie du Tibet. Paris, 1994. General ac-
ninth centuries); the Nagayon in Pagan, Burma (eleventh
count of Tibetan architecture in its cultural and artistic
century); and Wat Phra Chettuphon in Bangkok, Thailand
setting.
(eighteenth to nineteenth centuries).
Denwood, Philip. “Architectural Style at Shalu.” In Tibetan Art:
BOROBUDUR. Borobudur, or Chandi Borobudur, is a unique
Towards a Definition of Style, edited by Jane Casey Singer
monument, the profundity of which has been widely ac-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
9053
knowledged, even in the absence of general agreement about
cosmology, seeing in the half-hidden buddhas of the perfo-
its interpretation. It may be regarded as a stupa elevated upon
rated stupas a move toward the invisibility of the topmost
a sequence of terraces, as in such later structures as the
“formless realm” of the Buddhist cosmos. One recent inter-
twelfth-century Dhammayazika at Pagan (where the terraces
pretation argues that the upper terraces represent an ideal
bear reliefs depicting Buddhist birth stories) and the Kum-
world, contrasting with and paralleling the real world of the
bum in Gyantse, Tibet (where niches on the terraces hold
galleries, and that the perforated stupas convey higher
images of deities in the Vajraya¯na pantheon). Its Indian ante-
meditational experience in two ways. The openings in the
cedents are obscure. In complexity, quality of workmanship,
stupas are actually the shapes of the breaths of the meditator,
and expressiveness, Borobudur surpasses these later buildings
who is paying visits on the terraces to the planets and stars,
and perhaps all other Buddhist monuments.
the moon, and the sun. Secondly, if the stupas were gilded
and reflected each other and the visitor, they would have
The original 160 relief panels encircling the lowest
conveyed the nature of the dharmadha¯tu, in which enlight-
quadrangular story were covered with stone blocks, appar-
ened ones perceive phenomena as resembling a hall of mir-
ently before the monument reached its ultimate shape, as a
rors. It may be that originally Borobudur was to be crowned
result of a need to prevent subsidence. These reliefs depict
with a sanctuary that would have stood for the Tower of
scenes of cause and effect, such as appropriate punishments
Maitreya as illustrated in the third-gallery reliefs. A change
for evil deeds. Above are four stories generally referred to as
of plan resulted in the terraces with perforated stupas, unique
galleries. Each of these can be circumambulated by a visitor
in the Buddhist world, but paralleling chakras (“circles,” psy-
entering from one of the four axial stairs, and each contains
chic centers within the human trunk) of lotuses with thirty-
a major series of narrative reliefs on the inner wall, with re-
two, twenty-four, and sixteen petals, like those found in the
liefs of lesser importance on the outer wall. The height of the
Tantric texts that were soon to dominate Indian monastic
outer wall prevents views out to the landscape. In the first
centers.
gallery, the primary 120 panels depict the life of the Buddha
through his enlightenment; directly below, the reliefs depict
THE NAGAYON. The Nagayon, a relatively small temple con-
Buddhist tales, both ja¯takas and avada¯nas. On the second
structed in the late eleventh century, is one of the oldest
and third galleries, the primary reliefs depict the Gan:d:avyu¯ha
buildings in the ancient capital of Pagan, Burma. Construct-
Su¯tra, specifically the visits of the pilgrim Sudhana to “good
ed of brick and stucco, it reflects older traditions of northern
friends,” who provide instruction in Maha¯ya¯na Buddhist
India and Bangladesh, and its spire takes the form of the
doctrine according to Avatam:saka tenets, and Sudhana’s ar-
´sikhara of the northern Indian Hindu shrine. There are three
rival at the Tower of Maitreya, characterized in the text as
interior spaces: a hall, an ambulatory, and a sanctuary. Ten
a fantastic architectural structure that provides a visualization
niches in the hall hold sculptures depicting important events
of the nature of the dharmadha¯tu, the “truth realm” or phe-
in the life of the Buddha. On the inner and outer walls of
nomenal world as perceived by buddhas. The reliefs of the
the ambulatory, which encircles the sanctuary, beside murals
fourth and topmost gallery are devoted to the Samantabha-
(originally) illustrating the Buddha’s life and birth stories, are
dra vows, a text describing miraculous visions and commit-
sixty niches with sculptures. Twenty-eight of these niches
ting the pilgrim to the bodhisattva path, and to the vow to
hold a sequence of images of buddhas, representing the his-
remain in the world, aiding suffering creatures until all be-
torical Buddha Gautama and his twenty-seven predecessors
ings can enter nirva¯n:a together. Overlooking each of these
in the distant past. In a panel below each buddha of the past
four galleries are life-sized buddha images in niches (in all,
appears a small-scale figure who represents the contemporary
368 images); these are differentiated according to direction
incarnation of Gautama hearing a prediction regarding fu-
on the first three galleries; over the fourth gallery, all the bud-
ture buddhahood. For instance, the Buddha Dipankara in-
dhas execute a teaching gesture.
formed the hermit Sumedha that he would become a buddha
after innumerable eons. From the darkened ambulatory, the
After the fourth gallery, the visitor enters a “plateau,”
visitor enters the sanctuary, in height nearly double that of
above which rise three concentric terraces, which hold a total
the ambulatory; it has small clerestory windows through
of seventy-two (thirty-two, twenty-four, and sixteen) perfo-
which, under the right conditions, light falls upon the head
rated stupas with diamond-shaped and square openings,
of the tall standing central Buddha image, with magical
through which is visible a life-sized sculpture of the Buddha
effect.
performing the teaching gesture known as dharmacakra
mudra¯. Crowning the monument is a much larger central
A passage found in Sanskrit avada¯na texts describes a
stupa, which is solid. From these terraces the visitor has a
miracle of the Buddha: the Buddha smiles, rays of light
view over the landscape.
emerge from his eyeteeth, ascend to the higher heavens and
descend to the earth, and then return to the Buddha’s
The reliefs of the covered base and the four galleries
mouth. This passage is found also in an inscription of the
present a straightforward pilgrimage along the bodhisattva
reigning Burmese king, Kyanzittha (1084–1111). The Bud-
path of Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism. The significance of the upper
dha smiled because he was about to predict to his disciple
terraces, on the other hand, is less clear. Older interpretations
A¯nanda the reign of Kyanzittha himself. Therefore the visitor
draw conclusions from points of connection with Buddhist
to the Nagayon, having pondered the giving of predictions
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9054
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
in the sculptures of the ambulatory, enters the sanctuary to
an esoteric content, alluding to stages of meditation. (They
find dramatically re-created the Buddha’s smile, the miracle
also reinforced the monastery’s position as a center of learn-
of the light rays, and, it is implied, a prediction.
ing and literary culture in the reign of Rama III.) The image
WAT PHRA CHETTUPHON. The Holy Chettuphon Monas-
placed inside the main stupa is not the only old image at Wat
tery, which occupies an extensive compound adjacent to the
Phra Chettuphon; in fact, in the primary and secondary gal-
royal palace in Bangkok, does not aspire to present the sort
leries that surround the bo¯t there are rows of hundreds of
of ultimate experiences a pilgrim can find at both Borobudur
bronze seated buddha images brought from Ayutthaya and
and the Nagayon. It is, on the other hand, an encyclopedic
cities further north by Rama I.
monastery, constructed in such a way as to encompass all
Other layers of meaning involve specifically Buddhist
Buddhist thought, as well as history and the learned sciences.
messages. Easily explicable systematic intent is found in at
Chettuphon is the Thai pronunciation of Jetavana, a com-
least some of the four viha¯ra (Thai, wiha¯n; image hall) that
pound presented to the Buddha by one of his patrons, where
surround the bo¯t and are connected by the primary and sec-
the Buddha spent nineteen rainy seasons. The monastery is
ondary galleries. The main image in the northern wiha¯n, for
commonly known as Wat Pho, a memory of its pre-1791
instance, shows the Buddha seated in a forest as an elephant
name, the Bodh-a¯ra¯ma, “Enlightenment Park.” The monas-
and a monkey bring him offerings, while the original murals
tery is divided into two main walled sections, one consisting
and inscriptions were devoted to the thirteen ascetic prac-
of dwelling places for the abbot and for hundreds of monks,
tices, solitary forest pursuits that contrast with the communal
the other, which will be briefly described here, of dozens of
activities of the urban monastery, which are apparently con-
buildings, some commemorative in nature, some for public
noted in the southern wiha¯n. The western wiha¯n, lying be-
worship, and some for instruction, all either aligned or hier-
tween the bo¯t and the stupas, originally held murals depicting
archically arranged. Nearly all the structures in the monas-
the stories of the Buddha’s hair relic and of his footprints—
tery were constructed in the course of building campaigns
that is, of the tangible legacies he bequeathed. The subject
by two monarchs, Rama I (r. 1782–1809) and Rama III
matter of these murals is out of the ordinary; in the most
(r. 1824–1851).
common schemes, as found in image halls, the Buddha’s de-
The primary structure is the uposatha (sabbath) hall (in
feat of the army of the devil is depicted on the eastern (or
Thai, the bo¯t), a massive rectangular building (the exterior
entrance) wall, Buddhist cosmology on the western wall (be-
measures 51 by 29 meters; the interior, 31 by 19 meters) en-
hind the principal image), and the life of the Buddha or the
tered from the east, and housing a large image of the Buddha
stories of the last ten of his previous existences on the side
at the western end. A bo¯t is a structure necessarily surrounded
walls.
by a set of eight ritual boundary stones (s¯ıma¯) that perma-
Wat Phra Chettuphon, unlike Borobudur or the Na-
nently set aside a sacred space. Only in the bo¯t may the
gayon, provides no single climactic experience. It has been
monks recite the 227 rules of the discipline, which they must
argued, however (by Chot Kanlayanamit, a twentieth-
do twice a month, and only in the bo¯t may ordinations be
century traditional Thai architect), that the ornamental ele-
held.
ments of Thai image halls and stupas are characterized by
Second in importance to the bo¯t is a group of four stupas
quietude, lightness, and levitation, three qualities that them-
to the west, uncharacteristically set slightly askew from the
selves convey the character of Buddhist meditation and spiri-
bo¯t axis but still positioned in such a way that the worshiper
tual ascent.
in the bo¯t who pays homage to the main image is also honor-
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW. The history of Buddhist temples in
ing the stupas that lie beyond. The main stupa holds the re-
Southeast Asia can to some degree be reduced to the history
mains of a Buddha image dedicated in 1503 at the principal
of elements mentioned so far: the stupa, the sanctuary, and
royal monastery in the former capital of Ayutthaya (aban-
the image hall, which may or may not also be an uposatha
doned in 1767 following a war with Burma); the three other
hall. Additional elements include the library and dwelling
stupas commemorate kings Rama II, III, and IV. Further
places for monks. The history is greatly complicated, howev-
west stands the library.
er, by variations and changes in the relative importance of
these elements and by the fact that for the earlier periods no
Themes of royal commemoration and of the heritage of
evidence survives of wooden structures, either free-standing
the former capital of Ayutthaya (1351–1767) number
or erected upon brick platforms.
among the many layers of meaning at Wat Phra Chettuphon.
Rama I’s ashes were installed by Rama IV under the pedestal
In Java, aside from the exceptional Borobudur, stone
of the main image in the bo¯t. Encircling the outer wall of the
sanctuaries dominate surviving temple sites. In Central Java,
bo¯t are 152 marble narrative relief panels depicting the Indi-
sanctuaries, including single-chambered, triple-chambered,
an epic the Ra¯ma¯yana, beginning with the abduction of
and cruciform types, held various configurations of buddhas
Prince Ra¯ma’s beloved S¯ıta¯ by the demon king and ending
and bodhisattvas. During the East Javanese period, stone
with some of the victory battles by Ra¯ma’s forces in Lanka.
sanctuaries accommodated deities seen as participating in a
These reliefs spread the message that righteous kings make
Buddhist-Hindu syncretism, and they frequently bore narra-
Buddhist monasticism possible, and they may also have had
tive relief sculptures on the exterior, illustrating Javanese
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
9055
texts. The situation in classical Cambodia was somewhat
Chettuphon pattern has become standard. In the older pat-
similar; in form, Buddhist sanctuaries were indistinguishable
tern, the main hall (wiha¯n) is the place where the twice
from Hindu ones until the construction at Angkor of the
monthly holy day services are held; at these, monks chant,
Bayon (c. 1200), which has giant faces on its towers. Scholars
lay people may take a vow to follow the behavioral precepts,
still debate the original meaning of these faces, but tradition-
and a sermon is given. (Ordinarily, older women form the
al Cambodian thought connects them with the Brahma¯ gods
major portion of the audience at these services.) Public ser-
of the higher levels of the Buddhist cosmos.
vices can also be held, however, in a sa¯la¯, sometimes a wood-
en building on stilts, sometimes an open-air pavilion.
In Pagan, Burma (eleventh to thirteenth centuries and
later), many of the temples have configurations similar to the
An early rectilinear hall from the seventh to ninth centu-
one seen at the Nagayon. The much larger Ananda (c. 1100)
ry was excavated in central Thailand at U Thong. A simple
takes the form of four Nagayon-like temples back-to-back,
brick platform, 28 by 5 meters, it evidently had a wooden
emanating from a solid brick core. Sculptures depicting the
superstructure. A much more elaborate prototype for the in-
life of the Buddha are placed in niches in interior corridors,
dependent but aligned structures of later times can be seen
where the play of light has a role somewhat like that found
at the Buddhist temple site of Dong-duong in Vietnam
at the Nagayon. The exterior is encircled by glazed terra-
(c. 900), where an image hall (37 by 15 meters) lies directly
cotta panels at ground level depicting the army of the devil
in front of other buildings further west, including a sanctu-
and worshiping gods in a giant reenactment of the events of
ary. The early Sukhothai wiha¯n (north-central Thailand) had
the night of the Buddha’s enlightenment; on the tiered roof,
dimensions more square; the wiha¯n at Wat Saphan Hin (late
hundreds of panels illustrate the Buddha’s previous lives. At
thirteenth century) measures 25 by 20 meters, was hardly
Pagan subsequently, the interest in interior light disappeared,
raised off the ground, and housed a giant stucco standing
and the massive two-storied temple developed. There were
Buddha. By the early fifteenth century this type of wiha¯n had
also brick monastic dwellings in the city, arranged as cells
been replaced by a more longitudinal one with high plinth.
around a court (as in northern India), as well as giant stupas
In central and north-central Thailand, the principal wiha¯n
functioning as focal points for worship. The most important
tended to be aligned with a stupa or, frequently, with a tower
great stupa surviving today in Burma is the Shwedagon in
called a pra¯ng, an adaptation of the Cambodian sanctuary
Rangoon, which houses the Buddha’s hair relic.
tower (but having no enterable sanctuary).
The brick-and-stucco temple traditions of Pagan did
BIBLIOGRAPHY
not last into modern times. Instead, the characteristic Bur-
Chihara, Daigoro. Hindu-Buddhist Architecture in Southeast Asia.
mese monastic building, a long rectangular structure raised
Translated by Rolf W. Giebel. Leiden, 1996.
on stilts, has its roots in the indigenous wooden architecture
Cho¯t Kanlaya¯namit. “Satha¯pattayakam bæ¯p thai dœ
¯ m.” In Lak-
of Southeast Asia. It has an exterior platform and three main
sana thai l¯em 1 phu¯m lang, edited by Khu˛krit Pra¯mo¯t,
sections, each surmounted with pyramidal roofs: the sanctu-
pp. 296–414. Bangkok, 1982. For a brief summary of Cho¯t’s
ary, which is a room beneath a tiered spire (pyathat; Skt.,
views on Buddhist aesthetics, see Hiram W. Woodward Jr.
pra¯sa¯da); a multipurpose room, or reception hall; and a store-
et al., Sacred Sculpture of Thailand (Baltimore, Md., 1997),
room. The east-west orientation is the opposite of older (and
page 25.
elsewhere, standard) practice; the sanctuary is at the eastern
Dumarçay, Jacques. The Temples of Java. Translated and edited
end, and the Buddha image faces west. In the multipurpose
by Michael Smithies. Singapore, 1986.
room (20 by 15 meters in some cases), which has a dais of
Dumarçay, Jacques, and Michael Smithies. Cultural Sites of
its own for Buddha images, monks gather for chanting in the
Burma, Thailand, and Cambodia. Kuala Lumpur, and New
morning, instruction is given to novices, the public may at-
York, 1995.
tend twice-monthly holy day services, and monks and nov-
Duroiselle, Chas, ed. Epigraphia Birmanica, Being Lithic and
ices sleep on bedrolls stored away during the day. The upo-
Other Inscriptions of Burma. Archaeological Survey of Burma,
satha hall, which generally has a masonry foundation, is
vol. 1, pt. 2. Rangoon, 1960. The text and translation of
Kyanzittha’s inscription (the great inscription of the Shwezi-
called a thein (s¯ıma¯). Since most monasteries lack a thein,
gon Pagoda, Pagan) appears on pages 90–129.
monks attend a neighboring establishment for services twice
Fraser-Lu, Sylvia. Splendour in Wood: The Buddhist Monasteries of
a month.
Burma. Trumbull, Conn., 2001.
As a rectilinear masonry image hall spacious enough for
Gosling, Betty. A Chronology of Religious Architecture at Sukhothai:
congregational worship, the bo¯t (uposatha hall) at Wat Phra
Late Thirteenth to Early Fifteenth Century. Ann Arbor, Mich.,
Chettuphon has many antecedents, not only in Thailand but
1996.
also in Cambodia and Vietnam. What was new at the time
Kinney, Ann R. Worshiping Siva and Buddha: The Temple Art of
of construction was the designation of the principal hall as
East Java. Honolulu, 2003.
the bo¯t. In earlier practice, the bo¯t was a secondary structure
Luce, Gordon H. Old Burma—Early Pagàn. 3 vols. Locust Valley,
of more modest dimensions, primarily for the use of monks
N.Y., 1969–1970.
(and traditionally, in northern Thailand, access was denied
Matics, K. I. A History of Wat Phra Chetuphon and its Buddha Im-
to women). Over the past two hundred years, the Wat Phra
ages. Bangkok, 1979.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9056
TEMPLE: DAOIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
Pichard, Pierre. “Le hall d’ordination dans le monastère thai.” Bul-
The name is one of the first clues that a temple com-
letin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient 87 (2000):
pound is Daoist. Among religious architecture in China, two
125–149.
suffixes almost invariably define Daoist structures. The first
Pichard, Pierre, and Francois Lagirarde, eds. The Buddhist Monas-
is guan, often translated as “abbey.” Guan is the third charac-
tary: A Cross-Cultural Survey. Paris, 2003.
ter in the name of Beijing’s most famous Daoist temple com-
Strachan, Paul. Pagan: Art and Architecture of Old Burma. Whit-
pound, Baiyun guan (White Cloud Abbey). A Daoist temple
ing Bay, U.K., 1989.
compound of higher status takes gong, a term borrowed from
Woodward, Hiram W., Jr. “On Borobudur’s Upper Terraces.”
imperial architecture and meaning “palace,” as its last charac-
Oriental Art 45, no. 3 (1999): 34–43. This article includes
ter. Yongle Gong, the Palace of Eternal Joy, is Daoism’s most
brief summaries of interpretations of Borobudur.
famous gong. Both guan and gong are basically equivalent to
HIRAM WOODWARD (2005)
the Buddhist si (monastery or temple compound). Other
terms are shared with Buddhist and Confucian temple archi-
tecture in China. Miao, for example, is an individual temple
TEMPLE: DAOIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
in either a Buddhist or a Daoist temple compound, but miao
It is difficult to say what was the first Daoist structure in
is also used to refer to a Confucian temple compound (Kong-
China or when or where it was built. It seems certain that
[zi]miao). An can be both a Daoist or Buddhist nunnery or,
large Daoist temple complexes were not erected during the
when it refers to a small religious complex, it may be translat-
age of the philosophers Laozi in the sixth century BCE or Zh-
ed as “hermitage.” Ci, or “shrine,” is a veneration temple and
uangzi in the fourth to early third century BCE. By the early
may be part of a larger Buddhist, Daoist, or Confucian com-
centuries of the Common Era, Daoist architecture was con-
pound, or it can refer to the compound itself, such as Jinci,
structed in China, although even then it may not have been
the Daoist Jin Shrine complex.
explicitly associated with a codified doctrine or what we
In all likelihood, Daoist masters conducted ceremonies
today think of as religious practices. The ambiguity is inher-
and rituals in temple compounds in the Han dynasty, but
ent in attempts to define Daoism itself. Certainly Daoist
no archaeological evidence of them has been found. The best
temple compounds are groups of buildings that contain im-
architectural evidence of Daoist practice in the early centu-
ages of identifiable Daoist deities and are backdrops for Dao-
ries of the Common Era survives in Sichuan and a few re-
ist rituals and worship. Yet sacred mountains and other ele-
gions of adjacent provinces. Cliff tombs, particularly in
ments of the landscape or natural settings, with little or no
Pengshan and Leshan, both in Sichuan province, are replete
architecture, may provide equally fervent settings for worship
with images in relief sculpture of one of early Daoism’s most
of Daoist deities or may be worshipped themselves. Rustic
popular deities, the Queen Mother of the West, said to be
retreats and grottoes may offer architectural environments
capable of bestowing the elixir of immortality. Textual re-
for an ascetic’s meditation or an alchemist’s practice, and
cords inform us that Daoist rites took place in zhi—a term
they may be structural appendages to more traditional tem-
borrowed from the secular tradition in which it means a
ple compounds.
place where governing occurs—and in jingshi, or “chambers
Although worship of native or popular deities or natural
of quietude.” Other terms, dong (caves or grottoes), dongtian
elements or spirits that come to be part of the Daoist pan-
(literally, “cavern heavens”), and fudi (blessed plots), are also
theon predates the arrival of Buddhism in China in the Han
found in historical texts and religious writings, but none is
dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), it was the presence of monumen-
described. The assumption that Daoist temple compounds
tal Buddhist architecture and its imagery that gave the great-
existed is based primarily on the large numbers of their Bud-
est impetus to the Daoist temple compound. After the Han
dhist counterparts—1,367, in the capital city Luoyang at the
dynasty, the forms and functions of Daoist architecture in
end of the fifth century—and countless cave-temples in cities
China directly reflected the styles and purposes of Chinese
and at pilgrimage sites in the centuries following Han.
Buddhist buildings and the interior images they were de-
signed to house. Male and female Daoist clergy came to be
Only by the Sui-Tang period (581–907) is it certain
trained and reside in monastic settings. As a result, from the
that Daoist temple compounds were present in China’s cities
outside, the pillar-supported halls with ceramic tile roofs ar-
and the countryside. The capital city of Sui and Tang—
ranged in lines, the covered arcades that connect and enclose
Daxing, and then Chang’an—housed ten Daoist abbeys at
them, and the plaster walls that surround them are usually
the end of the sixth century and sixteen in the middle of the
indistinguishable from those of a Buddhist temple com-
eighth century. At least four Daoist temple compounds stood
pound. In addition, beyond the main, central image halls are
within the walls of Tang Chang’an’s two palace complexes.
libraries, stele pavilions, dining halls, dormitories, and
Both the Great Ultimate palace complex and the Great Lu-
shrines and tombs to lay leaders and reknowned transcen-
minous palace complex had a hall dedicated to the Three Pu-
dants associatied with the temple compound, features also
rities, Daoism’s most popular trinity, and auxiliary struc-
found in a Buddhist monastic setting. Occasionally, a temple
tures. In 741, Tang emperor Xuanzong (Minghuang)
compound includes halls for both Buddhist and Daoist
(r. 712–756), established a temple (miao) to Laozi in
worship.
Chang’an, in the secondary capital Luoyang, and in each pre-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: DAOIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
9057
fectural capital. Later the same year, he built a hall for the
Daoist temple compounds in Shanxi province where both ar-
worship of Laozi in his Flourishing Celebration palace com-
chitecture and sculpture survive in their eleventh- and
plex. Following this precedent, even the non-Chinese ruler
twelfth-century forms. Two Song emperors were intimately
Abaoji (r. 907–926), whose successor would found the Liao
involved with Daoism and Daoist construction. Zhenzong
dynasty (947–1125), built at least one Daoist abbey in his
(r. 998–1023) ordered the construction of Abbeys to Cele-
first capital in Inner Mongolia. Under the non-Chinese
brate the Heavens (Tianqingguan) throughout his empire.
dynasty Jin (1115–1234), important construction took place
The equally prolific patron Huizong (r. 1101–1125) had
at Tianchang Abbey (today White Cloud Abbey in Beijing),
Genyue (Northeast Peak), an artificial Daoist paradise of
where building had begun during the Tang dynasty. The
mountains, streams, and landmasses, built at his capital city,
oldest extant wooden building from a Daoist temple com-
in addition to numerous Daoist temple complexes there and
plex survives at Five Dragons Temple in Ruicheng, Shanxi
throughout China. More than thirty Daoist temple complex-
province. It is dated by inscription to the year 831.
es were built in the Southern Song (1127–1279) capital city,
today Hangzhou.
More than a dozen buildings from the eleventh through
thirteenth centuries, a period of syncretism among the three
Several of China’s most important premodern buildings
faiths, survive at Daoist temple compounds. Premier among
remain at Daoist monasteries from the period of Mongolian
them is Sage Mother Hall at the Jin Shrines in Taiyuan,
rule (1267–1368). Three superlative halls and a gate stand
Shanxi province, built between 1023 and 1032. Today a
at the Yongle Palace in southern Shanxi, a building complex
complex of more than thirty buildings, in the Zhou dynasty
dedicated to the popular twelfth- and thirteenth-century
(1150–256 BCE) a shrine to Prince Shu Yu, son of Zhou King
Daoist sect, Quanzhen. Paintings of the Three Purities and
Wu, stood there. The shrine to Shu Yu’s mother, the Sage
their entourages, the immortal Lü Dongbin, and the twelfth-
Mother, is marked by beams that span eight rafter lengths
century founder of Quanzhen Daoism, Wang Zhe (1113–
(the greatest span of the period), gilt dragons that wind
1170), cover the interior walls of the three main halls, mak-
around the front columns, and a fish pond covered by a cru-
ing this site the largest repository of Daoist painting in
ciform bridge in front. All are examples of the most eminent
China. An even more splendid building, the Hall of Virtuous
building standards of eleventh-century China. Although
Tranquility, was built by imperial order at the Temple to the
clearly having ties to China’s imperial tradition, the Daoist
Northern Peak in Quyang, Hebei province, in 1270. Its
context is underscored by the worshippers who come to the
white marble approach and balustrade, as well as its roof
shrine to pray for help from the Sage Mother and to pray
eaves and bracketing, are believed to be the closest extant ex-
for rain from the nearby springs. Further associations be-
amples of China’s imperial building tradition of the thir-
tween the shrines and Daoism are the presence of grottoes
teenth century. The Temple to the Water God, alternately
to Laozi, the Three Purities, the Three Heavens, and Yellow
known as the Dragon King, is an example of humbler Daoist
Emperor; shrines to the Three Pruities, the Eastern Peak,
architecture but with equally extraordinary murals. Among
Three Sages, and Lu Ban, the Chinese patron deity-hero of
them are paintings of the Dragon King and his court and an
architects; pavilions to the Daoist immortal Lü Dongbin, the
itinerant dramatic troop that performed there in the four-
Three Officials, and Zhenwu, the Supreme Emperor of Dark
teenth century.
Heaven; temples (miao) to the god of wealth, Dragon King,
spirits of the mountains, god of war, and god of the earth;
Post-fourteenth-century Daoist temple complexes sur-
and a palace complex to the god of literature.
vive in every city and town of China today and across the
Chinese countryside. Some of the most impressive Daoist
The Temple to the Earth God (Houtumiao) in Wan-
temple compounds are on sacred peaks, among which
rong, Shanxi province, focused on a Daoist deity but heavily
Mount Tai and Mount Wudang are probably the most fa-
patronized by the imperial family, was a similar temple com-
mous. Located in Shantung province, Taishan, the Eastern
pound of the Song dynasty (960–1279). Built in 1006 but
Peak, was considered the abode of life-giving forces, includ-
destroyed by flood waters in the sixteenth century, its nine-
ing those that controled the fate of the Chinese emperor, as
bay, multistoried main hall, the central focus of five court-
well as the site to which dead souls return. In imperial times
yards of architecture, is believed to have resembled an impe-
more than 250 temple compounds stood on the mountain,
rial palace of Song times. Its plan is believed to have been
with Dai Temple, dedicated to the god of the mountain it-
nearly identical to that of the Daoist Temple to the Earth
self, the most austere. Inside Dai Temple, the god of Mount
God compound in Dengfeng, Shanxi, that survives in a post-
Tai is enthroned in the yellow robes of a Chinese emperor,
Song version. Halls to the Three Purities, dated 1016 and
and the emperor’s journey from his capital to Taishan is
1176, stand at abbeys known as Xuanmiaoguan in Putian,
painted on the interior walls. Wudangshan, in Hubei prov-
Fujian province, and Suzhou, Jiangsu province, respectively.
ince, is where Daoists believed Zhenwu, the Perfected War-
Both possessing the broadly sloping roof eaves of southeast-
rior, attained immortality. Because the Yongle emperor
ern Chinese buildings of the Song dynasty, the former is
(r. 1403–1424) believed Zhenwu had come north to help
today a middle school and the latter a tourist site. Jade Em-
him attain the Chinese throne from his uncle, he patronized
peror Temple and Two Immortals Abbey are also among the
enormous temple complexes across the mountain. With
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9058
TEMPLE: CONFUCIAN TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
time, many of the palaces and abbeys have burned or other-
pp. 56–75. Chicago, 2000. Catalogue of the most spectacu-
wise been destroyed, including the Golden Hall. Many con-
lar and important exhibition of Daoist art ever mounted.
sider the Purple Empyrean Palace, dedicated to the Jade Em-
Yoshioka, Yoshitoyo. “Taoist Monastic Life.” In Facets of Taoism,
peror, whose buildings rise step by step along the ascent to
edited by Holmes Welch and Anna Seidel, pp. 229–252.
the top of the peak, the most dramatic temple complex on
New Haven, Conn., 1979. Description of the author’s expe-
Mount Wudang.
riences at Baiyun guan in Beijing from 1940 to 1946.
Among urban temple compounds, Azure Ox (Qingy-
NANCY SHATZMAN STEINHARDT (1987 AND 2005)
ang) Palace in Chengdu, Sichuan province, is exemplary.
Founded at the site where Laozi is said to have transcended
to immortality, the Tang emperor Xuanzong stopped there
to worship Laozi in 751. In addition to Laozi, civil and mili-
TEMPLE: CONFUCIAN TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
tary officials, the Eight Daoist Immortals, the Three Purities,
The architecture of Confucianism is built in honor of men.
and Tang rulers are all focal deities in Azure Ox Palace’s
It is dedicated to Confucius (551–479 BCE), sage, moral lead-
halls. The recipient of several later imperial visits, the temple
er, and philosopher of the ancient state of Lü in Shandong
compound was destroyed and rebuilt in every successive
province, or his disciples and their teachings. Confucian
dynasty.
monuments are distinct from other Chinese religious struc-
tures in their avoidance of images. Images may be enshrined
Today, Daoist temple compounds are especially active
in a Confucian temple, and over time, the influence of other
in Taiwan. The Pointing Southward Palace (Zhinangong),
religions in which deities are worshiped has led to limited use
dedicated to Lü Dongbin and Quanzhen Daoism, floats on
of Confucian statues as icons. In the purest form of the reli-
a mountain above the village of Mucha. Yet in spite of the
gion, however, tablets on which the name of the Confucian
large numbers of Daoist temple compounds throughout
is inscribed serve as the focus of veneration and Confucius,
China, individually they are more reflective of the architec-
his relatives, or other Confucians are honored by a visit to
tural concerns of their times of origin and locations than spe-
the site or by participation in a ceremony. Confucian temple
cifically Daoist features. Except for the occasional placement
compounds can be dedicated to civil (in contrast to military)
of images such as the Three Purities on a roof ridge, little of
officials in general, as well as to individual paragons of moral
the exterior marks a temple compound as Daoist. Only upon
or state virtue.
entering its halls and identifying deities such as the Three Pu-
rities, the Perfected Warrior, Jade Emperor and his entou-
During his lifetime, Confucius (Kongzi [Master Kong]
rage, Eight Immortals, or Dragon King can one be certain
or Kong Qiu [family name Kong, personal name Qiu] in
of the Daoist affiliation of a temple compound that in most
Chinese) established a school for the teaching of his princi-
ways blends into the framework of traditional Chinese archi-
ples of good government in Qufu, capital of his home state
tectural space.
of Lü. In 478 BCE, a year after his death, disciples built a tem-
ple in Qufu to honor their teacher. The few records about
SEE ALSO Daoism, overview article; Iconography, article on
this temple inform us that it was a three-part structure con-
Daoist Iconography.
taining Confucius’s clothes, instruments, carriage, and
books. For the next 2,500 years, Qufu would be the location
BIBLIOGRAPHY
of many of China’s most important Confucian temple com-
Chavannes, Édouard. Le T’ai chan: Essai de monographie d’un culte
chinois. Paris, 1910. Outstanding investigation of the moun-
pounds. Even today, it is difficult to walk down a street of
tain and related cult.
Qufu without coming upon architecture dedicated to Con-
fucius or his disciples, or commemorating an important spot
Goodrich, Anne Swann. The Peking Temple of the Eastern Peak.
Nagoya, Japan, 1964. Account of an active Daoist temple
in Confucian history.
complex visited by the author during her years in Beijing,
By traditional Chinese calculation, Qufu traces its asso-
1930–1932. Includes details about the numerous Daoist di-
ciation with the principles of Confucianism to the so-called
vinities associated with the site.
Yellow Emperor who lived in the twenty-seventh century
Jing, Anning. The Water God’s Temple of the Guangsheng Monas-
BCE. Legend records that the Yellow Emperor was born
tery: Cosmic Function of Art, Ritual, and Theater. Leiden,
about four kilometers east of Qufu. In the twenty-sixth cen-
2002. Investigation of the Daoist temple Shuishenmiao
tury BCE, the son of the Yellow Emperor made Qufu his capi-
(Temple of the Water God, Temple of the Dragon King)
tal. In the twelfth century BCE, the duke of Zhou, brother
that proposes relations between its murals, ritual, and partic-
of the emperor and the highest-ranking state official, was
ularly supplications for water in the region.
considered a paragon of governance by moral virtue. His
Katz, Paul. Images of the Immortal: The Cult of Lü Dongbin at the
principles of good government were highly regarded by Con-
Palace of Eternal Joy. Honolulu, 1999. Study of the history
fucius. A temple dedicated to the duke of Zhou has stood
of Yongle Gong (Palace of Eternal Joy) that proposes links
between its siting and murals and Daoist ritual.
in Qufu since the first millennium BCE.
Steinhardt, Nancy S. “Taoist Architecture.” In Taoism and the Arts
In the second century BCE, the Chinese emperor offered
of China, edited by Stephen Little and Shawn Eichman,
animal sacrifices at the temple built by Confucius’s disciples
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: CONFUCIAN TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
9059
when passing through the state of Lü. The following century,
to the view that Confucius’s thought is a summation of all
the emperor conferred posthumous titles on Confucius. In
philosophies of sages that came before him. The Gate of the
the second century CE, the relation between emperor and
Great Mean, in the fourth courtyard and surviving in its
temple was further strengthened when government officials
Qing dynasty form, is named for the Confuciuan text, Doc-
were appointed to maintain it.
trine of the Mean. Lingxing Gate is a reference to a star in
the constellation Ursa Major and thus a symbol that Confu-
By the Tang dynasty (618–907), imperial rites were
cius was a star who had come down to earth. Other gates are
conducted at a memorial service for Confucius. This extraor-
named Augmenting Truth and Harmony of the Written
dinary reverence for someone who was not a member of the
Language.
imperial family was unprecedented in Chinese history. Be-
ginning in the late fourteenth century, after the Mongol re-
The two most impressive halls of the Confucian temple
gime fell and China was returned to native hands, memorial
compound in Qufu stand near the center of the main build-
services to Confucius were conducted biannually at Qufu’s
ing axis. Star of Literature Pavilion, a name intended to link
Confucian temple compound. As had been the case in an-
Confucius with the constellation of the god of literature. The
cient times, the fortunes of the empire were linked to recog-
23-meter high, multistory library with three sets of roof eaves
nition of the ideal relation between ruler and subject de-
towers above the rest of the temple compound in the fifth
scribed in Confucian texts. Thus until the rule of the
courtyard. When the emperor visited Qufu, he fasted and
Manchus beginning in the mid-seventeenth century, a Con-
bathed in courtyards east and west of Star of Literature Pavil-
fucian temple could be erected only through explicit imperial
ion in preparation for sacrifices to honor the sage. Behind
decree. During the Manchu (Qing) dynasty (1644–1911),
Star of Literature Pavilion is a wide courtyard with thirteen
temples honoring Confucius, his teachings, and civil officials
stele pavilions arranged in two rows. They were built to
came to be built in every province and in most major cities.
house fifty-three tablets presented to the temple compound
The first statue of Confucius is said to have been placed
by emperors from each period from Tang through Qing.
in a hall of the Qufu temple compound during repairs of
The second focal building, Dacheng (Great Achieve-
539. The date is logical, for the sixth century in China was
ment) Hall, dominates the seventh courtyard. Measuring
one of widespread patronage of Buddhist architecture and its
45.8 by 24.9 meters at the base and 24.8 meters in height,
accompanying imagery. Still, until the ninth century the
the size, double set of yellow ceramic tile roof eaves, and
Confucian Temple was modest in comparison to Buddhist
dragons entwined on the front columns compare only with
temple compounds or the emperor’s palace. The ninth-
the Hall of Great Harmony of the Beijing Forbidden City
century temple complex in Qufu consisted of a front gate,
or the Hall of Heavenly Favors at the tomb of the first Ming
main hall, two side halls, and a residential hall behind them.
emperor. East of the Great Achievement Hall courtyard is
The most major changes in the status of the temple
a building where offerings were made to five generations of
compound in Qufu were coincident with the further elevat-
Confucius’s ancestors; to the west is a hall for paying homage
ed status of the Kong family in the Song dynasty (960–
to Confucius’s parents. Also in this courtyard is the Apricot
1279). Already in the first century BCE, a descendant of Con-
Altar, erected in 1018 at a spot where Confucius is said to
fucius had received the title of marquis and a fief at Qufu.
have taught.
In 1055, amid a wave of renewed interest in Confucius’s
writings known as neo-Confucianism, the emperor enfeoffed
Directly behind the Great Achievement courtyard is a
a forty-sixth-generation descendant of Confucius as the duke
smaller but similar building dedicated to Confucius’s wife
of Yansheng and awarded him and his descendants fourteen
Qiguan. At one time she was revered together with her hus-
hectares of land. Like honors bestowed on the temple, this
band in the same building, but in 1018 a Song emperor
hereditary succession of a duke has no parallel in Chinese his-
erected a separate shrine for her. The position of the hus-
tory. Before the end of the Song dynasty, the Confucian tem-
band’s hall in front of his wife’s follows the pattern for impe-
ple compound consisted of three courtyards of buildings en-
rial residential architecture in the Forbidden City. The focus
closed by a covered arcade of 316 bays.
of the last courtyard is the Hall of Relics of the Sage. It con-
tains 120 stone stelae depicting events in Confucius’s life.
In premodern times, the main south gate of the temple
was the south gate of the city of Qufu. The temple complex
From the exterior, the individual buildings and their ar-
today consists of nine courtyards of architecture. Among
rangement around courtyards are difficult to distinguish
them are three main halls, one main pavilion, an altar, three
from the architecture of other prominent imperial and reli-
shrines, two side halls, two minor halls, and two studies, for
gious complexes. Names of gates and halls, the prevalence of
a total of 446 bays of buildings. Stretching more than a kilo-
tablets with names of those revered in contrast to statues, and
meter from south to north, the space is punctuated by fifty-
associations with literate Chinese culture or remembered
two archways. The names of structures often are references
events are signs that the temple compound is Confucian. An
to Confucius or Confucian writings. Striking Metal and Vi-
unobtrusive wall, for example, is a revered spot because in
brating Jade Gate, built in 1538, recalls a line in Mencius’s
the third century BCE when the ninth generation of Confu-
writings comparing the completion of a musical performance
cius’s descendants lived in Qufu, books were hidden inside
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9060
TEMPLE: CONFUCIAN TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
the wall when troops of the First Emperor came to the city
Today, some of the most active Confucian temple com-
to burn classical writings.
pounds are in Taiwan. The best-known one is in the capital,
Taipei, but two others have older buildings of greater archi-
In one important way, architecture of the Qufu Confu-
tectural importance. The Confucian temple compound in
cian temple is unique. Since the ninth-generation descen-
the southern city of Tainan was built by the son of Zheng
dants of Confucius, the temple has been adjacent to the man-
Chenggong (Koxinga, 1624–1662), a Japanese-born, anti-
sion of the Kong family. Descendants of Confucius resided
Manchu commander who retreated to the southern island
in the mansion for seventy-seven generations, until the
after the Manchus overthrew the Ming dynasty in 1644 and
founding of the People’s Republic of China. Through the
who subsequently led the resistance that chased the Dutch
centuries, the rank and influence of the chief resident of the
away in 1661. Its most important building, Great Achieve-
Kong family mansion rose to the equivalent of prime minis-
ment Hall, contains a wooden tablet honoring Confucius
ter. He was the leader of all wen, or civil officials, and was
and sixteen tablets dedicated to famous sages. The Confucian
allowed to ride his horse inside the Forbidden City. He
Temple in Zhanghua, in central Taiwan, first built in 1716,
owned tax-exempt “sacred fields” from which income was
was carefully restored in the 1970s and is today a premier
used in Confucian ceremonies. He was even allowed to sell
example of eighteenth-century southeastern Chinese archi-
official titles.
tecture.
Confucius’s tomb and those of his parents are also in
The most important event at a Confucian temple is the
Qufu. So is the academy where Confucius taught and tem-
celebration of Confucius’s birthday, which usually occurs on
ples to Confucius’s disciples Mencius, Yanzi, and Zengzi.
September 28. Wearing the costumes of civil officials, atten-
Mencius’s residence and tomb, and his parents’ tomb, are
dants carrying ax-shaped weapons, fans, umbrellas, and in-
there as well.
struments in the style of those from Confucius’s day perform
The most famous Confucian temple compound outside
music and dances
Qufu is in Beijing. One of the few Confucian temples con-
Confucian temples survive in many other major Chi-
structed during the period of Mongolian rule in China, in
nese cities. Many have been used as schools throughout his-
the late thirteenth century, the majority of buildings date
tory and a few are educational institutions today. Some
from the Qing dynasty. A stone tablet at the entrance orders
towns have a corresponding temple complex for military offi-
civil and military officials to descend from their horses or
cials, or wu, the most famous of which is in Yuncheng,
sedan chairs as a sign of respect for the sage. Consisting of
Shanxi province.
two parallel building lines, passage through the central gate
was a privilege allowed only to the Chinese emperor. The
SEE ALSO Chinese Religion, overview article; Confucianism,
eastern side of the compound is occupied by six successive
overview article.
courtyards, the back two parallel, which contain a shrine to
Confucius; tablets recounting the 700-year history of schol-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ars who achieved success in the national exams; the Great
Han Baode. Zhanghua Kongmiao de yanjiu yu xiufu jihua.
Achievement Gate; the multi-roofed Great Achievement
Taizhong, Taiwan, 1976. Detailed account of the restoration
Hall containing a central wooden tablet whose Chinese and
of the Confucian temple in Zhanghua, including a general
Manchu inscriptions glorify Confucius, a pair of flanking
discussion of Confucian temples and excellent drawings of
tablets on either side of it dedicated to Confucius’s four most
the Zhanghua buildings.
important disciples, and eight more tablets for less eminent
Kang Yuancuo. Kongshi zuting guangji (1311). Taipei, 1970. The
sages lower and behind them; the Hall for Reverence to Con-
most important text about the Confucian shrine at Qufu, in-
fucius’s Ancestors with tablets for members of five genera-
cluding drawings of the site and building plans.
tions who preceded him; a library; and a shrine to officials.
Kong Xiangmin and Wei Jiang. Qufu. Shandong, 1982. Guide-
The western sector has only three courtyards, all focused on
book to Qufu and its Confucian monuments, largely pictori-
the central one that houses the imperial academy. Built by
al, prepared by a descendant of Confucius.
the Mongols for the education of imperial and other select
Pan Guxi, ed. Qufu Kongmiao jianzhu. Beijing, 1987. The most
children, in the eighteenth century the structure was rebuilt
thorough architectural analysis of every structure in the Con-
and named Biyong Palace to recall the name of the place
fucian temple compound of Qufu.
where princes and official sons were educated in the Chinese
capital at the time of Confucius. The multi-eaved, elevated
Shryock, John K. The Origin and Development of the State Cult of
Confucius. New York, 1932. A history of Confucianism in
structure is enclosed by a circular moat and further surround-
China that makes reference to Confucian architecture.
ed by a marble balustrade, following the pattern of the impe-
rial academy in Confucius’s day and of the Temple to Heav-
Wilson, Thomas A. On Sacred Grounds: Culture, Society, Politics,
en complex where the emperor performed annual sacrifices
and the Formation of the Cult of Confucius. Cambridge,
in the name of the state in Ming and Qing times. Originally
Mass., 2003. Nine essays that seek to understand the role of
Confucius and Confucianism through Chinese history.
all structures had gray roof tiles but they were replaced with
golden ones in the eighteenth century.
NANCY SHATZMAN STEINHARDT (1987 AND 2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN AND MEDITERRANEAN TEMPLES
9061
TEMPLE: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN AND
The first room of this part of the temple was the hypostyle
MEDITERRANEAN TEMPLES
hall, an enclosed, basilica-like space whose roof rested on nu-
Modern writers use the term temple in different ways. Ap-
merous rows of close-set columns. This hall was like a vesti-
plied to Near Eastern religion, it refers to a complete archi-
bule, which gave access to a series of chambers with different
tectural complex, including a shrine with the cult statue. Ap-
functions. One contained small tables and stands for offer-
plied to Greek, Etruscan, and Roman architecture, temple
ings and sacrifices. Another had the sacred boat of the god,
refers to the equivalent of this shrine, and the whole complex
installed atop a platform. One housed the cult statue, closed
is termed sanctuary.
in a shrine. Because the statue was the very being of god, its
shrine was the heart of the temple, the holy of holies. In the
EGYPT. Modern scholars have traditionally divided Egyptian
inner area of the temple there could be also shrines for divini-
temples into several types, according to their functions. The
ties associated with the principal god, storerooms for the par-
two principal are “divine” temples, the residence of a god or
aphernalia of ritual, and rooms with administrative purposes.
gods, and “mortuary” temples, the place for rituals, offerings,
and sacrifices for a deceased king. Ancient Egyptians, howev-
What is characteristic about this architecture is that
er, did not see the functions, plans, symbols, and rituals of
rooms and unroofed spaces, which were always rectangular,
their temples quite so separately and distinctly as modern
were disposed in exact sequence according to an axial align-
taxonomies would suggest. Thus, “divine” temples could also
ment from the entrance pylon to the inner chambers. The
serve for the worship of the king, while “mortuary” temples
courts were unroofed, though often surrounded by a colon-
were often used for a joint cult of the king and the god. Ac-
nade; the inner parts were completely roofed and increasing-
cordingly, these modern divisions are currently being ques-
ly in shadow. The roof level decreased as the floor level rose.
tioned.
All these solutions enhanced a sense of mystery that culmi-
nated in the heart of the temple.
Recent excavations show that the earliest temples date
back to the Early Dynastic period (c. 3185–2630 BCE). These
The precise arrangement of this plan varied from temple
temples were still quite simple in their plan, generally con-
to temple, with some larger and more complex than others.
sisting of an open court followed by a shrine made of mud-
As time went on, temples could be greatly expanded with ad-
brick, which contained the cult statue. During the Old King-
ditional sections (most frequently, a new pylon, followed by
dom (c. 2630–2160 BCE) stone was introduced as a building
an additional open-air court). This was the result of the de-
material, especially for royal cult complexes. In contrast,
sire for personal display of individual kings, who by trans-
shrines for the gods remained modest in scale and materials.
forming famous temples reasserted their primary role in
During the Middle Kingdom (c. 2040–1650) the state took
Egyptian religion and society. The degree of complexity pos-
an unprecedented interest in temples, which were erected for
sible for an Egyptian temple can be illustrated by the Temple
the gods in all the major cult places of Egypt. Stone was regu-
of Amun at Karnak, one of the most important, which has
larly used as a building material, and there was a particular
been added to and altered over millennia. Elements go back
emphasis on figural decoration. During that period, the plan
to the Middle Kingdom (presumably obliterating even earlier
that became characteristic of the divine cult complexes of the
construction) and extended down to the Ptolemaic and
New Kingdom (c. 1550–1075 BCE) appeared. This is the
Roman periods (Figure 1 shows a portion of the final ar-
plan that we now usually associate with the Egyptian temple,
rangement). Complex though it is, in principle it is the same
mainly because in no other period of Egyptian history has
as the smaller temples which share its twenty-five-hectare
the construction of monumental temples been more inten-
precinct.
sive than it was during the New Kingdom.
Both texts and images give us an idea about the rituals
The Egyptian temple of the New Kingdom was set apart
performed in these temples. The daily ritual consisted in
from the outside world by a massive enclosure wall made of
tending the cult statue, which was cleaned and provided with
mud-brick and without decoration. This wall was a bounda-
clothes, food, drink, and other offerings. This daily ritual in
ry between order and disorder; it transformed the temple
essence provided the god with the needs of life, which were
into a fortress against chaos. Within this enclosure was the
thought to be the same as those of humans. In theory, it was
pylon (a modern term derived from the ancient Greek word
the king who performed this daily ritual, because he was, in
for “gateway”), a monumental entrance built of stone which
theory, the sole priest; for this reason, only the king is depict-
consisted of a gateway flanked by two towers. This pylon was
ed in the wall decorations performing the appropriate ac-
decorated on the outside with reliefs representing the king
tions. In fact, the daily ritual was performed by the priests,
hunting or defeating his enemies in battle. Only the king,
the vicars of the sacerdotal power of the king, who thus acted
the priests, and, on some ritual occasions, representative
on his behalf. Another ritual that took place in temples, and
commoners, were admitted beyond this gateway, and then
which was performed on the occasion of many religious festi-
only after having performed a ritual of purification. After the
vals, was the procession of the god from the inner part to the
pylon was a large open-air court surrounded by columns.
open-air court. The cult statue, closed in a shrine, was
This court led to the most sacred part of the temple, where
mounted on a barque borne on the shoulders of the priests,
access was restricted to the king and certain selected priests.
or sometimes carried on a sledge. It was enveloped in incense
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9062
TEMPLE: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN AND MEDITERRANEAN TEMPLES
and accompanied by dancers, singers, and instrumentalists
After the fall of Ur, a temple of Ishtar-Kititum was built
to the open-air court. Here the god met visiting gods, while
at Ishchali (nineteenth to the eighteenth century BCE). The
the assembled worshipers, including common people, could
large structure (about 100 by 65 meters) stood on a platform
glimpse the shrine and ask the god within for oracular re-
and had a rectangular plan articulated around two open
sponses.
courts. Three entrances framed by towers gave access to the
interior: two on the south side, leading into the open courts,
MESOPOTAMIA. Our knowledge of Mesopotamian temples
and one on the east side, in relation to a secondary temple
is seriously limited by the fact that they were built in mud-
located to the north of the main complex. The main shrine
brick. For this reason, only a few of them have been pre-
was located at the western end and was elevated with respect
served above the level of the foundations, and none in its en-
to the rest of the temple. This shrine was accessible from the
tire elevation.
smaller court, and consisted of an ante-cella, a broad, shallow
Temples from the fourth millennium
cella with a niche for the cult statue, and a treasury on the
BCE have been
documented. They could be very large, and they had general-
back. This building condensed the previous, Mesopotamian
ly a tripartite plan, consisting of a cella (the space that con-
tradition, but it also introduced features that would be char-
tains the cult statue) at the center and subsidiary rooms off
acteristic of temples built in Mesopotamia during the Assyri-
either side. The cella included altars and offering-tables, and
an (c. 1350–612 BCE) and Neo-Babylonian periods (c. 612–
it could be entered from different sides of the building. Very
539 BCE).
often, multiple recesses and buttresses were used to add some
AEGEAN IN THE BRONZE AGE. Places set aside for the cult
variety to the exterior (and sometime even to the interior)
of the divinity can be recognized in the material remains of
of the building, by creating contrasts in light and shadow.
the Bronze Age, in Crete as well as on the Greek mainland.
The Cretans worshiped at shrines of various types. Natural
In plan, the temples of the third millennium BCE are
caves were used for the deposit of offerings. The peaks of cer-
characterized by their continuity with the preceding period.
tain mountains were also sites of sanctuaries—some simply
There was, however, a marked tendency to set them apart
defined by enclosure walls, others given a number of rooms,
from the rest of the settlement. They were constructed on
usually rectangular—in which large stones served as altars.
top of high platforms and enclosed with high walls. Some-
Thick layers of ash show that bonfires were lit, which would
times there was an outer enclosure that included, along with
have been visible from sanctuary to sanctuary. The use of
the temple and the inner enclosure, other shrines and proba-
these sanctuaries ended abruptly, perhaps as a consequence
bly offices for the temple administration. In the inner court
of the cataclysmic eruption of the volcano of Thera in the
around the temple there were stores and workshops: their lo-
fifteenth century BCE. Finally, there were sanctuaries in the
cation gives clues about the part played by temples in the
palaces of the Cretan kings, shrine rooms marked by central
economy of this region. In these temples the gods were be-
pillars, with the symbolic double ax. These rooms were small
lieved to be present in their cult statues, which stood in front
and shallow, functioning as a focus for offerings rather than
of a niche at one end of the cella. Near the niche were an
for any form of congregational ritual. It is likely that other
altar and an offering-table, and along the walls stood the stat-
parts of the palace complexes served ritual functions, includ-
ues of the worshipers, represented with their hands clasped.
ing the bull-leaping depicted in Cretan art, but here the in-
Near the end of the third millennium, the habit of set-
teraction of religion and architecture is, at best, uncertain:
ting the temples apart, in a high position, culminated in the
clearly none of it constitutes a temple in the normal sense.
placing of some of them at the top level of ziggurats, the most
Sanctuaries on the Greek mainland were probably influ-
conspicuous landmarks of Mesopotamian towns. Whether
enced by Cretan practice. One at Mycenae consisted of a set
all ziggurats had temples at their top level, however, remains
of small, irregularly shaped rooms containing benches on
unclear, because of the poor state of preservation of these
which offerings could be placed, along with terracotta figu-
monuments. For the same reason, we know nothing of the
rines apparently intended as representations of the deity, a
architecture of these “high temples”—as in the case of the
goddess. There was also a mural painting of her. Such shrines
ziggurat built by Urnammu at Ur, which is generally restored
are found in the fortified sites close to the walls and gateways;
with a single room, but incorrectly so. In the absence of spe-
they seem to have had a special role in the protection of the
cific texts, it is also difficult to have an idea of the rituals per-
community. The possibility of religious functions in the pal-
formed in these “high temples,” or to understand what corre-
aces cannot be excluded.
lation they might have had with the buildings found at the
base of the ziggurats in the same sacred enclosure. From He-
GREECE. There are few remaining traces of religious practice
rodotus, the Greek historian of the fifth century BCE, we are
during the Protogeometric period (1050–900 BCE), when
informed that in the ziggurat at Babylon one of the rituals
cult buildings were generally small. An exception is the large
was a sacred marriage between a priestess and the god, which
building with apsidal plan surrounded by wooden posts at
took place at night. Yet, this was clearly not the only ritual
Lefkandi, in Euboea (1000 BCE). The function of this short-
performed in the temple, but only the one that captured the
lived building was funerary, for in the main space were bur-
attention of the historian.
ied a warrior, a woman, and a number of horses.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN AND MEDITERRANEAN TEMPLES
9063
Temples built during the Geometric period (900–700
The Parthenon, dedicated to Athena, is probably the
BCE) were generally modest in scale and simple in plan. The
most famous, certainly the most lavishly decorated, but not
temple of Apollo at Dreros (c. 700), in Crete, consisted of
the largest of Greek temples (see Figure 3). The temple, built
a rectangular room preceded by a shallow porch. In the mid-
upon the remains of an unfinished predecessor destroyed by
dle of the cella two posts flanked a central hearth, and against
the Persians in 480 BCE, has seventeen Doric columns on
the back wall was a bench with three bronze statues, the cult
each long side and eight at both short ends, and it measures
images of Apollo, Leto, and Artemis. What is remarkable
overall some 31 by 70 meters. It has two rooms, the eastern
about this temple, and other buildings of the same period,
cella, which housed the chryselephantine statue of Athena
is that sacrifices took place inside, near the cult image. The
made by Pheidias, and the western “rear room,” which held
arrangement of the interior with a central hearth flanked by
the valuable offerings. Between these two rooms and the
posts is reminiscent of the halls in Mycaenean palaces.
peristyle there are two shallow porches, the pronaos and opt-
In the Orientalizing period (700–600 BCE) temples were
isthodomos, compressed here to the advantage of the cella.
monumentalized. Their size was significantly increased, du-
The traditional interpretation of the Parthenon as a temple
rable materials were introduced, and the cella (naos) was
has been recently called into question, for it had very little
often surrounded by a row of columns, the peristyle. This
cult associated with it, and no connection with the major
feature, according to recent excavations in the temple of Ar-
public festivals. However, this building was clearly designed
temis at Ephesus, was introduced in the second half of the
as and regarded as a temple in Classical Antiquity.
eighth century. Most likely, the inspiration came from
During the Late Classical period (400–323 BCE), the
Egypt, where columns played a prominent role in the design
building of temples lost much of its appeal in mainland
of temples.
Greece and the Greek West. Only a few were built on a mon-
The use of stone instead of wood for columns and en-
umental scale, and the majority were reduced in size. Asia
tablature led to the establishment of distinctive orders. In the
Minor is an exception: parallel to a renaissance of the Greek
Archaic period (600–480 BCE) the Doric order was charac-
cities of the region there was a revival of Ionic architecture.
teristic of mainland Greece, south Italy, and Sicily, and the
The Artemision at Ephesus was rebuilt on the same colossal
Ionic was characteristic of the Aegean and Asia Minor; how-
scale as its archaic predecessor. Meanwhile, new cities, such
ever, geographical distinctions were not completely rigid,
as Priene, strained their energies and economic resources to
and whether these orders had an ethnic connotation remains
have temples that would leave a mark on the cityscape.
a question. During the same period, the erection of monu-
mental temples was particularly intense in Asia Minor and
Temples built during the Hellenistic period (323–31
the west. In both areas the Greeks were surrounded by other
BCE) were essentially similar to those of the Classical period,
cultures, and monumental temples might have been a means
though they might have been constructed in regions con-
to reassert the cultural identity of the communities responsi-
quered by Alexander the Great that were not Greek in origin.
ble for their erection. Among the temples in Asia Minor,
The more florid Corinthian order was occasionally used. In
three stand out for their colossal size: the temples of Hera
these areas the traditional, non-Greek religious practice had
at Samos (c. 560
to be respected. In Egypt, for example, the ruling Macedo-
BCE, rebuilt c. 530 BCE), of Artemis at Ephe-
sus (c. 560–470
nian Greek dynasty of the Ptolemies assiduously built tem-
BCE), and of Apollo at Didyma (c. 550–520
ples in the traditional Egyptian manner described above,
BCE). These temples were surrounded by two, even three
rows of columns, and must have seemed like a forest of stone.
with only a few innovations.
The temples at Ephesus and Didyma are also characteristic
The Greek temple was the house of the god, because it
because their core was not the cella with the cult statue, but
served to shelter the cult statue. It was not a congregational
an open-air court (sekos), which at Didyma included the
building, for the congregation (which at the chief festivals of
shrine with the cult statue and a spring sacred to Apollo. The
major cults was very large) gathered round the open-air altar
most interesting feature of temples built in the Greek West
for prayers and sacrifices. Like the crowds, the cult statue
was a special room called the adytum, placed at the end of
overlooked these performances at the altar. Temples were
the cella and separated from it by a wall with a doorway. This
normally oriented to face the point at which the sun rose on
special room apparently served to house the cult statue. The
the day of the festival. Though some cult statues were large
need for this innermost sacred chamber has been explained
and valuable, the rooms in which they stood did not have
by the possibility that the rest of the cella was regularly used
to be particularly spacious. Even in the largest temples a sur-
for the performance of collective rituals, but there is no evi-
prising portion of the total area was taken up by external em-
dence to support this view.
bellishment. This emphasis on the exterior of temples does
The main monumental temples of the fifth century BCE
not mean that access to them was reserved for a privileged
were built in mainland Greece. One was the temple of Zeus
few. Literary evidence suggests that even if specific restric-
at Olympia (472–456 BCE), and the other was the Parthenon
tions existed (based on days, ethnicity, and gender), entry by
(447–438 BCE), erected along with other religious buildings
ordinary people into the cella was not unusual, especially for
on the Athenian Acropolis according to a comprehensive site
the purpose of praying, which was considered more effective
plan.
when done before the cult statue. Temples also served as
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9064
TEMPLE: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN AND MEDITERRANEAN TEMPLES
storerooms for objects, particularly those of value, offered to
of the access to the stairs on the front, admission to the tem-
the gods.
ple must have been very limited, unlike in Greek temples.
ETRURIA. In the beginning, cult practice was performed in
ROME. Roman temples inherited the strictly frontal empha-
the open air. The earliest shrines, dating back to the seventh
sis and high bases of Etruscan temples. Early Roman temples
century BCE, had the same plan as residential houses, and
were built in the Etruscan manner, but little survives from
they could also be incorporated into a larger palace. By the
this period. It is unlikely, however, that there were any signif-
end of the seventh century BCE, temples consisted of a sim-
icant improvements in design or construction before the Sec-
ple, rectangular cella with the opening on a short side. This
ond Punic War at the end of the third century BCE, when
new plan was still similar to contemporary domestic architec-
the first temples made entirely of stone were erected. There-
ture. The traditional Etruscan temple was defined in the sec-
after, Rome was increasingly involved in the affairs of the
ond half of the sixth century BCE. The building was set on
Hellenistic East, and Roman buildings were influenced by
a high podium and was accessible only by flights of steps or
Hellenistic forms, particularly the Corinthian order, though
ramps on the main front. It had a quadrangular or rectangu-
temples still retained the essential Etruscan arrangement with
lar plan and was always articulated in two areas: a deep open
high bases and steps only at the facade. Plans were conserva-
pronaos with two or three rows of widely spaced columns
tive, with columns across the facade only, or, if extended
(front), and one or three cellas—depending on the number
of divinities worshipped—which were generally flanked by
along the sides, terminating in front of a wall across the back.
outer passages. The rear of the temple was closed, and there
Occasionally the Romans adopted the full surrounding col-
was no peristyle on all four sides, as in Greek temples. Again,
onnades of Greek temples. Although temples were commis-
the houses of the elite provided the model for this plan. Tem-
sioned by a variety of individuals during the republic, under
ples were differentiated from residential architecture by their
the empire, patronage was mainly under the imperial family.
position on top of high podia. For the columns a new order
Under Augustus and the Julio-Claudian emperors (27 BCE–
was introduced, called Tuscanic after Vitruvius: the shaft was
68 CE), temples in Rome changed their appearance. Marbles
unfluted, but the capital was similar to the Doric. The eleva-
of various types were introduced for the internal and external
tion of these temples looked sturdy to later, Roman writers,
decoration, and the Corinthian order became canonical for
and this impression was certainly suggested by the short col-
both columns and entablature. In the years immediately after
umns, the wide eaves of the roof, and the heavy external ter-
the Julio-Claudian dynasty, temples did not play a primary
racotta decoration. Ancient literary sources link the defini-
role in the general layout of sanctuaries, and were also scaled
tion of the Etruscan temple with the monumentalization of
down. However, a revival of temple architecture took place
Rome under the rule of the Etruscan family of the Tarquinii.
in the period at the end of the second and the beginning of
In fact, the largest Etruscan temple known to us is the three-
the third century CE. To this period date major enterprises
cella temple dedicated in 509
in the city of Rome, such as the Pantheon (see below); the
BCE, under Tarquinius Super-
bus, to the triad Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Juno, and Mi-
construction of many new temples in North Africa, such as
nerva on the Capitoline Hill in Rome. Other monumental
the one in the honor of the Severan family in Leptis Magna
temples were built in Etruria between the end of the sixth
(216 CE); and, finally, the completion of ambitious projects
and the beginning of fifth century BCE, and they all con-
in the Roman East, such as the sanctuary at Baalbek (see
formed to the same basic type. The same can be said of tem-
below). By contrast, between the second half of the third and
ples built in the first half of the fifth century BCE, when the
the beginning of the fourth century CE, the temple endured
erection of temples was most intense in the history of Etrus-
a crisis that culminated with the erection of the new Chris-
can cities, and of temples built or rebuilt during the fourth
tian basilicas during the Constantinian period (306–337 CE).
century BCE.
In essence, the Roman temple functioned like the Greek
What is characteristic of the Etruscan temple is the deep
as the house of the god and the storeroom of his or her offer-
pronaos, the podium, and the great emphasis on the front.
ings. It could also serve for the cult of the emperor and his
This strict frontality also dictated the axial planning of the
family. Burnt sacrifices were made at an altar, which was usu-
areas and altars in front of the temples, and would remain
ally placed immediately in front of the temple at the bottom
characteristic of Roman religious architecture. Most likely,
of the steps so that worshipers faced the altar (and the tem-
this disposition, as well as the orientation of the temples—
ple) rather than surrounding it. Where possible, the temple
generally to the south—strongly depended on cult practice
stood in a colonnaded precinct, which also emphasized the
and religious beliefs. We know that the Etruscans had rules
axial symmetry. Roman temples, however, showed greater
for the placing of altars and sacred areas, and that the augurs
concern than the Greek for the use of the cella as a room.
played a significant role. This might have also been the case
The Roman cella often occupied a greater portion of the total
for the temple. The cella of the Etruscan temple housed the
area, was wider, and was invariably freed from encumbering
cult statue of the god, and most likely, in this culture, as in
internal supports for the roof, a consequence of better car-
Greece and in the ancient Near East, the temple served as
pentry techniques and the availability of better timber. This
his or her house. However, in consideration of the position-
enhancement of the cella does not signify congregational use
ing of the temple on a high podium, and of the restriction
in the full sense, but the temples were certainly used for gath-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE: MESOAMERICAN TEMPLES
9065
erings, which might have been political rather than fully reli-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
gious in character—meetings of the senate, for example.
Arnold, Dieter. Die Tempel Ägyptens. Götterwohnung, Kultstätten,
Baudenkmäler. Zurich, 1992.
These developments culminated in the best preserved of
Boëthius, Axel. Etruscan and Early Roman Architecture. Harmond-
all Roman temples, the Pantheon in Rome, built by the em-
sworth, U.K., 1978.
peror Hadrian (117–138 CE) to replace an earlier building
Burkert, Walter. “The Meaning and Function of the Temple in
of Augustus’ time (see Figure 4). Dedicated to all the gods,
Classical Greece.” In Temple in Society, edited by Michael V.
it is circular rather than rectangular. It had a conventional
Fox, pp. 27–47. Winona Lake, Ind., 1988.
precinct and porch, but the cella, 150 Roman feet in diame-
Colonna, Giovanni, ed. Santuari d’Etruria. Milan, 1985.
ter, was roofed with a concrete dome. Light was admitted,
Dinsmoor, William Bell. The Architecture of Ancient Greece. 3d ed.
for deliberate effect, through an opening in the center of the
London, 1950.
dome.
Frankfort, Henri. The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient.
In the provinces of the empire, temples sponsored by
5th ed. New Haven, Conn., 1996.
the authorities usually imitated those of Rome. They most
Gros, Pierre. L’architecture romaine. 2 vols. Paris, 1996-2001.
often employed local building techniques and, usually, local
Gruben, Gottfried. Griechische Tempel und Heiligtümer. 5th ed.
materials, but they were essentially similar to Roman proto-
Munich, 2001.
types. Local tradition, however, often influenced form. This
Hägg, Robin, and Nanno Marinotos, eds. Greek Sanctuaries. Lon-
is very clear in Egypt, where Egyptian-style temples were still
don and New York, 1993.
being built under the Romans. In Greece and part of the east
Heinrich, Ernst. Die Tempel und Heiligtümer im Alten Mesopota-
the relationship was different, because Roman temples them-
mien. Berlin, 1982.
selves were already influenced by Greek form and served sim-
Hellmann, Marie-Christine. L’architecture grecque, vol. 1, Paris,
ilar religious concepts. Here the local tradition was architec-
2002.
tural rather than religious, and was not insisted upon.
Roman temples on high bases were built, some distinctly
Lawrence, Arnold W. Greek Architecture. 5th ed. Revised by R. A.
Tomlinson. New Haven, Conn. 1996.
frontal, but there was a more ready tendency towards fully
colonnaded arrangements, when money was available. The
Martin, Roland. Greek Architecture, New York, 1998.
Roman East was wealthy—Asia Minor and Syria in particu-
Shafer, Byron E., ed. Temples of Ancient Egypt. Ithaca, N.Y., 1997.
lar—and some temples of the Roman period were quite
Tomlinson, R. A. Greek Sanctuaries. London, 1976.
splendid. The major Greek cities were already well provided
Ward-Perkins, J. B. Roman Imperial Architecture. Harmonds-
for—Artemis of Ephesus (Diana of the Ephesians) still had
worth, U.K., 1981.
the temple last rebuilt for her in the fourth century BCE—and
new building was mostly concerned with the political cult
R. A. TOMLINSON (1987)
CLEMENTE MARCONI (2005)
of Rome and with individual emperors (Trajan, for example,
at Pergamum). Pergamum also possesses, in the sanctuary of
Asklepios patronized by the emperor Caracalla, a unique ex-
ample of a temple based on the Pantheon at Rome.
TEMPLE: MESOAMERICAN TEMPLES
The most common form of sanctuary in Mesoamerica is the
The most splendid of these temples in the Roman East
temple-pyramid-plaza, that is, the peculiar combination of
is that dedicated to Jupiter at Heliopolis, the Roman military
an elevated foundation, almost always artificially built, with
colony at Baalbek in Lebanon. A huge temple stands on a
a temple on the upper platform. Usually adjoining this unit
high podium in the Roman tradition. On the podium is a
at the base of the access staircase is a series of open spaces
Greek-type stepped base. The surrounding Corinthian col-
(plaza, esplanade, altar platform). This basic combination
onnade is arranged in the East Greek (Ionic) manner with
was perpetuated for over twenty-five centuries, with several
a wider central spacing at each end. In the cella (now ruined)
constants that gave it relative coherence within an extremely
was a shrine structure with a cult crypt underneath (better
varied panorama and allowed it to be integrated into larger
preserved in the neighboring so-called Temple of Bacchus)
and more complex architectural clusters.
serving local religious ritual. Outside was a tall tower altar
STRUCTURES. The embryonic form of this temple combina-
of eastern type. Eastern influences can be detected in the ar-
tion can be found in the principal mounds built from com-
chitectural decoration, such as Persian-style bulls on the
pressed soil or from adobe (sun-dried brick) by the Olmec
frieze. Finally, the temple was given a precinct (never com-
in areas around the Gulf of Mexico, such as San Lorenzo (in
pleted) and forecourt with a gateway building flanked by
the present-day Mexican state of Veracruz) and La Venta (in
towers which derives from local, not Roman, concepts.
Tabasco) between 1200 and 900 BCE. Associated with a
thrust toward monumentality that reflected the cultural
SEE ALSO Architecture; Iconography, articles on Egyptian
vigor in Mesoamerica at the end of the Preclassic period (600
Iconography, Greco-Roman Iconography.
BCE–200 CE), the temple-pyramid-plaza soon spread to other
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9066
TEMPLE: MESOAMERICAN TEMPLES
regions. Thus, in the central plateau of Mexico we find, as
on the upper platform of the pyramid in front of the main
antecedents to the Pyramids of the Sun and the Moon in Te-
entrance to the sanctuary or, if there was one, on the altar
otihuacan, the large, elongated mounds of Totimehuacan
platform in the center of the plaza located at the foot of the
(Puebla) and the superimposed circular platforms (150 me-
pyramid, where the congregation gathered.
ters in diameter) in Cuicuilco, in the southeast corner of the
Naturally, there are a few exceptional cases in which the
Valley of Mexico. In the northern part of Petén (Guatemala),
pyramid was conceived without a temple. If in fact worship
in the heart of the Maya area, the massive pyramids of El
was essentially an outdoor activity, the interior space of the
Mirador, with their apexes emerging from the dense forest,
sanctuaries, relatively large in Mexico’s central plateau, Oa-
foreshadow the great Maya temples of Tikal in the same
xaca, and other regions of Mesoamerica, could be reduced
region.
to very small dimensions, apparently without undermining
Together with this tendency toward monumental build-
its sacred character. This is particularly evident in the Maya
ing there was a great preoccupation with architectural perma-
area, where the width of the interior spaces fluctuates on the
nence. This concern was reflected in the emergence of large
average between three meters and seventy-five centimeters,
retaining walls for the compressed fill of earth and rubble.
as we can see when we compare, for example, a temple in
These walls constituted the solid nucleus of the pyramid, and
Palenque, in southern Mexico, with one in Tikal. There are,
their taluses tended to follow the natural sloping angle of the
however, extreme cases, such as Building A in Nakum
fill. The access staircase, generally the only one placed on the
(Petén), where the narrow chambers measure only fifty and
axis of the temple, was initially incorporated into the general
forty-two centimeters in width (perhaps to function as a
mass of the pyramid itself. With the passing of time it tended
“loudspeaker” that dramatically amplified the voice of the
to project outward, frequently bordered by two alfardas, or
priest). Such considerations likewise help to explain those
flat ramps, which in turn often projected slightly beyond the
full-scale simulated temples in the Rio Bec region of Campe-
steps or, according to local or regional style, assumed more
che, which are sometimes crowned by two or three solid
complex shapes. In the same manner, the sides of the pyra-
“towers.” These towers, incorporated into the mass of a low,
mid could be decorated with large masks or other sculptures
functional building, in turn constitute versions of com-
or ornamented rhythmically with moldings, notably varia-
pressed pyramids, complete with simulated staircases. This
tions on the talus panel (tablero-talud or talud-tablero, a
imitation of the temple-pyramid was not detrimental to the
panel, or tablero, usually framed with moldings, that project-
symbolic meaning of certain privileged parts of the building,
ed from the slope). These architectural elements, together
such as the staircase, the sides of the tower, the main doorway
with the proportions, divisions, and other formal characteris-
(or its upper frieze alone), and the roof comb.
tics of the foundation, define the principal masses of the
The primary function of the Mesoamerican pyramid
structure and highlight their respective horizontal or vertical
was to elevate the temple; occasionally it served as a ruler’s
features.
mausoleum (as in the outstanding example of Palenque).
However, the pyramid could lack a temple altogether (as in
Finally, the temple itself, which usually occupies the
the twin-pyramid complexes of Tikal), or it could have twin
upper platform of the pyramid, evolved from a simple hut
staircases leading to two clearly differentiated temples (as oc-
to a more elaborate building made of masonry. Depending
curs during the last three centuries before the Spanish con-
on the region, it was covered with a flat roof supported by
quest).
wooden timbers and surrounded by low parapets or, as can
be observed among the Maya, with vaulting made up of dif-
The Mesoamerican tradition of not razing buildings to
ferent types of projecting (corbeled) arches. Various types of
the foundation before undertaking new construction is for-
panels, moldings, and sculptures enrich the temple silhou-
tunate for archaeology. As a result of much remodeling, ex-
ettes, which could be crowned with more or less massive roof
pansion, and superimposing, which on occasion generated
combs, as in the case of Classical Maya architecture, or with
artificial acropolises (the particularly high and compact clus-
sculptured finials distributed at regular intervals on the out-
ters of buildings that resulted from centuries of adding new
side perimeter of the parapet in the style of a battlement.
layers of construction, as found at the North Acropolis of
Such finials can be observed in the architectural tradition of
Tikal), the remains of temples, dismantled only to a certain
Mexico’s central plateau from the period of Teotihuacán
height to become part of the fill for a new building, reappear
until the Spanish conquest.
bit by bit from their burial ground to tell us the history of
their city, their gods, and their rulers. While the effigies of
INTERPRETATIONS. From the Spanish chroniclers of the six-
deities (as well as the sacrificial stone) speak to us about a
teenth century we learn that in spite of the staircases, which
place designed for rituals, other features, particularly among
were usually wide and well proportioned in relation to the
the Maya (where we find so many roof combs, stelae, and
whole (and independent of the scale, large or small, of the
other dynastic records), suggest the self-glorification of a rul-
rooms inside), the sanctuary that usually topped each pyra-
ing prince.
mid for the most part remained closed to the common mor-
tal. This observation seems to indicate that, at least in its
SEE ALSO Iconography, article on Mesoamerican Iconogra-
community aspects, worship was conducted outdoors, either
phy; Pyramids, overview article.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPLE SOLAIRE
9067
BIBLIOGRAPHY
occult societies. In 1982 Di Mambro’s Golden Way Founda-
Three general surveys with good photographs and an appreciation
tion was joined by Luc Jouret (1947–1994), a popular Bel-
of architectural aesthetics may be recommended: Doris Hey-
gian homeopathic doctor who had established a practice in
den’s and my Pre-Columbian Architecture of Mesomamerica
Annemasse. The Amenta Club (later renamed Atlanta), a cir-
(New York, 1975), Henri Stierlin’s Maya (Fribourg, 1964),
cle established by Jouret for his clients and friends, became
and Stierlin’s Mexique ancien (Fribourg, 1967).
a vehicle for disseminating Di Mambro’s ideas. Di Mambro
PAUL GENDROP (1987)
also introduced Jouret to Origas, and the Belgian doctor
Translated from Spanish by Gabriela Mahn
quickly ascended to a leadership position in the ORT.
When Origas died in 1983, Jouret claimed to have been
designated as his heir and as leader of the ORT, but his
TEMPLE SOLAIRE. The Order of the Solar Temple,
claims were challenged by the Origas family. Jouret and Di
a European esoteric movement, shocked European public
Mambro eventually left the ORT and established the Inter-
opinion with its mass suicides and homicides of 1994, 1995,
national Order of Chivalry-Solar Tradition, more commonly
and 1997, and it had a crucial effect on subsequent anticult
known as the Order of the Solar Temple (Ordre du Temple
activity by various European governments.
Solaire, or OTS). By this time they operated a system of Chi-
T
nese boxes. People initially attended Jouret’s speeches orga-
HE ARGINY MOVEMENT. A whole group of new religious
movements flourish with foundational mythologies connect-
nized by the Amenta and Atlanta Clubs. Those most inter-
ed to the medieval Knights Templars. Most trace their origin
ested were invited to join the Arcadia Clubs. The most
to the Order of the Temple founded in 1805 by Bernard-
dedicated members of the Arcadia Clubs were eventually in-
Raymond Fabré-Palaprat (1777–1838), a French physician
vited to join the true secret organization, the OTS. By 1989
and Freemason. After Palaprat’s death, the movement went
(possibly the year of its maximum success) the OTS had 442
through a number of schisms, and by 1950 more than one
members, most of them in French-speaking countries (only
hundred small neo-Templar bodies were in existence
sixteen in the United States). Jouret had considerable success
throughout the world. New groups emerged during the
in Quebec as a motivational speaker, especially at Hydro-
1950s, some of them claiming mystical experiences in which
Québec, the public hydroelectric utility of the province,
their founders were directly initiated as Knights Templars
where he recruited fifteen executives and managers for the
from the spirit world by ascended “Masters of the Temple.”
OTS between 1987 and 1989.
Jacques Breyer (1922–1996), a prolific French esoteric
By this time, the theme of an imminent end of the
author, claimed to have had such an experience with two
world (originating from certain ideas of Breyer, but includ-
companions on June 12, 1952, in the ruins of Arginy Castle
ing new elements about UFOs and extraterrestrials) was a
in France. These events led to the establishment of the Sover-
central part of OTS teaching. When the OTS apocalyptic
eign Order of the Solar Temple (Ordre Souverain du Temple
worldview was discovered behind the facade of Jouret’s moti-
Solaire, or OSTS). In the 1960s Julien Origas (1920–1983),
vational speeches, the group started to experience strong and
an interpreter who had served four years in jail for his war-
organized opposition.
time activities as a Nazi collaborator, became associated with
THE TRAGEDY. In 1991 the Martinique branch of ADFI
the Arginy movement, and established the Renewed Order
(Association pour la défense des familles et de l’individu, the
of the Temple (Ordre Rénové du Temple, or ORT) as an
largest French anticult organization) denounced the conver-
independent but related branch of the OSTS. On March 21,
sion of wealthy Martinicans to the OTS and their eventual
1981, the leaders of OSTS and ORT converged in a mystical
move to Quebec. ADFI-Martinique was able to join forces
ceremony in Geneva on the premises of a third organization,
with Rose-Marie Klaus, a disgruntled Swiss OTS ex-member
also recognized by Breyer as part of the Arginy movement:
whose husband Bruno had left her within the frame of new
the Golden Way Foundation, established by Joseph Di
“cosmic” marriage rearrangements introduced by Di Mam-
Mambro (1924–1994). The ceremony was—according to
bro and allegedly dictated by the ascended Masters. Eventu-
Di Mambro—at least as important as the Arginy experience,
ally, Klaus’s determined opposition made inroads: Jouret
and was later cited as the founding date of the Order of the
found it increasingly difficult to be invited as a motivational
Solar Temple.
speaker, and in February 1993 the Canadian police started
THE ORDER OF THE SOLAR TEMPLE. Di Mambro was born
investigating the Solar Temple. On March 8, 1993, two
in Pont-Saint-Esprit (Gard, France) in 1924. A jeweler by
OTS members, Jean-Pierre Vinet and Hermann Delorme,
trade, in 1956 he joined AMORC, the Ancient and Mystical
were arrested as they were attempting to buy semiautomatic
Order of the Rosy Cross. He left it around 1970, joined the
guns with silencers, illegal weapons in Quebec. A warrant for
Arginy movement, and—after a minor skirmish with French
arrest was also issued against Luc Jouret, at that time in Eu-
justice in 1971 for writing bad checks—moved to Anne-
rope. In fact, the arms deal had been arranged by a police
masse, near the Swiss border. He later moved to Switzerland,
informant engaged in a sting operation. The prosecution
where in 1973 he started a full-time career as teacher of yoga
ended with a “suspended acquittal” and a minor fine for Jou-
and occult philosophy. He also became the founder of several
ret, Vinet, and Delorme (with the latter leaving the OTS fol-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9068
TEMPLE SOLAIRE
lowing the incident). Rose-Marie Klaus managed to have
a spaceship or other extraterrestrial vehicle, but would be a
lurid accounts of the “cult of the end of the world” published
mystical suicide. At any rate, on October 4, 1994, fire de-
in the media. Vinet was fired from his position at Hydro-
stroyed Joseph Di Mambro’s villa in Morin Heights, Que-
Québec, and police investigations were launched in France
bec. Among the ruins, the police found five charred bodies.
and Australia, where Di Mambro had some financial inter-
Three of these people—the Dutoits and their infant son—
ests, later grossly exaggerated by sensationalist accounts in
had been stabbed to death before the fire. Having perpetrat-
the press.
ed or at least supervised the killings in Morin Heights, which
probably took place on September 30, Joël Egger and Domi-
It is not easy to determine whether the preparation for
nique Bellaton (the mother of the “genuine” cosmic child)
a “transit” of the core members of the OTS to another planet
joined forty-six other OTS members and children of mem-
(through suicide) was started before or after the first Canadi-
bers in Switzerland. In the early morning of October 5, the
an police actions in 1993. The first versions of the texts
police found all of them dead in two OTS centers in Cheiry
about the transit (proclaiming that the end of the world was
(canton of Fribourg) and Granges-sur-Salvan (canton Va-
near, and that it was eminently reasonable to leave planet
lais). Twenty-three bodies were found in Cheiry and twenty-
Earth in search of salvation on the star Sirius or on another
five in Granges-sur-Salvan, along with the remains of the de-
faraway planet) were probably written at about the time the
vices programmed to start the fires that almost destroyed
Canadian investigation was started in February 1993. That
both OTS centers. From the lengthy investigation of the
same year the OTS was confronted by two major factors of
Swiss police and judiciary, it seems that most of those dead
internal stress. In Quebec, dissension about Jouret’s leader-
in Cheiry were murdered, while at least half of those found
ship erupted, and Robert Falardeau, an officer with the Que-
in Granges-sur-Salvan committed suicide. But the dichoto-
bec Ministry of Finances, replaced him as Grand Master
my between suicide and murder is only part of the story.
(with Jouret remaining an important international leader).
Documents left by the Temple suggest that along with mur-
In Europe, Di Mambro had serious health problems. A num-
dered traitors and core members strong enough to under-
ber of French and Swiss members had left the OTS in 1993,
stand the full implications of the transit, there were also
wondering whether their money had not mostly been spent
weaker Templars. The latter did not oppose the idea of the
to support the leader’s luxurious lifestyle. Worst of all, ru-
transit (although they may have understood it as something
mors began circulating in 1990 that the most secret and sa-
different from a suicide), but they needed “help” to accom-
cred experience of the OTS—visible manifestations of the
plish it.
Masters of the Temple—were, in fact, holographic and elec-
tronic tricks stage-managed on behalf of Di Mambro by a
Interestingly, after the murders and suicides few former
loyal member, Antonio (Tony) Dutoit. These rumors led Di
members reinterpreted the OTS from the anticult perspec-
Mambro’s son, Elie, to quit the OTS. Dutoit and his wife
tive, and the majority continued to express sympathy for the
eventually confirmed the rumors, distanced themselves from
organization. It seems that Di Mambro had explicitly
Di Mambro, and in 1994 named their newborn baby Chris-
planned the survival of some “witnesses” by establishing the
topher Emmanuel. This was particularly intolerable for Di
ARC (Association for Cultural Research for the external
Mambro, who considered the name Emmanuel to be re-
world, but in fact the Association Rosy-Cross) in Avignon
served for his own daughter, who was named Emmanuelle,
on September 24, 1994. One of the speakers at the Avignon
but was addressed in the OTS as “Emmanuel,” as if she were
meeting was a well-known French conductor, Michel Ta-
male. Emmanuelle—allegedly conceived by Dominique Bel-
bachnik, who had joined the OTS some years earlier and had
laton, Di Mambro’s mistress, through cosmic intercourse
been an occasional speaker with Jouret in Quebec. The only
with an ascended Master—was regarded as the embodiment
public figure to survive the 1994 tragedy, he was accused by
of the cosmic Christ. As a consequence, Di Mambro become
a sensationalist press of being the secret leader of the OTS
persuaded that the infant Christopher Emmanuel Dutoit
or at least Di Mambro’s successor. Although he was acquit-
was the antichrist and another omen of the imminent end
ted in a criminal trial in France in 2001, Tabachnik’s musical
of the world.
career was compromised.
Within this climate, Di Mambro had a paranoid reac-
Notwithstanding the continued police interest in what
tion to the police investigations, and set in motion the chain
was left of the OTS, a second “transit” happened on Decem-
of events eventually leading to the “departure.” It is unclear
ber 23, 1995, when sixteen OTS members and three of their
when exactly messages from the Masters and from a “Heav-
children were found dead in the Vercors mountains, near
enly Lady” channeled by Di Mambro and by Camille Pilet
Grenoble, France. In a third incident, discovered on May 23,
(1926–1994)—the most prominent and wealthy business-
1997, in Saint-Casimir, Quebec, another five members of
man in the OTS and the alleged reincarnation of Joseph of
the OTS—including Bruno Klaus, the former husband of
Arimathea—started preparing the Templars for a “transit”
vocal apostate Rose-Marie Klaus—committed suicide. While
out of this world, but preparations probably began around
only a handful of persons who regard themselves as members
1990. It is also unclear when (probably in 1993) an inner
of the OTS or the ARC remain alive in Europe or Quebec
core of members learned that the transit would not involve
after the third incident, further suicides cannot be ruled out
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPTATION
9069
as long as some people continue to share the OTS ideology
to its historical study is by way of its symbols. The prototype
and regard the “transit” as both reasonable and desirable.
of these symbols and myths is the Genesis story of Adam and
Eve. Similar symbols are to be found in most African cul-
SEE ALSO Movement for the Restoration of the Ten Com-
tures. It seems that with these stories there is not yet the ques-
mandments of God; New Religious Movements, overview
tion of original sin but, rather, the more basic question: what
article and articles on New Religious Movements and Mil-
is the response of humanity when confronted with evil?
lennialism and New Religious Movements and Violence.
The Fall of Adam and Eve—of humanity in general—
BIBLIOGRAPHY
and its consequences are presented in the first twelve chapters
Hall, John R., and Philip Schuyler. “The Mystical Apocalypse of
of Genesis. There we see Cain tempted to do violence, a
the Solar Temple.” In Millennium, Messiahs, and Mayhem:
temptation to which he yields, killing his brother. The in-
Contemporary Apocalyptic Movements, edited by Thomas
crease in violence finds its symbol in Lamech, whose warlike
Robbins and Susan J. Palmer, pp. 285–311. New York,
attitude is reflected also in his relationship with women. Fi-
1997. An early scholarly approach.
nally, the world is so flooded with sin that Noah can with-
Introvigne, Massimo. “The Magic of Death: The Suicides of the
stand it only with utmost difficulty.
Solar Temple.” In Millennialism, Persecution, and Violence:
Historical Cases, edited by Catherine Wessinger,
However, while a one-sided, legalistic understanding of
pp. 138–157. Syracuse, N.Y., 2000.
faith and morality warned against the temptation of disobe-
Introvigne, Massimo, and Jean-François Mayer. “Occult Masters
dience, it remained blind to the temptation to disown the
and the Temple of Doom: The Fiery End of the Solar Tem-
prophetic tradition and blind to unjust structures and the
ple.” In Cults, Religion, and Violence, edited by David G.
unjust exercise of authority, which today’s Christians sharply
Bromley and J. Gordon Melton, pp. 170–188. New York,
denounce as “institutionalized temptations.”
2002. An assessment of the tragedy’s meaning.
All too often in Christendom the tendency prevailed to
Mayer, Jean-François. Der Sonnentempel: Die Tragödie einer Sekte.
condemn any form of doubt about religious and moral doc-
Updated ed. Freiburg, Germany, 1998. The standard schol-
trines and traditions, while today many Christians pray that
arly approach.
God may grace them with the courage to doubt at the right
Mayer, Jean-François. “‘Our Terrestrial Journey Is Coming to an
point and, thus, to be preserved from the disgraceful tempta-
End’: The Last Voyage of the Solar Temple.” Nova Religio:
tion of choosing a false security over the sincere search for
The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions 2, no. 2
truth. Some Christians seem not to care much about the exis-
(April 1999): 172–196.
tential question of whether they are truly on the road to sal-
MASSIMO INTROVIGNE (2005)
vation, but for Martin Luther and many other Christians of
all denominations, it has been a matter of faith to fight des-
perately against such a temptation.
TEMPTATION. Approaches to the complex phenome-
In Western religions there have always been conflicting
non of temptation are as diversified as are cultures, world-
trends between those who gave primacy to the fight against
views, the self-understanding of men and women, the con-
temptations arising from one’s own heart and those who gave
cept of sin, and so on. But behind all the astonishing
first place to fighting unjust and dehumanizing structures as
differences there might well be discovered agreement on one
the main sources of temptation. There were and still are
point: that the center of human temptation is egocentricity,
those who are overly optimistic about the individual’s battle
and genuine love is its victor. In the Judeo-Christian tradi-
against temptation and, at the same time, pessimistic about
tion, reflection on temptation arises in the quest for the
changing immoral society. Today many who call for renewal
sources of evil, which leads to a questioning of both God’s
of church institutions fall into the temptation of overlooking
nature and the nature of humankind. However, for the He-
the interwovenness of persons and society and the difficulty
brews, these questions were further complicated because of
of achieving simultaneously the ongoing individual conver-
their own negative reactions to earlier solutions put forth by
sion and the changing and healing of public life, including
their neighbors. A continuing theme in Israel’s history is the
church structures.
belief that their neighbors were tempting them to abandon
faith in Yahveh and the law of Moses. Consequently, they
For many religious people in the West it is still difficult
must destroy those who were or could become such a temp-
to recognize the enormous temptation involved in renounc-
tation. This sad pattern reappears in Christianity as a motive
ing one’s own responsibility and yielding to anguish instead
for the crusades, inquisitions, and the burning of so-called
of making clear decisions about the Christian’s mission to
witches. Christians were thus diverted from the actual, horri-
be salt to the earth. One aspect of this all-pervasive tempta-
fying temptations that drew them away from humanness,
tion is easy conformity to a culture of greed, consumerism,
love of neighbor, and even from the true image of God as
and a wasteful style of life.
a merciful Father of all.
Christians are awakening only gradually to the tempta-
The problem of temptation seems to resist a rational,
tion to waste our human and ecological resources. Many are
conceptual approach. Perhaps the most adequate approach
struggling with the temptation to render indiscriminate mili-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9070
TEMPTATION
tary service and grant one’s own government a blind pre-
by consistently rebuking the sinner who wants to exculpate
sumption of righteousness in respect to armaments, arms
himself by inculpating others.
sales, and military actions. Perhaps here, however, we are be-
Temptation arises from within. James is most explicit:
ginning to perceive a major shift in Western Christianity’s
“Temptation arises when a man is enticed and lured away
approach to the theme of temptation.
by his own lust” (1:14). Here the author of James follows the
DEFINITION OF TEMPTATION. For Immanuel Kant, tempta-
main line of the synoptic Gospels, as when Jesus calls for
tion is the paradoxical expression of the human person, des-
change of heart, for purification of one’s inmost thoughts
tined by nature for the good yet inclined to do evil. He de-
and desires: “It is from within men’s hearts that evil inten-
fines temptation as a challenge to live one’s freedom for good
tions emerge” (Mk. 7:20). James speaks of epithumia
in the purest way.
(“desire”), which in the Jewish thought of the time referred
to the ambivalent impulses and inclinations (or yetser) as-
In the Septuagint, and consequently in Christian tradi-
signed to Adam and Eve in rabbinic literature to explain their
tion, the Greek word peirasmos indicates quite different con-
capacity for being tempted. Augustine’s term concupiscence
cepts in different contexts. Often it refers to sinful people
does not correspond exactly to yetser. While the Hebrew
“tempting God,” murmuring against him and challenging
scriptures and rabbinic literature try to understand human
him in unbelief and distrust (cf. Ex. 17:1–7). The New Tes-
vulnerability to temptation as epithumia, Augustine believes
tament, too, warns against this temptation of humans “to
temptation to be based on our heritage of sin from Adam.
tempt God,” to challenge him (1 Cor. 10:9), to defy him in
We may understand concupiscence as that inner inclination
disobedience (Heb. 3:8), to request from him miraculous in-
for temptation and sin, the intensity of which depends on
terventions at a whim or for purposes of self-exaltation (cf.
unrepented sins, the weakness or lack of a fundamental op-
Mt. 4:7: “You are not to put the Lord your God to the test”).
tion for God and for the good, and the attraction to sin that
Most frequently, however, the word temptation is used
comes from a sinful world around us, where the sins of the
to describe humans being tempted in various ways. Two
past continue to poison the human environment.
forms of peirasmos have to be distinguished carefully. One
This same idea is present also in thought about the
concerns the various troubles and trials seen as an opportuni-
struggle that exists in our inmost being between sarx and
ty, or kairos, for the believer to strengthen his faith, his en-
pneuma (or “body” and “spirit”). For Paul, temptation mani-
durance, and, finally, his capacity to share in Christ’s re-
fests in our lower nature, the body, and is supported by the
demptive suffering. James 1:2–3 describes this kind of
collective selfishness and arrogance present in all humanity.
peirasmos: “Whenever you have to face trials of many kinds,
The sarx—and with it, temptation—loses power to the de-
count yourselves supremely happy in the knowledge that
gree that we are renewed and guided by the pneuma.
such testing of your faith breeds fortitude, and if you give
fortitude full play you will go on to complete a balanced
God does not tempt anyone. James’s great concern that
character.” Sometimes only the victorious conclusion of such
“God is untouched by evil” (1:14) already existed in Jewish
a trial allows the positive evaluation of the event, as in James
wisdom literature. The main concern of the oldest Israelite
or, even more evidently, in the beatitudes (Mt. 5:11–12, Lk.
tradition, however, was the absolute rejection of any kind of
6:21–23).
dualism: God has absolute sovereignty. The distinction
found in this tradition between being “put to the test” by
The other kind of peirasmos refers to temptation in the
dangerous temptation or by trials destined to purify or refine
sense of endangering salvation, that is, when the person is
had not yet been neatly elaborated.
assaulted from within and/or from without by godless pow-
A striking example is in a comparison of the story of
ers aimed at his downfall. The Lord exhorts us to pray that
David’s temptation regarding a census, as told in 2 Samuel
we may not be brought to such dangerous tests: “And lead
with the later story in 1 Chronicles. The first account says,
us not into temptation” (Mt. 6:13, Lk. 11:4). Christ warns
“The anger of Yahveh once again blazed out against the Isra-
his disciples that his own terrible trial can become for them
elites, and he incited David against them. ‘Go,’ he said, ‘take
a dangerous test: “Stay awake, all of you; and pray that you
a census of Israel and Judah’” (2 Sm. 24:1). In those days a
may be spared, that you may not enter into temptation” (Mk.
census was considered an attack on God’s prerogative to give
14:38).
increase to his people. Hence David was punished by a pesti-
Martin Luther is particularly anxious that we do not
lence that diminished the nation. The author of 1 Chronicles
confuse those tests in which God guides us through the trial
is more careful about the image of God as one of absolute
from beginning to end with those temptations into which
goodness; he gives another version: “Satan rose against David
we walk self-confidently from the start and thus expose our-
to take a census of the Israelites” (1 Chr. 21). In this later
selves to the danger of downfall.
tradition monotheism had become so firmly established that
T
the introduction of a tempter inimical to God’s people was
EMPTATION AND THE TEMPTER. While the scripture warns
us against the tempter in his various disguises, the main em-
not to be feared.
phasis is on our own “heart,” our personal response to temp-
The wisdom literature provided helpful distinctions and
tations. The Bible calls on Christians to take responsibility
directions of thought. The authors were careful not to allow
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPTATION
9071
the sinner any exoneration and to avoid any contamination
us and around us” (La symbolique du mal, vol. 2, p. 242).
by dualism. Their greatest care was to show God’s wisdom
That would bring into the whole vision of the first twelve
in the sovereign government of world and history.
chapters of Genesis a sharper awareness of the various dimen-
sions of solidarity in either good or evil, including the cosmic
Temptation, uncomfortable as it may be, is an ingredi-
dimension and the need for humans to decide one way or
ent of life. Those who put their trust in God will overcome
the other.
it, and it serves moral growth in their life. God does not in-
cite to evil, but he allows both suffering and temptation as
While theologians and preachers during the last centu-
tests for the virtuous. “God has put them to the test and
ries frequently identified the serpent of Genesis with Satan
proved them worthy to be with him; he has tested them like
or the devil, there seems to be a growing consensus among
gold in a furnace, and accepted them as holocausts” (Wis.
biblical scholars and theologians that in the early tradition
3:5). The sinner has no excuse, since he falls because of lack
reflected in Genesis 3, nobody thought or spoke of Satan, the
of love and fear of God. Those who truly adhere to God will
personified Evil One. In his 1937–1938 work Creation and
make good use of freedom.
Fall: A Theological Interpretation of Genesis 1–3 and Tempta-
tion, Dietrich Bonhoeffer was insisting already that this nar-
This is succinctly expressed by Jesus, son of Sirach: “Do
rative has no need of diaboli ex machina. The serpent symbol-
not say, ‘the Lord is responsible for my sinning,’ for he is
izes the ambiguity of people, their human relationships, and
never the cause of what he hates. Do not say, ‘it was he who
their environment.
led me astray,’ for he has no use for a sinner. The Lord hates
all that is foul, and no one who fears him will love it either.
Satan and his helpers. Satan interests us here only in
He himself made him in the beginning, and left him free to
relation to temptation. What does the tempter add to the un-
make his own decisions. . . . To behave faithfully is within
derstanding of temptation? In the older tradition, Satan
your power” (Sir. 15:11–16).
never appears; it is God who tests man and calls him to deci-
sion (Seesemann, 1968, p. 25). In the Book of Job, we find
The serpent and the woman in Genesis 3. The narra-
God testing man in much the same way as he tested Abra-
tive of the fall is an anthropological myth of great depth and
ham. The successful end is decisive: the person who counts
complexity. Its symbols express ancient Israelite reflections
on God will overcome temptation. What is new in Job is that
on the origin of evil. It depicts in a lively way the diversionary
God acts through intermediary forces.
rhetoric of the sinner, who always needs a scapegoat for his
own vindication. Adam attempts to use Eve as his scapegoat,
The nebulous Satan here has nothing to do with the
while Eve blames the serpent. Some see in the role attributed
super-Satan of the Persian religion or with the apocalyptic
to Eve a deeply ingrained misogyny in the Yahvistic authors.
and threatening “prince of darkness” of later writings in Ju-
Paul Ricoeur may come closer to the intention of the narra-
daism and Christianity. This Satan is a not very effective lit-
tive when he writes in his La symbolique du mal (Paris, 1960)
erary effort meant to exonerate God from appearing as the
that the woman here is not so much the “second sex” as, rath-
source of evil. Such a Satan becomes a real threat to the suf-
er, an expression of the human being’s frailty, man’s as well
ferer through those “friends” who, having a false image of
as woman’s (vol. 2, p. 239). The story exposes the sin of
God, judge the sufferer to be one who deserves such punish-
Adam more than that of Eve, because it unmasks Adam’s
ment. For the sufferer, these friends are indeed Satan’s cruel-
domineering attitude toward the woman (Gn. 3:16). In the
est helpers. Even Christ on the cross was exposed to them:
fall, man too must confess: “This is flesh of my flesh.” There
the pseudo-religious people who insulted him. Job’s victory
is a solidarity in both salvation and perdition.
over this temptation occurs because of his trustful adoration
of the ever greater God.
Why is the serpent introduced to allow man to exoner-
ate himself? We can respond that the very mechanism of ex-
The shrewd Satan who tempts Jesus in the desert em-
culpation is part of sinful man, since when he confesses his
bodies the insidious temptation put to Christianity in the
sin humbly before the merciful God, he finds no need to ac-
first and following centuries. The misuse of the Bible by clev-
cuse others. Yet there is still more in this anthropological
erly twisting its words to create false meanings tempted peo-
metaphor. The serpent is also a creature, one that is “the
ple away from the faith.
most subtle of all the wild beasts God has made” (Gn. 3:1).
Satan represents also the terrible temptation of a too
It becomes a metaphoric presentation of man’s subtle pursuit
earthly understanding of the messianic hope of Israel and the
of his egotism and his no less subtle self-defense and self-
mission of Christ. This is seen strikingly when Jesus rebukes
belying mechanisms (cf. Philbert Avril, Délivre-nous du mal,
Peter for refusing to believe in a suffering and humble ser-
Paris, 1981, p. 23).
vant-Messiah: “Away with you, Satan; you are a stumbling-
block to me, because the way you think is not God’s but
Ricoeur thinks that this is also the way James’s epistle
man’s” (Mt. 16:23).
explains the self-deceptive concupiscence. The serpent is a
part of ourselves as long as we have not the strength of truth
Satan at his most shameless—asking Jesus to adore
to unmask the shrewdness of our exonerating maneuvers. It
him—mirrors the vain self-glorification of the earthly powers
might also symbolize “the chaotic disorder in myself, among
of the time, particularly in the divinization of the Roman
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9072
TEMPTATION
emperors. The figure of Satan should not turn attention
lematic as it may be, opposed tenaciously the dualism of
away from these perennial temptations but should emphasize
Manichaeism. Sinners—even the tempter and his helpers—
the superhuman dimension. It is a sharp warning against be-
because they are God’s creatures, keep, somehow, a remnant
littling any situation of temptation.
of goodness. The theory also intended to emphasize that no
sinner on earth should be considered a hopeless case.
As we saw in Genesis 3, for the believer there is no way
of denying guilt by pointing to a tempter or to the devil.
For many contemporary Christians this thought is un-
Aware of the powers of darkness in their mysterious solidari-
acceptable in view of the diabolical crimes in our times. Mo-
ty of perdition, the followers of Christ put their trust in God
handas Gandhi, however, thought that the coherent and
and make the wholehearted decision for his reign, a reign of
thorough spirituality of satya¯graha (“doing the truth in love”)
justice, peace, and love. They put on “all the armor which
could hope to change even persons like Adolf Hitler and Jo-
God provides to stand firm against the devices of the devil”
seph Stalin into satya¯grahins. For Gandhi, “it is an article of
(Eph. 6:10). They will not only avoid being tempters in any
faith that no man has fallen so low that he cannot be re-
way, helpers of the powers of darkness, but will commit
deemed by love” (quoted by Pie-Raymond Reagmey in Non-
themselves to active and generous membership in a solidarity
violence and the Christian Conscience, London, 1966,
of salvation.
p. 199). This optimism is not a blindness to the horrifying
evil present in humans but a recognition of the power of their
This was the mind of the early church in an integrated
spirit, enkindled and guided by the universal spirit to over-
discourse on the Christian’s decision for Christ and for battle
come such evil at all costs. It may be one of the most diabolic
against temptations arising from the gnostic and Manichaean
temptations of Western people not to consider this opportu-
trend toward speculations on angelic and demonic hierar-
nity and be willing to pay its price in order to overcome the
chies. We find this sobriety still in Thomas Aquinas. But in
diabolically vicious circle of nuclear madness.
the following centuries great parts of Western Christianity
indulged in fantastic speculations about witches and a slavish
PSYCHOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES. Psychoanalysis and psycho-
fear of devils as well as ritual exorcisms of them, while lacking
therapy have made major contributions to a better under-
trust in God and making no firm decision for an all-
standing of the mechanisms of various temptations. We note
embracing solidarity.
especially the ego-defense mechanism of repression (uncon-
scious forgetting or prevention of consciousness) of what is
Today there is a strong reaction, partially in favor of the
too difficult to face consciously. It could be, for instance, a
original sobriety and partially in indifference to the figure of
call to a more truthful search for life’s deeper meaning. Re-
Satan, whereby the vast dimensions and blinding powers of
pression usually works through a security complex which re-
evil are lost to sight. Referring to Ernst Bloch, Leszek Kola-
fuses to let reality challenge it.
kowski, in his Gespräche mit dem Teufel (3d ed., Munich,
1977), wonders whether some Christians realize the depth
Karl Menninger notes that temptations and sins arise
and cosmic dimensions of evil. Reading Kolakowski one
from the “huge world of the unmanifest” (1973, p. 221).
thinks of the devilish temptation to expect a paradise of peace
The “unmanifest” includes not only whatever the filter of re-
in the midst of ever increasing conflict and hatred.
pression is hiding but also unconfessed guilt feelings which
often become confused with real guilt. On this point, Men-
The Christian discourse on the tempter points to the
ninger refers to the Bible: “If we say we have no sin, we de-
great temptations arising from bad example and evil
ceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us” (1 Jn. 1:8).
“friends” who initiate the inexperienced into the skills of
The result of the individual and collective temptation
crime and corruption. The diabolic temptation seeks directly
to deny sin and guilt is frequently undefinable anguish, feel-
the moral corruption of others. It is masterfully described in
ings of senselessness, and/or despair about human freedom
the famous novel Les liaisons dangereuses (1782) by Choder-
and dignity. The deeper source of these temptations is an un-
los de Laclos. Laclos exposes both the superficial optimism
willingness “to do the truth in love,” thereby hindering truth
of the Enlightenment and the libertinism of the time preced-
from setting us free (cf. Jn. 8:31–41).
ing the French Revolution. The book aroused much anger
in its time, since it disclosed the truth of fallen humans, who
Another ego-defense is the tendency to project one’s
can go to the limits of malice and cunning in tempting oth-
own evil inclinations on another, on some villain. In her
ers, especially those devoted to virtue. But even to those most
work with children, psychotherapist Christine Lutz found
skilled and aggressive tempters there come moments when
that the healing and growth of moral sense progressed when
humanness somehow shines through, insinuating “that mal-
the children realized that what they saw in others was, to a
ice does not constitute a hopeless and irrevocable fact in
great extent, a projection of their own shortcomings (Kinder
human existence” (Knufmann, 1965, p. 202).
und das Böse: Konfrontation und Geborgenheit, Stuttgart,
1980).
This idea was theologized by Origen, who wanted to
leave open the hope that after a long duration of “eternity”
Depth psychology has studied the mechanism of aggres-
even the devil and his helpers might be converted and saved
sion. On the one hand, there is the danger of trying to repress
by the divine power of apokatastasis. Origen’s thought, prob-
it instead of channeling it wisely. On the other hand, there
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEMPTATION
9073
is the uncontrolled and mutually contagious mechanism that
Another biblical direction is to combat evil by doing
leads to the vicious circle of aggressive challenges and aggres-
good, to overcome violent injustice by doing the truth of love
sive reactions. Although psychology suggests that it is some-
in nonviolent commitment (cf. Rom. 12:21; 1 Thes. 5:15; 1
times liberating to allow one’s anger an honest expression,
Pt. 3:9; and above all, Mt. 5). For believers, all temptations—
Menninger rightly warns: “But there is always a temptation
but particularly those arising from the vicious circle of vio-
to use it as a whip, and what begins as a device for relief con-
lence—are a challenge to sanctity, to redemptive love. An
tinues as a weapon for aggression” (1973, p. 144).
unrenounceable perspective grows out of Paul’s understand-
ing of the combat between sarx and pneuma, whereby false
SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES. The broad theological ex-
images of love and freedom are exposed by searching whole-
pression “sin of the world” is given sharper contours in mod-
heartedly for true love aided by the promptings of the spirit
ern studies on “institutionalized temptation.” In his book
(cf. Gal. 5:13, 6:2).
Our Criminal Society (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1969), Edwin
M. Shur has an apt formulation: “In a sense, existing patterns
SEE ALSO Apocatastasis; Evil; Fall, The.
of crime represent a price we pay for structuring society as
we have structured it” (p. 9). In a society and culture that
BIBLIOGRAPHY
emphasize “having” over “being,” with an educational system
There are innumerable books and articles concerning the tempta-
oriented to personal success and a whole economic system
tion of Jesus and, in that light, temptation in general. The
that encourages increasing consumption, people yield
following books merit special attention: Ernest Best’s The
thoughtlessly to temptations, and nobody feels guilty. “No
Temptation and the Passion: The Markan Soteriology (Cam-
one thinks sin was involved” (Menninger, 1973, p. 120).
bridge, 1965) and Jacques Dupont’s Les tentations de Jésus au
The “respectable crimes” of the wealthy and powerful, their
désert (Paris, 1968). Both books contain excellent bibliogra-
unpunished corruption, and their clever manipulations are
phies. A comprehensive presentation of the church fathers’
constant incitement for others to further injustice and dis-
explanation of the biblical texts and their application to the
honesty in smaller matters. The little thief is caught and con-
understanding of Christian life is found in Santino Raponi’s
demned to a prison system in which massive temptations are
Tentazione ed Esistenza Cristiana (Rome, 1974). On the bib-
lical use of the term peirasmos, see Heinrich Seesemann’s
forced upon inexperienced transgressors of the law.
Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, edited by Ger-
The people of wealthy countries have adopted lifestyles
hard Friedrich (Grand Rapids, 1968), vol. 6, pp. 23–36. See
inseparably connected with the predatory exploitation of the
Horst Beintker’s study Die Überwindung der Anfechtung bei
Luther (Berlin, 1954) for an overview of Martin Luther’s ap-
earth’s resources and pollution of the environment. Here we
proach to temptation from the perspective of the doctrine of
see temptations of planetary dimensions that increase the
justification by faith. Helmut Thielicke’s Theologie der An-
tensions between countries of free enterprise and those of
fechtung (Tübingen, 1949) is representative of a good part of
massive state capitalism. How many horrifying temptations
Protestant theology’s discussion of the issue. Also important
are involved in the arms race, the arms trade, and, above all,
is Dietrich Bonhoeffer’s Creation and Fall: A Theological In-
the nuclear threat! One source of the massive “institutional-
terpretation of Genesis 1–3 and Temptation (1937–1938; New
ized temptations” is the lack of prophetic voices; another is
York, 1965). While at times emphasizing the power of Satan,
the unwillingness to pay earnest attention to those voices that
Bonhoeffer never allows for man’s exculpation. His ideas
might be heard.
seem to reflect the time of great affliction for the church in
Germany.
THEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES. In a brief synthesis of theo-
Of the numerous studies about the impact of a poisoned environ-
logical perspectives that recur continuously, the point of de-
ment and a defective culture and society on temptation, Re-
parture for the Christian is Jesus having been tempted as we
inhold Niebuhr’s Moral Man and Immoral Society (New
are: “Since he himself has passed through the test of suffer-
York, 1932) and Edwin M. Shur’s Our Criminal Society (En-
ing, he is able to help those who are meeting their test now”
gelwood Cliffs, N. J., 1969) are noteworthy. In his much-
(Heb. 2:18). The church fathers stressed the point that it was
read book, Whatever Became of Sin? (New York, 1973), Karl
after his baptism that Jesus underwent the temptation, and
Menninger points to the mechanisms and temptations of de-
they connect this with the final test of his passion. Similarly,
nying sin and thus, also, human freedom and responsibility.
those baptized in Christ can best face temptation and suffer-
C. S. Lewis attempts to unmask real temptation in his widely
known book The Screwtape Letters (New York, 1946). Hel-
ing by putting their trust in Christ and holding fast to their
mut Knufmann reflects on novelists’ treatment of tempta-
baptismal commitment.
tion as a theme in his book Das Böse in den Liaisons
Dangereuses de Choderlos de Laclos (Munich, 1965).
Jesus overcame temptation not just by enduring the suf-
fering it brought but by making this very suffering the su-
New Sources
preme sign of God’s love and saving solidarity. That this love
Brewer, Talbot. “The Character of Temptation: Towards a More
is the goal of all Christians is revealed by gospels that unmask
Plausible Kantian Moral Philosophy.” Pacific Philosophical
the temptations involved in clinging to laws while betraying
Quarterly 83 (June 2002): 103–131.
the covenant, now understood as the supreme law of unself-
Schiavo, Luigi. “The Temptation of Jesus: The Eschatological
ish, all-embracing love between God and humankind.
Battle and the New Ethic of the First Followers of Jesus in
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9074
TEN COMMANDMENTS
Q.” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 83 (June
27:15–16 and in portions of the section of the Torah some-
2002): 103–131.
times called the “Book of the Covenant” (Ex. 20:23–23:33).
Sorabji, Richard. Emotion and Peace of Mind: From Stoic Agitation
See, for example, Exodus 21:15–17, where short, categorial
to Christian Temptation. New York, 2000.
legal pronouncements appear.
BERNHARD HÄRING (1987)
The Ten Commandments are alluded to in a number
Revised Bibliography
of places in the Hebrew scriptures, in the Qumran literature,
and in the New Testament, although they are rarely quoted
exactly and do not appear at all in a complete listing outside
of Exodus and Deuteronomy. The prologue is found in a num-
TEN COMMANDMENTS. The Ten Command-
ber of places (Hos. 13:4, Ps. 81:10/11), and there are lists of
ments (or the Decalogue) appear twice in the Hebrew scrip-
some of the prohibitions in several places (Hos. 4:2, Mk.
tures, at Exodus 20:1–17 and at Deuteronomy 5:6–21. There
10:17–22 and parallels). But the fundamental outlook of the
are differences between the two listings, but the order and
Ten Commandments is characteristic for the Jewish and
the general contents are substantially identical. The com-
Christian communities through the centuries. God will not
mandments may be grouped as follows:
have the divine name and selfhood profaned, for the Creator
• Commandments 1–3: God’s self-identification, followed
remains free and sovereign over against the creation. God de-
by commandments against the worship of other gods,
mands rest from labor as well as labor, and he will not toler-
idolatry, and misuse of the divine name (Ex. 20:1–7, Dt.
ate the mistreatment of elderly parents by adult children.
5:6–11).
God claims authority over human life and demands respect
for life on the part of all. God will not permit the violation
• Commandments 4–5: Positive commands to observe the
of the extended life of human beings in their social and insti-
Sabbath and to honor parents (Ex. 20:8–12, Dt. 5:12–
tutional relations.
16).
The Ten Commandments became a fixed part of Chris-
• Commandments 6–7: Prohibitions of violent acts against
tian catechetical practice and worship. Less prominent in
neighbors, namely, killing and adultery (Ex. 20:13–14,
Islam, they are implicit in much that Muh:ammad taught. In
Dt. 5:17–18).
the course of Christian history they have frequently contrib-
• Commandments 8–10: Prohibitions of crimes against
uted to narrowness of vision and legalism. Yet it seems likely
community life, namely, stealing, testifying falsely, and
that they have contributed much more by way of positive
hankering after the life and goods of neighbors (Ex.
guidance to the community. Negatively put categorical state-
20:15–17, Dt. 5:19–21).
ments of this sort provide moral orientation of the commu-
nity, the defining characteristics of a people, showing what
In the Jewish and Christian communities the order has occa-
is simply not allowed. The Ten Commandments require
sionally varied, and the numbering has varied considerably,
positive statements of what idolatry means, what murder is,
especially in the different Christian communions. Tables list-
how the Sabbath is to be observed, and the like. They consti-
ing the various enumerations can be found in works by Har-
tute not so much a constriction of human freedom as an invi-
relson (1980) and Nielsen (1968). The prologue with which
tation to the community to claim its proper freedom within
the list opens, both in Exodus and in Deuteronomy, belongs
the confines of what would be ruinous for it.
to the Ten Commandments: “I am the Lord your God, who
brought you out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of
SEE ALSO Israelite Law, overview article; Israelite Religion.
bondage.” In the oldest listing of the “Ten Words” (Ex.
34:28), the prologue may not have appeared, but it became
BIBLIOGRAPHY
attached to the list early in Israel’s history, setting the de-
Greenberg, Moshe. “Decalogue.” In Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 5.
mands of God into the context of divine grace and mercy.
Jerusalem, 1971.
The origin of the Ten Commandments is traditionally
Harrelson, Walter. The Ten Commandments and Human Rights.
traced to Moses. There is no adequate reason to doubt the
Philadelphia, 1980.
accuracy of the tradition, even though the present form of
Nielsen, Eduard. The Ten Commandments in New Perspective. Na-
the Ten Commandments is considerably later than Moses’
perville, Ill., 1968.
time. None of the individual commandments, which were
Stamm, J. J., with M. E. Andrew. The Ten Commandments in Re-
probably originally brief, pithy prohibitions of actions ruled
cent Research. 2d ed. Naperville, Ill., 1967.
out in principle, requires a dating later than the time of
WALTER HARRELSON (1987)
Moses. The grouping of the ten may belong to the time
when the tribes of Israel had settled in Canaan and main-
tained ties across tribal lines; some scholars would assign the
collection to a later time, perhaps to the ninth century BCE.
TENDAISHU
¯ . The Japanese Tendai School takes its
The closest analogies to the Ten Commandments in the He-
name from the Tiantai (Japanese, Tendai) School in China,
brew scriptures appear in the curse ritual of Deuteronomy
which was located on Mount Tiantai. Japanese monks care-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TENDAISHU
¯
9075
fully studied the Tiantai texts they obtained in China, but
dai finally came to dominate Hosso¯ and Shingon. Ryo¯gen
after the ninth century CE relatively little exchange occurred
was also responsible for improvements to Tendai Esoteric rit-
between the Chinese and Japanese schools. As a result, Japa-
uals, making them more elaborate or using them in new ways
nese Tendai developed in ways that were frequently distinct
to attract the patronage of the nobility.
from its Chinese antecedent. In the following paragraphs the
The introduction of the nobility into the governance of
institutional development of the school is discussed, followed
Tendai resulted in a number of significant changes in Ten-
by some of its doctrinal developments.
dai. Noble lineages came to control a number of cloisters,
INSTITUTIONAL HISTORY. Tendai was initially based on
called monzeki, thereby limiting access for commoners to the
writings by the Tiantai exegetes Zhiyi (538–597 CE) and
positions of authority in Tendai. The transmission of special
Zhanran (711–782 CE) that had been brought to Japan by
Esoteric rituals and secret doctrines within such lineages con-
Jianzhen (Japanese, Ganjin, 688–763 CE). The de facto
tributed to increasing factional tendencies within Tendai.
founder of the school, Saicho¯ (767–822 CE, also known by
Separate lineages representing both Esoteric and Exoteric
his posthumous title Dengyo¯ daishi) was able to obtain these
teaching formed. In addition, the lands controlled by Tendai
texts while he was practicing on Mount Hiei and was so im-
institutions had to be administered and protected, resulting
pressed by them that he traveled to China to obtain better
in special classes of monks who performed these functions.
copies. When Saicho¯ returned from China in 805 CE, he
Tendai monks had engaged in factional disputes with
found that the court was more interested in the Esoteric
Hosso¯ and Shingon monks from early in Tendai history.
Buddhist (mikkyo¯) doctrines he brought back than in Tiantai
These factional tendencies eventually turned inward, partial-
doctrine. As a reward for performing Esoteric rituals to heal
ly because of competition among lineages for patronage and
the emperor’s illness, Saicho¯ was awarded two yearly ordi-
control of the Esoteric rituals that appealed to the nobility.
nands by the court; this marks the establishment of the
The origins of this particularly virulent dispute began with
school. Saicho¯’s understanding of Esoteric Buddhism did not
a debate over who should succeed Saicho¯’s disciple Gishin
equal that of Ku¯kai (774–835 CE), founder of the Shingon
(781–833 CE) as zasu. The factions eventually coalesced
school, who returned to Japan in 806 CE. As a result the Ten-
around those who traced their lineages back to two of the
dai monks Ennin (794–864 CE) and Enchin (814–891 CE)
great figures of Tendai Esoteric Buddhism, Ennin and En-
traveled to China, where they spent more time studying Eso-
chin. The connection with Esoteric Buddhism was not acci-
teric Buddhism than Ku¯kai, brought back more texts than
dental, because this tradition valued the integrity of ritual
Ku¯kai, and introduced new rituals that appealed to patrons
lineages that preserved secrets connected with the perfor-
from the imperial family and the noble classes. Consequent-
mance of rituals. Because the rituals were conducted for the
ly, the school flourished and successfully competed with
nobility, considerable economic advantages accrued to those
Shingon.
who could preserve the secrecy of their lineage. Arguments
Still a small group of monks 120 years after Saicho¯’s
continued to revolve around appointments as zasu and ab-
death, the Tendai school was significantly less influential
bots of major temples until the monks in Enchin’s lineage
than its long-time rival, the Hosso¯ school. Although it had
were forced to withdraw from Mount Hiei and make Onjo¯ji
enjoyed sporadic successes, particularly under Ennin and En-
(also known as Miidera), located at the foot of Mount Hiei,
chin, the school had sunk into a period of decline. Tendai
their base late in the tenth century, near the end of Ryo¯gen’s
was revived and came to dominate the Japanese Buddhist
tenure as zasu. The tensions between the two groups contin-
world during the administration of Ryo¯gen (912–985
ued to erupt sporadically in subsequent centuries, occasional-
CE).
When many of the buildings on Mount Hiei burned down
ly resulting in bloodshed and the burning of each other’s
in 966
temples. Both groups were further subdivided into ritual and
CE, shortly after he had assumed the leadership of the
school as zasu, Ryo¯gen obtained funding to rebuild them
doctrinal lineages that used oral transmissions (kuden) to
from Fujiwara Morosuke (908–960
propagate their teachings and ritual practices.
CE), the power behind
the throne. In return for Morosuke’s support, Ryo¯gen or-
The Tendai educational system was so influential dur-
dained Morosuke’s son Jinzen (943–990 CE) and designated
ing the medieval period that virtually all of the founders of
him as the next Tendai zasu. Jinzen’s relatives later assumed
the Kamakura schools of Buddhism received their early
many leadership positions in the Tendai school and con-
training in Tendai institutions. Several, such as Ho¯nen
trolled many of the lands that Morosuke had given to Ten-
(1133–1212) and Eisai (1141–1215), remained Tendai
dai; they performed Esoteric rituals to insure their clan’s con-
monks for most of their lives.
tinuing domination of the Japanese political scene.
The end of much of Mount Hiei’s secular power came
Ryo¯gen also renovated Tendai education through a sys-
in 1571 as part of Oda Nobunaga’s (1534–1582) efforts to
tem of debate. Tendai scholar-monks were expected to mem-
reunify Japan. To do so he had to eliminate rival political
orize vast amounts of literature, to be able to recite passages
and military powers. Because Tendai had long been involved
relevant to doctrinal problems, and then to resolve any con-
in Japanese politics through the many monks with noble lin-
tradictions between the texts. Monks who excelled at this
eages, Oda ordered his troops to make an example of Mount
were given high appointments by the court. As a result Ten-
Hiei. They burned all of the mountain’s monasteries and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TENDAISHU
¯
9076
killed as many monks, women, and children as they could
a campaign with the slogan “Light up your corner,” based
find. Tendai influence was eventually reestablished, though
on a quotation from one of Saicho¯’s works. It also sponsored
never to the extent it had enjoyed earlier, by Tenkai (1536?–
a number of interfaith peace conferences while Yamada Etai
1643), who obtained the support of Tokugawa Ieyasu
(1895–1994) was head of the school.
(1542–1616), the first military ruler of the Tokugawa peri-
od. Tenkai gathered many of the surviving Tendai texts, re-
Like other schools of Japanese Buddhism, modern Ten-
instituted the Tendai educational system and its associated
dai is beset by a number of basic problems. The school must
figure out a means to educate and inspire young monks,
rituals, established Nikko¯ as a mausoleum for Ieyasu and his
many of whom become monks because they come from tem-
descendants, and founded KanDeiji as the equivalent of
ple families, not because they are excited about Buddhism.
Mount Hiei in the new capital, Tokyo.
Poor temples in the country need better support and are
During the middle of the Tokugawa period, a move-
short of monks. The role of women, both temple wives and
ment to reform the Tendai school by changing the ordina-
nuns, is not clear. Tendai needs to find better ways of reach-
tion system was begun by Myo¯ryu¯ (1637–1690), a monk
ing out to both current and potential parishioners. Tendai
who had first been ordained in the Rinzai Zen tradition and
programs in social welfare are not clearly defined. Such prob-
then converted to Tendai after reading through the Buddhist
lems are not unique to Tendai, but their solutions will cer-
canon. Myo¯ryu¯ noted that Saicho¯ had stated that bodhisattva
tainly affect the future of the school.
monks should first be ordained with the Maha¯ya¯na bodhi-
DOCTRINAL ISSUES. After Saicho¯ returned from China, he
sattva precepts from the Brahma¯’s Net Su¯tra (Fanwangjing),
wrote a document describing the lineages of the teachings he
a Chinese Buddhist apocryphal text. According to Saicho¯,
received in China: Tendai, Esoteric Buddhism, bodhisattva
monks were then to be ordained with the 250 precepts used
precepts, and Chan. Besides these, several other doctrinal
by all monks in East Asia from Four-Part Vinaya (Sifenlu)
movements came to play important roles within Tendai, in-
after they had finished twelve years of practice on Mount
cluding Pure Land, Shinto (Sanno¯ Shinto¯), and an extension
Hiei. Until that point almost all Tendai monks had rejected
of Tendai doctrine that is referred to by twentieth-century
the Sifenlu precepts. Myo¯ryu¯ and his disciple Reiku¯ (1652–
scholars as “original enlightenment thought” (hongaku shiso¯).
1739) gained the patronage of ordained members of the im-
In the following discussion these are surveyed under the ru-
perial family and the military government to advance their
brics of Tendai and original enlightenment, Esoteric Bud-
case. Another monk, Shinryu¯ (b. 1711), eventually criticized
dhism, bodhisattva precepts, and Pure Land.
the reform movement, and the military government ordered
that all Tendai monks were to be ordained with only the bo-
Tendai doctrine. Chinese Tiantai doctrine regarded
dhisattva precepts. Even though the effort to reinstitute
the Lotus Su¯tra as the Buddha’s highest teaching. In fact, the
H¯ınaya¯na ordinations failed, other parts of the reform move-
school was sometimes called the Tendai Hokkeshu¯ (Tendai
ment succeeded, including a 1689 prohibition on an Esoteric
Lotus school). This su¯tra was used to harmonize the various
ritual and oral transmission that affirmed that all desire, just
teachings within Buddhism (kaie), demonstrating that all
as it is, was ultimate truth (homage to the profound tenet,
other forms of Buddhism were expedient means leading up
genshi kimyo¯dan). The decline of hongaku thought and a re-
to the universal teaching of One-vehicle to salvation. Howev-
newed emphasis on Chinese Tiantai doctrine followed.
er, the Lotus Su¯tra could also be used to reject expedient
teachings in favor of the ultimate teaching (haigon ryu¯jitsu).
Following World War II and the installation of laws al-
Much of later Tendai doctrinal history consists of how mo-
lowing more freedom to religion, Tendai split into approxi-
nastic scholars combined other Buddhist teachings with
mately twenty groups, largely because of institutional and
those of the Lotus Su¯tra, using both the inclusive and the ex-
economic reasons, the most important of which is still called
clusive approaches to expedient teachings.
Tendaishu¯. It maintains two colleges that contribute to the
training of its monks, Taisho¯ University in Tokyo and Eizan
The majority of Saicho¯’s writings were polemical, de-
gakuin at the foot of Mount Hiei. In addition, a few monks
fending his position against the claims of Hosso¯ monks.
still practice assiduously on Mount Hiei, with an occasional
When he died at the comparatively young age of fifty-five,
monk undergoing twelve years of seclusion at the Pure Land
he had not systematized his views on a variety of issues, in-
Chapel (Jo¯doin), the site of Saicho¯’s mausoleum. Others cir-
cluding the interpretation of the bodhisattva precepts and
cumambulate Mount Hiei (kaiho¯gyo¯), treating it like a
how Esoteric and Exoteric Buddhism had the same purport.
man:d:ala, for periods ranging up to seven years. Those who
His successor, Gishin, who had accompanied Saicho¯ to
complete the seven-year practice (an average of one person
China, did not even mention these issues in a handbook of
a decade) are lionized as living buddhas. The Tendai con-
Tendai doctrine he submitted to the court. Some of Saicho¯’s
stantly walking meditation, a continuous ninety-day circu-
disciples tried to remedy these deficiencies by writing sets of
mambulation of Amida Buddha, has also been revived. Since
questions to their Chinese counterparts (To¯ketsu), but in
the 1990s, women have been playing a more significant role,
many cases the two sides seemed to be talking past each
receiving training and occasionally becoming abbesses of
other. The unfinished quality of Saicho¯’s positions turned
temples. On a more popular level, the school has instituted
out to work in Tendai’s favor. The ninth century was marked
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TENDAISHU
¯
9077
by remarkable creativity as Tendai monks traveled to China
sometimes for all) forms of practice. However, hongaku texts
in search of new teachings and clarification.
exhibited a wide variety of attitudes toward traditional doc-
trine and practice. Some, such as those written by Ko¯en
Although much of Japanese Tendai doctrine is based on
(1263–1317) of the Kurodani lineage (discussed below) ad-
the three major works by Zhiyi and their commentaries by
vocated the reestablishment of Saicho¯’s twelve-year period of
Zhanran, Japanese monks did much more than simply write
seclusion. Other texts, such as the Shinnyokan (Discernment
commentaries that reflected Chinese concerns and interpre-
of suchness) required little more than a firm belief that one
tations. Instead, they had their own concerns in reading and
was already a buddha. A number of strategies were employed
interpreting Chinese texts, sometimes taking passages out of
in hongaku texts to justify creative doctrinal positions, in-
context and pushing them in new directions. Most of
cluding the creation of sources, secret oral transmissions,
Saicho¯’s writings had been polemical attacks on Hosso¯ and
defenses of Tendai in which he sometimes took terms from
word play, and associations of unrelated terms. These inno-
Chinese texts and gave them a new emphasis. Occasionally
vative teachings were justified by regarding subjective inter-
he used terms that had not appeared before. For example,
pretations (often called mind discernment or kanjin) above
terms such as sokushin jo¯butsu (the realization of buddhahood
doctrines that relied on Scripture.
with this very body), jikido¯ (direct path), and so¯moku jo¯butsu
More traditional forms of Tendai scholarship continued
(the realization of buddhahood by trees and grasses) were
to survive during this period. Figures such as Ho¯chibo¯
found in Chinese Tiantai texts, but in Japanese Tendai they
Sho¯shin (1131?–1215?) and Jitsudo¯ Ninku¯ (1307–1388)
received a new emphasis. At first Japanese monks attempted
wrote commentaries, essays, and debate manuals that dis-
to enlist Chinese help in clarifying these teachings, writing
played meticulous care with historical sources. Sho¯shin in
letters to China in which they asked about doctrine, but
particular was known for his careful differentiation of Chi-
eventually Japanese Tendai doctrine developed in unique
nese and Japanese doctrinal views.
ways, helped by the paucity of direct contact between Chi-
nese Tiantai and Japanese Tendai after Enchin’s travels. Jap-
Tendai Esoteric Buddhism. Tendai’s most immediate
anese monks explored these issues through a debate system
problem after Saicho¯’s death was competing with the Esoter-
in which they might take issues out of context and develop
ic Buddhist tradition represented by Ku¯kai’s Shingon school.
them in new ways.
The Tendai school occasionally used the term Shingon school
to refer to its Esoteric teachings. The two Esoteric traditions
From the late Heian period to the middle of the Edo
are sometimes differentiated by calling Tendai Esoteric Bud-
period, much of Tendai thought was concerned with a
dhism “Taimitsu” and Ku¯kai’s school “To¯mitsu”; however,
movement that has been called hongaku thought by twenti-
To¯mitsu is usually referred to as the Shingon school. Much
eth-century scholars. The locus classicus of the term hon-
about the Esoteric traditions Saicho¯ received in China and
gaku, often translated as “original enlightenment,” is in a
his understanding of them remains obscure; in fact, the texts
Chinese apocryphal text, the Dasheng qixin lun (Awakening
Saicho¯ is said to have received in China may have been writ-
of faith in the Maha¯ya¯na), where it is found with two other
ten by Annen (841–889? CE) to bolster Tendai claims to Eso-
terms, shikaku (realized enlightenment) and fukaku (nonen-
teric lineages. However, Saicho¯’s insistence on the agreement
lightenment). Hongaku referred to the concept that all sen-
of the purport of the Perfect Teaching and Esoteric Bud-
tient beings had an intrinsic quality of enlightenment that
dhism has been a hallmark of Taimitsu. The inferiority of
provided the bases for both realized enlightenment and non-
Saicho¯’s transmission of Esoteric Buddhist ritual led to Ten-
enlightenment. Through assiduous practice a person could
dai monks such as Ennin traveling to China, where he stud-
realize enlightenment and leave nonenlightenment. The
ied for nine years, from 838 to 847 CE. He collected 508 texts
term hongaku thought is a modern term used to refer to Japa-
in 802 fascicles, more than Ku¯kai, studied the Sanskritic
nese Tendai texts that discuss the implications of original en-
siddham: script, and brought back new rituals. He also estab-
lightenment, often adopting a position that affirms this
lished a Dha¯ran:¯ı Hall in which the ritual of Abundant
world just as it is without any need for practice. The dissocia-
Flames (shijo¯ko¯ho¯) was to be performed to protect the emper-
tion of original enlightenment and realized enlightenment is
or and the state, thus giving Tendai the ritual apparatus to
epitomized by the mythical claim that Ryo¯gen bestowed hon-
compete successfully with To¯mitsu at court. Ennin also
gaku teachings on his student Genshin (942–1017) and
wrote the first major commentaries on the Vajra´sekhara
teachings about realized enlightenment on his student Kaku-
Su¯tra and the Susiddhikara Su¯tra. Along with the
un (953–1007), thereby suggesting that hongaku could be in-
Maha¯vairocana Su¯tra, these three major texts form the basis
terpreted as an independent term instead of in association
of the threefold system of Esoteric Buddhism upon which
with practice.
Taimitsu was based. Enchin studied in China from 853 to
The development of hongaku thought has often been
858 CE under the Chinese Esoteric Buddhist master Fazh-
characterized as a degenerate phase of Tendai because it is
uan, the same master Ennin had trained under, and also
characterized by the flagrant disregard of historical prece-
brought back a large number of texts and ritual traditions.
dent, the production of texts attributed to major Tendai fig-
Enchin was the author of a number of texts that explained
ures of the past, and a seeming disregard for traditional (and
the connection between Esoteric Buddhism and Tendai. For
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TENDAISHU
¯
9078
example, he argued that the Maha¯vairocana Su¯tra should be
with Esoteric elements sometimes added. Tendai discussions
classified with the Lotus Su¯tra in the Tendai system of five
of the preaching of the dharma-body (hosshin seppo¯) empha-
periods.
sized how the various bodies of the Buddha were ultimately
combined; thus the preachings of S´a¯kyamuni could be in-
Esoteric Buddhism was eventually systematized by
cluded as aspects of the preaching of the dharma-body. In
Annen. Although he did not travel to China, Annen collect-
both of these doctrines the Tendai position differed from
ed all of the texts and practices he could and strove to explain
that found in the Shingon school. Although Annen’s work
and reconcile the differences he encountered. In addition, he
marks the high point of the systematization of Taimitsu
was acutely aware of Ku¯kai’s tradition and defended Tendai
thought and practice, later monks continued to refine it, and
interpretations against criticisms from To¯mitsu sources, even
a number of separate ritual lineages emerged.
as he borrowed elements of Ku¯kai’s teachings.
The most important text for Taimitsu has been the
Tendai Esoteric Buddhism is marked by several factors
commentary of Yixing (683–727
that differentiate it from Shingon. While Shingon argues for
CE) on the Maha¯vairocana
Su¯tra. Tendai used a different recension of the text, the four-
the nonduality of the Womb and Diamond-realm man:d:alas,
teen-fascicle Darijing yishi, than the Shingon school, which
Tendai added another tradition, that found in the Susiddhi-
used the twenty-fascicle Darijing shu. Although the two re-
kara Su¯tra (Soshitsujikyo¯). This gave Taimitsu added ele-
censions did not differ significantly doctrinally, ritual differ-
ments of practice that helped it compete with To¯mitsu.
ences were evident.
Saicho¯ had argued that the Lotus Su¯tra and Esoteric Bud-
dhism had the same import; in contrast, Ku¯kai had given
Esoteric Buddhism also decisively influenced two other
Tendai and the Lotus Su¯tra relatively low rankings in his clas-
traditions: the practice of circumambulating mountain peaks
sification of doctrine. Later Tendai monks had striven to
(kaiho¯gyo¯) and the Sanno¯ tradition of Shinto. Kaiho¯gyo¯ is said
clarify the Tendai view. Saicho¯’s student Ko¯jo¯ (779–858 CE)
to have begun with the monk So¯o¯ (831–918 CE), who estab-
developed an Esoteric ritual for the Lotus Su¯tra. Ennin ar-
lished a temple called Mudo¯ji on Mount Hiei as the base for
gued that all of Buddhism could be encompassed in “One
the practice. In its fully developed form a practitioner (only
Great Perfect Teaching” (ichidai engyo¯), a classification that
men perform this practice) takes a vow to travel on set
identified the essence of all teachings. However, he also need-
courses for one thousand days spread over seven years. Trav-
ed to differentiate teachings in a hierarchical manner. Be-
eling the course is compared to traveling through a man:d:ala,
cause the Lotus Su¯tra claimed that it was a hidden teaching
with the practitioner paying homage to deities at around
revealed only as the end of S´a¯kyamuni’s life, it could be inter-
three hundred sites. After seven hundred days of circumam-
preted as a hidden or Esoteric teaching. At the same time,
bulation, the practitioner undergoes a nine-day period with-
because the Lotus Su¯tra did not have the ritual elements
out food, water, sleep, or lying down. He then completes the
found in Esoteric texts, Ennin argued that, although both the
practice, extending his circumambulation down to Kyoto.
Maha¯vairocana Su¯tra and the Lotus Su¯tra were doctrinally
Upon completing the practice, he is received by the emperor.
the highest teaching, only the Maha¯vairocana Su¯tra included
Once a practitioner has taken a vow to begin the practice,
the most superior practices.
he is not permitted to end his austerities early. In fact he car-
ries a knife to end his life if he cannot finish the practice.
Annen further refined these teachings with a classifica-
tion called the “four ones”: one Buddha, one time, one place,
The Tiantai school in China honored a deity who pro-
and one teaching. Like Ennin’s One Great Perfect Teaching,
tected its headquarters. In a similar manner, Hie taisha was
Annen stressed the unity of Buddhist teachings. This teach-
established at the foot of Mount Hiei as the focal point of
ing was based on the identity of the dharmaka¯ya with the en-
a cult to honor the deities that protected the Tendai school
tire cosmos and the teaching that the dharmaka¯ya preached.
on Mount Hiei. As time passed the numbers of shrines and
Annen also had to explain how Buddhism could be classified
deities increased. By the Kamakura period deities were con-
in a hierarchical fashion, which he did by adding a fifth cate-
sidered manifestations of various buddhas and bodhisattvas.
gory—Esoteric teachings—to the traditional fourfold Ten-
Tendai doctrine was used to give the system more coherence.
dai doctrinal system: H¯ınaya¯na, shared, distinct, and Perfect
The term Sanno¯ (mountain king) by which this form of
teachings. Esoteric teachings were thus given the highest po-
Shinto¯ was known consisted of two characters, the first made
sition. Annen so identified Tendai with Esoteric teachings
up of three vertical strokes joined by a single horizontal
that he used the term Shingon (mantra) to refer to his
stroke and the second consisting of three horizontal strokes
teachings.
and one vertical stroke. The very name of the cult called to
mind the unity of the three truths. The separation of Shinto¯
The agreement of the Lotus Su¯tra and Esoteric Bud-
and Buddhism during the Meiji Restoration resulted in the
dhism can be seen in Tendai discussions of several doctrines.
independence of the Sanno¯ cult from Tendai.
Saicho¯ based his argument on the realization of buddhahood
with this very body (sokushin jo¯butsu) on the story of the real-
Precepts and monastic discipline. Near the end of his
ization of the eight-year-old Na¯ga girl in the Lotus Su¯tra. In
life, Saicho¯ proposed that the Four-Part Vinaya ordination
discussions by later Tendai monks, the definition of this
traditionally used throughout East Asia be abandoned as in-
rapid realization changed to become more radically sudden,
ferior H¯ınaya¯na and that a Maha¯ya¯na ordination based on
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TENDAISHU
¯
9079
the Maha¯ya¯na bodhisattva precepts found in the Brahma¯’s
Finally, as mentioned above, during the Tokugawa peri-
Net Su¯tra and Lotus Su¯tra be substituted for it. Neither
od several monks from the Anrakuritsuin on Mount Hiei at-
source had been compiled with the objective of serving as the
tempted to require all Tendai monks to undergo ordinations
basis of monastic discipline. Perhaps in recognition of this,
based on the Four-Part Vinaya but were eventually defeated.
Saicho¯ had proposed that his monks receive a “provisional
Thus Saicho¯’s reform of monastic discipline led to a wide va-
H¯ınaya¯na ordination” after spending twelve years on Mount
riety of interpretations of the precepts, many of which con-
Hiei. This would have enabled the monks to participate in
tributed to the lax observance of monastic rules.
monastic assemblies with monks from other schools. One
Pure Land. The ninety-day constantly walking medita-
week after his death the court approved Saicho¯’s proposal,
tion, one of the four meditations described by Zhiyi, focuses
but his premature death had prevented him from specifying
on the circumambulation of an image of Amida (Amita¯bha)
how this change was to be implemented.
accompanied by the recitation of Amida’s name, progresses
During the subsequent centuries the precepts were in-
to a visualization of the Buddha, and concludes with a con-
terpreted in a variety of ways based on these sources. For ex-
templation on emptiness. This meditation provided the ritu-
ample, Questions and Answers on the Rules for Students
al basis of Tendai Pure Land but was performed only infre-
(Gakusho¯shiki mondo¯), a later text attributed to Saicho¯,
quently according to Zhiyi’s directions on Mount Hiei.
claimed that the precepts were primarily based on the Lotus
Although Saicho¯ had specified that all four of Zhiyi’s types
Su¯tra, a text that actually contained little in the way of explic-
of meditation be practiced on Mount Hiei, he did not live
it instructions concerning monastic discipline. Monks could
long enough to put the constantly walking meditation into
violate the precepts as long as they adhered to the Lotus
effect. Ennin brought the first Pure Land practices used on
Su¯tra, a vague requirement. During the late Heian period
Mount Hiei when he returned from China, a practice called
and the Kamakura period a number of monks attempted to
the Uninterrupted Recitation of the Buddha’s Name (fudan
introduce stricter interpretations of the precepts. Shunjo¯
nembutsu) from Wutai Shan, China, that was based on ritu-
(1166–1227) traveled to China, learned that Tiantai monks
als instituted by Fazhao (d. 820? CE). These practices consist-
were still ordained with the precepts from the Four-Part
ed of the recitation of the Omituojing (Su¯tra on Amita¯bha)
Vinaya, and returned to Japan to introduce the practice to
rather than the much simpler recitation of the Buddha’s
Tendai. He was criticized by other Tendai monks for deviat-
name mentioned in the constantly walking meditation. The
ing from Saicho¯’s plan and had to make his headquarters at
practice generally lasted only seven days, shorter than the
Sennyu¯ji in Kyo¯to.
ninety days required by Zhiyi, and became popular in Japan.
It was more concerned with extinguishing the karmic effects
The monks in the Kurodani lineage of Tendai com-
of wrongdoing and being reborn in the Pure Land than with
bined the Lotus Su¯tra with the precepts of the Brahma¯’s Net
the discernment of emptiness. Thus from the beginning
Su¯tra. Ejin (d. 1289) and Ko¯en revived monastic discipline
Tendai Pure Land ranged over a variety of possible practices
by following Saicho¯’s instructions for a twelve-year period of
and goals, from meditations that focused on a realization of
sequestration on Mount Hiei. At the end of that period a
emptiness or the Pure Land in this life and world to oral reci-
monk received a “consecrated” ordination (kaikanjo¯), which
tations that resulted in rebirth into a paradisiacal Pure Land
was based on hongaku thought. Sitting side by side with his
when one died. This ambiguity was reflected in the term
teacher in a scene reminiscent of the two buddhas that ap-
nembutsu, which could refer to either a meditation on the
peared together in the Lotus Su¯tra, the student was told that
Buddha or the recitation of his name.
he had realized buddhahood with his current body. The tra-
dition, however, carried the seeds of its own degeneration be-
Genshin, the most able Tendai exegete of the tenth cen-
cause the new “buddha” was told that he could create new
tury, systematized Tendai Pure Land thought. Although he
precepts and teachings as needed.
was skilled in doctrinal topics, including Hosso¯ and logic, he
is primarily remembered for his authorship of the O
¯ jo¯ yo¯shu¯
Ninku¯, who was active in both the Tendai and Seizan
(Essentials of rebirth in the Pure Land), a text that included
sect of the Jo¯do School, relied on a commentary on the
many of the ambiguities in practice and goal mentioned
Brahma¯’s Net Su¯tra by Zhiyi and detailed sets of temple rules
above because the practices could be used by a variety of peo-
to restore monastic discipline. A key part of his agenda was
ple. The text included vivid descriptions of the hells and Pure
identifying the Brahma¯’s Net precepts as a Perfect teaching
Land that influenced many. Temples such as the Byo¯do¯in
and thus as profound as the Lotus Su¯tra. He also argued that
reflected efforts to create architectural images of the Pure
the Brahma¯’s Net precepts should not be interpreted in terms
Land. Genshin’s text also included discussions of deathbed
of Esoteric Buddhism and Pure Land, thereby preserving the
rites and doctrinal issues connected with Pure Land. It had
integrity of the precepts. When they had been interpreted in
an immediate effect leading to the formation of several orga-
terms of these other traditions, the argument could be made
nizations devoted to Pure Land practice, including the As-
that the recitation of the Buddha’s name (nembutsu) or a
sembly for the Advancement of Learning (Kangaku-e) and
magical incantation (dha¯ran:¯ı) would vanquish huge
the Assembly for the Concentration on the Twenty-five Bo-
amounts of bad karma.
dhisattvas (Niju¯go zanmai-e), groups that included both lay
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9080
TENGRI
and monastic practitioners. Pure Land practices were later
Groner, Paul. “Shortening the Path: The Interpretation of the Re-
spread by a variety of men with Tendai affiliations, including
alization of Buddhahood in This Very Existence in the Early
Ko¯ya (903–972 CE) and Ryo¯nin (1072–1132), founder of
Tendai School.” In Paths to Liberation: The Ma¯rga and Its
the Yu¯zu¯ nembutsushu¯. Ho¯nen, founder of the Jo¯doshu¯,
Transformations in Buddhist Thought, edited by Robert E.
spent most of his life as a Tendai monk, and Shinran (1173–
Buswell Jr. and Robert M. Gimello, pp. 439–474. Honolulu,
1992.
1263), founder of the Jo¯do Shinshu¯, was trained on Mount
Hiei.
Groner, Paul. Saicho¯: The Establishment of the Japanese Tendai
School. Honolulu, 2000.
Some Tendai practitioners considered Pure Land prac-
Groner, Paul. Ryo¯gen and Mount Hiei: Japanese Tendai in the
tices easier because the recitation of the Buddha’s name
Tenth Century. Honolulu, 2002.
could be done by anyone and vanquished large amounts of
Groner, Paul. “Jitsudo¯ Ninku¯ on Ordinations.” Nichibunken
bad karma. For other practitioners, Pure Land practice was
Japan Review 15 (2003): 51–75.
difficult. Uncertainty about whether one’s rebirth into the
Hazama Jiko¯. Nihon Bukkyo¯ no kaiten to sono kicho¯. 2 vols. Tokyo,
Pure Land was assured led some to focus incessantly on the
1948–1953. Vol. 2 contains a discourse on the Tendai
purification of their thoughts. Salvation was only ensured at
thought of Original Enlightenment.
death when the practitioner died comfortably with a mind
Hazama Jiko¯. Tendaishu¯ shi gaisetsu. Edited by O
¯ kubo Ryo¯jun.
focused on the Buddha. Such fervent practice sometimes led
Tokyo, 1969.
to vivid dreams and visions of the Pure Land, events that
Misaki Ryo¯shu¯. Taimitsu no kenkyu¯. Tokyo, 1988.
were often recorded in the biographies of those reborn in the
Pure Land (O
¯ jo¯den).
O
¯ kubo Ryo¯shun. Tendai kyo¯gaku to hongaku shiso¯. Kyo¯to, Japan,
1998.
Pure Land practices in Tendai were not conducted sepa-
O
¯ kubo Ryo¯shun. Taimitsu kyo¯gaku no kenkyu¯. Kyo¯to, Japan,
rately from other practices. A popular saying, “Recitation of
2004.
the Lotus Su¯tra in the morning and the recitation of the Bud-
Rhodes, Robert. “The Kaiho¯gyo¯ Practice of Mt. Hiei.” Japanese
dha’s name (nembutsu) at night,” reflects the typical Tendai
Journal of Religious Studies 14, nos. 2–3 (1987): 185–202.
attitude. Esoteric Buddhist practices were sometimes mixed
Shimaji Daito¯. Tendai kyo¯gakushi. Tokyo, 1929.
with Pure Land rituals because Amida was found in various
Stone, Jacqueline I. Original Enlightenment and the Transforma-
man:d:alas. Moreover when Tendai followers stressed the oral
tion of Medieval Japanese Buddhism. Honolulu, 1999.
recitation of the nembutsu, the contemplative aspect was also
Sueki Fumihiko. Heian shoki Bukkyo¯ shiso¯ no kenkyu¯: Annen no
present. The emphasis on creating a Pure Land in this world
shiso¯ keisei wo chu¯shin to shite. Tokyo, 1995.
coexisted with beliefs in rebirth in a Pure Land located far
from this one. In addition, Tendai monks such as Ninku¯ and
Tamura Ko¯yu¯. Saicho¯ kyo¯gaku no kenkyu¯. Tokyo, 1992.
Shinzei (1443–1495) emphasized that the precepts must be
Uesugi Bunshu¯. Nihon Tendai shi. 2 vols. Nagoya, Japan, 1935.
observed while the nembutsu is chanted. Tendai views of
Weinstein, Stanley. “The Beginnings of Esoteric Buddhism in
Pure Land thus differed in important ways from Jo¯do and
Japan.” Journal of Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (1974): 177–191.
Jo¯do Shin traditions, which argued that the recitation of the
PAUL GRONER (2005)
Buddha’s name was the only way to salvation.
SEE ALSO Tiantai.
TENGRI. The earliest attested occurrence of a word in
B
an Altaic language is the transcription into Chinese of the
IBLIOGRAPHY
Adolphson, Mikael S. The Gates of Power: Monks, Courtiers, and
word tengri in the Qian Han shu (juan 94). It has kept this
Warriors in Premodern Japan. Honolulu, 2000.
or a related form (tenggeri, tanara, tängri, tanri, tari, et al.)
down to the present day. Etymologically, the word appears
Dobbins, J. C. “A Brief History of Pure Land Buddhism in Early
to be linked with a verb that means “to turn.” It has been
Japan.” In Engaged Pure Land Buddhism: Challenges Facing
Jo¯do Shinshu¯ in the Contemporary World: Studies in Honor of
used continuously, not only by the “shamanistic” or “animis-
Professor Alfred Bloom, edited by Kenneth Tanaka and Eisho
tic” Turco-Mongols but also by those who have adopted uni-
Nasu, pp. 113–165. Berkeley, Calif., 1998.
versal religions. I shall concern myself here only with its
meaning in the former case.
Fukuda Gyo¯ei. Tendaigaku gairon. Tokyo, 1959.
Groner, Paul. “The Lotus Su¯tra and Saicho¯’s Interpretation of the
The original use of the word tengri was in designating
Realization of Buddhahood with This Very Body (sokushin
the physical sky, as in such statements as “The sun is in the
jo¯butsu).” In The Lotus Su¯tra in Japanese Culture, edited by
sky” or “The clouds darken the sky.” This long-held meaning
George J. Tanabe Jr. and Willa Tanabe, pp. 53–74. Honolu-
eventually was lost. With the deification of the sky, the word
lu, 1989.
took on two other interpretations as well, either that of sky
Groner, Paul. “The Fan-wang ching and Monastic Discipline in
god or the more vague sense of “god,” “deity,” and, adjecti-
Japanese Tendai: A Study of Annen’s Futsu¯ jubosatsukai
vally, “celestial” and “divine.” It is not always possible to de-
ko¯shaku.” In Chinese Buddhist Apocrypha, edited by Robert
termine whether tengri is being used as an adjective or a
E. Buswell Jr., pp. 251–290. Honolulu, 1990.
noun.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TENGRI
9081
DEITIES NAMED TENGRI. At the same time that Tengri the
gradually became a deus otiosus. In fact, it appears that he has
sky god emerges (second half of the first millennium CE),
always been such for the masses. As early as the tenth centu-
Old Turkic inscriptions mention various deities named Ten-
ry, Balik Bayat, “supreme old one” or “supreme wealthy
gri, but little information is available on these. Yol Tengri
one,” is regarded as the creator. I must point out, however,
is the “god of roads or paths” or “god of luck” (yol has these
that the ancient cosmogonies are inconsistent and that the
two meanings), Öd Tengri is the “god of weather”; there is
problem of origins has only recently been addressed. When
a Tengri who lies among the reeds as well. No evidence indi-
creation was later attributed to the sky god, it seems likely
cates the nature of the relationship between these characters
that it was in response to questions posed by Muslims or
and the sky god. Any attempt to make such a determination
Christians.
is complicated by the fact that the same inscriptions more
often refer to much greater divine powers that were never
The active sky god is an imperial creation that concerns
called tengri. “Venerated” or “worshiped” celestial bodies also
only the imperial religion: the people devoted attention to
were never called tengri.
him only in times when imperial power was sufficient to
command widespread obedience to the deity. Occasionally,
From toponymy and foreign sources, we know that in
sincere devotees of the sky god would appear. Such mystics
certain cases mountains are called tengri (for example, Tengri
were claimed to be “slaves of Tengri,” but no Islamic influ-
Tag, “celestial mountain”; Chin., Tianshan), as are some
ence can be discerned in this appellation. The sky god ap-
lakes (for example, Tengri Nor, “celestial lake,” in Mongo-
pears already before the common era among the Xiongnu,
lia). To add to the confusion, an eleventh-century observer,
then later, continually, in all the great political formations
Mah:mu¯d al-Ka¯shghar¯ı, remarked that the word tengri ap-
up to the fourteenth century. Under the Türk (sixth to
plies to everything that appears enormous—a huge tree, for
eighth century) and under the Mongols (thirteenth to four-
instance. Knowing this, it is no surprise today to see the sky
teenth century), he is particularly visible. The former call
god, who has a greatly attenuated reality, gradually replaced
him “blue,” “elevated” or “above,” and “endowed with
by great deities who are often called Tengri. Even if one has
power”; the latter add to these qualities that he is “eternal,”
every reason to believe that the word is an adjective, does this
a characteristic supposedly long implied.
usage not make a god out of a divine being or object? Such
is the case with certain shamans, like the one who enthroned
It is not an exaggeration to say that no other deity has
Chinggis Khan, Teb Tenggeri (“very celestial”); certain sor-
responded so much to the needs of his loyal followers. The
cerers (“a holy old woman”); the nation (“my sacred na-
Turco-Mongol emperor first wanted to gather all those of his
tion”); and most of the khans (“my holy khan”). In fact,
race, then the entire world. His god was national (the Tengri
there was a Türk sovereign who had no name but Tengri
of the Türks and Mongols), then universal and unique.
Khan (r. 734–741). Finally, scholars are unsure to what ex-
There is but one god in the sky and one sole sovereign on
tent something called “blue” (in Turkic languages, kök;
earth: such is the ideology. It represents a desperate but un-
Mong., köke), in the sense of an attribute of the sky, is to be
successful effort to promote monotheism; the other deities
identified with God. Examples of this usage are found
remained alive in the minds of the people and were more or
among the Turkic peoples and among the Mongols; as, for
less associated with the sky god. Even so, the sky god is as
instance, in the case of the Mongol emperor Möngke: Köke
predominant as the emperor himself, who “comes from
Möngke (“blue eternal”).
him,” “resembles him” (and is sometimes his son), conducts
THE SKY GOD. The modern Turco-Mongol peoples who
privileged conversations with him, receives and transmits his
have preserved their ancient religion have less of an interest
orders, conquers in his name, names dignitaries in his name,
in the sky god than previously. Most often, the sky is the
rewards and punishes with death (the only punishment of
abode of a celestial god, sometimes anthropomorphized, who
Tengri, used often against those who revolt), distributes to
has numerous assistants—his sons and daughters, his wife,
everyone, man or beast, kut, a vitality that brings happiness,
and many others. The sky is divided into levels, generally
and ülüg, luck. Nevertheless, the sky god can do without the
seven according to the supposed number of planets. Even in
emperor when he is weakening or has lost his divine man-
areas where Russian Orthodoxy or Buddhism has had little
date. In such a case he “applies pressure,” or sends his mes-
influence, there are many unstable tengris, a fact that corre-
sengers: an eagle, an enigmatic angel, some rays of light often
sponds perfectly to the traditional ideology. All attempts to
accompanied by “dazzling daughters,” or the animal guides,
classify them are wholly imposed from without and lack
particularly the wolf, who are none other than the imperial
foundation in the tradition. As for the sky god, in areas
ancestors. Anyone can talk to the sky god, but shamans are
where belief in him persists, he is nonetheless considered to
forbidden to have closer relationships with him than the
be very distant. The Altaic tribes call him Tengere Kaira
prince does: any pretension of having such a relationship will
Khan (“merciful lord sky”), but his sons and assistants hold
lead to the shaman’s destruction. In contrast, great respect
the real power, notably the power of creation: they are Bai
is shown to all those who are specialists in spirituality, nota-
Ülgen alone or together with Kysogan Tengere and Mergen
bly to foreign priests who are protected and exempted from
Tengere. The great god of the Yakuts is Iuriung A˘ıyy To˘ıon
taxes on the condition that they pray for the emperor’s
(“white lord creator”) or A˘ıyy To˘ıon. It is believed that he
longevity.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TENRIKYO
¯
9082
It appears that in ancient times the Tengri cult thrived
Tenrikyo¯ church tradition, God revealed himself through
for only short periods; nevertheless, it developed rapidly. Sac-
Nakayama in order to deliver people from individual suffer-
rifices of white horses or other animals were offered to Tengri
ings and social evils, and to prepare the way for the kanrodai
annually or daily, usually on fixed dates or during special
sekai (“perfect divine kingdom”), in which humankind will
events. Prayer itself spread and became an essential element
enjoy yo¯kigurashi (“joyous and blissful life”) in union with
in the Tengri cult in the thirteenth century. Great orisons
God the Parent. Tenrikyo¯ spread rapidly throughout Japan
were conducted by the sovereign from an elevation where,
during the tumultuous eclipse of the Edo period (1600–
over a period of time lasting from one to three days, he con-
1868).
tinually bowed in prayer to the sky with bare head and loos-
H
ened belt. It has always been common practice to go around
ISTORY. The eldest daughter of Maekawa Masanobu and
his wife Kinu, Maekawa Miki (later, Nakayama Miki) be-
in a circle on horseback: this is called “going around the sky.”
came a pious devotee of Pure Land Buddhism early in life.
It is a common belief among practitioners of the Tengri
Although she wished to become a nun, in obedience to her
cult that souls reside in Tengri before their incarnation and
parents’ wishes she married Nakayama Zembei in 1810. In
that the souls of the deceased return to him. In fact, when
her marriage she affirmed the values of worldly life through
a death is announced, one says “He flew off” or “He became
moral compassion toward others and devotion to Shinto¯ dei-
a gyrfalcon.” The destination is specified: “He climbed to the
ties. The revelation she experienced in her forty-first year re-
sky with his body” and “In the sky you will be as among the
sulted in a dedication to almsgiving, leading her family into
living.” However, beliefs probably concern particularly great
extreme poverty. She affirmed her credibility by working
personages and those who will be needed in the beyond to
miracles, teaching that divine protection was attainable only
serve them.
through a life of sincere piety. Her mission to achieve the
new world order of kanrodai sekai was misunderstood by
SEE ALSO Buriat Religion; Chuvash Religion; Mongol Reli-
many, and she and her followers were persecuted for many
gions; Turkic Religions; Ülgen.
years, she herself being imprisoned several times.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Despite intensifying persecution, Nakayama wrote two
For the most part, the sky god of the Altaic peoples has been stud-
books, the Mikagurauta and the Ofudesaki, taught her disci-
ied in works relative to their religion, particularly contempo-
ples the movements for the Kagura Zutome (“salvation
rary beliefs. Wilhelm Schmidt, in his perspective of primitive
dance service”), the essential rite in Tenrikyo¯, and deter-
monotheism, accords Tengri an eminent place in Der Urs-
mined the location of the jiba, the sacred spot that is believed
prung der Gottesidee, vols. 9–12 (Münster, 1949–1955). Paul
to be the original birthplace of humans. On the morning of
Pelliot has written primarily a linguistic work: “Tängrim>
January 26, 1887, she urged her disciples to perform the
Tärim,” T’oung pao 37 (1944): 165–185. The only mono-
graph is my “Tängri: Essai sur le ciel-dieu des peuples al-
Kagura Zutome (which had been prohibited by the police),
taïques,” which appeared in four parts plus additional notes
asking them to decide for themselves whether the laws of hu-
in Revue de l’histoire des religions 149 (January–March 1956):
mankind or those of God are supreme. As they performed
49–82, (April–June 1956): 197–230; 150 (July–September
the service around the Kanrodai, a symbolic monument
1956): 27–54; (October–December 1956): 173–212; and
erected at the jiba, Nakayama died. Her followers believed
154 (July–September 1958): 32–66.
that she had passed from a corporeal to a spiritual state, re-
New Sources
maining in her sanctuary and helping them to realize God’s
Birtalan, Ágnes. Die Mythologie der Mongolischen Volksreligion.
kingdom in this world. Nakayama’s ascension to this new
Stuttgart, 2000.
state, together with the hinagata (“model life”) she exempli-
Rona-Tas, Andras. “Materialien zur alten Religion der Turken.”
fied, became the focal point of the Tenrikyo¯ faith.
In Synkretismus in den Religionen Zentralasiens: Ergebnisse
After her passing, God spoke through Iburi Izo¯ (1833–
eines Kolloquiums vom 24.5. bis 26.5.1983 in St. Augustin bei
1907), Nakayama’s most trusted disciple. The Osashizu was
Bonn, edited by Walther Heissig and Hans-Joachim Klim-
keit, pp. 33–45. Wiesbaden, 1987.
compiled from revelations made to him and fostered the
emergence of a structured Tenrikyo¯ church system. Tenrikyo¯
JEAN-PAUL ROUX (1987)
was sanctioned by the government and officially classified as
Translated from French by Sherri L. Granka
Revised Bibliography
one of the sects of Sect Shinto¯ in 1888. The church was then
forced to alter its teachings and activities to conform to gov-
ernment policies. Nevertheless, Nakayama’s teachings were
retained intact and spread throughout Japan by 1895. Mis-
TENRIKYO
¯ . A monotheistic Japanese religion estab-
sions were established in the United States in 1896, in Tai-
lished in 1838, Tenrikyo¯ preaches a doctrine of world renew-
wan in 1897, in Korea in 1898, and in China in 1901. After
al and individual salvation. Its founder, Nakayama Miki
World War II, with the guarantee of religious freedom under
(1798–1887), received a revelation from Tenri O
¯ no Mikoto
the 1947 Constitution, the Fukugen (“restoration of the
(also known as Oyagami, or “God the parent”), and became
original teachings”) movement was carried out to purify
Kami no Yashiro (“the living shrine of God”). According to
Tenrikyo¯ teachings, which had been distorted by the influ-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TERESA OF ÁVILA
9083
ences of Shinto¯ and state nationalism. This movement
for the Kagura Zutome service. The fourth, containing eight
marked a step toward a redefinition of Tenrikyo¯ as distinct
verses, and the fifth, consisting of twelve stanzas of ten verses
from Sect Shinto¯. By the 1980s, Tenrikyo¯ had approximately
each, are the songs for the Teodori (Sacred Dance) service.
three million followers, with 16,664 churches and 20,039
Revealed to Nakayama between 1869 and 1882, the Ofude-
mission stations scattered worldwide. Tenrikyo¯ also operates
saki is composed of seventeen parts comprising 1,711 verses
social and cultural institutions, including a university, a li-
written in the 5-7-5-7-7-syllable waka style. This scripture
brary, a museum, a publishing house, a hospital, and an or-
introduces the basic creed of Tenrikyo¯ and elucidates the cre-
phanage.
ation of the world, the nature of God, the significance of the
jiba and the Kanrodai, and the importance of the Kagura
DOCTRINE. Tenri O
¯ no Mikoto (“lord of heavenly reason”),
Zutome.
as revealed through Nakayama, is the creator of the world,
and is also defined as the moto no kami (“original god”) and
The Osashizu, a large collection of directions revealed
the jitsu no kami (“true god”). God has ten attributes, which
to Iburi from 1887 to 1907 after Nakayama’s passing, is di-
are manifested symbolically as tohashira no kami (“ten dei-
vided into two categories: kokugen (prophesies and directions
ties”), each representing a particular aspect of God working
to meet the exigencies of salvation) and ukagai no sashizu (di-
in the physical world. God is further posited as Tsukihi (“sun
rections in response to individual inquiries). The Osashizu
and moon”) and finally as Oyagami (“God the parent”), re-
contains concrete and detailed instructions concerning
vealing his pantheistic and immanent nature as well as his
church organization and personal conduct, and offers
transcendental and personal existence. He is the god of pa-
Tenrikyo¯ adherents guidance for solving the problems of
rental love, who created the world in order to enjoy seeing
daily life.
the harmonious life of human beings. Believing in neither
S
original sin nor the fall of man, Tenrikyo¯ holds that the reve-
EE ALSO New Religious Movements, article on New Reli-
gious Movements in Japan.
lation was necessary to rectify human selfishness, which is
contrary to God’s original intent. The revelation occurred
through three preordinations—the soul, the place, and the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
time—which are historically manifested in the soul of
The Doctrine of Tenrikyo¯. Sponsored by the Tenrikyo¯ Church
Nakayama, the jiba (the place of the original creation), and
Headquarters. Tenri, 1972.
the time of revelation. This triad comprises the core of the
Fukaya Tadamasa. Fundamental Doctrines of Tenrikyo¯. Tenri,
Tenrikyo¯ doctrine, and emphasizes the historical inevitabili-
1973.
ty of the revelation.
Mikagura-uta: The Songs for the Tsutome. Translated by the
Tenrikyo¯ Church Headquarters. Tenri, 1972.
Tenrikyo¯ defines human physical existence as a kashi-
Nakayama Sho¯zen. On the Idea of God in Tenrikyo¯ Doctrine.
mono-karimono (“something lent or borrowed,” i.e., from
Tenri, 1962.
God) and death as a denaoshi (“restart”). The progressive pu-
rification of the human heart is recognized through the pro-
Ofudesaki, the Tip of the Divine Writing Brush. Sponsored by the
Tenrikyo¯ Church Headquarters. Tenri, 1971.
cess of reincarnation. Its ethical teaching is founded upon the
doctrine of yattsu no hokori (“eight dusts”), consisting of oshii
Straelen, Henry van. The Religion of Divine Wisdom. Tokyo,
(“grudge”), hoshii (“covetousness”), nikui (“hatred”), kawaii
1954.
(“selfish love”), urami (“enmity”), haradachi (“fury”), yoku
Tenri Daigaku Oyasato Kenkyujo. Tenrikyo¯ jiten. Tenri, 1977.
(“greed”), and ko¯man (“arrogance”). These are defined as
Tenrikyo¯: Its History and Teaching. Edited by the Tenrikyo¯
pollutants to be cleansed in order to uncover one’s true na-
Church Headquarters. Tenri, 1966.
ture and attain a state of makoto-shinjitsu (“sincere piety”).
Tenrikyo¯ Kyo¯kai Hombu, comp. Osashizu. 7 vols. Tenri, 1966.
Salvation requires three activities. Receiving osazuke (“the
Tenrikyo¯ Year Book 1981. Sponsored by the Tenrikyo¯ Church
holy grant”) is the most important rite; it enables one to be
Headquarters. Tenri, 1981.
reborn at the jiba and to become an agent of God to help
others through prayers. Performing hinokishin (“daily ser-
New Sources
vice”) in one’s given social position is another means to
Kisala, Robert. “Contemporary Karma: Interpretations of Karma
in Tenrikyo and Rissho Koseikai.” Japanese Journal of Reli-
achieving personal maturity. Last, frequent pilgrimages to
gious Studies 21 (1994): 73–91.
the jiba are urged to renew one’s faith and to enjoy a blissful
and joyous life in union with God.
Morishita, Saburo Shawn. Teodori: Cosmological Building and So-
cial Consolidation in a Ritual Dance. Rome, 2000.
SCRIPTURES. The essential Tenrikyo¯ canonical texts are the
UEHARA TOYOAKI (1987)
Mikagurauta (Songs for the sacred dance), the Ofudesaki
Revised Bibliography
(Tip of the divine writing brush), and the Osashizu (Divine
directions), the first two personally written by Nakayama
under divine inspiration and the third revealed through
Iburi. Written between 1866 and 1875, the Mikagurauta
TERESA OF ÁVILA (1515–1582), epithet of Teresa
consists of five sections. The first three comprise the verses
de Ahumeda y Cepeda, Christian saint, Spanish mystic, reli-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9084
TERESA OF ÁVILA
gious reformer, and author of religious classics. Teresa was
word discalced (lit., “without shoes”) referred, in the religious
born at Ávila in the Castilian region of Spain on March 28,
parlance of the time, to a reformed group that usually went
1515, the third child of Don Alonso Cepeda, a moderately
barefoot or in sandals. Teresa’s reformed convent in Ávila
wealthy merchant. She was a spirited child, and early in life
was dedicated to Saint Joseph, and the nuns who lived there
she began to manifest deep religious feelings. When she was
followed the original Carmelite rule, rather than the mitigat-
seven she and her eleven-year-old brother ran away from
ed one observed at the Incarnation. This meant a much stric-
home, intending to go to the country of the Moors and offer
ter observance of such conventual disciplines as fasting, si-
themselves for martyrdom. Later, writing about the episode
lence, and restriction of contact with outsiders.
in her Life, she said that she had done this because she “want-
Teresa, who now called herself of Teresa of Jesus, re-
ed to see God.” However, the adventure ended abruptly a
mained at that first convent for just over four years, a time
few meters outside the walled city of Ávila when the two chil-
later described as “the most restful years of my life.” Her
dren met their uncle, who promptly took them home.
original intention had been to establish only that single re-
In her early teens Teresa took a great interest in clothes,
formed convent, but in 1567 the Carmelite general, Giovan-
read romantic stories, and apparently had a romance with a
ni Rossi, on a visitation from Rome, approved Teresa’s work
cousin. When she was fifteen her mother died at the age of
and commanded her to establish other convents. During the
thirty-three, having produced nine children, and her father
next fifteen years she would personally found about one con-
sent Teresa to board at Our Lady of Grace Convent, a kind
vent per year in Spain, and after her death similar reformed
of finishing school for girls from comfortable families. She
Carmelite convents were established all over the world.
remained there for a year and a half, and during that period
While she was still a nun at the Incarnation, Teresa
her contact with the Augustinian nuns prompted her to start
began writing an account of her life, a task she completed
thinking about a religious vocation.
during the first years of her reform. She always called it her
Illness forced Teresa to leave the school, and she went
libro grande, but it was only the first effort in an impressive
to live with a sister to recuperate. She began to visit the Car-
body of Christian literature. These works, never originally
melite Convent of the Incarnation in Ávila to talk about be-
intended for general publication, were written at odd mo-
coming a nun. One of the nuns later recalled the charm and
ments during a busy career of religious administration. She
beauty of the nineteen-year-old Teresa. In 1535, at the age
wrote four major prose works, a series of shorter works,
of twenty, Teresa entered the Convent of the Incarnation,
poems, and numerous letters, of which 445 are extant. Prin-
where she remained for twenty-eight years until she left to
cipal among these works are Foundations, which describes
found her own reformed Carmelite convent. At the time of
her adventures in founding convents, Way of Perfection,
Teresa’s entrance the convent had 140 nuns, and although
which explains prayer, and Interior Mansions, which de-
the reform movement was to emanate from it, there was
scribes the dimensions of spiritual and mystical growth. Her
nothing scandalous about life there; it was simply a comfort-
works are considered Christian masterpieces, and she is un-
able and not particularly demanding existence. The nuns, es-
doubtedly one of history’s great authorities on mysticism.
pecially those from affluent families, lived in a suite of rooms,
Teresa also developed the idea of establishing religious
often attended by a servant. They were able to visit freely
houses of reformed Carmelite men. She obtained permission
outside the convent, and they spent long hours each day in
from the general in Rome and in 1568 opened the first mon-
the parlor visiting with outsiders. Teresa lived this type of life
astery of reformed Carmelite friars at Duruelo, twenty-five
until she was about forty, when she experienced what she
miles from Ávila. One of those original friars was Juan de
called her “conversion” while reading the Confessions of Au-
Yepes y Alvarez, who was to be known to history as John of
gustine. From that point until the end of her life, she fol-
the Cross. Soon there were reformed Carmelite monasteries
lowed a rigorous personal program of discipline and prayer
all over Spain, and eventually they spread around the world.
that culminated in frequent religious experiences in which
she saw the Lord and heard him speak. Teresa herself de-
In 1582 Teresa founded the last of her fifteen convents,
scribed these experiences as “intellectual visions and locu-
at Burgos. On her return trip to Ávila she was taken ill and
tions.”
stopped at her convent at Alba de Tormes. At sixty-seven,
suffering from uterine cancer, she died there on October 4,
For seven years after her “conversion” Teresa continued
1582. Paul V beatified her in 1614; Gregory XV canonized
to live at the Incarnation, but she began to plan the establish-
her in 1622; and Paul VI, who called her “the light of the
ment of a small Carmelite convent that would follow the
universal church,” declared her a doctor of the church in
original Carmelite rule of 1209, which had been mitigated
1970.
by Eugenius IV in 1435. She claimed that she had been en-
couraged to do this in her visions, but at first, there was
BIBLIOGRAPHY
much opposition from the nuns in the convent and other ec-
Teresa’s own writings constitute the fundamental source for her
clesiastics. She finally obtained permission from Rome, and
life and doctrine. The standard editions are The Complete
on August 24, 1562, along with four other nuns, she estab-
Works of Saint Teresa of Jesus, 3 vols. (New York, 1946), and
lished in Ávila a convent of discalced Carmelite nuns. The
The Letters of Saint Teresa of Jesus (Westminster, Md., 1949),
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TERTULLIAN
9085
both translated and edited by E. Allison Peers from the criti-
tullianists, which still existed in Augustine’s heyday (c. 400–
cal Spanish edition of Silverio of Saint Teresa. Saint Teresa
430). This schism could well have resulted from the growing
of Ávila (Milwaukee, 1943), by William T. Walsh, is a full
tendency of Montanists to make exaggerated claims for their
and standard biography of her life, while Marcelle Auclair’s
founder Montanus, as Tertullian was horrified by any ideas
Saint Teresa of Avila (New York, 1953) combines splendid
that were not thoroughly orthodox.
scholarship with excellent literary style. John Beevers’s Saint
Teresa of Avila (Garden City, N. Y., 1961) is a fine and in-
Throughout his career Tertullian belonged to the liter-
sightful short study of her life. E. Allison Peers’s Handbook
ary circles in Carthage. In his writings he cited numerous
to the Life and Times of Saint Teresa and Saint John of the
classics, perhaps drawn in part from anthologies but certainly
Cross (Westminster, Md., 1954) provides invaluable infor-
also from works he knew in depth. As a stylist, he surpassed
mation about the social and religious milieu in which Teresa
both Jerome and Augustine. He was a creative and passionate
lived.
debater whose erudition and technique place him in the sec-
PETER T. ROHRBACH (1987)
ond Sophistic movement. The exact date of his death is un-
known.
WRITINGS. Tertullian’s writings, thirty-one of which are ex-
TERTULLIAN (160?–225?), Quintus Septimius
tant, are notoriously difficult to date. They were once neatly
Florens, first Christian theologian to write extensively in
divided into pre-Montanist, or catholic, and Montanist, ac-
Latin. An African, Tertullian laid the foundations for West-
cording to “Montanistic” allusions. Recent studies, however,
ern theology through the range of issues he addressed and
have demonstrated Montanist leanings not only in Tertul-
his precise formulations. Although he became an adherent
lian but in early North African Christianity, hence this meth-
of the Montanist sect, his thought exerted much influence
od has been discarded and the dating of many works revised.
on Cyprian, bishop of Carthage (248–258), and later Latin
The writings range across a wide spectrum, but they can
authors.
be conveniently grouped under the headings of apologies for
LIFE. Little is known of Tertullian’s life. Data supplied by
Christianity, treatises on the Christian life, and antiheretical
Jerome in his Lives of Famous Men (392–393) were apparent-
works. In the summer of 197, Tertullian drafted two apolo-
ly inferred from remarks in Tertullian’s own writings and are
gies, To the Nations and Against the Jews, the latter intended
now generally discounted by scholars. Probably born and
for Christian readers but never completed. Shortly thereafter,
reared in Carthage, he received an excellent education and
he revised To the Nations and published it as the finely ar-
was considered one of the luminaries of his day. Although
gued and highly stylized Apology, his best-known work. In
he employed considerable legal jargon and argument in his
On the Testimony of the Soul he departed from his custom of
writing, he probably cannot be identified with the jurist Ter-
citing scriptures and elaborated a purely psychological argu-
tullianus whose opinions were cited in the Digest and Codex
ment set out briefly in chapter 17 of the Apology. Years later,
Justinianus. His extensive legal knowledge would have come
in 212, he reiterated in summary form arguments of the
from classical education.
Apology in an appeal addressed to Scapula, proconsul of Afri-
Tertullian converted to Christianity around 193 to 195,
ca, to halt the persecution of Christians.
doubtless attracted by the discipline of Christians, especially
Tertullian reflected a characteristic rigorist bent in the
their willingness for martyrdom. His unusual gifts, educa-
sermons and treatises on Christian life he composed
tion, and commitment quickly propelled him into a position
throughout his brief career; his tone merely became sterner
of leadership, but, contrary to Jerome’s assumption, he was
in Montanist days. In what is probably his earliest writing,
never ordained a presbyter or elder in the Carthaginian
On the Shows, dated 196 or early 197, he explained why
church, identifying himself several times in his writings as a
Christians should not attend pagan games, theatrical produc-
member of the laity. He did, however, preach or teach, for
tions, or contests. He saw no hope for the person who at-
several of his writings are sermons.
tended, for “he openly ‘denies,’ who gets rid of the distinctive
Sympathetic by inclination with the rigorous views of
mark by which he is known.” To go from church to the
discipline held by the Montanists, a charismatic sect that
shows is to go “from sky to stye.” In On Idolatry he widened
originated in Phrygia about CE 170, Tertullian veered toward
his prohibitions. Christians had to live with pagans, he said,
that sect as the catholic church in North Africa moved away
but they did not have to sin with them. In On the Dress of
from it. For him this entailed no radical shift in views, but
Women, at least part of which was composed in his catholic
rather a hardening of certain ones held earlier on remarriage,
years, he urged Christian women to set themselves apart
flight to avoid persecution, and repentance for serious sins—
from pagan women in clothing, adornment, hair style, and
all of which, as a Montanist, he prohibited absolutely. His
even in the way they walked. About the same time he exhort-
new affiliation notwithstanding, he continued as the chief
ed Christians in The Martyrs to view prison as a place of
spokesman against gnosticism and Marcionism and as the
withdrawal from the corrupt world and their imprisonment
major theologian in the West until Augustine.
as discipline for heavenly citizenship.
After several years in the Montanist camp Tertullian
In other treatises titled On Baptism, On Prayer, On Re-
separated from them and formed a sect of his own called Ter-
pentance, On Patience, and To His Wife—now dated between
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9086
TERTULLIAN
198 and 203—Tertullian exhibited similar tendencies to dis-
he himself insisted on obtaining truth from revelation, in-
tinguish Christian from pagan life. Those being baptized
cluding that obtained through Montanist seers. A prophet-
should come not to have sins forgiven, he insisted, but “be-
ess, for instance, confirmed his (and the Stoics’) concept of
cause they have ceased sinning.” For those who sin after bap-
a corporeal soul. In his five books Against Marcion, the lon-
tism martyrdom is “a second baptism.” In some contrast to
gest of his writings, and in the treatises On the Flesh of Christ
his later stance in On Modesty, written about 210 or 211,
and On the Resurrection of the Flesh he repudiated Marcionite
Tertullian reluctantly followed the Shepherd of Hermas (c.
and Valentinian views as being of pagan origin. Similarly, the
140) in permitting repentance for serious sins following bap-
polemic Against the Valentinians ridiculed the Valentinian
tism, but he openly expressed admiration for the Montanist
system for inconsistencies and contradictions characteristic
prohibition of second marriages and refusal to grant forgive-
of pagan philosophies. Finally, in Against Praxeas he rejected
ness to fornicators or adulterers. In To His Wife he urged her,
modalism in godhead on the grounds of inconsistency and
first, not to remarry if he should die, but then, if she should
its conflict with “the rule of truth.”
nevertheless marry again, not to marry a pagan. On Modesty
THOUGHT. Tertullian labored assiduously to defend Chris-
classified second marriages, whether after the death of a
tianity from the culture of his day. With that end in view
spouse or not, “the same as adultery” and labeled Hermas
he accentuated the authority of the rule of truth, a summary
“the shepherd of adulterers.” In On Patience Tertullian laud-
of the faith, and of the Bible interpreted more or less literally
ed patience as the Christian virtue par excellence, especially
but with careful reference to context and his own situation.
in the face of death and martyrdom.
He also invented ecclesiastical Latin. These factors notwith-
standing, he in no way equaled Irenaeus, whose treatise
During his Montanist years, Tertullian sharpened the
Against Heresies he invoked often, in development of a bibli-
lines separating Christian and pagan. In On the Wearing of
cal theology. On the contrary, he drew many of his basic pre-
the Laurel Wreath he set forth the rule that whatever scrip-
suppositions from Stoicism and thus laid the ground for a
tures do not explicitly permit is forbidden. Since wearing the
distinctive Latin theology. His enduring contribution lay in
laurel was of pagan origins, it was idolatrous and thus pro-
his gift for finding apt formulas to state particular truths of
hibited for Christians, as was military service. In On Flight
faith.
in Persecution Tertullian negated the more humane view
presented in To His Wife and On Patience and sternly forbade
Stoicism influenced Tertullian’s concept both of God
escape. Persecution is God’s, not the devil’s, will, thus no
and of the soul as corporeal. He asserted that nothing can
Christian should flee. He saved his harshest words, however,
exist without a body. Thus, even though God is spirit, God
for the Valentinian gnostics who encouraged the faithful to
is also body. So also is the soul corporeal. If it were not cor-
flee persecution. Their teaching he called the “scorpion’s
poreal, it could not desert the body.
sting” in a work bearing that title. In On Exhortation to Chas-
From this important assumption Tertullian deduced
tity and On Monogamy the formidable rigorist stoutly de-
another: the transmission of sin through generation. Every
fended the Montanist insistence on a single marriage and
human soul is a branch of Adam’s soul; therefore, every soul
preference for celibacy. Christian perfection, he argued, de-
inherits characteristics of Adam’s soul, including sin. Tertul-
scended from virginity from birth, to virginity from the new
lian, however, did not add to this a conclusion Augustine
birth, to continence within marriage. Against the Marcio-
reached, that is, that guilt is also inherited.
nites, however, Tertullian did affirm the sanctity of marriage.
In his refutation of modalism Tertullian won a victory
In On Fasting he commended also the zeal of Montanists for
for the Logos Christology of the apologists and Irenaeus. The
more fasts. In On the Veiling of Virgins he urged virgins to
first to use the term Trinitas (“trinity”), he argued that one
take the veil and flee the temptations of the world.
God is simultaneously Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, not suc-
Apart from his curious defense of his wearing the palli-
cessively, as Praxeas held. Simultaneity is possible if the Trin-
um as an appropriate Christian “philosopher’s” dress, the re-
ity is “one substance in three persons”: “three, however, not
maining writings of Tertullian are antiheretical. Here, too,
in unchangeable condition, but in rank; not in substance,
Tertullian manifested his separatist inclinations. “What has
but in attitude; not in office, but in appearance;—but of one
Jerusalem to do with Athens, the church with the academy,
nature and of one reality and of one power, because there is
the Christian with the heretic?” he demanded to know. Like
one God from whom those ranks and attitudes and appear-
Irenaeus, he proceeded to set forth the “prescription” that
ances are derived in the name of Father and Son and Holy
heresy represented a departure from the truth that Christ de-
Spirit.” At the same time Tertullian recognized that to say
livered to the apostles and they to apostolic churches. He re-
the Son is “of one substance” with the Father poses a prob-
iterated the point in the polemic Against Hermogenes, in
lem for his humanity and might lead, as it did later, to confu-
which he countered the view that God created the soul from
sion as to the Son’s personhood. Anticipating later debate,
preexistent matter. In a more extensive work, On the Soul,
he repudiated the idea of a mixing or confusion of natures
Tertullian again took up his cudgels against the philosophers,
in some tertium quid.
“those patriarchs of the heretics.” Although grudgingly ad-
On some matters of doctrine Tertullian’s Montanism
mitting that some philosophers had happened on the truth,
left a mark, although it is difficult to say exactly what the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TESHUB
9087
mark was, since both Montanism and Tertullian adhered
During the last two centuries of the Hittite kingdom
rather closely to primitive Christian views. Most significant
(c. 1400–1200 BCE) Teshub was the chief god of the pan-
was his acceptance of the eschatological framework of Mon-
theon, with his cult center at Kummiya. He was the son of
tanist thought. According to this, the age of the Paraclete
Anu (An), the sky god. His wife was the goddess Hebat. He
promised in John 14:16 was inaugurated by Montanus and
had four brothers: Aranzakh (the Tigris River), Tashmishu,
the prophets Priscilla and Maximilla. The dawning of this
and two others whose names are unknown, and a sister, Sha-
dispensation signaled a time of new prophetic revelations
wushka, who was the goddess of love and war. Teshub and
and of greater Christian discipline—fasting, prohibition of
Hebat had a son, Sharruma, and a daughter, Allanzu.
second marriages, and willingness to suffer martyrdom.
Teshub is represented anthropomorphically in low relief
Christ was expected to return soon and set up his millennial
on the rock walls of the sanctuary of Yazilikaya, near Bogaz-
kingdom with headquarters at Pepuza in Phrygia, Mon-
köy (Bittel, 1975, pp. 167–169), standing upon two un-
tanus’s hometown. In the interim the church would be divid-
named anthropomorphic mountain gods and holding a club
ed. On the one side were the psychics, on the other the pneu-
in his right hand. At the head of a procession of male deities,
matics. The former, catholics, would not accept the
he meets and faces his wife, Hebat, the principal goddess of
discipline of the new prophecy; the latter, Montanists,
the pantheon, who heads a procession of goddesses. Around
would. In line with this understanding of the church, the
Teshub are represented other members of his immediate
Montanist Tertullian shifted his views of ministry so as to
family. His size and position on the relief are in keeping with
give a greater weight to prophecy.
his rank as the chief god of the Hittite empire, but otherwise
Given his allegiance to Montanism, a sect increasingly
his dress and complements are those of a normal Hittite
regarded as heretical, it is remarkable that Tertullian had so
storm god.
great an impact on later Christian theology. This must have
In the mythological texts Teshub is always referred to
been due not to his personality but to his unquestioned or-
by one of the two cuneiform signs for “storm god,” not by
thodoxy on most matters and his genius for coining just the
the name Teshub. In the first myth of the so-called Kumarbi
right phrase.
cycle, usually titled Kingship in Heaven (English trans. in
Pritchard, 1969, pp. 120f.), Anu, who had usurped the
SEE ALSO Montanism.
throne of kingship over the gods from Alalu, is driven from
his throne by Alalu’s son Kumarbi. During the struggle Ku-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
marbi bites off Anu’s penis and swallows it. Anu curses Ku-
An excellent critical edition of the whole corpus of Tertullian’s
marbi and promises that from the seed thus implanted in
writings now exists in the Corpus Christianorum, Series La-
Kumarbi five gods will be born, to defeat and depose him.
tina, vols. 1 & 2 (Turnhout, Belgium, 1954). A complete
translation can be found in The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vols. 3
The first one mentioned (and therefore the eldest) is Teshub.
& 4 (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1956). Numerous recent works
In the sequel, called the Song of Ullikummi (ibid.,
have debated critical problems regarding Tertullian’s life and
pp. 121ff.; Güterbock, 1951–1952), the god Kumarbi,
thought. A searching examination of biographical and liter-
whom Teshub has displaced as head of the pantheon, seeks
ary matters is to be found in Timothy D. Barnes’s Tertullian:
to overthrow him by means of a stone monster named Ul-
A Historical and Literary Study (Oxford, 1971). A valuable
likummi, whom Kumarbi had engendered through having
older work, by James Morgan, The Importance of Tertullian
sexual intercourse with a huge boulder. Thus the pattern of
in the Development of Christian Dogma (London, 1928), is in
the offspring of a former king of the gods overthrowing his
need of updating. Most recent studies have focused on par-
ticular aspects of Tertullian’s theology, but Gerald L. Bray’s
father’s successor, which was set in Kingship in Heaven, con-
Holiness and the Will of God: Perspectives on the Theology of
tinues. Teshub is first defeated by the monster and must
Tertullian (Atlanta, 1979) has attempted a more comprehen-
hide, but he eventually triumphs with the help of the god
sive treatment. T. P. O’Malley’s Tertullian and the Bible:
Ea (Enki).
Language-Imagery-Exegesis (Utrecht, 1967) also supplies
A prayer of King Muwatallis is addressed principally to
helpful insight into this important aspect of Tertullian’s
Teshub, called the Storm God of Kummanni. Although this
writings.
is the only prayer in the Hittite archives addressed primarily
E. GLENN HINSON (1987)
to Teshub, other Hittite prayers contain sections in which
subordinate deities—Teshub and Hebat’s children or grand-
children, and once even Teshub’s bull, Seri—are asked to in-
tercede with Teshub or Hebat for the person praying. The
TESHUB was the Hurrian god of the storm. His name,
Hittite archives also contain descriptions of religious festivals
also spelled Teshshub, Te, and Teya, is attested in theophoric
in honor of Teshub and Hebat (Laroche, 1971, pp. 123ff.).
Hurrian personal names in documents from Mesopotamia,
Syro-Palestine, and Anatolia. Since the few Hurrian religious
BIBLIOGRAPHY
texts from outside the Hittite sphere are still somewhat poor-
Bittel, Kurt, et al. Das hethitische Felsheiligtum Yazilikaya. Berlin,
ly understood, most of what we know about the god, his
1975.
mythological roles, and his cult is from Hittite Anatolia.
Gurney. O. R. Some Aspects of Hittite Religion. London, 1977.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9088
TEXTILES
Güterbock, Hans G. “The Song of UlliKummi.” Journal of Cunei-
In parts of South Asia and the South Pacific the physical
form Studies 5 (1951): 135–161 and 6 (1952): 8–42.
form of a newly woven cloth is tubular because the warp
Laroche, Emmanuel. Recherches sur les noms des dieux hittites. Paris,
yarns are continuous and form an uninterrupted circle be-
1947.
tween the two beams of the loom. When the cloth is finished
Laroche, Emmanuel. Catalogue des textes hittites. Paris, 1971.
only a small section of the warp yarns remains unwoven. For
Pritchard, J. B., ed. Ancient Near Eastern Texts relating to the Old
normal use the textile is cut open across this area. The rich
Testament, 3d ed. Princeton, 1969.
metaphorical potential of the continuous yarns in the uncut
Steiner, G. “Gott: Nach hethitischen Texten.” In Reallexikon der
cloth became obvious to diverse groups within the Indone-
Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archäologie, edited by D. O.
sian archipelago. Among the Sasak tribes on the island of
Edzard et al., vol. 3, pp. 547–575. Berlin and New York,
Lombok in eastern Indonesia, three sacred tubular cloths are
1957.
made for a child at birth by the eldest woman weaver in the
New Sources
family. These are stored in a sacred area of the house until
Deighton, H. J. The “Weather-God” in Hittite Anatolia: An Exami-
needed. In the course of the hair-cutting, circumcision, and
nation of the Archaeological and Textual Sources. Oxford,
marriage rites, the warps of these textiles are cut. Although
1982.
deceptively modest in appearance, these red, yellow, black,
Haas, Volkert. Geschichte der hetitischen Religion. Leiden, 1994.
and white striped cotton textiles are endowed with signifi-
Hoffner, Harry A., Jr. Hittite Myths. Atlanta, 1990. Translations
cance affecting the general well-being of individuals. Farther
of texts related to the Storm god Teshub.
west, on the island of Bali, the more elaborate geringsing, dec-
orated with double ikat-patterns, have similar metaphorical
HARRY A. HOFFNER, JR. (1987)
Revised Bibliography
significance. Geringsing also have a circular warp that must
be cut to form a cloth. A single cloth, which may take over
a year to produce, accompanies an individual throughout
TEXTILES.
each life-crisis ceremony; ultimately it serves as a funeral pall
Processing fiber into thread and transform-
for the corpse.
ing those threads into fabrics, possibly the oldest human
technology, first appear on the cultural horizon during the
The associations with female textile “producers” reflect
Neolithic period, between twelve and fifteen thousand years
other, more nuanced cultural meanings. Across the ages
ago. Not until the sixth millennium BCE, however, do frag-
dowries have involved fine textiles and the presumption that
ments of textiles excavated at sites in central Europe and the
these specialized fabrics embodied a bride’s skills to provide
Middle East provide evidence for their inclusion in ritual or
for and clothe the family. Entire industries in many parts of
religious contexts. These grave furnishings and occasional
the world, like those still flourishing in Morocco, cater to the
finds from refuse dumps suggest purpose and intent; howev-
wedding trade and, despite their patriarchical commercializa-
er, the archaeological record is far from complete. The docu-
tion, are evidence of the link between textiles and life pro-
mentation of the actual meanings of many ritual practices in-
cesses. The productive and fructifying qualities associated
volving fabric is, in most cases, relatively recent. Despite
with women are transferred to dowry textiles, which in turn
differences in time and space and the fact that few causal
function as fertility symbols. When juxtaposed with male
links exist among the cultures discussed here, the practices
symbols in metal or agricultural products, textiles evoke a
involving textiles in religious rites and ceremonies can be
complementary polarity, a polarity well illustrated in the ar-
considered in three broad categories: (1) symbolic meanings
chaeological and ethnographic record. The second-century
associated with textiles, (2) ritual functions for textiles within
CE graves of Dian nobles excavated in Southwest China at
religious practices, and (3) links between the sacred and the
the sites of Shizaishan and Lijaishan, for example, contained
profane realms.
bronze models of looms, other weaving tools, and sewing
TEXTILES AS SYMBOLS. In most societies that developed tex-
boxes in female graves; comparable male burials were fur-
tile technologies, cloth and its production served as meta-
nished with bronze weapons and models of agricultural tools.
phors for life. In Greek mythology, for example, three god-
Together, tools or weapons and textiles symbolized
desses known as the Moirai controlled the lives of mortals.
completion and ideals of cosmic harmony. Echoes of this no-
The Fates, as they are more commonly known, include
tion are found in legends of the ancient Mediterranean and
Clotho the spinner, who creates the web of life; Lachesis,
Asian worlds that personified the annual conjunction of two
who measures its length; and Atropos, who cuts it. The phys-
stars within the Milky Way as the weaving maiden and the
ical act of interlacing prepared threads on a frame to create
herdsman.
textiles is a powerful symbol. The spinning of thread, its
winding onto bobbins, and the warping of the loom symbol-
RITUAL USES FOR TEXTILES. In Jewish tradition the tassel
ize conception, gestation, and birth. The process of weaving
or tzitzit at each corner of a man’s tallith, which is worn as
evokes the vicissitudes of life, growth, and maturity. Cutting
an undergarment, consists of eight strings and five knots
the cloth from the loom can symbolize death, but more fre-
wrapped in specific ways to equal the numerical value of one
quently it symbolizes rebirth and renewal because the process
of the names of god. The numerical value of the word tzitzit
creates an object that can then be used.
(together with the eight strings and five knots on each cor-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEXTILES
9089
ner) adds up to 613, the number of mitzvoth, or obligations,
robes of clothes and household linens, reflecting the status
in the Torah.
and means of the individual in life, were also interred to pro-
vide the comforts of this earth in the next world. Along the
Binding. Present-day Hindu practice continues to use
dry south coast of Peru, pre-Columbian mummy bundles of
a thread or cord as the symbol of renewal, creating a closed
aristocrats contain numerous finely woven and embroidered
circle that ties the worshiper to the principles of the faith.
sets of wool and cotton clothes as well as large quantities of
During Upanayana, a rite-of-passage ceremony, sacred cords
other fine textiles.
are placed over the shoulders of adolescent boys to signify
their eligibility for education within the caste tradition. For
In China, where silk was a principal trade commodity
the brahman caste the thread is cotton; for the ks:atriya (war-
as well as the imperial standard for the payment and collec-
rior or ruler) caste the cord is hemp; for the vai´sya (artisan
tion of taxes, silk textiles played a major role in life and death.
or merchant) caste the cord is wool. Women also use the sa-
Throughout the centuries the number and quality of burial
cred thread within rituals. For example, at the annual festival
clothes reflected the status of the individual in life. The re-
of the goddess Gauri, a cotton thread sixteen times the
markably well-preserved chambered tomb of the Lady Dai
woman’s height is wound into a skein and laid before images
at Mawangdui, Changsha, which dates from about 160 BCE,
of the goddess. Later the skein is worn around the neck, then
contained over twenty-seven items of silk apparel, including
buried or burned.
some twelve coats, forty-six rolls of uncut silk, and numerous
silk wrappers and bags. During the later imperial period the
Ritual bonding frequently uses textiles. The priest’s
custom of preparing clothes especially decorated with charac-
stole that drapes the joined hands of a couple during the mar-
ters meaning “long life” (the so-called shufu, or “longevity”
riage ceremony in the Western and Eastern Christian
coats) arose, but burial clothes mainly copied an individual’s
Church in effect becomes the tie that binds man to woman
official wardrobe, which designated rank at court. Archaeolo-
and the couple to the church, reinforcing the sanctity of mar-
gy has also revealed abuses of the rules of entitlement, such
riage. In many Muslim societies ritual bonding occurs when
as the garments recovered from the tombs of Xu Fan (1463–
the bridal couple is invited to sit on a shared mat or textile.
1530) and his wife from Taizhou, Jiangsu province, in which
Among the Batak tribes of northern Sumatra the climax of
the wive’s robes outranked those of her husband by two
the traditional marriage ceremony is the enveloping of the
ranks.
couple in a single textile by the bride’s father. Other mem-
bers of the immediate family are also wrapped in shawls dur-
Although there are instances of funeral textiles recycled
ing the course of the ceremony, further emphasizing the
from life, such as the bridal garments used for the burials of
bonds this event celebrates.
Chinese women, which reflected a most exalted status in the
rigid patriarchial society that largely ignored women, most
Offering. Literally hundreds of blankets, bolts of cloth,
were specially acquired for burial. The obligation and ex-
and other utilitarian textiles, as well as great quantities of
pense for a Confucian funeral were borne by the next genera-
nontextile domestic and ritual goods, were amassed by ex-
tion of the family. By contrast, nineteenth-century aristo-
tended family groups among the tribes of the northwest coast
crats on the island of Timor in eastern Indonesia devoted
of North America for potlatch feasts. They were presented
considerable amounts of time and money to amassing quan-
to guests or burned in extravagant demonstrations of ex-
tities of prestige textiles for their own burials.
change. In contemporary revivals, commercial cloth and
clothing are exchanged. Although less dramatic, the import-
Sacrifices do not always involve fabrics of the greatest
ed Chinese white silk scarves patterned with Buddhist sym-
economic or aesthetic value. For some cultures specific tex-
bols and the simple Indian white cotton gauze scarves used
tiles are produced for shrouds. The traditional burial cloth-
by Tibetan Buddhists convey a similar sense of offering and
ing of Jews is a set of simple, untailored linen garments. In
sacrifice. In the wool-producing regions of the Tibetan Pla-
Bali the sacred cloths called bebali are in effect token textiles
teau these exotic imports were tokens of exchange between
made only for offering. Loosely woven, they are too fragile
individuals upon meeting and offerings to images. Tibetans
for use; most are too small to function as clothing for the liv-
also offer rectangles of cotton cloth block-printed with
ing. During the late imperial period in China and continuing
prayers to the elements as acts of devotion. Flown from poles,
into the twenty-first century, sets of paper clothes and mod-
suspended on lines, or tied to the roofs of temples and
els of bolts of silk are as offerings to the dead for the next
shrines, these textiles are literally destroyed by the winds that
life.
activate intercessions with the gods.
Textile offerings were important in rituals honoring per-
Funeral customs provide other insights into textile-
sonified deities. In pharaonic Egypt images of gods within
offering practices. Although knowledge of the actual practice
cult temples were centers of elaborate ceremonies that imitat-
is far from complete, the archaeological record for pharaonic
ed human life. Gods were awakened in the morning, fed,
Egypt and pre-Columbian Peru is spectacular. The dry cli-
bathed, and clothed, taken on festive outings, and put to bed
mates of the Egyptian desert and of coastal Peru have pre-
at night, not unlike the pharaoh, the living manifestation of
served vast quantities of textiles used in burial. Egyptians
god on earth. Aqllawasi (House of Chosen Women), often
wrapped mummies of the dead in fine linen. Complete ward-
referred to as Virgins of the Sun, was a cloistered community
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9090
TEXTILES
of Quechua noble women devoted to the cult of the Sun
Western Christian Church within the same context over
God. Among their duties was the weaving of clothing for the
time (e.g., for feast days of martyrs), emphasizes a sense of
ruler or Inka, the embodiment of the Sun God on earth. Per-
ritual cycle that is permanent despite the passage of real time.
haps the most celebrated textile offering of antiquity was the
The use of the same textile within a sequence of events, as
annual Panathenaia in Athens, an event commemorated on
is done with the geringsing cloths from the island of Bali,
the inner frieze of the Parthenon. The climax of the festival
achieves for the participant a sense of suspended animation.
was a procession carrying the costly new peplos made by the
A third sense of ritual time is embodied in the notion of
women of Athens to the Acropolis and the presentation of
transformation: special furnishings or clothing can dramatize
this garment to the cult image of Pallas Athena.
the transformation of a place into the presence of a god or
of the individual into a servant or intermediary of the god.
Offerings of clothing to temple images were frequent
occurrences throughout Buddhist, Hindu, Daoist, and Con-
Textiles also have spatial functions, creating a sacred
fucian Asia. In late imperial China, for example, where the
precinct within a larger profane context. On the most funda-
giving of prestige cloths marked the New Year as well as
mental level, textiles can provide a focus for ritual. The act
birthday celebrations, many of the city gods were presented
of spreading a cloth, whether it is the simple linen textile that
on these occasions with new robes, cut especially large and
covers the top of the Christian altar or the elaborately pat-
often without side seams, a fact frequently recorded in pious
terned silk covers for the Buddhist incense tables, transforms
inscriptions by donors.
a table into an altar.
Icons. In some cultures textiles themselves are venerat-
The kiswah, the most important textile in Islam, covers
ed. The effigies of the hearth deities worshiped by nomadic
the KaEbah in Mecca, a square granite structure that immures
Mongols were made entirely of felt. These special effigies,
the Black Stone. The stone itself predates the founding of
called ongot, one identified as male, the other female, were
Islam, but it became the most sacred relic of the religion and
kept inside the yurt. In Buddhism, before the development
the focus of Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca. The kiswah is
of a rich figural iconography following the second century
made of black silk with QurDanic inscriptions woven or em-
broidered in gold. Covering a cubical structure roughly
CE, images of the Buddha’s attributes, including his mantle
and his throne with its textile-covered cushion, served the
twelve meters high, the kiswah is a dramatic indicator of a
faithful as a symbolic focus for worship. The legend and the
sacred precinct. It is replaced annually, and the older textile
numerous illustrations of Veronica’s veil or the much-
is cut into pieces that are sold as relics.
celebrated linen shroud preserved in the cathedral at Turin,
Textiles suspended over a ritual area transform the space
which bears a human image said to be that of the crucified
beneath to offer real or symbolic protection. Some are porta-
Christ, are two examples of venerable textiles from the Chris-
ble, like the wedding canopies common to many faiths. In
tian tradition. Among Muslims the presentation of the cloth
effect they transform any space beneath them into a ritual
cover from a saint’s tomb is a means of conveying blessings
area and are reused as occasion demands. Other canopies
on an honored visitor.
convey cosmological meaning. Those placed over altars or
above images in Christian or Buddhist buildings, for exam-
Among the Toraja tribes of central Sulawesi, a group of
ple, serve as metaphors for heaven, contrasting the visual uni-
sacred textiles called ma‘a and sarita embody spiritual power.
verse or firmament with the larger perceived but invisible
These textiles are heirlooms handed down through families;
heaven beyond.
they are used for display on many ritual and ceremonial occa-
sions. Some of these textiles are of local manufacture, but
The pierced quatrefoil canopy called yunjian in Chi-
many are made of imported Indian cotton cloth that has
nese, meaning “cloud collar,” which is placed on the apex of
been painted with Torajan symbols.
Mongol felt yurts, is of central Asian or southern Siberian
origin. Its four pendant points promote spatial orientation
In Tibet, man:d:alas depicting various deities in the Bud-
with the cardinal points of the compass; the hole at the top
dhist pantheon were constructed in the appliqué technique
is called a sky door and symbolizes the gate to heaven,
from Chinese silks and other exotic fabrics donated to
through which the earth axis passes. The application of this
monasteries. The most impressive examples were the gigantic
shape around the necks of garments, which also arose on the
man:d:alas measuring over twenty meters in length that were
steppe, conferred a notion of cosmic orientation to the
displayed once a year against the facade of the Potala in
wearer.
Lhasa.
Fabric may also cover the area on which ritual occurs.
Creation of a sacred place. The place where a ritual or
Mats and carpets indicate places for prayer and meditation
ceremony is performed may have a temporal as well as a spa-
in most Asian cultures, which did not develop elaborate fur-
tial dimension. The suspension of normal time to create a
niture for sitting but lived primarily on the floor. For exam-
temporal framework in which humans can commune with
ple, small square woolen carpets decorated with Buddhist
the supernatural can be aided by textiles in several ways. For
symbols were commonly used by Buddhist monks in Tibet.
example, the repeated use of textiles or sets of textiles, such
High-ranking clergy, however, often sat on silk-covered
as the red vestments and altar furnishings employed in the
cushions.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEXTILES
9091
Some floor coverings promote ideas of spatial orienta-
This pattern influenced early Christian worship as well.
tion. Within many of the powerful agrarian empires across
In the early centuries of the Christian era, large curtains were
the world, the precise arrangement of specific floor coverings
used to articulate space within the church or meeting room
and other furnishings within a ritual area ensured the success
to accommodate different audiences. Part of the building was
of the ceremony. A fourth-century BCE text, the Shujing
accessible to nonbelievers, and other provisions were made
(Book of history), describes the proper procedure for setting
for those under instruction but not yet baptized. The faithful
up the offerings for the burial of a prince, with detailed in-
were divided into groups, with men and women occupying
structions concerning the appropriate carpet, offering table,
different areas; the clergy had an area around the altar. In the
and sacrifice for each of the cardinal points within the tomb
West large curtains disappeared from the interiors of reli-
area. In other instances single textiles function as spatial indi-
gious buildings with the rise of the Romanesque architectural
cators: the organization of motifs in certain Mongol, Turk-
style around the year 1000. The parochet and the tabernacle
ish, and Chinese carpets within the rectilinear confines of the
veils of the Western Christian Church are humble reminders
textile imply a correct alignment.
of times when interiors were lavishly decorated with textiles.
The most famed ritual floor covering, the so-called
Large curtains remained in use in the Eastern Christian
Muslim prayer carpet, is traditionally decorated with an arch
Church for a time, but the development of the iconostasis
at one end echoing the mih:ra¯b niche in the mosque, which
on which icons were displayed gradually replaced the porta-
orients prayer toward Mecca. However, the function of these
ble curtains separating the sanctuary from the nave. The am-
carpets is independent of decoration, since they provide a
phithyron, a smaller curtain that hung behind the central
spatial substitute for worship within a mosque to assist the
doors of the iconostasis, is all that remains of the more elabo-
faithful in discharging the obligation of prayer five times a
rate curtaining systems. Only in Ethiopian churches practic-
day. No specific carpets are prescribed for the mosque floor.
ing Coptic rites do large dividing curtains survive.
If anything were to be considered the first religiously pre-
The notion of concealment is present at other levels as
scribed floor covering, it would be the simple plaited palm-
well, particularly in practices that shield sacred paraphernalia
leaf mat used by nomadic Arabs. But once Islam came into
from the eyes of the uninitiated or from direct contact with
contact with the artistically sophisticated cultures of western
the profane hand. In the Christian Church the chalice and
Asia, custom and taste dictated design. Historically, many
the Host, as well as many of the accoutrements used in the
carpets were merely decorative; however, some were un-
service, are only revealed at the appropriate moment in the
doubtedly used for prayer within the home.
ritual; at other times they are veiled from sight. The Torah
mantles, made of the most costly silk and gold-enriched fab-
Textiles have served as portable shrines for nomadic
rics, the simple tie-dyed silk curtains that hang in front of
peoples, and some of these textile environments survive
the painted images of Tibetan Buddhist man:d:alas, and the
among settled populations. The mahmal tents used during
elaborately embroidered epitaphios sindon of the Greek Or-
the Muslim pilgrimage to Mecca are one example.
thodox rite, which veils the chalice and paten, serve identical
Textile curtains act as screens shielding sacred ritual
functions.
areas and guarding access to them. Although a distancing de-
TEXTILE LINKS BETWEEN THE SACRED AND THE PROFANE
vice, these textiles afford the celebrants a ritual dramatic ef-
REALMS. Throughout history textiles have conveyed both
fect when they are suddenly parted to reveal mystery. The
symbolic and economic meaning. Before the industrial age
ark curtain or parochet (Hebrew, parokhet) is the main ritual
reduced most textiles to the realm of disposable consumer
textile within Jewish practice. Its precedents can be found in
goods, all textiles possessed real value as the product of the
the tabernacle described in chapter 26 of Exodus. This record
labor invested in cultivating, spinning, dyeing, and weaving.
of one of the most celebrated of the portable ritual-textile en-
These labor factors, as well as the materials, skills, and ritual
vironments profoundly influenced the ritual trappings of
meanings, conferred prestige that could be transferred. Many
later Jewish and Christian practice. Within Ashkenazic tradi-
religious organizations relied on cloistered workshops to pro-
tion the standard parochet consists of a prestige cloth framed
duce liturgical textiles. These establishments were often man-
between two pillars and a lintel, a device previously thought
aged by women, whose textile production calls to mind spe-
to relate to sixteenth-century title pages from printed books.
cialized dowry manufacture. Some particularly time-
The form may well have more ancient precedents, however,
consuming specialized techniques associated with these
recalling times when practice demanded large curtains hung
workshops are like pious acts of devotion embodying repeti-
between architectural bays to subdivide areas of worship. Ar-
tive invocations and blessings. During the seventeenth and
chaeological evidence from the third-century CE synagogue
eighteenth centuries, secular schools for young noble
at Dura-Europos in Syria reveals that a large curtain divided
women—like the Smol’nyi Institute founded by Catherine
the area in front of the Torah shrine from the congregation.
the Great and the Maison royale de Saint-Cyr established by
This custom of using curtains to subdivide spaces within reli-
Madame de Maintenon—were modeled on cloistered ate-
gious and secular architecture was widespread in the Near
liers. These schools produced fine textiles for the church as
East and the Mediterranean during classical times.
well as for aristocractic households, as evidenced by the sur-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9092
TEXTILES
viving fabrics dating from the late Medieval period. The larg-
many of the decorative textiles that have become associated
est number of textiles used within religious ceremony have
with ritual also have secular origins. One group of textiles in
neither ritual function nor meaning as religious symbols.
particular, however, remains virtually unchanged from its
Rather, their purpose is self-consciously decorative. Whether
secular usage. Cloths of state, throne covers, footstool covers,
temporary or permanent, these textiles enhance ritual
umbrellas, and baldachins are statements of secular political
through splendid display. These decorations often featured
power. They designate rank and position within the clergy
fabrics that had been transformed from secular uses for the
(of Western Christian traditions, Judaism and Buddhism)
purpose. Many churches encouraged the donation of secular
for purposes of prestige and control rather than ritual.
prestige textiles by the faithful as a meritorious deed, and this
cache of prestige goods was available for recycling. Particular-
SEE ALSO Clothing; KaEbah.
ly valuable textiles were often used to wrap relics and other
sacred items before placing them in reliquaries for storage.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
In the West many examples of the medieval silks survive only
In the absence of a comprehensive investigation of textiles used
from these contexts.
in ritual and ceremony, information is scattered in many
sources, and data are inconsistent from culture to culture.
Banners and hangings announce the special character of
General references to the roles textiles play in ritual are in
ritual space. They can be carried in procession or used for
Michael V. Angrosino’s The Culture of the Sacred (Prospect
interior display. Most of these objects are showy and made
Heights, Ill., 2004), and Catherine M. Bell’s Ritual Theory,
of lightweight materials; some, such as the banners used in
Ritual Practice (New York and Oxford, 1992). A number of
Buddhist temples, have long streamers that add movement
papers that cover the aspects of ritual textiles are in Lynne
as well as color to ritual space. Banners bearing images of dei-
Milgram and Penny Van Esterik, eds., The Transformative
ties convey popular iconography and may serve an informal
Power of Cloth in Southeast Asia (Toronto, 1994), and Textile
educative function, but in general they are difficult to distin-
Society of America, Sacred and Ceremonial Textiles, Proceed-
guish from comparable secular decoration.
ings of the Fifth Biennial Symposium of the Textile Society of
American, Chicago, Illinois, 1996 (Minneapolis, 1997).
Textiles that adorn the interior walls of worship halls,
like the wall paintings many of them replaced, are commonly
For the Christian Church, scholarship has focused largely on vest-
ments. Identification of nonvestment textiles used in Chris-
didactic. The painted cotton temple hangings from northern
tian ritual is in J. Wickham Legg’s Notes on the History of the
India, for example, often depict stories from Hindu mythol-
Liturgical Colours, Transactions of the St. Paul’s Ecclesiologi-
ogy. Many of the tapestry sets woven for religious institu-
cal Society (London, 1882), and in Legg’s Church Ornaments
tions in medieval Europe illustrate the lives of the saints or
and Their Civil Antecedents (Cambridge, U.K., 1917).
depict apocalyptic visions. In the West the popularity of such
Among the best explanations of the origins and uses of tex-
monumental textiles lapsed with the rise of the Gothic archi-
tiles in Jewish ritual is Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett’s Fab-
tectural style. The Graham Sutherland tapestry at Coventry
ric of Jewish Life (New York, 1977). This exhibition catalog
Cathedral is an outstanding example of the twentieth-
to the collection of ritual and ceremonial textiles in the Jew-
century revival of tapestry weaving that has affected contem-
ish Museum collection is well illustrated and contains a good
porary Western Christian Church decoration.
bibliography.
Carpets may cover the floors, cushioning bare feet as in
Specific aspects of the use of textiles within ancient and historical
Western religious contexts are in Elizabeth Grace Crowfoot,
the mosques of Islam, decorate the space before the altar as
“The Clothing of a Fourteenth-Century Nubian Bishop,”
in Christian practice, or wrap the pillars of the worship hall
pp. 43–51; Veronika Gervers, “An Early Christian Curtain
as in Tibet and China. In most cases these lavish displays are
in the Royal Ontario Museum,” pp. 56–81; and Donald
more apt to result from pious donation of secular goods than
King, “How Many Apocalypse Tapestries?,” pp. 160–167;
from ritual requirements.
all of which are in Studies in Textile History: In Memory of
A vast range of covers for lecterns, reading desks, books,
Harold B. Burnham, edited by Veronika Gervers (Toronto,
scrolls, cushions, kneelers, and furniture utilize fine textiles.
1977). In addition, this Festschrift contains Rita Bolland,
“Weaving the Pinatikan, a Warp-Patterned Kain Bentenan
Textile valances enhance architectural settings. The kapporet
from North Celebes,” pp. 1–17, and John E. Vollmer, “Ar-
(cover) placed over the Torah curtain transforms the Torah
chaeological and Ethnographical Considerations of the Foot-
shrine into the mercy seat of the Ark of the Tabernacle. In
Braced Body-Tension Loom,” pp. 343–354, both of which
East Asian religious contexts, elaborately embroidered va-
discuss non-Western textiles. R. B. Serjeant’s Islamic Textiles:
lances were often added to the niches in which image shrines
Material for a History up to the Mongol Conquest (Beirut,
were placed. Some of these were special commissions donat-
1972), which was originally published serially in Ars Islamica
ed to the temples. One popular Chinese Buddhist valance
9–14 (1942–1951), is the basic reference for Islamic textiles.
type was made as a patchwork by members of the congrega-
A good source for both Islamic and East Asian carpets is M.
tion from personal textiles or from temple supplies of donat-
S. Dimand’s Oriental Rugs in the Metropolitan Museum of Art
ed textiles.
(New York, 1973). In addition to the catalog to the Metro-
politan Museum’s considerable collection, this volume in-
In the same way that most vestments used by religions
cludes a series of essays documenting the use of carpets in
throughout the world were derived from secular clothing,
Asia as well as their earliest appearances in the West.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TEZCATLIPOCA
9093
One of the best references for the East Asian region in English is
nardino de Sahagún’s Historia general de las cosas de la Nueva
J. J. M. de Groot’s The Religious System of China: Its Ancient
España (compiled 1569–1582; also known as the Florentine
Forms, Evolution, History, and Present Aspect, Manners, Cus-
Codex), we learn that for a full year prior to Toxcatl, Tez-
toms, and Social Institutions Connected Therewith (Leiden,
catlipoca’s ixiptla (deity impersonator) lived in the Aztec cap-
1892–1910). This six-volume study remains one of the best
ital in complete splendor and honor, treated as a great lord.
standard references on traditional religious practices in
Usually a captive warrior, the ixiptla had to be physically per-
China. Leonardo Olschki’s The Myth of Felt (Berkeley,
Calif., 1949) contains a perceptive essay on the significance
fect in size, proportion, skin color, and beauty. By women
of this material in traditional Mongol society. Articles by in-
he was called “tall one, head nodder, handful of stars.” He
ternational scholars documenting ritual use of textiles
moved regally about the capital dressed in flower headdresses
throughout the Indonesian Archipelago are in Mattibelle
and luxurious ornaments, carrying his smoking pipe and
Gittinger, ed., Indonesian Textiles: Irene Emery Roundtable on
flute and speaking graciously to all who greeted him. Twenty
Museum Textiles, 1979 Proceedings (Washington, D.C.,
days prior to his sacrifice at the height of Toxcatl, the ixiptla
1980). Other Asian practices are dicussed in Alice Beck
was given four beautiful maidens in marriage. Following his
Kehoe’s Shamans and Religion (Prospect Heights, Ill., 2000);
heart sacrifice to the Sun, his head was strung on the public
and Rosemary Crill, Steven Cohen, and Ruth Barnes, Court,
skull rack in the main ceremonial center of Tenochtitlán. Of
Temple, and Trade: Indian Textiles in the Tapi Collection
the dramatic turnabout in the life of Tezcatlipoca’s imper-
(Mumbai, India, 2002). References to textiles within the Ti-
sonator, the Florentine Codex states: “And this betokeneth
betan context are in the five-volume catalog by the Newark
Museum, Catalogue of the Tibetan Collection and Other La-
our life on earth. For he who rejoiceth, who possesseth rich-
maist Articles in the Newark Museum (Newark, N.J., 1950–
es, who seeketh and coveteth our lord’s sweetness, his gentle-
1971).
ness—riches and property—thus endeth in great misery. For
References to New World practices are in Laurie Adelson and Ar-
it is said, ‘None come to an end here upon earth with happi-
thur Tracht, Aymara Weavings: Ceremonial Textiles of Colo-
ness, riches and wealth’” (trans. Anderson and Dibble, vol.
nial and Nineteenth-Century Bolivia (Washington, D.C.,
2, p. 69).
1983), and Ann Pollard Rowe and John Cohen, Hidden
According to the sacred historical traditions of the
Threads of Peru: Q’ero Textiles (Washington, D.C., 2002).
Aztec, which trace back to the paradigmatic kingdom of Tol-
JOHN E. VOLLMER (1987 AND 2005)
lan (900–1100 CE), Tezcatlipoca, a great sorcerer, drew un-
canny powers from his obsidian mirror in a struggle against
the Toltec priest-king Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl (“our young
TEZCATLIPOCA (“the smoking mirror”) was one of
prince the feathered serpent”). Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl was
the four Aztec creator gods who arranged the universe and
tricked into drunkenness and sexual incontinence, which led
set the cosmic ages in motion through periodic celestial bat-
to the utter collapse of his well-ordered city-state. Several pri-
tles. Tezcatlipoca was sometimes cast as the supernatural an-
mary sources suggest that the conflict between the great king
tagonist of Quetzalcoatl, the deity associated with cultural
and his magical antagonist was centered on Tezcatlipoca’s
creativity, urban order, and priestly wisdom. Yet Tezcatlipo-
desire to replace animal and insect sacrifice with human sac-
ca has the most overwhelming power and protean personality
rifice.
of any Aztec deity. Among his aspects were Itztli, a calendar
god; Tepeyolotl, an ancient jaguar-earth god; Ixquimilli-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Itztla-coaliuhqui, a god of punishment; and Omacatl, the
Brundage, Burr C. The Fifth Sun: Aztec Gods, Aztec World. Austin,
spirit of revelry. His many forms reflect the omnipotent
1979. See especially Brundage’s insightful chapter, “The
character of numinous forces in Aztec religion. The range of
Quality of the Numinous” (pp. 50–79), and his detailed dis-
cussion of the deity in “Tezcatlipoca” (pp. 108–126).
Tezcatlipoca’s power is perhaps best represented in his desig-
nation as “the enemy on both sides.”
Sahagún, Bernardino de. Florentine Codex: General History of the
Things of New Spain, vol. 2, The Ceremonies. Translated by
As in all pictorial representations of Mesoamerican dei-
Arthur J. O. Anderson and Charles E. Dibble. Santa Fe, N.
ties, Tezcatlipoca’s costume contains elements crucial to his
Mex., 1951. This remarkable translation is one of the richest
identification. His primary emblem, a smoking mirror made
sources for the study of Aztec religion, in that it contains a
of obsidian, is often depicted as a circular disk with a shaft
detailed description, provided by Aztec elders shortly after
through it and two curling forms representing smoke at-
the Conquest, of the great ceremony of Toxcatl, which was
tached to the edges. The mirror emblem is located either in
dedicated to Tezcatlipoca. It provides the reader with a vivid
the deity’s headdress or in place of one foot. According to
example of the complex and contradictory forces symbolized
one source, his foot was bitten off by an earth monster during
by Tezcatlipoca.
the struggle for the creation of the world. On the social level,
New Sources
this emblem of the smoking mirror was intimately associated
Barjau, Luis. Tezcatlipoca: Elementos de una teología nahua (Tez-
with the divine power of the Aztec tlatoani (king).
catlipoca: Elements of a Nahua Theology). Mexico City, 1991.
Tezcatlipoca’s specific ritual significance was expressed
Miller, Mary and Karl Taube. The Gods and Symbols of Ancient
in the great annual festival of Toxcatl. In book 2 of Fray Ber-
Mexico and the Maya. London, 1993.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9094
THAI RELIGION
Olivier, Guilhem. Moqueries et metamorphoses du’an dieu aztèque:
ics in stupas and the placement of images and other remind-
Tezcatlipoca, le “Seigneur au miroir fumant” (Mockeries and
ers of the Buddha served to establish the presence of the Bud-
Metamorphasis of an Aztec God: Tezcatlipoca, the ‘man of the
dha in the domains (muang) of the Tai. Having accepted the
smoking mirror’). Paris, 1997.
Buddha, the Tai were open to the teachings of missionary
DAVÍD CARRASCO (1987)
monks belonging to what has been termed the “forest mon-
Revised Bibliography
astery” tradition who traveled from domain to domain in the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. One of the most impor-
tant consequences of the work of these monks was the estab-
lishment of wats (temple-monasteries) in villages as well as
THAI RELIGION. Thailand must be counted as one
in court centers. The members of the sangha (Skt., sam:gha),
of the preeminent Buddhist countries in the world. Official
or order of monks, who lived in these monasteries popular-
figures place the percentage of Buddhists in a population of
ized the Dhamma, the doctrines of Buddhism, by using texts
47 million in 1980 as more than 95 percent. If those, mainly
written in the vernacular rather than in Pali, the canonical
of Chinese and Vietnamese extraction, who follow
language of the Therava¯da tradition. Among the most influ-
Maha¯ya¯na and Confucian traditions are excluded from the
ential were the Sermon on the Three Worlds, written by a
census category of Buddhists, wherein they are officially sub-
prince of Sukho¯thai in the middle of the fourteenth century,
sumed, still well over 90 percent of the populace of Thailand
and sermons in the form of suttas, written probably in north-
can be counted as adherents of Therava¯da Buddhism. De-
ern Thailand in the fifteenth century, that tell of the “bless-
spite the apparent uniformity of religion that such a charac-
ings” (a¯nisam:sa) acquired through ritual acts.
terization suggests, there are many facets of Thai religion. As
different sectors of the Thai populace have attempted to find
In the Buddhist worldview adopted by the Tai, all sen-
meaningful ways to confront fundamental problems of dis-
tient beings—human, animal, demonic, and divine—are un-
ease and death, threats of social disorder, and experienced or
derstood to be situated along a continuum of relative suffer-
perceived injustices, they have turned to different types of re-
ing, the place they occupy on the continuum being
ligious practice, each with its own distinctive history. Al-
determined by the consequences of kamma (Skt., karman;
though these different types can be said in some basic sense
Thai, kam)—that is, consequences of actions performed in
to belong to an encompassing tradition of Thai Therava¯da
previous existences. The differences among human beings—
Buddhism, they are still sometimes in tension with each
male and female, ruler and peasant, rich and poor, beautiful
other.
and ugly, healthy and sickly—can also be interpreted with
TRADITIONAL THAI RELIGION. In 1292, Ramkhamhaeng
reference to the theory of kamma. Tai continued to believe
(Ra¯ma Khamhaeng), the king of the principality of
in a personal vital essence (khwan), in spirits (ph¯ı), in gods—
Sukho¯thai in what is today north-central Thailand, put up
now construed in Hindu-Buddhist terms as devata¯ (Thai,
a stele on which was recorded the first known text in any Tai
th¯e-wada¯), as well as in “fate” or cosmic influence—notions
language—that is, in any of the languages spoken by the an-
adapted from Indian thought and conceived of as khro?
˘
cestors of such modern-day peoples as the Lao, the Yuan
(from Skt., gr:ha, astrological mansion or the place of a planet
(Northern Thai), and the Siamese (Central Thai). The in-
in the zodiac) or chata¯ (from Skt., ja¯ta, “born”). These be-
scription is notable for being the first historical evidence that
liefs, however, related to proximate, not ultimate, causes of
Tai-speaking peoples had become adherents of Therava¯da
fortune and misfortune. One’s kamma ultimately deter-
Buddhism. Prior to the thirteenth century, Tai-speaking
mined whether one could be successful in securing one’s
peoples living in northern mainland Southeast Asia and in
wandering vital essence, in propitiating spirits, in worshiping
southern China had followed animistic traditions based on
the deities, or in dispelling cosmic influences.
beliefs in a realm of spirits (ph¯ı) and deities (tha¯¯en) and in
A significant change of one’s position along the contin-
a vital essence (khwan) that made human beings, rice, and
uum of suffering could only be accomplished through accu-
certain animals more than mere physical organisms. Some
mulating merit (puñña; Thai, bun) and not acquiring demer-
Tai-speaking peoples such as the Red Tai, or Tho living in
it (pa¯pa; Thai, ba¯p). To “make merit” (tham bun) as a
northern Vietnam and northeastern Laos, remained animis-
layperson one was to offer alms (da¯na; Thai, tha¯n) to the
tic until at least the middle of the twentieth century. Others,
sangha. A male could also make significant merit through be-
such as the Siamese, the Yuan of northern Thailand, the Lao
coming a member of the sangha and subjecting himself to
of Laos and northeastern Thailand, the Shan of Burma, and
the monastic “discipline” (vinaya; Thai, winai). To avoid de-
the Lue of southern China and northwestern Laos, while re-
merit one was to observe a code of morality (s¯ıla; Thai, s¯ın)
taining beliefs in spirits and a vital essence, also came to un-
that ensured that one would transcend ignorance and resist
derstand the world in terms of the Buddhism of the Pali tra-
the temptation to act so as to fulfill one’s lust, greed, or
dition.
anger. The consequences of immoral behavior—such as pun-
Initially, Buddhism among the Tai, as among other
ishment in hell (naraka; Thai, narok)—as well as of moral
peoples in mainland Southeast Asia, appears to have centered
and meritorious action—such as rebirth in heaven (sagga;
primarily on the cult of relics. The enshrinement of such rel-
Thai, sawan from Skt. svarga) and eventual rebirth on earth
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THAI RELIGION
9095
at the time of the next Buddha, S´r¯ı Ariya Maitreya (Thai,
Siamese had conquered. When the new Siamese kingdom
Phra S¯ı A¯n)—were detailed graphically in such sermons as
with its capital at Bangkok was founded in 1782, its first rul-
the popular tale of the travels of the monk Ma¯laya to hell
ers downplayed the Brahmanic state cult in favor of such
and heaven.
Buddhist activities as unifying the sangha, restoring the scrip-
tures, and sponsoring public almsgiving. At the end of the
These Buddhist ideas, as well as the articulation of these
nineteenth century, King Chulalongkorn (c. 1868–1910) re-
beliefs with notions deriving from the pre-Buddhist past of
stored many Brahmanic state rites in an effort to enhance the
the Tai, were organized into three major popular religious
image of the monarchy. The observance of some of these
traditions followed by Tai-speaking peoples living in what
rites persisted even after a coup in 1932 transformed Siam
is today Thailand. To this day, the ritual practices of the Sia-
into a constitutional monarchy, but by the second half of the
mese of central Thailand, the Yuan of northern Thailand,
twentieth century they had assumed a more dramaturgical
and the Lao of northeastern Thailand, while sharing some
than religious significance.
basic similarities, remain distinctive.
CONTEMPORARY RELIGION IN THAILAND. Religion as prac-
The Buddhist worldview adopted by Tai peoples shaped
ticed by the peoples living in what was to become modern
their orientation toward society. Fundamental to this order
Thailand was rarely rendered problematic to its adherents.
was the division between the sexes. The ideal Buddhist man
Only when the world collapsed, as it did following the de-
should become a member of the sangha in order to pursue
struction of Ayutthaya by the Burmese in 1767, did people
the Path. In practice, very few Tai men ever became mem-
question the efficacy of traditional practice for making sense
bers of the sangha for life, but it became the norm among
of their lives. The period between the fall of Ayutthaya and
all peoples living in premodern Thailand for young men to
the founding of Bangkok in 1782 is notable for the appeal
spend at least a lenten period of three months as either a nov-
that Buddhist millennialism held for many. Millennial ex-
ice or a monk. For women, a connection was made between
perimentation was brought to an end, however, when in
the secular role of woman as mother and woman as nurturer
1782 General Cakkr¯ı deposed the then-reigning monarch,
for the religion. The hierarchical order of traditional society
Taksin, who claimed to be a bodhisattva. Cakkr¯ı, as Rama
was understood in terms of differences in the karmic legacies
I (1782–1809), the founding ruler of the present dynasty,
that each person was assumed to have been born with.
laid the foundations for a new order by restoring peace
Most monks in premodern Thailand acted primarily to
throughout the kingdom and, indeed, by extending his polit-
preserve and transmit the local religious traditions of the
ical control even farther than his predecessors. He moved to
communities where they lived. Although they traced their
purify the religion by purging the sangha of monks who were
lineage to the “forest monastery” monks of the fifteenth cen-
deemed not to be observing the Vinaya (disciplinary code),
tury, there is no evidence to suggest that monks during the
by convening a Buddhist council to ensure that the Tipit:aka
period between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries were
(Skt., Tripit:aka), the Buddhist scriptures, were available in
known for withdrawing from the world to devote their lives
an error-free Pali form, and by promoting the study of both
to meditation. Some monks, however, lived in monasteries
the scriptures and commentarial literature written in Pali.
that served as centers of study of the Dhamma. It was these
The new order established by Rama I proved to be fer-
monks who kept alive a tradition of Pali scholarship as well
tile ground for the development of a major reform move-
as of composition of vernacular religious texts. These centers
ment led by a man who would become King Rama IV, better
were supported mainly by rulers of the traditional kingdoms
known as Mongkut. Mongkut, who served as a monk be-
or by lords of domains subordinate to the kings.
tween 1824 and 1851, was stimulated by his conversations
Kings and lords of premodern Tai realms and domains
with Christian missionaries and other Westerners who had
were held in popular belief to have the right to rule because
begun to come to Siam to search for what could be taken
they “had merit” (m¯ı bun); that is, they had inherited at birth
as the essential elements of Buddhist practice. He became the
a large store of positive consequences of kamma from previ-
leader of a small coterie of monks who spurned what they
ous incarnations. They were expected to display their merito-
considered to be “superstitious” accretions in traditional
riousness in their conspicuous support of the religion and in
practice and turned to Pali scriptures and commentaries to
ensuring the peace and order of the worlds over which they
find the basis for “true” Buddhism. When Mongkut became
held sway. This concept of merit can be seen to be similar
king (r. 1851–1868), his associates in the sangha became the
to the Maha¯ya¯na notion of compassion shown by bodhisatt-
vanguard of a new fraternity, one called the
vas toward the world. Some Tai kings did claim to be bodhi-
Dhammayuttika-nika¯ya (“the fraternity of those who adhere
sattvas, but such a claim was far less common in Tai king-
to the Dhamma”), in contrast to the larger fraternity, the
doms than in those of premodern Burma.
Maha¯nika¯ya (Mahanikai), of monks who continued to fol-
low traditional practice.
In the major premodern Tai kingdom, the Siamese
kingdom of Ayutthaya¯ (1350–1767), court traditions, espe-
Under King Chulalongkorn, Mongkut’s son and suc-
cially after the fifteenth century, showed strong Brahmanic
cessor, leading Dhammayuttika monks, and especially Prince
influences, influences introduced from Angkor, which the
Wachiraya¯n (Vajiraña¯n:avarorasa), another of Mongkut’s
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9096
THAI RELIGION
sons and the head of the Dhammayuttika fraternity, were
other religions, most notably Zen Buddhism, and with refer-
given effective authority over the whole of the sangha in Chu-
ence to the experiences of Thai living in a much more secu-
lalongkorn’s domains. Prince Wachiraya¯n, even before he
larized world than did their forebears. Writing for a more
became prince patriarch (sanghara¯ja) in 1910, was able with
learned audience, the monk known under the title of Phra
the backing of the king to bring monks from the several dif-
Ra¯tchawaramun¯ı (Ra¯javaramun¯ı)—given name Prayut (b.
ferent local Therava¯da traditions into a single national order.
1941)—has sought also to make the Buddhist message rele-
Prince Wachiraya¯n also instituted reforms throughout the
vant to modern life. His Phutthatham (Buddhadhamma),
sangha on the basis of Mongkut’s and his own interpretations
published in 1982, has been acclaimed as one of the most
of Pali texts. The religious reforms instituted by Prince
significant works on Therava¯da ethics ever written.
Wachiraya¯n became the basis for what might be termed
officially sanctioned orthodoxy in contemporary Thai
The radical reformulation of Buddhist practice also
Buddhism.
begun by Mongkut and the founders of the Dhammayuttika
fraternity has been carried yet farther by some monks. A¯ca¯n
Under King Chulalongkorn, Siam began a transforma-
Man Phu¯rithattha (Bhu¯ridatto Thera), a Lao-speaking
tion into a modern state. To meet the threat of colonial ex-
Dhammayuttika monk from northeastern Thailand who
pansion by the British and the French, Chulalongkorn insti-
died in 1949 at the age of 78, concluded early in his life that
tuted administrative reforms that entailed the replacement
to follow the Path to ultimate salvation, one must withdraw
of local lords by centrally appointed officials who adhered to
from the world and devote one’s life to meditation. His life
common bureaucratic norms. So long as Siam was ruled by
as a dhu¯tanga, or wandering ascetic, became the model for
absolute monarchs, however, it still retained an important
many other monks. A number of his disciples, and the disci-
characteristic of the traditional state; that is, order depended
ples of his disciples, known in Thai and Lao as a¯ca¯n (Skt.,
upon the personal efficacy of the monarch. This traditional
a¯ca¯rya), or teachers, have achieved fame as meditation mas-
characteristic was eliminated in the “revolution” of 1932,
ters and strict followers of the Dhamma. A new interest in
during which a group of nonroyal “promoters” forced King
the significance of meditation for Buddhist practice has also
Prajadhipok (r. 1925–1935) to accept a constitution that
been strongly encouraged by a number of non-
proclaimed Thai sovereignty to rest not in the monarch but
Dhammayuttika monks and lay masters. Phutthatha¯t’s cen-
with the people as a nation.
ter, Su¯an Mo¯k, and satellite centers elsewhere, like the forest
retreats of the a¯ca¯n, attract many laypersons as well as monks
Although the name Siam persisted for a time after 1932,
who wish to learn to meditate. In the 1950s Phra Phimon-
modern Thailand can be said to have begun in this year. The
latham (Vimaladhamma Thera; given name A¯satha), a high-
revolution of 1932 focused attention on the question of who
ranking monk from Wat Maha¯tha¯t, a major temple-
made up the national community of Thai, a question that
monastery in Bangkok, introduced and worked to popularize
emerged in the wake of large-scale migration of Chinese to
a form of vipassana¯ (“insight”) meditation that he had
Thailand, the integration of peoples of different traditions
learned from a master in Burma.
into a single state, and the drawing of clear territorial bound-
aries around the state as a consequence of pressures from
Prior to the death of Prime Minister Sarit Thanarat in
neighboring colonial powers. Since 1932, successive govern-
1963, Thai governments considered the burgeoning popu-
ments have made use of a unified sangha and a statewide sys-
larity of meditation monks as potentially, if not actually,
tem of compulsory education to inculcate in the populace
threatening to establishment Buddhism. Since the mid-
the idea that Thai nationalism is rooted in what is taken to
1960s, however, the disciples of A¯ca¯n Man in particular have
be a common Buddhist heritage.
been accorded increasing official support, and the king and
queen have been conspicuous in their patronage of these
Both the reformation of Buddhism led by the Dham-
monks and in their attendance at the funerals of A¯ca¯n Man’s
mayuttika fraternity and the emergence of state-sponsored
major disciples. Forest monasteries today are popular retreats
Thai Buddhist nationalism served to stimulate a self-
for urban laypersons who seek to temper their active involve-
consciousness in many Thai about their religion. This self-
ment in the world with a detachment that comes from medi-
consciousness, in turn, stimulated yet further changes in
tation practice. Meditation centers have also been established
Thai religion. While the refiguration of Therava¯da thought
in Bangkok and other cities, not only by monks but also by
begun by Mongkut early in the nineteenth century reached
the laity. Among the most famous lay masters is A¯ca¯n Na¯e¯p,
a climax in the works of Prince Wachiraya¯n, works that still
a woman. Since the late 1970s, Phimonlatham has also un-
today form the basis of religious studies carried out by most
dertaken a program to stimulate the popularity of insight
monks, a number of monks have continued to pursue signifi-
meditation in rural communities as well as in the cities and
cant theological inquiries. By far the most influential of con-
towns.
temporary Buddhist thinkers is Phutthatha¯t Phikkhu
(Buddhada¯sa Bhikkhu), who lives at a center called Su¯an
Although what might be termed the “meditation move-
Mo¯k (“garden of liberation”) in southern Thailand.
ment” has been accommodated to establishment Buddhism
Phutthatha¯t (b. 1906) has sought in lectures and writings to
in Thailand, other movements have emerged in reaction to
interpret the Dhamma with reference to the theologies of
official orthodoxy and to government-sponsored Thai Bud-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THAI RELIGION
9097
dhist nationalism. Millennial uprisings in northeastern Thai-
Life in Thailand in the twentieth century has become
land in 1901–1902 and resistance in the 1920s and 1930s
increasingly secularized and rationalized as more and more
by Khru¯ba¯ S¯ıwichai (Siri-vijoyo Thera), a highly revered
aspects of experience are interpreted with reference to bu-
popular northern Thai monk, to the authority of the state-
reaucratic regulations, market transactions, technological
appointed sangha hierarchy were precursors to contemporary
processes, and scientific medicine. While these processes of
religious dissent in Thailand. In the mid-1950s and especial-
change have led many Thai to turn away from traditional re-
ly in the 1970s, a number of monks emerged as conspicuous
ligious practices as being no longer significant to their lives,
critics of government policies. While most of these “political
they have also served to make people aware of those experi-
monks” could be considered leftists, there were also a num-
ences that do not make sense in terms of secular, rational
ber associated with right-wing causes. Of particular note is
meanings. It is the awareness of those illnesses that do not
Kittiwuttho¯ Phikkhu (Kittivud:d:ho Bhikkhu), who gained
respond to modern medicine, of increasing disparities in
notoriety in the mid-1970s for arguing that killing commu-
wealth and power, of the potential collapse of order as oc-
nists was not murder as understood in Buddhist terms and
curred in Kampuchea, that leads many Thai to consider what
thus did not produce demerit. Although only a few monks
ritual and ethical practices are most meaningful to them.
have taken active roles in Thai politics, there are many lay
This religious consciousness is what gives contemporary Thai
Buddhist leaders who have contributed to a widening dis-
religion its dynamic character.
course on the salience of religious values for public life.
Among the best known of what might be termed “social gos-
SEE ALSO Buddhism, article on Buddhism in Southeast
pel” Buddhists is Sulak Sivarksa, who has exerted significant
Asia; Folk Religion, article on Folk Buddhism; Kingship, ar-
influence through his numerous essays and the organizations
ticle on Kingship in East Asia; Mongkut; Sam:gha, article on
Sam:gha and Society in South and Southeast Asia; Southeast
he has helped to create.
Asian Religions, article on Mainland Cultures; Therava¯da.
Members of the laity have also assumed leadership roles
in the many cults that have emerged and continue to emerge
BIBLIOGRAPHY
in contemporary Thailand. The typical cult is one in which
The collection Religion and Legitimation of Power in Thailand,
a spirit medium (who typically would be a woman) is be-
Laos, and Burma, edited by Bardwell L. Smith (Chambers-
lieved able to gain the assistance of her control spirit to aid
burg, Pa., 1978), contains several essays that trace the history
a client who is ill or otherwise in distress. Some cults have
of Thai religion and discuss the relationship between Bud-
assumed a wider significance; the most famous of recent
dhism and power in both traditional and contemporary
years is one known under the name Samnak Pu¯ Sawan (Cen-
Thailand. A. Thomas Kirsch’s “Complexity in the Thai Reli-
ter of the Heavenly Ancients). The male leader of this cult
gious System: An Interpretation,” Journal of Asian Studies 36
claimed to be the vehicle for the spirits of a number of fa-
(February 1977): 241–266, provides a good introduction to
traditional Thai religion. Stanley J. Tambiah’s World Con-
mous men in Thai history, including a former patriarch of
queror and World Renouncer (Cambridge, 1976) traces the
the sangha. As it developed, the belief system of the cult be-
history of Thai religion with reference to sangha-policy rela-
came increasingly syncretic, uniting Christian, Muslim, and
tions and his Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-East
Chinese elements with magico-Buddhist ones. In the late
Thailand (Cambridge, 1970) details the elements of tradi-
1970s, the cult, which had gained thousands of followers, in-
tional religious practice as still found in a Lao-speaking com-
cluding several high-ranking military officers, took on a dis-
munity in northeastern Thailand.
tinctly political cast as its leader sought to use it for promot-
A major source for traditional Buddhist cosmology as understood
ing an international peace center that he would head. In
by the Thai is Three Worlds According to King Ruang: A Thai
1981 the government attempted to arrest him, but he disap-
Buddhist Cosmology, translated with an introduction and
peared before the arrest was effected.
notes by Frank E. Reynolds and Mani B. Reynolds (Berkeley,
1982). Lucien M. Hanks, Jr., considers the implications of
Although the ecumenicalism of the Samnak Pu¯ Sawan
Buddhist cosmological beliefs for Thai society in his “Merit
movement was idiosyncratic, more significant connections
and Power in the Thai Social Order,” American Anthropolo-
between Thai Buddhism and other religions in Thailand
gist 64 (1962): 1247–1262. For discussions of gender ideas
have evolved in recent years. A number of Protestant and
as shaped by the traditional Buddhist worldview of Tai peo-
Catholic leaders have joined with Buddhist leaders in reli-
ples, see my essays “Mother or Mistress but Never Monk:
gious dialogue and in human rights activities. The smallness
Buddhist Notions of Female Gender in Rural Thailand,”
of the Christian population (about 0.6 percent of the total)
American Ethnologist 11 (May 1984): 223–241, and “Ambig-
has perhaps helped to encourage relatively good relations be-
uous Gender: Male Initiation in A Buddhist Society,” in
tween Christians and Buddhists. In contrast, Muslims (who
Gender and Religions: On the Complexity of Symbols, edited
by Caroline Bynum, Stevan Harrell, and Paula Richman
account for about 4 percent of the population) have found
(Boston, 1956). The best study of the religious reforms of the
it much more difficult to relate to Buddhists. A Muslim-
nineteenth century is Craig J. Reynolds’s “The Buddhist
Buddhist dialogue may, nonetheless, prove to be a means
Monkhood in Nineteenth Century Thailand” (Ph. D. diss.,
leading to a reconstrual of Thai civil religion in other than
Cornell University, 1973). See also Reynolds’s “Buddhist
strictly Buddhist terms.
Cosmography in Thai History, with Special Reference to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9098
THEALOGY
Nineteenth-Century Culture Change,” Journal of Asian
Keyes, C. F., et al. Asian Visions of Authority: Religion and the Mod-
Studies 35 (February 1976): 203–220, and A. Thomas
ern States of East and Southeast Asia. Hononlulu, 1994.
Kirsch’s “Modernizing Implications of Nineteenth Century
Mulder, N. Inside Thai Society: Religion, Everyday Life, Change.
Reforms in the Thai Sangha,” Contributions to Asian Studies
Chiang Mai, Thailand, 2000.
8 (1975): 8–23.
Rhum, M. R. The Ancestral Lords: Gender, Descent, and Spirits in
The structure and ritual practices of established Thai Buddhism
a Northern Thai Village. DeKalb, Ill., 1994.
are discussed in Kenneth E. Wells’s Thai Buddhism: Its Rites
Taylor, J. L. Forest Monks and the Nation-State: An Anthropological
and Activities (1939; reprint, Bangkok, 1960). Jane Bunnag’s
and Historical Study in Northeastern Thailand. Singapore,
Buddhist Monk, Buddhist Layman: A Study of Urban Monastic
1993.
Organization in Central Thailand (Cambridge, 1973) de-
scribes establishment Buddhism as she observed it in the old
CHARLES F. KEYES (1987)
capital of Ayutthaya¯. On the government’s control and use
Revised Bibliography
of the Thai sangha in the twentieth century, see Yoneo Ishii’s
“Church and State in Thailand,” Asian Survey 8 (October
1968): 864–871; my “Buddhism and National Integration
in Thailand,” Journal of Asian Studies 30 (May 1971):
THEALOGY. In 1979 Naomi Goldenberg first used the
551–567; J. A. Niels Mulder’s Monks, Merit and Motivation,
word thealogy to denote feminist discourse on the Goddess
2d rev. ed. (DeKalb, Ill., 1973); Somboon Suksamran’s Po-
(thea) rather than God (theo), proclaiming in her book
litical Buddhism in Southeast Asia: The Role of the Sangha in
Changing of the Gods (1979) that “we are about to learn what
the Modernization of Thailand, edited by Trevor O. Ling
happens when father-gods die for a whole generation”
(London, 1977); and Tambiah’s World Conqueror and World
(p. 37). Although father-gods are, in fact, alive and well in
Renouncer.
the world’s religions, thealogy has become widely known to
The theology of Phutthatha¯t is examined at some length by Louis
scholars of religion and gender and of emergent religion as
Gabaude in “Introduction à l’herméneutique de Buddhadasa
a provocation to a spiritual and political shift away from the
Bhikku” (Ph. D. diss., Sorbonne, 1979); also see
androcentric (male-centered) theological paradigm. Instead,
Buddhada¯sa’s Toward the Truth, edited by Donald K. Swear-
thealogy offers a group of largely participant, experientially
er (Philadelphia, 1971). Phra Ra¯tchawaramun¯ı’s Phut-
grounded texts that explore the many dimensions of female
thatham (Bangkok, 1982) has been reviewed at some length
by Sulak Sivaraksa in the Journal of the Siam Society 70
becoming: that of the Goddess, of women, and of nature as
(1982): 164–170. The role of A¯ca¯n Man, his disciples, and
encompassing both of these.
other meditation masters in Thailand have been analyzed by
Although thealogy is a product, at least in part, of the
Stanley J. Tambiah in The Buddhist Saints of the Forest and
neo-romantic hippie movement of the 1960s and 1970s, it
the Cult of Amulets (Cambridge, 1984). Also see Jack Korn-
is also and more immediately a feminist project. Like Chris-
field’s Living Buddhist Masters (Santa Cruz, Calif., 1977).
tian and Jewish feminist theology, thealogy developed from
My article “Millennialism, Therava¯da Buddhism, and Thai Soci-
both the nineteenth-century proto-feminist vision of the
ety,” Journal of Asian Studies 36 (February 1977): 283–302,
feminine as a redemptive locus of moral and spiritual value
discusses the major millennial uprising in modern Thai his-
and the sexual egalitarianism of the second wave secular
tory. Somboon Suksamran in Buddhism and Politics in Thai-
women’s movement. Rejecting the wholesale secularism of
land (Singapore, 1982), as well as in his earlier Political Bud-
early second wave feminism, but drawing on the separatist
dhism in Southeast Asia, Tambiah in World Conqueror and
World Renouncer, and several of the essays in Religion and Le-
elements of radical feminism, thealogy developed the femi-
gitimation of Power in Thailand, Laos and Burma (all cited
nist criticism of religion as the divinization of masculinity
above), discuss political monks. Sulak Sivaraksa’s A Buddhist
(patriarchy having, as Kate Millet once put it, “God on its
Vision for Renewing Society (Bangkok, 1981) brings together
side”) not to relinquish the divine as such, but to repudiate
several of the author’s essays written in English. On religious
exclusively masculine models of the divine.
and ethical self-consciousness of some Thai in the context of
Insofar as it serves the contemporary Goddess move-
political-economic change, see also my article “Economic
Action and Buddhist Morality in a Thai Village,” Journal of
ment, thealogy might be said to be the discourse of a new
Asian Studies 42 (August 1983): 851–868.
women’s religion (one of the very few living women’s reli-
gions in the world today). Thealogy has emerged from a net-
New Sources
work of groups and journals, and from a small but growing
Benjamin, G., C. Chou, and Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.
academic literature with a predominantly North American,
Tribal Communities in the Malay World: Historical, Cultural
British, German, and Australasian readership. Although
and Social Perspectives. Singapore, 2002.
thealogy can now be studied in universities up to the doctoral
Hayashi, Y. Practical Buddhism Among the Thai-Lao. Melbourne,
level, it is itself resistant to the reintroduction of any totaliz-
2003.
ing monotheism or to any merely feminized conception of
Hughes, J. Faces of Culture: Explorations in Anthropology. Queens-
God. Rather, it is derived from feminist reflection on
land, 1993.
women’s experience and on the sacral power of femaleness.
Kamala, T. Forest Recollections: Wandering Monks in Twentieth-
There is no authoritative tradition or corpus to which the
Century Thailand. Honolulu, 1997.
thealogian must defer. It is a nonprofessional, non-normative
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEALOGY
9099
discourse both producing and produced by spiritual feminist
feminists are also critical of what they consider to be
ritual practice and celebration.
thealogy’s escapist historiography and its tendentious inter-
pretation of traces of goddess worship in texts and land-
Thealogy’s focus on female moral, spiritual, symbolic,
scapes. Thealogy’s supposed ethical polarization of the mas-
and biological difference and its privileging of the divine and
culine and the feminine is also rejected as unduly essentialist.
human bond between mothers and daughters have made it
For feminists in the biblical traditions, God may be like a
hospitable to lesbians and any who protest the erasure of the
mother, but is not herself the Mother. Likewise, thealogy’s
Goddess and her replacement by an exclusively male God
celebration of a divinity whose will is located in and mediat-
styled as king, lord, father, or as a nonpersonal power whose
ed by natural forces, as well as its apparent detachment of
transcendental otherness empties the natural, embodied
women from the history of thought and culture, is widely
world of its value. It is notable, however, that thealogy is not
considered by other feminists (both secular and religious) to
without its male adherents and sympathizers. These are espe-
be unhelpful to the cause of women. An ecological account
cially to be found in the pagan elements of the men’s spiritu-
of femaleness and of change seems to confirm the traditional
ality movement and in modern Witchcraft, or Wicca—
patriarchal derogation of women as subrational and properly
arguably the only Western religion that honors the female
marginal to the political and historical process.
as an embodiment of the divine. Indeed, thealogy is often,
but not invariably, a function of feminist Wicca, where
Christian and Jewish feminist theology countermands
women ritually align their energies with those natural and
the gynophobia and misogyny of its traditions, persevering
biological forces whose “Goddess-power” can be channeled
with faiths considered originally or essentially liberative.
or “drawn down” to the purposes of creative change.
Thealogy, by contrast, argues that these traditions cannot
However, not everyone in the Goddess movement is
make sense of or do justice to a woman’s personal and collec-
willing to espouse a thealogy. There is little doubt that a sig-
tive experience; patriarchal religion is not merely inhospita-
nificant proportion of Goddess feminists would regard
ble to women but also spiritually and politically harmful.
thealogy as the arrogation of their experience by an elite mi-
CONCEPTS OF THE GODDESS. Thealogy can be monotheis-
nority of feminist academics. Precisely because it is a dis-
tic, polytheistic, or nontheistic in character. The nonsyste-
course, thealogy might also seem epistemically superfluous—
matic, nondogmatic fluidity of its conception of the Goddess
women already find and know the Goddess in the processes
allows it to move freely between technical distinctions con-
of their own embodiment and in the very fabric and energies
sidered, in any case, to be artificial. Most thealogy, however,
of the natural world immediately around them.
postulates a single Goddess—“the Goddess”—in whom all
THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN THEALOGY AND FEMINIST
the female divinities named in the world’s past and present
THEOLOGY. Thealogy is something of a boundary discourse.
religions inhere. She is one who might be petitioned and who
There are those on the gynocentric or woman-centered left
might reveal herself to the subject in dreams, visions, and the
of Jewish and Christian feminism who would want to term
imagination.
themselves theo/alogians because they find the vestiges of the
Goddess or “God-She” within their own traditions as Hoch-
The Triple Goddess invoked by feminist Wicca is prob-
mah, Shekhinah, Sophia, and other “female faces” of the di-
ably the most characteristic of popular thealogy. Here the
vine. Others would consider thealogy to be inherently pagan
Goddess wears three aspects: maiden, mother, and crone.
in that paganism already honors a female natural/divine prin-
Considered the first of the world’s religious trinities, the Tri-
ciple (albeit one whose powers are balanced by a male genera-
ple Goddess hypostatizes the three aspects or stages of
tive principle). Paganism also celebrates the transformatory
women’s lives as they pass through girlhood into maturity
power of female sacrality and repudiates the monotheistic
and motherhood and on into postmenopausal old age. The
(masculine) legal dispensation of salvation and (masculine)
Triple Goddess exemplifies how all change—both creative
saviors offering redemption from the sin that is so often
and destructive—is part of a cyclic and interdependent natu-
premised on a redemption from female sexuality.
ral/divine economy. Incorporating all possibilities, she is not
omniscient, morally perfect, or omnipotent.
While it shares much of paganism’s religious orienta-
tion, thealogy and late-twentieth-century feminist theology
For others—especially the thealogical avant-garde of the
have in common an original political impetus and an
late 1970s and 1980s—the Goddess is not a real external di-
ecofeminist, relational, inclusivist attempt to reclaim
vinity but a psychologically and politically liberating arche-
women’s history and female experience—especially that of
type offering women a new sense of self-worth. A variation
mothers. Both thealogy and feminist theology are in sharp
on this theme is the view that the Goddess—the power and
opposition to patriarchal conflict and economics. There is,
dance of being—is inseparable from the fullness of a
however, a long-standing and regrettable mutual hostility be-
woman’s own becoming. Mary Daly, for example, uses the
tween some Goddess feminists and Christian feminists. The
word Goddess as a metaphor or “verb” naming women’s post-
latter are critical of thealogy’s supposed accommodation of
patriarchal self-realization and active participation in the
goddesses who represent patriarchal constructs of the femi-
powers of female being. Since thealogy can be contingent
nine that are subordinate to male deities. Christian and other
upon its author’s shifting emotions and stage of life, thealo-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9100
THEALOGY
gians are generally content to subscribe to a fluid combina-
Yet not all thealogians are persuaded that this historiog-
tion of all of these views.
raphy is a necessary condition of thealogy; even those in-
clined to support the thesis of a primary and universal cult
Carol P. Christ and Starhawk are the world’s most influ-
of the Goddess also allow that its value may be less historical
ential thealogians. While Starhawk’s thealogy informs and
than inspirational. It may be that a primary function of
emerges from the communal political context of San Francis-
thealogical historiography is to offer a mythography that rel-
co’s Reclaiming Network, Carol Christ’s work offers the
ativizes patriarchal religion and politics as neither original
most focused thealogical discussion. Like many other God-
nor necessary to the world order, but rather an ecologically
dess feminists, Christ disowns goddesses who are or have
and spiritually unsustainable aberration.
been revered in patriarchal religions as mere aspects or attri-
It is arguable that thealogy’s organicist conception of life
butes (sometimes violent or death-dealing) of a supreme
is inimical to the establishment of ordinary ethical obliga-
male deity or who are subordinate to other male gods. In-
tions and norms. The thealogical construal of creation and
stead, in Rebirth of the Goddess (1997, pp. xv–xvi), she experi-
destruction as a single natural/divine process organically reg-
ences and theorizes the Goddess as the reconnective power
ulated by change rather than law can appear to weaken the
of intelligent embodied love that is the ground of all being:
distinction between good and evil. Traditional religious no-
a source of hope and political and ecological healing that will
tions of human transcendence and perfectibility become, at
reunite the world and the divine. Her foundational article
best, otiose. Nonetheless, evil is not entirely naturalized by
“Why Women Need the Goddess” (1979) enumerates the
thealogy. The ecological connections between all living
reasons why women realize their spiritual and political power
things and the meta-intelligence of nature impose a conse-
from celebration of the Goddess. However, for Carol Christ,
quentialist practical ethic of restraint, generosity, and care.
the Goddess is also one to whom one might pray and who
Cast as patriarchy itself, evil is politicized and prophetically
cares about the individual. Most recently, her book She Who
named in ritualized direct action as the domination and ex-
Changes (2003) offers a relational thealogy that draws on the
ploitation of the Goddess/earth that tears the life-giving con-
process philosophy of Charles Hartshorne to reimagine the
nections of her web and all that depends on it.
changing world as the body of Goddess/God.
SEE ALSO Feminist Theology; Gender and Religion, over-
THEALOGICAL HISTORY AND ETHICS. Thealogy construes
view article and article on History of Study; Goddess Wor-
the historical process as belonging to the nonlinear history
ship; Paganism, Anglo-Saxon; Patriarchy and Matriarchy;
of nature, which is itself a natural history of the Goddess and
Wicca; Witchcraft.
therefore of each female body. The female body—whether
that of a woman or the earth itself—is a generative site of
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the transformative power of which time itself is a part. But
Christ, Carol. “Why Women Need the Goddess: Phenomenologi-
since patriarchy is founded upon the continual historical and
cal, Psychological, and Political Reflections.” In Womanspirit
Rising: A Feminist Reader in Religion, edited by Carol Christ
psychological “murder” of the Goddess and the appropria-
and Judith Plaskow. New York, 1979; reprint, 1992. An in-
tion of her power, history also has a temporal sequence: a his-
fluential article that draws on the work of Clifford Geertz to
tory of erasure and suppression, whose knowing is mediated
outline the religious, political, and psychological reasons
not so much through textual evidence as by one’s ontological
why women should, in its author’s view, turn to Goddess
and physical situation in the landscape and sites associated
spirituality.
with the Goddess. Thealogical history tells an archaeological,
Christ, Carol. Rebirth of the Goddess: Finding Meaning in Feminist
political, and ecological story of which the subject’s own
Spirituality. Reading, Mass., 1997. Exemplifies thealogy’s
story is an inalienable part.
commitment to academic research that derives meaning
from the significant interconnections between theory and the
Although thealogical time is primarily and essentially
scholar’s own spiritual journey.
nonlinear, its periodizations are derived from the work of
Christ, Carol. She Who Changes: Re-Imagining the Divine in the
feminist scholars such as Marija Gimbutas, Merlin Stone,
World. New York, 2003. Draws on the process philosophy
Barbara Walker, and others who claim, on largely archaeo-
of Charles Hartshorne to present a thealogy in which the re-
logical grounds, that the female divine was originally univer-
lational power of “Goddess/God” is immanent in a changing
sally revered in apparently peace-loving matrifocal cultures
world.
dating from about 30,000
Daly, Mary. Outercourse: The Be-Dazzling Voyage. London, 1992.
BCE. By about 2000 BCE invasions
of Indo-European warriors were destroying the cult of the
An autobiographical approach to radical feminist philoso-
phy, in which the post-Christian “leap beyond patriarchal re-
Great Mother, which went underground by the fifth century
ligion” that Daly makes in her earlier books is further elabo-
CE with the ascendancy of early Christianity, only to re-
rated.
emerge in the priestesshoods and individuals who have dis-
Eller, Cynthia. Living in the Lap of the Goddess: The Feminist Spiri-
covered the Goddess in the late twentieth century. This tem-
tuality Movement in America. Boston, 1993. Provides an
poral scheme has a narrative and psychological function in
overview of the Goddess tradition and a detailed phenome-
helping women to “remember” a time when their sacral, bio-
nological account of the feminist Spiritualist movement in
logical, and cultural power was revered.
the United States.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THECLA
9101
Griffin, Wendy, ed. Daughters of the Goddess: Studies of Healing,
century Acts of Paul and Thecla, which reports her story as
Identity, and Empowerment. Lanham, Md., 2000. A collec-
follows: When Paul comes to Thecla’s hometown of Iconi-
tion of predominantly theoretical essays written by American
um preaching a gospel that emphasized the virtue of celibacy,
and British Goddess feminists writing as academics, practi-
Thecla abandons her plans for marriage and follows the apos-
tioners, or both.
tle. This countercultural action provokes the anger of her fi-
Goldenberg, Naomi. Changing of the Gods: Feminism and the End
ancé, her family, and the local governor, who together con-
of Traditional Religions. Boston, 1979. A groundbreaking
spire to have her burned at the stake. Thecla is saved only
thealogical text, using Jung and other thinkers to urge
when a miraculous thunderstorm quenches the flames. Later,
women to envision the end of patriarchal religions and to ex-
after being reunited with Paul, she is sexually assaulted on
perience liberation through new woman-centered spirituali-
the road to Antioch by a prominent citizen of that city. She
ties such as feminist Wicca.
manages to rebuff her attacker, but he arranges to have her
Long, Asphodel “The One or the Many: The Great Goddess Re-
thrown to the beasts in the local arena. While in custody she
visited.” Feminist Theology 15 (1997): 13–29. Examines the
receives support from a rich female patron, and in the arena
different conception of female deity in the contemporary
Goddess movement.
she is defended by a lioness and survives the attacks of lions,
bears, and bulls. She finally throws herself into a pool filled
Mantin, Ruth. “Can Goddesses Travel with Nomads and Cybor-
with ravenous seals, which are struck dead by a flash of light-
gs? Feminist Thealogies in a Postmodern Context.” Feminist
ning, and she baptizes herself in the water. After the awe-
Theology 26 (2001): 21–43. Correlates postmodern feminist
accounts of female subjectivity and identity with the
struck governor releases her, she dresses herself in male
thealogical poetics of the “spiraling” journey of the female
clothes and begins to travel and teach the gospel after the
self.
fashion of Paul. Ultimately, Thecla takes her final rest at the
Raphael, Melissa. Thealogy and Embodiment: The Post-Patriarchal
town of Seleucia (modern Silifke, Turkey).
Reconstruction of Female Sacrality. Sheffield, U.K., 1996. A
The North African writer Tertullian (On Baptism 17,
study of Goddess feminism’s construal of the female body’s
c. 200 CE) provides the first external reference to the Acts of
transformative power.
Paul and Thecla. He reports that it was composed by an
Raphael, Melissa. Introducing Thealogy: Discourse on the Goddess.
Asian presbyter, but certain details in Thecla’s story have
Sheffield, U.K., 1999; Cleveland, 2000. An accessible intro-
prompted speculation about the folkloric origins of her leg-
duction to Goddess feminist thealogy, historiography, poli-
end. The prominence of female characters and the details of
tics, and practice.
their social relations have led some scholars to argue further
Reid-Bowen, Paul. “Reflexive Transformations: Research Com-
that the Acts of Paul and Thecla may have had roots in the
ments on Me(n), Feminist Philosophy, and the Thealogial
storytelling practices of ascetic women. While such origins
Imagination.” In Gender, Religion, and Diversity: Cross-
ultimately remain uncertain, Tertullian gives evidence that
Cultural Perspectives, edited by Ursula King and Tina Beattie,
pp. 190–200. London and New York, 2004. A discussion
early Christian women appealed to Thecla’s example to “de-
of thealogy and Goddess feminism by a committed male
fend the liberty of women to teach and to baptize” (On Bap-
feminist.
tism 17).
Salomonsen, Jone. Enchanted Feminism: Ritual, Gender, and Di-
By the fourth and fifth centuries, devotion to Thecla as
vinity Among the Reclaiming Witches of San Francisco. London
a saint and ascetic exemplar had become a widespread phe-
and New York, 2002. Discusses Starhawk’s teaching and her
nomenon in the Mediterranean world. The focal point of
continuing influence since the formation of the Reclaiming
this devotion was her pilgrimage shrine, Hagia Thekla at Se-
Collective in 1979. Includes ethnographic descriptions and
a theological discussion of the beliefs and practices of their
leucia. Ancient sources describe large numbers of monks who
new religious movement.
lived in the vicinity and managed the shrine, including a
community of female virgins in residence within the sanctu-
Starhawk. The Spiral Dance: A Rebirth of the Religion of the Great
ary area. Modern excavations at the site have uncovered the
Goddess. New York, 1979. A pivotal work of thealogical his-
toriography in which Starhawk presents Wicca as a Goddess-
remains of three basilicas, a large public bath, and a number
worshipping religon that empowers women today.
of cisterns. A flurry of architectural adaptation at the site in
the late fifth century attests its rapidly growing popularity
MELISSA RAPHAEL (2005)
among Christian pilgrims.
Thecla’s shrine was also the recipient of literary patron-
THEATER S
age. Later writers produced expanded versions of her legend,
EE DANCE; DRAMA
including accounts of her “martyrdom” at Seleucia—
specifically, how she finally escaped her persecutors by disap-
pearing into a large rock while still alive. The story was meant
THECLA was the most popular female saint after Mary
to validate the local veneration of Thecla as a true martyr,
in early Christianity. Thecla was widely remembered as a dis-
despite the absence of her bodily relics. The rock into which
ciple of the apostle Paul in Asia Minor (modern Turkey).
she sank became a local cultic marker, the site of the altar
The original source for the Thecla legend was the second-
in her church. Finally, collections of miracle stories also doc-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9102
THEISM
umented the experiences of pilgrims who came to the shrine
The evidence for namesakes of Saint Thecla is fairly
in search of healing, among them women from a wide range
abundant in late antiquity, and the practice of naming one’s
of social backgrounds.
child after the saint provides yet another window into the re-
ligiosity of her devotees. This religiosity was ultimately
The cult of Saint Thecla—that is, the social practices,
grounded in an ethic of imitation. Whether they were moth-
institutions, and material artifacts that marked the lives of
ers or virgins, early Christian women who participated in
actual devotees—was not limited to Hagia Thekla at Seleu-
Thecla’s cult commonly saw themselves as striving to imitate
cia. From Gaul to Palestine, devotion to Thecla was ex-
her virtues as a female saint and martyr.
pressed through literature and art: her visual image appears
on wall paintings, clay flasks, oil lamps, bronze crosses,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
wooden combs, stone reliefs, golden glass medallions, and
Burris, Catherine, and Lucas van Rompay. “Thecla in Syriac
textile curtains.
Christianity: Preliminary Observations.” Hugoye: Journal of
Syriac Studies 5, no. 2 (2002): 1–14. Available from http://
One region for which there is wide-ranging evidence of
syrcom.cua.edu/Hugoye/Vol5No2/HV5N2BurrisVan
Thecla devotion is Egypt. Athanasius of Alexandria (c. 300–
Rompay.html.
373 CE) refers to Thecla extensively in his writings to Alexan-
Dagron, Gilbert, ed. Vie et miracles de Sainte Thècle. Brussels, Bel-
drian virgins, and his rhetoric presupposes that his female as-
gium, 1978.
cetic readers were already intimately familiar with Thecla’s
Davis, Stephen J. The Cult of St. Thecla: A Tradition of Women’s
example. During the theological controversies of the fourth
Piety in Late Antiquity. Oxford, 2001.
century, this community of women was exiled to the distant
Davis, Stephen J. “Crossed Texts, Crossed Sex: Intertextuality and
Kharga Oasis in the Western Desert of Egypt. Ancient wall
Gender in Early Christian Legends of Holy Women Dis-
paintings of Thecla that still survive in local cemetery chapels
guised as Men.” Journal of Early Christian Studies 10, no. 1
may provide evidence for the funerary practices of those as-
(2002): 1–36.
cetic women at the oasis. Alexandrian devotion to Thecla is
Hennecke, Edgar, and Wilhelm Schneemelcher, eds. New Testa-
also witnessed by the production of monastic Lives modeled
ment Apocrypha, vol. 2: Writings to the Apostles, Apocalypses,
after her example—among them, a series of legends about
and Related Subjects. Rev. ed. English translation edited by
early Christian transvestite saints (monastic women who dis-
Robert McLachlan Wilson. Cambridge, UK, and Louisville,
guised themselves as men). Near Alexandria, a satellite shrine
Ky., 1992. See pages 239–246.
to Saint Thecla was established near the pilgrimage center
Lipsius, Richard A., and Max Bonnet, eds. Acta Apostolorum Apoc-
dedicated to the Egyptian Saint Menas. Numerous pilgrim
rypha. Leipzig, Germany, 1891. Text in Greek and Latin. See
flasks with the image of Thecla paired with Menas survive
pages 235–272.
from that site. Finally, the cult of Thecla was thoroughly
MacDonald, Dennis R. The Legend and the Apostle: The Battle for
“Egyptianized” in late antiquity with the production of new
Paul in Story and Canon. Philadelphia, 1983.
namesake martyr legends connected with locales in the Nile
Nauerth, Claudia, and Rüdiger Warns. Thekla: Ihre Bilder in der
Valley.
frühchristlichen Kunst. Wiesbaden, Germany, 1981.
van den Hoek, Annewies, and John J. Herrmann Jr. “Thecla the
Other regions have provided more scattered material ev-
Beast Fighter: A Female Emblem of Deliverance in Early
idence for Thecla devotion. Fourth-century golden-glass me-
Christian Popular Art.” The Studia Philonica Annual 13
dallions with the image of Thecla among the beasts have
(2001): 212–249.
been discovered at a cemetery in Köln, Germany. A church
and catacomb in Rome are named after Saint Thecla, but no
STEPHEN J. DAVIS (2005)
specific images or artifacts survive that might give informa-
tion about her local cult in late antiquity. In Syriac Chris-
tianity, despite a lack of nontextual artifacts from antiquity,
THEISM is the philosophical worldview that perceives the
a rich literary tradition has been preserved, including a homi-
orders of existence (physical things, organisms, persons) as
ly given by Severus of Antioch (c. 465–538
dependent for their being and continuance on one self-
CE) on the feast
day of Saint Thecla, and at least eleven manuscripts of the
existent God, who alone is worthy of worship. Theists differ
Acts of Paul and Thecla, the oldest dating to the sixth century
among themselves about the nature of God and the relation
of God to these orders, but they close ranks against deists,
CE. Finally, in North Africa, red ceramic pottery from the
late fourth or early fifth century portrays the anonymous
who, in principle, exclude revelation and divine intervention
image of a female martyr, stripped to the waist and praying
in world order, and against pantheists, who identify God
with arms outstretched between two lions. The details of the
with these orders. Theists hold that God, transcendent cre-
iconography have led some to argue that the figure is Thecla;
ator of the orders, remains an indivisible unity as he sustains
however, it could just as easily be the representation of a
them in accordance with their capacities and his ultimate
namesake African martyr. A similar case appears on the
purposes.
gravestone of an Egyptian woman named Thecla, where the
In formulating their views, philosophical theists remind
deceased is portrayed in the image of her patron saint.
themselves of the many obstacles that impede the human
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEISM
9103
search for the true, the good, the beautiful, and the holy.
make up the spatiotemporal world and constitute it an order-
They distinguish between the ultimate mystery of being and
ly whole (a cosmos). The cosmological theist emphasizes that
mysteries that vanish as human understanding increases.
the cause-and-effect connections (and other relations) in this
Aware that the last word on the mystery of being is beyond
world are contingent and not self-existent, that they cannot
their grasp, they pursue the best clues to the relation of the
of themselves ground the cosmic order assumed in so much
ultimate reality to themselves and the quality of their exis-
theory and practice. The Theist therefore proposes that this,
tence. In the history of theism and of monism, it is almost
or any, cosmic order is the product of a self-existent cause.
invariably claimed that immediate experiences of the divine
For without such a cause, the successions of beings and
are the most authentic, inspiring sources of truth about the
events, having no reliable frameworks of their own, are in
ultimately real, and that these religious experiences take pri-
fact happenstance. Moreover, the cosmos is a collective
ority over claims based on rational, moral, and aesthetic ex-
whole whose unity is actually contingent, unless the succes-
perience.
sion of beings and events is grounded in the activity of a self-
existent cause. Such a cause is not one supreme being along-
However, since religious experients, including seasoned
side other beings, and it cannot be conceived adequately on
mystics, make conflicting claims about what is revealed, most
the model of any dependent being.
philosophical theists (hereafter referred to simply as “the-
ists”) will take into account the claims based on religious in-
The argument thus far presented allows all contingent
sight but will not grant them arbitrary priority over other in-
beings to be modes of the One, which is consistent with
terpretations of experience. Broadly speaking, the drift in
forms of monism. But, for reasons to be noted, the theist
theistic thinking is toward improving insight into the nature
holds that the cause, although immanent in all orders, must
of God and the attributes that are essential for conveying his
not be conceived as absorbing them, as in panentheism, nor
transcendence and immanence. This essay, in the main,
identified with them, as in pantheism.
stresses the drift of these reflections without expounding par-
While some theists regard such cosmological conclu-
adigm arguments as such, even as they have been articulated
sions as logically demonstrative, most theists regard them as
by great theists.
more reasonably probable than alternative explanations of
ONTOLOGICAL ARGUMENT. When Anselm, archbishop of
the cosmos. “More reasonably probable” does not mean sta-
Canterbury (1093–1109), formulated the ontological argu-
tistically probable, however. Because there can be no obser-
ment for God, he was expressing an invincible conviction:
vation of a series of world orders (as there can be of, say, re-
the human intellect is, in fact, gripped by at least one idea
peated throwings of dice), there can be no calculation of
that, clearly understood, proves the knower’s kinship with
mathematically probable trends. After all, cosmological the-
the ultimate reality as inherently one and good. Anselm’s fas-
ists seek the explanatory ground for trusting connections (in-
cinating proposal is that every mind has the idea of a perfect
cluding statistical calculations) that underlie the uniformity
being, namely, of “that than which nothing greater can be
of nature.
conceived” (Proslogium, chap. 2). The uniqueness of this idea
Some critics of cosmological theists charge that they
is missed by any opponent who counters that to argue thus
commit the fallacy of composition in affirming that a whole
is like deducing the existence of an island from the idea of
of contingent parts must itself be contingent. For example,
a perfect island; after all, any island, to be an island, must
they contend that a whole of overlapping, contingent beings
be perfect. But the idea of a perfect island is not “that than
and events may logically be an everlasting cosmos. To this
which nothing greater can be conceived,” namely, a self-
a cosmological theist replies that to explain cosmos by self-
existent being.
existent cause is, in fact, not to commit the fallacy of compo-
Proponents deduce that this one self-existent being is in-
sition. Surely, there is no fallacy in concluding that a group
trinsically immutable, omnipotent, omniscient, and good.
composed of blind members is never more than a totality of
These attributes dominate their interpretations of the perfec-
blind individuals. Similarly, a whole composed of intrinsical-
tion of this transcendent God’s immanence in the world or-
ly contingent beings and relations cannot be other than con-
ders. The conclusion of the ontological argument is not
tingent. Moreover, the theist points out that a continuous,
grounded in interpretations of human experiences of sense
everlasting contingency is still contingency and certainly no
and of value. Indeed, the mind’s awareness of perfection is
substitute for a whole, unified by a self-existent cause.
the guiding norm for evaluating claims based on these di-
Theists and monists agree that the self-existent cause
mensions of human experience. Nevertheless, theists, wheth-
(the One) is indivisible and immutable. Were it composite
er or not they are sufficiently impressed by the ontological
or changing in any way, we would be back seeking an ade-
proof, usually explore the family of ideas associated with per-
quate ground for dependable change. Other philosophical
fect being in order to help resolve conflicts that do originate
considerations influence the theist’s and monist’s differing
in experiences of sense and of value.
conceptions about the immanence of the transcendent One.
COSMOLOGICAL ARGUMENT. The cosmological argument
But they agree, in principle, that analogical inferences from
for God centers attention on the explanation of the depend-
the dependent orders can serve as pointers to the nature of
able regularity of changes among the countless beings that
the One. They both discourage the mythological mode of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9104
THEISM
anthropomorphism in depicting the One. And it is on the
pretation of a person’s relation to the physical, the subper-
foundation of the self-existent, immutable One as the es-
sonal orders of being, and to God himself.
sence of perfection that they proceed to refine conceptions
Hence, when the theist is told that the orders of being
of the transcendent One in itself and in its immanence with-
are ultimately machinelike and indifferent to the values of
in the dependent orders.
persons, or that the whole framework of things is a logical
Thus, both theists and monists agree that the self-
network that allows for no (supposedly capricious) free will,
existent One is incorporeal, since corporeal being is limited
or when mystical union with the One is taken as indubitable
by its spatial nature. But is this incorporeal One to be con-
evidence that a person is in fact only a particular center of
ceived as a person? For example, is its nature compatible with
God’s being, the theist will stand by a person’s experience
the influential, first formal definition of a person as proposed
of limited free will while pointing out the theoretical and
by Boethius (c. 480–525): “an individual substance of a ra-
moral consequences of its denial. This stand is basic to his
tional nature” (Against Eutyches 6)? The line of reasoning that
conception of the Creator as person.
favors belief in the personhood of the One is fundamental
Although theists are not of one mind as to the self-
also to the cosmological argument for the self-existent, im-
existent Person’s relation to the order of physical things and
mutable cause: any successive change cannot be a succession
of subpersonal living beings, they concur that God creates
independent of an unchanging, unifying agent. Further-
persons out of nothingness (creatio ex nihilo). This concept,
more, a succession cannot be known as a succession apart
unthinkable to any Greek or Indian philosopher, is admit-
from a nonsuccessive experient of succession. In the last anal-
tedly mysterious, but what is posited must be understood in
ysis, reasoning itself is not possible without a time-
its context. Creatio ex nihilo does not mean that God, as it
transcending unity, free from limitations of corporeal com-
were, takes nothing and makes what he creates therefrom.
position. The self-existent cause is best conceived, therefore,
Rather, he creates what did not exist prior to his creative act.
as an unchanging, indivisible Person.
God does not create from being(s) independent of him, nor
However, monists in the West (e.g., Plotinus, Spinoza,
does he create from his own being; the created orders do not
Hegel, F. H. Bradley) and in the East (especially Indian ex-
emanate from his being. God creates persons to be free with-
ponents of Advaita Veda¯nta, from S´an˙kara in the ninth cen-
in their potential and in relation to the other orders. The In-
tury
dian philosopher Ra¯ma¯nuja (c. 1017–1173) argued against
CE to Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan in the twentieth centu-
ry) developed the concept of incorporeal unity, but they
the absorption of persons in the distinctionless One
considered the attribution of any concept of a person to the
(bra¯hman), as held in the prevailing advaita (nondualist) phi-
suprapersonal One as misleading. The theist, nevertheless,
losophy of S´an:kara—although, in the end, he, too, insisted
contends that an infinite Person, inherently and fully ratio-
on their ultimate union with the suprapersonal One.
nal, is the least misleading view of the contemporaneous
Does the creation of persons, free to develop their own
One. Can the adherent of the suprapersonal One intelligibly
potential and, within limits, their own environments, not
deny that the One is self-aware and aware of all that is (omni-
conflict with the attribute of God’s omnipotent will? No,
scient)? Moreover, can we avoid theoretical shipwreck if the
since God’s creating of free persons is self-imposed and is,
very insistence on the fathomless depths of the One leads to
therefore, an instance of God’s omnipotence.
the conclusion that the finite person’s ideals of logic and of
truth, goodness, and beauty bear, in principle, no trustwor-
But may not a person’s use of freedom influence the ful-
thy clue to the nature of suprapersonal unity?
fillment of God’s purposes? On this, theists disagree, de-
pending, in good part, on their conception of God’s other
Nor does the theist stop here. The spearhead of the the-
attributes. It is worth noting that often, when it seems that
ist’s rejection of an all-absorbing One is the conviction that
God’s attributes in effect conflict with each other, theists
the individual person experiences free will to choose between
warn that God’s attributes must not be isolated from each
alternatives within his powers. The theist stresses that with-
other, since this would violate the indivisibility of God’s
out free will it makes no sense to refer to conclusions as true
being. The application of this doctrine here supports the
or false. For a conclusion that cannot be drawn from a rela-
view that God’s self-imposed creating of persons as free and
tively free, impartial weighing of evidence for and against hy-
not as puppets will not issue in the thwarting of his purposes.
pothesis is nothing but the outcome of the regnant play of
factors in the knower. Such an outcome is one event among
But, if the attribute of God’s omniscience is defined as
other events and is neither true nor false.
God’s knowing all that is, has been, and will be, must not
God’s foreknowledge be limited (and his power affected) by
Furthermore, if personal free will is nullified, so is the
a person’s freedom? What can it mean to affirm human free-
difference between moral good and moral evil, since each de-
dom of choice if God knows in every instance and in every
pends on a person’s having the free will to choose between
detail what any person will choose? Some theists take omni-
alternative courses of action deemed to be good or evil. It is
science to mean that the Creator knows all there is to know
such freedom of will that is vital to the theist’s conception
(including all the options possible and available). They can-
of a person’s responsibility to other persons and to his inter-
not understand how the freedom of persons at the point of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEISM
9105
choice is compatible with foreknowledge of what the choice
interpretations of pertinent new data have enlarged the area
will be, let alone compatible with the necessary fulfillment
of confrontation between teleologist and nonteleologist.
of the omnipotent God’s will. Their theistic opponents,
The teleological theist argues, however, that, even grant-
however, urge that the creation of free persons should not
ing explanation of evolution in terms of the survival of the
be interpreted as curtailing either God’s power or his knowl-
fittest, it is the arrival of the fit that still calls for teleological
edge in any way that would limit his control of all there is
explanation. Nonetheless, the Darwinian theory of evolution
and will be. They argue that we should not impose on the
led many theists to emphasize the demands of moral con-
perfect, timeless Person the conditions of temporal succes-
sciousness and religious consciousness as independent
sion to which finite persons are limited in knowing. They
sources of belief in God.
suggest that something like human intuitive knowing “all at
once,” which differs markedly from discursive inference
WIDER TELEOLOGICAL ARGUMENT. All the more significant
“from one meaning to the other,” provides a more helpful
is the comprehensive rethinking of teleological theism that
clue to God’s knowing.
has produced a “wider teleological argument,” a position that
has developed systematically in the context of historical
It is plain that the self-existent Creator, whose immuta-
philosophic issues. The outstanding statement of this posi-
ble transcendence is contemporaneous with his immanence
tion is in the two volumes of Philosophical Theology (1928–
in the temporal world, leaves theists with theoretical ten-
1930) by Frederick R. Tennant. Tennant defends the irre-
sions. But they find these tensions more acceptable than the
ducible unity of the person and explores the cognitive limits
identification of all that exists with the One.
of knowledge based on a person’s sensory and nonsensory ca-
TELEOLOGICAL ARGUMENT. In advancing the concept of the
pacities; he concludes that no dimension of personal experi-
contemporaneous cause as Creator-Person, the theist implies
ence can arrive at logically coercive beliefs.
his conviction that causal order is best understood in terms
Tennant does not assume that a nonteleological view of
of some goal. Such teleological thinking examines composite
the universe is already established. Nor is our world, as
things and series of events that strongly suggest design,
known, more reasonably explained as the product of ulti-
namely, the cooperation of parts that produce one kind of
mate, random variations or chance happenings. Rather, such
goal and not another. The spring of a watch is best under-
knowledge as we guide ourselves by is the joint product of
stood in terms of its relation to the other parts that, along
continuing human interaction with an amenable framework
with it, effect the purpose of the watch. So, also, although
of things. Accordingly, to postulate planning in the ultimate
every animate cell has its own order, understanding of that
collocation of things is to understand better what the human
cell is increased once its contribution to the orderly function
search for truth and values presupposes, namely, the basic
of the whole organism is specified.
relevance of cognitive activities to the order of things. Thus,
Accordingly, the teleological argument for God does
“If Nature evinces wisdom, the wisdom is Another’s” (Ten-
not arbitrarily add purposeful goal seeking to nonpurposive
nant, 1930, p. 107).
causes. It centers attention on the designs that can be reason-
This wider teleology is articulated when Tennant points
ably inferred as causal patterns when they are viewed in the
out that the nonbiological, physical order does not itself re-
context of unifying goals. For theists moving from cosmolog-
quire either the existence or the progressive evolution of spe-
ical considerations to teleological understanding, the con-
cies. Yet, the drift of subhuman evolution allows for the ar-
trolling conviction is that the physical, the organic, and the
rival of the new order of conscious-self-conscious persons, for
human orders are most reasonably understood as fitting to-
whom “survival of the fittest” does not adequately account.
gether within the comprehensive purpose of the Creator.
Persons, in turn, cannot exist unless their comprehensive rea-
Moreover, teleological theists hold that the inanimate and
soning with regard to the other orders guides their moral ef-
subhuman orders are so created as to provide for the good
forts to improve the quality of their individual and commu-
of persons, persons who can and should realize that they live
nal survival.
in God’s world, a training ground for the life to come.
Tennant does not exclude the inspirational value of reli-
Insofar as theists expound and defend a teleological ar-
gious experiences from the chain of evidence for the Creator-
gument that calls to mind a Creator-Architect-Carpenter
Person. But, in his analysis of the varieties of religious experi-
who provides the specific physical environment for specific
ence, he does not find the immediate, uninterpreted knowl-
biological species and who does so to suit the created endow-
edge of God to warrant the conclusion that religious
ments of persons, they continue to encounter strong opposi-
experience should be independent of criticism grounded in
tion from scholars who draw on scientific data to support
the rational and moral dimensions of experience. Religious
their conviction that no such planned creation and no such
experience with all its suggestiveness is not given cognitive
Creator is tenable. Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species
priority, but it does serve as an important confirmatory link
(1859) spurred on the explanation of present organic struc-
in the chain of evidence, reasonably interpreted.
tures as consequences of gradual modifications that favored
the survival of the fittest. Other scientific discoveries relevant
All in all, then, the claims to reasonably probable knowl-
to the theory of evolution and scientific and philosophical
edge are the more reliable insofar as they can be viewed as
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9106
THEISM
joint products of persons interacting with each other in their
and, especially, in the optimum development of morally au-
ongoing interchange with their total environment. No one
tonomous persons. This vision of “absolute” perfection poses
link in this chain of evidence for cosmic teleology is, by itself,
obstinate theoretical problems for the theist himself, as he
strong enough to justify the conclusion that the Creator-
tries to clarify the dynamics of the perfection of an immuta-
Person is immanent in the orders of being. Consequently,
ble Creator-Person who is immanent in his temporal, chang-
the wider teleological argument is to be judged for its reason-
ing creation. This article confines itself to three questions of
ableness as a cumulative whole. But this is no cause for alarm,
especial concern to theists. Adequate discussion of these
since, to take an example from the scientific realm, the hy-
alone would require analysis of other knotty metaphysical is-
pothesis of biological evolution is accepted as a cumulative
sues (such as the ultimate nature of space and time or the
whole despite weaker and missing links of evidence. Accord-
specific nature of God’s relation to the spatiotemporal
ingly, the theoretical backbone of the broader teleological
world).
theism is its more reasonable interpretation of human experi-
The first question is “How can God be immutable and
ence cumulatively viewed.
yet immanent in a changing world, let alone in the kind of
MORAL ARGUMENT. There are theists sympathetic with Ten-
changing relations that obtain between him and developing
nant’s wider teleology who hold that his view of the ethical
moral agents?” The theist invariably does not flinch as he
link simply does not do justice to the experience of the moral
grants that this theoretical conflict is intrinsic to the theistic
consciousness. Their crucial contention is that the value
transcendent-immanent situation. For a perfect Creator can-
judgments of persons, although related to their desires and
not create without creating dependent, imperfect beings; and
feelings, are not experienced as originating in them. Rather,
he will not annul the will of persons free to choose changes
the irreducible moral consciousness becomes increasingly
within their power. Nevertheless, while thus holding that
aware of an objective order of values that exerts imperative
there is no intelligible bridge from the changing created
authority over persons’ lives. This unique, normative order,
realms to the immutable Creator, the theist urges that God’s
not dependent on human desiring and not descriptive of ac-
immutability is not to be conceived in rigid and timeless
tual processes in the natural world, is most coherently inter-
mathematical fashion. He does suggest analogies within
preted as expressive of the Creator’s goodness.
human experience that render the impasse less stark, such as
those concentrated moments in which the past and future
In sum, according to this moral argument for God, an
seem to fuse with a timeless, transcendent unity.
unconditional, universal order of values is gradually revealed
not only as morally imperative for persons but necessary in
The second question moves the first into perhaps the
their struggle for fulfillment. Most reasonably understood as
most sensitive area of the theist’s belief: the passibility of
rooted in God’s nature, it is this objective order of values that
God, that is, God’s responsiveness to human need. If God’s
is the strongest link in any argument for a God worthy of
immutable perfection is appropriately responsive to the cre-
worship. Indeed, without this independent source of norma-
ated orders in their kind, how can he be unchanged and un-
tive values, the cosmological and teleological arguments do
changeable? If he is unchanged and unchangeable, how can
not suffice to assure the goodness of God.
he be anything but impassive to the moral struggle of per-
sons? What can it mean to say that he appropriately responds
Tennant, however, provides an elaborate critique of this
to their situations (that he “knows,” “suffers,” “redeems,” or
account of the moral consciousness and the objectivity of
“liberates”) without enduring any change himself? Here the
value judgments. He argues that to root value-experience in
theist, avoiding anthropomorphism, urges us to realize that
desires and feelings does not, of itself, justify the charge that
the Creator-Person will not, in the nature of the case, under-
value judgments are relativistic. He interprets the objectivity
go the psychic states of persons and suffer as we do.
and universality of value-experiences and value judgments as
joint products of each person’s interaction with at least the
Nevertheless, the moral-religious thrust of the theist’s
natural and social orders. It is the most coherent organization
resistance to both deism and monism is at stake, for he de-
of such value judgments that is, indeed, the capstone of the
fends the concept of a morally free person who is ultimately
wider teleological argument. For now, persons, experiencing
responsible to God, a God who “knows” and is appropriately
and organizing their values as joint products of their interac-
responsive to the ranges of human striving. Can this person-
tion with orderly trends not of their own making, can better
to-Person relation be honored by a God who, in his immuta-
interpret the immanent direction of the collocation of things.
bility, does not change at all in response to even the worthy
Hence, the progressive appreciation of the conditions of the
appeals of his repentant creatures? In the face of this impasse,
qualitative range of value-experiences remains the normative
some theists hold that God’s immutability is compatible
insight into what kind of personal growth this kind of world
with his passibility, if his responses to need are conceived as
fosters.
the overflow of his essence and, hence, neither diminish nor
T
improve it.
HEORETICAL PROBLEMS. Whichever of the above ap-
proaches to God is most acceptable to the traditional theist,
The third question is “In view of the amount and quali-
central to his vision remains the perfection of the self-
ty of evils, how can one reasonably believe in a Creator who,
existent, transcendent Creator, immanent in his creations
omniscient and limited by nothing beyond or within him-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEISM
9107
self, is perfect in purpose and accomplishment?” The re-
perfection characterize a transcendent, self-existent Creator
sponse of the theist depends to some extent upon what he
who expresses his purposes in the temporal orders without
claims to be the pearl of great price in the human ideal of
danger of becoming the victim of the changes required? In-
the good. There are differences among theists on this matter,
deed, why suppose that only immutable perfection is worthy
but the exposition here takes as vital to all theistic views of
of worship?
the ideal good the freedom of persons to choose, within lim-
In any case, finitistic theists contend that the actual
its, their own destiny. Such freedom does not exist in a vacu-
course of natural and human history is more reasonably ex-
um; indeed, it would be powerless without a network of
plained if the Creator-God’s omnipotence and immutability
order that helps a person to know the good and evil conse-
are limited in the interest of his creative goodness. And his
quences of his actions. Without such freedom a person
moral perfection consists in God’s conservation and renewal
would not experience the profound satisfaction of building
of value realization despite recalcitrant conditions within his
the character so essential to the conservation and increase of
own being. This Creator-Person, thus limited in power by
values available to him as he develops.
uncreated conditions within himself, creates and recreates
So important is this pearl that the theist, never unaware
situations most consistent with his purposes.
of the maldistribution of values and disvalues, is poignantly
The specific way in which the morally perfect Creator-
mindful of the undeserved and vicious evils inflicted by
Person is limited in power depends upon the particular the-
man’s inhumanity to man and by natural forces beyond
ist’s conception of God’s immanence in the inorganic, or-
human control. He is not given to holding that evil is illuso-
ganic, and personal orders and, especially, on that theist’s
ry, or that it exists as a privation of goodness. But neither will
view of God’s relation to persons as individuals and in com-
he minimize a fact that becomes the foundation of his think-
munity. Finitistic theists, however, cannot tolerate, theoreti-
ing about evil. Evil, in the last analysis, has no independent
cally, the conception of a self-existent Creator limited by any
power of its own; it lives parasitically on the good. The the-
being(s) completely independent of his own will. Such the-
ist’s trust in the goodness of the Creator-Person is, therefore,
ists vary in their description of the recalcitrant factor(s) that
grounded in this priority in the very nature of things. This
are inherent in the self-existent Creator. But the basic thrust
fact also fortifies his belief in a personal immortality that is
of their views inspires the worship of a God who, dealing cre-
not an external addition to life in this imperfect world but
atively with recalcitrance, continues to create, in accordance
is, rather, the extension of the creative goodness of God.
with his concern that the conditions for creativity be pre-
Even if all this be granted, serious concerns persist. Can
served and increased at every level possible.
it be conceded, even to so acute a theist as Tennant, that a
Such finitistic theism saves transcendence from the pan-
Creator-Person, both omnipotent and omniscient, cannot,
theistic absorption of persons. At the same time, it is free
in the collocation and governance of things, create water that
from the dangers of a theism that, in the name of immutable
quenches thirst but does not drown? Again, it may be grant-
perfection, sets up impasses that encourage the conception
ed that, without the possibility of evil, persons would not ex-
of a deistic Creator who knows not the quality of continuing,
perience the qualities of creativity resulting from their devel-
creative caring.
oping virtues. Nevertheless, would a Creator who is all-good,
omnipotent, and omniscient create a world in which so
SEE ALSO Atheism; Deism; Monism; Pantheism and Panen-
much “nondisciplinary evil” occurs? Nondisciplinary evils
theism; Proofs for the Existence of God; Theodicy; Tran-
are evils that, as far as we can see, are not instrumental to
scendence and Immanence.
the realization of other values. They are those evils that un-
dermine even the most heroic moral effort; they finally fell
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the oak that has weathered many storms. They, too, are para-
The books in this highly select bibliography contain, each in its
sites upon the good, but whatever the source, they are the
own scope, the needed expansion, significant particularity,
and helpful context for explication of the condensed discus-
irreducible evils that defy being classified as means to some
sion of central topics in this article. The suggestions in the
good.
next paragraph include comprehensive cultural and religious
The traditional theist now reminds us of our keyhole vi-
background for the theistic themes focused on in the main
sion in this life. To other theists, this appeal to ignorance is
presentation. Elaboration on these themes, with an eye to the
variety of interpretations, is provided in the remaining sug-
unavailing. After all, it is open to opponent and exponent
gestions.
alike. These “finitistic” theists, determined to explain the evi-
dence at hand as reasonably as possible, reexamine the con-
Arthur O. Lovejoy’s The Great Chain of Being: A Study of the His-
tory of an Idea (Cambridge, Mass., 1942) is a fascinating
cept of perfection presupposed by traditional theists. They
study of the historical roots and the growth of ideas involved
suggest that the impasses of transcendence-immanence ulti-
in this article. Alfred E. Taylor’s “Theism,” in the Encyclo-
mately hinge on the assumption that perfection necessarily
paedia of Religion and Ethics, edited by James Hastings, vol.
excludes all temporality and change in the self-existent Cre-
12 (Edinburgh, 1921), is a classic historical analysis of theis-
ator. Why must we hold, finitists ask, that self-existence ne-
tic philosophy in the West up to the early decades of the
cessitates God’s immutability in every respect? Why cannot
twentieth century. Étienne Gilson’s L’esprit de la philosophie
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9108
THEOCRACY
médiévale, 2 vols., 2d ed. (Paris, 1944), translated by A. H.
(Springfield, Ill., 1968) finds both traditional and finitistic
C. Downes as The Spirit of Medieval Philosophy (New York,
theistic explanations of evil inadequate. Edgar S. Brightman’s
1936), emphasizes the assimilation of Greek philosophical
A Philosophy of Religion (1940; reprint, Westport, Conn.,
ideas by formative Christian thinkers such as Augustine,
1969) includes a comprehensive survey of philosophic issues,
Aquinas, Bonaventura, and Duns Scotus. James D. Collins’s
a brief historical exposition of absolutistic and finitistic the-
God in Modern Philosophy (1959; reprint, Westport, Conn.,
ism, and his defense of a “finite-infinite” God. It also pro-
1978) examines critically much of the modern debate. In
vides an extensive bibliography and a helpful lexicon. John
chapter 8 of Indian Philosophy, 2d ed., vol. 2 (London, 1927,
Hick’s Evil and the God of Love, 2d ed. (London, 1977), ex-
1931), Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan expounds the main tenets
plores traditional and recent accounts of evil and defends an
in the monistic system of S´an˙kara, and, in chapter 9, he con-
Irenaean view. S. Paul Schilling’s God and Human Anguish
trasts these with the theism of Ra¯ma¯nuja. Annemarie Schim-
(Nashville, 1977) stands out for its well-annotated account
mel’s Gabriel’s Wing: A Study into the Religious Ideas of Sir
of various historical and recent explanations of excess evil as
Muh:ammad Iqbal (Leiden, 1963) gives a vivid account both
well as for his own temporalistic theism.
of Islamic thought and culture and of the reevaluation of the
New Sources
essential tenets of Islam by the poet-philosopher Iqbal; fur-
Basinger, David. The Case for Freewill Theism. Downers Grove,
ther, it provides a comprehensive bibliography.
Ill., 1996.
See H. P. Owen’s Concepts of Deity (New York, 1971) for discrim-
Beaty, Michael, ed. Christian Theism and the Problems of Philoso-
inating definitions of attributes of the traditional theistic
phy. Notre Dame, Ind., 1990.
God and for contrasts with dominant themes in the work of
six twentieth-century thinkers; this book includes a select
Cowan, Paul, and Paul Moser, eds. The Rationality of Theism.
bibliography. The studies by Eric L. Mascall, He Who Is, rev.
New York, 2003.
ed. (London, 1966), and Existence and Analogy: A Sequel to
Craig, William Lane, and Quentin Smith, eds. Theism, Atheism,
“He Who Is” (1949; reprint, New York, 1967), are standby
and Big Bang Cosmology. New York, 1995.
expositions of theistic issues. Milton K. Munitz’s The Mystery
Frame, John. No Other God: A Response to Open Theism. Nashua,
of Existence: An Essay in Philosophical Cosmology (New York,
N.H., 2001.
1965) is included here for its searching critique of theistic ap-
proaches to mystery.
Morris, Thomas. God and the Philosophers: The Reconciliation of
Faith and Reason. New York, 1994.
John Hick’s “Ontological Argument for the Existence of God,”
in The Encyclopedia of Philosophy, edited by Paul Edwards,
O’Connor, David. God and Inscrutable Evil: In Defense of Theism
vol. 5 (New York, 1967), is an able exposition of the argu-
and Atheism. Lanham, Md., 1998.
ment (with solid bibliography). The specific analyses in The
Smart, J. J. C. and John Haldane. Atheism and Theism. 1996; rpt.
Ontological Argument, edited by Alvin Plantinga (London,
Malden, Mass., 2003.
1940), provide welcome context. John Laird’s Theism and
Cosmology (1940; reprint, Freeport, N.Y., 1969) examines
PETER A. BERTOCCI (1987)
Revised Bibliography
metaphysical issues relevant to the God of theism. The Cos-
mological Arguments: A Spectrum of Opinion, compiled and
edited by Donald R. Burrill (Garden City, N.Y., 1967), in-
cludes noteworthy excerpts from classical discussions of both
THEOCRACY means “rule by God” and refers to a type
the cosmological and the teleological arguments as well as
commentary by recent and contemporary philosophers. Nat-
of government in which God or gods are thought to have
ural Theology: Selections, edited with an introduction by
sovereignty, or to any state so governed. The concept has
Frederick Ferré (Indianapolis, 1963), is an abridged version
been widely applied to such varied cases as pharaonic Egypt,
of William Paley’s Natural Theology, or Evidences of the Exis-
ancient Israel, medieval Christendom, Calvinism, Islam, and
tence and Attributes of the Deity Collected from the Appearances
Tibetan Buddhism.
of Nature (London, 1802). The judicious introduction frees
The word was first coined in the Greek language
Paley’s underlying teleology from shallow stereotypes. Fred-
erick R. Tennant’s Philosophical Theology, vol. 1, The Soul
(theokratia) by the Jewish historian Josephus Flavius around
and Its Faculties (Cambridge, 1928), and vol. 2, The World,
100 CE. Josephus noted that while the nations of the world
the Soul, and God (Cambridge, 1930), is probably the most
were variously governed by monarchies, oligarchies, and de-
broadly based, yet closely reasoned, study, to date, issuing in
mocracies, the polity of the Jews was theocracy. This, he
a teleological theism. The most systematic critique of it is
thought, went back to Moses, who was not attracted by the
Delton L. Scudder’s Tennant’s Philosophical Theology (New
model of these other polities and therefore “designated his
Haven, 1940).
government a theocracy—as someone might say, forcing an
For systematic presentation of ethical ideas and their objectivity
expression—thus attributing the rule and dominion to God”
in relation to other arguments for God and his attributes,
(Against Apion 2.165).
there are few works that equal William R. Sorley’s Moral Val-
ues and the Idea of God, 3d rev. ed. (Cambridge, 1918). Her-
From Josephus’s coinage the term found its way into
bert J. Paton’s The Modern Predicament (London, 1955) is
modern languages, though most early uses were references
lucid in its exposition and evaluation of the issues evoked by
to the government of ancient Israel, and thus faithful to the
a moral approach to God’s nature and attributes. Edward H.
original context. The poet John Donne, in a sermon of 1622,
Madden and Peter H. Hare’s Evil and the Concept of God
stated that the Jews had been under a theocracy, and the An-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEOCRACY
9109
glican bishop William Warburton, in his Divine Legation of
state. Nonetheless, a kind of theocracy in the sense of priestly
Moses Demonstrated (1737–1741), engaged in a long discus-
rule appeared in the Papal States of central Italy and lasted
sion of Israelite theocracy.
for over a millennium (756–1870). However, this situation
Impetus for wider use of the word came from G. W. F.
was not usually thought of as a prototype of the ideal but,
Hegel’s Philosophy of History, where the term was employed
rather more pragmatically, as a way of securing the indepen-
to describe that early phase of ancient oriental civilization in
dence of church authority, centered in Rome, from interfer-
which there was no distinction between religion and the
ence and control by secular powers. Another Christian exam-
state. In the later nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
ple of pure theocracy can be found in the early years of the
the term became what Karl Mannheim called a Kampfbegriff,
Latter-Day Saints, or Mormons, in the United States, where
by which “enlightened” contempt for “priest-ridden” socie-
the prophetic leaders (first Joseph Smith and then Brigham
ties could be expressed. It was with something of this force
Young) exercised religious and temporal authority in the life
that it was used by W. E. H. Lecky in his History of Rational-
of the community, both in earlier settlements and then in
ism (1865) and by Brooks Adams in The Emancipation of
Salt Lake City.
Massachusetts (1887).
The early years of Islam, under the prophet Muh:ammad
Theocracy has not become a rigorously defined concept
and his first successors, the caliphs, were also theocratic in
in either social science or the history of religions, although
the sense that there was rule by the religious leadership,
the term is frequently used in historical writing. This is prob-
though it was not a priestly but a prophetic-charismatic lead-
ably because it does not name a governmental system or
ership. It is, however, difficult to say at exactly what point
structure, parallel to monarchy or democracy, but designates
the caliphate ceased to be a primarily religious institution.
a certain kind of placement of the ultimate source of state
Tibetan Buddhism has often been cited as an example
authority, regardless of the form of government. In biblical
of priestly theocracy. After the thirteenth century, Tibet was
studies, where the notion of theocracy has had its longest
ruled by various elements of the Buddhist priesthood; in the
currency, it has probably also been used with the greatest
seventeenth century, the Dge lugs pa sect gained the tempo-
consistency and fruitfulness.
ral rule of the land and governed through the Dalai and
This article deals with the various meanings that the
Panchen lamas, as successive incarnations of Avalokite´svara
term theocracy may be usefully given, with examples relevant
and Amita¯bha Buddha, respectively, until the Chinese Com-
to each meaning: hierocracy, or rule by religious function-
munist invasion destroyed this pattern in 1959. The Dalai
aries; royal theocracy, or rule by a sacred king; general theoc-
Lama was the principal ruler from his capital at Lhasa, and
racy, or rule in a more general sense by a divine will or law;
administration was exercised by him (or by a regent ruling
and eschatological theocracy, or future rule by the divine.
in his name when a new Dalai Lama was being sought)
HIEROCRACY. Theocracy has often been used as a term to de-
through a cabinet composed partly of monks.
scribe societies where the clergy or priests rule, but this is not
Many short-lived communal and revolutionary move-
the exact denotation of the word, and another word,
ments inspired by religion have functioned as pure theocra-
hierocracy, is available for such situations. Some have called
cies. Examples of this include the Taiping Rebellion in
this “pure” theocracy. Among such theocracies, a distinction
China in 1858; the seizure of Khartoum in the Sudan by a
can be made between those in which the religious function-
claimant to the role of the Mahdi in 1885; and the People’s
aries who exercise rule are priestly in character and those in
Temple of Jim Jones, which was established in Guyana in
which they are more prophetic-charismatic.
1977, only to end in mass suicide.
Theocracies of this type have not been very numerous.
ROYAL THEOCRACY. Rule by a king thought to possess di-
Several of the stages in the history of ancient Israel exemplify
vine status or power, or to be entrusted by God with authori-
it: the early period, beginning with the Sinai covenant and
ty over the earth, is a second kind of theocracy. Such sacred
continuing with the leadership of Moses and Aaron; the reli-
kingship has many ramifications beyond what can be consid-
gious confederation of the tribal amphictyony; and the char-
ered in relation to the concept of theocracy. Traditional
ismatic (though occasional) leadership of the Judges down
Japan was ruled by such a royal theocracy, the emperors
to the time of Samuel. Thus, Israel had strongly theocratic
being regarded as descendants of the sun goddess Amaterasu.
elements, in the sense of rule by religious functionaries. Cen-
Some societies of the ancient world were theocratic in this
turies later, after the return from exile in the late sixth centu-
sense: the ancient Mesopotamian kings were regarded as cho-
ry BCE, a theocracy emerged with the priestly leadership of
sen servants and regents of the gods, and the Egyptian pha-
the generations after Ezra. The priestly theocratic pattern be-
raohs were thought to be directly descended from the sun
came so important among the Jews at this time that the later
god, who had created the earth and had at first ruled it per-
Hasmoneans legitimated their rule by claiming the high
sonally, later ruling it through them. In both Egypt and Mes-
priesthood. This was the case until the end of the rule of Al-
opotamia, as well as among other ancient peoples, kings also
exander Yannai over the small Jewish state in 67 BCE.
fulfilled many important roles in ritual, thus acting as inter-
This kind of theocracy has been rare in Christianity,
mediaries between men and the gods. Analogies have fre-
which grew up as a clandestine religion at odds with a hostile
quently been drawn between ancient Near Eastern sacred
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9110
THEOCRACY
monarchy and Israelite kingship, but such inferences should
ism, which grants to the state a basis in its own right; and
be drawn with caution, especially since Israel’s monarchy had
the modern acceptance of the separation of church and
been established within the time of Israel’s historical memory
state—have weakened the theocratic impulse.
and had been opposed by a school of thought that felt that
In Christianity, the two most commonly cited examples
Yahveh alone should be recognized as king (1 Sm. 8:6–22,
of this kind of theocracy have been medieval Roman Cathol-
Hos. 8:4, 13:10–11). However, Israelite monarchy borrowed
icism and some of the Calvinist societies of the sixteenth and
some of the theocratic features of its Near Eastern predeces-
seventeenth centuries.
sors, especially elements of court ritual. Still, Israel under the
Earlier medieval thought looked upon the spiritual and
monarchy was a royal theocracy, for the kings were consid-
the temporal as two coordinate powers under God, with
ered to be the anointed and chosen servants of Yahveh and
their own separate structures of rule. After the Gregorian re-
the earthly representatives of Yahveh’s theocratic authority.
form of the eleventh century, however, papal theorists sought
Monarchy as the fulfillment of a sacred role of divine
to divest the temporal overlord of his sacred character and
regency also appeared in Christianity. The most obvious ex-
promoted the view that the church, through the pope, was
amples have been in Eastern Christianity, both Byzantine
sovereign in all temporal affairs, even if this sovereignty were
and Russian, in which the imperial office was regarded as
not exercised directly but through secular rulers whom the
God-given, and the emperor regarded as God’s representa-
church had the authority to direct, judge, or remove. This
tive on earth in all temporal matters, as well as in the external
papal theocracy reached its height in the early thirteenth-
affairs of the church. In Byzantium, the distinction between
century pontificate of Innocent III, who made good his claim
the religious and the secular was not as sharply drawn as it
to have the authority to dispose earthly powers when he dis-
usually was in the West, and the Byzantine emperor had cer-
ciplined various European monarchs, including King John
tain liturgical prerogatives that were closed to the layperson.
of England. Defenders of papal theocracy, however, made
Such sacred kingship also appeared in Western Christianity
even more far-reaching claims in the next century, asserting
among the early Germanic kings who ruled after the dissolu-
that the popes, as vicars of Christ on earth, exercised all the
tion of the Roman empire, and especially in the rule of Char-
prerogatives of Christ’s heavenly kingship, which was both
lemagne. It reappeared with some of the Holy Roman em-
royal and priestly, and were, theoretically, not only the pos-
perors who sought to counter the claims of papal theocracy
sessors of all earthly political sovereignty but the ultimate
after the eleventh-century Gregorian reform, and at the
owners of all property. Late medieval developments, includ-
courts of Henry VIII and Louis XIV.
ing the papal captivity and schism, the rise of conciliarism,
and nationalism, led to the decline of effective papal theo-
GENERAL THEOCRACY. A third type of theocracy, by far the
cracy.
most common, is that more general type wherein ultimate
authority is considered to be vested in a divine law or revela-
Theocracy has often been attributed to the government
tion, mediated through a variety of structures or polities. In
of certain Reformed or Calvinist states, whether Zurich
a sense, both priestly and royal theocracies may be of this
under Huldrych Zwingli, Geneva under John Calvin, En-
sort: for example, in Israelite monarchy the Law stood as an
gland under Oliver Cromwell, or Puritan Massachusetts. In
authority beyond that of the king at the time of the Josianic
none of these cases was there a hierocratic theocracy, since
reform; Byzantine emperors in spite of their choice by God
in most of them the clergy were less likely to hold public of-
were subordinate to the principles of revealed truth; and even
fice than they had been previously—for example, Cromwel-
the Egyptian god-kings were supposed to rule according to
lian England abolished church courts and the House of
the eternal principles of maat, or justice. Theocracy in this
Lords with its bishops, and the Massachusetts Bay Colony
third sense has been quite common as a conception in such
forbade the clergy to serve as magistrates. Even in Geneva,
universalizing religions as Christianity and Islam, where
the clergy had only an advisory role in checking and balanc-
there has often been a thrust toward bringing the whole
ing the civil government. But all of these societies had an
human sphere under the aegis of the divine will; but it has
ideal, well expressed by the Strasbourg theologian Martin
also appeared in some ancient and tribal societies where the
Bucer in his De regno Christi, of a holy community on earth
laws and customs of the people are understood to be revealed
in which the sovereignty was God’s and in which the actual
by the gods, as in some of the ancient Greek city-states.
law should reflect the divine will and the government seek
to promote the divine glory. In the Puritan examples of
Historical conditions have made this type of theocracy
Cromwellian England in the 1650s and Massachusetts Bay
less common in Christianity than might otherwise have been
in the first generations of its settlement, there was both a
the case; in earliest Christianity, theocracy was ruled out by
hearkening after Old Testament theocratic patterns and a
the sharp dichotomy between the church and a hostile world
sense of the importance of government entrusted to truly re-
that prevailed in Christian thinking, and in modern times,
generate persons—or the saints—in an effort to create a holy
secularization has rendered otiose any program for the rule
commonwealth. In fact, however, rule was exercised in both
of Christian norms over all of society. Furthermore, some
cases more through a godly laity than through the clergy, and
kinds of Christian thinking about society—for example, the
in both Cromwellian England and Puritan Massachusetts the
two-kingdom theory of Lutheranism; Christian Aristotelian-
state had considerable power in church affairs.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEODICY
9111
It is also in this general sense of theocracy that Islam
West Germany, 1959). For the concept of theocracy in
ought to be considered theocratic. Islam grew up as a reli-
Philo, Maimonides, traditional Rabbinic thought, and mod-
gious community that was its own state, and thus from the
ern Israel, see Gershon Weiler, Jewish Theocracy (Leiden,
beginning there was no distinction of church and state; rath-
1988). For Tibetan theocracy, see Franz Michael and Eugene
er, there was a unitary society under God’s revealed rule and
Knez’s Rule by Incarnation: Tibetan Buddhism and Its Role in
law. Islam was much less a church than a theocratic state, but
Society and State (Boulder, Colo., 1982). Dieter Georgi, The-
ocracy in Paul’s Praxis and Theology (Minneapolis, 1991),
as a theocracy, it was laical and egalitarian, with traditions
uses theocracy as a conceptual tool for interpreting the apos-
neither of sacred kings nor of a powerful priesthood. The
tle Paul. For royal theocracy in Byzantium, see Deno John
basis of this divine rule is to be found in shar¯ı Eah, or law,
Geanakoplos’s Byzantine East and Latin West (Oxford,
which provides for a pattern of life uniting all the aspects of
1966), especially chapter 2. Among many treatments of me-
human existence—political, social, religious, domestic—into
dieval papal thought, the following deal extensively with the
a grand whole under divine rule. Such rule has been variously
theme of theocracy: La théocratie: L’église et le pouvoir au
exercised in Islamic history, but the EulamaD as well as the
moyen âge by Marcel Pacaut (Paris, 1957); L’idée de la royauté
caliphs and, in Shiism, the imams have been important in
du Christ au moyen âge by Jean Le Clercq (Paris, 1959), espe-
its application. Many modern Islamic revival movements, re-
cially chapters 1, 7, and 8; and Church State and Christian
acting against Western aggression and internal decline, have
Society at the Time of the Investiture Contest by Gerd Tellen-
bach (1959; reprint, New York, 1979).
tended toward the repristination of the theocratic elements
in Islam; this was true of the Wa¯hha¯b¯ıyah in the eighteenth
A number of authors investigate Reformation and Puritan theo-
and nineteenth centuries and has been true of many contem-
cracy: Robert C. Walton in Zwingli’s Theocracy (Toronto,
porary movements.
1967); E. William Monter in Calvin’s Geneva (New York,
1967), especially chapter 6; Harro Höpfl in The Christian
ESCHATOLOGICAL THEOCRACY. A fourth kind of theocracy
Polity of John Calvin (Cambridge, 1982); George L. Hunt in
is eschatological, centering on visions of an ideal future in
Calvinism and the Political Order (Philadelphia, 1965); Rene
which God will rule. Restoration eschatology and messianic
Paquin in “Calvin and Theocracy in Geneva,” ARC, The
ideas in ancient Israel were of this type. In Christianity, such
Journal of the Faculty of Religious Studies, McGill 28 (2000):
eschatological theocracy appeared in the beliefs of the medi-
91–113; Aaron B. Seidman in “Church and State in the
eval followers of Joachim of Fiore, who anticipated the emer-
Early Years of the Massachusetts Bay Colony,” New England
gence of a third age in which all would be perfect, and in the
Quarterly 18 (1945): 211–233, which seeks to set the record
beliefs of the sectarians of seventeenth-century England, such
straight on theocracy in the colony; Avihu Zakai, in “Theoc-
as the Seekers, Quakers, or Fifth Monarchists, who dreamed
racy in New England: The Nature and Meaning of the Holy
of a coming millennial age when Christ would rule. Such
Experiment in the Wilderness,” Journal of Religious History
14 (1986): 131–151; and Jerald C. Brauer in “The Rule of
modern offshoots of Christianity as the Jehovah’s Witnesses
the Saints in American Politics,” Church History 27 (Septem-
and the Unification Church of Sun Myung Moon present
ber 1958): 240–255, which also discusses theocratic impulses
recent examples of groups anticipating an earthly reign of
in later American history. For a study of the Quakers and
Christ. Islamic eschatology centering on the figure of the
theocracy, see Thomas G. Sanders’s Protestant Concepts of
Mahdi has occasionally begotten similar hopes.
Church and State (New York, 1964), pp. 125–178. The theo-
cratic aspects of Islam are variously alluded to in Ruben
SEE ALSO Charlemagne; Constantine; Dalai Lama; Imamate;
Levy’s The Social Structure of Islam, 2d ed. (Cambridge,
Israelite Law, article on State and Judiciary Law; Kingdom
1957), and E. I. J. Rosenthal’s Political Thought in Medieval
of God; Kingship; Shiism.
Islam (1958; reprint, Cambridge, 1968); Majid Fakhry deals
with some modern revivals of theocratic thinking in “The
B
Theocratic Idea of the Islamic State in Recent Controver-
IBLIOGRAPHY
sies,” International Affairs 30 (October 1954): 450–462.
There is no single, synoptic account of the whole range of theo-
Modern Iran is examined in Mehran Kamrava, The Political
cratic phenomena. Among general studies of religion, Gustav
History of Modern Iran: From Tribalism to Theocracy (West-
Mensching’s Soziologie der grossen Religionen (Bonn, 1966)
port, 1992). Legal and ethical issues are explored in Lucas A.
and Soziologie der Religion, 2d ed. (Bonn, 1968), pp. 79f.,
Swaine, “How Ought Liberal Democracies to Treat Theo-
112, and 155–158, take interest in the notion of theocracy.
cratic Communities,” Ethics 111 (January 2001): 302–343.
Among the many studies of sacred kingship in the ancient
world, Henri Frankfort’s now classic text Kingship and the
DEWEY D. WALLACE, JR. (1987 AND 2005)
Gods: A Study of Ancient Near Eastern Religion (1948; reprint,
Chicago, 1978) is a good place to begin. Thomas L. Brauch,
“The Emperor Julian’s Theocratic Vocation,” Society of Bib-
lical Literature Seminar Papers 25 (1986): 291–300, exam-
THEODICY. Why do the righteous suffer? Why do the
ines theocracy in the late Roman pagan revival. For a general
account of theocracy and ancient Israel, see John W.
wicked prosper? Why do innocent children experience illness
Wevers’s “Theocracy” in the Interpreter’s Dictionary of the
and death? These are ancient questions, but they have been
Bible, vol. 4 (Nashville, 1962), pp. 617–619. D. Otto Plöger
given new poignancy in our day by the events of the Europe-
deals with Daniel, Joel, and other examples of late Israelite
an Holocaust. The fact that many who died in the Holocaust
eschatology in Theokratie und Eschatologie (Neukirchen,
were devout Jews or Christians also poses a special problem
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9112
THEODICY
for the faiths to which these victims belonged. Traditionally,
problem: the belief in God’s goodness, the belief in his
Jews and Christians have affirmed God’s goodness and his
power, or the belief in the real occurrence of suffering. Reli-
absolute sovereignty over history. But how can this faith be
gious positions that fundamentally dissolve the problem may
reconciled with suffering on the scale for which Auschwitz
be classified according to which of the three basic beliefs they
is the symbol?
do not accept.
THEORETICAL POSITIONS. The effort to answer questions of
Denials of God’s justice. Some religious positions avoid
this sort is commonly referred to as theodicy. The term was
theodicy by denying that God (or the gods) is morally good.
apparently coined by the philosopher Gottfried Leibniz
Very few religious traditions openly hold God to be evil, al-
(1646–1716) and is a compound of the Greek words for
though Wendy Doniger O’Flaherty, in her book The Origins
God (theos) and justice (dik¯e). Theodicy may thus be thought
of Evil in Hindu Mythology (Berkeley, 1976), has argued that
of as the effort to defend God’s justice and power in the face
at least one important motif in Hindu mythology traces suf-
of suffering. Theodicies result from this effort: they are spe-
fering to the gods’ pettiness and fear of human power. More
cific explanations or justifications of suffering in a world be-
common than an outright denial of the deity’s justice, how-
lieved to be ruled by a morally good God.
ever, is the claim that God’s justice is somehow qualitatively
The theodicy problem. The “problem of theodicy”
different from our ordinary human ideas of right and wrong.
arises when the experienced reality of suffering is juxtaposed
Words like justice or goodness when applied to God have no
with two sets of beliefs traditionally associated with ethical
relation to their meaning when applied to human beings.
monotheism. One is the belief that God is absolutely good
What would be regarded as wickedness on the part of a
and compassionate. The other is the belief that he controls
human being—for example, the slaughter of children—may
all events in history, that he is both all-powerful (omnipo-
not be unjust where God is concerned. We shall see that this
tent) and all-knowing (omniscient). When combined with
view has had some currency in Islam and in Calvinist Chris-
some other implicit beliefs—for example, the belief that a
tianity.
good being would try to prevent suffering insofar as he is
Denials of God’s omnipotence. Rather than compromise
able—these various ideas seem contradictory. They appear
the divine goodness, some religious traditions have avoided
to form a logical “trilemma,” in the sense that, while any two
theodicy by qualifying the divine power. This view is espe-
of these sets of ideas can be accepted, the addition of the
cially characteristic of religious dualisms, which explain the
third renders the whole logically inconsistent. Thus, it seems
fact of suffering by positing a power or principle of disorder
that it can be affirmed that God is all-good and all-powerful,
that wars incessantly with God for control of the world. In
but not also that there is suffering in the world. Similarly,
Zoroastrianism, for example, imperfections and suffering in
the fact of suffering can be affirmed along with God’s good-
this world are traced to an ongoing cosmic struggle between
ness, but the insistence on God’s omnipotence appears to
the good deity, Ahura Mazda¯ (O
¯ hrmazd), and his evil antag-
render the whole ensemble of beliefs untenable. Theodicy
onist, Angra Mainyu (Ahriman). Similarly, the gnostic reli-
may be thought of as the effort to resist the conclusion that
gion Manichaeism explained suffering in terms of a struggle
such a logical trilemma exists. It aims to show that traditional
between a “spiritual” god of goodness and light and an evil
claims about God’s power and goodness are compatible with
“creator” demon associated with darkness and matter.
the fact of suffering.
Apart from dualism there are other ways by which reli-
Alternative definitions. Some writers have tried to ex-
gions can deny God’s omnipotence. One of the most impor-
pand the term theodicy beyond its classical Western philo-
tant of these is found in Buddhism, where suffering is traced
sophical and theological usage. The sociologist Max Weber,
to the automatic operation of the moral law of retribution
for example, sought to redefine the term in order to render
known as karman. I shall return to karman in connection
it applicable to religious traditions that do not involve belief
with Buddhist teaching as a whole, but for now it may be
in one just, all-powerful deity. In Weber’s usage, the theodicy
noted that karman eliminates the need to justify God (or the
problem referred to any situation of inexplicable or unmerit-
gods) in a world of suffering because it places that suffering
ed suffering, and theodicy itself referred to any rationale for
almost wholly beyond divine control.
explaining suffering. This wider definition has value for the
Denials of the reality of suffering. The final major way
comparative study of religion. Nevertheless, without neglect-
by which to avoid the problem of theodicy is to deny the
ing other religious responses to suffering, I shall here be using
third component in the trilemma, that is, that there really
the term theodicy in its classical sense, as the effort to defend
is suffering in the world. This position may seem impossible
God’s justice and power in a world marred by suffering.
since unhappiness, illness, and death are all around us. Yet
Dissolutions of the theodicy problem. One reason for
in various ways, religious thinkers and religious traditions
holding to the narrower definition of theodicy is that it al-
have sometimes denied the ultimate reality or significance of
lows us to see that theodicy in its classical sense is very much
suffering. The philosopher Spinoza, for example, affirmed
a feature of ethical monotheism. Theodicy in this sense does
that the world seems filled with evil only because it is regard-
not arise in traditions that fundamentally deny or reject any
ed from a narrow and erroneous human point of view. From
one of the three major sets of ideas that form the theodicy
the divine perspective, however, the world forms a necessary
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEODICY
9113
and perfect whole. Some Hindu thinkers have also denied
created a world in which these goods, with their attendant
the reality of suffering by advocating adoption of the divine
evils, exist.
point of view. According to the Vedantic tradition, what we
call evil or suffering is really an aspect of ma¯ya¯, the cosmic
While those involved in the enterprise of theodicy fre-
principle of dynamism and individuation. This principle is
quently focus on one good or the other in their defense of
not ultimate, and the sage who attains the divine perspective
God, theodicy is inherently an eclectic activity. A variety of
sees ma¯ya¯ as an illusory process that does not really affect the
distinct values and arguments are commonly advanced to de-
eternal soul. This teaching renders the world of suffering in-
fend God’s goodness. Some of the major theodicies listed
consequential.
here are not even theodicies in the most precise sense since
they involve less the identification of specific values whose
Classical theodicies. Those familiar with the Western
existence justifies suffering than the assertion that such values
religious traditions may be unpersuaded by these various dis-
might exist. In any case, none of these classical theodicies is
solutions of the theodicy problem. They may find that some
necessarily exclusive of the others, and adherents of ethical
of these positions, such as the denial that God is just in hu-
monotheism usually hold several of the following positions.
manly understandable terms, seriously jeopardize a religious
The free-will theodicy. One of the most powerful and
faith based on belief in God’s goodness. Other dissolutions
most frequently adduced explanations of suffering is the free-
may seem to ignore the importance of the evil that God seeks
will theodicy. Those who hold this position maintain that
to overcome or may erode confidence in God’s ability to
a world containing creatures who freely perform good ac-
master that evil. Yet we have seen that the alternative posi-
tions and who freely respond to their creator’s goodness is
tion—affirmation of God’s absolute goodness and power in
far better than a world of automatons who always do what
a world of serious suffering—appears to be illogical. Defend-
is right because they cannot do what is wrong. Now, while
ers of ethical monotheism, however, have usually refused to
God can create free creatures, if they are truly free he cannot
accept this apparent illogicality. With varying degrees of self-
causally determine what they do. To create a creature freely
consciousness, they have maintained that the alleged contra-
capable of doing what is morally right, therefore, God must
diction between monotheism and suffering does not exist.
create a creature who is also capable of doing what is morally
This view underlies the specific theodicies that have been
wrong. As it turned out, some of the free creatures God creat-
elaborated to defend belief in a just and all-powerful God.
ed have exercised their freedom to do wrong, and this is the
The key to these positions is an understanding of what
source of the suffering we see around us. Some of this suffer-
it means to say that God is omnipotent. Typically, it is ar-
ing is directly caused by these wicked beings, while some re-
gued that while God can do anything he wills himself to do
sults when they are justly punished by God for their conduct.
and anything that is capable of being done, he cannot do
As easily stated as this theodicy is, it has many complexi-
what is logically impossible. This is not because his power
ties, and it has frequently been challenged. Recent debate has
is limited but only because what is logically impossible can-
been especially vigorous. Philosophers such as Antony Flew
not really be thought or conceived. Thus, God cannot make
and J. L. Mackie, for example, have questioned the link in
a “square circle,” and we cannot ask or desire him to do so,
this argument between free will and the possibility of wrong-
because the very idea of a square circle is nonsense. Only the
doing. Since the conduct of free beings is not unshaped by
accident of language that makes a “square circle” seem as pos-
causal factors, they contend, God might have molded human
sible as a “seedless apple” leads us to think that God’s inabili-
nature and the physical environment in such a way that free
ty here represents some limit to his power.
beings never do wrong. Or, they argue, since it is logically
With this as a basis, it is further argued that the claim
possible for any free being never to do wrong, there is noth-
that God’s goodness and power are logically incompatible
ing illogical in God’s having created a whole race of free be-
with suffering is not correct, because it is not true that an
ings none of whom ever does wrong. However, other philos-
all-good, all-powerful being would necessarily eliminate all
ophers, notably Nelson Pike and Alvin Plantinga, have
suffering from the world. What is true is that such a being
rejected these arguments, claiming either that they run
would want to bring about the greatest state of goodness in
counter to our commonsense understanding of freedom,
the world. But creating such a state may involve the creation
which involves essentially an idea of nondetermination by
of some specific goods whose existence logically entails the
causal forces, or that they mistakenly derive from ambiguities
possibility of certain evils, and these evils may be the source
in what it means to say that God can create free beings who
of the suffering we see around us.
never do wrong. While it is true, they would say, that God
can create a race of free beings none of whom ever happens
The enterprise of theodicy, therefore, essentially in-
to do wrong, it is not true that God can create free beings
volves the identification of those eminently valuable goods
and bring about their never doing wrong. Whether wrong
whose existence may entail certain states of suffering or evil.
is done depends on the beings themselves. This leads these
Proponents of specific theodicies usually contend that a
philosophers to the conclusion that God must expose the
world without these goods would be of lesser value than one
world to the possibility of suffering and evil if he chooses to
that contains them, and so God is morally justified in having
create beings who are genuinely free.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9114
THEODICY
A more traditional and long-standing objection to the
foundly true, that serious suffering can stimulate the devel-
free-will theodicy is that it does not apparently handle the
opment of our capacities and character. But this is not always
problem of natural (or physical) evil as opposed to moral evil.
so. Sometimes suffering embitters, diminishes, or destroys
Moral evil may be thought of as states of suffering traceable
people. Finally, while growth in our understanding of na-
to the agency of free beings, such as war, racism, or genocide.
ture’s laws is valuable, we must ask whether this knowledge
Natural evil is that evil or suffering that is not traceable to
can be justified if its price has been the wasting of lives down
acts or volitions of free beings, including such things as earth-
through countless generations. What kind of education is it,
quakes, floods, and pestilence. Even if it is granted that this
some ask, that kills so many of the students?
distinction is not sharp (some of the damage wrought by
Eschatological (or recompense) theodicies. Many of the
earthquakes, for example, is the result of shoddy construc-
difficulties of the educative theodicies derive from the brevity
tion techniques and other forms of human ignorance or ava-
of human life. If an individual’s existence were to continue
rice), clearly there are instances of suffering utterly beyond
beyond death, some of these problems might be overcome.
human control. Because this suffering is not traceable to
Then, unmerited or unproductive suffering might be placed
human abuse of freedom, these critics contend, God must
in a larger context of experience and meaning. Eschatological
ultimately be held responsible for its existence.
theodicies are based on the conviction that human life tran-
Defenders of the free-will theodicy have responded to
scends personal death and that the righteous eventually re-
this objection in various ways. They have sometimes traced
ceive their full reward. (It is also frequently maintained that
natural evil to the agency of demonic beings (fallen angels
the wicked receive appropriate punishment.) These theodi-
or Satan) whose own malevolence results from a perverse ex-
cies differ from one another on the question of just when or
ercise of free will. They have also sometimes argued that nat-
how such recompense occurs. The eschaton (“last thing”) can
ural evils are ongoing punishments for wrongful acts by hu-
be envisioned as a historical epoch that begins at the end of
mankind’s first parents, so that suffering is a result of
history, a time when the righteous are resurrected in renewed
Original Sin. Despite occasional efforts at their revival, these
bodies. Or it can be understood as an eternal heavenly realm
responses have little currency today. As a result, many propo-
that one enters after death. In either case, eschatological the-
nents of the free-will theodicy find themselves forced to turn
odicies assume that the blissful future life more than com-
elsewhere to supplement their defense of God. They fre-
pensates for present suffering.
quently resort to one of the educative theodicies.
Eschatological theodicies clearly play an important part
Educative theodicies. The force of the educative theodi-
in reconciling many religious believers to the fact of suffer-
cies lies in their ability to justify at least some of the suffering
ing. Nevertheless, this kind of theodicy faces many difficul-
experienced by innocent persons. This suffering exists, it is
ties today. Some persons regard the idea of an afterlife as in-
argued, because it serves to enrich human experience, to
credible. Others reject the idea that future bliss can
build moral character, or to develop human capacities.
compensate for present misery. They point out that while
suffering may come to an end, the painful memory of suffer-
Within the broad assertion that suffering has educative
ing endures. Such novelists as Dostoevskii, Camus, and Elie
value, at least several distinct claims can be identified. It is
Wiesel have also asked whether anything can compensate for
sometimes maintained, for example, that modest suffering
the massive suffering inflicted on children during the perse-
enhances our appreciation of life’s satisfactions (as separation
cutions of recent times.
from loved ones can enrich moments spent with them). On
a far deeper level, it is argued that even very serious suffering
Theodicy deferred: The mystery of suffering. Long before
can toughen us to adversity and can help us develop depth
Auschwitz, religious believers recognized that any effort to
of character, compassion, or new capabilities. Finally, it is
justify severe suffering in terms of identifiable values risks
common in this connection to stress the value of a world
trivializing the enormity of human anguish. Rather than re-
based upon regular laws of nature. Certainly, much suffering
nounce their faith in God’s justice and power, however,
results from the operation of natural laws. Had God wished
some of these believers have chosen to deny that the mystery
to, he might have created a world in which no regular laws
of suffering can be fully understood. They have preferred to
existed—a world in which the flames threatening a sleeping
defer comprehension and to trust in God’s ultimate goodness
family suddenly turned cool. But such a world, it is argued,
and sovereignty. Frequently they have connected this with
would be a magical garden with little opportunity for growth
their eschatological expectations and have looked forward,
in human knowledge. The human race would forever remain
not just to recompense but to a final understanding of God’s
in intellectual infancy. This explanation in terms of natural
purposes in the world.
laws is also sometimes advanced to explain the puzzling
Very often, those who stress the mystery of suffering also
problem of animal suffering.
emphasize the limited nature of human understanding and
These educative theodicies are important, but their lim-
the enormous differences that exist between God and hu-
its are apparent. Many of life’s satisfactions do not require
mans. This position should not be confused, however, with
suffering to be enjoyed. Good health can be appreciated
the view that God’s justice is somehow qualitatively different
without the experience of disease. It is true, and perhaps pro-
from our own. The latter perspective dissolves the problem
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEODICY
9115
of theodicy by placing God beyond moral accountability,
rying degrees of emphasis, they contain many of the posi-
whereas the view discussed here insists that God’s justice will
tions we have reviewed. However, the free-will theodicy is
ultimately be vindicated. Faith is not the belief in a God be-
probably to the fore. This view is firmly anchored in the ac-
yond justice but the belief that God’s justice will finally be
count of history given in Genesis, where a world created as
upheld.
“good” or “very good” by God is viewed as corrupted by
Communion theodicies. Emphasis on the mystery of suf-
human sinfulness. From the first deliberate but unnecessary
fering and the need to defer our understanding of it may help
transgression of the divine commandment by Adam and Eve,
to sustain religious faith in the face of evil; but it also imposes
we follow a process of recurrent and accelerating wrongdoing
new burdens on that faith, because human beings may come
that vitiates the goodness of nature and that pits person
to regard themselves as pawns in a cosmic game, and God
against person. While the account in Genesis does not answer
may come to be viewed as distant and indifferent. To offset
all the questions that troubled later thinkers (why, for exam-
this, religious traditions have sometimes presented suffering
ple, God chose to create human beings in the first place), it
itself as an occasion for direct relationship, collaboration, and
does place primary blame for both natural and moral evil on
even communion with God.
humankind’s abuse of freedom.
Several related positions may be identified here. One re-
Much the same view is conveyed in the portions of the
fuses to accept the seeming distance of God in the mystery
Bible that were influenced by the Deuteronomic writer and
of suffering by insisting on God’s presence with the sufferer
the early prophets. Here, suffering is explained in simple re-
in the midst of anguish. God is a compassionate God, who
tributive terms: loyalty to the moral and religious conditions
suffers with his creatures and who is most intensely present
of the covenant brings prosperity and peace; wickedness
when he seems farthest away. This position may not explain
brings plague, famine, and war. Since the prophetic literature
why God allows suffering in the first place, but it comforts
often aims to summon the sinful nation to covenantal obedi-
and sustains the believer in the moment of trial. Moreover,
ence, it is recognized that the connection between conduct
since God is a suffering God, suffering also affords the believ-
and its consequences is not always immediate. The result is
er a unique opportunity to obey and to imitate his creator.
an immanent eschatological theodicy based on confidence in
Those who suffer for a righteous purpose do God’s will and
a prompt, future balancing of moral accounts. Thus said Isa-
make known his presence in the world. Suffering thus pro-
iah (Is. 3:10–11):
vides the most intense opportunity for collaboration and
Tell the righteous that it shall be well with them, for
communion between God and humankind.
they shall eat the fruit of their deeds. Woe to the wick-
With this emphasis on communion, the enterprise of
ed! It shall be ill with him, for what his hands have done
theodicy comes full circle. That which first threw open to
shall be done to him.
question God’s goodness and power, the bitter suffering of
This simple equation between suffering and punishment was
innocent persons, now becomes the supreme expression of
not unchallenged in biblical thinking, and the disasters of the
love between God and humans. Unlike the mystical dissolu-
period from the Babylonian exile onward, when the Israelites
tions of the theodicy problem that were looked at earlier, the
were often most intensely loyal to the covenant, forced an
fact of suffering is not here denied. Instead, the reality of suf-
explanation of seemingly innocent suffering. In wisdom liter-
fering and its importance in human life are heightened. But
ature, especially the Book of Job, the older theodicy is reject-
suffering itself is transvalued: what is usually viewed as an ex-
ed. Job is an innocent man, blameless and righteous in every
perience to be avoided is now seen as an opportunity for in-
way; yet he suffers (Jb. 1–2). The prose epilogue, apparently
tense religious fulfillment.
appended at a later date, seeks to maintain the retributive
TEACHINGS ON THEODICY IN THE HISTORY OF RELIGIONS.
schema by suggesting that Job is eventually more than com-
These theoretical positions on suffering and theodicy are not
pensated for his trials (42:10–17), but the book’s most deci-
just abstract logical possibilities. They find concrete expres-
sive response to suffering borders on a radical dissolution of
sion in the life and teachings of historical religious communi-
the theodicy problem. Answering Job out of a whirlwind,
ties. Religions may even be characterized in terms of which
God asks, “Where were you when I laid the foundations of
of these theoretical positions they favor. While all of these
the earth?” (38:4). A litany of God’s mighty deeds in nature
positions may have some presence in a tradition, one or an-
and history follows, with the suggestion that man is too puny
other is usually emphasized and serves as a distinguishing
a creature to question his maker’s justice. Job repents his pre-
trait. Even closely related traditions like Judaism and Chris-
sumption: “I have uttered what I did not understand, things
tianity evidence their uniqueness by subtle preferences
too wonderful for me, which I did not know” (42:3).
among these different theodicies.
The Book of Job may be read as an abandonment of the
Judaism. In Jewish tradition, the theodicy problem is
very effort to comprehend God’s justice, as an assertion that
addressed not only in Hebrew scriptures but in rabbinic
a creature cannot ask its maker to render account. Or, less
teachings.
radically, it may be read as a deferred theodicy—not the
Biblical foundations. The Hebrew scriptures provide
claim that God is unjust or beyond justice but that we are
the basis for both Jewish and Christian theodicies. With va-
unprepared here and now to fathom God’s righteous ways.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9116
THEODICY
The repeated assertions of God’s control of the wicked sup-
This stress on the positive value of suffering is empha-
port this interpretation. In any case, the more radical stance,
sized in a series of rabbinic teachings that go beyond the view
amounting to a dissolution of the theodicy problem, finds
of suffering as retribution and emphasize its educative di-
expression elsewhere in the wisdom literature. Ecclesiastes, for
mensions or the opportunity it provides for obedience to
example, repeatedly emphasizes the obscurity of God’s ways
God and communion with him. Sometimes, for example,
in dealing with humans. Occasionally the text despairs of
suffering is seen as having disciplinary value. Frequently al-
there being any justice in the world: “one fate comes to all,
luded to is Proverbs 3:11, which teaches that God is like a
to the righteous and the wicked, to the good and the evil”
father who chastises a well-loved son. EAqiva’ ben Yosef, mar-
(Eccl. 9:2).
tyred by the Romans in the Bar Kokhba Revolt, is said to
have laughed during his torture. When asked by his tormen-
These dramatic responses of the wisdom tradition are
tor why he did this, EAqiva’ replied that all his life he had
not the only positions of the exilic and postexilic period. In
been reciting the ShemaE, the ritual formula in which the
some of the later prophetic writings, especially in “Second
pious Jew is commanded to love God with all his heart, soul,
Isaiah,” a complex, new theodicy appears: the idea of the suf-
and might, and now, amidst his tortures, he realized that he
fering servant. This is the innocent “man of sorrows,” an “of-
had finally been given the opportunity to fulfill this com-
fering for sin” who bears the sins of others and is “wounded
mandment. For EAqiva’, as well as for many Jews who looked
for our transgressions” (Is. 53:3–10). Just who this figure is
to him, suffering becomes an occasion for divine grace.
remains unclear. Is he the prophet himself or some other
Amidst suffering, these Jews came to see the presence of a
charismatic figure? Is he the nation as a whole or a righteous
God whose purpose, at a price in suffering to himself and
remnant? Whatever the answer, this idea embodies a new
to his people, was to render Israel a holy community.
theodicy, combining the free–will theodicy with elements of
the educative and communion theodicies. Suffering is still
Christianity. The crucifixion of Jesus clearly forms the
produced by sin, but the servant suffers vicariously. He bears
focal point for all Christian thinking about suffering. But the
his stripes to absorb the punishment of others, to highlight
interpretation of this event varies widely in Christian think-
and communicate the consequence of sin and God’s wrath
ing, as do the theodicies that it brings forth.
against it. His suffering teaches others and is also a unique
form of service to God. Finally, in a bid to the eschatological
The New Testament. Although the problem of suffering
theodicy, it is promised that this servant will ultimately have
is everywhere present in the earliest Christian writings, what
his reward. He will be given a “portion with the great” and
theodicies we can identify in the New Testament writings are
will “divide the spoil with the strong” (Is. 53:12).
largely implicit. Expectedly, many of the theodicies we exam-
ined in the context of biblical and rabbinic thought are clear-
In the latest texts of the Hebrew Bible, as well as in
ly assumed. Particular emphasis, for example, is given to as-
many writings of the intertestamental period, these eschato-
pects of the free-will theodicy. It is true that the crucifixion
logical and recompense themes move to the fore with the ap-
provides for Christians decisive evidence that not all who suf-
pearance of apocalyptic writings, such as the Book of Daniel.
fer are guilty. Nevertheless, the death of Jesus is also the re-
In these, history is viewed as moving toward a final cosmic
sult of almost every form of human wickedness. Factional-
resolution, when God will smash the empires of the wicked
ism, nationalism, militarism, religious hypocrisy, greed,
and raise the righteous dead to “everlasting life” (Dn. 12:2).
personal disloyalty, and pride all conspire here to effect the
The Hebrew scriptures thus draw to a close with a reassertion
death of an innocent man.
of the ultimate connection between suffering and sin.
The fact that Christ is clearly blameless provokes the
Rabbinic teaching. Many of the motifs found in the He-
further question of why he should be allowed to suffer at all.
brew scriptures are continued in rabbinic thinking. Foremost
At least several answers appear throughout the New Testa-
once again is the free–will theodicy and the link between suf-
ment, some of which are also applicable to other innocent
fering and sin: “If a man sees that painful suffering visits
victims. On one level, in many New Testament texts a quali-
him,” says the Talmud, “let him examine his conduct”
fied dualism makes its appearance. Evil and suffering are
(B.T., Ber. 5a). Or again, more radically, “There is no suffer-
traced to the agency of demonic forces or to Satan (e.g., Mk.
ing without sin” (B.T., Shab. 55a). It follows from this that
5:1–13; Mt. 9:32–34, 12:22–24). On another level, the es-
any apparent discrepancy between conduct and its reward
chatological theodicy is vigorously reasserted, with Christ’s
must be overcome or denied. Eschatology becomes acutely
resurrection furnishing proof that the righteous are able to
important. The righteous may look forward to the world to
vanquish all the forces of wickedness and to surmount suffer-
come (’olam ha-ba’), where all inequities will be overcome
ing and death. The apostle Paul typically insists that the Res-
and the wicked must fear hell (Gehenna). Whatever observ-
urrection is a source of personal hope and confidence for all
able suffering one experiences may be regarded as expiation
who follow Christ (1 Cor. 5:15–19; 2 Cor. 4:14). Side by side
of those inevitable sins that all human beings commit. Suf-
with this, and found everywhere from the Gospels to Revela-
fering thus prepares one for final reward: “Beloved are suffer-
tion, is a vivid apocalyptic expectation. Christ is the “Son of
ings, for as sacrifices are atoning so is suffering atoning”
man” whose life (and death) will usher in the kingdom of
(Mekilta’ de Rabbi Yishma Ee’l 2. 280).
God. In this kingdom, worldly hierarchies of reward will be
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEODICY
9117
overturned: “Many that are first will be last and the last will
questioning the creator (Rom. 9:19–21) are expanded to a
be first” (Mk. 10:31; Mt. 5:19).
doctrine that places God altogether beyond measurement by
human justice. With this denial of God’s accountability, the
Also running through many texts are elements of the ed-
theodicy problem is dissolved. Not all Christians, however,
ucative theodicy. The letter to the Hebrews and the letter of
have accepted this extreme view, and repeated efforts have
James sound the note that suffering is sent by God as a test
been made to explain and to justify God’s creation of beings
and a discipline of those he loves (Heb. 12:3–13; Jas. 1:2–4,
capable of sin.
12). Paul continues this theme, adding to it elements of a
communion theodicy. Christians should rejoice in suffering
In his book Evil and the God of Love (London, 1977),
because it produces endurance, character, and hope (Rom.
John Hick argues that at least two major responses to this
5:3–5). Suffering also presents the opportunity to imitate
question may be identified in the Christian tradition. One
Christ (1 Cor. 11:1), who has shown that power is made per-
is traceable to Augustine and constitutes the historically
fect not in strength but in weakness (2 Cor. 12:9). This em-
dominant line of thinking about the problem. (A similar
phasis on Christ’s fellow-suffering is a constant theme in
view, for example, is taken by Thomas Aquinas and many
Paul’s letters.
other Catholic theologians.) It begins by explaining evil in
Finally, in Paul’s writings we find an important extrapo-
creation not as a substantial reality in itself (as the
lation from the free-will theodicy: emphasis on the universal-
Manichaeans had contended) but as an aspect of nonbeing.
ity of sin and the universal deservedness of suffering. This
Thus, evil does not stem from God but represents the un-
theme is not altogether new—it has deep roots in biblical
avoidable and nonculpable absence of his goodness or pres-
and Jewish thought—but it is radicalized by Paul, especially
ence in mere “created” things (the doctrine of evil as a priva-
in his Letter to the Romans (3:9–10, 23). The implications
tio boni). Why God should have created free human beings
of this teaching for the theodicy problem are dramatic. Since
is explained aesthetically in terms of the desirability of his
all are sinners, what is extraordinary is not that some suffer
creating a graded hierarchy of being. Once created and given
in a world ruled by God, but that anyone is spared the divine
every inducement for obedience, however, human beings
wrath (Rom. 9:22–24). The fact that not all are punished is
nevertheless inexplicably turned away from God toward
explained in terms of God’s grace being manifest in Christ’s
nonbeing. As a result, they have been justly punished, and
vicarious suffering and in God’s willingness to suspend the
the suffering that results (within a retributive theory of pun-
punishment for sin (Rom. 3:24). This teaching clearly builds
ishment) is fitting, as is the eternal damnation of those not
on dimensions of theodicy encountered in the Hebrew scrip-
rescued by God’s grace. Indeed, the whole outcome is some-
tures, including the suffering servant motif (now applied sin-
times justified by Augustine in terms of its overall moral bal-
gularly to Christ). Nevertheless, it has the effect of revolu-
ance and aesthetic perfection.
tionizing Christian thinking about theodicy by converting
Contrasted with this view is a position that Hick asso-
the mystery of suffering into the mystery of divine grace.
ciates with Irenaeus (c. 130–202) but that also has resonance
Subsequent developments. It is impossible to review
in the writings of Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768–1834) and
briefly all the contributions of later Christian thinking to
F. R. Tennant (1866–1957). It, too, traces suffering to the
theodicy. Suffice it to say that the major lines of thought
abuse of freedom. But its explanation of the place of both
build upon those established in the New Testament. Paul’s
freedom and transgression in the divine plan is quite differ-
ideas, especially, play a major role. Augustine (354–430) de-
ent from that of the Augustinian tradition. Here the Fall is
veloped Paul’s suggestions into a fully elaborated doctrine of
fully within God’s intention. God has knowingly created im-
original sin. According to Augustine, Adam and Eve’s trans-
perfect beings who are distanced from the divine splendor
gression and punishment, “sin and its penalty,” are to be
and destined to fall, but he is justified in doing this because
viewed as passed on to their descendants through sexual re-
he has the moral purpose of affording these beings the oppor-
production. Because everyone thus “merits” punishment,
tunity for growth and free development so that they may es-
emphasis is on God’s grace and his election of those who are
tablish a mature personal relationship with him. In this view,
spared a just fate. Election itself is explained in terms of di-
the world is a “vale of soul making” and it is possible to apply
vine predestination, in accordance with which God has eter-
to the Fall the words of the Easter liturgy: “O felix Culpa
nally decreed who shall be spared the punishment merited
quae talem ac tantum meruit habere redemptorem” (“O for-
by all.
tunate crime, which merited such and so great a redeemer!”).
A further implication of the Irenaean theodicy, in Hick’s
This position clearly does not solve the theodicy prob-
view, is that it casts doubt on older retributive theories of
lem entirely, and in some respects the problem is sharpened
punishment that may justify the consignment of some per-
in a new way. The question becomes not why human beings
sons to eternal suffering in hell. The Irenaean theodicy sug-
have incurred suffering but why God, in his foreknowledge
gests a more generous “universalist” eschatology, which sees
and power, should have allowed the whole disastrous course
all who have lived as eventually becoming “children of God.”
of events proceeding from the Fall to have occurred in the
first place. Sometimes the legitimacy of this question is de-
Hick himself expresses a strong preference for this view.
nied. In Calvinism, for example, Paul’s admonitions against
While not all contemporary Christian thinkers share this
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9118
THEODICY
preference, it is reasonable to say that there exists among con-
the angels. These will be opened following the general resur-
temporary Christian theologians a predilection to stress
rection on the day of judgment (yawm al-d¯ın). Those whose
God’s moral purpose in creating free beings and to see God
record is wanting shall descend to the Fire, while the righ-
himself as personally involved in the venture and risk of
teous shall dwell in the Garden (al-jannah) where their bliss
human freedom.
is depicted in spiritual as well as vividly material terms (surah
9:74; 75:23; 52:24; 56:17f.; 76:11–21).
Islam. In his book The House of Islam (1975), Kenneth
Cragg observes that because of its emphasis on God’s tran-
Later developments. If the QurDa¯n’s perspective on suf-
scendence, Islam “does not find a theodicy necessary either
fering and its implicit theodicy display substantial similarity
for its theology or its worship” (p. 16). With one or two im-
to some familiar positions in the Hebrew Bible and New
portant qualifications, this is a reasonably accurate assess-
Testament, subsequent Islamic thought strikes off on a path
ment of the state of theodicy in a tradition that insists on sur-
of its own. From the eighth century CE onward, the free-will
render to the divine will (one meaning of isla¯m) and finds
position becomes involved in a series of bitter disputes be-
it blasphemous to hold that God is accountable to human
tween the MuEtazil¯ı school of “rationalists,” or “humanists,”
moral judgments. Nevertheless, while theodicy has not been
and more orthodox defenders of God’s sovereignty (includ-
a major preoccupation of Muslims, there are, especially in
ing his role as sole creator of human acts). Entangled in extra-
the earliest texts, implicit efforts to understand the sources
neous political conflicts, this debate continued for several
of suffering and why God might allow it to exist.
centuries, until the victory of the orthodox position through
the work of Abu¯ al-H:asan al-AshEar¯ı (d. 935
The Qur Da¯n. We know that one of the most persistent
CE) and others.
What emerged was an extreme predestinarian position, ac-
explanations and justifications of human suffering traces that
cording to which not only suffering or blessedness but the
suffering to free creatures’ abuse of their freedom. At first
acts and volitions that lead to them are totally in the hands
sight, this free-will theodicy seems to have little footing in
of God. Al-AshEar¯ı himself tried to secure some limited room
the QurDa¯n because of its repeated emphasis on God’s sover-
for human responsibility through a doctrine of “acquisition,”
eignty and his absolute control over human behavior. In
according to which acts proceed from God but attach them-
su¯rah 6:125, for example, we read:
selves to the will of the individual. Nevertheless, this teaching
Whomsoever God desires to guide, He expands his
remains overwhelmingly deterministic. An oft-quoted tale
breast to Islam; whomsoever he desires to lead astray,
presenting an imaginary conversation in heaven between
He makes his breast narrow, tight. . . .
God, an adult, and a child captures the resulting orthodox
Or again, in 61:5:
view. The child asks God, “Why did you give that man a
higher place than myself?” God replies, “He has done many
When they swerved, God caused their hearts to swerve;
good works.” The child then asks, “Why did you let me die
and God guides never the people of the ungodly.
so young that I was prevented from doing good?” God re-
Although passages like these shape the later emphasis on pre-
sponds, “I knew that you would grow up to be a sinner;
destination in Islamic thought, they may not have this mean-
therefore, it was better that you should die a child.” At that
ing in the QurDa¯n. For one thing, these utterances are fre-
instant a cry arises from all those condemned to the depths
quently used to explain the recalcitrance of Muh:ammad’s
of hell, “Why, O Lord! did you not let us die before we be-
opponents, and thus are more properly understood as affir-
came sinners.”
mations of God’s ultimate control of the wicked than as
In the context of such determinism, all responsibility for
philosophical disquisitions on freedom. In addition, these
good and evil devolves upon God himself. Lest it be thought,
passages are offset by many others in which a substantial
however, that God may legitimately be accused of injustice,
measure of human freedom, initiative, and accountability is
Islamic orthodoxy hastens to add that in his sovereignty,
assumed. “He leads none astray save the ungodly,” says surah
God may not be subjected to human moral judgment. God’s
2:24, while su¯rah 4:80 makes what seems to be an explicit
command is itself the defining feature of right, and what
statement of the free-will theodicy:
God wills can never be morally impugned. The great medi-
Whatever good visits thee, it is of God; whatever evil
eval theologian Abu¯ H:a¯mid al-Ghaza¯l¯ı (d. 1111) affirms that
visits thee is of thyself.
“there is no analogy between his justice and the justice of
creatures. . . . He never encounters any right in another be-
In addition, the QurDa¯n displays two other themes associated
sides himself so that his dealing with it might be a doing of
with the free-will theodicy. One is a view of suffering as a
any wrong.”
test of righteousness. More than once the question is asked,
“Do the people reckon that they will be left to say ‘We be-
This emphasis on God’s omnipotence does not mean
lieve,’ and will not be tried?” (29:1; 3:135; cf. 14:6; 2:46).
that Muslims (any more than Calvinists) view God as a capri-
Because such testing can sometimes lead to martyrdom and
cious despot. On the contrary, their constant affirmation is
death, the QurDa¯n also supports a vivid eschatological expec-
that God is “merciful and compassionate.” Yet in the en-
tation. Those who withstand the test shall have their reward.
counter with suffering, a human’s response must not be to
All human deeds are said to be recorded in books kept by
complain, to question, or even to try to defend God. Hence,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEODICY
9119
for Islamic orthodoxy at least, theodicy remains an undevel-
times presented as powerful, righteous figures who reward
oped dimension of the religious life. Its place is taken by the
and punish human beings and to whose compassion one may
sentiment conveyed by the QurDa¯nic formula “H:asbuna¯
appeal. Varun:a, in particular, bears many of the marks of a
Alla¯h” (“God is sufficient unto us”).
supreme deity, and it is possible to see here an implicit free-
Hinduism and Buddhism. It would ordinarily not be
will theodicy with human suffering traced to transgression
advisable to lump together any treatment of such complex
of God’s righteous law. Nevertheless, these lines of thought
traditions as Hinduism and Buddhism. But where the issue
are not developed in later Hindu thinking, and in the post-
of theodicy is concerned, this approach has much to recom-
Vedic period, when karman moves to the fore, even the gods
mend it since it emphasizes the fact, already mentioned, that
are subordinated to it. According to one tradition of Hindu
both traditions share a common perspective on suffering.
mythology, for example, the god Indra slays a wicked brah-
This is the view that suffering derives from the operation of
man, but, in so doing, he becomes subject to the moral pen-
the automatic law of moral retribution known as karman
alty for brahmanicide. In an effort to free himself of this bur-
working in conjunction with a process of reincarnation. In
den, Indra ends by inflicting suffering on human beings.
his Sociology of Religion (Boston, 1963), Max Weber charac-
Thus, even the goodness of the gods is compromised as they
terized karman as “the most radical solution of the problem
find themselves powerless before the operation of this moral
of theodicy” (p. 147), but this reflects Weber’s own broader
law of cause and effect. It is true that in popular and mytho-
use of the term theodicy to cover any explanation of suffering.
logical traditions the gods are frequently seen as able to free
In fact, because karman traces suffering to one’s own
themselves from the effects of karman. They are also viewed
thoughts and deeds, and because it denies the gods any in-
as able to benefit their devotees. But what power they have
volvement in or control over the process of suffering, it is not
in this regard does not usually extend, within the world of
a theodicy in our sense at all. Rather, it is a fundamental dis-
karman, to helping human beings escape automatic punish-
solution of the theodicy problem as we encounter it in ethical
ment for serious sin.
monotheism.
Neither can the gods be held responsible in these tradi-
How decisive a resolution of the problem of suffering
tions for the shape of reality. Buddhism explicitly denies the
are the combined teachings of karman and reincarnation
gods any role in creation. The universe is conceived of as an
may be illustrated by a famous tale concerning the assassina-
ongoing, eternal, and cyclical process of becoming, and only
tion of Maha¯moggalla¯na, a respected disciple of the Buddha.
an error on the part of the first-born god Brahma allows him
When the Buddha was asked to explain Moggalla¯na’s brutal
to think himself its creator. Hinduism gives a more active
death, he replied that, while undeserved in terms of his pres-
role to the gods in this cyclic process of evolution and devo-
ent life, it was altogether suited to his conduct in a previous
lution. The world proceeds from Vis:n:u and is actively
existence. In that life, said the Buddha, Moggalla¯na had been
brought forth by Brahma¯. But this process is not understood
guilty of cruelly killing his elderly parents. (This tale is re-
in moral terms. Instead, creation is a process whereby every
printed in Henry Clarke Warren’s Buddhism in Translation,
potentiality within the great God is allowed to manifest itself
New York, 1963, pp. 221–226.) The implication of this tale
in the world of differentiation. This means that everything
is that in a world ruled by karman there is no such thing as
in creation, blessings and suffering, the gods and the demons,
“innocent suffering.” All suffering (even animal suffering) is
all good and all evil, represent the working out of the divine
deserved. We have seen that the free-will theodicy has some-
plenitude. If creation is conceived in anthropomorphic terms
times tended toward this same conclusion, but in all the
at all, it is not a morally intentioned act for which God is
Western traditions where this theodicy has been espoused,
accountable but an expression of the deity’s spontaneous cre-
there have always been voices affirming the reality of inno-
ativity or play (l¯ıla¯).
cent suffering. In Hinduism and Buddhism, however, these
voices have been silenced by a drive toward the total and
There is, therefore, in neither of these traditions any
lucid explanation of worldly suffering afforded by karman.
question of morally justifying the gods, and there is no real
theodicy. Instead, the paramount religious questions become
A further implication of this teaching is that the gods
how (in popular Hinduism especially) one can procure some
may be neither blamed nor appealed to when suffering oc-
favor from the gods, how one can produce good karman, and
curs. In Buddhism, belief in karman helps explain the subor-
how, finally, one can altogether escape sam:sa¯ra, the world of
dinate place of God or the gods in the schema of salvation.
karmicly determined becoming. This latter question be-
Not only may divinity be attained by any righteous individu-
comes particularly important when it is realized that within
al, but the gods themselves, through sins that create bad kar-
sam:sa¯ra suffering is virtually inescapable. While deeds that
man, may plunge from their lofty state. As a result, it makes
generate good karman may lead to prosperity or bliss in some
no sense to look to the gods for release from suffering, since
future life, it is almost certain that such a state will not en-
they are as subject to suffering as anyone else. Nor can they
dure. Because every transgression brings its penalty, and be-
be held responsible for what suffering occurs.
cause those who are spiritually or materially well placed are
Hinduism appears somewhat less certain about these
more likely to transgress, existence in sam:sa¯ra is an endless
conclusions. In the earlier Vedic texts, the gods are some-
shuttle between momentary respite and prolonged misery.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9120
THEODICY
We need not review in detail here the various Hindu
certain aspects of our deepest moral experience—for exam-
and Buddhist answers to the question of how one may escape
ple, the experienced relationship between parents and chil-
sam:sa¯ra. These answers constitute the core teachings of their
dren—and uses these to illuminate the relationship between
traditions. They range from Hinduism’s stress on the pro-
God and his creatures. Unless this ultimate moral basis and
found recognition that one’s soul (a¯tman) is identical with
intention is kept in mind, neither theodicy’s purpose nor its
Being-itself (brahman), and hence basically unaffected by the
persistence will be well understood.
flux of becoming, to Buddhism’s opposing insistence that
there is no eternal soul capable of being affected by sam:sa¯ra
SEE ALSO Afterlife; Evil; Free Will and Predestination;
Holocaust, The, article on Jewish Theological Responses;
(the doctrine of ana¯tman). Despite the enormous differences
Karman; L¯ıla¯; Sam:sa¯ra; Suffering.
between these teachings, they have much in common: suffer-
ing is viewed as endemic to the world process, and the goal
BIBLIOGRAPHY
is extrication from this process. Suffering is not a reason for
Useful surveys of classic Western philosophical and theological
praising or blaming God. The legacy of karman thus colors
discussions of theodicy can be found in John Hick’s Evil and
Indian thought from beginning to end, from its conception
the God of Love, 2d ed. (London, 1977), S. Paul Schilling’s
of the problem of suffering to that problem’s resolution.
God and Human Anguish (Nashville, 1977), and David Ray
Within this intellectual context, theodicy in its classic sense
Griffin’s God, Power, and Evil: A Process Theodicy (Philadel-
finds little room for development.
phia, 1976).
Some of the most important classic discussions of this problem in-
CONCLUSION. Along with the corrosive effect of modern sci-
clude Augustine’s treatment of the issue in his Confessions,
entific knowledge, the problem of innocent suffering poses
bk. 7, chaps. 3–5 and 12–16, in his Enchridion, chaps. 3–5,
one of the greatest challenges to ethical monotheism in our
and in The City of God, bk. 11, chaps. 16–18, and bk. 12,
day. In the wake of the mass suffering of this epoch, some
chaps. 1–9. Thomas Aquinas has a very similar discussion in
have rejected such monotheism, agreeing with the remark by
his Summa theologiae, first part, questions 47–49, as does
Stendahl that “the only excuse for God is that he does not
John Calvin in his Institutes of the Christian Religion, bk. 1,
exist.” Others have been drawn to various dissolutions of the
chaps. 1–5 and 14–18, bk. 2, chaps. 1–5, and bk. 3, chaps.
theodicy problem, ranging from the Eastern stress on karman
21–25. The great medieval Jewish philosopher Mosheh ben
Maimon (Maimonides) also advances a theodicy in his Guide
to an extreme fideism that abandons the insistence on God’s
of the Perplexed, pt. 3, chaps. 11 and 12, which relies heavily
justice.
on the connection between wrongdoing and suffering.
Before rejecting ethical monotheism or the theodicies it
Modern philosophical discussion of theodicy has its start with
has stimulated, however, it is worth keeping in mind that
Leibniz’s Essais de théodicée sur la bonté de Dieu, la liberté de
both spring from a profound moral intentionality. Ethical
l’homme, et l’origine du mal (1710), translated by E. M. Hug-
monotheism expresses the conviction that a supreme power
gard as Theodicy: Essays on the Goodness of God, the Freedom
of Man, and the Origin of Evil (London, 1952). On the other
guides reality and that this power is characterized by righ-
side, penetrating criticisms of theism and theodicy are of-
teousness and love. Theodicy is the effort to sustain this con-
fered by David Hume in his Dialogues Concerning Natural
viction in the face of innocent suffering. Theodicy, therefore,
Religion (1779) and by John Stuart Mill in his Three Essays
is often less an effort to provide an account of the immediate
on Religion (1874).
facts of experience than an expression of hope and confi-
In this century, debate in this area has been especially vigorous.
dence that despite worldly reverses or human resistance,
Important theological discussions include Nels Ferré’s Evil
goodness and righteousness will triumph. Theodicy may not
and the Christian Faith (New York, 1947), Austin Farrer’s
violate the requirements of logic, nor may it ignore the expe-
Love Almighty and Ills Unlimited (Garden City, N. Y., 1961),
rienced reality of suffering. Theodicy’s deepest impulse,
and the works by Hick, Schilling, and Griffin mentioned
however, is not to report the bitter facts of life but to over-
above. A critique of these and other efforts at theodicy is of-
come and transform them.
fered by Edward H. Madden and Peter H. Hare in their Evil
and the Concept of God (Springfield, Ill., 1968).
This essentially moral motivation should be kept in
Influential criticisms of theism and the free-will theodicy have
mind as we evaluate theodicies and their alternatives. Various
been advanced by Antony Flew in his essays “Theology and
dissolutions of the theodicy problem, from denials of God’s
Falsification” and “Divine Omnipotence and Human Free-
power or justice to denials of the reality of suffering, may
dom,” in New Essays in Philosophical Theology, edited by An-
seem intellectually satisfying, but they may have moral impli-
tony Flew and Alasdair MacIntyre (London, 1955), and by
cations we hesitate to accept. Theodicies, too, are subject to
J. L. Mackie in his article “Evil and Omnipotence,” Mind,
a moral test. If some older theodicies, such as reliance on the
n. s. 64 (1955): 200–212. This last essay is reprinted along
with rejoinders by Nelson Pike and Ninian Smart in God and
harsh idea of original sin, are no longer widely held, this may
Evil (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., 1964), edited by Pike. Re-
reflect their moral inadequacy. Conversely, theodicies that
sponding to these discussions, Alvin Plantinga provides a
still attract attention are those that draw upon and deepen
powerful defense of theodicy in general and of the free-will
our moral self-understanding. The idea that God is commit-
theodicy in particular in his God and Other Minds (Ithaca,
ted to the perilous enterprise of creating free, mature human
N. Y., 1967), chaps. 5 and 6, and in his God, Freedom and
beings exemplifies this approach. This theodicy draws on
Evil (London, 1975).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEODORE OF MOPSUESTIA
9121
The problem of evil and the issue of theodicy has also had an im-
Rowe, William, ed. God and the Problem of Evil. Blackwell Read-
portant place in fictional writing during the modern period.
ings in Philosophy. Malden, Mass., 2002.
Particularly noteworthy are Fedor Dostoevskii’s The Brothers
Sands, Kathleen. Escape from Paradise: Evil and Tragedy in Femi-
Karamazov, translated by David Magarshack (London,
nist Theology. New York, 1998.
1964), esp. bk. 5, chap. 4; Albert Camus’s The Plague, trans-
lated by Stuart Gilbert (New York, 1948); and Elie Wiesel’s
Swinburne, Richard. Providence and the Power of Evil. New York,
Night, translated by Stella Rodway (London, 1960).
1998.
A sign of how much the problem of theodicy is a Western concern
RONALD M. GREEN (1987)
is that no comparable body of literature exists on the theodi-
Revised Bibliography
cy problem in Islam, Hinduism, or Buddhism. Nevertheless,
there are some discussions worth noting. Max Weber’s treat-
ment of theodicy in his Religionssoziologie (Tübingen, 1922)
THEODORE OF MOPSUESTIA (350–428),
is a pioneering effort to look at the problem of suffering and
Christian biblical exegete and theologian. Theodore was
theodicy in a comparative context. This essay is translated as
born in Antioch about the same time as John Chrysostom,
“Theodicy, Salvation, and Rebirth” in Weber’s Sociology of
Religion, translated by Ephraim Fischoff (Boston, 1963).
who became his friend and fellow student. Since Theodore
Weber’s view is critically examined and developed by Ga-
belonged to the noble class, he attended courses given by the
nanath Obeyesekere in his article “Theodicy, Sin, and Salva-
most renowned professor of rhetoric at that time, Libanius.
tion in a Sociology of Buddhism,” in Dialectic in Practical
He was later admitted to the Asketerion, the famous school
Religion, edited by E. R. Leach (Cambridge, 1968).
near Antioch, of Diodore (later bishop of Tarsus) and
A good survey of the problem of suffering in diverse religious tra-
Karterios. Even after his ordination as bishop of Mopsuestia,
ditions (and in Marxism) is provided by John Bowker’s Prob-
in Cilicia, he occasionally lectured at the school, where his
lems of Suffering in Religions of the World (Cambridge, 1970).
reputation as a teacher attracted such distinguished pupils as
Both Arthur L. Herman’s The Problem of Evil and Indian
Rufinus, Theodoret of Cyrrhus, and Nestorius. His work in
Thought (Delhi, 1976) and Wendy Doniger O’Flaherty’s
uprooting the remnants of polytheism in his province was
The Origins of Evil in Hindu Mythology (Berkeley, 1976) con-
very successful.
tain useful information on the diversity of responses to suf-
fering in Indian religious traditions.
Theodore wrote widely on various subjects, but only a
Unfortunately, there is less explicit discussion of this issue in Is-
part of his literary production has been preserved. A pioneer
lamic writings or in writings about Islam, and what sources
in biblical exegesis, he basically followed the hermeneutic
do exist are largely in Arabic. The best available review of this
principles of his teacher Diodore, although he diverged from
issue is the doctoral dissertation of Eric Lynn Ormsby, An
them in some important points. He showed greater confi-
Islamic Version of Theodicy: The Dispute over Al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s
dence in his personal understanding than in the authority of
“Best of All Possible Worlds” (Princeton University, 1981).
traditional hermeneutics, with the result that he rejected the
Brief mentions of this problem may also be found in Ken-
canonicity of many books of scripture.
neth Cragg’s The House of Islam, 2d ed. (Encino, Calif.,
1975) and W. Montgomery Watt’s What Is Islam (London,
Only four of his commentaries have been preserved: On
1968). Watt’s Free Will and Predestination in Early Islam
the Twelve Prophets, parts of On the Psalms, On John, and On
(London, 1948) is an influential discussion of the determin-
the Epistles of Paul. In all of these he uses critical, philological,
istic themes that have tended to minimize the presence of
and historical methods and rejects the Alexandrian method
theodicy in this tradition. On the other side of the issue, Jane
of allegorical interpretation. Also of great importance are his
I. Smith and Yvonne Haddad’s The Islamic Understanding of
Catechetical Homilies, which were discovered in a Syriac
Death and Resurrection (Albany, N. Y., 1981) provides a use-
translation.
ful review of the themes of accountability and recompense
that form an implicit theodicy in this tradition.
As an indefatigable combatant against the heresies of his
time, Theodore’s attention was particularly directed toward
New Sources
Apollinaris of Laodicea. Theodore’s dogmatic fragments that
Adams, Marilyn McCord. Horrendous Evils and the Goodness of
God. Ithaca, N.Y., 1999.
have been preserved, especially On the Incarnation, are direct-
ed against him. Theodore’s extreme position on the two na-
Adams, Marilyn McCord, and Robert Merihew Adams. The Prob-
tures of Christ is largely a response to Apollinaris’s teaching
lem of Evil. New York, 1990.
about the mutilation of Christ’s human nature. Following
Alford, C. Fred. What Evil Means to Us. Ithaca, N.Y., 1997.
the Antiochene line of thought, which combined the spiritu-
Basinger, David. “The Problem with the ‘Problem of Evil.’” Reli-
al element with the material in such a way that they are not
gious Studies 30 (1994): 89–97.
confused, Theodore admitted that the two natures of Christ
Boyd, Gregory. God at War: The Bible and Spiritual Conflict.
are perfect and also remain two. His only concession on this
Downers Grove, Ill., 1997.
subject was to conceive a single person only in reference to
Leaman, Oliver. Evil and Suffering in Jewish Philosophy. New
the union of the two natures; in this case the being of the
York, 1995.
person is not in essence, but in God’s will, and the union is
Pinn, Anthony. Why Lord? Suffering and Evil in Black Theology.
not natural but moral. Accordingly, Mary, the mother of
1995; rpt. New York, 1999.
Christ, is only nominally theotokos, mother of God.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9122
THEODORE OF STUDIOS
As an Antiochene, Theodore stressed the great impor-
icons in Christian worship. His uncle Platon was a leader
tance of the human contribution to salvation, which he de-
against the Iconoclasts, and Theodore followed in his foot-
veloped beyond the position of the Antiochene school. He
steps, as a result of which he suffered persecution and was
ascribed all human achievements to free will, thus destroying
sent into exile three times.
the meaning and the importance of original sin. He also at-
When the persecution of the Iconophiles ceased under
tributed free will to Jesus Christ, who, according to this un-
Emperor Leo IV, many monks, including Platon, returned
derstanding, is subject to sin, believing thereby that Christ’s
to Constantinople. Under his influence, Theodore’s family
perfection would be worthy of greater estimation. In this area
moved in 780 to Bithynia, where they established a monastic
he was a forerunner and probably a teacher of Pelagius.
community on their estate of Fotinou, not far from the vil-
Because of these doctrines, and especially because of his
lage of Sakkoudion. Here Theodore was ordained a priest in
position as a forerunner of Nestorianism, Theodore was the
787 or 788 and his monastic career began. In 794 Platon re-
posthumous victim of strong polemics. Some of his writings
signed as abbot in Theodore’s favor. When Theodore be-
together with his doctrine on the incarnation were con-
came abbot, he reorganized the monastery according to the
demned by Justinian and by the Second Council of Constan-
rule of Basil of Caesarea (c. 329–379), and the Sakkoudion
tinople (533).
community prospered for a while with a hundred monks.
Because of Saracen raids in Bithynia, Theodore and most of
BIBLIOGRAPHY
his community were allowed by the patriarch in 798 or 799
The edition of Theodore’s texts in Patrologia Graeca, edited by
to move to the monastery of Studios in Constantinople.
J.-P. Migne, vol. 66 (Paris, 1847), is incomplete. Editions of
Under Theodore’s leadership, the Studios monastery
individual works with better, although fragmentary, texts are
underwent a period of renaissance and exerted great influ-
his commentary on Psalms, Le commentaire de Théodore de
ence on Byzantine society. It had more than seven hundred
Mopsueste sur les Psaumes, I–LXXX, edited by Robert Dev-
monks and perhaps as many as a thousand. Theodore be-
reesse (Vatican City, 1939); his commentary on the Proph-
ets, Theodori Mopsuesteni commentarius in XII prophetas, ed-
came one of the most powerful men in Constantinople and
ited by Hans Norbert Sprenger (Wiesbaden, 1977); the Syri-
found himself in conflict with both emperors and patriarchs.
ac text of his commentary on the Gospel of John with a Latin
He tried to integrate monasticism and society and engage
translation, Comentarius in Evangelium Ioannis Apostoli, 2
monks not only in spiritual matters but in social welfare ac-
vols., edited by J.-M. Vosté, Corpus Scriptorum Christian-
tivity, in hospitals, in xenones (hospices), and in work among
orum Orientarium, vol. 115 (in Syriac) and vol. 116 (in
the needy.
Latin) (Louvain, 1940); his commentary on the epistles of
Theodore was a prolific author of doctrinal, apologetic,
Paul, In epistolas B. Pauli commentarii, 2 vols., edited by
canonical, and ascetic theology. He also wrote poetry, homi-
Henry B. Swete (1880–1882; reprint, Farnborough, 1969);
and the commentaries On the Nicene Creed and On the Lord’s
lies, and letters. His doctrinal and apologetic works defend
Prayer and on the Sacraments of Baptism and the Eucharist,
the use of icons as part of the christological teachings of the
“Woodbrooke Studies,” vols. 5 and 6 (Cambridge, 1932–
church and stress that the event of the Incarnation fully justi-
1933), which include the Syriac texts and English transla-
fies the use of iconography. His canonical and ascetic works
tions edited by Alphonse Mingana.
aimed at the improvement of monasticism’s image and disci-
Theodore’s life and work is discussed in Leonard Patterson’s Theo-
pline. His poetry includes many church hymns and liturgical
dore of Mopsuestia and Modern Thought (New York, 1926);
services which remain in use, as well as iambic epigrams for
Robert Devreesse’s Essai sur Théodore de Mopsueste, “Studi e
different nonreligious occasions. His homilies delivered on
testi,” vol. 141 (Vatican City, 1948); and Rowan A. Greer’s
various feast days and ecclesiastical occasions display style
Theodore of Mopsuestia, Exegete and Theologian (London,
and logic. Theodore’s letters, addressed to private persons,
1961). A recommended study of his theology is Richard A.
monks, emperors, other state dignitaries, popes, and patri-
Norris’s Manhood and Christ: A Study in the Christology of
archs, are an important biographical source. More than 550
Theodore of Mopsuestia (Oxford, 1963).
of them survive.
PANAGIOTIS C. CHRISTOU (1987)
Theodore’s significance is twofold. First, his writings
constitute a mirror of eighth- and early ninth-century Byzan-
tium. Second, his life reveals agonistic efforts to free the
THEODORE OF STUDIOS (759–826), theologian
church from imperial influence. In this he was more con-
and monastic reformer of the Byzantine church. Born to an
cerned with an orderly and moral society than with mystical
aristocratic family in Constantinople, Theodore received an
theology, more attuned to the legalisms characteristic of
excellent secular and religious education under the close su-
Roman theology than to the spiritual aspirations of the
pervision of his mother, Theoktiste, and his mother’s broth-
Christian East.
er, the abbot Platon.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Eighth-century Byzantine society was greatly disturbed
Sources
by the Iconoclastic Controversy. Theodore’s family had
Cozza-Luzi, Giuseppe, ed. Novae patrum bibliothecae, vols. 8 and
sided with the Iconophiles, those who favored the use of
9. Rome, 1871 and 1888. In volume 8, see especially
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEODOSIUS
9123
part 1, pages 1–244; in volume 9, see especially part 1, pages
two persons in Christ and those who maintained, as Euty-
1–318, and part 2, pages 1–27.
ches did, that the divinity and humanity of Christ became
Garzya, A. “Epigrammata.” Epeteris hetairias Buzantinon spoudon
one nature (see Theodoret’s Epistle 119). Theodoret’s activi-
(Athens) 28 (1958): 11–64.
ties after 451 are unknown, and it is likely that he died
Migne, J.-P., ed. Patrologia Graeca, vol 99. Paris, 1860.
around 458. The Second Council of Constantinople (553),
convened to settle the dispute that became known as the
Trempelas, Panagiotes N. Ekloge Orthodoxou Hellenikes Humno-
Three Chapters Controversy, condemned Theodoret’s writ-
graphias. Athens, 1949. See pages 220–231.
ings against Cyril, but Theodoret himself was not con-
Studies
demned as a heretic.
Beck, Hans Georg. Kirche und theologische Literatur im byzan-
tinischen Reich. Munich, 1959. See pages 491–496.
Theodoret’s literary output covers important areas of
the life and activity of the church. In addition to the works
Gardner, Alice. Theodore of Studium: His Life and Times. London,
1905.
already mentioned, Theodoret wrote the apologetic On Prov-
idence (c. 436), ten discourses delivered at Antioch, and On
Marin, Eugène. Saint Théodore, 759–826. Paris, 1906.
Chrysostom (incomplete). Along with the several dogmatic
Mpalanos, Demetrios S. Hoi Buzantinoi ekklesiastikoi sungraph-eis.
writings referred to above, On the Holy and Undivided Trini-
Athens, 1951.
ty and On the Incarnation of the Lord—which have been false-
Papadopoulos, Chrysostomos. “Ho Hagios Theodoros Stoudites.”
ly attributed to Cyril of Alexandria—were actually composed
Epeteris hetairias Buzantinon spoudon (Athens) 15 (1949):
by Theodoret, as were An Exposition of the True Faith and
1–27.
Questions and Answers for the Orthodox, both wrongly attri-
New Sources
buted to Justin Martyr. Libellus against Nestorius is falsely at-
Cholij, Roman. Theodore the Studite: The Ordering of Holiness.
tributed to Theodoret.
New York, 2002.
Along with Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret is re-
DEMETRIOS J. CONSTANTELOS (1987)
garded as the principal exegete of the theological school of
Revised Bibliography
Antioch and as one of the most important interpreters of
scripture. His Ecclesiastical History (449–450) continues Eu-
sebius’s work of the same title and covers the period from
THEODORET OF CYRRHUS (c. 393–c. 458),
323 to 428. History of Divine Love (or Ascetic Citizenship)
bishop, theologian, and church historian. Theodoret was
presents the lives of male and female ascetics in Syria. Sum-
born in Antioch to wealthy Christian parents. From early
mary of Heretical Slander (c. 453) presents in its first four dis-
childhood he devoted himself to learning and study. After
courses all the heresies up to the time of Eutyches, and, in
the death of his parents, he entered the monastery at
the second part, the exceptional Summary of Divine Dogmas.
Apamea. In 423, against his will, he was elected bishop of
Some 230 letters written by Theodoret are preserved, and
Cyrrhus, east of Antioch. The young, successful bishop was
they are an important source of the history and dogma of
imbued with an apostolic zeal for christianization. In an at-
Christianity in the fifth century.
tempt to show the superiority of Christianity, he wrote at
this time The Healing of the Greek Passions, which was direct-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ed toward pagan intellectuals.
The collected works of Theodoret, edited by J. L. Schulze and J.
A. Noesselt, are available in Patrologia Graeca, edited by J.-P.
As an Antiochene, at the outbreak of the Nestorian dis-
Migne, vols. 80–84 (Paris, 1859–1864). Available in English
pute, Theodoret sided with Nestorius (who accepted two dis-
is Theodoret’s A History of the Monks of Syria, translated by
tinct natures in Christ) and refused to condemn him at the
R. M. Price (Kalamazoo, 1985). See also M. Richard’s
Council of Ephesus (431). Theodoret’s Pentalagion and A
“L’activité littéraire de Théodoret avant le Concile d’Éphèse”
Refutation of Twelve Chapters of Cyril, neither of which is
and “Notes sur l’evolution doctrinale de Theodoret,” Revue
fully extant, reflect his criticisms of Cyril of Alexandria’s at-
des sciences philosophiques et théologiques 24 (1935): 83–106
tack on Nestorius. Theodoret contributed decisively to the
and 25 (1936): 459–481. G. Bardy’s article on Theodoret in
compromise of 443 and probably wrote the declaration of
the Dictionnaire de théologie catholique, edited by A. Vacant
et al. (Paris, 1946), is a valuable secondary source.
faith of that union, but the peace move did not last long.
Theodoret wrote his Eranistes in 447 in opposition to Euty-
THEODORE ZISSIS (1987)
ches (who taught one nature in Christ). The Robber Synod
Translated from Greek by Philip M. McGhee
of 449, which affirmed Eutyches’ position, deposed Theodo-
ret, who retreated from his see until the new rulers, Marcian
and Pulcheria, restored him in 450.
THEODOSIUS (c. 347–395), Roman emperor (379–
Theodoret’s condemnation of Nestorianism before the
395). In the worst disaster since the days of Hannibal the
Council of Chalcedon (451) prompted the council to ac-
Roman army and the emperor Valens were wiped out near
knowledge him as orthodox. Theodoret, like the council, re-
Hadrianopolis by the Goths in August 378. The senior sur-
jected both those who sought to distinguish the existence of
viving emperor, the young Gratian, summoned from his
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9124
THEODOSIUS
Spanish homeland a certain Theodosius who was elevated as
firmed the teaching of the Council of Nicaea with modifica-
emperor in January 379 at the age of 33. His first task was
tions in keeping with the teachings of Athanasius and other
to come to terms with the barbarian invaders. He allowed
Fathers, who had upheld the Nicene faith during a half cen-
them to settle and used them as federated troops. He dealt
tury of civil war inside the church. Without the filioque
with the other military threat, Persia, by establishing a policy
clause (which says that the Holy Spirit proceeds “also from
of coexistence that yielded a century of peace.
the Son” and is a later Western addition), it remains one of
the great central affirmations of faith acceptable to most
Since religious stability was accepted as the architectonic
Christians. The canons of the council give precedence to
element through which the empire was held together, it oc-
Rome as the see of Peter but insist that Constantinople, as
cupied Theodosius’s continuous attention. It is not easy to
the new Rome, must have appropriate standing. No doubt
tell exactly how much of subsequent imperial policy was ini-
the decisions were made by the council itself, but the emper-
tiated by the emperor himself. It may be supposed that his
or and his ecclesiastical policymakers had largely determined
influence on the laws was direct and strong; on the councils
who was to be present and what issues were on the agenda.
and church affairs generally it was indirect and deeply affect-
ed by practical politics as well as by those around him. These
The beliefs adumbrated by the laws and the council had
included women of the household, episcopal politicians, and
immediate implications. Trinitarian heretics, like the various
court officials.
followers of Arius, were cajoled and coerced. People who in
the minds of the legislators insulted God by apostatizing
In 380 Theodosius was baptized (possibly in connection
from Christianity or following the teachings of Mani were
with a serious illness), despite the fact that people of his class
fiercely attacked. A mere decade was to pass before pagans
ordinarily postponed baptism until they were beyond the oc-
(a contemporary word designating followers of the old
casions for sin inherent in public office. Accordingly, he was
Greco-Roman ways of worship) also became the object of
the first emperor brought up in a Christian family who was
this zeal for conformity. During this reign the independent
a fully initiated and believing Christian for the greatest part
status of the Jews was maintained despite mob and demagog-
of a long reign. As a full member of the church, it was his
ic attacks, but later they, too, met the Theodosian logic.
duty to assist in church affairs. Further, the theory was begin-
ning to take shape of the pious Christian monarch who, as
During these years of policy-making, Theodosius had
persona (“personification”) of the laity and of the body poli-
made Constantinople the definitive capital of his empire
tic, prepared and made possible the oblation offered by the
and, since the murder in 383 of Gratian, his senior colleague,
priests; he also, in some sense, represented the mind and
had permitted Maximus, a staunch Nicene Christian, to gov-
heart of the body of Christ. (This idea was taken over not
ern the far western end of the empire. Italy was nominally
only by the Byzantine monarchies but may be detected in
under the rule of the young Valentinian II, whose powerful
monarchical thinking in France, Britain, and Russia.)
mother, Justina, was friendly to the Arians and earned the
title “Jezebel” from Ambrose. In 387, Maximus invaded Italy
In February 380, possibly even before his baptism, The-
and Justina’s family fled to Thessalonica. Theodosius, whose
odosius issued an edict (Theodosian Code 16.1.2) com-
wife Flaccilla had died in 385, visited them there and married
manding all people to walk in the way of the religion given
the daughter Galla, thereby absorbing the claims of the
by Peter to the Romans, and more recently exemplified by
dynasty of Valentinian. Obviously, much else became sub-
Damasus of Rome (d. 384) and Peter of Alexandria
sumed in his ambition to found a lasting dynasty with con-
(d. 381). Those who hold the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit
trol of the whole Roman world. In an easy victory, he defeat-
to be one godhead in equal majesty are catholic Christians.
ed Maximus and sent his pagan barbarian general Arbogast
Others are heretics who will be struck by the divine ven-
over the Alps to govern the far west on behalf of Valentinian.
geance as well as by the imperial action undertaken according
to heaven’s arbitration. In January 381 Theodosius followed
Late 388 found Theodosius in Italy, the last person to
this up with a law stating that everywhere the name of the
rule de facto from the Atlantic to the Euphrates. It was not
one supreme God was to be celebrated and the Nicene faith
long before he came into collision with Ambrose, the bishop
observed (16.5.6). A person of Nicene faith and a true catho-
of Milan. At Callinicum, on the Persian border, a Christian
lic is one who confesses the omnipotent God, and Christ his
mob had destroyed a synagogue, and Theodosius, as became
son, God under one name, and who does not violate the
a Roman magistrate, ordered the bishop to rebuild it. Am-
Holy Spirit by denial. The law quotes parts of the creed pro-
brose forced the emperor to rescind the order. Then, in the
mulgated by the Council of Nicaea (325) and then interprets
latter part of 390, Ambrose imposed excommunication and
it in accordance with the teachings of the Cappadocian fa-
public penance on the emperor for ordering a blood bath at
thers, one of whom, Gregory of Nazianzus, had been ratified
Thessalonica that had resulted in the deaths of ten to fifteen
in his position as bishop of Constantinople by Theodosius.
thousand people. During mass on Christmas Day 390, the
emperor was reconciled.
In May 381 a council of 150 bishops met at Constanti-
nople. (A sister council met at Aquileia in Italy, but it is not
These events had a tremendous effect on the emperor.
possible to determine the exact interrelationship of the two.)
He seems to have determined, as his laws express, to cooper-
The creed associated with Constantinople took up and reaf-
ate with zealous Christian leaders to prevent further insult
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEOLOGY: COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY
9125
to heaven by barring the pagan cults. Until now, legislation
nich, 1980), is a thoroughly researched study of most aspects
had not worsened the pagan position, and the commando
of Theodosius’s policies. See also Wilhelm Ensslin, Die Reli-
raids by Christian monks and mobs had been kept in some
gionspolitik des Kaisers Theodosius d. Gr (Munich, 1953), and
check. In 391 and 392, Theodosius caused surviving pagan
Stephen Williams and Gerrard Friell, Theodosius: The Empire
sacrifices at Alexandria and Rome to cease and proscribed
at Bay (New Haven, Conn., 1995).
domestic cults (16.10.10–11). The world-renowned Temple
A monograph in English central to the question of Theodosius’s
of Serapis at Alexandria was destroyed by monks led on by
role in Christianity is my The Emperor Theodosius and the Es-
the local bishop, while Roman officials stood by. Riots by
tablishment of Christianity (Philadelphia, 1960). Jörg Ernes-
the Christian mobs, fueled by the promise of spoils, spread
ti’s Princeps Christianus und Kaiser aller Römer: Theodosius
der Grosse im Lichte zeitgenössischer Quellen (Schöningh,
like wildfire. Alarmed, the pagan aristocrats in the west
1998) is a highly detailed and full discussion of the literature
looked for allies.
as a whole. Important related discussions can also be found
In May 392 Valentinian II died mysteriously. Arbogast
in Kenneth G. Holum’s Theodosian Empresses (Berkeley,
elevated a certain Eugenius to the position of emperor and
Calif., 1982) and J. F. Matthew’s Western Aristocracies and
in 393 invaded Italy. The western pagans offered their help
Imperial Court, A. D. 364–425 (Oxford, 1975). Related
themes are taken up in Tony Honoré, Law in the Crisis of
and were enthusiastically received. The struggle was likened
Empire, 379–455 AD: The Theodosian Dynasty and its Quaes-
by both sides to that of Jupiter and Hercules versus Christ.
tors with a Palingenesia of Laws of the Dynasty (Oxford,
As Theodosius tried to enter Italy through the valley of the
1998), and Bente Kiilerich, Late Fourth Century Classicism in
Frigidus River in September 394 his enemies gave battle. He
the Plastic Arts: Studies in the So-Called Theodosian Renais-
was facing defeat when the bora, a violent Adriatic wind,
sance (Oxford, 1993).
sprang up from behind him. Both sides took this as showing
This reign saw the beginning of the effulgence of intellect, holiness
that God was on Theodosius’s side. The panic-stricken pa-
and charity, associated with such names as the Cappado-
gans died at their posts or fled.
cians, the Bethlehem women and Jerome, the desert Mothers
At the time of his triumph in January 395, gout and
and Fathers, Augustine and Monica, Ambrose, the Priscilli-
anists, Martin of Tours, and the Pelagians. Each has an ex-
death overtook Theodosius. He was survived by his son Ar-
tensive bibliography that interlinks with that of the Emperor.
cadius in the East where the East Roman (Byzantine) Empire
See also Incontro di studiosi dell’antichità cristiana, Vescovi
lived on until the Turks struck down the last Christian em-
e Pastori in Epoca Teodosiana (Rome, 1996). A good visual
peror in the gateway of Constantinople in 1453. In the West,
aid is also offered in the film “Trials and Triumphs in Rome:
his young and feeble son Honorius sat enthroned. The Goths
Christianity in the 3rd and 4th Centuries,” directed by Bob
sacked Rome in 410; within the century the Western Empire
Bee (Princeton, N. J., 1999).
had collapsed and the medieval papacy had emerged.
NOEL Q. KING (1987 AND 2005)
Despite his title, Theodosius the Great was a mediocre
man who completed the work of Diocletian and Constantine
and put together a scheme of survival for the East Roman
THEOLOGY
Empire. Behind its fortifications, Western civilization gained
This entry consists of the following articles:
time to take shape. Thanks to the religious policy of Theodo-
COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY
sius, his predecessors back to Constantine, and his successors
CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY
down to his redoubtable granddaughter Pulcheria (399–
453), certain features of the Greek, Hellenistic, Roman, Afri-
THEOLOGY: COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY
can, and ancient Near Eastern heritages that might otherwise
Historically, the term comparative theology has been used in
have been excluded were decisively imbibed by Christianity.
a variety of ways. First, it sometimes refers to a subsection
This process created and presented a face of Christianity that
of the discipline called “comparative religion” wherein the
for centuries has obscured its innate affinity with the power-
historian of religions analyzes the “theologies” of different re-
less, the underprivileged, and the non-Western, as well as its
ligions. Second, within the discipline variously named “the
heritage of detestation of coercion, violence, and trium-
science of religion,” Religionswissenschaft, or “history of reli-
phalism.
gions,” some scholars have used the term comparative theology
to indicate one aspect of the discipline. F. Max Müller, for
BIBLIOGRAPHY
example, in his Introduction to the Science of Religion, used
The text of the Theodosian Code can be found in Theodosiani
the term to refer to that part of the “science of religion” that
Libri XVI, 3 vols. in 2, edited by Theodor Mommsen and
analyzes “historical” forms of religion, in contrast to theoretic
Paul M. Meyer (Berlin, 1905), and translated into English
theology, which refers to analysis of the philosophical condi-
by Clyde Pharr, in The Theodosian Code (Princeton, N.J.,
1952). See also Jill Harries and Ian Wood, eds., The Theodo-
tions of possibility for any religion. As a second example, in
sian Code (Ithaca, N.Y., 1993), and John F. Matthews, Lay-
1871 James Freeman Clarke published a work entitled Ten
ing Down the Law: A Study of the Theodosian Code (New
Great Religions: An Essay in Comparative Theology, which
Haven, Conn., 2000). On the Emperor himself, Adolf Lip-
concentrated on the history of religious doctrines in different
pold’s Theodosius der Grosse, und seine Zeit, 2d ed., enl. (Mu-
traditions.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9126
THEOLOGY: COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY
PROBLEMS AND POSSIBILITIES. On the whole, contemporary
Islam and Judaism. Any enterprise that is named “compara-
scholars in history of religions or religious studies do not use
tive theology,” therefore, must establish that the very enter-
the term comparative theology in Müller’s or Clarke’s senses,
prise of theology is not necessarily a Greco-Christian one.
and these earlier usages are therefore now of more historical
To assure this, two factors need clarification. First, to
than current disciplinary interest. In the contemporary
speak of “theology” is a perhaps inadequate but historically
scholarly world, the term can be understood in two distinct
useful way to indicate the more strictly intellectual interpre-
ways. First, it may continue to refer to a comparative enter-
tations of any religious tradition, whether that tradition is
prise within the secular study of history of religions in which
theistic or not. Second, to use theo logia in the literal sense
different “theologies” from different traditions are compared
of “talk or reflection on God or the gods” suggests that even
by means of some comparative method developed in the dis-
nontheistic traditions (such as some Hindu, Confucian, Tao-
cipline. Usually, however, comparative theology refers to a
ist, or archaic traditions) may be described as having theolo-
more strictly theological enterprise (sometimes named
gies in the broad sense. Most religious traditions do possess
“world theology” or “global theology”), which ordinarily
a more strictly intellectual self-understanding.
studies not one tradition alone but two or more, compared
on theological grounds. Thus one may find Christian (or
The term theology as used here does not necessarily
Buddhist or Hindu, etc.) comparative theologies in which
imply a belief in “God.” Indeed, it does not even necessarily
the theologian’s own tradition is critically and theologically
imply a belief in the “high gods” of some archaic traditions,
related to other traditions. More rarely, comparative theolo-
nor the multiple gods of the Greeks and Romans, nor the
gy may be the theological study of two or more religious tra-
radically monotheistic God of Judaism, Christianity, and
ditions without a particular theological commitment to any
Islam. Whatever the appropriate term used to designate ulti-
one tradition. In either theological model, the fact of reli-
mate reality may be, that term is subject to explicitly intellec-
gious pluralism is explicitly addressed, so that every theology
tual reflection (e.g., the term sacred, as in the “dialectic of the
in every tradition becomes, in effect, a comparative theology.
sacred and the profane” in the great archaic traditions, as an-
alyzed by Mircea Eliade; the term the holy, suggested as the
In principle, the two main approaches are complemen-
more encompassing term, in distinct ways, by Nathan Söder-
tary and mutually illuminating: any comparative enterprise
blom and Rudolf Otto; the term the eternal, as suggested by
within history of religions (or comparative religion)—that is,
Anders Nygren; the term emptiness, as used in many Bud-
a secular or scientific study—will interpret theologies as ma-
dhist traditions; or the term the One, as in Plotinus; etc.). In-
terial to be further analyzed from the perspective of, and by
sofar as such explicitly intellectual reflection occurs within
means of, the comparativist criteria of that discipline. Any
a religious tradition, one may speak of the presence of a the-
theological attempt at comparative theology—that is, from
ology in the broad sense (i.e., without necessarily assuming
within the context of belief—will interpret the results of his-
theistic belief). However useful it may be for the purposes
tory of religion’s comparisons of various theologies by means
of intellectual analysis, the term theology should not be al-
of its own strictly theological criteria.
lowed to suggest that the tradition in question names ulti-
The fact that theology itself is now widely considered
mate reality as “God”; or that the tradition necessarily con-
one discipline within the multidisciplinary field of religious
siders systematic reflection on ultimate reality important for
studies impels contemporary theology, in whatever tradition,
its religious way. (Indeed, in the case of many Buddhist ways,
to become a comparative theology. More exactly, from a
“systematic” reflection of any kind may be suspect.) “Theol-
theological point of view, history of religions, in its compara-
ogy,” thus construed, will always be intellectual, but need not
tivism, has helped academic theology to recognize a crucial
be systematic. With these important qualifications, it is
insight: that on strictly theological grounds, the fact of reli-
nonetheless helpful to speak of “comparative theology” as
gious pluralism should enter all theological assessment and
any explicitly intellectual interpretation of a religious tradi-
self-analysis in any tradition at the very beginning of its task.
tion that affords a central place to the fact of religious plural-
Any contemporary theology that accords theological signifi-
ism in the tradition’s self-interpretation.
cance (positive or negative) to the fact of religious pluralism
Among the theological questions addressed by a com-
in its examination of a particular tradition functions as a
parative theology may be the following. (1) How does this
comparative theology, whether it so names itself or not. The
religion address the human problem (e.g., suffering, igno-
history and nature of this new, emerging discipline of com-
rance, sin), and how does that understanding relate to other
parative theology as theology bears close analysis.
interpretations of the human situation? (2) What is the way
A difficulty with the phrase comparative theology is that
of ultimate transformation (enlightenment, emancipation,
theology may be taken to describe a discipline in Western reli-
salvation, liberation) that this religion offers, and how is it
gions but not necessarily in other traditions. Indeed, the term
related to other ways? (3) What is the understanding of the
theology has its origins in Greek religious thought. Historical-
nature of ultimate reality (nature, emptiness, the holy, the
ly, theology has functioned as a major factor within the reli-
sacred, the divine, God, the gods) that this religion possesses,
gious discourse of Christianity that has been influenced by
and how does this understanding relate to that of other
Hellenistic models—and, to a lesser extent, within that of
traditions?
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEOLOGY: COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY
9127
Such comparative theological questions may be consid-
gians employ. The further need, therefore, is to reflect on this
ered intrinsic to the intellectual self-understanding of any re-
method. First, however, it is necessary to review the historical
ligious tradition or way, and one may thus speak of the im-
precedents for this emerging discipline.
plicit or explicit reality of a “comparative theology.” More
HISTORY: PREMODERN DEVELOPMENTS. For reasons of clar-
specific proposals will result from particular comparative
ification and space, this historical survey will be largely con-
theological analyses; for example, the suggestions of a radical
fined to Western traditions where strictly theological issues
unity among many religions (Frithjof Schuon, Huston
have been especially acute. Westerners should not forget,
Smith, Henry Corbin), or suggestions that one may have a
however, that other traditions (especially those of India) have
Christian or Hindu or Buddhist or Jewish or Islamic com-
struggled for a far longer period and with great philosophical
parative theology (Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Raimundo
sophistication with the question of religious pluralism. (See
Panikkar, Masao Abe, Ananda Coomaraswamy, S. H. Nasr,
Surendranath Dasgupta, A History of Indian Philosophy, 5
Franz Rosenzweig, et al.). All these more particular propos-
vols., Cambridge, 1922–1955, and Eric J. Sharpe, Compara-
als, however, are based on theological conclusions that have
tive Religion: A History, London, 1975.)
followed an individual theologian’s comparative assessment
of his or her own religious tradition and other traditions.
Monotheistic religions until early modernity. Al-
Prior to all such specific theological proposals, however, is
though the term comparative theology is not employed in dis-
the question of the nature of any comparative theology from
cussions of the premodern period, comparative elements in
within any religious tradition.
traditional Western philosophies and theologies were pres-
ent, in positive and negative ways, in the premodern period.
In general terms, therefore, comparative theology always
In the Jewish, Christian, and Islamic traditions, the insis-
accords explicit theological attention to religious pluralism,
tence upon the exclusivity of divine revelation led, on the
despite radical differences in theological conclusions. In
whole, to a relative lack of interest in analyzing other reli-
methodological terms, contemporary comparative theology
gions, save for polemical or apologetic purposes. This lack
provides an intellectual self-understanding of a particular re-
of interest was based (especially in the prophetic trajectories
ligious tradition from within the horizon of many religious
of those religions) on an explicitly and systematically nega-
traditions. It is a hermeneutical and theological discipline
tive assessment of other religions or ways from the viewpoint
that establishes mutually critical correlations between two
of scriptural revelation. Attacks on the ancient Canaanite re-
distinct but related interpretations: on the one hand, the
ligions by the prophets of Israel in the Hebrew scriptures are
theological interpretation of the principal religious questions
the clearest among many examples of this “exclusivist” devel-
given a context of religious pluralism in an emerging global
opment. Still, as modern scholarship has shown, the borrow-
culture; on the other, an interpretation of the responses of
ings by ancient Israel from other religious traditions, or those
a particular religious tradition to that pluralism.
by early Islam from Jews, Christians, and “pagans,” suggest
As this general methodological model clarifies, the com-
a more complex scenario than traditional Jewish, Christian,
parative theologian cannot determine before the analysis it-
and Islamic exclusivist theological interpretations suggest.
self what ultimate conclusions will occur, for example, that
Moreover, there are elements (especially in the wisdom tradi-
tion) that suggest more positive appraisals of other religious
all religious traditions are either finally one or irreversibly di-
traditions (e.g., the covenant with Noah, the Book of Ecclesi-
verse, or that a particular tradition must radically change or
astes, universalist tendencies in the New Testament, as in 1
transform its traditional self-understanding as the result of
Timothy 3–5). Other exceptions are found in the Logos tra-
pluralism. It is clear that to start with an explicit (and usually,
dition of Philo Judaeus in Judaism and the distinct but relat-
but not necessarily, positive) assessment of religious plural-
ed Logos traditions of three Christian theologies (Justin Mar-
ism challenges the position of traditional theology, which ar-
tyr, Clement of Alexandria, Origen). The esoteric and
gued, implicitly or explicitly, that the fact of religious plural-
gnostic strands in all three monotheistic traditions chal-
ism (and therefore of a comparative hermeneutical element
lenged orthodox biblical theologies through more syncretic
as intrinsic to the theological task) was of no intrinsic impor-
theologies, which were sometimes based on a belief in an
tance for theological interpretation. A contemporary Chris-
original (and shared) revelation. The use of ancient Greek
tian comparative theology, for example, will inevitably be
and Roman philosophical sources in the theologies of all
different from a Hindu or Jewish or Islamic or Buddhist
these traditions also provides some partial exceptions to ex-
comparative theology. But, just as important, each of these
clusivist emphases.
emerging comparative theologies will be different from all
those traditional theologies which disallowed a comparative
Yet even the use of Plato, Aristotle, the Stoics, and the
hermeneutics within the theological task, either explicitly
Neoplatonists in Jewish, Christian, and Islamic theologies
(through claims to exclusivism) or implicitly (by denying its
was strongly conditioned by the framework of the received
usefulness). There is as yet no firm consensus on the results
traditions, especially traditional theological interpretations of
of “comparative theology,” but it is possible that those en-
the subsidiary position of philosophical reason to revelation
gaged in this increasingly important task may come to agree
(Ibn S¯ına¯, Maimonides, Thomas Aquinas). Inevitably, the
on a model for the general method all comparative theolo-
use of the “pagan” philosophies of ancient Greece in Jewish,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9128
THEOLOGY: COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY
Christian, and Islamic theological self-understanding gener-
model for his Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion.) The
ated some comparativist interests in all these monotheistic
Stoics also developed allegorical methods of interpreting the
theologies—but these were usually colored by traditional
ancient myths and gods (e.g., Zeus interpreted as the sky,
apologetic and polemical concerns. The greatest exception to
Demeter as the earth). These methods were later employed
this general rule may be found among Islamic thinkers, espe-
by some Jewish (e.g., Philo) and many Christian theologians
cially al-Sharasta¯n¯ı (d. 1153), whose treatise The Book of Sects
as an implicitly comparativist, hermeneutic method of scrip-
and Creeds provides a comparative theological analysis from
tural interpretation. Comparativist interests may also be
an Islamic perspective of most of the major religions of the
noted in the writings of Varro and comparative elements are
then-contemporary world. Most Christian theologies, for ex-
evident in texts with other major interests—for example,
ample, did not agree with Tertullian’s implied negative re-
Strabo’s Geography and Tacitus’s Germania. In the medieval
sponse to his famous rhetorical question, “What has Athens
period, the outstanding figure with comparativist interests
to do with Jerusalem?”
was the Christian philosopher-theologian Nicholas of Cusa.
The most common understanding on the part of Chris-
Early Western modernity. The Renaissance, of course,
tian theology was that the use of philosophical resources did
occasioned new interest in the works of antiquity, including
not necessitate any assessment of the religions to which these
the classical mythologies. The most remarkable expression of
“pagan” philosophers may have held. For example, the use
this interest can be found in the speculations on the existence
of Middle Platonism and Neoplatonism by Christian theolo-
of an original revelation in all religions, in the texts of the
gians emerged at those locations (e.g., Alexandria) where the
Christian thinkers Marsilio Ficino, Giovanni Pico della Mi-
relationship of Neoplatonism to the mystery religions and
randola, Giordano Bruno, and others. These men not only
occult practices was weakest in the ancient world. Hence
revived the ancient myths for Christian theological purposes
theologians like Origen and Clement could appeal to Middle
but also argued for the “esoteric tradition” as the common
Platonic philosophy without comparativist analyses of the
stream present in all the known religions of both antiquity
explicitly cultic practices sometimes associated with Middle
and the modern world.
Platonism and Neoplatonism. The dominant comparative
question for Christian theology (and, in their distinct but re-
The age of Western exploration in the fifteenth, six-
lated ways, for Jewish and Islamic theologies) was the rela-
teenth, and seventeenth centuries stimulated new interest
tionship of theology to philosophy, of revelation to reason.
not only in the religions of antiquity but also in the newly
There was little explicit theological interest in comparativist
observed religions of the Americas and those of Asia. The
religious analyses—again save for the traditional apologetic
most remarkable example of an exercise in “comparative the-
and polemical treatises on the “pagans.”
ology” during this period remains the work of a Jesuit mis-
sionary to China, Matteo Ricci, whose positive assessment,
Ancient Greece and Rome. Provided that a particular
on Christian theological grounds, of Confucianism is
religion did not interfere with civic order, the ancient Greeks
unique. Indeed, Ricci’s letters and reports, although unsuc-
and especially the Romans were generally more tolerant of
cessful with authorities at Rome, were, in the eighteenth cen-
religious differences than were the monotheistic religions.
tury, deeply influential upon the interest in Chinese religion
This tolerance, in certain somewhat exceptional circum-
among such thinkers as Leibniz, Voltaire, Christian Wolff,
stances, gave rise to some interest in the fact of religious di-
and Goethe. The comparative theological interests of the En-
versity. Among the classical Greeks, the major writer with an
lightenment were characteristically addressed to classical
interest in comparativism is undoubtedly the great historian
Confucianism (somewhat bizarrely interpreted as eigh-
Herodotos. His work demonstrates remarkable concern with
teenth-century “natural religion”), rarely to Daoism or Chi-
non-Greek religions (especially the religions of the Egyp-
nese Buddhism.
tians, Persians, and Babylonians), as well as with the religious
diversity within the Greek world itself. As a “comparativist,”
With the advent of historico-critical methods, the com-
his “syncretist” sympathies are equally clear. His most nota-
parative theological interests of Western thinkers shifted in
ble successor in these interests (especially as regards Egyptian
both their approach and in the areas of their dominant inter-
religion) is Plutarch.
est. The Romantic thinkers (e.g., Johann Gottfried Herder)
analyzed distinct cultures as unitary expressions of the
The Stoics were the first in the West to attempt to estab-
unique genius of particular peoples. This interest encouraged
lish the existence of common beliefs within the diversity of
the development of historical studies for each religion as uni-
beliefs in the ancient world. They did so through their inven-
tary and unique. Earlier negative assessment by Enlighten-
tion of the term religio naturalis (“natural religion”). The
ment thinkers of what they had named “positive religions”
most famous work of what might be called comparative the-
(as distinct from a presumed common “natural religion”)
ology in the ancient world remains Cicero’s famous dialogue
yielded, in the Romantics, to a positive comparativist assess-
De natura deorum, in which the theologies and philosophies
ment of particular religious traditions and cultures. The si-
of the Stoics, Epicureans, and Academics are discussed. (Cic-
multaneous nineteenth-century historical interest in the an-
ero’s great dialogues encouraged comparativist interest in
cient Near East spurred renewed comparativist interest in the
later ages as well—witness David Hume’s use of him as a
religions of ancient Assyria, Babylonia, and Egypt.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEOLOGY: COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY
9129
The rise of interest in Indian religions, moreover, paral-
Schleiermacher’s great contemporary and rival, Hegel,
leled both Western colonial expansion and the scholarly de-
had a similarly controversial influence on the development
velopment of Indo-European studies in the expanding search
of historical and comparative elements in philosophy (and,
for the sources of Western culture. Indeed, in the nineteenth
to a lesser extent, in Christian theology). Hegel’s complex de-
century that interest in Indian religious traditions arose not
velopmental-dialectical model for philosophy demanded, on
only among scholars in Indo-European studies but also
intrinsic philosophical grounds, a systematic and comparat-
among philosophers with little strictly scholarly competence,
ivist account of the major civilizations and the major reli-
but with strong comparative theological interests—such as
gions. The thrust of his argument was that Spirit itself (at
the American Transcendentalists (Emerson, Thoreau, et al.)
once divine and human) had a dialectical development that
and the German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer. With
began in China and moved through India, Egypt, Persia, Is-
the emergence of historical consciousness, the transition
rael, Greece, and Rome to the “absolute religion” of Chris-
from ancient, medieval, and early-modern comparative theo-
tianity. This last reached its climax in German Protestantism
logical interests to a more complete modernism may be said
and in his new dialectical philosophy. Hegel’s formulation
to have begun.
of the intellectual dilemma for comparative theology and
comparative philosophy is an attempt to show the “absolute-
The modern period. The crucial intellectual develop-
ness” of one religion (Protestant Christianity) by relating it
ment in the rise of comparative theology in the modern peri-
explicitly to a developmental and comparative (i.e., dialecti-
od was the emergence of historical consciousness and histori-
cal) schema. This attempt to demonstrate absoluteness
co-critical method. The recognition of the historically
proved influential upon both Western Christian theology
conditioned character of religious traditions led to a crisis of
and secular philosophy.
cognitive claims for Western Christian and Jewish theolo-
gians. The Enlightenment’s hope that a universal “natural re-
Although the comparativist conclusions of both Schlei-
ligion” could be abstracted from all “positive” (i.e., particu-
ermacher and Hegel are generally accorded little weight
larist) religions was a hope shared, in different ways, by most
among contemporary philosophers and theologians, their
thinkers of the period, including both the Christian philoso-
joint insistence on the incorporation of comparativist ele-
phers Leibniz and Kant and the Jewish thinker Moses Men-
ments into both Christian theology and secular philosophy
delssohn.
has proved enormously influential. In the twentieth century,
their most notable Christian theological successor has been
But the combined force of Romanticism’s fascination
Ernst Troeltsch. Troeltsch engaged in several disciplines: he
with past cultures as living and unique wholes expressive of
was a major historian of Christianity, a sociologist of reli-
particular peoples and the scholarly development of histori-
gion, an interpreter of the new comparative “science of reli-
co-critical methods and a resultant historical consciousness
gion,” an idealist philosopher of religion, and an explicitly
led to a widespread awareness of the need to incorporate that
Christian theologian. His ambitious theological program has
historical sense in all the exercises of reason, including philos-
proved more important for its methodological complexity
ophy and theology. Thus Western philosophy and theology,
and sophistication than for any particular theological conclu-
by becoming historically conscious, became implicitly (and
sions. Troeltsch insisted throughout his work in these differ-
often explicitly) comparativist as well.
ent disciplines that Christian theology as an academic disci-
pline must find new ways to relate itself critically not only
The two major thinkers who initiated this comparative
to its traditional partner, philosophy, but also to the new dis-
philosophy and theology—although it is important to recall
ciplines of sociology of religion and the general science of re-
that neither ever so named it—were Friedrich Schleierma-
ligion. Troeltsch became, in sum, the systematic theologian
cher and G. W. F. Hegel. Schleiermacher, a Reformed theo-
of the newly emerging “history-of-religions” school of Chris-
logian, developed a Christian theology that deeply influ-
tian theology centered at the University of Göttingen.
enced all later Christian theology, among other reasons
because it incorporated explicitly comparative elements.
It is also notable that Troeltsch shifted his earlier theo-
Schleiermacher defined religion as “the sense and the taste
logical judgment on the “absolute superiority” of Christiani-
for the Infinite” and, later and most influentially, as “a feel-
ty among religions to a later position in which he held that
ing of absolute dependence”; as such, religion is the central
Christianity was only “absolute” for Westerners. This con-
reality for humankind. Moreover, in his Christian theology
troversial theological conclusion was based, above all, on
he attempted a comparison of religions. He argued for the
Troeltsch’s conviction (as a historian) of the unbreakable re-
superiority of the monotheistic over the polytheistic religions
lationship of a religion to its culture. This was true, for Tr-
and for the superiority of the “ethical monotheism” of Chris-
oeltsch, even for such relatively culture-transcending reli-
tianity over the “ethical monotheism” of Judaism and the
gions as Christianity and Buddhism. This theological
“aesthetic monotheism” of Islam. The details of Schleierma-
conclusion of merely relative absoluteness was also warranted
cher’s controversial theological arguments are less important
by Troeltsch’s conviction that it is impossible to assess the
here than his insistence that Christian theology should in-
relative value of a religion through objective or neutral
clude genuinely comparative elements.
criteria that are independent of the diversity of particular cul-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9130
THEOLOGY: COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY
tural and religious values. Similar comparative theological
of Christian revelation to that of other religions, may be
enterprises (generally without Troeltsch’s methodological so-
found in the notable work of Hendrik Kraemer, especially
phistication and without his conclusion of the merely relative
in his detailed study of other religions, The Christian Message
superiority of Christianity for Westerners) may be found in
in a Non-Christian World (1938). In Roman Catholic theol-
both liberal Protestant and Catholic modernist theologies in
ogy (especially in the work of Jean Daniélou and Henri de
the early twentieth century.
Lubac), moreover, the “return to the sources” movement of
the nouvelle théologie of the 1940s and 1950s engaged in his-
However, the relative optimism, as well as the com-
torical and comparative work on the relationships of non-
parativist theological interests, of both the liberal Protestant
Christian religions and philosophies to historical Christiani-
and Catholic modernist theologians soon disappeared. In
ty in the scriptural, patristic, and medieval periods.
Catholicism, the end came through the intervention of
Rome. Among Protestants, it occurred through the collapse
This scholarly work helped set the stage for the affirma-
of liberal optimism following World War I. The major theo-
tive declarations on the world religions by Rome both during
logical alternative for Protestant thought at that time (gener-
and after the Second Vatican Council (1961–1965). Roman
ally called dialectical theology, or neo-Reformation theology)
Catholic theologians (most notably Karl Rahner and Hans
was found in the work of Karl Barth. Barth rejected most of
Küng) began to include comparativist elements in their
the liberal Protestant theological program, including its com-
Catholic theological proposals. In Jewish theology, an earlier
parativism. He held that Christian theology was a discipline
notable comparativist theological enterprise was achieved by
not intrinsically related to the larger question of the nature
the great Jewish theologian Franz Rosenzweig with his devel-
of religion (including Christianity as a religion). Christian
opment of a “two-covenant” theme.
theology was determined only by the question of the mean-
ing of God’s self-revelation in the Word of Jesus Christ. As
In our own period, many Christian theologians have re-
such, any Christian theological interest in comparativist
turned to the kind of comparativist theological program ini-
analyses of religions was improper to the strictly theological
tiated by Schleiermacher and Hegel and refined by
task.
Troeltsch. Without necessarily accepting the conclusions of
earlier comparative theologies, and without abandoning the
Barth’s great theological contemporaries Rudolf Bult-
strictly theological gains of dialectical theology, many con-
mann and Paul Tillich, however, continued to include some
temporary ecumenically oriented Christian theologians
major historical and comparative emphases in their distinct
(whether Protestant, Catholic, or Orthodox) are concerned
and non-Barthian formulations of dialectical theology. In-
to include explicitly comparativist elements within their the-
deed, at the end of his long career, and influenced by his sem-
ologies. There are, at present, many alternative proposals for
inar work with Mircea Eliade, his colleague at the University
how this might best be accomplished. Among Christian
of Chicago, Tillich returned explicitly to his earlier
comparative theologians these include the “theology of the
Troeltschian interest in history of religions in an important
history of religions” proposal of Wolfhart Pannenberg; the
lecture entitled “The Significance of History of Religions for
Christian theologies of religious pluralism of John Cobb and
Systematic Theology” (1965). Other Christian theologians,
Raimundo Panikkar that allow for mutual and radical self-
moreover, continued and refined aspects of the program set
transformation; proposals of Hans Küng and Langdon
forth by Troeltsch. It is notable that three of the most impor-
Gilkey for dialogue among the religions as intrinsic to all
tant founders of the discipline known as phenomenology of
Christian theological self-understanding; proposals for a
religion in the modern period, Nathan Söderblom, Gerardus
“global” or “world” theology by Wilfred Cantwell Smith, a
van der Leeuw, and Rudolf Otto, were also Christian theolo-
thinker who is both a Christian theologian and a historian
gians who incorporated their phenomenological and histori-
of religion; a proposal for radical rethinking of Christianity’s
cal work on religion into their constructive proposals for
traditional christological claims by the Protestant theologian
Christian theology.
and philosopher of religion John Hick and the Catholic
Even granted these notable and important exceptions,
theologian Paul Knitter; explicitly comparative theological
however, Christian theology of the period between the wars
proposals based on the pluralism within the Christian tradi-
largely abandoned its earlier comparativist interests: in
tion as a central clue to a pluralism among all religions
Roman Catholic theology through the suppression of mod-
(George Rupp); and revisionary comparative proposals for
ernism and the revival of scholasticism; in Protestant theolo-
different religious models (saint, sage, etc.) from a Christian
gy through the ascent of Barthian dialectical theology. These
theological perspective (Robert C. Neville). Comparative
developments tended to remove Christian theology from its
theologies in other traditions have also been developed, such
earlier intellectual alliance with the “scientific” study of reli-
as the Hindu global theologies of Swami Vivekananda and
gion. Both Protestant dialectical theology and Roman Cath-
Ananda Coomaraswamy, the Buddhist comparative theology
olic scholastic theology gave relatively little attention to com-
of Masao Abe, and the Islamic global theology of the sacred
parativism.
of S. H. Nasr.
However, a comparativist theological analysis within the
Important comparativist theological elements may also
Barthian perspective, designed to show the radical contrast
be found in the modern period in the philosophers Ernest
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEOLOGY: COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY
9131
Hocking and F. S. C. Northrup, the historian Arnold Toyn-
lish mutually critical correlations between an interpretation
bee and the psychologist C. G. Jung. Each of these thinkers,
of a particular religious tradition and an interpretation of the
although not a theologian, exerted a powerful comparativist
contemporary situation.
influence upon many theological enterprises.
Thus, contemporary theology as a discipline shares with
GENERAL THEOLOGICAL METHOD AND THE POSSIBILITY OF
history of religions, the humanities, the social sciences, and,
A SHARED METHOD FOR COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY. As con-
more recently, the natural sciences, a turn to reflection on
temporary theologians in a religiously pluralistic world grope
the process of interpretation itself. For theology is one way
for new, inevitably tentative formulations of a paradigm to
to interpret the elusive, ambiguous, and transformative reali-
guide their deliberations and inform their expectations, they
ty named, however inadequately, “religion.” Theology is not
are confronted with the question of method. Theological
merely a synonym for any interpretation of religion but rath-
method must always be a secondary matter for comparative
er bears its own methodological demands and its own
theology, subsidiary to concrete interpretations of the specif-
criteria. It is necessary, therefore, to clarify this definition of
ic symbols of a particular religious tradition. Method—
theology and to show how it can yield a common model for
precisely as a necessarily abstract, heuristic guide—must al-
a theological method, one appropriate to a contemporary
ways be secondary to the concrete interpretations of each
comparative theology in any tradition.
particular theology. But the secondary also serves. Reflection
on method serves the common cause of all concrete compar-
Theologians interpret the claims to meaning and truth
ative theologies by bringing into sharper focus the principles
in the religious classics of a particular tradition for a new situ-
behind the common search for a new paradigm—principles
ation. The religious classics are theologically construed as
that are often obscured in the present sharp conflict among
human testimonies to some disclosure of ultimate reality by
particular proposals and conclusions in this emerging disci-
the power of ultimate reality itself, as that power is experi-
pline. The abstract does not merely extrapolate from the con-
enced by human beings. The questions to which such testi-
crete; the abstract also enriches the concrete by highlighting
monies respond are the fundamental “limit-questions” of the
and clarifying what is essential.
ultimate meaningfulness or absurdity of existence itself. Reli-
gious questions are questions of an odd logical type, emerg-
It is helpful, therefore, to reflect on what kind of general
ing at the limits of ordinary experience and ordinary modes
theological method may be shared by contemporary compar-
of inquiry (ethical, aesthetic, political, scientific). Like strict-
ative theologians despite otherwise sharp differences among
ly metaphysical questions, the fundamental questions of reli-
them. The present hypothesis can be described by four prem-
gion must be logically odd, since they are questions concern-
ises. First, comparative theology must be a reinterpretation
ing the most fundamental presuppositions, the most basic
of the central symbols of a particular religious tradition for
beliefs about all knowing, willing, and acting. Like strictly
the contemporary religiously pluralistic world. Second, a
metaphysical questions, religious questions must be on the
new paradigm for comparative theology must be so formu-
nature of ultimate reality. Unlike metaphysical questions, re-
lated that the interpretations of a tradition can no longer be
ligious questions ask about the meaning and truth of ulti-
grounded in older, classicist bases but must rely on new
mate reality, not only in itself but also as it relates existential-
foundations that incorporate both past tradition and the
ly to human beings. The religious classics, therefore, are
present religious pluralism. Third, in keeping with the de-
theologically construed as testimonies by human beings who
mands of an emerging globalism and a pluralistic world,
cannot but ask these fundamental limit-questions and, in
theologians in all traditions must risk addressing the ques-
asking them seriously, believe that they have received an un-
tions of religious pluralism on explicitly theological grounds.
derstanding of or even a response from ultimate reality itself:
Fourth, it follows from these first three premises that con-
some disclosure or revelation bearing a new and different
temporary theologians must engage in two complementary
possibility of ultimate enlightenment, or some new way to
kinds of interpretation of a tradition—those now known as
formulate the questions themselves, or some promise of total
the “hermeneutics of retrieval” and the “hermeneutics of cri-
liberation that suggests a new religious way to become an
tique and suspicion.” There is no innocent interpretation, no
emancipated human being through a grounded relationship
unambiguous tradition, no history-less interpreter. There is
to that ultimate reality which is believed to be the origin and
no merely abstract, general “situation” and no theological
end of all reality.
method that can guarantee certainty. There is only the risk
of comparative theological interpretation itself: the risk of in-
It is not the case, of course, that theology has only be-
terpreting the great symbols in all the traditions for the pres-
come hermeneutical in the modern period. However, the ex-
ent pluralistic situation and then presenting those interpreta-
plicit concern with hermeneutics after Schleiermacher has
tions to the wider global theological community and the
been occasioned, among Westerners, by the sense of cultural
wider community of religious studies for criticism.
distance from the religious traditions caused by the seven-
teenth-century scientific revolution and the eighteenth-
This general model can be made more specific by intro-
century Enlightenment. This sense of distance has been in-
ducing the following definition of a shared theological meth-
tensified by the emergence of historical consciousness (as ex-
od in the new situation: any theology is the attempt to estab-
pressed by Troeltsch and Joachim Wach), and the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9132
THEOLOGY: COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY
development of the great liberation movements and their at-
A properly theological interpretation of the contempo-
tendant hermeneutics of suspicion (with respect to sexism,
rary situation demands that those fundamental religious
racism, classism, etc.). And it has been still further intensified
questions cited above be raised, for the responses to them by
by the Western sense of cultural and religious parochialism
a particular religious tradition are the primary, strictly theo-
stimulated by the emerging pluralistic and global culture as
logical, means of interpreting that tradition (e.g., an interpre-
well as by the tensions, conflicts, and possibilities present in
tation of the way of Buddhist enlightenment as the response
North-South and East-West relationships. The epoch-
to a fundamental situation of suffering and a fundamental
making events of modernity have brought about a need for
state of inauthentic existence seen as “ignorance”; an inter-
explicit reflection on the hermeneutical character of all the
pretation of the Christian creed of faith, hope, and love as
religious disciplines, including the hermeneutical develop-
a response to the fundamental situation of suffering and an
ments (as elucidated by Wach, Mircea Eliade, Joseph M.
existential state of inauthentic existence seen as sin). Internal
Kitagawa, Charles H. Long, et al.) in history of religions
to each theological interpretation of each religious tradition,
and the widely recognized hermeneutical character of all
moreover, is a theological assessment and identification of
theology.
the normative elements of that religion (e.g., identification
In order to understand the present situation of radical
of the proper canons of the religion, of the proper role of
religious pluralism, theologians must interpret it theological-
“tradition,” of the proper role of modern historical research,
ly. Interpretation is not a technique to be added on to experi-
etc.).
ence and understanding but is, as Hans-Georg Gadamer and
Any theology, therefore, involves the development of a
Paul Ricoeur argue, anterior and intrinsic to understanding
set of mutually critical correlations between two distinct but
itself. This is especially the case for any theological interpre-
related interpretations: an interpretation of the tradition and
tation of the contemporary situation. For theology attempts
an interpretation of the contemporary situation. But it is im-
to discern and interpret those fundamental questions (fini-
portant not to presume that a tradition will always supply
tude, estrangement, alienation, oppression, fundamental
adequate responses to the questions suggested by the con-
trust or mistrust, loyalty, anxiety, transience, mortality, etc.)
temporary situation. Rather, as the qualifying phrase “mutu-
that disclose a religious dimension in the contemporary
ally critical” suggests, the theologian cannot determine be-
situation.
fore the concrete interpretation itself whether the traditional
Paul Tillich described this hermeneutical character of
responses of a religion are adequate to the contemporary
theology as the need for an explicit analysis of the given “situ-
situation.
ation,” that is, for a creative interpretation of our experience
In strictly logical terms, the concept of “mutually critical
which discloses a religious dimension (for example, of cultur-
correlations” suggests a number of possible relations between
al pluralism itself). It is possible to distinguish, but not to
the theologian’s two somewhat distinct interpretations: (1)
separate, the theologian’s analysis of the “situation” from his
identities between the questions prompted by and the re-
or her analysis of a particular religious tradition. Theolo-
sponses to the situation and the questions and responses
gians, in sum, interpret both “situation” and “tradition.” In
given by the tradition (as in many liberal and modernist
some manner, implicit or explicit, they must correlate these
Christian theologies); (2) similarities-in-difference, or analo-
two distinct but related interpretations. Like any other inter-
gies, between those two interpretations (as in many Neo-
preter of the contemporary pluralistic situation, and like any
Confucian “theologies”); and (3) radical disjunctions, or
other interpreter of the religious questions in that situation,
more existentially, confrontations, between the two (as in the
the theologian brings some prior understanding to the inter-
Hindu and Buddhist insistence on the necessity of the reality
pretation—an understanding influenced by the historical
of a “higher consciousness”); or the radical dialectic of the
givens of a particular religious tradition. A Buddhist compar-
sacred and the profane in archaic ontologies; or the radical
ative theology, for example, will inevitably be different from
correction of traditional self-interpretations of a religion after
a Jewish comparative theology.
the emergence of historical consciousness.
The clarification of the emerging discipline called “com-
In properly general and heuristic terms, therefore, theol-
parative theology” follows from this brief analysis of theology
ogy is an intellectual enterprise that may now be described
itself as an academic and hermeneutical discipline. In the
more exactly as the hermeneutical attempt to establish mutu-
sense outlined above, theology is an intrinsically hermeneuti-
ally critical correlations between the claims to religious
cal discipline that interprets intellectually a particular tradi-
meaningfulness and truth of a religious tradition and the
tion in a particular situation. Further, any interpretation of
claims to religious meaningfulness and truth within the his-
a tradition will always be made in and for a particular situa-
torical situation for which that tradition is being interpreted.
tion. In classical Western hermeneutical terms, this means
that every act of interpretation includes not only intelligentia
This general model of theology as an intellectual disci-
(“understanding”) and explicatio (“explanation”), but also
pline within religious studies may be further specified to
applicatio, an application of the interpretation to its context
demonstrate how “comparative theology” both fits and chal-
that is at the same time a precondition to any understanding
lenges it. Comparative theology fits the model insofar as it
and interpretation.
also demands that the theologian attempt to establish mutu-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEOLOGY: COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY
9133
ally critical correlations between the claims to religious
likely to see the evolution of most traditional theologies into
meaning and truth in the same two sets of interpretations.
comparative theologies in all non-fundamentalist traditions.
What renders any theology within a particular tradition ex-
With that development, the conflict in interpretations
plicitly comparative, however, is a substantive (and not mere-
among various models and differing conclusions among con-
ly methodological) change in the interpretation of the con-
temporary comparative theologians may eventually yield to
temporary situation. Any comparative theology in a
a disciplinary consensus for all theology. Any theology in any
particular tradition will insist on theological grounds that re-
tradition that takes religious pluralism seriously must eventu-
ligious pluralism in the contemporary situation must receive
ally become a comparative theology.
explicit theological attention. Insofar as that crucial her-
meneutic and theological change of focus is made at all, the
SEE ALSO Comparative-Historical Method; Hermeneutics;
Religious Diversity; Truth.
theological task is notably altered. For now the different
questions and responses of the various religions present in the
contemporary pluralistic situation must be explicitly and
BIBLIOGRAPHY
comparatively analyzed as part of the task of any theological
Systematic Views
interpretation in any tradition. A sense of the cultural paro-
The following list of contemporary publications in English is rep-
chialism of traditional theological interpretations of both sit-
resentative (but by no means exhaustive) of theological work
uation and tradition is likely to follow. A confrontation with
that functions, implicitly or explicitly, as comparative
theology.
any traditional, purely exclusivist, interpretation of the one
tradition is also likely—just as earlier confrontations with
Hick, John. God and the Universe of Faiths. New York, 1973.
traditional interpretations were occasioned by the emergence
Hick, John, and Brian Hebbletwaite, eds. Christianity and Other
of historical and hermeneutical consciousness. A sense of the
Religions. Philadelphia, 1980.
need for any comparative theological interpretation to take
Küng, Hans. “The Challenge of the World Religions.” In his On
account of the comparative analyses of history of religions is
Being a Christian, translated by Edward Quinn, pp. 89–118.
also likely to arise, with the result that comparative theology
Garden City, N.Y., 1976.
will also recognize the need for the kind of interdisciplinary
Panikkar, Raimundo. Myth, Faith and Hermeneutics: Toward
discourse found in “religious studies.”
Cross-Cultural Religious Understanding. New York, 1979.
Comparative theology is an emerging discipline with as
Panikkar, Raimundo. The Unknown Christ of Hinduism. 2d ed.,
yet no firm consensus on conclusions, but with a possible
rev. & enl. Maryknoll, N.Y., 1981.
agreement on the revised method of correlation that it im-
Pannenberg, Wolfhart. “Toward a Theology of the History of Re-
plicitly employs. It is a branch of the general field of religious
ligions.” In his Basic Questions in Theology, translated by
studies that must learn from the comparative method used
George H. Kehm, vol. 2, pp. 65–118. Philadelphia, 1971.
in the study of history of religions, by reflecting on the results
Rahner, Karl. “Christianity and the Non-Christian Religions.” In
of those studies in explicitly theological ways. Traditional
his Theological Investigations, vol. 5, pp. 115–134. Baltimore,
theological self-interpretations in all traditions are likely to
1966.
undergo radical revisions—indeed, even at this early stage in
Rupp, George. Beyond Existentialism and Zen: Religion in a Plural-
the discipline, such revisions are visible. The final conclu-
istic World. Oxford, 1979.
sions for any tradition’s self-understanding in a religiously
Schuon, Frithjof. The Transcendent Unity of Religions. Rev. ed.
pluralistic world will be determined only by further, concrete
Translated by Peter Townsend. New York, 1975.
comparative theological studies in and among all the tradi-
Smart, Ninian. Beyond Ideology: Religion and the Future of Western
tions. Yet this much is clear: any contemporary comparative
Civilization. New York, 1981. See pages 17–68.
theology in any tradition must relate itself explicitly to the
Smith, Huston. Forgotten Truth: The Primordial Tradition. New
comparative studies of theologies in history of religions and
York, 1976.
to the theological dialogues among the religions. It must also
explicitly raise the traditional theological questions of mean-
Smith, Wilfred Cantwell. The Meaning and End of Religion. New
York, 1963.
ing and truth that earlier, secular comparative enterprises
were legitimately able to “bracket.”
Smith, Wilfred Cantwell. Religious Diversity. Edited by Willard G.
Oxtoby. New York, 1976.
In sum, comparative theology, as theology, is an aca-
Smith, Wilfred Cantwell. Towards a World Theology: Faith and the
demic discipline that establishes mutually critical correla-
Comparative History of Religion. Philadelphia, 1981.
tions between the claims to meaningfulness and truth in the
interpretations of a religiously pluralistic situation and the
Additional Sources
The reader interested in further background and bibliography for
claims to meaningfulness and truth in new interpretations of
the historical sections of this article will find references and
a religious tradition. The central fact of religious pluralism,
much of the early history recounted here in Eric J. Sharpe’s
as well as the existence of religious studies (especially history
influential study Comparative Religion: A History (London,
of religions), has challenged all theologies in all traditions to
1975). I have followed Sharpe’s work in several of the more
become explicitly comparative in approach. The future is
historical sections. The reader may refer to that work for fur-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9134
THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY
ther detail. Among earlier works, see also Morris Jastrow’s
THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY
The Study of Religion (London, 1901) and Joachim Wach’s
The word theology always means discourse or speech about
The Comparative Study of Religions (New York, 1958). For
God. But which God is meant and what does this God do?
more recent materials and invaluable bibliographies, see Mir-
Plato, in his Republic, assigns theologia to the poets (379a5);
cea Eliade’s magisterial A History of Religious Ideas, 3 vols.
by theology he means narratives about the gods and theogo-
(Chicago, 1978–1986). See also The History of Religions: Es-
says in Methodology, edited by Mircea Eliade and Joseph M.
nies. Aristotle contrasts the “theologians,” who offer mytho-
Kitagawa (Chicago, 1959), and Jacques Waardenburg’s Clas-
logical explanations of the world, with the “philosophers,”
sical Approaches to the Study of Religion: Aims, Methods and
or “physiologists,” who look for the explanation of things
Theories of Research, 2 vols. (The Hague, 1973–1974).
within things themselves. On one occasion he divides “theo-
Representative of modern, influential tests in the emerging disci-
retical” philosophy into three parts: mathematics, physics,
pline of comparative theology, the following works are wor-
and theology, this last being identical with “first” philoso-
thy of special attention:
phy, or metaphysics (Metaphysics 6.1025a). Toward the end
Hegel, G. W. F. Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion. 3 vols.
of the second century BCE, Panaetius of Rhodes distinguished
Translated by E. B. Speirs and J. B. Sanderson. London,
three kinds of theology and was followed in this by Varro,
1895; reprint, Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1968.
whom Augustine cites (City of God 6.5): mythological, “nat-
Hocking, William E. Living Religions and a World Faith. New
ural” or philosophico-cosmological, and civil or political.
York, 1940; reprint, New York, 1975.
“Civil theology” or “political theology” referred to the cult
Northrop, F. S. C. The Meeting of East and West. New York, 1946;
of the Caesars.
reprint, Woodbridge, Conn., 1979.
Among Christians, the first applications of the term the-
Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli. The Hindu View of Life. London,
ology to knowledge of the God in whom they believed occur
1927; reprint, London, 1980.
in the writings of Origen (d. 254). For Eusebius of Caesarea
Radhakrishnan, Sarvepalli. Eastern Religions and Western Thought.
(d. 339), theologia no longer applied to paganism at all but
2d ed. Oxford, 1975.
designated exclusively the knowledge of the Christian God
Schleiermacher, Friedrich. On Religion: Speeches to Its Cultured
and of Christ. Eusebius was also familiar with the distinction
Despisers. Translated by John Oman from the third edition.
London, 1894; reprint, New York, 1955.
that would become classic among the Greeks and would be
known to the Latin Middle Ages as well, between theology,
Schleiermacher, Friedrich. The Christian Faith. Edited by H. R.
Mackintosh and J. S. Stewart. Edinburgh, 1928; reprint,
which means discourse about the inner life of God, and econ-
New York, 1963.
omy, meaning God’s activity for our salvation, which in-
Tillich, Paul. The Future of Religions. Edited by Jerald C. Brauer.
cludes Christ, church, sacraments, and eschatology. Proclus
New York, 1966.
(d. 485), the Greek philosopher, wrote an Elements of Theolo-
Toynbee, Arnold. An Historian’s Approach to Religion. New York,
gy, a treatise on the ultimate principles of reality.
1956.
In the West, theologia was for a long time used only in-
Troeltsch, Ernest. The Absoluteness of Christianity and the History
frequently; other terms prevailed, such as sacra scriptura
of Religions. Translated by David Reid. Richmond, Va.,
(“sacred scripture”), sacra erudito (“sacred knowledge”), and
1971.
divina pagina (“divine pages”). Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274)
New Sources
preferred sacra doctrina (“sacred doctrine”). But in his time,
Barnhart, Bruno, and Joseph Wong. Purity of Heart and Contem-
theologia, which Peter Abelard (d. 1142) had used as the title
plation: A Monastic Dialogue between Christian and Asian
of a work on Christian dogma in its entirety, meant the
Traditions. New York, 2001.
knowledge elaborated and taught in the faculty of the same
Benin, Stephen. The Footprints of God: Divine Accommodation in
name. Our modern use of the term was thus established.
Jewish and Christian Thought. Albany, N.Y., 1993.
HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT. Theology exists because the
Bloom, Harold. Omens of Millennium: The Gnosis of Angels,
godhead is revealed in historical actions or events, the mean-
Dreams, and Resurrection. New York, 1996.
ings of which are conveyed in language or inspired writings.
Leeming, David, and Jake Page. God: Myths of the Male Divine.
The words of a sage, even one who is “inspired,” are not
New York, 1996.
enough. The writings provide food for a meditation of a sapi-
Neusner, Jacob, Bruce Chilton, and William Graham. God: The
ential kind that is geared to the conduct of human life. God
Formative Faith and Practice of Judaism, Christianity, and
Islam. Boston, 2002.
revealed the relationship he wants to establish with man and
in the process was also self-revelatory.
Obeyesekere, Gananath. Imagining Karma: Ethical Transforma-
tion in Amerinidian, Buddhist, and Greek Rebirth. New York,
Before the end of the first century after the Hijrah, Islam
1996.
was already discussing the dilemma of predestination and
Right, J. Edward. The Early History of Heaven. New York, 2000.
free will. Next to be discussed were the last things and the
Viswanathan, Gauri. Outside the Fold: Conversion, Morality, and
salvation of unbelievers who were in good faith. In these dis-
Belief. Princeton, N.J., 1998.
cussions and in the texts of the mystics were to be found only
DAVID TRACY (1987)
fragments of a theology. While Judaism had too lofty an idea
Revised Bibliography
of God’s absoluteness to make an effort to investigate his na-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY
9135
ture, it did gather into the Talmud the discussions and inter-
and theology. In contrast to platonizing Alexandria, Antioch,
pretations of the rabbis; it developed an apologetic for deal-
another great Christian metropolis, practiced a more histori-
ing with Islam; it reflected on the anthropomorphisms of the
cal and literal reading of the scriptures. At Nisibis and Edes-
Bible; and it produced great religious philosophers (e.g.,
sa, on the other hand, Ephraem of Syria (d. 373) theologized
Maimonides, d. 1204).
in a poetical and lyrical way that was alien to Greek culture.
Christians for their part not only had inherited the Jew-
The second half of the fourth century and the first half
ish scriptures and the revelatory deeds that these scriptures
of the fifth saw in both the East and West a flowering of ge-
narrate and explain; they also found themselves confronted
niuses and saints: the Fathers. These included Athanasius
with the fact of Jesus Christ. First an object of faith, this fact
(d. 373), Basil of Caesarea (d. 379), Gregory of Nazianzus
became also an object of thought. It was a complex fact: a
(d. 391), Gregory of Nyssa (d. 395), Chrysostom (d. 407),
man who is Son of God, dead yet living, weak yet Lord. It
and Cyril of Alexandria (d. 444), in the East; and in the
demanded that God be seen as Father of a Son, the two of
West, Hilary (d. 367), Ambrose (d. 397), Jerome (d. 420),
them acting through a Holy Spirit who is at once immanent
Augustine (d. 430), and Leo I (d. 461). These men defended
in the “hearts” of the faithful and transcendent over them.
and lent luster to the Christian faith chiefly by a rational ex-
Help in expressing these ideas was found in the Stoicism of
planation of scriptures that focused on the Christian mystery
the day, which was widespread even among slaves. This phi-
and made use of typology. In Origen’s thought, and that of
losophy provided the idea of a Logos and a Spirit (pneuma)
some others, typology is pushed to the point of allegory.
that permeated the cosmos, kept it in motion, and quickened
Even at this time, however, there were signs of a difference
minds as well. On the other hand, to take this approach was
in the way theological activity was carried on in the Greek
to cosmologize God and turn the Logos and Pneuma into
East and in the Latin West, at least beginning with Augustine
subordinate intermediaries between God and the things of
in the West.
the world. Before the Council of Nicaea (325), even Chris-
tians who proved their fidelity by martyrdom had been influ-
The Latin fathers (including Augustine) regarded the
enced by these ideas and had formulated their faith in an un-
literary and philosophical culture of the patristic age (Second
satisfactory manner. Various interpretations publicly
Sophistic, Platonic, and Stoic) to be a human formation of
expressed were judged to cast doubt on essential aspects of
the Christian although it was acquired in the pagan schools
the object of faith. The result was that an orthodoxy—true
of the time. Basil, Gregory of Nazianzus, and Chrysostom
praise, true faith—emerged and, with it, the beginnings of
insisted on the value of this formation, while Julian the Apos-
a reflection on faith and in faith or, in other words, some-
tate denied Christians access to it to prevent their being
thing of a theology.
weakened by it. The Fathers engaged in argument chiefly in
order to invalidate the conclusions drawn by heretics, but
Faith, which is already in the realm of thought, must
they did not use philosophical concepts and arguments in
necessarily express itself in an active way. It looks for coher-
order to develop new theses that went beyond the traditional
ence among many facts and elements that, however diverse,
faith. From the philosophers, and especially from Platonism,
all come from the same God who is carrying out a homoge-
they borrowed certain broad ideas and expressions but little
neous plan. Since faith is also fidelity, and therefore ortho-
with conceptual content new to their faith. They saw the
doxy, it develops in response to deviations. Since it has to
philosophers rather as fathers of heresies. This did not pre-
do with mysterious realities that are irreducible to the facts
vent later philosophical borrowings by John of Damascus
grasped by our sciences and are very complex, the very assent
(d. 749), Photios (d. about 891), Cerularios (d. 1058), and
of faith is accompanied by the questioning that Augustine
Michael Psellus (d. 1078?). Even today, however, Orthodox
and Thomas Aquinas call cogitatio: “Credere est cum assen-
theology dutifully follows the Fathers. The nineteenth canon
tione cogitare” (“To believe is to assent while thinking”).
of the Trullan Synod (692) says “The church’s pastors must
When this reflection in faith ceases to be occasional and be-
explain scripture in accordance with the commentaries of the
comes systematic, it is theology.
Fathers.” While the medieval and modern West has been re-
This process began in the East. Schools of higher-level
ceptive to many questions and currents of thought and has
catechesis were established there; in these schools the quest
even formulated new dogmas, thus making the proof from
was for gnosis, that is, a deepening both of knowledge and
tradition difficult and complicated, Eastern Christianity has
of Christian life. “True gnosis,” as it is called by Irenaeus
kept a kind of direct contact with its patristic tradition. It
(Against Heresies 4.33.8), fights the false gnosis of Basilides
derives its faith directly from the liturgy, in which that tradi-
and Valentinian in the name of the authentic tradition guar-
tion finds expression. When the attempt was made on nu-
anteed by apostolic succession. This true gnosis is in accor-
merous occasions to introduce into Eastern Orthodoxy a cre-
dance with reason (3.12.11). The Didaskalion, or Catecheti-
ative appeal to reason, especially because of the influence of
cal School, of Alexandria was headed by Clement and then
the West and in imitation of it, there was a reaction. Thus
by Origen, who in his On First Principles gives the first com-
there was a reaction against John Italus, who succeeded Mi-
plete theological statement that is linked to a philosophical
chael Psellus as head of the University of Constantinople; the
culture. As a result, he distinguished what we now call dogma
seventh article of his condemnation in 1082 reads “Cursed
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9136
THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY
be those who devote themselves in depth to the sciences of
The intellectus fidei of Anselm (d. 1109) is not quite the
the Hellenes and do not use these simply to exercise the mind
same as that of Augustine. Anselm means a use of reason on
but instead adopt their sterile opinions.” The reaction was
the basis of faith (“I desire to gain some understanding of
even more vigorous in the fourteenth century when, after the
your truth which my heart believes and loves”), but reason,
great Latin classics had been translated into Greek, rationalist
for him, has the power to discover at its own rational level
and humanist claims roused the opposition of Gregory Pala-
the necessary connection that gives the truth of faith its ob-
mas (d. 1359), who developed a new systematization of the
jective coherence. That is what he means by understanding
spiritual tradition of the Greek East. Since the fourth century
what we believe; this is true of the existence of God and it
this tradition had devoted itself to reflection on the incarna-
is true of redemption, which we can think out “as though
tion of the Word and the divinization of creatures, to the
we knew nothing about Christ.”
union of the divine and the human, the uncreated and the
The monastic theology of Bernard of Clairvaux, who
created. This was the background for the two great debates
was nineteen years old when Anselm died, is quite different
peculiar to the East—the iconoclastic struggle, which was the
in character: a theology of the spiritual struggle and of the
final phase of the christological controversies (union of the
life of mystical union as experienced in the cloister. However,
spiritual and the sensible), and the debate over Palamism
from Anselm and the theologians at Bec came the initiatives,
(divinization, communication of God to the human crea-
timid at first, that produced Scholasticism. Anselm of Laon
ture, and rejection of any rationalism in theology)—the vic-
was a disciple at Bec. He in turn had Abelard for a pupil, but
torious outcome of which is celebrated by the Feast of Or-
the pupil was too gifted and too aware of his gifts to find sat-
thodoxy. Established in 843, this feast commemorates the
isfaction at Laon. Abelard inaugurated what became system-
restoration of icon worship and Orthodox rejection of the
atic theology and the dialectical method of bringing together
theological rationalizers.
opposed theses that call for a solution. This method of the
There have been other developments in Orthodox the-
quaestio (interrogation) was applied in commentaries on
ology; for example, in the nineteenth century, the influence
Peter Lombard’s Book of Sentences, which was to be the text-
of G. W. F. Hegel and Friedrich Schelling in Russia. But
book for the teaching of theology down to the sixteenth cen-
even in fairly personal systematizations this theology has re-
tury. The teaching was done in schools or universities and
mained faithful to its special character. It is not a simple in-
came to be known as “Scholasticism.”
tellectual exercise but a call to live in a personal way the truth
Scholastic theology had very great practitioners in Bona-
revealed by Jesus Christ and proclaimed in the faith of the
venture and Thomas Aquinas (both of whom died in 1274).
Orthodox church, which draws its life and inspiration from
Thomas’s intention was to search out and express, with the
the Holy Spirit. Theoretical knowledge must be integrated
help of analysis, the perceived order of things and reason, an
with life experience and with prayer that is practiced as part
order determined by God. That which revelation discloses
of the church community and in its liturgical celebration.
to us provides the starting point, of course, but the Scholastic
The Latin fathers differ very little from the Greeks.
also had a fearless trust in the rational mind as trained in the
However, beginning with Anselm and continuing through-
school of Aristotle. Profound insights, rigorous arguments,
out Scholasticism, a favorite formula of Augustine’s became
honesty about the data, and sureness of Catholic sensibility
the motto for an exercise of reason in theology that is peculiar
have made Thomas the “Common Doctor” of the Catholic
to the medieval West. In Augustine, reason and faith supply
church. Following the Augustinian tradition, Bonaventure
each other with nourishment within the unity of contempla-
insisted more on the interior supernatural enlightenment
tion, in accordance with his formula: “Intellige ut credas,
and transformation that are necessary conditions for under-
crede ut intelligas” (“Understand that you may believe, be-
standing sacred doctrine.
lieve that you may understand”; Sermons 43.9). The second
Although opposed to one another as realist and nomi-
part of this formula has often been expressed by means of Isa-
nalist, John Duns Scotus and William of Ockham in the
iah 7:9: “Nisi credideritis non intelligetis” (“Unless you be-
fourteenth century were at one in criticizing the trust in spec-
lieve, you shall not understand”; Septuagint and Vulgate).
ulative reason when this takes God and Christian realities for
Augustine himself focuses less on the duality of the two
its object. Ockham marked the beginning of the via moderna
spheres than on the union of the two activities or ranges of
which was introduced in the universities in the fifteenth cen-
activity in reaching the fullness of truth. For truth in itself
tury. The development of a theology marked by abundant
is one. It exists in the triune God; it is to be found in the
discourse and nice distinctions led by way of reaction to spir-
Wisdom of God that has come to us in sensible form in Jesus
itual currents and a mysticism that were unrelated to dogma
Christ. On our side, there is an intelligere, or knowing, that
(Thomas à Kempis, Imitation of Christ). But another and dif-
prepares for and nourishes faith, and an intellectus, or under-
ferent current was also born: humanism with its cultivation
standing, which is the fruit of a devout and loving faith that
of the ancient languages, its criticism of Scholasticism, its
makes use of the resources and analogies supplied by nature
publication of texts that printing carried far and wide. Mar-
and reaches the intellectus fidei, or understanding of faith, so
tin Luther (d. 1546) was heir to all three currents: Ockhamist
that “what faith grasps the mind sees” (On the Trinity
voluntarism, mystical inwardness, and the textual resources
15.27.49).
of humanism. Nonetheless, he would mark a new beginning.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY
9137
The Protestant Reformation led, in Catholic theology,
gians (Fichte, Hegel, Schelling) treated religion as a branch
to the development of a scholarly apologetics (e.g., the Con-
of their philosophy. Friedrich Schleiermacher (d. 1834) took
troversiae of Bellarmino, 1621); the criticisms of the philo-
up these challenges and ushered in a new era of Protestant
sophes likewise elicited an abundant apologetic production in
theology. He asserted the originality of religion, which is not
the eighteenth century and down to the first third of the
to be identified with either metaphysics or morality: “The
twentieth. Theology found itself faced with new activities of
essence of religion is neither speculation nor action, but intu-
critical reason: history, science of religions, critical exegesis,
ition and feeling,” and specifically the feeling of dependence,
psychology of religion. The serious urgency of the questions
which constitutes our relation to God. Jesus Christ gave su-
thus raised led to the modernist crisis. There had been cre-
preme expression to this feeling, and a community of believ-
ative minds that cultivated a healthy openness to modernity
ers took shape that found its origin in him. Theology, for
as well as close ties with tradition (Johann Adam Möhler,
Schleiermacher, is the sum total of scientific knowledge
Matthias Joseph Scheeben, John Henry Newman), but the
without which the life of the Christian community could not
chief fruit of the Catholic restoration that the nineteenth
be ordered.
century found necessary was a renewed scholasticism possess-
All subsequent Protestant schools of theology—the con-
ing little creativity. Once the modernist crisis was past, theol-
fessional, the orthodox, the liberal, as well as the contempo-
ogy regained its vitality from a renewed sense of the church,
rary restoration in the form of a return to the Reformers
a renewed contact with its own sources (Bible, Fathers, litur-
under the influence of Karl Barth (d. 1968)—have depended
gy), and with the questions raised by twentieth-century
on Schleiermacher. Rejecting a simple description of what
thinkers (ecumenism, problems of unbelief, theology of lib-
is believed and preached (Glaubenslehre), Barth began with
eration, and so on).
the sovereignty of God’s word understood as an act of God.
Luther began his Reformation with a reform of theolo-
The Bible as such is not the word of God, but only a testimo-
gy. In reaction to Scholasticism and Aristotle he eliminated
ny to the acts through which God spoke and ultimately to
philosophical concepts and expressed the religious relation-
Jesus Christ, who is God’s Word made flesh. The word can
ship of salvation in biblical terms. The object of his theology
be received only in faith, which is the act by which God (the
is man as sinful and lost and God as the one who justifies
Holy Spirit who bears witness within us) enables us to under-
and saves him; a “theology of the cross,” not a theology of
stand when he speaks. This word has given rise in the course
the inner ontology of God; a theology that draws its life not
of history to the special community, the church, whose mis-
from a symbiotic relationship with metaphysics but from
sion is to confess its faith in the word of God within the cir-
pure faith in the gospel of grace, which is consonant with the
cumstances of the particular historical moment. At this point
spirit of scripture. Luther himself did not compose a compre-
theology comes on the scene. Theology is the reflective criti-
hensive systematic treatise. His disciples made up for the lack
cal act by which the church goes back over the word it speaks
by their loci communes, or dogmatic expositions (Melanch-
and the confession it makes of Jesus Christ; the purpose is
thon, 1531; Chemnitz, 1591; Gerhard, 1610–1625; Hutter,
to test the truthfulness of that word and confession, that is,
1619). John Calvin produced his Institutes of Christian Reli-
their conformity to the word of God as attested in scripture.
gion as early as 1536, but he also commented on scripture
This theology has three parts: does the Christian word come
daily. Protestant theology took the form of an exposition of
from Christ? (biblical theology); does it lead to Christ? (prac-
what the church ought to be teaching in the light of its bibli-
tical theology); is it in conformity with Christ? (dogmatic
theology).
cal norm and also in the light of the church’s own past. Thus
Luther and, to an even greater extent, Melanchthon and Cal-
The whole of Protestant theology is, of course, not re-
vin, referred back to the Fathers and especially to the ancient
ducible to Barth, and not all Protestant theologians accept
symbols or creeds and the first four ecumenical councils.
his radicalism. Thus, while the pragmatism of William James
(d. 1910) is not a genuine theology, the dogmatic theology
Starting at the end of the sixteenth century, Lutherans
of Emil Brunner (d. 1966) admits the validity in theology
reintroduced into theology the metaphysics of Aristotle
of a natural knowledge of God. There are even strict Calvin-
along with that of Francisco Suárez. Seventeenth-century
ists in Holland, Scotland, and France, who allow a value to
Lutheran orthodoxy was much like Catholic Scholasticism.
a natural knowledge of God. Paul Tillich (d. 1965) sought
In the eighteenth century, however, two divergent currents
to bridge the gap between the modern mentality or culture
exercised their influence: Pietism, which expressed theology
and Christianity by establishing a correlation between the ul-
in terms of personal experience, and rationalism, which in-
timate questions raised by human beings and the ever new
terpreted religion and God in terms of man and not of God
challenge of the word of God. His work elicited an enormous
and rejected the heteronomy involved in supernatural faith.
response.
An example of this theology based solely on reason is Julius
Wegscheider’s Institutiones theologiae Christianae dogmaticae
Catholic theologians for their part carry on their work
(Institutes of Christian dogmatic theology; 1815). The cul-
not only under the supervision of a teaching authority but
ture of the day had cut itself off from the faith as celebrated
also in the context of a fidelity and a continuity that is pro-
by the church. Some philosophers who had begun as theolo-
vided by a tradition developed through the centuries. Protes-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9138
THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY
tant theologians, on the other hand, are bound solely by the
(2) How are they to overcome the dislocation between an-
word of God and think under their own responsibility. They
cient testimonies that reflect histories and cultures no longer
do, however, have the aid of the faithful witnesses who have
ours, and the needs and desires of our own day?
gone before them and of their church’s profession of faith.
Many Protestant theologians work within a confessional
The answer to the first question is to be found in analo-
dogmatics that derives its norms from the creedal documents
gy. Certain terms contain an inherent imperfection and limi-
and classical writings of their churches. In our time we find,
tation: the Bible calls God a “rock,” a “lion,” a “fortress.”
for example, Werner Elert, Paul Althaus, and Edmund
These are metaphors expressing not the being of God but
Schlink among the Lutherans, and Auguste Lecerf and G. G.
God’s relation to us and the divine manner of acting. The
Bekouwer in the Reformed church.
Bible uses such language because it is concerned primarily
with what God is for us and we for God. Other terms, howev-
Since its beginnings Anglican theology has endeavored
er, do not inherently, or in their very notion (ratio), contain
to integrate three tendencies and has been unwilling to aban-
any imperfection, even though they exist only imperfectly in
don completely any one of them: a traditional and “Catho-
us: being, intelligence, wisdom, goodness, truth, substance,
lic” tendency (Fathers, liturgy, episcopate), a Protestant and
person, and so on. These terms are open to infinity. They
Puritan tendency, and a rational and critical tendency (histo-
can be applied to God, although we do not fully understand
ry; in extreme cases, certain “modernist” theses). One or
the nature of their existence in God. In the case of many of
other tendency may dominate in a given age or in a particular
these concepts and terms, however, only positive revelation
author but without excluding the other values and while en-
allows us to predicate them of God. Without revelation we
deavoring to remain in a via media. Thus a writer like Rich-
would not have thought of applying to God such terms, for
ard Hooker (d. 1600) resists the Calvinist tendency but re-
example, as father, son, and generation (for a discussion of this
jects a number of Roman positions (papacy, transubstan-
last, see Thomas’s Summa contra gentiles 4.11).
tiation) and remains closely associated with the political
structure of the nation. After him it is the “Caroline divines”
The answer to the question concerning the dislocation
who are the classical authors of Anglo-Catholicism, which
of past and present is supplied by hermeneutics. This enables
was revitalized in the nineteenth century by the Oxford
the theologian to express the meaning of a traditional state-
Movement (1833–1845). In the interval, however, the sev-
ment in the language of the day and in response to present
enteenth and eighteenth centuries had been marked by a ra-
needs. But in the form hermeneutics takes today it is not re-
tional and liberal current of thought (Latitudinarianism),
stricted to the expressing of traditional statements in the lan-
and then by the “evangelical” movement (John Wesley,
guage of contemporary culture and in response to its needs.
Methodism). After 1860, rational criticism began to be
Nor is theology a body of knowledge organized on the basis
heard, but this was also the time of the Oxford Movement
of an objectivist reading of the revealed “given” (scripture,
and ritualism; the second half of the century saw the appear-
dogma, tradition); it is not what Dietrich Bonhoeffer criti-
ance of great scholars now classical in biblical and patristic
cized, even in Barth, as “revelational positivism.” The act of
studies. In the twentieth century, Anglican theology has fo-
theologizing is an act of interpretation that actualizes the
cused chiefly on Christology, on the vital ecumenical ques-
meaning of revelation, the event that is Jesus Christ, and the
tions of the day (church, ministry), and on the problems of
church’s experience, and makes these relevant to contempo-
modern society. On the whole, Anglican theology is a theolo-
rary believers. The danger in this process is to introduce the
gy that always seeks a balanced outlook. It endeavors to ex-
subject into the object in such a way that we substitute our
press the realities of Christian existence but without pressure
ideas and questions for those of God. Hermeneutics can turn
from a Roman-style teaching authority.
into a way of evading the authority that imposes itself on the
subject. Was there not something of this in certain of the
THE PRACTICE OF THEOLOGY. Theology is discourse
moral and allegorical readings of scripture by the early Fa-
through which believers develop and express the content of
thers? Texts, after all, intend to say something. A text is not
their faith as confessed in the church; to this end the theolo-
simply a stimulus to an existential decision (the demytholog-
gian uses the resources of the culture and focuses on the ques-
ization program of Rudolf Bultmann). And there are certain
tions asked by the mind of the time. This activity involves
objective norms—dogma, the ecclesial community’s profes-
the theologian, who is first of all a believer, in a series of intel-
sion of faith: “The living tradition whose agent is the inter-
lectual operations, such as those analyzed by Bernard Loner-
preting community defines a hermeneutical field that ex-
gan (d. 1984). The theologian’s starting point is the witness
cludes erroneous or arbitrary interpretations” (Claude
given to God’s revelation of the divine plan and mystery in
Geffré). It is true, however, that the inheritance is open to
the Bible, tradition, and the current life of the faithful; the
rereadings which are not simply repetitions.
theologian attempts to lay out, explain, and communicate
the rich and complex content found in this witness. In addi-
Theology as science. Theology claims the status of a
tion to the labor required in handling the great mass of data,
science, and this claim is supported by its publications and
theologians face two major difficulties. (1) How are they to
its place among the university disciplines. Its status as a sci-
express supernatural mysteries when they have at their dis-
ence is justified (1) because it has a specific object given to
posal only concepts and terms from our earthly experience?
it by the foundational events of Christianity, which were his-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY
9139
torically real; and (2) because it employs a specific method
(morality or ethics). In Protestant theology, practical theolo-
for taking possession of this datum and organizing its com-
gy includes what Catholics call pastoral theology, and even
plex content in a coherent intellectual way. This method,
ecclesiology. In the fifteenth century, when Scholasticism
moreover, is not naive but critical, making use of the rational
was getting lost in purely logical or dialectical subtleties,
disciplines that study the religious fact: history, philology,
writings on spiritual or mystical theology multiplied in isola-
critical exegesis, psychology, sociology, sociology of knowl-
tion, being connected less with the mysteries than with spiri-
edge, and so forth. Theology is thus able to enter into com-
tual experience. Pietism played a comparable role in seven-
petition with these disciplines, which, because they offer var-
teenth and eighteenth century Protestantism. The separation
ious interpretations of religious facts, are in danger of being
was not a fortunate one; it pointed to a lack of spiritual depth
reductionist. Theologians, however, must maintain the two-
in scholastic methodology. Similarly, we must not distin-
fold fidelity mentioned above. They would cease to be theo-
guish or separate “kerygmatic theology”—the communica-
logians if they were to betray the originality of the faith, even
tion of the essential gospel message—from dogmatic theolo-
as they employ the methods of other disciplines to analyze
gy, a position proposed in 1936 in Austria by Franz Lackner.
it. Theology may not, therefore, be reduced to a philosophy
There must certainly be a connection between knowledge
of religion. Contrary to David S. Adam, in his essay “Theolo-
and a life-giving communication of a message. This connec-
gy,” philosophy of religion is not “the highest stage or form
tion is the problem of the apostolate and may call for an out-
of theology” (Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, edited by
put of adapted works of theology, but it must not be turned
James Hastings, vol. 12, 1921, p. 299). The philosophy of
into a division of theology.
religion analyzes the religious fact and reflects on religious
The term negative theology comes from the unknown au-
experience as thematized in religions. This is, after all, one
thor at the end of the fifth century who wrote under the
area of human experience. The philosophy of religion may
name of Dionysius the Areopagite (Pseudo-Dionysius).
therefore have the same material object as theology. It differs
Apophatic theology would be a better term. This is not a spe-
from the latter, however, (1) because it does not consider the
cial theology but a way of respecting the “unknowableness
objects of belief—the mysteries—as such, but studies reli-
of God” (which is the title of a work of John Chrysostom).
gion as an activity, along with its conditions and the catego-
In it positive statements are put negatively, as in the Chalce-
ries it uses, and (2) because it does not take revelation as a
donian christological definition: “a union without confu-
normative source of true propositions. On the other hand,
sion, without separation.”
unlike the science of religions or even religious psychology,
It is commonly assumed today that one person’s work
the philosophy of religion is not purely descriptive. It studies
can no longer embrace all areas of theology because theology
the whole range of religious activity in order to discover the
has become so comprehensive and complex and requires
rational structures implied in it, examines these in a critical
such a variety of knowledge. We may think, however, of the
way, and sometimes strives to provide a critical justification
work of Barth, Michael Schmaus, and others. It is even more
of them. Theology goes further: it pursues its task while cer-
legitimately acknowledged that theology can no longer claim
tain about the supernatural reality of what faith
to control the culture through an all-embracing body of
asserts.
knowledge, as it could do in the West in the thirteenth cen-
Parts and forms of theology. Considered in its own
tury. It might more accurately be said that a pluralism is re-
proper nature, theology has some constituent parts. Materi-
quired in a world that has grown complex and secularized
ally, it includes various statements its object calls into being,
and in which ideas are exchanged without any possible com-
for example, doctrines concerning the Trinity, Christology,
partmentalization. It should be observed, however, that there
the sacraments, ecclesiology, and Mariology. Formally it in-
has always been a pluralism in theology: Alexandria and An-
cludes positive theology and speculative theology. Positive
tioch; Augustinianism, Thomism, and Scotism; realism and
and speculative theology are two parts, or phases, that must
nominalism; pietism and rationalism; liberalism and confes-
not be separated but must rather be cultivated together. They
sional tradition; and so on. Pluralism is valuable. It is a quali-
incorporate the necessary appropriation of the “given” (the
ty of unity itself, provided the unity involves plenitude and
positive phase) by a scientifically competent study of the
communion. Nevertheless, all theology is required to be
sources (scripture, monuments of tradition, magisterium, ex-
faithful to the apostolic confession of faith.
perience of the Christian people and of mankind generally)
Contemporary theology. In contemporary theology
and the act of contemplation (the speculative phase) leading
three dimensions or functions in particular are being
to the organization of a developed and communicable dis-
developed.
course.
1. In a world of secularized cultures, fundamental theology
Dogmatic theology and moral (or practical) theology
is being developed as a critical justification of the foun-
are two different types of knowledge, but since no mystery
dations of faith and therefore of theology. It has re-
is proposed for our belief except insofar as it is a source of
placed the apologetics of a bygone time. Apologetics
salvation for us, the faith that seeks understanding (dogmatic
sought to provide rational proof of the suitability and
theology) finds in this understanding the rules for our living
existence of a revelation, and of the divine authority of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9140
THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY
the Roman Catholic magisterium. Fundamental theolo-
apostolic faith and serve the same believing people and in the
gy, however, starts with the facts of the Christian mes-
same world, but their tasks and responsibilities differ. Theo-
sage and shows its meaning and the way in which it
logians are dedicated to research; they associate with intellec-
meets the needs of the contemporary world. Christiani-
tual and cultural innovators; they claim a legitimate freedom
ty represents one existential possibility. We can see im-
to be innovators themselves. The hierarchic pastors, who are
mediately that this approach is very close to the idea of
responsible for keeping communities united in orthodox
theology as a hermeneutic and is subject to the danger,
faith, intervene at times in the theologians’ work, depending
mentioned earlier, of giving too large a place to human
on the discipline of the various churches. Many churches
subjectivity.
have institutions and laws for settling such conflicts.
2. In dealing with contemporary men and women, theolo-
SEE ALSO Atonement, article on Christian Concepts; Attri-
gians must take them in their real situations and with
butes of God, article on Christian Concepts; Canon; Chris-
their real dimensions, and thus fundamental theology
tian Ethics; Church; Councils, article on Christian Coun-
allies itself to a “political theology” (J.-B. Metz; Jürgen
cils; Creeds, article on Christian Creeds; Eastern
Moltmann). The latter seeks to overcome the “privatiza-
Christianity; Enlightenment, The; Heresy, article on Chris-
tion” characteristic of bourgeois religion and establish
tian Concepts; History, article on Christian Views; Human-
itself as critic of society in the name of suffering and the
ism; Icons; Jesus; Justification; Mary; Merit, article on
cross of Jesus Christ; in so doing it brings a message of
Christian Concepts; Neoplatonism; Philosophy, article on
hope and Christian eschatology. Latin American “theol-
Philosophy of Religion; Platonism; Proofs for the Existence
ogy of liberation” examines the situation of the poor,
of God; Protestantism; Reformation; Roman Catholicism;
who are deprived of their rights and their dignity, and
Scholasticism; Trinity.
determines the “given” which is to serve as a starting
point for rethinking God, Christology, and the church
BIBLIOGRAPHY
and its mission (Gustavo Gutiérrez). The practice of
For further elaboration of the topics addressed above, see my
struggle becomes a matrix within which theological re-
“Theologie,” Dictionnaire de théologie catholique (Paris,
flection develops. The same is true, with modifications,
1946), vol. 15, pp. 341–502. This essay has been partially
of the theologies directed to the liberation of all those
translated as A History of Theology (Garden City, N.Y.,
who are oppressed or excluded from a place in history:
1968). See also my La foi et la théologie (Tournai, 1962).
black theology, African theology, feminist theology.
From among the many books on theological method, see Johan-
nes Beumer’s Theologie als Glaubensverständnis (Würzburg,
3. Ecumenism has its theological literature, its periodicals,
1953), which follows the program outlined by Vatican I, and
its meetings, but it is above all a dimension of every vig-
Bernard J. F. Lonergan’s Method in Theology (New York,
orous theology today. The name “ecumenical theology”
1972). See also Henry Duméry, Claude Geffré, and Jacques
is given more specifically to a well-informed reflection
Poulain’s “Théologie,” Encyclopaedia universalis (Paris,
on ecumenism and its purpose and methods, to a theo-
1968), vol. 15, pp. 1086–1093.
logical study of the World Council of Churches, or to
On the history of the conception and practice of theology, see
the subject matter of a professorship in Konfession-
“Théologie,” by Duméry and others, listed above; Klassiker
skunde: the study of the Christian churches in their his-
der Theologie, edited by Heinrich Fries and Georg Kretsch-
tory, worship, theology, and life. It is no longer possible
mar, vol. 1, Von Irenäus bis Martin Luther (Munich, 1981),
to theologize without taking account of ecumenical
and vol. 2, Von Richard Simon bis Dietrich Bonhoeffer (Mu-
questions and of the contributions of all the churches,
nich, 1983); R. P. C. Hanson’s Allegory and Event: A Study
the theological originality of each, and the confessional
of the Sources and Significance of Origen’s Interpretation of
life of each. As theology reexamines the sources of par-
Scripture (Richmond, Va., 1959); and René Arnou’s “Plato-
nisme des Pères,” Dictionnaire de théologie catholique (Paris,
ticular Christian beliefs and continues to develop in a
1933), vol. 12, which defends Origen against the accusation
pluralistic setting, it is becoming “metaconfessional”;
of having given Platonism precedence over the pure Chris-
chapters on particular subjects in works of theology are
tian message. Also valuable are E. P. Meijering’s Orthodoxy
sometimes written by theologians from different
and Platonism in Athanasius: Synthesis or Antithesis? (Leiden,
churches. Closely associated with the ecumenical out-
1968) and Josef Hochstaffl’s Negative Theologie: Ein Versuch
look is a critical attitude toward “dogmatism”—a dog-
zur Vermittlung des patristischen Begriffs (Munich, 1976).
matic fundamentalism that has no sense of the historical
The Greek and Latin fathers started the elaboration of theological
development of dogmas.
treatises on the basis of scripture; this development is dis-
cussed in Aloys Grillmeier’s “Vom Symbolum zur Summa:
All churches have their traditions. Many have norms for or-
Zum theologiegeschichtlichen Verhältnis von Patristik und
thodoxy and the regulation of life. The work of the theolo-
Scholastik,” in Kirche und Überlieferung, edited by Johannes
gian is a specific ministry alongside the ordained or hierarchi-
Betz and Heinrich Fries (Freiburg, 1960), pp. 119–169. Be-
cal pastoral ministry; it continues the ministry of the
cause of their documentation and clarity, the works of Mar-
didaskaloi, the teachers, in the New Testament and the early
tin Grabmann are still required reading: Die Geschichte der
church. The two ministries are subject to the same rule of
scholastischen Methode, 2 vols. (1909–1911; reprint, Basel,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY
9141
1961), and Die Geschichte der katholischen Theologie seit dem
Germany since Kant and Its Progress in Great Britain since
Ausgang der Väterzeit (Freiburg, 1933). For Anselm, see G.
1825 (London, 1890).
R. Evans’s Anselm and Talking about God (Oxford, 1978);
for Thomas Aquinas, consult the stimulating studies of
The Anglican classics have been collected in the eighty-eight vol-
M.-D. Chenu, La théologie comme science au troisième siècle,
umes of the “Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology” (Oxford,
2d ed. (Paris, 1943), translated as Is Theology a Science? (New
1841–1863); extracts with bibliography are given in P. E.
York, 1959), and Introduction à l’étude de saint Thomas
More and F. L. Cross’s Anglicanism (London, 1935). On the
d’Aquin (Montreal, 1950); for Bonaventure, see Georges H.
same tradition, see A. M. Allchin’s The Spirit and the Word:
Tavard’s Transiency and Permanence: The Nature of Theology
Two Studies in Nineteenth Century Anglican Theology (New
According to St. Bonaventure (New York, 1954).
York, 1963). Vernon F. Storr’s The Development of English
Theology in the Nineteenth Century, 1800–1860 (London,
In the modern age one of the most important developments has
1913) is regarded as a classic. It may be complemented by
been the emphasis intellectuals have put on history. See, for
L. E. Elliott-Binns’s English Thought, 1860–1900: The Theo-
example, Historische Kritik in der Theologie: Beiträge zu ihrer
logical Aspect (Greenwich, Conn., 1956) and Arthur M.
Geschichte, edited by Georg Schwaiger (Göttingen, 1980).
Ramsey’s From Gore to Temple: The Development of Anglican
For a discussion of Catholicism, John Henry Newman re-
Theology between Lux Mundi and the Second World War,
mains a model that is unfortunately too little known; see, for
1889–1939 (London, 1960).
example, Thomas J. Norris’s Newman and His Theological
Method: A Guide for the Theologian Today (Leiden, 1977).
On the practice of theology, see, in addition to the works by Con-
One of the many interesting studies of the crisis of modern-
gar and Lonergan already cited, E. L. Mascall’s Existence and
ism, which, however, errs in reducing it to an almost ortho-
Analogy (London, 1949) and his Words and Images: A Study
dox liberalism, is Thomas M. Loome’s Liberal Catholicism,
in Theological Discourse (New York, 1957). On the relation
Reform Catholicism, Modernism (Mainz, 1979). Two impor-
of theology to the scientific spirit, see Thomas F. Torrance’s
tant books on contemporary theology are Bilan de la théologie
Theological Science (London, 1969).
du vingtième siècle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1970–1971), edited by
On the hermeneutical movement, see Hans-Georg Gadamer’s
Robert van der Gucht and Herbert Vorgrimler, and Theology
Wahrheit und Methode (Tübingen, 1965), translated as Truth
in Transition: A Bibliographical Evaluation of the “Decisive
and Method (New York, 1975); René Marlé’s Le problème
Decade,” 1954–1964 (New York, 1965), edited by Elmer
théologique de l’herméneutique, 2d ed. (Paris, 1968); Jean
O’Brien.
Greisch, Karl Neufeld, and Christoph Théobald’s La crise
On the general characteristics of Orthodox theology, there are sev-
contemporaine: Du modernisme à la crise des herméneutiques
eral noteworthy articles, now rather old, by competent spe-
(Paris, 1973); Le deplacement de la théologie (Paris, 1977) by
cialists. See, for example, articles by Aurelio Palmieri, Studi
J. Audinet and others; and various issues of Revue des sciences
Religiosi 2, no. 2 (1902): 115–135, and 2, no. 4 (1902):
religieuses (Strasbourg), especially the volumes for 1977,
333–351; and Venance Grumel, Echos d’Orient 30 (1931):
1978, and 1982.
585–596. For the cultural climate of Eastern Christianity,
Of the many works of theological discourse by the oppressed, only
see Endre von Ivanka’s Hellenisches und Christliches im früh-
a few can be mentioned here: by several authors, Théologies
byzantinischen Geistesleben (Vienna, 1948). The best of
du tiers-monde (Paris, 1977) and Théologie de la libération en
today’s specialists is doubtless John Meyendorff; see his By-
Amérique Latine (Paris, 1974), which has been translated as
zantine Theology: Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes, 2d
Liberation Theology in Latin America (New York, 1982);
ed. (New York, 1979), and his studies of Gregory Palamas.
Gustavo Gutiérrez’s Teología de la liberación (Lima, 1971),
On the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century debate between the
translated as The Poor and the Church in Latin America (Lon-
hesychast spiritual tradition and humanist rationalism, see
don, 1984); James H. Cone’s A Black Theology of Liberation
Gerhard Podskalsky’s Theologie und Philosophie in Byzanz
(Philadelphia, 1970); Bruno Chenu’s Dieu est noir: Histoire,
(Munich, 1977). Philip Sherrard’s The Greek East and the
religion et théologie des Noirs américains (Paris, 1977); Gerald
Latin West: A Study in the Christian Tradition (London,
H. Anderson’s Asian Voices in Christian Theology (Maryknoll,
1959) perhaps rigidifies and oversimplifies the differences,
N. Y., 1976); Tharcisse Tshibangu’s Le propos d’une théologie
but this work has some stimulating things to say on the ap-
africaine (Kinshasa, 1974); and Raymond Facelina and Da-
proach to the mystery of God.
mien Rwegera’s Théologie africaine: Bibliographie internation-
In Protestant theology two introductions may be mentioned: Karl
ale, 1968–1977 (Strasbourg, 1977).
Barth’s Evangelical Theology: An Introduction (New York,
For ecumenical theology, see Gustave Thils’s La “théologie oecu-
1963) and Roger Mehl’s La theologie protestante (Paris,
ménique”: Notion, formes, démarches (Louvain, 1960) and the
1966). Richard H. Grutzmacher’s Textbuch zur systematisc-
very extensive documentation in Siegfried Wiedenhofer’s
hen Theologie des 17. bis 20. Jahrhunderts, 3d ed. (Leipzig,
“Ökumenische Theologie (1930–1965): Versuch einer
1935) provides an excellent collection of representative texts
wissenschaftsgeschichtlichen Rekonstruktion,” Catholica
from German theologians. The following books are also very
(Münster) 34 (1980): 219–248.
useful: Wilhelm Gass’s Geschichte der protestantischen Dog-
matik in ihrem Zusammenhange mit der theologie überhaupt,
For a critique of “dogmatism,” see Josef Nolte’s Dogma in Gesch-
4 vols. (Berlin, 1854–1867); Isaak Dorner’s Geschichte der
ichte: Versuch einer Kritik des Dogmatismus in der Glauben-
protestantischen Theologie (Munich, 1867), translated as His-
sdarstellung (Freiburg, 1971) and my Diversités et communion
tory of Protestant Theology, 2 vols. (1871; reprint, New York,
(Paris, 1982), which raises the basic question enunciated in
1970); and Otto Pfleiderer’s The Development of Theology in
the title.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9142
THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
New Sources
New York apartment, at which papers and conversation
Davaney, Sheila Greeve. Divine Power: A Study of Karl Barth and
about arcane matters attracted a small company of intellectu-
Charles Hartshorne. Philadelphia, 1986.
als. Blavatsky’s first significant publication was Isis Unveiled
Gorringe, Timothy J. A Theology of the Built Environment. Cam-
(1877); her major book is The Secret Doctrine (1888), setting
bridge, 2002.
forth a cosmology; her most readable work is The Key to The-
Guntin, Colin E., ed. The Cambridge Companion to Christian
osophy (1889). Her periodical articles (in English and French,
Doctrine. Cambridge and New York, 1997.
but excluding those in Russian) fill fourteen volumes of Col-
Hauerwas, Stanley. The Wilderness Wanderings: Probing Twenti-
lected Writings (1950–1991).
eth-Century Theology and Philosophy. Boulder, Colo., 1997.
Olcott provided the organizing force that held the
Heffner, Philip J. The Human Factor: Evolution, Culture, and Reli-
Theosophical Society together. During the American Civil
gion. Minneapolis, 1993.
War he had investigated procurement fraud for the military,
Ingraffa, Brian D. Postmodern Theory and Biblical Theology: Van-
and his early writings covered agriculture, insurance, and
quishing God’s Shadow. Cambridge and New York, 1995.
Spiritualism. He became the first president of the society and
Kamitsuka, David G. Theology and Contemporary Culture: Libera-
held that post until his death. He also became a champion
tion, Postliberal, and Revisionary Perspectives. Cambridge and
of civil rights for the Ceylonese in Sri Lanka, where he re-
New York, 1999.
mains a national hero; a promoter of education for the com-
Kaufman, Gordon D. God, Mystery, Diversity: Christian Theology
mon people of Sri Lanka and India; and a key figure in the
in a Pluralistic World. Minneapolis, 1996.
Buddhist revival, espousing an ecumenical Buddhism.
Parratt, John, ed. A Reader In African Christian Theology. Denver,
Three years after the Theosophical Society’s founding,
2002.
Olcott and Blavatsky left New York for Bombay, arriving
Pelikan, Jaroslav. The Melody of Theology: A Philosophical Dictio-
there in 1879. A short-lived alliance with the Hindu reform
nary. Cambridge, Mass., 1988.
movement of the A¯rya Sama¯j failed because both sides mis-
understood the basic orientation of the other. But Olcott and
YVES CONGAR (1987)
Translated from French by Matthew J. O’Connell
Blavatsky enjoyed a considerable popularity with some na-
Revised Bibliography
tive Indians and members of the British raj, Blavatsky partic-
ularly among the latter for her ability to produce phenome-
na, such as the materialization of objects, and for her claim
to be in touch with human teachers of extraordinary abilities.
THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. Founded in 1875 in
New York City, the Theosophical Society is an organization
In 1882 the Theosophical Society acquired property in
whose name was chosen to align it with the larger theosophi-
southern India at Adyar, on the outskirts of Madras (now
cal tradition. This tradition embraced Neoplatonism, Gnos-
Chennai) where the Adyar River flows into the Bay of Ben-
ticism, medieval mystics like Meister Eckhart and Nicholas
gal, property that is still the international headquarters of the
of Cusa, Renaissance philosophers like Giordano Bruno and
society. In 1885 Blavatsky left India after an investigation by
Paracelsus, and Romantic mystics and philosophers like
a staff member of the Society for Psychical Research (SPR)
Jakob Boehme and Friedrich Schelling as well as wider reli-
resulted in a report calling her an imposter, although the re-
gious philosophies like Veda¯nta, Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism, Qab-
port was later shown by another member of the SPR to have
balah, and Sufism. The Theosophical Society functions as a
been biased and flawed (Harrison, 1997). Blavatsky eventu-
bridge between East and West, emphasizing the commonali-
ally settled in London, where she spent the last four years of
ty of human culture.
her life producing the major body of her writings.
THE FIRST GENERATION. Among the sixteen persons who
Meanwhile the Theosophical Society continued to
participated in the formation of the Theosophical Society,
grow, with national sections (semiautonomous bodies) being
two were notable for their roles in its future development:
formed within the international organization. The first three
Helena Petrovna Blavatsky (1831–1891), a charismatic Rus-
sections were established in the United States (1886), En-
sian of upper-class family, and Henry Steel Olcott (1832–
gland (1888), and India (1891).
1907), an American lawyer and journalist. Blavatsky was the
LATER GENERATIONS. The most important person in the
energetic force that brought the society into existence, and
Theosophical Society’s history after Blavatsky and Olcott
she remained its chief theoretician throughout her life. At the
was Annie Wood Besant (1847–1933). Already a proponent
age of eighteen, to escape the bonds of an unwanted mar-
of free thought as well as an activist and the most famous
riage, she began her world travels, in the course of which she
woman orator in England, Besant met Blavatsky after re-
circumnavigated the globe and became familiar with a wide
viewing the latter’s book The Secret Doctrine for an English
range of intellectual and mystical traditions. In 1873 she
periodical. Besant joined the Theosophical Society just two
moved to New York, eventually meeting Olcott in Chitten-
years before Blavatsky’s death and was almost immediately
den, Vermont, at Spiritualist meetings he was reporting for
recognized as Blavatsky’s spiritual successor. Besant became
a New York newspaper. The Theosophical Society subse-
international president of the society upon Olcott’s death in
quently grew out of evening gatherings held in Blavatsky’s
1907.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
9143
Shortly after Blavatsky’s death a disagreement arose
To form a nucleus of the universal brotherhood of hu-
about the role within the Theosophical Society of William
manity, without distinction of race, creed, sex, caste, or
Quan Judge (1851–1896), who was one of the society’s orig-
color
inal organizers and who had become the chief executive of
To encourage the study of comparative religion, philos-
the American section. As a result in 1895 most of the mem-
ophy, and science
bers and branches in the United States seceded from the par-
ent society and formed an independent organization that is
To investigate unexplained laws of nature and the pow-
now headquartered in Pasadena, California. The parent soci-
ers latent in humanity.
ety soon reestablished itself in the United States through lec-
In addition to these objects a body of teachings has evolved
ture tours by Besant and others.
that attempts to state in present-day terms concepts called
Besant was a supporter of Indian independence within
the ancient wisdom, the perennial philosophy, or simply the-
the British Empire, and she became the first woman and the
osophy. These concepts, which are not incumbent on mem-
only non-Indian to serve as president of the Indian National
bers of the society, although they are widely espoused by
Congress. Besant was also a vigorous promoter of education
members, have no official statement. The concepts may in-
and of human and animal welfare. With her colleague
clude such ideas as the following, each with ethical implica-
Charles Webster Leadbeater (1854–1934), she added signifi-
tions:
cantly to the body of Theosophical literature and sponsored
• There is only one ultimate reality, of which all existent
the young Jiddu Krishnamurti (1895–1986), who later be-
things are expressions. Theosophy is philosophically
came an independent religious philosopher.
monistic, with implications of human equality (formu-
During the second generation the presentation of The-
lated in the society’s first object) and concern for animal
osophy focused on Indic and particularly Hindu spirituality
welfare (resulting in the practice of vegetarianism for
in a Westernized form. Besant and Leadbeater also promoted
ethical reasons and the avoidance of other animal ex-
several Western traditions interpreted in Theosophical
ploitation).
terms, particularly Christianity through the Liberal Catholic
• The orderliness of the world is expressed in cyclical pat-
Church and Freemasonry through a French-derived form of
terns, which can be seen in all aspects of reality from the
Co-Masonry that admitted women on equal footing with
macrocosm to the microcosm, including the reincarna-
men. Besant also organized the Order of the Star in the East
tion of an individual human consciousness in a long se-
to promote Krishnamurti as the spokesperson for a new
ries of lives. The belief that an individual has lived or
world teaching. These ancillary movements were organiza-
will live in bodies of both sexes and of various races and
tionally autonomous but had overlapping memberships and
cultures fosters an understanding of and respect for
leaderships with the Theosophical Society.
human differences.
The Theosophical Society had its largest membership
• The orderliness of the world is based on a principle of
and influence during the 1920s. The 1929 decision of Krish-
causation called karma, which operates in both material
namurti to dissolve the Order of the Star and withdraw from
and moral realms, positing for every action a corre-
the role envisioned for him, coupled with the effects of the
sponding reaction, both physical and ethical. The fact
Great Depression and World War II, reduced public aware-
that every action by a person has unavoidable conse-
ness of the society. The society fared badly under totalitarian
quences is a basis for practical morality: to do harm to
regimes, whether of the right or the left, being outlawed and
another is to generate harm for oneself; to do good to
persecuted in Francisco Franco’s Spain, Adolf Hitler’s Ger-
another is to ensure good for oneself.
many, Joseph Stalin’s Russia, and other dictatorships. Yet
• World history follows an evolutionary pattern, not only
Krishnamurti went on to become an important spiritual
of material forms but of intellect and spirit, governed
teacher in the late twentieth century, and the Theosophical
by both causes and purposes. Evolution is teleological,
Society continued under able leaders. Besant was followed
and consequently human life is meaningful and pur-
in the presidency by an Englishman, George Arundale
poseful, a recognition of which aids successful living.
(1934–1945); a Sri Lankan, Curuppumullage Jinarajadasa
(1945–1953); an Indian, N. Sri Ram (1953–1973); another
• All objects in the universe are imbued with conscious-
Englishman, John Coats (1973–1979); and another Indian,
ness of some sort, and consciousness evolves through the
Radha Burnier (1980–), daughter of Sri Ram. In the early
ages so that, for example, mineral consciousness be-
twenty-first century the society has branches in some seventy
comes successively vegetative, animal, human, and
countries and a membership of approximately thirty-two
eventually something beyond human. Furthermore the
thousand.
interconnection and interdependence of all conscious-
T
ness implies an ecological rather than exploitative ap-
HEOSOPHY. The Theosophical Society has no requirement
of belief or practice for its members other than subscription
proach to life.
to its three “objects” and a way of life not incompatible with
• The final purpose of evolutionary development is that
them. These objects are:
the ultimate reality may become conscious of itself
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9144
THERAVA¯DA
through its expression as the world (similar to the phi-
SEE ALSO Anthroposophy; Besant, Annie; Blavatsky, H. P.;
losophy of Alfred North Whitehead), and the purpose
Olcott, Henry Steel; Steiner, Rudolf.
of human life is to further that evolutionary develop-
ment by a conscious participation in it. All individuals
BIBLIOGRAPHY
have a high and serious calling, which may be responded
Blavatsky, Helena Petrovna. Isis Unveiled: A Master-Key to the
to by carrying out the duties of their stations in life.
Mysteries of Ancient and Modern Science and Theology. 2 vols.
London, 1877; reprint, Wheaton, Ill., 1972. The author’s
• Human beings are assisted in fulfilling the purpose of
first major work, which established her reputation as a figure
their lives by the teachings and examples of sages,
in nineteenth-century esotericism.
prophets, saints, avatars, or bodhisattvas; but the re-
Blavatsky, Helena Petrovna. The Secret Doctrine: The Synthesis of
sponsibility for that fulfillment and the impulse to meet
Science, Religion, and Philosophy. 2 vols. London, 1888; re-
it arise from within the individual, who is responsible
print, 3 vols., Wheaton, Ill., 1978. The author’s major work,
for his or her own salvation. A means to fulfill one’s pur-
a commentary on the otherwise unknown Stanzas of Dzyan,
pose for being is an intelligent and spiritually sensitive
dealing with the origin of the universe (cosmogenesis) and
activism, tempered by the realization that one’s knowl-
of the human species (anthropogenesis) and including essays
edge of the world and of oneself is still severely limited,
on symbolism and contemporary science.
making humility and tolerance the best guideposts to ul-
Blavatsky, Helena Petrovna. The Key to Theosophy: Being a Clear
timate success.
Exposition, in the Form of Question and Answer, of the Ethics,
EXTENSIONS AND INFLUENCES. For a small and nonprosely-
Science, and Philosophy for the Study of Which the Theosophical
tizing organization, the Theosophical Society has had some
Society Has Been Founded. London, 1889; reprint, Pasadena,
notable effects. Offshoots of the parent society, head-
Calif., 1995. One of the author’s last works, a presentation
quartered at Adyar, Chennai, India, include the Theosophi-
of her ideas for the general reader.
cal Society with international headquarters at Pasadena, Cali-
Blavatsky, Helena Petrovna. Collected Writings. 15 vols. Compiled
fornia (the direct descendant of the Judge group); the United
and edited by Boris de Zirkoff. Wheaton, Ill., 1950–1991.
Lodge of Theosophists; the Temple of the People at Halcy-
A collection of all known periodical articles and some other
incidental writings by Blavatsky, with an extensive index by
on, California; the Anthroposophical Society, which began
Dara Eklund as vol. 15.
as the German section of the Theosophical Society; the Bud-
dhist Society U.K., which began as the Buddhist Lodge of
Blavatsky, Helena Petrovna. The Letters of H. P. Blavatsky, vol. 1:
the Theosophical Society; the Arcane School, Lucis Trust,
1861–1879. Edited by John Algeo. Wheaton, Ill., 2003. The
beginning of a collection of all of Blavatsky’s known corre-
and other organizations springing from Alice Bailey (1880–
spondence, this volume contains letters written before she
1949), who was an employee of the Theosophical Society;
settled in India in 1879, with extensive background essays
and a number of organizations often loosely categorized as
and notes.
New Age.
Ellwood, Robert. Theosophy: A Modern Expression of the Wisdom
The concepts of the Theosophical Society have affected
of the Ages. Wheaton, Ill., 1986. A popular presentation of
modern life especially in the areas of religious and social re-
basic Theosophical concepts as viewed by a religion scholar
form, art, literature, and what may loosely be called spiritual-
who is also a Theosophist.
ity. Olcott was a leading force in the modern Buddhist reviv-
Harrison, Vernon. H. P. Blavatsky and the SPR: An Examination
al, as was a protégé of his, Anaga¯rika Dharmapa¯la (1864–
of the Hodgson Report of 1885. Pasadena, Calif., 1997. An ex-
1933), who founded the Maha Bodhi Society to preserve
amination by an expert in forgery of the 1885 report submit-
Buddhist sites and to extend Buddhism. Besant’s promi-
ted to the Society for Psychical Research, which branded Bla-
nence in Indian politics and in social movements inspired a
vatsky as a fraud, concluding that the report was biased and
number of others in India, England, and the United States
that the crucial handwriting evidence was misinterpreted.
to promote reform, especially for women’s rights. An earlier
Olcott, Henry Steel. Old Diary Leaves: The True Story of the Theo-
Theosophical exponent of woman’s rights was Matilda Jos-
sophical Society. 6 vols. New York, 1895–1935; reprint,
lyn Gage (1826–1898), American feminist and coauthor
Adyar, India, 1974–1975. The founder-president’s recollec-
with Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony of the
tions of events between 1874 and 1898, originally published
partly as journal articles that were later collected.
History of Woman Suffrage (1881–1887). Wassily Kandinsky
framed his theory of nonobjective art in Theosophical terms,
Prothero, Stephen. The White Buddhist: The Asian Odyssey of
citing Blavatsky in his manifesto, Concerning the Spiritual in
Henry Steel Olcott. Bloomington, Ind., 1996. A biography of
Art (1912); another pioneer in abstraction, Piet Mondrian,
Olcott focusing on his interactions with the Buddhist com-
munity and his role in the modern Buddhist revival, especial-
developed the neoplastic style of art on Theosophical princi-
ly in Sri Lanka, where he became a national hero.
ples. The Irish literary revival was influenced by Theosophy,
particularly in the person of its chief exponent, William But-
JOHN ALGEO (2005)
ler Yeats. On a more general level, the Theosophical Society
popularized such concepts as reincarnation, karma, and the
aura as well as practices such as yoga and the complementary
THERAVA¯DA. The term Therava¯da Buddhism refers,
healing technique called Therapeutic Touch.
first, to a “school” and closely related “orientations” within
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THERAVA¯DA
9145
the history of Buddhist monasticism and, second, to forms
preserver of the original form of Buddhist teaching and prac-
of Buddhist religious, political, and social life in various Bud-
tice.
dhist countries. Although these two aspects of Therava¯da
The first centuries. We know that not longer than 110
Buddhism must be distinguished, they overlap and interact
years after the death of the Buddha the different emphases
in various ways at different points in Therava¯da history. In
that existed within the earliest community culminated in a
the present article, the specifically monastic aspects will re-
major schism. The school known as the Maha¯sa¯m:ghika
ceive priority, but reference will be made to the civilizational
(“those of the great assembly”) was more populist in its atti-
dimension as well.
tude toward doctrinal matters, disciplinary practices, and
What is the best way to identify the school and the relat-
modes of communal organization. By contrast, the
ed orientations that should appropriately be considered
Sthavirava¯da school was more conservative in its approach
under the Therava¯da rubric? This is a very difficult question,
to doctrine and practice and was more hierarchical in its pat-
and there is no answer that proves appropriate in all circum-
terns of community life.
stances. For our purposes, however, the following character-
Although a Therava¯da tradition using Pali as its sacred
ization may be helpful. The Therava¯da school and orienta-
language probably existed in the earliest days, its differentia-
tions within Buddhist monasticism are those that have been
tion from other related traditions at this point was still quite
self-consciously identified with the “Way of the Elders”
nascent. The preferences for versions of the received tradition
(Skt., Sthavirava¯da; Pali, Therava¯da) and have maintained
according to language or dialect were, as far as we know, not
Pali as the language in which they have preserved what they
yet correlated with particular differences in doctrinal or prac-
hold to be the authentic teaching of the Buddha. Within the
tical orientation. Nor had the issues that later led to the more
larger divisions of the Buddhist community, the Therava¯da
refined scholastic divisions been formulated in any hard and
is the sole surviving member of the so-called Eighteen
fast way.
Schools, the eighteen (by traditional reckoning) nika¯yas that
together made up what its detractors would come to call
Similarly, it is impossible to identify “Buddhist civiliza-
H¯ınaya¯na Buddhism, the “lesser vehicle” to salvation. With
tion,” much less its Therava¯da form, during the first centu-
the other H¯ınaya¯na schools, the Therava¯da shares a soteriol-
ries of Buddhist history. This is not to say that the Buddhist
ogy centered around the figure of the arahant (Skt., arhat),
tradition generally, and the Therava¯dins in particular, did
forms of community life strictly regulated by the Vinaya, or
not have civilizational aspirations. From texts dating to this
code of monastic conduct, and a canon that rejects the au-
period, it seems clear that they did. But at this point the op-
thenticity of the Maha¯ya¯na su¯tras. Therava¯da remains today,
portunity for implementation had not yet arisen.
as it has been for nearly a thousand years, the dominant Bud-
A´soka and after. By the period of the reign of A´soka
dhist tradition in Sri Lanka (Ceylon), Burma, Thailand,
(third century BCE) the initial division of the Buddhist com-
Laos, and Cambodia.
munity into those of the “Great Assembly” and those of the
Once this way of identifying the scholastic expressions
“Way of the Elders” had subdivided further. Exactly how
and orientations of Therava¯da Buddhism has been estab-
many groups existed, what range of languages or dialects
lished, the identification of Therava¯da forms of Buddhist civ-
were used to preserve their Master’s teachings, and how
ilization is much easier. Quite simply, Therava¯da forms of
sharply these groups were divided remains problematic. But
Buddhist civilization are those that have been strongly influ-
according to Therava¯da accounts dating from at least the
enced by the Therava¯da school (including its conceptions
fourth century CE, A´soka himself sponsored a council that
and prescriptions relevant to society as a whole as well as to
clarified the major differences.
the monastic community) and heavily supported by
According to these later accounts, A´soka requested that
Therava¯da monks.
a Buddhist council be held under the leadership of his mo-
The recognition of these two dimensions of Therava¯da
nastic preceptor, a Therava¯da monk named Moggaliputtatis-
Buddhism, and the specification of very general criteria for
sa. At this council, the Therava¯dins claim to have bested their
identifying each of them, does not resolve the very serious
opponents in heated debates on numerous disputed issues.
problems involved in generating an adequate historical de-
Not only was the Third Council supposed to have upheld
scription. It does, however, establish parameters that will fa-
the Therava¯dins’ orthodoxy but also to have resulted in the
cilitate the discussion.
expulsion of the defeated heretics from the sam:gha (Pali,
sangha), or monastic order. The lack of corroboration from
ORIGINS AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT. Therava¯da Buddhism,
non-Therava¯da sources casts doubt on the ecumenical char-
like other forms of Buddhism, had its origin in the life of the
acter of the Third Council; however, most scholars accept
early Buddhist community. However, during the earliest
that some sort of council was held.
stages of Buddhist development schools had not yet crystal-
lized in any formal sense. Although the claim to represent
Further Therava¯da accounts record that A´soka spon-
the earliest Buddhism is doctrinally important, none of the
sored Buddhist missions that traveled beyond the frontiers
schools that developed later can be considered, on the basis
of his considerable empire. These accounts date the founding
of purely historical scholarship, to be the sole inheritor and
of the Therava¯da school in Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9146
THERAVA¯DA
A´soka’s missions to Suvan:n:abhu¯mi (CE, Southeast Asia) and
by other Buddhist schools in various forms of Prakrit and
Tambapan:n:i (CE, Sri Lanka), respectively. A´soka’s Pillar
Sanskrit, sometimes in slightly different form and often
Edicts corroborate only that he sponsored the mission to
much embellished.
Tambapan:n:i. Other inscriptional evidence, however, sup-
ports the chronicles’ accounts about a mission to Himavanta
However, in the case of the third Pit:aka, called the Ab-
(typically identified with the Himalayan areas), whereas
hidhamma, or “Higher Teaching,” the situation is quite dif-
again the Pillar Edicts are silent. Therefore, the chronicles’
ferent. Here we have a collection of seven compositions, each
accounts about a mission to Suvan:n:abhu¯mi may well be ac-
unique to the Therava¯da school. These seven compositions
curate.
represent a relatively late scholastic formulation, compiled
possibly during the A´sokan or early post-A´sokan period. To-
There is no substantial reason to doubt that by A´soka’s
gether they present and summarize Buddhist teachings in a
time the Therava¯dins formed a distinctive group within the
systematic form that differentiates Therava¯da scholasticism
Buddhist sangha. They preserved the teachings of the Bud-
from that of the other schools that were developing during
dha in Pali through their oral tradition; by the Third Bud-
the same period. This Therava¯da distinctiveness is perhaps
dhist Council or shortly thereafter, the Therava¯dins held
most explicitly expressed in the Katha¯vatthu, an Abhidham-
their own positions on specific points of doctrine and prac-
ma text attributed to Moggaliputtatissa and associated with
tice. They also actively contributed to the Buddhist mission-
the Third Council. In this forensic and polemic text over two
ary activity during the third and second centuries BCE. It may
hundred Therava¯da positions are defended against opposing
nevertheless be premature to speak of Therava¯da’s influence
doctrines. For example, the doctrine of anatta (“no-self”) is
as having achieved civilizational scale apart from its role
defended against an opponent who asserts the existence of
within the Indian sangha as a whole. During the centuries
some kind of continuing personal entity (a view usually asso-
that followed A´soka’s death, the Therava¯da tradition contin-
ciated with the Pudgalava¯da school); the doctrine of anicca
ued to spread its influence in India, but as one school among
(momentariness) is defended against an opponent who af-
many (eighteen is the traditional number given). Specific in-
firms the existence of past, present, and future times (a view
formation remains scanty.
usually associated with the Sarva¯stiva¯da school); and the at-
Sri Lanka and the Dhammad¯ıpa tradition. In Sri
tainments of the arahants (Skt., arhats; fully perfected saints)
Lanka, however, the situation was quite different. Within
are defended against opponents who questioned their perfec-
this distinctive provincial area, Therava¯da traditions became
tion (a view associated most often, but not exclusively, with
firmly established and prospered. The Pali chronicles com-
the Maha¯sa¯m:ghikas).
piled and preserved by the Sinhala monks, inscriptions, and
There is strong evidence to suggest that before the be-
extensive archaeological remains make it possible to recon-
ginning of the common era an extensive tradition of com-
struct a comparatively full picture of Therava¯da Buddhism
mentaries on many portions of the Pali Tipit:aka already ex-
in the Sri Lanka of the first century BCE.
isted in the Sinhala vernacular. To what extent the original
For example, the Pali chronicle written in fifth-century
forms of these commentaries were brought to Sri Lanka by
Sri Lanka and known as the Maha¯vam:sa (Great Chronicle)
the legendary missionaries of A´sokan times is unclear. Nor
records the momentous decision to commit the Therava¯da
can we be sure to what extent these commentaries were com-
canon, preserved and transmitted for centuries by oral tradi-
posed in India in Pali and subsequently translated into Sin-
tion, to writing. According to the Maha¯vam:sa, between the
hala and to what extent they were actually composed or
years 29 and 17 BCE Sri Lanka was threatened by foreign in-
adapted in Sri Lanka. Since none of these commentaries has
vasion and famine, and the Therava¯da monks feared that the
survived in its early Sinhala form, the contents cannot be de-
monastic community would be dispersed and the oral tradi-
termined with certainty. We know only that before the be-
tion broken and lost. In an effort to prevent this, they gath-
ginning of the common era a significant corpus of Tipit:aka
ered together and committed to writing the Tipit:aka (Skt.,
commentaries, preserved in Sinhala, formed an integral com-
Tripit:aka; “three baskets”), that is, the Buddhist canon. As
ponent of the Therava¯da tradition in Sri Lanka.
a result, this aspect of the tradition was solidified in a basic
By this time, too, Therava¯da Buddhism in Sri Lanka
form that has remained largely intact through Therava¯da
had become a civilizational religion. It may be, as the later
history.
chronicles maintain, that the civilizational character dates to
The first two Pit:akas, or “baskets,” are the Sutta Pit:aka,
the time of the A´sokan missionaries to Sri Lanka. Said to
which contains sermons, discourses, and sayings attributed
have been the son of A´soka, the monk named Mahinda (Skt.,
to the Buddha, and the Vinaya Pit:aka, which contains stories
Mahendra) supposedly succeeded in his missionary goal of
about the Buddha that introduce rules concerning the con-
establishing the Therava¯da lineage in Sri Lanka and convert-
duct for monks and nuns and the proper functioning of the
ing the Sinhala king, Deva¯nam:piyatissa. Shortly thereafter,
monastic order. These two baskets comprise many strata of
according to the texts, A´soka’s daughter, the nun
traditions ranging in dates from the time of the Buddha him-
Sanghamitta¯, brought to Sri Lanka the ordination lineage for
self up to at least the time of A´soka. Most of the material
women. King Deva¯nam:piyatissa is credited with founding
that they contain is present also in the traditions preserved
the famous Maha¯viha¯ra monastery, which not only encom-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THERAVA¯DA
9147
passed the king’s capital within its boundaries, but later
Therava¯da traditions and the other schools—notably other
housed the monks who authored the chronicles that we now
H¯ınaya¯na schools that used Sanskrit as their sacred lan-
possess.
guage—that were also very influential throughout the main-
land areas of Southeast Asia.
Another possible point for the emergence of Therava¯da
as a civilizational religion is the reign of the Sinhala hero,
In Sri Lanka, literary and archaeological remains pro-
King Dut:t:haga¯man:¯ı (r. 161–137
vide many more details regarding local Therava¯da history.
BCE). According to the
fifth-century Maha¯vam:sa account (whose preeminent hero
According to fifth-century chronicle accounts, the first major
is Dut:t:haga¯man:¯ı, as opposed to the fourth-century
division within the Therava¯da sangha in Sri Lanka occurred
D¯ıpavam:sa account, whose hero is Deva¯nam:piyatissa),
soon after the Pali Tipit:aka was commited to writing, proba-
Dut:t:haga¯man:¯ı sought to evict the South Indians who had
bly between 29 and 17 BCE. A famous monk named
established their hegemony in northern Sri Lanka. While still
Maha¯tissa evidently built, with royal support, an impressive
a prince he organized a campaign in which the struggle to
new monastery in Anura¯dhapura. Sometime thereafter,
establish centralized rule and the struggle to establish
monks of the long-established Maha¯viha¯ra fraternity (by
Therava¯da Buddhism as the “national” religion became
whose account this story is preserved) accused Maha¯tissa of
closely identified. With the victory of Dut:t:haga¯man:¯ı and his
violating the monastic discipline and tried to expel him from
construction of the Maha¯thu¯pa (a funerary mound that en-
the sangha. Monks loyal to Maha¯tissa then formed the frater-
shrined relics of the Buddha and formed a key monument
nity of the Abhayagiri monastery, which became for some
within the Maha¯viha¯ra’s monastic complex) in the capital of
time the Maha¯viha¯ra’s archrival. The Abhayagiri lineage
Anura¯dhapura, the civilizational character of Therava¯da
maintained independent institutional traditions that eventu-
found a powerful vehicle of expression. Certainly, by the end
ally gave rise to branch monastic communities as far distant
of the first century
as Java.
BCE, after the Pali scriptures had been
committed to writing, the Therava¯da ideal of Sri Lanka as
Like the Maha¯viha¯ra, the Abhayagiri came to include an
the Dhammad¯ıpa, the “Island of the Dhamma,” seemed
order of nuns among its residents. These nuns seem to have
well-developed not only in Sri Lankan religious and political
been very active and were responsible for transmitting the
institutions, but in Sinhala identity as well.
women’s ordination lineage to China in the fifth century.
With an extensive network of affiliated monasteries, the Ab-
THERAVA¯DA BUDDHISM IN GREATER INDIA. The history of
hayagiri controlled its own sizable collection of wealth and
Therava¯da Buddhism in India and Southeast Asia during the
property. This new fraternity also came to possess its own
first millennium CE continues to be extremely obscure. We
version of the Pali Tipit:aka, its own distinctive version of cer-
know that Therava¯dins held sway in a number of important
tain aspects of Therava¯da doctrine, and its own interpreta-
Buddhist centers in India, especially in Andhra Pradesh and
tion of particular points of monastic discipline. In addi-
Tamil Nadu. And we also know that several of the most fa-
tion—in contrast to their Maha¯viha¯ra rivals—the Abhayagiri
mous Therava¯da scholars were of Indian origin and, among
nika¯ya, like the communities that supervised the great mo-
these, some did their primary work in Indian monasteries.
nastic universities of India, welcomed into their midst monks
In Southeast Asia, specifically among the Burmese of
from other H¯ınaya¯na schools, and from various Maha¯ya¯na
Lower Burma and the Mon peoples of Lower Burma and
and, later, Tantric traditions as well.
Thailand, the Therava¯da tradition became firmly rooted and
This willingness of the Abhayagiri Therava¯dins to wel-
exerted a significant civilizational influence. Later legends
come Maha¯ya¯na adherents into their company generated,
trace the founding of this tradition to Son:a and Uttara, the
some three centuries after its founding, a schism within its
two missionaries reportedly dispatched to Suvan:n:abhu¯mi by
own ranks. In the middle of the fourth century three hun-
Moggaliputtatissa. The first archaeological evidence of Bud-
dred monks declared their aversion to the presence of
dhism’s presence has been found along inland and coastal
Maha¯ya¯na monks at the Abhayagiri, withdrew from that fra-
trade routes, and dates to early in the first millennium CE.
ternity, and formed an independent group that came to be
In Lower Burma inscriptions have been found that confirm
known as the Jetavana fraternity. The new Jetavana nika¯ya
a preeminent Therava¯da presence in Pyu/Burmese royal cen-
acquired affiliated monasteries and also considerable land
ters beginning from the fifth century CE, and some sort of
and other wealth. But compared to the Maha¯viha¯ra and Ab-
Therava¯da influence is attested in Pagan somewhat later. In
hayagiri nika¯yas, the Jetavana remained relatively small.
Thailand, similar evidence indicates that the Therava¯da tra-
From time to time, it became associated with particular doc-
dition was an important, perhaps central, religious element
trinal and disciplinary interpretations of its own, but a sus-
in the Mon civilization of Dva¯ravat¯ı that flourished over a
tained distinctive orientation never emerged to compete seri-
wide area of central, northern, and northeastern Thailand
ously with its two rivals. Although by the end of the third
from the sixth to the eleventh century. Such sources notwith-
century the Therava¯da sangha in Sri Lanka had become di-
standing, information concerning the kind or kinds of
vided, certain tendencies remained common to all three
Therava¯da Buddhism that existed among the Burmese and
nika¯yas. For example, the Therava¯da scholasticism that blos-
Mon is virtually nonexistent. Moreover, there is little data
somed during the fifth century drew scholars from the
that illumines the relationship between the various
Maha¯viha¯ra and from other nika¯yas as well.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9148
THERAVA¯DA
The most influential scholar associated with this efflo-
times destructive competition between segments of the mo-
rescence, if not Therava¯da scholasticism generally, was Bha-
nastic community for royal support in particular and lay sup-
dantacariya Buddhaghosa. Probably a native of northern
port in general. Serious disagreements among different
India, Buddhaghosa traveled to Sri Lanka in order to trans-
Therava¯da groups concerned various matters such as the pro-
late the Sinhala commentarial tradition, preserved by the
priety of monastic land ownership and wealth, the status and
Maha¯viha¯rava¯sins, into Pali, which by this time was recog-
authority of the king, the appropriateness of various forms
nized as the lingua franca of the international Therava¯da
of ritual practice, and the like. But despite the differences,
community. Buddhaghosa’s industriousness during his resi-
several general trends emerged. For example, over the course
dence at the Maha¯viha¯ra produced a rich and extensive cor-
of the millennium monastic institutions controlled increas-
pus of Pali commentarial literature that became a fundamen-
ing amounts of land and accumulated increasing amounts of
tal resource for subsequent scholarship and practice
wealth. With regard to royalty, the Therava¯da notion
throughout the Therava¯da world. In addition, Buddhaghosa
of kingship became gradually more exalted until, by the end
produced a comprehensive meditational guide and doctrinal
of the period, the king was generally portrayed as a bodhisatta
summary known as the Visuddhimagga (The Path of Purifi-
(future Buddha). Various relics of the Buddha, especially the
cation). Rich with historical anecdotes, the Visuddhimagga
tooth relic and the alms bowl relic, came to be regarded as
remains an authoritative resource for Therava¯da scholars and
palladia of the kingdom, and also became centers around
adherents from his own time to the present. Although there
which large-scale “national” festivals were celebrated.
is no corroborating evidence, a Southeast Asian tradition re-
THE GREAT REVIVAL AND BEYOND. During the first centu-
cords that Buddhaghosa traveled to Burma late in his life and
ries after the turn of the second millennium CE, the center
that his influence inaugurated a renascence of Burmese
of gravity in the Therava¯da world shifted significantly to the
Therava¯da.
east. In India, Buddhism, including Therava¯da Buddhism,
Two monks from South India, Buddhadatta, a younger
succumbed almost completely to the pressures exerted by
contemporary of Buddhaghosa, and Dhammapa¯la, his suc-
Hinduism and Islam. But in Sri Lanka, Burma, and Thai-
cessor, also made significant contributions to the new litera-
land, Therava¯da gained new vitality and spread to new areas.
ture in Pali. And many scholars believe that it was a monk
Establishing centers in the Mekong Valley, the Therava¯dins
from the Abhayagiri monastery who composed a manual en-
attained preeminence by the mid-fourteenth century both
titled Vimuttimagga (The Path of Liberation), which, while
among the Khmer (Cambodians) and the Lao.
not as wide-ranging, was nevertheless remarkably parallel to
At the beginning of the period Therava¯da fortunes were
Buddhaghosa’s Visuddhimagga. Some scholars suggest there
at a low ebb. In Sri Lanka, the Therava¯da sangha had suffered
may be a common source for both of these manuals that has
serious setbacks as a result of Co¯la invasions from South
parallels or variations in India as well.
¯
India and the collapse of the hydraulic civilization of north-
Another movement in Sri Lanka that drew interested
ern Sri Lanka. In Southeast Asia, the Pyu-Burmese and Mon
monks from all Therava¯da nika¯yas was ascetic in character
civilizations in which the Therava¯dins had played a major
and led to the rise of at least two prominent groups. The first
role had lost much of their vitality. During this period, the
group, known as the Pam:suku¯likas (“those who wear robes
kingdom of Pagan seemed to be more oriented toward Hin-
made from rags”), began to play an important role during
duism and Sanskritic forms of Buddhism than toward
the seventh century and continued to be noted in historical
Therava¯da. And with hegemony over most of what is now
records until the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Although
Thailand, the powerful and expansive Khmer court at Ang-
little is known about the group, it is quite possible that at
kor was strongly oriented toward Hinduism and Maha¯ya¯na
least some of the Pam:suku¯likas were strongly influenced by
Buddhism.
Tantric trends that were becoming increasingly prominent
Accounts of the beginnings of the Therava¯da resurgence
throughout the Buddhist world, including Sri Lanka.
that occurred in the latter half of the eleventh century vary
The second group, which attracted many proponents,
according to the tradition that has preserved them. However,
especially from among the Maha¯viha¯rava¯sins, first began to
one primary fact stands clear both in Sri Lanka and in
be mentioned in tenth-century records. Referred to as
Burma: Therava¯da became the favored tradition at the major
a¯raññikas (“forest dwellers”), these monks declined to reside
centers of political power. In Sri Lanka this occurred after
in the rich monasteries of the capital and established their
the explusion of the Co¯la invaders and the restoration of
¯
own monastic centers in the countryside. They adopted a
Therava¯da-oriented Sinhala royalty by Vijayaba¯hu I. In
more stringent discipline than their urban contemporaries,
Burma, it occurred through the conquest of the Mon by
and emphasized more rigorous modes of scholarship and
King Aniruddha of Pagan, his introduction of Mon
meditation.
Therava¯da monks and their traditions to Pagan, and the sub-
sequent recognition in Pagan of the preeminence of the
Throughout the entire first millennium CE, as Sri Lan-
Therava¯da sangha.
kan Therava¯da Buddhism developed its monastic teaching
and modes of practice, it also developed various civilizational
Sri Lanka. In Sri Lanka, the revitalized Therava¯da tra-
aspects of its orientation. There was often serious and some-
dition was given an important new direction in the twelfth
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THERAVA¯DA
9149
century when, during the reign of Para¯kramaba¯hu I, a major
when the authority of the indigenous Buddhist kingdom was
reform and reorganization of the sangha was implemented.
increasingly confined to the inland highlands, the sangha suf-
Para¯kramaba¯hu I requested the Maha¯viha¯ra-oriented
fered a serious erosion of standards. By the early eighteenth
a¯raññikas, who had begun to appear on the scene two to
century, the level of monastic scholarship and discipline had
three centuries earlier, to preside over a council. The goal of
reached a very low level indeed.
the council, not dissimilar from the goals of previous but less
successful royal policies, was to purify and unify the Sri Lan-
Burma. In Southeast Asia, the resurgence of Therava¯da
kan sangha. This time a number of factors contributed to
proceeded rather differently. At the time King Aniruddha
success. On one hand, the nika¯yas had been weakened by the
came to the throne in Pagan (eleventh century) the Mon in
recent confiscation of monastic property by King
Lower Burma preserved a very ancient Therava¯da tradition
Vikramaba¯hu I (r. 1111–1132) and, on the other, there was
associated with the A´sokan missionaries Son:a and Uttara.
a respite in the warring between Sinhala and South Indian
Through the reforms initiated by Aniruddha and his monas-
groups.
tic preceptor, Shin Arahan, and renewed by his successor,
King Kyanzittha, a strong Therava¯da tradition was estab-
The council “purified” the sangha, which meant that the
lished in Upper Burma and given powerful royal support. In
code of proper monastic conduct was ascertained and monks
the twelfth century a further reformist element was intro-
who refused to comply were expelled. The reforms then uni-
duced at Pagan by a monk named Chapat:a, who had gone
fied the sangha by bringing all the remaining factions (and
to Sri Lanka during the reign of Para¯kramaba¯hu I and had
it is clear there were many) together into a single communal
been reordained in the newly purified and unified Sri Lankan
order. In so doing, the reforms provided the basis for a new
sangha. Thus, by the end of the twelfth century, when the
structure of ecclesiastical organization that was established ei-
Pagan dynasty was still a very powerful force, the Therava¯da
ther at that time or shortly thereafter. The new system in-
tradition had become firmly established as the preeminent
volved the appointment, by the king, of a maha¯svami or
religion in Burma. What is more, the three major subtradi-
sanghara¯ja to act as the monastic head of the sangha as a
tions that were to coexist and compete with one another
whole, and also the appointment (under him) of two
through the entire premodern period—those associated with
maha¯sthaviras to supervise the ga¯mava¯sin, or village-dwelling
Lower Burma, Upper Burma, and Sri Lanka—were all more
monks, and the vanava¯sin, or forest-dwelling monks (also
or less firmly in place.
called a¯raññikas), respectively.
The Burmese monastic reforms, which in some respects
The reform movement that the council expressed and
corresponded to those that had been implemented in
abetted also generated a tremendous burst of literary creativi-
twelfth-century Sri Lanka, took place when the fifteenth-
ty that matched and perhaps even exceeded the literary
century Mon king named Dhammaceti assumed the throne
achievements of Buddhaghosa and others some seven centu-
in Lower Burma. Formerly a monk, King Dhammaceti
ries earlier. This new literary efflorescence had two very im-
sponsored a delegation of eighteen monks to be reordained
portant dimensions. The first was the production, primarily
in Sri Lanka. When these monks returned, Dhammaceti in-
by a monk named Sa¯riputta—a leading figure at the council
sisted that all those within his realm who wished to remain
who later seems to have held the position of
in the sangha be reordained by the new fraternity. Following
maha¯svami—and his disciples, of a whole new strata of Pali
this “purification” and unification process, the king pro-
literature. The new Pali compositions included a series of
ceeded to establish a monastic hierarchy whose responsibility
subcommentaries on the commentaries of Buddhaghosa, es-
it was to maintain strict adherence to the Vinaya rules. King
pecially on Vinaya; also included were a number of very im-
Dhammaceti’s efforts served to emphasize the influence of
portant texts dealing with the lineages or histories (vam:sa)
Sinhala monastic traditions in Burma. Moreover, his activi-
of various relics of the Buddha and monuments to him, as
ties gave impetus to a new tradition of Pali Abhidhamma
well as the more wide-ranging historical chronicles that
scholarship and commentaries that has been a hallmark of
brought the narrative of the Maha¯vam:sa up to date. This new
Burmese Buddhism ever since.
literary dynamism also generated new genres of Pali and Sin-
hala literature that were often permeated with devotional
Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos. Farther to the east,
themes. This literature vividly expressed the new reformist
the Therava¯da resurgence developed later than it had in
concern to convey the Therava¯da message in linguistic and
Burma. The first hint that an expansion of Therava¯da influ-
religious idioms acceptable both to monastic and lay constit-
ence might be in the offing came from the report that one
uencies in the countryside as well as in the urban centers.
of the five monks who accompanied Chapat:a on his journey
to Sri Lanka in the late twelfth century was a member of the
This reformed tradition by and large remained preemi-
royal court of Angkor. However, it is not until the latter part
nent and creative in Sri Lanka up to the coming of the Portu-
of the thirteenth century that hard evidence becomes avail-
guese in the fifteenth century, and persisted for some centu-
able. Based on the report of a Chinese visitor,
ries thereafter. The sangha retained its symbiotic relationship
Therava¯da—possibly with connections both to Mon and
with the Sinhala kings, and the monasteries acquired new
Sinhala traditions—had become one of the major factors in
lands and wealth. However, during the period after 1500,
the religious life at the Khmer/Cambodian capital at Angkor.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9150
THERAVA¯DA
The newly established (thirteenth-century) Thai king-
ciously to balance the often contradictory demands of mo-
doms of La¯nna¯ in northwestern Thailand and Sukho¯thai in
nastic purity and unity.
central Thailand assumed the reigns of power from their
Mon predecessors in areas formerly defined by the ancient
Generally speaking, the reformists were associated with
Dva¯ravat¯ı civilization. Like their Mon predecessors, the
Sinhala fraternities and sooner or later with royal sponsors.
Thais also venerated Therava¯da traditions. But during the
On the other hand, the Therava¯da fraternities that resisted
mid-fourteenth century, Mon Therava¯da traditions had to
these reforms (fraternities that were often themselves the
make way for a Sinhala reformist movement that spread from
products of earlier reforms) typically maintained their own
a center at Martaban in Lower Burma to several Thai capitals
traditions about monastic discipline and the propriety of mo-
including Ayutthaya¯, Sukho¯thai, and Chiangmai (La¯nna¯).
nastic wealth. In some instances these latter groups preserved
texts and practices originally derived from Sanskrit Buddhist
Therava¯da monasteries continued to proliferate
schools that had once exerted considerable influence in the
throughout the region. By the latter part of the fifteenth cen-
area. They were often involved with localized modes of sa-
tury the La¯nna¯ capital of Chiangmai had emerged as one of
crality and were very resistant to attempts from the capital
the major intellectual centers in the Therava¯da world. In cen-
to exert centralized authority. In addition, they often utilized
tral Thailand, where the locus of power gradually shifted
both Pali and vernacular texts, as well as mystical and magical
from Sukho¯thai to Ayutthaya¯, the Therava¯da presence was
modes of practice, that were clearly Tantric in character. It
consolidated. Farther east in Cambodia, Therava¯da gradually
should be noted, however, that beliefs in the magical power
displaced the deeply entrenched traditions of Hinduism and
of properly intoned sounds—especially Pali words—to effect
Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism, a transition facilitated by the aban-
order or secure protection seem to have been common to
donment of the old capital of Angkor in the mid-fifteenth
both groups.
century. According to chronicle accounts, Therava¯da became
the preeminent tradition in Laos beginning with the conver-
The second characteristic of the premodern Therava¯da
sion of a Laotian prince during his exile in the court of Ang-
tradition throughout Southeast Asia was the distinctive man-
kor in the mid-fourteenth century. He subsequently became
ner and extent of its civilizational role. Like the Therava¯da
the ruler of the powerful Laotian kingdom of Luang Pra-
sangha in Sri Lanka, the Therava¯da sangha in Southeast Asia
bang. Through the entire area during this period, appropria-
maintained symbiotic relationships with the various kings
tion of reformist Therava¯da influence from Sri Lanka contin-
who ruled in specific areas. The sangha supported the venera-
ued. Indeed, by the beginning of the sixteenth century,
tion of thu¯pas and Buddha images that had connections with
reformist Sinhala fraternities dominated in all of the major
political and social life at every level. Also like the Therava¯da
royal centers and in many of the lesser ones as well.
sangha in Sri Lanka, the sangha in Southeast Asia developed
a textual tradition in Pali and in the various vernaculars
Throughout the later premodern period in Southeast
(some translated, some originally composed) that addressed
Asia there were a number of Therava¯da kingdoms that held
the religious, social, and moral concerns of all groups from
sway over various geographical areas for varying periods of
court to village. But in Southeast Asia there was a special
time. A succession of such kingdoms constituted and fos-
practice that further enhanced the civilizational impact of
tered a loosely linked “national” tradition in Burma, and a
Therava¯da, namely, the temporary participation of a signifi-
more stable Thai kingdom was governed from Ayutthaya¯. A
cant segment of the male population in the life of the monas-
series of leading Therava¯da kingdoms succeeded one another
tic order. In some areas this involved a temporary ordination
in Laos, and in Cambodia still another royal center was es-
as a novice. In other areas it involved temporary ordination,
tablished. Since the pattern and development of Therava¯da
or several temporary ordinations, as a full-fledged member
religion, both monastic and civilizational, varied from area
of the Order. But whatever form this practice took, it provid-
to area and from kingdom to kingdom, generalizations are
ed the context for a monastic acculturation that has given the
necessarily problematic. However, at least two important
societies of Burma, Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos their dis-
characteristics can be observed across the entire area.
tinctive Therava¯da flavor.
First, monastic history, punctuated as it has been by re-
THERAVA¯DA BUDDHISM SINCE 1750. During the past two
form movements, has necessarily also been subject to the
and a half centuries Therava¯da Buddhism has retained its
considerable tensions intrinsic to that process. In Southeast
basic structure, and the major regional traditions have main-
Asia a continuing tension, more or less explicit, characterized
tained many of the particularities that had come to character-
relations between reformist movements and other Therava¯da
ize them during premodern times. However, during this pe-
traditions that continued to coexist with them. Reformist
riod there have been important developments in the
groups vied with each other and indigenous groups over the
Therava¯da world, some the result of internal dynamics and
purity and authenticity of their monastic observances. An ex-
others the result of the external pressures of colonialism and
tremely sensitive matter, monastic factionalism could readily
“modernity.” Since most of these developments have ap-
be interpreted as a sign of the king’s inability to maintain
peared throughout the Therava¯da world, we will pursue our
order in his kingdom (and often was). By way of demonstrat-
discussion thematically. However, since these developments
ing their authority to rule, royal sponsors had to act judi-
took very different forms in different areas, it will be neces-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THERAVA¯DA
9151
sary to give careful attention to regional and national differ-
The Ra¯mañña nika¯ya was established in 1864 when a
ences.
group of monks with a more uncompromising attitude to-
ward any kind of caste distinctions within the sangha and a
In the monastic context the stage was set for the devel-
more “modernist” approach to all aspects of Buddhist teach-
opments of the modern period by major reforms that were
ing and practice formed their own independent fraternity.
implemented in each of the three major Therava¯da regions.
(“Modernist” in this article refers to a skeptical attitude to-
In Sri Lanka the relevant reform took place in the middle
ward traditional beliefs regarding cosmology, the existence
decades of the eighteenth century. Centered in the indepen-
of gods and spirits, and the efficacy of rituals.) Although this
dent kingdom of Kandy and led by the sanghara¯ja named
stricter and more modernist Ra¯mañña nika¯ya has remained
Välivita Saranamkara, this movement received royal support.
by far the smallest of the Sinhala fraternities, it has neverthe-
Believing their ordination lineage to be defective, the reform-
less exerted considerable influence on the Buddhist commu-
ers invited Thai monks to Sri Lanka to reintroduce an au-
nity in Sri Lanka.
thentic Therava¯da lineage. Through their efforts a new
Siyam (Thai) nika¯ya was established.
During the nineteenth century many of the same factors
and orientations were present in Burma as in Sri Lanka, but
Later in the eighteenth century King Bodawpaya (r.
a different kind of political and social context led to a much
1781-1819) succeeded in uniting Burma under his rule and
greater proliferation of nika¯ya and similar groups called ga-
in establishing a considerable degree of royally regulated dis-
ings. In Burma, much more than in Sri Lanka, the nine-
cipline within the Burmese sangha. Through his efforts Bo-
teenth-century British conquest disrupted the fabric of social
dawpaya officially resolved the long-standing and rancorous
life. In response to a disrupted environment, numerous
dispute between monastic factions about the proper way of
small, more tightly organized groups formed alongside the
wearing the monastic robes. Having more or less unified the
majority Thudhamma monks who continued to accept the
sangha, Bodawpaya’s reforms established the basis for the
authority of the royally sponsored Thudhamma Council
Thudhamma segment of the Order that has continued to in-
through the reign of King Mindon Min (d. 1878). These
clude the majority of Burmese monks.
various groups both complemented one another and com-
In Indochina the corresponding reforms were sponsored
peted with each other for purity of monastic observance and
by King Ra¯ma I, the founder of the Thai kingdom of Bang-
its attendant lay support. Among these groups the Thud-
kok. Having claimed the throne after a period of severe dis-
hamma monks and the Shwegyin fraternity came to play the
ruption following the destruction of the former Thai capital
most important role. In comparison with the Thudhamma
of Ayutthaya¯, the first ruler of the new Cakkr¯ı dynasty intro-
monks, the Shwegyin group succeeded in maintaining a
duced a series of reforms that unified the sangha and
more rigorous level of scholarship and discipline. The Sh-
strengthened discipline within its ranks. This more or less
wegyin and the other smaller reformist communities, al-
unified fraternity—later called the Mahanika¯ya—has never
though less explicitly “modernist” in their orientation than
lost its majority position within the Thai sangha. In Cambo-
the Ra¯mañña fraternity in Sri Lanka, had close affinities
dia and Laos closely related, although less reformed,
with it.
Mahanika¯ya fraternities were dominant at the beginning of
In western Indochina during the nineteenth century a
the modern period and have held that position ever since.
single new nika¯ya, the Thammayut, emerged to complement
During the nineteenth century there emerged within
and compete with the established Mahanika¯ya fraternity.
the sangha in each area a major competing faction or factions.
The Thammayut (Dhammayuttika) nika¯ya was founded in
In Sri Lanka two competing fraternities appeared on the
Thailand in the mid-nineteenth century by the future king
scene—the Amarapura nika¯ya (so called because it received
Mongkut (Ra¯ma IV) during his more than twenty years in
its new ordination lineage from the branch of the Burmese
the sangha. Clearly modernist in its orientation, the group
sangha that was recognized at the Burmese capital of
received its ordination lineage from the same Mon tradition
Amarapura) and the Ra¯mañña nika¯ya (so called because it
to which modern-oriented reformists in other Therava¯da
received its new ordination lineage from the Mon sangha that
countries also turned. But unlike the Ra¯mañña fraternity in
had its center in the Ra¯mañña country of Lower Burma).
Sri Lanka and the Shwegyin fraternity in Burma, the Tham-
The Amarapura nika¯ya came into being because ordination
mayut fraternity received special support from Thailand’s
in the Siyam nika¯ya had quickly become limited to members
unconquered monarchy all through the late nineteenth and
of the highest (goyigama) caste. Although the intrusion of
early twentieth centuries. This, plus the closely related fact
caste distinctions into the Therava¯da sangha in Sri Lanka was
that its members were drawn largely from the highest levels
not a new phenomenon, such discrimination led, in the early
of the Thai elite, enabled it to exert a powerful influence on
nineteenth century, to the formation of a competing fraterni-
the much larger Mahanika¯ya. The Thammayut’s favored sta-
ty. This new fraternity was—and remains today—a rather
tus and elite membership also enabled it to play an important
loose confederation of several smaller groups from various
role in drawing provincial traditions into the central Thai
other castes that are especially prominent in southwestern Sri
sangha, and in extending central Thai influence into the
Lanka.
sanghas of Cambodia and Laos as well.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9152
THERAVA¯DA
Thus, by the beginning of the twentieth century the var-
developed for less committed monks and for the laity.
ious fraternities that still constitute the Therava¯da sanghas in
Numerous lay-oriented meditation centers have been
Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia had already come into being.
set up in Burma where the contemporary meditational
But there is one related twentieth-century development that
emphasis began to take form in the early twentieth cen-
should also be mentioned, namely the very tentative and
tury, in Thailand where lay meditation has enjoyed
controversial reemergence of the order of nuns. For almost
great popularity in recent years, and increasingly in Sri
a millennium the order had not existed in the Therava¯da
Lanka as well.
context, although in some Therava¯da areas there were many,
typically older women who adopted a celibate mode of life
3. A third set of movements that have had a significant im-
and frequented the monastic environs. But in recent years
pact are those that can be characterized as “modernist”
a few determined women from Therava¯da countries have
in the specific sense noted above. In the monastic con-
gone to Taiwan, where they have been ordained into the lin-
text, modernist concerns were very much involved in
eage of nuns that had been transmitted from Sri Lanka to
the formation of several of the monastic fraternities that
China in the fifth century. The number of such nuns in
developed in various Therava¯da countries during the
Therava¯da countries is currently still minuscule, and the au-
nineteenth century. Equally important, major lay move-
thenticity of their ordination is not recognized by the great
ments with modernist ideologies have appeared and
majority of Therava¯da monks and laity. But the seeds for a
taken root. In Sri Lanka in the late nineteenth century,
possible revival have clearly been planted.
Anaga¯rika Dharmapala and those who shared his views
emphasized a “this-worldly” mode of lay asceticism
During the modern period these essentially monastic
(Anaga¯rika is a title designating a lay ascetic) and reject-
developments have been complemented by a number of
ed many traditional Buddhist beliefs and practices as su-
civilizationally oriented movements, all of which have drawn
perstitious and useless. During and since Dharmapala’s
on long-established Therava¯da traditions. But at the same
time many other modernist movements and associations
time they have appropriated and adapted these traditions in
have developed among the laity all across the Therava¯da
new ways. Four movements may be cited as examples.
world, particularly in the urban areas. The influence of
these movements and associations has been most evi-
1. Millenarian movements, which constitute the first ex-
dent in Sri Lanka and Thailand, but they have been—at
ample, may be subdivided into at least two major types.
certain points—active components in the Therava¯da
The first type, which has appeared primarily in Burma
communities in Burma and, to a lesser extent, in Cam-
and other Southeast Asian countries, is represented by
bodia and Laos as well. It is also important to note that
more mystical, politically passive movements that have
several of these modernist movements and associations
at their respective centers a cult devoted to a charismatic
have been instrumental in the establishment and main-
personage (sometimes identified with the future Bud-
tenance of a significant Buddhist ecumenical organiza-
dha Metteyya) who is expected—at some very indefinite
tion known as the World Fellowship of Buddhists.
future time—to usher in a new age. The second type is
represented by more activist movements that have arisen
4. Considering Therava¯da Buddhism’s civilizational char-
in periods and contexts where crises of power have oc-
acter, it is not surprising that it became involved in the
curred. Such politically active millenarian movements
political processes and ideological trends that have af-
appeared in Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia during the pe-
fected the various Therava¯da countries during the nine-
riod of British and French colonial conquest. They have
teenth and twentieth centuries. In Sri Lanka and Burma
appeared within the colonial context itself—most nota-
certain segments of the Therava¯da community, includ-
bly in the famous Saya San rebellion in Burma. They
ing the monastic community, became very deeply in-
have also appeared when indigenous governments (par-
volved with movements for national independence.
ticularly in Burma and Thailand) have sought to extend
These same groups were also involved with attempts,
their authority into outlying areas.
during the postindependence period, to build new, de-
mocratically structured societies that would be both
2. A closely related set of movements that has been particu-
Buddhist and socialist. In the 1950s such hopes were
larly strong in Southeast Asia has involved the cultiva-
strongly expressed in the context of the 2,500th anniver-
tion of meditational practice. Many of these movements
sary of the Buddha’s death, celebrated in 1956. These
have coalesced around charismatic individuals who have
celebrations included a much-heralded “sixth” Buddhist
achieved advanced meditational states and are in some
Council that was sponsored by the Burmese govern-
instances rumored to be arahants, or fully perfected
ment of U Nu.
saints. Often in such cases these meditationally ad-
vanced individuals make their power available to their
Since the late 1950s the situation in both countries has
followers in the form of appropriately blessed amulets
changed considerably. In Sri Lanka the early hopes for Bud-
and other sacred objects. On the other hand, many of
dhist nationhood have been seriously eroded, and a nonso-
the movements in this set emphasize the importance of
cialist government has come to power. Moreover, some Sin-
meditation for all. Special forms of practice have been
hala spokesmen representing both the left and the right have
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THERAVA¯DA
9153
used a Buddhist idiom in the rhetoric surrounding commu-
traditionally Therava¯da areas. This influence takes quite dif-
nal violence between the Sinhala majority and the substantial
ferent forms in Sri Lanka, where ethnic differences often in-
Tamil minority. In Burma the hopes for Buddhist nation-
volve religious differences; in Burma, where the nation’s
hood also dimmed, and the military government that took
leaders have sought to insulate the populace from many as-
over in the early 1960s—despite its nominal support for
pects of “modernity”; in Thailand, where the pace of “mod-
Buddhist socialism—sought to keep Buddhism isolated from
ernization” is rapid indeed; and in Cambodia and Laos,
the mainstream of national life. But in the Burmese case it
where Therava¯da Buddhism has been “disestablished” by re-
should also be noted that in recent years the military govern-
cently installed Communist governments. But in each in-
ment has taken a significantly new tack by initiating a reform
stance Therava¯da Buddhism continues to provide meaning
of the monastic order that is intended to “purify” it, demon-
in the everyday life of its adherents.
strate government interest in monastic affairs, and open
channels of communication between the government and
SEE ALSO Arhat; A´soka; Buddhaghosa; Buddhism, article on
the sangha.
Buddhism in Southeast Asia; Burmese Religion;
Dut:t:haga¯man:¯ı; Khmer Religion; Kingship, article on King-
Further east, the interactions between Therava¯da Bud-
ship in East Asia; Lao Religion; Moggaliputtatissa; Mong-
dhism, politics, and ideology have been equally important
kut; Sam:gha; Sinhala Religion; Southeast Asian Religions,
but quite different in character. In Thailand the affinity be-
article on Mainland Cultures; Thai Religion; Vinaya; Wor-
tween the Therava¯da tradition and nationalism has been as
ship and Devotional Life, article on Buddhist Devotional
strong as in Sri Lanka or Burma. But since Thailand was
Life in Southeast Asia.
never conquered by a Western nation, this affinity has result-
ed in a basically cooperative relationship between Buddhism
BIBLIOGRAPHY
and the established government, and a rather stable continu-
Unfortunately there is no one book that adequately covers
ation of the traditional symbiotic relationship between the
Therava¯da Buddhism as a whole. Perhaps the most compre-
sangha and state. In recent years Buddhism has become close-
hensive single study for the premodern period is Kanai Lal
ly associated with capitalist development, while socialism—
Hazra’s History of Therava¯da Buddhism in South-East Asia
Buddhist or otherwise—has remained on the political and
(New Delhi, 1982), which touches on Indian and Sri Lankan
ideological periphery.
developments as well. This book needs to be supplemented
by other works that deal with particular aspects of the tradi-
In Cambodia and Laos an early continuity with the re-
tion, such as Wilhelm Geiger’s Pali Literature and Language,
ceived tradition was followed by a break that has been both
2d ed., translated by Batakrishna Ghosh (Delhi, 1968); John
dramatic and devastating. The continuity that characterized
C. Holt’s Discipline: The Canonical Buddhism of the
the religio-political situation during the colonial period was
Vinayapitaka (Delhi, 1981); John Ross Carter’s Dhamma:
made possible by the fact that the French—who were the co-
Western Academic and Sinhalese Buddhist Interpretations
lonial overlords in the area—chose to rule at a distance and
(Tokyo, 1978); Stephen Collins’s Selfless Persons: Imagery and
to leave the established religious and political order largely
Thought in Therava¯da Buddhism (Cambridge, 1982); Wins-
ton L. King’s Therava¯da Meditation (University Park, Pa.,
intact. The radical break was, of course, the result of the dis-
1980); and Bhikkhu Nyanatiloka’s Guide to the Abhidham-
ruption caused by the war that racked the area in the late
ma-pitaka, 3d ed., revised and enlarged by Nya-naponika
1960s and early 1970s, and by the victory of the Commu-
Thera (Kandy, 1971). Many of the civilizational aspects are
nists in both countries. In Cambodia, the Communist devas-
covered in two related books edited by Bardwell L. Smith,
tation of Buddhism during the Pol Pot regime (1975–1980)
Religion and Legitimation of Power in Sri Lanka and Religion
was widespread and brutal. In Laos (and, since 1980, in
and Legitimation of Power in Thailand, Laos, and Burma
Cambodia), the approach of the Communist authorities has
(both, Chambersburg, Pa., 1978). Similar themes are ex-
been considerably more restrained; but even in these contexts
plored in Heinz Bechert’s three-volume Buddhismus, Staat
traditional Buddhist institutions have suffered serious dam-
und Gesellschaft in den Ländern Therava¯da-Buddhismus
age and traditional Buddhist values have been directly and
(Frankfurt, 1966–1973). Two other studies written for more
general audiences are Robert C. Lester’s Therava¯da Buddhism
severely challenged.
in Southeast Asia (Ann Arbor, 1973) and Donald K. Swear-
THERAVA¯DA TODAY. Therava¯da Buddhism remains very
er’s Buddhism and Society in Southeast Asia (Chambersburg,
much alive in Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia, both as a monas-
Pa., 1981).
tic tradition and as a civilizational force. The sangha, despite
Because of vast translation efforts, primarily by the Pali Text Soci-
its many problems, carries on its traditions of Pali scholarship
ety, the nonspecialist has access to a large body of Therava¯da
and meditational practice. It continues to produce persons
literature. Virtually the entire Tipit:aka has been translated
with intellectual substance and spiritual prowess. And it con-
into English and is included in either the “Sacred Books of
tinues to generate movements (often conflicting movements)
the Buddhists” or the “Translation Series” of the Pali Text
aimed at monastic reform, spiritual development, and soci-
Society. Among the most important postcanonical texts that
etal well-being.
are available in English are Wilhelm Geiger’s translation of
The Maha¯vam:sa, or The Great Chronicle of Ceylon (London,
In addition, Therava¯da Buddhism continues to exert its
1964); Bhikkhu Ñyanamoli’s translation of Buddhaghosa’s
influence on the institutions and values of the societies in the
fifth-century work, The Path of Purification, 2d ed. (Colom-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9154
THÉRÈSE OF LISIEUX
bo, 1964); and Frank E. Reynolds and Mani B. Reynolds’s
Further bibliographical information—including annotations of
translation of Phya Lithai’s fourteenth-century cosmological
many of the works cited here—can be obtained by consult-
treatise, Three Worlds according to King Ruang (Berkeley,
ing the relevant sections in Guide to Buddhist Religion by
1982).
Frank E. Reynolds et al. (Boston, 1981), or in Reynolds’s
“Buddhism,” in A Reader’s Guide to the Great Religions, ed-
A useful introduction to the Therava¯da tradition in Sri Lanka is
ited by Charles J. Adams, 2d ed. (New York, 1977),
provided in Two Wheels of Dhamma, edited by Bardwell L.
pp. 156–222.
Smith, Frank E. Reynolds, and Gananath Obeyesekere,
“American Academy of Religion Monograph Series,” no. 3
New Sources
(Chambersburg, Pa., 1973). This introduction should be
Andaya, Barbara Watson. “Localising the Universal: Women,
supplemented by the R. A. L. H. Gunawardhana’s excellent
Motherhood, and the Appeal of Early Theravada Bud-
Robe and Plough: Monasticism and Economic Interest in Early
dhism.” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 33 (February
Medieval Sri Lanka (Tucson, 1979) and Kitsiri Malalgoda’s
2002): 1–31.
Buddhism in Sinhalese Society, 1750–1900 (Berkeley, 1976).
Anderson, Carol. Pain and Its Ending: The Four Noble Truths in
For two books that deal with quite different dimensions of
the Theravada Buddhism Canon. Richmond, U.K., 1999.
the “contemporary” tradition, see Michael Carrithers’s The
Forest Monks of Sri Lanka: An Anthropological and Historical
Berkwitz, Stephen C. “History and Gratitude in Theravada Bud-
Study (Delhi, 1983) and Richard F. Gombrich’s Precept and
dhism.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71 (Sep-
Practice: Traditional Buddhism in the Rural Highlands of Cey-
tember 2003): 579–605.
lon (Oxford, 1971).
Burford, Grace G. Desire, Death, and Goodness: The Conflict of Ul-
timate Values in Theravada Buddhism. New York, 1991.
The most comprehensive overview of Therava¯da Buddhism in
Burma is provided by Melford E. Spiro in his Buddhism and
Carter, John Ross. On Understanding Buddhists: Essays on the
Society: A Great Tradition and its Burmese Vicissitudes (New
Theravada Tradition in Sri Lanka. Albany, 1993.
York, 1970). Serious students will also want to consult E.
Gombrich, Richard Francis. Theravada Buddhism: A Social History
Michael Mendelson’s very important study, Sangha and State
from Ancient Benares to Modern Columbo. New York, 1988.
in Burma: A Study of Monastic Sectarianism and Leadership,
edited by John Ferguson (Ithaca, N.Y., 1975); Emanuel
Holt, John Clifford, Jacob N. Kinnard, and Jonathan S. Walters.
Sarkisyanz’s Buddhist Backgrounds of the Burmese Revolution
Constituting Communities: Theravada Buddhism and the Reli-
(The Hague, 1965); and Manning Nash’s The Golden Road
gious Cultures of South and Southeast Asia. New York, 2003.
to Modernity: Village Life in Contemporary Burma (New
Leve, Lauren G. “Subjects, Selves, and the Politics of Personhood
York, 1965).
in Theravada Religion in Nepal.” Journal of Asian Studies 61
(August 2002): 833–861.
The Therava¯da tradition in Thailand has been comprehensively
studied by Stanley J. Tambiah in a trilogy of excellent books:
Swearer, Donald K. Becoming the Buddha: The Ritual of Image
World Conqueror and World Renouncer (Cambridge, 1976),
Consecration in Thailand. Princeton, 2004.
Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-East Thailand (Cam-
Trainor, Kevin. Relics, Ritual and Representation in Buddhism: Re-
bridge, 1970), and The Buddhist Saints of the Forest and the
materializing the Theravada Tradition. New York, 1997.
Cult of Amulets (Cambridge, 1984). Other items of interest
include Donald K. Swearer’s Wat Haripuñjaya (Missoula,
FRANK E. REYNOLDS (1987)
Mont., 1976) and our “Sangha, Society and the Struggle for
REGINA T. CLIFFORD (1987)
National Integration: Burma and Thailand,” in Transitions
Revised Bibliography
and Transformations in the History of Religions: Essays in
Honor of Joseph M. Kitagawa, edited by Frank E. Reynolds
and Theodore M. Ludwig (Leiden, 1980), pp. 56–88.
THÉRÈSE OF LISIEUX (1873–1897), epithet of
Studies that deal with Therava¯da Buddhism in Laos and Cambo-
Thérèse Martin, French Carmelite nun and Catholic saint.
dia are much less adequate and are virtually all in French.
Thérèse was the youngest of nine children born to Louis and
The best introductions are probably the articles on Bud-
Zélie Martin. When Thérèse was eight her family moved to
dhism in the collections edited by René de Berval in France-
the small Norman town of Lisieux, where she was to spend
Asie entitled Présence du royaume Lao (Saigon, 1956), trans-
the remainder of her life, with the exception of one pilgrim-
lated by Mrs. Tessier du Cros as Kingdom of Laos (Saigon,
age to Rome shortly before she entered the convent. Within
1959), and Présence du Cambodge (Saigon, 1955). Two
books that provide overviews of sorts are Marcel Zago’s Rites
a few years of the family’s arrival in the town, Thérèse’s two
et cérémonies en milieu bouddhiste Lao (Rome, 1972) and Ad-
older sisters became nuns at the cloistered convent of Dis-
hémard Leclère’s Le bouddhisme au Cambodge (Paris, 1899).
calced Carmelites in Lisieux, and at an early age Thérèse de-
The most important new studies are three short but erudite
cided to join them. Her first application to enter the convent,
works by François Bizot that highlight an important Tantric
made when she was fourteen, was rejected on account of her
influence in the Pali Buddhist traditions in Cambodia and
age, but at fifteen she entered the convent.
draw implications for our understanding of the Therava¯da
tradition more generally. These have appeared under the ti-
In the cloister Thérèse exhibited unswerving fidelity to
tles Le figuier à cinq branches (Paris, 1976), “Le grotte de la
the Carmelite rule and unfailing kindness to the convent’s
naissance,” Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême-Orient 66
twenty-five nuns, some of whom had quite unattractive per-
(1979); and Le don de soi-même (Paris, 1981).
sonalities. However, the full dimensions of her spiritual life
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THERIANTHROPISM
9155
became evident only in her posthumously published autobi-
HISTORICAL INTERPRETATIONS. Discussions of ther-
ography. Eighteen months before her death she manifested
ianthropy were most prevalent during the nineteenth centu-
signs of a fatal tubercular condition, and her last months
ry, when the idea of a part human, part animal deity was seen
were plagued by extreme pain and even nagging temptations
as a critical development stage in human history, midway be-
against faith. She died at the age of twenty-four, exclaiming,
tween the totemic identification of hunter and prey that was
“My God, I love you.”
supposed to characterize savage religions and the anthropo-
During the last years of her life Thérèse wrote her mem-
morphic deities of civilization. The occurrence of ther-
oirs in three separate sections, mostly at the request of the
ianthropic deities was interpreted either as a survival of sav-
convent’s superior. One year after her death the memoirs
age ideas in later religions or as the result of a historical
were published under the title L’histoire d’une âme (The Story
diffusion of these more advanced representations of the di-
of a Soul). The simple book, written in epistolary style, is a
vine from their Egyptian/Mesopotamian point of origin.
candid recounting of her own unfailing love for and confi-
The fact that most therianthropic figures known at that time
dence in the goodness of God, and it achieved instant and
came from the civilizations of the Middle East, where most
enormous popularity in translations into many languages. In
of the archaeological research was being conducted, and that
the next fifteen years alone more than a million copies were
these civilizations were seen as midpoints between savagery
printed. This worldwide response prompted the Holy See to
and civilization gave added weight to the idea that ther-
waive the usual fifty-year waiting period, and Thérèse was
ianthropy was a partial progress toward a rational, anthropo-
beatified in 1923 and canonized in 1925. In the bull of can-
morphic religion. (Interestingly, Plato uses an account—one
onization, Pius XI said that she had achieved sanctity “with-
that is probably spurious—of a rural Arcadian cult of lycan-
out going beyond the common order of things.”
thropy to contrast with the rational religions of urban
Athens.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
CONTEMPORARY INTERPRETATIONS. The categorical dis-
Of the many English translations of L’histoire d’une âme, perhaps
tinctions between primitive and civilized mentalities that
the most readable is Ronald Knox’s Autobiography of St.
Thérèse of Lisieux (New York, 1958), which is done in Knox’s
provided the rationale for developmentalist interpretations
usual felicitous style. Other of Thérèse’s writings are con-
of religious history have not been supported by anthropolog-
tained in Collected Letters of St. Thérèse of Lisieux, edited by
ical research, and most contemporary interpretations of ther-
Abbé André Combes and translated by Frank J. Sheed (New
ianthropic symbolism take a semiotic approach to the sub-
York, 1949). For a short but incisive biography, see John
ject. Animals are seen as emblems of principles, as vehicles
Beevers’s Storm of Glory (New York, 1950); for a more criti-
for symbolically expressing existential truths about the
cal study, see my book The Search for St. Thérèse (Garden
human condition. Therianthropic images juxtapose two
City, N. Y., 1961).
principles in a unified being. Thus, it is not the animality
PETER T. ROHRBACH (1987)
of the image that is important but its duality, its ambiguity,
its nature as a dialectic category that simultaneously contrasts
and synthesizes two opposing metaphorical principles—
images of noncontiguous categories made continuous (cul-
THERIANTHROPISM is a term derived from the
ture-nature, wild-domesticated, rational-emotional, inde-
Greek compound of th¯er (“wild beast”) and anthro¯pos
pendent-submissive, etc.). Therianthropic images, given
(“human”) and is usually used to denote a deity or creature
their nature as a category of representation betwixt and be-
combining the form or attributes of a human with those of
tween other categories, as a category whose elements are nei-
an animal. As an analytic category, it has little salience, since
ther separate nor unified, are frequently associated with ritu-
scholars have variously included under its rubric not only an-
als of transition and liminality (as in initiation rites and
imal-headed gods, were-animals, mythological demihumans
carnivals) or with the intermediate stages of creation, when
and monsters (such as centaurs, sphinxes, and minotaurs)
the world is in neither its primal nor its finished state.
but also examples of animal impersonation in rituals, spirit
possessions by animals, mythological beings of animal aspect
Only as the psychology of religion and the theory of
but human character (such as the North American Indian
symbolism permit the development of new modes of under-
figure Coyote), and anthropomorphic gods (such as Zeus
standing can we hope to deal with the historical and theolog-
and Dionysos) who sometimes transform themselves into an-
ical questions that are posed by differentiating therianthropic
imals. Ideas about the supernatural linkage of humans and
images of the divine from those that are theriomorphic or
animals are probably universal—even in cultures with an-
anthropomorphic. All three kinds of images may exist simul-
thropomorphic monotheism, there are ideas of were-
taneously in the psychologies, if not the artistic representa-
animals, therianthropic demons, and the possession of
tions, of the world’s peoples. Therianthropic ideas simulta-
human souls by animals. Visual or literary images of ther-
neously differentiate and synthesize the qualities that define
ianthropic beings can be found in virtually all of the world’s
humanness with those that define the nonhuman other, and
cultures, where they contrast with and complement represen-
they may not represent significantly different, historically
tations of other forms of supernatural beings.
traceable, understandings of the nature of divinity so much
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9156
THESMOPHORIA
as conventional representations of a universal religious phe-
mains the most detailed study of the Athenian
nomenon.
Thesmophoria, but one of its main conclusions (that the pigs
were deposited at a different festival in the summer) is
SEE ALSO Animals; Shape Shifting.
strongly disputed. H. W. Parke’s Festivals of the Athenians
(Ithaca, N.Y., 1977) follows Deubner on this point. For
B
primitive customs of fertilizing fields with the remains of sac-
IBLIOGRAPHY
rificial victims, see chapter 7 of James G. Frazer’s Spirits of
Therianthropism is discussed by Joseph Campbell, who takes a
the Corn and Wild, 2 vols., part 5 of The Golden Bough, 3d
diffusionist approach to the topic, in The Way of the Animal
ed., rev. & enl. (London, 1912).
Powers (New York, 1983).
New Sources
STANLEY WALENS (1987)
Brumfield, Allaire Ch. The Attic Festivals of Demeter and Their Re-
lation to the Agricoltural Year. New York, 1981.
Clinton, Kevin. “The ‘Thesmophorion’ in Central Athens and the
THESMOPHORIA. The Thesmophoria was an annu-
Celebration of the ‘Thesmophoria’ in Attica.” In The Role of
Religion in the Early Greek Polis: Proceedings of the Third In-
al women’s festival widely celebrated in ancient Greece. In
ternational Seminar on Ancient Greek Cult, Organized by the
most areas it took place in autumn, at the season of plowing
Swedish Institute at Athens, 16–18 October 1992, edited by
and sowing, and it was held in honor of the grain goddess
Robin Hägg, pp. 111–125. Stockholm, 1996.
Demeter and her daughter Persephone. Fertility of crops and
Nixon, L. “The Cults of Demeter and Kore.” In Women in Antiq-
of women was evidently the essential theme.
uity: New Assessments, edited by Richard Hawley and Barbara
The Athenian form of the ritual is the best known. Here
Mary Levick, pp. 75–96. London, 1995.
the festival occupied three days. On the first day the women
Prytz, Johansen J. “The Thesmophoria as a Women’s Festival.”
went up to the sacred grove of Demeter Thesmophoros, set
Temenos 11 (1975): 78–87.
up an encampment there, out of sight of all males, and made
Sfameni Gasparro, Giulia. Misteri e culti mistici di Demetra.
some preliminary sacrifices. On the second day they fasted,
Rome, 1986. See especially pages 223–284.
sitting humbly on the ground, as Demeter was said to have
Versnel, Hendrik S. “The Roman Festival for Bona Dea and the
fasted in grief over the abduction of her daughter. This absti-
Greek Thesmophoria.” In Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman
nence was probably understood as a kind of purification in
Religion. 2. Transition and Reversal in Myth and Ritual,
preparation for the main ceremonies. The third day featured
pp. 235–260. Leiden, 1993.
pomegranates to eat, obscene jesting, and perhaps flagella-
M. L. W
tion—all things associated with fertility. Piglets were slaugh-
EST (1987)
Revised Bibliography
tered, and parts of them, it seems, were cooked and eaten;
substantial portions, however, were thrown into megara,
deep holes in the earth, together with wheat cakes shaped like
snakes or like male genitals, and an otherwise unknown god-
THEURGY (from the Greek theourgia) means literally
dess, Kalligeneia, whose name means “fair birth,” was in-
something like “actuating the divine” and refers to actions
voked. At some stage—perhaps the night before—certain
that induce or bring about the presence of a divine or super-
women who had for three days observed purity restrictions
natural being, whether in an artifact or a person. It was a
climbed down into the hole, and while others clapped,
practice closely related to magic—not least in its ritual use
brought out the decayed remains of the previous year’s offer-
of material things, sacrifices, and verbal formulas to effect the
ings. These were ceremoniously carried out of the camp and
believer’s fellowship with the god, demon, or departed spirit.
set forth on altars. (The Thesmophoria itself took its name
It is distinguished from ordinary magical practice less by its
from this “bringing of the deposits.”) If a farmer took a little
techniques than by its aim, which was religious (union with
portion of the remains and mixed it in with his seed corn,
the divine) rather than secular. Use of the term theourgia—as
he was supposed to get a good crop. This element of primi-
well as of the related theourgos, referring to a practitioner of
tive agrarian magic suggests that the Thesmophoria’s origins
the art—arose in the second century CE in Hellenistic circles
lay in a remote past.
closely associated with the birth of Neoplatonism. The prac-
tice was commended and followed, in the third and later cen-
SEE ALSO Demeter and Persephone.
turies, by certain Neoplatonist philosophers and their
disciples.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The origins of this movement can be traced, in all prob-
A full and judicious discussion can be found in Martin P. Nils-
ability, to a work called the Chaldean Oracles, plausibly attri-
son’s Griechische Feste von religiöser Bedeutung (Leipzig,
1906), pp. 313–325. Walter Burkert’s Griechische Religion
buted to the reign of Marcus Aurelius (161–180). A collec-
der archaischen und klassischen Epoche (Stuttgart, 1977),
tion of obscure and pretentious oracular utterances written
translated as Greek Religion (Cambridge, Mass., 1985), con-
in Homeric hexameters, this work, now known only in frag-
centrates on the main features and their interpretation. Lud-
ments, was apparently assembled (if not composed) by one
wig Deubner’s Attische Feste (Berlin, 1932), pp. 40–60, re-
Julian the Chaldean or (perhaps more likely) by his son Ju-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THEURGY
9157
lian the Theurge. Much of its content is quasi-philosophical,
however, that in his mind the practices he explains can be
and its account of the first principles shows affinities with
understood and entered into—and indeed function—at
the thought of the Pythagorean philosopher Numenius, who
more than one level. True theurgy, he suggests, is, “the sum-
was teaching around the middle of the second century. It also
mit of the priestly art” and is reserved “to a very few”—those,
contained, however, prescriptions for theurgic rites and indi-
indeed, who “share in the theurgic gods in a way which tran-
cations of the “sights” that they produce, for example, “a
scends the cosmos,” because they “go beyond bodies and
formless fire whence a voice proceeds” (frag. 146).
matter in service of the gods, being made one with the gods
by a power which transcends the cosmos” (On the Mysteries
Concerning the value of such practices, there was signif-
5.20–5.22). For all this, however, there is little new or unfa-
icant disagreement among Neoplatonist thinkers. Plotinus
miliar in the phenomena he alludes to, from the “enthusi-
himself, it is now agreed, either knew or thought nothing of
asm” of the Corybantes to the sacrifice of animals. He refers,
the Chaldean Oracles. His way to human fulfillment in the
for example, to levitation as one manifestation of possession
divine was the way of theoria (“contemplation”), not that of
by a god. He is also familiar with situations in which the the-
theourgia. It was his disciple Porphyry who was the first
urgist makes use of a medium (ho dechomenos), and both he
among philosophers to give some status to the practice of
and the medium—and sometimes the assembled specta-
theurgy. In spite of the severe criticisms of it that he had lev-
tors—see the “spirit [pneuma] which comes down and en-
eled in his Letter to Anebo, Porphyry came, according to Au-
ters” the one who is possessed (3.6). In another vein, he refers
gustine (City of God 10.9f.), to acknowledge a theurgy whose
to theurgic use of hollow statues that are filled with “stones,
aim was purification of the soul and that produced “appear-
herbs, animals, spices, [and] other such holy, perfect, and
ances of angels or of gods.” At the same time Porphyry insist-
godlike things,” so as to create a receptacle in which the god
ed that the value of such practices was strictly limited. What
will be at home (5.23). Though this practice seems to have
they purified was not the intellectual soul, but only its lower,
been especially favored by late classical practitioners of theur-
pneumatic adjunct, which is adapted to visions of spirits, an-
gy, it clearly draws on widespread and ancient practices of
gels, and inferior deities; they had no power to bring people
sympathetic magic.
into the presence of Truth itself. Presumably Porphyry con-
tinued to believe, with Plotinus, that it is only the practice
What is interesting and new, then, in Iamblichus’s ac-
of virtue and of philosophical contemplation that raises the
count of theourgia, as over against theoria, is precisely the
soul to fellowship with the supreme God.
terms in which he understands and defends it. For one thing,
it is plainly his conviction that theurgy is not a matter of ma-
This conviction was not shared, however, by Porphyry’s
nipulating the gods. Over and over again he denies that ma-
own disciple, the Syrian Iamblichus (d. 325), who, in his
terial objects or circumstances, or psychological states of
long treatise On the Mysteries, replied to the strictures ex-
human subjects, can supply the explanation of theurgic phe-
pressed by his teacher in the Letter to Anebo. According to
nomena, which by their nature transcend the capacity of
Iamblichus, there exists, in theurgy, a mode of fellowship
such causes. Similarly, he denies that the power of the gods
with the divine that is independent of philosophical thought
is compelled by human agency. The presence of the human
and that “those who philosophize theoretically” do not
soul with the gods is effected through a gift of divine agen-
achieve. “What effects theurgic union is the carrying through
cies—through their universal self-bestowal. It is this self-
of reverently accomplished actions which are unspeakable
bestowal that empowers the invocations and actions of the
and transcend any intellectual grasp, as well as the power of
theurgist, which reach out to the transcendent by reason of
mute symbols which only the gods understand” (On the Mys-
“assimilation and appropriation” to their object (3.18). Be-
teries 2.11).
hind this conception there lies, of course, a rationalized con-
This debate, however, did not end with the exchange
cept of universal sympathy, which emphasizes not merely the
between Iamblichus and his teacher. In his youth the emper-
interconnectedness of things at the level of the visible cosmos
or Julian was a disciple of the philosopher Eusebius, who
but also the presence and participation of all finite realities
taught that “the important thing is purification [of the soul]
in their immaterial ground, the divine order. At the same
through reason” and who condemned wonder-working. Ju-
time, however—and somewhat paradoxically, in view of this
lian, however, was more impressed in the end by the teaching
insistence on the mutual indwelling of the various levels of
of one Maximus, who, by burning incense and reciting a for-
reality—Iamblichus insists that “the human race is weak and
mula in the temple of Hecate, caused the statue of the god-
puny . . . possessed of a congenital nothingness,” and that
dess to smile and the torches in her hands to blaze; the em-
the only remedy for its error and perpetually disturbed state
peror-to-be accordingly adopted Maximus as his teacher
is to “share as far as possible in the divine Light” (3.18). Thus
(Eunapius, Lives of the Philosophers and Sophists 474).
the practice of theurgy, through which the gods themselves
What the practice of theurgy involved becomes plain
bestow their light and presence, is the one hope of humanity.
from the text of Iamblichus’s treatise itself. There he defends
Iamblichus had lost not the philosophy so much as the faith
and interprets a variety of rites and practices that involve ei-
of a Plotinus.
ther the use of offerings or tokens of some sort or the various
In Christian circles, the term theourgia and its deriva-
phenomena that accompany divine possession. It is plain,
tives came into use in the writings of Dionysius the Areopa-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9158
THIASOI
gite (Pseudo-Dionysius), himself a student of the Neoplato-
Majercik, Ruth. The Chaldean Oracles. Leiden, 1989.
nist Proclus, who, after Iamblichus, was the weightiest
Saffrey, Henri-Dominique. “La théurgie comme phénomène cul-
philosophical advocate of theurgic practice. In Dionysius,
turel chez les néoplatoniciens (IV-V siècles).” Koinonia 8
however, the term is employed in the sense required by the
(1984): 161–171.
Christian doctrine of grace: theurgy is not the effect of a nat-
Shaw, Gregory. “Theurgy as Demiurgy. Iamblichus’ Solution to
ural and universal sympathy between different orders of
the Problem of Embodiment.” Dionysius 12 (1988): 37–59.
being, but the self-communicating work of the divine. For
Shaw, Gregory. Theurgy and the Soul. The Neoplatonism of Iam-
Dionysius, Jesus is “the Principal [arch¯e] of all hierarchy, ho-
blichus. University Park, Pa., 1995.
liness, and divine operation [theourgia].” The priesthood, by
Sheppard, Anne. “Proclus’ attitude to theurgy.” Classical Quarterly
imitating and contemplating the light of the higher beings—
32 (1982): 212–224.
who are, in their turn, assimilated to Christ—comes to be
Tardieu, Michel. “La gnose Valentinienne et les Oracles Chal-
in the form of light, and its members are thus able to be
daïques.” In The Rediscovery of Gnosticism. Proceedings of the
“workers of divine works [theourgikoi].” The operative sense
International Conference on Gnosticism at Yale, New Haven,
Conn. March 28–31 1978, I: The School of Valentinus, ed. by
of Dionysius’s use of the term is captured later by Maximus
Bentley Layton, pp. 194–237. Leiden 1980.
the Confessor, for whom the (new) verb theourgein means “to
Theiler, Willy. Die chaldaïschen Orakel und die Hymnen des Syne-
divinize”; he uses it in the passive voice to denote the effect
sios. Halle, 1942 (reprinted in Id. Forschungen zum Neupla-
of divine grace conferred through Christ.
tonismus, Berlin 1966, pp. 252–301).
Trouillard, Jean. La mystagogie de Proclus. Paris, 1982.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Van Lifferinge, Carine. La Théurgie. Des Oracles Chaldaïques à
Dodds, E. R. “Theurgy and Its Relation to Neoplatonism.” Jour-
Proclus. Liège, 1999.
nal of Roman Studies 37 (1947): 55–69. Reprinted in The
Greeks and the Irrational (Berkeley, 1951), pp. 283–311.
RICHARD A. NORRIS (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Iamblichus of Chalcis. Les mystères d’Égypte. Edited by Édouard
des Places. Paris, 1966.
Lewy, Hans. Chaldaean Oracles and Theurgy: Mysticism, Magic
THIASOI
and Platonism in the Later Roman Empire. 2d rev. ed. Paris,
is a term in Greek religious cults that designates
1978, with a preface by Michel Tardieu.
the followers or adherents of a deity who, as a more or less
formally organized group, participate in communal and pri-
New Sources
vate celebrations. While the Sanskrit root-word dhiyaindhas
Blumenthal, Henry I., and E. Gillian Clark, eds. The Divine Iam-
blichus, Philosopher and Man of Gods. Bristol, 1993.
denotes devout and reverent supplication, the Greek term
thiasos has become most strongly associated with the orgiastic
Bregman, Jay. “Judaism as Theurgy in the Religious Thought of
and ecstatic frenzy of the worshipers of Dionysos, with fea-
the Emperor Julian.” Ancient World 26 (1995): 135–149.
tures made famous through Euripides’ The Bacchae, such as
Di Pasquale Barbanti. Maria. Proclo tra filosofia e teurgia. Catania,
omophagia (tearing animals apart and eating their raw flesh).
1983.
The Dionysian thiasoi comprise such groups as the Maenads
Finamore, John F. “Plotinus and Iamblichus on Magic and The-
and Thyiads, which during the winter months performed
urgy.” Dionysius 17 (1999): 83–94.
their frenzied dances in trancelike states beyond “civilized”
Fowden, Garth. The Egyptian Hermes: A Historical Approach to the
regions (i.e., cities and temple precincts) in the “wilderness,”
Late Pagan Mind. rev. ed. Princeton, 1993. See Chapters 5
in order to reenact the mythic fate of Dionysos himself (who
and 6.
was torn apart by Titans) as well as to reawaken the god of
Hadot, Ilsetraut. “Die Stellung des Neuplatonikers Simplikios
spring and fertility. While the thiasoi may have originated
zum Verhältnis der Philosophie zu Religion und Theurgie.”
with the celebrations of any deity of the polis, after the fifth
In Metaphysik und Religion. Zur Signatur des spätantiken
century BCE they seem to become more privatized, to be di-
Denkens. Akten des Internationalen Kongresses vom 13.–17.
März 2001 in Würzburg, ed. by Theo Kobusch and Michael
vorced at the same time from any specific sanctuary, and to
Erler, pp. 323–342. Munich, 2002.
lose their gender-specific separation of initiation rituals
through which an individual becomes conversant with the
Iamblichus. De Mysteriis. Translated with an introduction and
notes by Emma C. Clarke, John M. Dillon, and Jackson P.
mystery.
Hershbell. Leiden, 2004.
Thiasoi could be interpreted as the sometimes more
Johnston, Sarah Iles. Hekate Soteira: a Study of Hekate’s Roles in
public, sometimes more esoteric and secret fraternities,
the Chaldaean Oracles and Related Literature. Atlanta, 1989.
guilds, or clubs that are devoted and dedicated to any deity:
Johnston, Sarah Iles. “Riders in the Sky: Cavalier Gods and The-
in short, they are cult associations. Most commonly these as-
urgic Salvation in the Second Century A.D.” Classical Philol-
sociations were segregated by gender and age: as we find fe-
ogy 87 (1992): 303–321.
male attendants of Dionysos, we have also male clubs such
Leppin, Hartmut. “Proklos. Der Philosoph als Theurg.” In Ge-
as the Corybantes and Curetes for Zeus. The tendency to-
lehrte in der Antike. Alexander Demandt zum 65. Geburtstag,
ward dramatic representation and enactment of a deity’s
edited by Andreas Goltz, Andreas Luther and Heinrich Sch-
mythic deeds appears in all such cult associations. All of them
lange-Schöningen, pp. 251–260. Cologne, 2002.
seem to have used such paraphernalia as masks and costumes.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THOMAS À KEMPIS
9159
Thiasoi may be closely related to such phenomena as
THOMAS À KEMPIS (1379/80–1471), also known
women’s and men’s initiation clubs as found in the form of
as Thomas Hemerken, late medieval Christian mystic. Born
secret societies in many extant cultures. The Greek under-
in the German town of Kempen, near Cologne, Thomas at
standing would have come close to such dramatization of
age fourteen entered one of the schools of the Brethren of
mythic events through imitation and identification: Plato
the Common Life in the Dutch city of Deventer and spent
mentions that the human thiasoi imitate their divine proto-
the rest of his long life in the Netherlands. Ordained to the
types (Plato, Laws 815b). The initiation ordeals and actions
priesthood in 1413, he entered an Augustinian monastery
of some cult associations can be historically verified, while
near Zwolle, where he remained until his death. A reputed
the content and existence of many other such organizations
portrait of Thomas carries this inscription: “In all things I
must remain conjectural, such as the Idaean Dactyls, the Tel-
sought quietness and found it only in retirement and books.”
chines, or the Cyclops, which could all have been mythic rep-
Whether or not the portrait is indeed one of Thomas, the
resentations of existing secret craft associations of smiths.
legend is one that accurately describes him.
What is certain is the development from purely religious
His lasting fame proceeds from the book Imitation of
and mystical cult associations to guild and craft associations
Christ. While its authorship cannot be firmly established and
(technitai), which continue to have religious characteristics.
has been disputed by many scholars, the preponderance of
These guilds enjoyed many privileges, such as the right to
opinion is that Thomas was the author. A devotional manual
asylum and freedom from taxation or military service. They
for personal spiritual growth and development, Imitation of
were led by a priest of the Dionysos cult. In many ways the
Christ has been an influential guide to personal piety for per-
Greek development of clubs organized by gender and age
sons as different as Samuel Johnson and John Wesley. The
seems to run a similar course, from mystical initiation and
number of known editions far exceeds two thousand.
dramatic enacting of sacred history to rational organization
of crafts and guilds, as we find in the development of frater-
The fifteenth century saw a reaction against what was
nities and sororities in the history of Christianity.
felt to be the excessively intellectual quality of medieval scho-
lasticism. Imitation of Christ reflects these feelings in its
B
marked Christocentricity and its insistence upon experience
IBLIOGRAPHY
Burkert, Walter. Griechische Religion der archaischen und klassisc-
rather than reason, and it presents a kind of piety that has
hen Epoche. Stuttgart, 1977. Fine summary of the diverse in-
appealed far beyond the Middle Ages. It shares many basic
terpretations of religious associations.
assumptions with eighteenth-century Protestant pietism and
Der kleine Pauly: Lexikon der antike. 5 vols. Munich, 1964–1975.
was an influential work for this movement, particularly in
Encyclopedic collation on the basis of Paulys Realencyclopä-
England and Germany.
die; emphasizing the secularization of religious associations
The reputation of the book has diminished in the twen-
in Hellenistic times.
tieth century because of its innate quietism. The social impli-
New Sources
cations of the gospel and the activism that it might require
Avram, Alexandru. “Der dionysische thiasos in Kallatis: Organisa-
find no support in Thomas’s book. But wherever Christiani-
tion, Repräsentation, Funktion.” In Religiöse Vereine in der
ty is seen as consisting primarily in personal devotion and
römischen Antike. Untersuchungen zu Organisation, Ritual
private piety, the work’s traditional reputation still holds.
und Raumordnung, edited by Ulrike Egelhaaf-Gaiser und Al-
fred Schäfer, pp. 69–80. Tübingen, 2002.
Apart from Imitation of Christ, Thomas’s writings have
Gentili, Bruno. “Il Partenio di Alcmane e l’amore omoerotico
attracted little lasting attention. His Small Alphabet for a
femminile nei tiasi spartani.” Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura
Monk in the School of God is in much the same vein as Imita-
Classica 22 (1976): 59–67.
tion. A number of biographies of leaders in the Brethren of
Kloppenborg, John S. “Collegia and Thiasoi: Issues in Function,
the Common Life breathe the same spirit but have never at-
Taxonomy and Membership.” In Voluntary Associations in
tained the same popularity.
the Graeco-Roman World, edited by John S. Kloppenborg
Scholars have disagreed rather sharply about the rela-
and Sthephen G. Wilson, pp. 16–30. London-New York,
1996.
tionship of Thomas to later movements, such as the Protes-
tant Reformation. Albert Hyma argued that there was direct
L’association dionysiaque dans les sociétés anciennes. Actes de la table
continuity between him and his school and Martin Luther.
ronde organisée par l’École française de Rome (Rome 24–25 mai
1984). Paris, 1986.
R. R. Post, on the other hand, maintained that the disconti-
nuity was far greater than the continuity, especially in the
Schlesier, Renate. “Die Seele im Thiasos: zu Euripides, Bacchae
75.” In Psukhe - Seele - Anima: Festschrift für Karin Alt zum
way Thomas insisted on the virtues of monastic life. No defi-
7. Mai 1998, ed. by Jens Holzhausen, pp. 37–72. Stuttgart,
nite answer is possible. Whatever his influence on Luther and
1998.
Erasmus, it is known that Imitation was the favorite book of
Villanueva Puig, Marie-Christine. “Le cas du thiase dionysiaque.”
Ignatius Loyola, the founder of the Society of Jesus.
Ktèma 23 (1998): 365–374.
For the most part Thomas simply ignored the peculiari-
KLAUS-PETER KÖPPING (1987)
ties of later medieval theology, concentrating instead on his
Revised Bibliography
own inner experience. It is for this reason that the popularity
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9160
THOMAS AQUINAS
of Imitation of Christ has far transcended the author’s time
By 1243 Thomas was attracted to the Dominicans liv-
and place. A devotionalist rather than a theologian, Thomas
ing nearby at the priory of San Domenico. This order of
has had a continuing appeal to persons of similar disposition.
mendicant friars, founded by Dominic (1170–1221) and
confirmed by Pope Honorius III in 1216, was devoted to
BIBLIOGRAPHY
preaching, study, and the common life. Impressed by their
Hyma, Albert. The Brethren of the Common Life. Grand Rapids,
apostolic zeal, poverty, and simplicity and free from obliga-
Mich., 1950.
tion, Thomas received the habit in April 1244 at the age of
Hyma, Albert. The Christian Renaissance: A History of “Devotio
nineteen. Under normal circumstances he would have made
Moderna.” 2d ed. Hamden, Conn., 1965.
his novitiate at San Domenico, but because the friars feared
Post, R. R. The Modern Devotion: Confrontation with Reformation
that Thomas’s family might intervene forcibly to prevent his
and Humanism. Leiden, 1968.
entrance to the order, he was sent to Rome. At Rome it was
Schaff, David S. The Middle Ages from Boniface VIII, 1294, to the
decided that he should go to Paris, and so early in May 1244
Protestant Reformation, 1517, vol. 5, pt. 2, of History of the
he left Rome in the company of John of Wildeshausen, third
Christian Church. New York, 1910.
master of the order, and John’s companions, who were trav-
HOWARD G. HAGEMAN (1987)
eling to Bologna for the general chapter that met annually
at Pentecost.
Learning of her son’s entry into a begging order, Teo-
THOMAS AQUINAS (Tommaso d’Aquino, 1225–
dora, now head of the family, hastened to Naples, then to
1274), Italian Dominican theologian, doctor of the church,
Rome, only to learn that her son had departed for Bologna.
patron of Roman Catholic schools, and Christian saint. One
She sent orders to her older son Rinaldo, who was with Fred-
of the most important and influential scholastic theologians,
erick’s army north of Rome, to intercept Thomas and bring
Thomas is seen by the Roman Catholic church as uniquely
him home by force if necessary. Rinaldo and his escort inter-
“her very own” (Pius XI). He has been honored with the
cepted the travelers near Acquapendente, north of papal ter-
scholastic titles Doctor Communis (thirteenth century) and
ritory, and forced Thomas to return on horseback. Stopping
Doctor Angelicus (fifteenth century), among others.
for the night at the family castle of Montesangiovanni in
LIFE AND WORKS. The youngest son of Landolfo d’Aquino,
papal territory, the soldiers secured the services of a local
lord of Roccasecca and Montesangiovanni and justiciary of
prostitute to seduce Thomas, but to no avail. The next day
Emperor Frederick II, and his second wife, Teodora of Chie-
the group rode to Roccasecca, where Thomas was restricted
ti, Thomas had five sisters, three older brothers, and at least
to the castle until Frederick II was excommunicated and de-
three half brothers. The family castle of Roccasecca, where
posed by the Council of Lyons on July 17, 1245. By then
Thomas was born, midway between Rome and Naples, was
Teodora and her daughters saw that further attempts to
on a mountain in the northwest corner of the kingdom of
change Thomas’s resolve were useless and allowed him to re-
Sicily. Sicily was ruled by the Hohenstaufen emperor Freder-
join the friars in Naples, from whence he was sent to Paris.
ic II (1194–1250), who was in almost continual warfare with
the papal armies of Honorius III (1216–1227), Gregory IX
Arriving at the priory of Saint-Jacques by October
(1227–1241), and Innocent IV (1243–1254). Divided polit-
1245, Thomas began his studies at the University of Paris
ical and religious loyalties rendered the position of the
under Albertus Magnus, who was then lecturing on the writ-
d’Aquino family precarious.
ings of Dionysius the Areopagite. After three years of study
in Paris, Thomas and others accompanied Albertus to Co-
Thomas spent his first five years at the family castle
logne, where a new studium generale was to be established,
under the care of his mother and a nurse. As the youngest
as decreed by the general chapter of Paris in 1248. For the
son of the family, Thomas was given (oblatus, “offered”) to
next four years Thomas continued to attend and write down
the Benedictine abbey of Monte Cassino by his parents at
Albert’s lectures on Dionysius and his questions on Aristot-
the age of five or six in the firm hope that he would eventual-
le’s Ethics. As Albert’s junior bachelor (1250–1252), Thomas
ly choose the monastic life and become abbot. His earliest
lectured cursorily on Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Lamentations.
training was in the spiritual life, mainly through the Latin
psalter, and in the rudiments of reading, writing, and mathe-
The position of the mendicant friars at the University
matics. The struggle between the pope and the emperor
of Paris came under increasingly severe attack from secular
reached a climax in 1239, when Frederick was excommuni-
masters, particularly William of Saint-Amour. By 1252 the
cated a second time. The imperial troops occupied the abbey,
Dominican master general was eager to send promising
foreigners were expelled, and the young students were sent
young men to the university to prepare for inception as mas-
to one of the Benedictine houses in Naples to attend the im-
ter (full professor). Albert convinced the master general to
perial university founded in 1224 as a rival to Bologna. At
send Thomas, despite his young age, to study for the univer-
the university, where Thomas remained until 1244, he stud-
sity chair for non-Parisians. Thomas began his studies under
ied under Master Martin (grammar and logic) and Peter of
Elias Brunet de Bergerac in the fall of 1252, lecturing on
Ireland (natural philosophy). It was there that he was intro-
Peter Lombard’s Sentences for four years. His originality and
duced to Aristotle’s philosophy.
clarity of thought were conspicuous in his teaching and writ-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THOMAS AQUINAS
9161
ing, notably in his commentary on the Sentences; On Being
pleted and in circulation by 1268. More subtle questions
and Essence, on the meaning of certain metaphysical terms;
were disputed in the Roman school in a special series on the
and in a short treatise entitled Principles of Nature. In the lat-
power of God (De potentia) and on evil (De malo). In addi-
ter work he unequivocally defended (1) a real distinction be-
tion, Thomas lectured on the Bible during this period.
tween essence and existence (esse) in all creatures, (2) the pure
potentiality of primary matter, (3) absence of matter in spiri-
By the end of 1268, Thomas was ordered to return to
tual substance (substantia separata), (4) participation of all
Paris, as was the Frenchman Peter of Tarentaise (the future
created reality, material and immaterial, in God’s being
Pope Innocent V), to counter a revival of antimendicant sen-
(esse), and (5) the Aristotelian dependence of abstracted uni-
timent among secular masters. When Thomas and his secre-
versals on individually existing material things.
tary Reginald of Piperno arrived in Paris early in 1269,
Thomas realized that the situation was far more complex and
Under tense circumstances in the spring of 1256,
serious than he had assumed. Almost single-handedly he was
Thomas, though underage, was given license to incept by an
required to fend off attacks on three fronts: with all mendi-
order of Pope Alexander IV dated March 3. When finally he
cants against secular masters opposed to mendicants’ being
was allowed to incept, by an order of the pope dated June
in the university; with a few of his confreres against most of
17, he and his audience had to be protected by soldiers of
the Dominicans, Franciscans, and secular theologians, op-
Louis IX because the animosity of the town and some stu-
posed to using Aristotle in theology; and with most theolo-
dents against the mendicants was so great. William of Saint-
gians against young philosophers who tended to promulgate
Amour’s antimendicant book On the Perils of the Last Days,
heretical views under the name of Aristotle or his commenta-
sent to Rome by the king for examination, was condemned
tor Ibn Rushd (Averroës). Over the next five years Thomas
by the pope on October 5, and William was permanently ex-
fulfilled his university obligations to lecture on the Bible, to
iled from Paris by the king. Thomas’s reply to William’s
hold disputations, and to preach, while also carrying on a
charges (Contra impugnantes Dei cultum et religionem), com-
vigorous polemic against the antimendicants, expounding all
pleted in late September or early October, arrived in Rome
the major works of Aristotle, writing his Summa theologiae,
after the pope had made his decision and, therefore, did not
and replying to numerous requests for his opinions.
influence the outcome.
Revival of the antimendicant controversy under Gérard
Enjoying a respite from the antimendicant polemic,
Thomas lectured from 1256 to 1259 on the Bible, held scho-
d’Abbeville and his colleagues at Paris (encouraged by the ex-
lastic disputations (Quaestiones disputatae de veritate) over
iled William) centered largely on the role of evangelical pov-
three years, preached, and began composing his Summa con-
erty in the spiritual life and on the practice of admitting
tra gentiles (1259–1264), apparently for Dominican mis-
young boys into their novitiate. Thomas attacked the views
sionaries in Spain and North Africa. This systematic summa-
of Gérard in his quodlibetal disputations (1269–1271), in
ry in four books is an arsenal of sound and persuasive
two polemical treatises on Christian perfection, and in his
arguments “against the gentiles,” that is, nonbelievers and
Summa (2.2.179–189). This phase of the controversy ended
heretics.
with the death of its chief protagonists, William of Saint-
Amour on September 13, 1272, and Gérard at Paris that
Having served the order’s interests in Paris, Thomas re-
same year on November 8.
turned to Italy where he taught, wrote, and preached from
1259 to 1268. After spending two years in his home priory
On December 10, 1270, thirteen philosophical proposi-
of Naples, he was assigned to teach at Orvieto (1261–1265),
tions opposed to the Catholic faith were condemned by
where he lectured to the community on Job and was of great
Étienne Tempier, bishop of Paris. To prevent such views
service to Pope Urban IV. At the pope’s request, he com-
from developing in the classroom, Thomas undertook a de-
posed the liturgy for the new Feast of Corpus Christi and ex-
tailed literal commentary on all the main texts of Aristotle
pressed his views in Against the Errors of the Greeks on doctri-
then in common use at the University of Paris. It is possible
nal points disputed by Greek and Latin Christians. Having
that Thomas began his commentary on De anima in Italy,
thereby discovered the richness of the Greek patristic tradi-
but all the others were written after his return to Paris in
tion, he also began compiling a continuous gloss, or exposi-
1269, namely, the commentaries on Physics, On Interpreta-
tion, of the Gospels (Catena aurea), made up almost entirely
tion, Posterior Analytics, Ethics, Metaphysics, Politics, and cer-
of excerpts from the writings of the Greek and Latin fathers,
tain others left unfinished at his death. Because all these
dedicating the commentary on Matthew to Urban IV. In
works of Aristotle were used as textbooks in the arts faculty
June 1265, the provincial chapter of Anagni assigned Thom-
and had to be taught by the young masters whose best guide
as to open a school of theology at Santa Sabina in Rome.
to date had been Ibn Rushd, Thomas therefore felt a particu-
Soon realizing that Peter Lombard’s Sentences, then in com-
lar urgency in writing his own commentaries that remained
mon use, was unsatisfactory for young beginners, Thomas
closer to the original sources and within the context of Chris-
projected a three-part survey of Catholic theology (Summa
tian faith. His unfinished expositions of Aristotle’s De caelo,
theologiae) that would be simpler, more orderly, and more
De generatione, and Metheora were among his last writings
inclusive than other works available. The first part was com-
at Naples.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9162
THOMAS AQUINAS
The extensive second part of the Summa theologiae was
THOUGHT. Thomas Aquinas was first and foremost a theolo-
entirely written at Paris during the intense years 1269 to
gian whose teachings have been officially endorsed by the
1272. This part, later subdivided into two parts, discusses the
Roman Catholic church. Since 1567 Thomas has been con-
ultimate goal of human life, namely, eternal life (2.1.1–5)
sidered one of the doctors of the church and has been num-
and the means of attaining it, namely, human acts, reason
bered among the great teachers of antiquity such as Augus-
(law), grace, and all the virtues considered in general (2.1)
tine, Jerome, Ambrose, and Gregory I. Moreover, the Latin
and in particular (2.2) as practiced in various states of life.
church has regarded Thomas as the model for all theologians,
The third part, begun at Paris, considers the incarnation and
requiring that his philosophy and his theology be taught in
life of Christ (3.1–59) and the sacraments, and was left in-
all seminaries and Catholic colleges.
complete on the subject of penance when Thomas died.
Philosophy. While giving primacy of place and impor-
Shortly after Easter 1272, Thomas left Paris with Friar
tance to what God has revealed through the Jewish people
Reginald for the chapter at Florence, which commissioned
and through Jesus Christ, Thomas recognized the much larg-
him to establish a theological studium anywhere he liked in
er, though less important, realm of knowledge available to
the Roman province. He chose his home priory of Naples,
unaided human reason. Unlike many of his contemporaries
where he subsequently taught, wrote, and preached. After
who merged reason into faith, Thomas emphasized the dis-
five years of intense activity, however, Thomas had a trau-
tinctness and importance of Aristotelian philosophy and the
matic experience while celebrating mass in the Chapel of
sciences, even for theology. His own strictly philosophical
Saint Nicholas on December 6, 1273. Although medieval bi-
thought is found in his numerous commentaries on Aristotle
ographers were uncertain about the nature of this experience,
and in independent treatises. In the manner of his contem-
it seems that Thomas suffered a breakdown of some sort. In
poraries in the universities, he adapted his own understand-
any case, his productive life had come to an end, and al-
ing of Aristotelian ideas, terminology, and methodology to
though he did remain physically mobile, he lived as if in a
the study of “sacred doctrine,” especially in his Summa
stupor.
theologiae.
Pope Gregory X personally requested that Thomas at-
Thomistic “philosophy” is basically Aristotelian, empir-
tend the Second Council of Lyons due to open on May 1,
ical, and realist, or what G. K. Chesterton called “organized
1274. He also asked him to bring a copy of his treatise
common sense.” Thomas preferred an order of study that
Against the Errors of the Greeks, composed for Urban IV.
presupposed the liberal arts and mathematics and began with
Leaving Naples with Reginald and others early in February,
Aristotelian logic, principally On Interpretation and the Pos-
Thomas had a serious accident near Maenza in which he hit
terior Analytics; moved through natural philosophy, involv-
his head against an overhanging branch and was knocked
ing all the natural sciences, including psychology; treated
down. Growing weaker, Thomas asked to stop at the castle
moral philosophy, including political science; and concluded
of Maenza, home of his niece Francesca, the wife of Annibal-
with metaphysics, or first philosophy, which today would in-
do, count of Ceccano. Lent had already begun on February
clude epistemology and natural theology.
14, and Thomas’s condition became so serious that he asked
In logic the Aristotelian categories, syllogisms, and rules
to be transported to the nearby Cistercian monastery of Fos-
of correct reasoning for “demonstration” as distinct from
sanova, where the old abbot Theobald was a member of the
“dialectics” and “sophisms” are considered essential for an
Ceccano family. There he received the last rites and died
accurate understanding of all other disciplines. Of special im-
early Wednesday morning March 7, 1274. Thomas’s re-
portance are the meaning of “scientific” knowledge based on
mains stayed at Fossanova until they were transferred by
“first principles” and the two ways in which both are ac-
order of Urban V to the Dominican priory in Toulouse on
quired: experience (via inventionis) or education (via disci-
Saturday, January 28, 1369, where they are today. Since the
plinae).
anniversary of Thomas’s death always falls in Lent, the Latin
church celebrates his feast on January 28.
In natural philosophy the existence of a physical world
and its substantial mutability are taken as self-evident in
Thomas had no immediate successors capable of grasp-
order to establish the first principles of change: matter (po-
ing his originality and profundity, although he had many ad-
tentiality), form (actuality), and privation (immediate possi-
mirers. His labors in Paris were effectively dissipated by the
bility). Natural science is about natural things (not artificial
condemnation of 219 various propositions at Paris on March
or incidental), things that have within themselves “nature”
7, 1277, and of 30 different propositions at Oxford on
either as an actual principle (form as a dynamic source of ac-
March 18 that same year. Sixteen propositions of the Paris
tivity) or as a passive principle (matter as receptive of outside
list reflected the thought of Thomas; three of the Oxford list
forces). The aim of natural science is to understand all natu-
directly concerned unicity of substantial form in material
ral things through their material, efficient, formal, and final
composites, a pivotal Thomistic thesis. It was not until
causes. In so doing the naturalist discovers an ultimate, intel-
Thomas’s canonization on July 18, 1323, that a new genera-
ligent, efficient, and final cause that is not physical (i.e., not
tion of largely self-taught Thomists could begin to teach and
material and not mutable) and is the “first cause” and “agent”
develop his teachings freely.
of all that is natural. The noblest part of this science is the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THOMAS AQUINAS
9163
study of the whole human person composed of matter
curricular aid for beginners who needed an overview of “sa-
(body) and form (soul). This study also shows that the
cred doctrine.” Although the Summa is divided into three
human soul has functions, namely, understanding and free
parts, its conceptual unity is the Dionysian circle of the exitus
choice, that transcend the limitations of animal nature,
(“going forth”) of all things from God and the reditus
thereby proving the soul to be immaterial, created, and im-
(“return”) of all things to God. The First Part considers God
mortal.
and the coming forth of all things from God. The Second
and Third parts consider the final goal of human life and the
Moral philosophy for Aristotle and Thomas presup-
actual return of all things to God. The two parts of the Sec-
poses psychology and deals with human happiness, which is
ond Part consider the intrinsic means such as virtues, law,
the goal of each person in this life, and the optimum (morally
and grace, while the Third Part considers Christ and his sac-
good) means of attaining that goal for the individual, the
raments as indispensable extrinsic means to salvation. With-
family, and the body politic. The foundation of both goal
out doubt Thomas’s most original contribution to theology
and correct means is called the natural law, which is know-
was the large Second Part, on the virtues and vices, inserted
able by human reason but open to rejection by the individu-
between the original exitus and reditus found in all contem-
al. There are four cardinal virtues, or optimum means, for
porary summae of theology. The “Supplement” to the
use in every state of life: prudence, justice, fortitude, and
Summa fills out what Thomas left unfinished when he
temperance. The highest of these is prudence, which binds
ceased writing on December 6, 1273. It was compiled with
all virtues together and securely guides humanity to hap-
scissors and paste by Reginald and other secretaries from
piness.
Thomas’s earlier commentary on Peter Lombard’s Sentences
Finally metaphysics, or speculative wisdom (natural the-
(4.17–46). Certainly if Thomas had lived to finish the
ology), is about all being-as-such and about the First Cause
Summa, many more developed views would have been writ-
as the source of all being. For Thomas the most “sublime
ten than are now expressed there.
truth” of this wisdom is the realization that all creatures are
Because theology concerns mysteries revealed by God,
composed of a “nature” and a borrowed existence (esse),
it can in no way “prove” or “understand” these or any other
while God’s nature alone is “to exist.” God is subsistent exis-
mysteries. But it can clarify the terms used, determine what
tence itself (ipsum esse subsistens), the Necessary Being that
cannot be said, and defend the truth of revealed mysteries
cannot not be. As the highest science, metaphysics has the
against attacks from nonbelievers. Of all the revealed myster-
added task of ordering, defending, and safeguarding all other
ies, Thomas considered two as absolutely basic to the Chris-
sciences, speculative and practical. In this role it examines the
tian religion: the trinity of persons in one God and the incar-
roots and foundation of all human knowledge (epistemolo-
nation of the Son of God as true man born of Mary.
gy), natural religion, and public worship.
For Thomas the supernatural gifts of sanctifying grace
Theology. Thomistic “theology,” which Thomas calls
and the virtues (faith, hope, love, and the moral virtues) are
sacred doctrine, is distinct from pure philosophy and de-
normally conferred through baptism by water in the name
pends on the divine gift of faith, which involves the whole
of Jesus or the Trinity of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. But
realm of revelation, divine law, ecclesial worship, the spiritu-
in an adult the beginnings of this supernatural life are stirred
al life, and human speculation about these. The realm of
up by God before actual baptism by water. The supernatural
faith is in the strict sense “super-natural” in that its truths,
life of grace (gratia) experienced in this life is, for Thomas,
values, and efficacy transcend the realm of “nature.” Faith’s
already a foretaste of eternal life (gloria) in heaven. The over-
abilities are freely given by God for human salvation and are
flow of grace is expressed in good works and in the exercise
beyond the abilities of pure nature (cf. Rom. 11:5–6). The
of all the virtues.
content of faith concerns what one must believe (faith) and
do (morals) to gain eternal life as revealed by God. The life
Faith, hope, and love are called “theological” virtues, be-
of faith is a personal sharing by grace of the intimate trinitari-
cause they alone have God as their direct object. In the life
an life of God here and hereafter. The efficacy of the life of
to come, faith will give way to sight and hope will give way
faith is derived from the passion and death of Jesus Christ,
to the possession of God. Love, alone, which Thomas defines
God’s only begotten Son. These beliefs and morals are trans-
as friendship with God, will continue essentially unaltered
mitted in history through the Bible and through the living
in heaven in the degree of intensity achieved in this life. This
church founded by Christ on Peter and his successors.
divine friendship, which is none other than the indwelling
of the Trinity, is initiated by baptism, nourished by the Eu-
Thomas did not divide theology into such modern dis-
charist, and increased by prayer and service to one’s neigh-
ciplines as biblical and scholastic, positive and speculative,
bor. For Thomas, one’s place in heaven, or the intensity of
dogmatic and moral, spiritual and mystical, kerygmatic and
beatitude, is determined by the capacity for love developed
academic, and so on. In his day, however, each master in sa-
in this life.
cred theology lectured on the Bible, presided over scholastic
disputations on specific points, and also preached regularly
The sources of Thomas’s theology are the Vulgate Bible,
to the university community. Thomas wrote his Summa
the life and practice of the church, and the writings of all the
theologiae not as a replacement for the Bible but as an extra-
available Latin and Greek fathers in Latin translation. The
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9164
THOMAS AQUINAS
terminology, however, is always traditional, largely philo-
standing Roman Catholic theologians were Thomists. The
sophical, and often Aristotelian. For this reason it is impor-
influence of Thomas is clear throughout the council’s de-
tant to understand such technical terms as matter and form,
crees, notably on justification, the sacraments, and the mass.
substance and accidents, essence and existence, nature and
The influential Roman Catechism, published by order of Pius
operations, and soul and faculties, as well as the four Aristo-
V in 1566, was the work of three Dominican Thomists. Pius
telian causes, if one is to grasp the meaning of Thomas’s ex-
V declared Thomas a doctor of the church (1567) and or-
ceptionally lucid and simple Latin.
dered that the first Opera omnia (the “Piana”) be published
with the remarkable index (Tabula aurea) of Peter of Berga-
INFLUENCE. Apart from the admiration, love, and respect ac-
mo at Rome (18 vols., 1570–1571). Since the Piana edition,
corded him by scholars and theologians, Thomas exerted lit-
there have been ten editions of complete works apart from
tle influence by the time he died in 1274. At Paris his literary
the current critical edition ordered by Pope Leo XIII in 1879
and personal efforts could neither stem the tide of hetero-
(the “Leonine”).
doxy among teachers of philosophy nor abate the growing
fears of Augustinian theologians against the use of Aristotle
After the Reformation and throughout the scientific and
or any pagan philosopher in the schools of theology.
industrial revolutions, there was little interest in Thomistic
philosophy or theology outside the decimated Dominican
From 1278 onward, however, the general chapters of
order and scattered groups in Catholic countries. However,
the Dominican order showed an increasing concern that the
a Thomistic revival in Italy and Spain slowly grew and
writings of Thomas be at least respected within the order.
reached its culmination in the encyclical Aeterni Patris of Leo
By 1309 the chapter required all Dominican lectors to lec-
XIII (August 4, 1879), urging the study of Thomas’s works
ture from the works of Thomas, to solve problems according
by all students of theology, and in subsequent legislation by
to his doctrine, and to instruct their students in the same.
Leo and his successors. This revival focused on Thomistic
Even before his canonization, Dominicans were obliged to
philosophy as a system capable of countering the effects of
teach according to Thomas’s doctrine and the common
positivism, materialism, and secularism on Catholic beliefs
teaching of the church. In 1279 the Parisian Franciscan Wil-
and practices. This polemical intention was modified by the
liam de la Mare compiled a “correctory” (Correctorium) of
attitude of dialogue with the modern world that character-
Thomas’s writings, indicating therein where Thomas dif-
ized the approach of the Second Vatican Council (1962–
fered from Bonaventure and Augustine. In May 1282 this
1965). In this spirit Paul VI, in his encyclical on the seventh
correctory was made mandatory for all Franciscan teachers,
centenary of Thomas’s death (1974), proposed Thomas as
but by 1284 there were five defensive replies by young Do-
a model to theologians, not only with respect to his teachings
minican teachers, three of whom were Oxonians influenced
but with respect to his example of openness to the world and
by the brilliant Thomas Sutton, a self-taught Dominican
to truth from whatever the source. As a result, there has been
Thomist. The canonization of Thomas on July 18, 1323,
increased study and critical reappraisal of Thomas’s thought,
and the lifting in 1325 of the Parisian condemnation insofar
principles, and methodology. Although Thomism in the re-
as it touched or seemed to touch Thomas removed the fore-
stricted sense of a closed system seems no longer tenable, phi-
most barriers to the teaching of his ideas universally. But it
losophers and theologians of all traditions continue to have
was not until the sixteenth century that Thomists began to
recourse to Thomas’s thought as a milestone in human
develop his seminal principles in a notable way. An exception
thought and to develop his seminal insights in dialogue with
was the French Dominican John Capreolus (1380–1444),
modern thought and issues.
“the Prince of Thomists,” who in his Defensiones on the Sen-
tences incisively expounded and defended Thomas’s views
SEE ALSO Trent, Council of.
against Henry of Ghent, Duns Scotus, John of Ripa, William
of Ockham, and others.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
In the sixteenth century four influential teachers substi-
Works by Thomas Aquinas
tuted Thomas’s Summa for the standard Sentences of Peter
Of the ninety or more authentic works of Thomas there have been
Lombard: Peter Crokaert in Paris (in 1509); Thomas de Vio
numerous editions of individual works from 1461 to the
Cajetan at Pavia (in 1497), author of an important commen-
present day, over 180 incunabula editions alone. Since the
tary on the Summa, (1507–1522); Konrad Koellin at Heidel-
Roman edition of Pius V, Opera omnia (1570–1571), there
berg (1500–1511), author of a commentary on the first two
have been more than ten editions or reprints of older stand-
parts of the Summa (1512); and Francisco de Vitoria at Sala-
bys, but the only modern critical edition of the Opera omnia
manca (in 1526) and his many disciples throughout Spain.
is the Leonine, 48 vols. to date (Vatican City, 1882–). Both
English translations of the Summa theologiae (22 vols., Lon-
These Thomists were concerned not so much with defending
don, 1916–1938; bilingual edition, 60 vols., New York,
Thomism as with replying to issues raised by the reformers,
1964–1976) are far from satisfactory, except for some vol-
resolving new problems of an expanding civilization, and ap-
umes. Besides the older translation of the Summa contra gen-
plying Thomas’s principles to developments in international
tiles by the English Dominicans, there is a good edited trans-
law and the treatment of Indians in the New World. By the
lation by Anton C. Pegis, On the Truth of the Catholic Faith,
time of the Council of Trent (1545–1563), most of the out-
4 vols. in 5 (New York, 1955–1957). The most convenient
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THOR
9165
anthologies are Basic Writings, 2 vols., edited by Anton C.
THOR (ON, Þórr) was presumably the most popular god
Pegis (New York, 1945); Philosophical Texts, edited and
of the ancient Scandinavian peoples, who conferred upon
translated by Thomas Gilby (1951; reprint, Durham, N.C.,
him such epithets as ástvinr (“dear friend”) and fulltrúi
1982); and Theological Texts, edited and translated by Thom-
(“trusted friend”). The distribution of his cult is abundantly
as Gilby (1955; reprint, Durham, N.C., 1982). The best sin-
gle volume sampling of his writings in philosophy with good
documented by onomastic evidence; his name is found all
introductions by Vernon J. Bourke is The Pocket Aquinas
over present-day Scandinavia in place-names designating ei-
(New York, 1960).
ther cult sites or places dedicated to him—woods, fields,
hills, brooks, and lakes (de Vries, 1957, pp. 116–120).
Works on His Life and Writings
The most complete single volume on Thomas and his writings is
Equally abundant are the personal names with Thor- as
my own Friar Thomas d’Aquino: His Life, Thought, and
first component. About one-fourth of the immigrants to Ice-
Works (1974; reprinted with corrigenda and addenda, Wash-
land had such names, according to the Landnámabók. Viking
ington, D.C., 1983) with an annotated catalog of authentic
traders and raiders venerated him as their most powerful god
writings. Some of the more important biographical docu-
and honored him in their new settlements. Local sources re-
ments have been translated and edited by Kenelm Foster in
The Life of Saint Thomas Aquinas (Baltimore, 1959). All
port the worship of Þórr by the Norse invaders of Ireland;
modern studies of the writings must start with the pioneer
Þórr’s hammer, Mjo˛llnir, appeared on the coinage of the
work of Pierre Mandonnet, Des écrits authentiques de Saint
Scandinavian rulers of York in the tenth century; there was
Thomas d’Aquin (Fribourg, 1910), Martin Grabmann, Die
apparently a temple dedicated to Þórr by Varangian North-
Werke, 3d ed. (Münster, 1949), and some others.
men in Kiev in 1046; the Danes settling in Normandy are
General Works on His Life and Thought
said to have invoked “Tur.” Even the Lapps, who were
Bourke, Vernon J. Aquinas’ Search for Wisdom. Milwaukee, 1965.
strongly influenced by their Germanic neighbors, took Þórr
Excellent alternating biographical and doctrinal chapters that
Karl (“old man”) into their pantheon as the hammer god
should be read carefully to savor the wisdom of Thomas.
Horagalles. Furthermore, artifacts such as Þórr’s-hammer
Chenu, M.-D. Toward Understanding Saint Thomas Aquinas. Chi-
amulets bear witness to the strength and survival of his wor-
cago, 1964. Indispensable for understanding the medieval
ship even some time after the conversion to Christianity
context and genre of Thomas’s writings.
(eleventh century). In this context the Cross of Gosforth in
Chesterton, G. K. Saint Thomas Aquinas. London, 1933. A superb
Cumbria, England, is particularly striking, for this essentially
appreciation of “the dumb ox” that Gilson and Pegis would
Christian symbol bears a graphic representation of one of
have liked to have written, by a natural Thomist.
Þórr’s major myths, namely his fishing expedition with the
Copleston, Frederick C. Aquinas. Baltimore, 1967. Most appreci-
giant Hymir at the rim of the world ocean to catch the cos-
ated by historians of philosophy.
mic serpent Miðgarðsormr: the scene represents the god
“digging his heels so hard into the bottom of the boat” to
Gilson, Étienne. The Christian Philosophy of Saint Thomas Aqui-
nas. Translated from the fifth edition with a catalog of au-
draw the serpent on board “that both his legs went through
thentic works by I. T. Eschmann. New York, 1956. Gilson’s
it” (Snorri Sturluson, Gylfaginning 48).
chef d’œuvre, frequently revised over forty years of a distin-
Adam of Bremen, writing about 1080 and relying on
guished career with all his pet views.
the report of a Christian who had traveled to Sweden, de-
Maritain, Jacques. Saint Thomas, Angel of the Schools. London,
scribed the temple of Uppsala as having a triad of divine stat-
1946. Reflections on the life and significance of Thomas by
ues: Óðinn, Þórr, and Freyr were worshiped there, but Þórr
a distinguished modern Thomist.
occupied the central position “because he was the most pow-
McInerny, Ralph. Saint Thomas Aquinas (1977). Reprint, Notre
erful of them all.” This statement, which contradicts Snorri’s
Dame, 1982. The best short introduction to Thomas and his
ranking of Þórr in the second place, after Óðinn, presumably
chief sources: Aristotle, Boethius, and Augustine.
points to the fact that his closeness both to warriors and to
Pegis, Anton C. Introduction to Saint Thomas Aquinas. New York,
peasants gave him more prominence in popular circles than
1948. A handy volume with selections from both summas il-
the more “aristocratic” Óðinn. A satirical allusion to the so-
lustrating principal themes of Thomas’s thought.
cial distribution of the cults of the two gods is recognizable
Pieper, Josef. Guide to Thomas Aquinas. New York, 1962. A
in an exchange between plain, honest Þórr and Óðinn dis-
thoughtful invitation to explore the world of Thomas for re-
guised as a ferryman in the Eddic poem Hárbarzljóð: “Óðinn
flective students.
gets all the jarls slain by edge of swords, but Þórr gets the
Sertillanges, A. G. Saint Thomas Aquinas and His Work (1933).
breed of thralls.” The tradition represented by Adam, howev-
Reprint, London, 1957. An exciting period piece by a uni-
er, may also be found in the Old English homily De falsis
versity chaplain in Paris after World War I.
diis (Concerning false gods), commonly ascribed to Ælfric,
Walz, Angelus M. Saint Thomas Aquinas: A Biographical Study.
where Þórr is identified with Jupiter and is “arwurðost ealra
Westminster, Md., 1951. A much-consulted historian’s view
ðæra goda” (“the most venerable of all gods”). Several minor
of Thomas’s life and works; see the improved French adapta-
sources suggest that Þórr was also able to raise and use winds.
tion by Paul Novarino.
For Snorri Sturluson (Gylfaginning 21), Þórr s the strongest
JAMES A. WEISHEIPL (1987)
of the Æsir and the most important among them (after
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9166
THOR
Óðinn); his domain is Þrúðvangar (“fields of force”), and his
Mo˛kkurkálfi. Dumézil sees a warrior initiation pattern in
home, Bilskirnir (presumably “shining in flashes,” a reference
this two-level account, in which Þjálfi reproduces in a realis-
to his connection with lightning). He has two goats, Tan-
tic terrestrial way the almost cosmic martial exploit of Þórr
ngnjóstr (“tooth gnasher”) and Tanngrisnir (“grinner”),
(Dumézil, 1970, pp 158–159).
which pull his chariot; therefore, Þórr is called O
˛ kupórr
His interpretation is supported by a comic episode in
(“Þórr the charioteer”). He also has three precious objects:
Hrólfs saga kraka (chapter 23), in which the hero Bo˛ðvarr
his hammer Mjo˛llnir, which all giants fear; his “power belt,”
Bjarki initiates the coward Ho˛ttr, making a proper warrior
which doubles his strength; and his iron gauntlets, which he
of him. On the eve of the midwinter festival (Yule), King
needs to manipulate his hammer. His adventures are so nu-
Hrólfr forbids his men to leave his stronghold because an
merous that no one is able to tell them all.
enormous winged troll will appear and kill any champion
This describes rather well the personality and function
who challenges him. Bo˛ðvarr, however, goes out secretly to
of Þórr: he is a characteristic second-function god in the
face the troll, dragging the fearful Ho˛ttr along. The monster
Dumézilian tripartite system, the typical representative of
arrives, and while Ho˛ttr shrinks in the mud in terror,
the warrior class, the champion of the gods, the bulwark of
Bo˛ðvarr dispatches the beast with one thrust of his sword.
the Æsir against the onslaughts of the giants. His whole ca-
Picking up Ho˛ttr, he forces him to drink two gulps of the
reer illustrates this functional role. Perhaps one of the best
troll’s blood and eat a piece of his heart, after which he en-
examples is the story of his combat with Hrungnir (Snorri
gages in a wrestling match with the young man. Ho˛ttr comes
Sturluson, Skáldskaparmál 3). The sequence of events can be
out of this test a truly strong and courageous fighter. They
summarized as follows. Having followed Óðinn in a wild gal-
then stand the monster on its feet, as if it were still alive, and
lop into Àsgarðr, the giant Hrungnir is invited by the Æsir
return to the king’s castle. The following morning, much to
to drink with them. His obstreperous behavior soon compels
the king’s surprise, Ho˛ttr volunteers to go out and “kill” the
the Æsir to call upon Þórr to put an end to his drunken
monster. Ultimately, Hrólfr is not fooled, but he accepts
boasts and threats, but the laws of hospitality prevent the
Ho˛ttr’s overnight transformation into a real champion and
champion of the gods from sealing the giant’s fate then and
renames him Hjalti, after the king’s sword Gullinhjalti
there. As a result, Þórr is challenged to a single combat with
(“golden hilt”).
Hrungnir at the boundary between the realm of the Æsir and
Another well-known adventure of Þórr is narrated in the
Jo˛tunheimr (the land of the giants). To back up Hrungnir
Eddic Þrymskviða. One day Þórr wakes up and realizes to his
in his fight, the giants build the monstrous Mo˛kkurkálfi, a
dismay that Mjo˛llnir has been stolen. He dispatches Loki,
huge clay warrior equipped with a mare’s heart. Þjálfi, Þórr’s
equipped with Freyja’s falcon coat, to Jo˛tunheimr to look for
astute attendant, persuades Hrungnir that he will be attacked
it. Loki soon finds out that the giant Þrymr has gotten hold
from below, and makes him stand on his shield, exposing
of Þórr’s mighty weapon and refuses to return it unless he
him to a fulgurant assault from the sky. Þórr’s hammer clash-
gets Freyja as a bride in exchange. Freyja does not want to
es in midair with the hurled hone of the giant; Mjo˛llnir
hear anything about marrying the uncouth giant, and the
smashes Hrungnir’s skull while fragments of whetstone are
gods assemble in council to look for a solution to Þórr’s di-
scattered all around. One lodges in Þórr’s head as Hrungnir
lemma. On Heimdallr’s advice, they decide that Þórr himself
drops dead over him and has to be removed by Þórr’s fantas-
must go to Þrymr, disguised as a bride and escorted by Loki.
tically strong three-year-old son, Magni. Meanwhile, Mök-
After their arrival in Þrymr’s hall, a lavish meal is served to
kurkálfi has ingloriously collapsed under Þjálfi’s strokes. A
the travelers from Ásgarðr, but Þórr almost betrays himself
last episode shows how the witch Gróa attempts to remove
by his gluttony. Loki, however, saves the day by stating that
the piece of Hrungnir’s whetstone from Þórr’s head but for-
“Freyja yearned so much for Jo˛tunheimr that she fasted for
gets her spells and incantations in the joy of learning that her
eight full nights.” The situation threatens to deteriorate again
husband, Aurvandill, has been safely brought home out of
when Þrymr attempts to kiss his “bride” and discovers the
the icy North by Þórr.
murderous flames in “her” eyes. Again, Loki finds the proper
excuse: “So much did Freyja long to be in Jo˛tunheimr that
Snorri’s narrative illustrates important features of the
she did not sleep for eight full nights.” Then, Þrymr’s sister
ethics and usages of the warrior class: respect for the laws of
comes to claim her bridal gift, and Þrymr has the hammer
hospitality (e.g., in spite of Hrungnir’s outrageous behavior,
Mjo˛llnir brought in and placed on his alleged bride’s knees,
Þórr cannot touch him as long as he is a guest in Àsgarðr);
whereupon Þórr grabs his weapon and ruthlessly crushes the
taboo on striking down an unarmed adversary (killing him
skulls of all the giants around him.
would be an act of cowardice); moral obligation to accept a
challenge to a duel; single combat, to be waged in the no-
No other source duplicates the contents of this remark-
man’s-land between two enemy territories. The significance
able Eddic lay, which achieves its effect with an admirable
of the dummy (Mo˛kkurkálfi) that the giants erect at the loca-
economy of means and a robust sense of humor, paired with
tion of the duel has been ingeniously explained by Georges
a well-structured scenario and marvelous characterization of
Dumézil: Þórr faces and defeats the “stone-hearted” monster,
the actors in this little drama. Although the poet undoubted-
and his “second,” Þjálfi, duplicates his exploit by destroying
ly took his material from older mythological sources, the bal-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THOTH
9167
lad style of the text and the jocular presentation of the argu-
hafra njótr (“user of goats”), and the Hymiskviða (st. 31) de-
ment clearly indicate that the Þrymskviða is one of the more
scribes him as hafra dróttinn (“lord of goats”). The picture
recent poems of the Edda. The ludicrous disguise of the
of Þórr riding a vehicle drawn by goats appears repeatedly
champion of the gods is unthinkable in the older tradition,
in the literature (e.g., in Hauslo˛ng 15), and according to a
where it would have been completely excluded by the explicit
story, perhaps from the late twelfth or early fourteenth centu-
abhorrence of the Æsir for transvestism and other forms of
ry but preserved in Flateyjarbók (1387–1390), when king
ergi (“unmanly behavior”), as illustrated by the Lokasenna
Óláfr Tryggvason entered the pagan temple at Mærin in the
(23–24), for example.
Trondheim district, he found a statue of Þórr, adorned with
gold and silver, seated on a splendid carriage drawn by finely
The text, however, indicates the importance of Þórr’s
carved wooden goats (Turville-Petre, 1964, p. 82).
hammer, Mjo˛llnir, which is not only associated with the
thunderbolt, as its name perhaps indicates (it has been ety-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
mologically connected with Russian molniia and with Welsh
de Vries, Jan. Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte, vol. 2. 2d rev. ed.
mellt, “lightning,” but it can also be cognate with Old Norse
Berlin, 1957.
mala, “grind,” mo⁄lva, “crush”) and appears to be used to hal-
de Vries, Jan. Altnordische Literaturgeschichte, vol. 2: Die Literatur
low the bride (Þrymskviða 30: “brúði at vígja”). This latter
von etwa 1150–1300; Die Spätzeit nach 1300. 2d ed. Berlin,
function has sometimes been associated with fertility, as the
1967.
hammer can be considered a phallic symbol, but there is ob-
Dumézil, Georges. The Destiny of the Warrior. Translated by Alf
viously more to the consecration with Þórr’s hammer, as the
Hiltebeitel. Chicago, 1970.
description of Baldr’s funeral indicates (Snorri Sturluson,
Gylfaginning 49): “Þórr vígði bálit með Mjo˛llni” (“Þórr hal-
Lindow, John. “Thor’s Duel with Hrungnir.” Alvíssmál 6 (1996):
lowed the pyre with Mjo˛llnir”). This would be done either
3–20.
to restore the god to life or to protect him from danger on
Lindow, John. “Thor’s Visit to Útgarðaloki.” Oral Tradition 15
his journey to the world of the dead. Since Baldr does not
(2000): 170–186.
come back until after Ragnaro˛k, the second hypothesis pre-
Ljungberg, Helge. Tor. Undersökningar i indoeuropeisk och nordisk
sumably prevails. It is furthermore confirmed by the repeated
religionshistoria. vol. 1. Uppsala universitets a˚rsskrift 1947: 9.
mention of Þórr as protector of the dead in memorial inscrip-
Uppsala and Leipzig, 1947.
tions on rune stones, especially in Denmark and southern
Perkins, Richard. Thor the Wind-Raiser and the Eyrarland Image.
Sweden, the earliest being found in Rök, East Götland, in
London, 2001.
the mid-ninth century. Thus, the inscription of Glavendrup
Ross, Margaret Clunies. “Þórr’s Honour.” In Studien zum Altger-
(which is found on the Danish island of Fyn and dates to
manischen. Festschrift für Heinrich Beck, edited by Heiko
about 900–925) reads: “Þur uiki pas runar” (“May Þórr hal-
Uecker, pp. 48–76. Berlin and New York, 1994.
low these runes”).
Turville-Petre, E. O. G. Myth and Religion of the North: The Reli-
gion of Ancient Scandinavia. New York, 1964.
The control of Þórr’s hammer over life and death is also
illustrated by the following tale about Þórr’s goats (Gylfagin-
EDGAR C. POLOMÉ (1987)
ning 44): One day, while on a journey with Loki, Þórr decid-
JOSEPH HARRIS (2005)
ed to ask a farmer for hospitality for the night. For the eve-
ning meal, Þórr slaughtered his own goats, and after skinning
them, cooked them in a cauldron. When the stew was ready,
THOTH was the god of wisdom from Hermopolis in
he invited the farmer and his family to share it with him and
Middle Egypt. According to the Hermopolitan cosmology
his travel companion. The next morning, Þórr rose at day-
(which is best known from texts found at other sites), the
break and went to the goatskins with the leftover bones.
eight primordial gods representing “hiddenness,” “darkness,”
Raising his hammer, Mjo˛llnir, he consecrated them, and the
“formlessness” (?), and the “watery abyss” produced an egg
goats stood up as if nothing had happened to them. Howev-
that appeared at Hermopolis when the inundation subsided
er, one of them was found to be lame in a hind leg. When
and from which the creator god appeared and brought every-
he noticed it, Þórr realized that a thigh-bone had been split
thing else into being. When mentioned in the Heliopolitan
for marrow, and he was angry with the farmer and his house-
Pyramid Texts, this creator god was Atum, but in the local
hold for doing such a stupid thing. The farmer was terrified,
Hermopolitan tradition he could have been Thoth.
and Þórr’s angry reproach sounded like a death knell to him.
As his frightened family screamed, he begged his dangerous
Thoth was the moon god and as such was the compan-
guest for mercy and offered him all he had in compensation.
ion of Re, the sun god, but he also had his own following
Þórr relented and specified that he would take along the far-
among the stars in the night sky. One mortuary tradition,
mer’s two children—his son, Þjalfi, and his daughter,
probably originating at Hermopolis, permitted the dead who
Ro˛skva—as bond servants.
knew the correct spells to accompany Thoth in the sky.
Thoth was the son of Re, but he also represented the injured
The association of Þórr with goats is abundantly docu-
eye of the falcon-headed sky god, Horus, whose sound eye
mented. They pull his chariot; the Húsdrapá (st. 3) calls him
was Re. For unknown reasons Thoth is identified with both
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9168
THRACIAN RELIGION
the ibis and the baboon. He is regularly depicted as a human
Boylan, Patrick. Thoth, the Hermes of Egypt. New York, 1922.
with the head of an ibis. Baboons often appear in temple re-
C
ˇ erny´, Jaroslav. “Thoth as Creator of Languages.” Journal of Egyp-
liefs worshiping the sun god, and this association might indi-
tian Archaeology 34 (1948): 121–122.
cate his subordinate relationship to Re. In the judgment
scene of chapter 125 of the Book of Going Forth by Day,
LEONARD H. LESKO (1987)
Thoth as the ibis-headed god presides over and records the
weighing of the heart of the deceased owner of the book. A
baboon is also represented in this scene seated atop the bal-
THRACIAN RELIGION. In ancient Greece the
ance, apparently to ensure its accuracy. Thoth is credited in
name Thrakes referred to most of the inhabitants of the
Egyptian mythology with separating the two contenders,
northeastern Balkan Peninsula. Their neighbors to the east
Horus and Seth, as well as with magically restoring Horus’s
were the Scythians; to the west the Pannonians, Dalmatians,
injured eye. He has one of the major supporting roles in
and Illyrians; to the north the Balts and the Celts. The name
much of Egyptian religious literature, and a number of
seems to have initially belonged only to the Thracian tribes
hymns are addressed to him directly, although Re and Osiris
in close proximity to Greece. Later on, it was extended to re-
are the principal gods discussed and invoked in these texts.
lated tribes to the north, just as the name Graeci, which origi-
Thoth was renowned for his wisdom and praised as the
nally belonged only to a western Greek tribe, was later given
inventor of writing. The mdw-ntr (“god’s words,” i.e., hiero-
by the Romans to all the Hellenes. Nevertheless, the location
glyphs) were recognized as perhaps his greatest contribution,
of the land called Thrake was always restricted to the area
and he was frequently shown with brush and papyrus roll in
south of the Balkan Mountains, principally to the Chalcidice
the attitude of the scribes, whose patron he was.
Peninsula.
In the eighteenth dynasty several kings took as their
THRACIAN PEOPLES. Nearly two hundred tribes are known
throne name Thothmose (“Thoth is the one who bore him”).
under the generic name of Thrakes, of which the most im-
This Thutmosid family included several other members with
portant were the Odrysi, who lived in what is today south-
Ei’h: (“moon”) in their names, so it is clearly Thoth’s position
eastern Bulgaria; the Dentheleti, north of Macedonia; the
as moon god that is being recalled. Remains of two small
Serdi, in Serdica, today the region of Sofia, the capital city
temples to Thoth survive in the Theban area, one very late
of Bulgaria; the Bessi, west of Serdica; the Moesi, between
and poorly decorated. Since the eighteenth dynasty was of
the Balkan Mountains and the river Danube; and the Daco-
Theban origin and the son of Amun-Re at Thebes was the
Getae, who occupied a northern territory approximating
moon god, Khonsu, these two moon gods could have been
modern-day Romania. Other Thracian tribes—the Thyni
assimilated, but the family could also have chosen the name
and Bithyni—settled in Asia Minor. The Phrygians and the
of the northern god (Thoth) when they moved their resi-
Armenians, who originated in the Balkans, were related to
dence (capital) to Memphis.
them.
In Egyptian literature there clearly was an ancient tradi-
History. In the ancient world, the Thracians were, ac-
tion concerning the secret knowledge of Thoth. Secret rooms
cording to Herodotos (fifth century BCE), the most numer-
and mysterious books were sought by learned scribes, priests,
ous people after the Indians. Thracians are attested in con-
and princes. This tradition was carried over into some of the
nection with the Trojan War, and they seem to have had a
Coptic gnostic library tractates, and the question arises
share in the foundation of Troy (in Asia Minor, or modern-
whether these were Egyptian or Greek in origin since the
day Turkey). Only occasionally did they form larger unions
Greeks had early identified their god Hermes with Thoth.
of tribes: the only known confederations are the kingdom of
The origins of the continuing traditions of Hermes
the Odrysi (fifth-fourth centuries BCE), the Geto-Dacian
Trismegistos and gnosticism can be traced to Egypt, to
kingdom of Burebista (c. 80–44 BCE), and the Daco-Getic
Thoth, and perhaps even to the Hermopolitan cosmology,
kingdom of Decebalus (87–106 CE). Nonetheless, a certain
but the extent of Egyptian influence on these beliefs remains
material and spiritual unity of the Thracians (though not
to be determined.
without important inner distinctions) was preserved by sev-
The great temple of Thoth at Hermopolis has not sur-
eral tribes, despite their frequent displacements. Herodotus
vived, although its location is known from finds in the area.
(Histories 5.3) notes that most of the Thracians had kindred
A large catacomb for the burial of mummified ibises and ba-
customs, with the exception of the Getae, the Trausi, and
boons has been found nearby at the necropolis of Tuna al-
those living beyond the tribe of the Crestonians.
Gabal.
According to the Greek geographer Strabo (first century
S
BCE), the Getae spoke the same dialect as the other Thra-
EE ALSO Hermes Trismegistos.
cians. Subsequent scholarship has shown, however, that both
B
the culture and the language of the Getae, whom Herodotus
IBLIOGRAPHY
Bleeker, C. Jouco. Hathor and Thoth: Two Key Figures of the An-
calls “the most religious and valiant among the Thracians,”
cient Egyptian Religion. Leiden, 1973. Issued as a supplement
were distinct from those of the southern Thracians. Scholars
by the periodical Numen.
such as Vladimir Georgiev, Ivan Duridanov, and Cicerone
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THRACIAN RELIGION
9169
Poghirc have established a clear distinction between two lin-
fluenced by the Romans after being subdued by them: Moe-
guistic areas: the Thracian area, in which toponyms ending
sia Superior in 15 CE; Moesia Inferior, along with the Greek
in -para, -bria, and -diza are dominant, and the Daco-Getic
Pontic colonies, on the western shore of the Black Sea, in 46
area, in which these endings are replaced by -dava and -sara.
CE; and Dacia in 106 CE. The last speakers of Thracian dia-
Anthroponyms and phonetic transformation both confirm
lects disappeared from the region south of the Balkan Moun-
this distinction. Culturally, the southern Thracians were re-
tains after the invasion of the Slavs in the sixth century.
lated to the Iranians, to the Pelasgians, and to some peoples
T
of Asia Minor. They exerted a certain spiritual influence on
HRACIAN RELIGION: SOME GENERAL FEATURES. Religion
among the southern Thracians developed along different
the Greeks, but they felt, in turn, the decisive impact of
lines from that of the northern Thracians (the Daco-Getae)
Greek civilization. The northern Thracians, the Daco-Getae,
owing to what could be called the religious reformation of
were, however, culturally closer to the Illyrians, the Celts,
Zalmoxis in the north. Whether Zalmoxis was a god or a
and the Balts. Before the Roman epoch, Greek influence
human is an open question, but it can safely be stated that
north of the Danube was minimal: in Dacia only thirty
his priests, forming an uninterrupted line of succession that
Greek inscriptions have been found, representing 1 percent
was at times indistinguishable from Daco-Getic kingship, in-
of the more than three thousand Roman inscriptions. In the
troduced among the northern Thracians religious principles
northern territories the passage from the Hallstatt culture to
and, later on, scientific speculations that conferred upon
the La Tène culture was determined by the Celtic invasions
their religion a peculiar character. Different sources inform
during the fourth and third centuries BCE.
us of the penetration of these ideas among southern Thra-
Testimonies. The Thracians may be attested in docu-
cians in early times, but Zalmoxis is uncontroversially known
ments written in Linear B, a form of writing used in Myce-
as a Gete. It is difficult to speak of a common religious heri-
naean records dating from the fifteenth to the twelfth centu-
tage in regard to all Thracian peoples, for different beliefs
ry BCE. They are mentioned by Homer and by numerous
and customs are attributed to various groups in various
later Greek and Roman authors. In the fourth century CE,
sources, but it is easy to recognize in the sources features per-
the language of the Thracian tribe of the Bessi was still in
taining to the cult of Zalmoxis. With the exception of Zal-
use in Christian liturgy. A difficult question is whether any
moxis, whose influence extended from the north to the
of the Thracian tribes ever used writing. It seems that they
south, all Thracian divinities known in Greece from the fifth
did, but only a few records have survived. At least the Geto-
century BCE (e.g., Sabazios, Bendis, and Cotys) and the
Dacians, who formed an impressive theocracy in the first
mythic characters to whom the Greeks attributed a Thracian
century BCE, seem to have used the Greek and Roman alpha-
background (e.g., Orpheus and Dionysos) originated among
bets to transcribe their own language. No document is attest-
the southern Thracians.
ed, however, apart from some mysterious inscriptions, each
According to Herodotos (5.7) the Thracians worshiped
composed of three Greek letters, on stone slabs from the
three divinities, corresponding to the Greek Ares, Dionysos,
ruins of sanctuaries at Sarmizegetusa Regia (modern-day
and Artemis, and their kings worshiped a fourth divinity,
Gradi¸stea Muncelului, Romania). In all probability these in-
corresponding to Hermes, to whose posterity they were be-
scriptions are not marks used by the Greek builders of the
lieved to belong.
sanctuaries but are, instead, numbers related to the compli-
cated astronomical computations of the Dacian priests. Be-
As for Ares-Mars, the god of war, Jordanes (De origine
cause the slabs were scattered, it has so far been impossible
actibusque Getarum 40–41) confirms his importance among
to reconstruct the pattern by which the series of numbers can
the Getae, in whose land he was supposed to have been born
be read.
(“apud eos . . . exortum”) and to have reigned (cf. Vergil,
Aeneid 3.35). Prisoners of war were sacrificed to him, and his
The basic sources on Thracian religion are Greek and
devotional cults were particularly intense in their affective
Roman authors, including Herodotos, Plato, Strabo, the ge-
tones.
ographer Pomponius Mela, and the Moesian-born Gothic
historian Jordanes (sixth century CE). Other sources usually
Whether Herodotos in his mention of Dionysos was re-
depend on these authors and only occasionally provide im-
ferring to Sabazios is a controversial point, since he could
portant information; a notable exception is the Neoplatonic
have directly mentioned the name of Sabazios. The same ar-
philosopher Porphyry (third century), who wrote on Zal-
gument applies as well to the goddesses Bendis and Cotys,
moxis. For southern Thrace, Greek votive inscriptions are
who are usually identified with Artemis. At the time of Hero-
particularly important; the collection edited by Georgi
dotos both of them were known at Athens, and yet the histo-
Mikhailov (1955–1956) contains about 160 names of divini-
rian did not mention their names in connection with the
ties, together with epithets.
Thracian Artemis.
The Thracian regions bordering the Aegean Sea were
Ancient authors attributed to Dionysos himself a Thra-
completely hellenized. The province south of the Balkan
cian background. In the myth of Dionysos, a Thracian epi-
Mountains remained under Greek influence even during
sode, mentioned by Homer (Iliad 5.130ff.), is particularly
Roman occupation. The northern regions were decisively in-
interesting. In numerous variants, it is recounted that the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9170
THRACIAN RELIGION
Thracian king Lykurgos (lit., “wolf’s anger”) pursues Diony-
husbands. Among the Getae, tattooing was probably related
sos, who, in his turn, brings down madness upon the king.
to the story of the sufferings once inflicted upon Zalmoxis,
The king then either kills himself or is eventually killed by
and was thus applied to members of certain social categories
Dionysos. The symbolism of this myth is very complicated.
(e.g., women and slaves) as a sign of suffering. Among the
It refers, in all probability, to the cosmic effects of a battle
southern Thracians, where only the nobles were tattooed, it
between opposite principles represented by Apollo and
must have had another symbolic meaning.
Dionysos. As a matter of fact, the wolf is related to Apollo,
As for the burial or cremation of living widows, archaeo-
who is often called Apollo Lukeios, a name referring both to
logical finds confirm the rather puzzling written evidence
the wolf (Gr., lukos) and to light (Gr., luk¯e, “dawn”; Lat., lux,
that the Thracians practiced either one or the other, and
“light”).
sometimes both in the same place. No reasons for this varia-
In several variants of the myth, Lykurgos tries to cut
tion are given. Two works based on the findings at several
down a vine with an ax. Dionysos confuses him so that in-
necropolises in Dacia (Protase, 1971; Nicolaescu-Plopsor
stead he kills his own son and cuts off one of his own legs.
and Wolski, 1975) have confirmed the concurrent existence
The mythologist Nonnus of Panopolis (fifth century) reports
of both ritual practices, although cremation prevailed.
that Lykurgos, an Arab king who pursues Dionysos with an
Wives, sometimes accompanied by their infant children,
ax in order to kill him, hits one of the Maenads, Ambrosia,
were sacrificed at the death of their husbands and were bur-
who is then changed into a vine. It is difficult to unravel the
ied or cremated in the same tomb. Both Herodotos and
implications of this myth: while Lykurgos appears to be a
Pomponius Mela (De situ orbis 2.2.19–20) report that
vine hater, an enemy of Dionysos, his action may instead
among polygamous Thracians the wives of the deceased vied
simply represent a viticulturist’s pruning of his vines. There
for the great honor of being killed and buried together with
is nothing typically Thracian in all this, except perhaps the
the corpse of their husbands.
contradictory characterization of Thracians as either vine
Herodotos also reports a three-day exposure of the
lovers or vine haters. Strangely enough, the calendar temple
corpse, followed by animal sacrifices, feasting, mourning,
in the stronghold at Sarmizegetusa Regia seems to indicate
and burial or cremation. To the historian Hellanicus (fifth
that the Daco-Getic priests under Decebalus were concerned
century BCE) is attributed the information that the animal
with the vegetative period of the vine, and that this concern
sacrifices and the banqueting were based on a belief that the
was a major element in their culture; yet King Burebista is
deceased would return to the human world to participate in
said to have ordered all vines in his kingdom to be cut down.
the feast. Pomponius Mela (2.2.18) affirms that some Thra-
Is the latter, perhaps, only a wrong assumption on the part
cians mourned a child’s birth and rejoiced over death. There-
of Strabo (Geography 7.7–11), who mistakenly expects wine
fore the feasts following one’s death were an expression of
hatred from the spiritualistic, Pythagorean features of Getic
collective participation in the happy destiny of the dead. The
religion? This hypothesis deserves further investigation.
Getae were not the only Thracians to believe in immortality,
As for the Thracian Artemis, both Bendis and Cotys
but their beliefs, which relate to the cult of Zalmoxis, are bet-
have been identified with this goddess. Bendis appears to be
ter known, for they impressed the Greek authors who came
a goddess of marriage, while Cotys, or Kotyto, is an orgiastic
in contact with them after the fifth century BCE.
Thracian divinity in whose cult men wore women’s gar-
Strabo (7.3.3) reports that, according to the Stoic Posi-
ments. Her name has been related to the Indo-European
donius of Apamea, the Mysians (whom Strabo correctly
*kot-u- (“avenger”; cf. the Greek koteo, “I am angry”) and has
identifies as the Moesi, i. e., inhabitants of Moesia) practiced
thus been taken to mean “angry [goddess]” or “[goddess] of
vegetarianism, feeding themselves on honey, milk, and
fight.” Gheorghe Mus,u prefers the etymology “[goddess]
cheese. These are called theosebeis (“worshipers of the gods”)
energy,” from the Indo-European *kued-, kuod- (“stimulate,
and kapnobatai (“walkers on smoke”). Some among the
urge on”). Both Bendis and Cotys were known at Athens
Thracians lived in continence and are recorded as ktistai (lit.,
from the fifth century BCE onward.
“founders”). To the latter applies the Homeric epithet abioi
Neither worship of a heavenly god nor the institution
(lit., “lifeless,” i.e., poor), which was attributed to some of
of sacred kingship was confined to the northern Thracians.
the inhabitants of Thrace. The epithet kapnobatai may refer
The military historian Polyaenos (second century) reported
to a practice mentioned by Pomponius Mela (2.2.21), ac-
that the priests of Hera were kings of the tribes of the Ke-
cording to which some Thracians did not use wine as an in-
brenoi and Sykaiboai. One of them, Kosingas, gathered
toxicating liquor but instead inhaled smoke from fires upon
many wooden ladders with the intent, he said, of climbing
which had been thrown seeds whose scent provoked exhilara-
to heaven in order to indict the Thracians before Hera for
tion. The Lexicon of Hesychius of Alexandria (fifth or sixth
their disobedience. Impressed, the Thracians swore to obey
century CE) reports under the word kanabis (“hemp”) that
his orders.
hemp seeds were burned, and so Cannabis sativa may be a
plausible identification of the intoxicating plant referred to
Two practices that were general among the Thracians
by Pomponius.
rested, in all probability, on religious bases: tattooing and the
burial or cremation of living wives together with their dead
SEE ALSO Geto-Dacian Religion; Zalmoxis.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

THRACIAN RIDER
9171
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the Black Sea) during the second and third centuries CE.
The written sources on the religion of the Thracians are contained
Roman iconography and inscriptions of that time show that
in Fontes historiae Dacoromanae, 2 vols., edited by Virgil C.
he was identified with Asklepios, Apollo, Dionysos, Silvanus,
Popescu et al. (Bucharest, 1964–1970). On Thracian reli-
and other divinities. He bore the epithets so¯t¯er (“savior”),
gion in general, Gawrill I. Kazarow’s article, “Thrake (Reli-
iatros (“healer”), and even megas theos (“great god”), the last
gion),” in Realencyclopädie der Altertumswissenschaft, vol. 6
in the city of Odessus (present-day Varna), where he was also
(Stuttgart, 1937), can still be profitably consulted. On Greek
known by the Thracian name of Darzalas.
votive inscriptions from southern Thrace, Georgi
Mikhailov’s Inscriptiones Grecae in Bulgaria repertae, 4 vols.
The extant monuments to the Thracian Rider are reliefs
(Sofia, 1956–1966), is particularly important. On the names
and statuettes having either a votive or a funerary character.
of Thracian divinities, see Vladimir Georgiev’s “Die thrakisc-
The horseman is usually represented as riding to the right,
hen Götternamen: Ein Beitrag zur Religion der alten
toward a tree on which a serpent is coiled. In the inscriptions,
Thraker,” Linguistique balkanique 18 (1975): 5–56. On
Greek and Latin epithets are often added to the generic name
Thracian funerary practices, see Dumitru Protase’s Riturile
of the hero, showing that the cult was adapted to particular
funerare la Daci ¸si Daco-Romani (Bucharest, 1971), which
heroes, who sometimes were known by Thracian names. The
includes a French summary on pages 183–214, and Dardu
Nicolaescu-Plop¸sor and Wanda Wolski’s Elemente de demo-
epithets are usually toponyms, names of tribes, or attributes
grafie ¸si ritual funerar la popula¸tiile vechi din România (Bu-
of the horseman.
charest, 1975), which has an English summary on pages
The names of the worshipers are known from votive in-
273–292. An extensive bibliography can be found in Mircea
scriptions. It is interesting to note that 61 percent of the wor-
Eliade’s Zalmoxis, the Vanishing God: Comparative Studies in
shipers recorded in Moesia Inferior and Dacia (modern Ro-
the Religions and Folklore of Dacia and Eastern Europe (Chica-
mania and Bessarabia) bore Greek or Greco-Roman names,
go, 1972).
34 percent bore Roman names, and only 5 percent bore
New Sources
names of Thracian or Thraco-Roman origin. Accordingly,
Gergova, Diana. “The Find from Rogozen and One Religious
it can be inferred that the majority of the adepts of the cult
Feast in the Thracian Lands. ” Klio 71 (1989): 36–50.
in Moesia Inferior were Greek.
Gocˇeva, Zlatozara. “Die Religion der Thraker.” Klio 68 (1986):
Little is known about the cult itself, which was a combi-
84–91.
nation of Greek and Thracian beliefs. At its height it was cer-
Mihailov, Georgi. “Some Problems of Thracian Mythology and
tainly related to concepts of survival after death and to heal-
Religion.” Journal of Indo-European Studies 11 (1983):
ing, and it may have involved notions of survival either in
241–248.
the netherworld or in heaven. It was widespread among the
Najderova, Varbinka. “Thracian Paganism and Roman Religions
population of Thrace and Moesia Inferior, and its devotees
on the Lower Danubian Limes.” In Roman Frontier Studies
included people of various social standings and ethnic back-
1989: Proceedings of the 15th International Congress of Roman
grounds. So far as we know, the cult never took the form of
Frontier Studies, ed. by Valerie A. Maxfield and Michael J.
a mystery religion with secret communities organized in a hi-
Dobson, pp. 291–294. Exeter, U.K., 1991.
erarchy. The cult of the Thracian Rider died away in the first
IOAN PETRU CULIANU (1987)
half of the fourth century CE.
CICERONE POGHIRC (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SEE ALSO Dacian Riders.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
On the name of the Thracian Rider, see Dimiter Detschew’s Die
THRACIAN RIDER. The so-called Thracian Rider,
thrakischen Sprachreste (Vienna, 1957). For a listing of mon-
a demigod who was the focus of a cult in ancient Thrace, is
uments from southern Thrace, together with an explanation
known principally from sculptures and inscriptions dating
and history of the cult, see Gawrill I. Kazarow’s Die Denk-
from the fourth century BCE to the early fourth century CE.
mäler des thrakischen Reitergottes in Bulgarien, 2 vols. (Buda-
In Greek and Latin inscriptions he is identified simply as
pest, 1938). For a catalog of monuments from Moesia Inferi-
“the hero” (h¯ero¯s or heros, usually, but also h¯ero¯n, heron, eron,
or and Dacia, see Nubar Hampartumian’s Corpus Cultus
Equitis Thracii, vol. 4, Moesia Inferior (Romanian Section)
etc.). According to Dimiter Detschew (1957, p. 200), the
and Dacia (Leiden, 1979).
name of the Thracian horseman was probably related to the
Thracian term for “hero,” *ierus, or *iarus, which has Celtic
New Sources
parallels. If so, this linguistic fact reinforces the religious
Condurachi, Emile. “A propos de la genèse de l’iconographie du
cavalier thrace.” In Mythologie gréco-romaine. Mythologies pér-
analogies between this Thracian type of divinity and the
iphériques, pp. 63–69. Paris, 1981.
Greek heroes.
Dimitrova, Nora. “Inscriptions and Iconography in the Monu-
The oldest monuments of the Thracian Rider belong to
ments of the Thracian Rider.” Hesperia 71 (2002): 209–229.
the fourth century BCE, but his cult was particularly influen-
Gocˇeva, Zlatozara. “Les traits caractéristiques de l’iconographie du
tial in Thrace and in Moesia Inferior (i.e., Lower Moesia, the
cavalier thrace.” In Iconographie classique et identités région-
region of Greco-Roman settlements on the western shore of
ales, pp. 237–243. Paris, 1986.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9172
TIAN
Dimitrova, Nora. “Inscriptions and Iconography in the Monu-
was called Yuhuang Shangdi (“supreme ruler of jadelike
ments of the Thracian Rider.” Hesperia 71 (2002): 209–229.
augustness”). The common people invoked his aid when in
Walter, Christopher. “The Thracian Horseman.” Byzantinischen
dire trouble, and there were temples in which he was the
Forschungen 14 (1989): 657–673.
chief deity. Many homes contained some representation of
communication with him, such as an incense brazier. Among
Hoddinott, Ralf F. “The Thracian Hero at Rogozen.” In Studia
Aegaea et Balcanica in Honorem Lodovicae Press,
the people he was familiarly called Tiangong (“celestial
pp. 157–165. Warsaw, 1992.
duke”) or Laotianye (“old celestial lord”).
IOAN PETRU CULIANU (1987)
The omnipresence and concern of Tian with the human
CICERONE POGHIRC (1987)
world are themes of many proverbs. In some of these, the
Revised Bibliography
deity is obviously personified: “Tian’s eyes are everywhere,
they see all without anyone escaping”; “Man can be fooled,
but not Tian”; “Tian punishes the sinner”; “Blessings come
TIAN.
from Tian”; “Tian helps those who help themselves”; “Tian
A term of basic importance in the worldview and
knows the good and evil hidden in human hearts.” Other
religious life of the Chinese from the remote past to the pres-
sayings, however, are either ambiguous or definitely refer to
ent, tian has two principal senses: as the supreme god of the
an impersonal power: “The cyclical revolutions of tian cause
universe, and as impersonal nature. Often it is not clear in
things to be as they are”; “Tian is empty; earth is broad”; “In-
a particular instance which of these meanings is intended,
telligence is endowed by tian”; “There may not be two suns
and it may well be that the distinction is vague to the user.
in tian”; “It is difficult to go against the Way (dao) of tian.”
TIAN AS GOD. The root meaning of tian is sky or the heav-
ens, the abode of numinous beings. When used without
The arrival of Buddhism from India and Central Asia
qualifiers the term may denote the supreme deity. The earli-
at approximately the beginning of the common era intro-
est known use of the graph for tian occurs in ancient texts
duced new and complicated notions of celestial beings and
of the Zhou period (c. 1111–256 BCE), where it refers to the
celestial realms. The Buddhist realms, for example, were di-
supreme deity of the Zhou people. In early Zhou times Tian
vided into the Realm of Desire (kama-dhatu), the Realm of
was conceived as the all-powerful, purposeful, apparently an-
Form (rupadhatu), and the Realm of Formlessness (arupyad-
thropomorphic god who sent down blessings or disasters ac-
hatu). These and other Buddhist realms were called tian. In
cording to whether he was pleased or displeased with human
the third and fourth centuries, as Daoism became a cohesive
behavior. Politically, Tian was the source of the legitimacy
religion, it too developed elaborate notions of supernal
of the king, conferring upon the most righteous man the
realms and called them tian. In general, the tian of Daoism,
mandate of Heaven (tianming) or withdrawing this mandate
variously twenty-eight, thirty-two, or thirty-six in number,
from corrupt or unworthy rulers. In this conception of divin-
were derived from Buddhism, although one novel idea held
ity the early Zhou rulers successfully assimilated the supreme
that counterparts to tian existed in the subterranean world.
god of the preceding Shang dynasty (eighteenth century? to
The Daoist tian are the abodes of gods and their subordi-
1111 BCE), called Di, or Shangdi. This assimilation blurred
nates, the perfected immortals (xian), as well as of the souls
the historical and cultic distinction between the god of the
of the virtuous dead who will one day attain immortality as
Shang and the god of the Zhou. Subsequently, the terms hao-
perfected beings. The term tian also figures in Daoist cos-
tian (“heaven of the vast-primal-vital-breath”), or huangtian
mology, where xiantian (“pre-cosmic”) and houtian
(“august heaven”), and shangdi (“supreme ruler”) were used
(“cosmic,” that is, the phenomenal universe) denote stages
interchangeably to denote the greatest power of the universe.
of evolution that are represented in the performance of litur-
As Tian and as Shangdi, this supreme power was conceived
gical rites.
of as the creator (zaowuzhu). In some texts, including the Yi
TIAN AS IMPERSONAL NATURE. The word tian often appears
jing (Book of changes), tian and di (Heaven and Earth) are
in writings of the classical period of philosophy (sixth to
at least figuratively anthropomorphized as the cosmic father
third century BCE), where it is used with the connotation
and mother, from whose sexual intercourse all beings are
“nature.” Daoist texts of the period frequently express the
produced.
idea of tian as an impersonal force that produces all natural
Worship of Tian, as performed in the elaborate imperial
phenomena. In this usage were blended the ideas of the will
rituals, was forbidden to any but the ruler, as it was the most
of a personal deity and a natural law. Thus, events, in partic-
impressive demonstration of his possession of the mandate
ular, omens, commonly taken to signify the “decree” of tian,
of Heaven. But it would hardly have been possible to prevent
were here interpreted simply as having occurred spontane-
the people from believing in and expressing their awe of
ously or of themselves (tianming ji ziran). The most forceful
Tian. In the course of time, the notion evolved that the su-
assertion of the impersonality of tian was made by the Ru
pernatural dimension was an invisible counterpart to the
(Confucian) scholar Xunzi (fl. c. 298–238 BCE), who denied
temporal world. Tian was then personified as the emperor
that tian acted in response to human actions or pleas. In his
of that spirit world who, like the emperor in this world,
view, tian was simply the operation of the physical universe.
headed a heavenly bureaucracy of deities. In this role Tian
In another instance of the impersonal use of tian, the term
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIANTAI
9173
refers to something akin to “fate,” as in the expression
sition rejected by certain later neo-Confucians; or it designat-
mingyun de tian (“Heaven-determined destiny”).
ed the totality of all principles, being cosmic Principle. These
As with the anthropomorphic conception of tian, the
were some of the concepts the neo-Confucians used in con-
naturalistic interpretation was given its most authoritative
structing a metaphysics that had been lacking in the ancient
expression in the Yi jing. There, tian is symbolized by the tri-
Confucian system. They attempted, in this way, to arrive at
gram qian, and is thus another term for the positive, male,
an understanding of the nature of ultimate reality or the Ab-
creative principle or force (yang). Its complement is di, or
solute. In their philosophies, the term tian was used for this
earth, symbolized by the trigram kun, representing the nega-
ultimate reality and also identified with other terms that had
tive, female, receptive principle or force (yin). The ceaseless,
the same meaning—dao, li, taiji, and (in Wang Yangming’s
ever-changing interactions and permutations of these com-
thought) xin (“heart-and-mind”). Although the tian of the
plementary principles or forces produce the universe and all
neo-Confucians was an impersonal metaphysical principle,
beings, and are responsible for their birth, growth, decay, and
even in this usage theistic implications were not entirely
death.
absent.
Although impersonal, the “naturalistic” tian has a close
SEE ALSO Dao and De; Li; Shangdi; Taiji; Yuhuang.
functional relationship with man. The classical philosophers
see this relationship in a variety of not necessarily reconcil-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
able ways:
There is no monographic treatment of tian in English, and the
only one in a Western language, Anton Lübke’s Der Himmel
• Human life or life span depends upon tian (renzhim-
der Chinesen (Leipzig, 1931), is not easily available in many
ing zai tian).
North American libraries. A good overall discussion is found
• Man is a microcosm of the universe, his feet being
in Alfred Forke’s The World-Conception of the Chinese (1925;
“square,” as earth is, and his head round, as Heaven is.
reprint, New York, 1975). On Tian as the god of the Zhou
people, see Herrlee G. Creel’s “The Origin of the Deity
• Man’s nature (xing) is conferred at birth by tian.
T’ien,” in volume 1, appendix C of his The Origins of State-
• Man should model himself upon tian (fatian).
craft in China (Chicago, 1970). On the concept of Tian (i.
e., Shangdi) as the supreme deity, see James Legge’s The No-
• Since tian is impersonal, it is man who acts as the mind
tions of the Chinese concerning God and Spirits (1852; reprint,
(or heart) of tian.
Taibei, 1971). A suggestive recent interpretation is Ha Tai
Kim’s “Transcendence Without and Within: The Concept
• Man and tian constantly interact in mutual stimulus
of T’ien in Confucianism,” International Journal for Philoso-
and response (a view denied, as we have seen, by Xunzi).
phy of Religion 3 (Fall 1972): 146–160.
• The function of tian is to create, while the function
For the role of tian in political and social traditions, the definitive
of man is to nurture and bring to perfection those created
treatment is Yang Ch’ing-k’un’s Religion in Chinese Society
things.
(Berkeley, 1961); see the index references s.v. Heaven. Prov-
erbs showing generally held notions of tian are sampled in
• Tian serves as the moral example for man, who can
Clifford H. Plopper’s Chinese Religion Seen through the Prov-
only attain his complete human development through the
erb (1926; reprint, New York, 1969), pp. 23–29, 59–76.
discipline of moral steadfastness (cheng).
Various concepts of tian are discussed in H. G. Lamont’s
Here again, the concept of tian is ambiguous: while
“An Early Ninth Century Debate on Heaven,” Asia Major
moral perfection would seem to be possible only for a person,
18 (1973): 181–208 and 19 (1974): 37–85, although this ar-
ticle is technical and contains considerable extraneous mate-
yet the unfailing regularity, benevolence, and impartiality of
rial. An important discussion is found in J. J. M. de Groot’s
tian could also be interpreted in moral terms.
Les fêtes annuellement célébrées à Émoui (Amoy), vol. 1 (1886;
In the neo-Confucian movement, which began during
reprint, Taibei, 1977), pp. 35–83.
the Tang dynasty (618–907) and came to maturity during
LAURENCE G. THOMPSON (1987)
the Song period (960–1279), philosophers again utilized the
term tian in various new ways. The neo-Confucian goal may
be stated in religious terms as an ultimate self-transformation
for the attainment of sainthood or sageliness (shengren). Most
TIANTAI. The Tiantai tradition of Chinese Ma¯ha¯yana
important was a concept called the tianli (“principle of tian”
Buddhism is a lineage centered around the writings of the
or “heavenly principle”), which was interpreted in a number
monk Zhiyi (538–597) and his successors. This tradition is
of ways. It stood for the sum of the anciently enunciated vir-
characterized by the emphasis it places on the practice of
tues of the Confucian tradition; it was a name for the meta-
meditation, its exegetical method, and the centrality it ac-
physical substance or embodiment of the dao (xingshang
cords the teachings of the Saddharmapun:d:ar¯ıka Su¯tra
daoti); it was identified as mind; it was identified as con-
(Chin., Miaofa lianhua jing su; abbreviated title, Fahua jing;
science, which produced the innate knowledge of good and
the Lotus Sutra) and the Da ban niepan jing (Skt.,
evil, right and wrong (liangxi or liangzhi); it was moral per-
Maha¯ya¯na-parinirva¯n:a Su¯tra). The Tiantai tradition forms,
fection, the very opposite of human desires (renyu), a propo-
together with the Huayan tradition, one of the two major
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9174
TIANTAI
academic and doctrinal systems of Chinese Maha¯ya¯na Bud-
far away, and one’s (Buddha) nature, like a sea, is not distant.
dhism.
Only direct your seeking inward upon yourself; do not get
ORIGINS. Zhiyi’s major meditation text, the Mohe zhiguan
enlightenment from another.” Huisi died peacefully in 577,
(The Great Stilling and Insight; T. D. no. 1911), states that
at the age of sixty-two.
the Tiantai lineage began with Huiwen, who transmitted the
Some six extant works are attributed to Huisi: the Das-
essence of his enlightenment experience to his disciple Huisi,
heng zhiguan famen (The Maha¯ya¯na Teaching of Stilling and
who in turn instructed Zhiyi. Later Tiantai church history
Insight; T. D. no. 1924); the Zhufa wucheng sanmei famen
therefore refers to these monks as the first three (Chinese)
(The Teaching of Noncontentious Sama¯dhi with Respect to
Tiantai “patriarchs.”
All Phenomena; T. D. no. 1923); the Sui ciyi sanmei (The
Huiwen. Other than the fact that he was active during
Sama¯dhi Attained at Will; Zokuzo¯kyo¯ 2.3); the Fahua jing
the Northern Qi period (550–557), little is known of the life
anluo xingyi (The Cultivation of the Anluo Chapter of the
of Huiwen. Even late accounts admit that both his place of
Fahua jing; T. D. no. 1926), a work that treats the ethics of
birth and his dates are unknown. His importance to the tra-
a Lotus devotee in an era of the decline of the Dharma, as
dition derives from his adumbration of certain key concepts
outlined in the fourteenth chapter of the Lotus; the Shou
that, in the writings of Zhiyi, would become central to
pusa jiehyi (The Ritual for Receiving the Bodhisattva Pre-
Tiantai thought. One source relates that while reading the
cepts; Zokuzo¯kyo¯ 2.10); and the Nanyue sidashi lishi yuanwen
Da zhidu lun (a commentary on the Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯ Su¯tra
(The Vows of Master Si of Nanyue; T. D. no. 1933). The
in twenty-five thousand slokas that is traditionally attributed
authenticity of some of these works remains open to scholar-
to Na¯ga¯rjuna) he was struck by a passage that notes, “When
ly investigation. Attributions, in later catalogs, of some four
one moment of mind obtains all wisdom, the wisdom of the
other inextant works to Huisi may, to judge from the titles
Path, and all species of wisdom, then all of the defilements
of these works, represent a retrospective attempt to ascribe
and their traces are cut off.” This concept of “three wisdoms
many of the major teachings of Zhiyi to his master’s
in one mind” (yxin sanzhi) became identified in the writings
inspiration.
of Zhiyi with his concept of “three insights in one mind”
(yxin sanguan), a core teaching of the Tiantai system.
Zhiyi. Zhiyi, the de-facto founder of the Tiantai tradi-
tion, was born in Jingzhou (present-day Hunan Province) in
This link to the teachings of Na¯ga¯rjuna, founder of the
538. At the age of seventeen he entered the monastic life
Ma¯dhyamika system and perhaps the greatest of all Buddhist
under the direction of the master Fazhu of the guoyuan Si
thinkers, was later formalized by recognizing him as the tra-
in Xiangzhou; after his ordination he began the study of the
dition’s first Indian patriarch and the inspirator of the system
Vinaya (rules of monastic discipline) with Huikuang, read-
as a whole. Such post facto linkage with Indian figures of un-
ing at the same time various Maha¯ya¯na texts. Sometime later
questioned authority was a common means of bestowing le-
Zhiyi made a pilgrimage to Mount Taixian, where he went
gitimacy and prestige upon the Buddhist traditions indige-
into retreat, reciting the “three Lotus scriptures,” the Fahua
nous to China. Na¯ga¯rjuna, in fact, is counted as “first
jing, the Wuliang yi jing, and the Puxianguan jing. He con-
patriarch” of several East Asian Buddhist traditions.
tinued his chanting for twenty days, at which time he fully
Huisi. The master Huisi was a native of Honan Prov-
understood the meaning of these texts.
ince; later biographies state that he was born under the
Northern Wei on the eleventh day of the eleventh month of
In 560 Zhiyi journeyed to Mount Dasu, where he met
515. At the age of fourteen he entered the monastic life and
Huisi, who was now destined to become his chief instructor.
received full ordination, devoting himself to chanting the
Huisi instructed him in devotions centered around the figure
text of the Fahua jing. At the age of nineteen he had an en-
of the bodhisattva Samantabhadra (Chin., Puhxian) and in
lightenment experience while reading the Miaoshengding jing
the Anluo practices, practices taught in the fourteenth chap-
(Sutra of Marvelous, Unsurpassed Sama¯dhi; otherwise un-
ter (Anluoxing pin) of the Fahua jing. Following Zhiyi’s en-
known); from this time on he retired to the woods and for-
lightenment experience Huisi named him his Dharma heir
ests to practice meditation in solitude.
and successor. Thereafter, Zhiyi took up residence in the
Waguan Si in Jinling (Nanking), where he was to stay for
Sometime after this experience Huisi met the master
eight years. During this period he lectured on the Lotus and
Huiwen and received instruction from him concerning med-
the Da zhidu lun and taught a path of gradual meditative cul-
itation and its concomitant, the experience of enlighten-
tivation to his disciples. These teachings formed the basis for
ment. Thereafter, he confined his practice to meditation.
his Fajie ziti chumen (T. D. no. 1925). In 575 he moved to
Tradition alleges that he attained enlightenment only at the
Mount Tiantai, a mountain that was to remain his major
point when, dispairing of ever realizing the goal of his prac-
headquarters for the rest of his life and from which the tradi-
tice, Huisi climbed to the top of the monastery wall to throw
tion derives its name. In 577 Zhiyi and his followers were,
himself off. The resulting breakthrough he later termed
by imperial edict, given the tax levies from Shifeng Prefecture
fahua sanmei, or “Lotus sama¯dhi.”
(xian), and two clans were indentured to him to provide his
A recurrent theme in his preaching is summarized in
community with fuel and water. Sometime in this period
one of his biographies: “The source of enlightenment is not
Zhiyi lectured on the Jingming jing (the Vimalak¯ırtinirde´sa
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIANTAI
9175
Su¯tra) and the Jinguangming jing (a Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯ text);
their hands, were responsible for the school’s dramatic loss
both of these lectures served as the basis for later written
of prestige in the aftermath of the fall of the Sui in 518. The
works.
new dynasty, the Tang, wishing to disassociate itself from Sui
policies, naturally eshewed the symbols of religious legitima-
In 585 Zhiyi lectured before the last emperor of the
cy treasured by its predecessor.
Chen dynasty on the Da zhidu lun. While in the Chen capi-
tal (Jinling) he also lectured on the Renwang panruo jing
DOCTRINE AND PRACTICE. The Tiantai tradition is charac-
(Sutra of the Benevolent Kings; T. D. no. 246) and admon-
terized by the use of an exegetical method developed by Zhiyi
ished the emperor against state intervention in the affairs of
and employed by him in his works; all subsequent Tiantai
the sam:gha. In 587 Zhiyi gave a series of lectures on the
writers employed this same method. Tiantai doctrine is
Fahua jing in the Guangze Si; these lectures became the basis
founded upon a particular reading of the Lotus Sutra, to
for his Miaofa lianhua jing wenju (Sentences and Phrases of
which is imported a wide variety of teachings associated with
the Lotus; T. D. no. 1718). With the establishment of the
other texts and traditions and an organizational principle
Sui dynasty (589–618) and the reunification of China after
whereby the disparate texts and teachings of Maha¯ya¯na Bud-
some three and a half centuries, the area around the two re-
dhism are seen in the context of an overarjing scheme of reve-
gions of Xiangzhou and Xingzhou was pacified and Zhiyi
lation and levels of textual interpretation. Although the sys-
was able to make a pilgrimage to Mount Lu, a site famous
tematization of this insight into the so-called Five Periods
in the history of Pure Land Buddhism. In 591 he adminis-
and Eight Teachings doctrine is probably the work of a later
tered the bodhisattva precepts to the later-to-be second Sui
hand, the basic inspiration for the system clearly derives from
emperor, Prince Guang, in Yangzhou.
Zhiyi. Three works in particular, all by Zhiyi, are recognized
by the tradition as constituting the core and epitome of its
In 593 Zhiyi lectured on the Fahua jing at the Yuchuan
teachings.
Si, a monastery in Dangyang Prefecture whose construction
he had overseen. The transcription of these lectures by
Miaofa lianhua jing wenzhu. The first of these, the
Zhiyi’s disciple and amanuensis, Guanding, served as the
Miaofa lianhua jing wenzhu (Fahua wenzhu, for short), or
basis of the Miaofa lianhua jing xuanyi (The Profound Prin-
Words and Phrases of the Lotus Sutra, is based on Zhiyi’s lec-
ciples of the Lotus; T. D. no. 1716). The following year Zhiyi
tures at the Guangze Si in 587 on the meaning of key words
lectured on the practice of meditation; these lectures, again
and phrases in the Lotus Sutra. Guanding’s compilation and
transcribed by Guanding, formed the basis for the last of his
redaction of notes taken at this lecture series were completed
three major works, the Mohe zhiguan. In 595, once more at
in 629.
the request of the prince, Zhiyi found himself in the capital,
The Wenzhu employs four types of explanation (sishi)
Jinling, where he composed a commentary on the
in commenting on the text:
Vimalak¯ırti Su¯tra on behalf of his most eminent patron.
(1) The explanation according to conditions (yinyuan shi),
Soon thereafter, however, inspired by a premonition of im-
in which the author analyzes the Buddha and his audi-
pending death, he returned to Tiantai to impart his final
ence and the four “benefits” (siddha¯ntas) produced by
teachings to his disciples. These were transcribed under the
this su¯tra (it leads to joy and happiness, it generates
title Guanxin lun (On Visualizing the Mind; T. D. no.
roots of good, it destroys evil, and it enables the devotee
1920). Zhiyi died in the eleventh month of 597.
to enter into an understanding of the Absolute).
Although Zhiyi considered himself part of a spiritual
(2) The explanation in which this and all other su¯tras are
lineage that derived ultimately from Na¯ga¯rjuna and that had
analyzed on the basis of the place they occupy in the
been transmitted through Huiwen and Huisi, the doctrines
teachings of the Buddha over his entire lifetime (yuejiao
that have in East Asia been most typically associated with
shi). The standards for evaluating any teaching are two:
(early) Tiantai are the products of his own skill as a teacher
whether is it “partial” or “perfect” (i. e., whether it is
and exegete. His biographies record that Zhiyi was responsi-
fully expressive of the insights of the Buddha or only
ble for the construction of some thirty-five monasteries, had
partially so), H¯ınaya¯na or Maha¯ya¯na; and where it is in-
fifteen copies of the Tripit:aka copied and thousands of Bud-
cluded in the scheme of the Five Periods and the Eight
dha images cast, ordained over a thousand monks, some thir-
Teachings.
ty-two of whom became advanced students under his person-
al guidance, and produced a large number of works on
(3) The explanation based on whether the teachings in
doctrine and meditation. (Forty-six are attributed to him,
question constitute the “basic” or “peripheral” message
but a number are clearly later forgeries.)
of the su¯tra (benji shi).
Also important were the links he established with the
(4) The explanation based on the type of meditational prac-
Sui ruling house, who saw in Zhiyi’s synthesis of diverse
tice taught in the su¯tra (guanxin shi).
strands of the Buddhist tradition a compelling analogue to
These four exegetical methods are employed on the Lotus
their own political unification of the empire. Unfortunately,
Sutra as a whole, and then on each chapter’s title and on se-
the close relationship enjoyed by Zhiyi with the Sui rulers,
lected passages from each chapter. The first three explana-
and the lavish patronage he and his community received at
tions are theoretical, the last practical.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9176
TIANTAI
Zhiyi divided the contents of the Lotus Sutra into three
an exegesis of the five words in the title of the su¯tra from five
parts, two parts, and a combination of the two. He divided
points of view. The exegetical method of this commentary
the whole of the scripture into three parts: an introduction
is thus called the “five types of profound principles”
(chapter 1), the core teachings (chapter 2 to the first half of
(wuzhong xuanyi). These five exegetical categories character-
chapter 17), and a postscript (the last half of chapter 17 to
ize all subsequent Tiantai writings having the term xuanyi in
the end of the work, chapter 28). He also divided the scrip-
their titles and were used to analyze all Buddhist scripture,
ture into two parts (based on the benji shi method, men-
not merely the Lotus. The first explains the name of the su¯tra
tioned above): The first fourteen chapters constitute the fic-
(shiming); the second is a detailed analysis of its philosophy,
tive or provisional teachings; the second fourteen chapters
a philosophy that may not be necessarily expressed in the text
constitute the basic or absolute level of teaching. Here again,
itself (the bienti explanation); the third clarifies important
a tripartite analysis is employed against each section. The fic-
points expressed in the body of the text (the mingzong expla-
tive or provisional teachings are composed of an introduction
nation); the fourth discusses how the su¯tra expects persons
(chapter 1), a core teaching (chapters 2 to 6), and a postscript
to act or to think with respect to the teaching presented
(chapters 7 to 14). The basic or absolute teachings are simi-
therein (the lunyong explanation); and the fifth evaluates the
larly divided into the introduction (the first half of chapter
su¯tra and ranks it in relationship to the Absolute teachings
15), the core teaching (latter half of chapter 15 to the first
presented in the Lotus (the panjiao explanation). Zhiyi con-
half of chapter 17), and the postscript (latter half of chapter
tinues with an explanation of the meditational practice
17 to the end of the text).
taught in the Lotus, how the devotee should visualize that the
different characteristics of all dharmas are all in one’s own
For Zhiyi, the teachings of the first half of the Lotus (the
mind and that this mind actually (not merely potentially)
first fourteen chapters) center around the promise of salva-
possesses all dharmas.
tion for all beings. In this section, the Buddha S´a¯kyamuni
reveals that the traditionally articulated soteriological paths
Zhiyi’s specific explanation of the meaning of the word
(ya¯nas)—that of the ´sra¯vaka, or “H¯ınaya¯na” devotee, con-
fa (dharma) derives from the explanation that he learned
sisting of the teaching and practice of the Four Noble
from his master Huisi: The word fa includes the aspect of
Truths; the pratyekabuddha, or self-enlightened Buddha,
mind, the Buddha, and sentient beings. All these three are
epitomized by the teaching of dependent origination
at once provisional and absolute, a truth that is realized when
(prat¯ıtya-samutpa¯da); and the bodhisattva, or Maha¯ya¯na
the devotee sees that he or she and all other sentient beings
practitioner, characterized by the practice of the “perfec-
possess the “ten suchnesses” (shi rushi) and the “ten dhar-
tions” (pa¯ramita¯s)—are only apparently distinct religious
madhatus,” or realms of rebirth (shi fajie). Each realm pos-
paths. In fact, the end of each is nothing less than full and
sesses each of the ten suchnesses for a total of one thousand
complete Buddhahood; there are not three vehicles to salva-
characteristics, and each one of these one thousand charac-
tion, only one, the ekabuddhaya¯na, or “One Vehicle of the
teristics are empty (kong), provisionally existent (jia), and
Buddha.” This section of the su¯tra also preaches, according
both empty and existent at the same time (zhong). This
to Zhiyi, that phenomenal existence is identical with the ab-
threefold characterization is referred to as the “three wis-
solute, and that all dharmas have real and tangible character-
doms.”
istics.
In the last part of the commentary, Zhiyi refutes various
The second half of the su¯tra proclaims, however, that
theories of early Huayan and Weishi (Yoga¯ca¯ra) masters. He
S´a¯kyamuni’s very appearance in the world is a mere fiction,
also denies the equality, maintained by many, of the Lotus
a device employed, so says Zhiyi, by the one, eternal Buddha
Sutra and the Huayan jing and refutes the theories of several
to aid in the salvation of all beings. Under this interpretation,
early Lotus thinkers.
the historical Buddha, indeed all Buddhas of the ten direc-
Mohe zhiguan. The last of the major works of Zhiyi
tions, are nothing more than emanations of this one Buddha,
is the Mohe zhiguan. Unlike the former two works, which
and their earthly careers—the paradigmatic sequence of
deal primarily with theory and only peripherally with medi-
birth, renunciation of family life, cultivation of ascetic
tation, this work constitutes the core of Tiantai teachings
practices, even the enlightenment and final nirva¯n:a
concerning practice. The text of the Zhiguan was composed
(parinirva¯n:a)—mere elements in a great soteriological drama
by Zhiyi, but the introduction to the work was written by
designed to reveal the Dharma to sentient beings. For this
Guanding. In it, Guanding speaks of the lineage of Tiantai
reason, Zhiyi termed the teachings of the first half of the text
meditational practice and teaching. He speaks of two lin-
provisional; only the latter half constitutes the full revelation
eages: The first is taken from the Fu fazang jing and posits
of absolute truth.
a line of transmission that begins with the Buddha
S´a¯kyamuni and may be traced to the Indian monk Sim:ha.
All subsequent Tiantai writings having the words wen-
This lineage also includes Na¯ga¯rjuna. Because it begins with
zhu in their titles employ the fourfold exegetical method de-
the “golden mouthed” words of the Buddha it is called the
scribed here.
“golden mouth lineage.” The second lineage is called the
Miaofa lianhua jing xuanyi. The second of the major
“lineage of contemporary masters”; it traces its origin from
works of Zhiyi, the Miaofa lianhua jing xuanyi, is primarily
Na¯ga¯rjuna, through Huiwen to Huisi, to Zhiyi.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIANTAI
9177
THE FIVE PERIODS AND THE EIGHT TEACHINGS. One of the
jing (S´r¯ıma¯la¯dev¯ı Su¯tra), the Jinguang ming jing
most distinctive features of Tiantai thought was its classifica-
(Suvarn:aprabha¯sa Su¯tra)—which were taught, in the words
tion of the whole of S´a¯kyamuni’s teachings, that is, the whole
of Zhiyi, “to deprecate the partial and to praise the perfect;
of Buddhism, into five periods, during which the Buddha is
to demolish the H¯ınaya¯na, and to praise the Maha¯ya¯na,” so
said to have taught different doctrines to different classes of
that the followers would “be ashamed of the H¯ınaya¯na and
persons. These teachings are further subdivided on the basis
long for the Maha¯ya¯na.”
of their contents.
Next, the Buddha taught the Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯ (Perfec-
The “five periods” (wushi) are (1) the Huayan (Skt.,
tion of Wisdom) teaching of the emptiness of all dharmas.
Avatamsaka) period, (2) the period of the Ehan, or Agamas,
This twenty-two year period was followed by the presenta-
also called the Luyuan (Skt., Mr:gada¯va, “Deer Park”) period,
tion, for the first time since the teachings of the Huayan jing,
(3) the Fangdeng (Skt., Vaipulya) period, (4) the Boruo
of the absolute truth: For the next eight years the Buddha
(Skt., Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯) period; and (5) the Fahua (Skt.,
taught the Lotus Sutra. As the Buddha was about to die, his
Saddharmapun:d:ar¯ıka) or Niepan (Skt., Nirva¯n:a) period.
spent his last day and night preaching the Maha¯parinirva¯n:a
These take their names, as is obvious, from specific scriptures
Su¯tra, the Niepan jing. In this teaching he emphasized that
or scriptural collections preached during these eras.
all beings have the Buddha nature, or the potential to be-
come fully enlightened Buddhas, thus converting those who
The “eight teachings” (bajiao) are two sets of four teach-
had remained unswayed by the preaching of the Lotus Sutra.
ings, so divided on the basis of the method and the type or
In order to remove the delusions of those “of weak capacities
content of the teaching employed. The first four, the huayi,
among later generations” who would come to have the “false
or methods of conversion, are (1) the Sudden Teaching (dun-
view of extinction and annihilation,” he stressed the impor-
jiao), (2) the Gradual Teachings (jianjiao), (3) the Secret
tance of the Vinaya and its precepts for the moral life, and
Teachings (bimi jiao), (4) the Indeterminate Teachings (bud-
taught the eternal existence of the Buddha. Because the mes-
ing jiao). The huafa teachings, that is, the teachings classified
sage and the approximate time period of the preaching of the
on the basis of their contents, are (1) the Pit:aka Teachings
Lotus Sutra and the Maha¯parinirva¯n:a Su¯tra were the same,
(zangjiao), (2) the Common Teachings (tungjiao), (3) the
these two scriptures were said to make up a single era.
Separate Teachings (biejiao), and (4) the Perfect Teachings
(yuanjiao).
Zhiyi did not assign any specific number of years to each
of these periods; these were first added to this scheme in the
When the Buddha S´a¯kyamuni was first enlightened he
early thirteenth century by the scholar-monk Yuansui in his
is reputed to have sat silently for twenty-one days, during
Sijiaoyi beishi (Zokuzo¯kyo¯ 2.7.1). This identification with a
which time various emanations from his body are said to
specific number of years for each period became standard in
have taught several sermons that were later compiled into
Tiantai circles, although it was criticized by Zhixu (in his
one work, the Huayan jing (Avatam:saka Su¯tra). During this
Jiaoguan kangzong), the Japanese master Sho¯shin (in the
twenty-one-day period the Buddha presented the teachings
Hokkegengi shiki), and by the seventeenth- and eighteenth-
to advanced bodhisattvas, the only beings capable of compre-
century Japanese masters Fujaku and Hotan.
hending their lofty contents.
Of the four methods of conversion, the Sudden Teach-
After this twenty-one-day period, the Buddha then
ing is identified with the Huayan period and the Gradual
spent the next twelve years preaching the H¯ınaya¯na teach-
Teachings with the second, third, and fourth periods. The
ings to an audience that was incapable of understanding
Secret Teachings are those in which one group of persons is
the “sudden” presentation of the Maha¯ya¯na teachings of the
taught the Sudden Teaching and another group is taught a
Huayan jing. These H¯ınaya¯na teachings, also called the
Gradual Teaching, yet neither group realizes that the other
A¯gamas (known in Pali as the Nika¯yas), were first preached
has received a different presentation of the teachings. Hence,
in the Deer Park (Mr:gada¯va) in the town of Sa¯rna¯th, a sub-
they are termed “secret [and indeterminate].” But should
urb of Banaras, and were intended as an initial step in prepar-
these two groups realize that each is receiving a different
ing his listeners for more advanced (i. e., Maha¯ya¯na) teach-
teaching and a different type of spiritual benefit, then the
ings. These H¯ınaya¯na discourses were thus deemed
teachings are termed the “[revealed] indeterminate teach-
expedient (upa¯ya) teachings designed to lead the Buddha’s
ings.” No specific scriptures are assigned to these last two cat-
hearers eventually to greater understanding of the ultimate
egories.
or absolute level of the Truth.
The classification of the teachings according to their
Following this, the Buddha then preached for eight
contents begins with the Pit:aka Teachings, a synonym for
years to those followers who had attained the fruit of the
the H¯ınaya¯na. In this teaching the Four Noble Truths are
H¯ınaya¯na teachings, that is, to arhats, in order to bring them
taught differently for the ´sra¯vakas, prateyekabuddhas, and bo-
to the realization that arhatship does not represent the acme
dhisattvas. Then the Four Truths are taught with respect to
of the religious career. Thus, the Buddha preached a large
emptiness and nonarising to these three categories of follow-
number of Maha¯ya¯na sermons—represented by such scrip-
ers equally. This is termed the Common Teaching. When
tures as the Weimo jing (Vimalak¯ırtinirde´sa), the Shengman
an unlimited number of Four Truths are taught only to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9178
TIANTAI
Maha¯ya¯na bodhisattvas, this teaching is coupled with a pre-
a practice that has become one of the hallmarks of Tiantai
sentation of the three insights, emptiness (gu), provisional ex-
meditation. This teaching states that the devotee’s five
istence (jia), and the middle, or reconciliation of these two
skandhas presently contain all of the dharmas (“the three
(zhong), in a sequential manner. This is the Separate Teach-
thousand dharmas”) of existence. These three thousand are
ing, as each defilement is cut off separately. When the three
the ten realms of rebirth (hell, pretas, animals, asuras, hu-
insights are taught, cultivated, and realized simultaneously,
mans, devas, ´sra¯vakas, pratyekabuddhas, bodhisattvas, and
and when the three defilements are cut off all at once, this
Buddhas) multiplied by the ten “suchnesses,” or real, tangi-
is the Perfect Teaching.
ble characteristics (nature, external characteristics, body,
power, creative ability, causes, conditions, results, recom-
The teaching of the Huayan period is the Perfect Teach-
penses, and the totality of the Absolute), in turn multiplied
ing, but not exclusively so; it also contains traces of the Sepa-
by the three realms (the realm of sentient beings, their physi-
rate Teaching. The Deer Park period is devoted exclusively
cal lands, and their five skandhas).
to the Pit:aka Teaching. The third period, the miscellaneous
Maha¯ya¯na or Vaipulya period, contains elements of all four
The remaining portions of section seven elucidate
teachings, and the fourth period teaches the Perfect Teaching
meditational practices designed to remove the influences
but with strong traces of both the Common and Separate
(va¯sana¯s) of one’s past karman. At this point the Mohe zhig-
Teachings. In the fifth period, the Lotus Sutra is purely the
uan comes to an abrupt end; that is, it ends at the seventh
Perfect Teaching, with no admixture of any of the other
subdivision of section seven; the remaining sections (eight to
teachings, whereas the Maha¯parinirva¯n:a Su¯tra constitutes a
ten) are missing, although the names of their titles are known
subsidiary teaching, and includes all of the four types of
from the introduction to the work: Section eight is con-
teachings.
cerned with karmic results, section nine with the teachings,
and section ten with the general purport. There are two tra-
Meditation. According to Guanding, Zhiyi’s teaching
ditional reasons given for this abrupt ending to the text: Ei-
of meditation can be traced to the master Huisi, and compre-
ther Zhiyi was asked to speak for a certain period of time and
hends “three types of stilling and insight meditation” (san-
his time ran out, or he was beginning to speak of states of
zhong zhiguan): the gradual attainment of stilling and insight
attainment that could not be expressed in words. That is to
(taught in full in Zhiyi’s Shichan poluomi ziti famen, T. D.
say, if the devotee progressed as far as was already described
no. 1916), the indeterminate attainment of stilling and in-
in the text, the devotee would automatically know the end-
sight (represented by his Liumiao famen, T. D. no. 1917),
ing of the book.
and the perfect and sudden attainment of stilling and insight
(represented by the Mohe zhiguan).
Introductory manuals. Even though the major writ-
ings of the Tiantai tradition are large, voluminous works,
The Mohe zhiguan is divided into ten major sections;
early on it became obvious to Zhiyi that his thought would
sections one and seven are further subdivided into important
be best presented in shorter epitomes of his teachings. One
subdivisions. Section one is entitled Dayi, (“great teaching”)
of the distinctive features of the Tiantai tradition is that it
and is subdivided into (1) generating the bodhicitta (in which
produced a number of one-volume works that present the
ten types of good and bad bodhicitta are enumerated); (2)
salient points of Tiantai doctrine in a brief, easy to remember
cultivating the great practice, in which four types of sama¯dhi
form.
are enumerated: the “samadhi of perpetual walking,” the “sa-
madhi of perpetual sitting,” the “samadhi of half-walking and
One of the first of these works was Guanding’s Tiantai
half-sitting” (which, coupled with the perpetual recitation of
bajiao dayi (The Major Points of the Eight Teachings of the
the Nembutsu, became important in Japanese Tendai and
Tiantai; T. D. no. 1930). Another popular one volume in-
Pure Land practice), and the “samadhi of neither walking nor
troduction to Tiantai thought is the Tiantai sijiaoyi (Kor.,
sitting”; (3) experiencing the great result (i. e., the
Cho˘ndee sagyo˘ngui; T. D. no. 1931) by the Korean monk
sam:bhogaka¯ya); (4) rending asunder the great snare of
Chegwan (Chin., Tiguan). This text is divided into two sec-
doubts, in which the author refutes doubts and objections
tions: The first describes the “five periods” (in the teaching
based on other writings and teachings; and (5) returning to
career of the Buddha) and the “four teachings” (four types
the great source, nirva¯n:a.
of doctrine preached by S´a¯kyamuni); the second describes
the meditational practice of the lineage. With this arrange-
Section two discusses the name (Stilling and Insight) of
ment the author appears to separate the doctrinal from the
the text. Section three discusses its characteristics; section
practice aspect of the teaching, a point upon which he was
four states that this practice embraces all dharmas; section
criticized by later writers (e.g., Zhihxü).
five discusses whether this practice is partial or perfect; and
section six gives some twenty-five external and internal prep-
Another short, one-volume introductory work is the
arations for the practice of meditation. Section seven is enti-
Jiaoguan kangzong (T. D. no. 1939) by the Ming dynasty
tled “The Real Practice” and is subdivided into ten subdivi-
master Zhixu (1599–1655). In this work Zhixu attempts to
sions. According to section seven, on the first of the devotee’s
present the orthodox Tiantai teachings without any admix-
intensive meditations he or she should meditate on “the three
ture of his own interpretations, yet his definition of orthodox
thousand dharmas in one instant of mind” (yinian sanqian),
Tiantai are the thoughts of the shanjia masters of the Song
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIANTAI
9179
dynasty. This work was written along the lines of Chegwan’s
In 583 Guanding accompanied Zhiyi to the Guangze
Sagyo˘ngui, but whereas Chegwan presents the meditational
Si in Jinling; here he studied Zhiyi’s meditational teachings
practices of the various Four Teachings apart from their doc-
and was certified as Zhiyi’s successor and permanent atten-
trines, Zhixu stresses the close interrelation between teaching
dant. In 614 Guanding completed his two-volume commen-
and practice (meditation) in each of the Four Teachings.
tary on the Maha¯ya¯na-parinirva¯n:a Su¯tra, his Daniepan jing
Another short introductory work by Zhixu that is still
xuanyi, and the thirty-three volume comentary on this same
widely read in both China and Japan is the Fahua lunguan
scriptures, his Daniepan jing shu. With the completion of
(A Synopsis of the Lotus Sutra; Zokuzo¯kyo¯ 50). In this work
these works the Tiantai tradition now had complete com-
Zhixu adopted Zhiyi’s exegetical method and selected pas-
mentaries on the two most important scriptures in their lin-
sages from Zhiyi’s Fahua xuanyi and Fahua wenju to illus-
eage, the Lotus Sutra and the Maha¯ya¯na-parinirva¯n:a Su¯tra,
trate the purport of the su¯tra and its title. He also quotes
whose doctrines, in the view of Zhiyi and Guanding, make
from these two works to illustrate the teaching of each of the
up the “perfect” or “round” teaching (yuanjiao). Guanding’s
twenty-eight chapters of the Lotus Sutra.
biographer states that, owing to the civil disorder attendent
upon the collapse of the Sui, the five years it took him to
Tiantai historiographical works. The Tiantai contri-
complete his commentaries were ones of extreme privation.
bution to Chinese Buddhism is not confined to doctrinal
works alone. Two major church histories, the Fozu tongji
In his later years Guanding lived in the city of Kuaiji,
(Comprehensive Record of the Buddha and the Patriarchs;
where he lectured on the Lotus Sutra. His biography records
T. D. no. 2035) and the Shimen chengtong (Zokuzokyo 2.3.5),
that contemporary popular rhyme said that he “surpassed Fa-
bear the imprint of Tiantai thought.
lang, Huiji, Fayun and Sengyin,” the ranking scholar-monks
of his day. It was through the efforts of Guanding that the
The former, composed in 1269 by Zhipan, is a general
monastery on Mount Tiantai began again to enjoy imperial
history of Buddhism in both India and China rendered from
patronage; Guanding was also responsible for the transcrip-
the Tiantai point of view. In it are preserved biographies of
tion and propagation of the major and minor works of Zhiyi,
the Buddha and major patriarchal figures, chronologies of
thus ensuring their survival for later generations.
Chinese and Indian church history, histories of rival orders,
Tiantai cosmology, accounts of church-state relations, mirac-
In addition to the works mentioned above, Guanding’s
ulous tales, and the texts of important steles. The work con-
extant corpus includes the Guanxin lun shu, a commentary
tains much material pertaining to the shanjiashanwai debates
on Zhiyi’s Guanxin lun; the Sui Tiantai Dashi biezhuan, a
of the Northern Song period, and is altogether notable for
one-volume biography of Zhiyi and the primary source for
the attention it accords the Pure Land tradition in China,
existing knowledge of his life and works; and the Guoqing
an account of which occupies a full three volumes.
bailu.
The latter work, the Shimen chengtong, is in its present
Zhanran. Zhanran, counted as the ninth Tiantai patri-
form the work of the Southern Sung master Zongqian, who
arch, was born in 711 in Jingxi (present-day Giangsu Prov-
rewrote the text from an earlier history, the Zongyuan lu. It
ince) to a family that had for generations produced Confu-
is modeled after secular Chinese historical writings. In its five
cian scholars and officials. His biography states that in his
sections are chronicles of the Buddha and major Indian fig-
youth he excelled in scholarship; at the age of sixteen he de-
ures; sectarian lineages; monographs treating such topics as
veloped an interest in Buddhism and began to search out
popular customs, social welfare, monastery administration,
teachers of the faith. His first recorded teacher was Fangyan,
and so forth; biographies of lesser Tiantai masters; and re-
who taught him the elements of zhiguan meditation. At the
cords of other traditions.
age of seventeen he met Xuanlang (later to be counted as the
LATER MASTERS. Although Zhiyi represents the lynchpin of
eighth patriarch of the Tiantai tradition), who, it is said, im-
Chinese Tiantai, his work was carried on and developed by
mediately recognized the youth’s intelligence and taught him
a succession of later masters whose efforts ensured that
both the doctrines and the meditation techniques of the
Tiantai remained one of the most influential and doctrinally
Tiantai tradition.
sophisticated traditions of East Asian Buddhism.
For the next twenty years Zhanran, still a layman, de-
Guanding. Zhiyi’s successor as abbot and leader of the
voted himself to the study of Tiantai doctrines, finally be-
Tiantai lineage was Guanding (561–632). A native of Zhan-
coming ordained in 748. After his ordination, Zhanran jour-
gan (Zhekyiang Province), Guanding entered the monastic
neyed to Kuaiji where he studied the monastic discipline
life at the age of six, particularly distinguishing himself in lit-
with the Vinaya master Tanyi (Kor., Tamil). Sometime
erary studies. He was fully ordained at the age of nineteen.
thereafter Zhanran gave a series of lectures on the Mohe zhig-
After the death of his ordination master Guanding left the
uan in the Kaiyuan Si in Wujun. Following the death of
local monastery and went to the Xiuchan Si (later the chief
Xuanlang in 754, Zhanran took upon himself the task of
monastery of the Tiantai tradition) on Mount Tiantai, where
propagating the Tiantai doctrines. This he did by writing
he met Zhiyi for the first time. It was here that he began his
commentaries to the three major works of Zhiyi, polemics
study of the Tiantai meditational practices and doctrinal syn-
against the Huayan, Yoga¯ca¯ra, and Chan systems, and short
thesis established by Zhiyi.
manuals of meditational instruction. His voluminous writ-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9180
TIANTAI
ings earned him the informal title of jizhu, the Master of
“true mind,” in which case the devotee was to visualize a
Commentaries. Zhanran died in 782, and was buried next
deity or some other transcendental object in order that the
to the remains of Zhiyi. For his role in propagating Tiantai
mind might take on the feature of the object of meditation.
doctrines at a time of their eclipse Zhanran has been termed
In the course of the debate the authenticity of various works
“the patriarchal restorer of the Tiantai tradition” (Tiantai
popularly attributed to Zhiyi and Zhanran was also disputed,
zhongxing zu). He had some thirty-nine disciples, including
so that what came to be at issue was the very question as to
Daosui and Xingman, as well as the academician Liang Xiao.
which teachings would be recognized as “orthodox” Tiantai
doctrine. The debate was joined initially in a series of corre-
Zhanran’s fame rests on his literary works. These in-
spondence between Zhili and his shanwai counterparts
clude commentaries on Zhiyi’s three major works: Fahua
Wuen, Qingzhao, and Jiyuan. Many of these documents are
wenju ji (T. D. no. 1719), Fahua xuanyi shiqian (T. D. no.
preserved in Zhili’s collected works, the Siming zunzhe jiaox-
1717), and the Zhiguan fuxing zhuanhongjueh (T. D. no.
ing lu (T. D. no. 1937). In the course of this correspondence
1912). In addition to these, Zhanran also reedited the Nie-
Zhili made a case for the everyday mind, replete with defile-
pan shu and composed three commentaries on the Weimo
ments as it is, as the proper object of meditation, a point
jing (Vimalak¯ırtinirde´sa Su¯tra), a selection of significant pas-
around which a variety of notions concerning the nature of
sages from the Mohe zhiguan (his Zhiguan wenju), works on
the Absolute also crystallized.
Huayan (his Huayan gumu), on selected topics in Tiantai
doctrine (Jingang bi lun and Shibuer men, important works
By the time of his death in 1028 Zhili had gathered
in the subsequent Song-dynasty shanjiashanwai debates), and
around him a large number of students, more than thirty of
a number of introductory manuals of meditation.
whom were his close disciples. Zhili also personally ordained
over seventy monks.
Zhili. Zhili, later to be counted as the seventeenth patri-
arch of the Tiantai tradition, was born in 960 in Siming
Zhixu. The scholar-monk Zhixu was born in 1599 in
(Chegiang Province). At the age of six, he lost his mother,
the Suzhou district of present-day Giangsu Province. In his
and his father sent him to live in a local monastery. It was
youth he was an ardent student of the Confucian classics.
there, at the age of fourteen, that he received full ordination.
Like many of the Confucian scholars of his day, he had an
At nineteen he began his study of Tiantai doctrine with Yi-
intense dislike for Buddhism and even composed an essay
tong (Kor., U
ˇ ito˘ng). After Zhili had been with Yitong for
purporting to refute Buddhist doctrine. But at the age of six-
one month the master had him lecture on the Xinjing (the
teen he chanced to read the Zizhilu and the Zhushuang suibi
Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯hr:daya Su¯tra), and after a period of three
of the master Yunqi Zhuhong (1535–1615) and was con-
years Zhili was giving all of his master’s lectures. Yitong died
verted to Buddhism. At nineteen he underwent an enlighten-
in 988; in 991 Zhili took up residence in the Qianfu Si,
ment experience while reading the Lunyu (Analects) of Con-
where he stayed for four years, lecturing on Tiantai doctrines
fucius; as his biographer put it, “he was enlightened to the
and writings. As his students grew in number the accommo-
mind (xinfa) of Confucius and Yanzi.”
dations of the Qianfu Si proved to be too small, so in 995
In 1638 Zhixu resolved to compose a commentary on
he moved to the Baoen Yuan; in the following year the abbot
the Fanwan jing (T. D. no. 1815), the standard Chinese
of the Baoen Yuan resigned his office and Zhili was able to
Maha¯ya¯na text treating the precepts. Undecided as to which
turn the monastery into a Tiantai teaching center.
doctrinal point of view he should adopt in his explanation
Zhili’s entire life was devoted to religious instruction.
of the text, he made four tokens in order to practice a rite
In addition to a voluminous corpus of writings, twenty-three
of divination in front of a Buddha image. On these tokens
titles by one account, and his lectures on the major Tiantai
he wrote “the Huayan tradition,” “the Tiantai tradition,”
works and commentaries, he also pursued a rich liturgical
“the Weishi tradition,” and “my own tradition,” respectively,
and meditative career. He was responsible for the construc-
signifying by this last that he would develop his own under-
tion of hundreds of monasteries, the mass printing of Tiantai
standing of the Buddha’s teachings. In this rite, the token
literature, the casting of devotional images, and the inaugu-
marked with the Tiantai tradition came to the fore, and from
ration of an “Assembly for the Recitation of the Name of the
this time onward he composed all of his textual commen-
Buddha and for Giving the Precepts” (nianfo shijie hui), con-
taries based on Tiantai principles.
vened annually on the fifteenth day of the second month.
In the summer of 1655 Zhixu fell ill, and on this occa-
But Zhili is perhaps best known for his role in the so-called
sion compiled the Jingtu shiyao (Ten Essential Works on the
shanjiashanwai debates, the seminal Tiantai dispute of the
Pure Land), an anthology of ten essays dealing with the Pure
Northern Song period (960–1127).
Land doctrines. At the end of summer his illness abated and
The shanjia (“mountain school,” the “orthodox” posi-
he was then able to complete his magnum opus, the forty-
tion) centered around Zhili and his followers; the shanwai
four-volume Yuezang zhijin and the five-volume Fahai guan-
(“outside the mountain,” i. e., non-orthodox) position cen-
lan. Later that year his illness returned, whereupon he estab-
tered around the monks Qingzhao and Jiyuan. The dispute
lished a Pure Land religious sodality and composed a set of
turned on whether the correct object of meditation should
vows for the group. He also composed some stanzas on seek-
be the “mind as it currently is,” defiled and ignorant, or the
ing rebirth in the Pure Land (the Qiusheng jingtu jie). Zhixu
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIANTAI
9181
died in 1655 at the age of fifty-six; his popular posthumous
Zhixu also wrote a small work, the Fahai guanlan
title was Lingfeng Yuyi Dashi. His extant corpus of writings
(Drops of Insight into the Sea of Dharma), treating his classi-
is voluminous: Some forty-six titles appear in various canoni-
fication of the canon, which first circulated in a printed edi-
cal collections and a number of texts still circulate indepen-
tion of 1654. In this work Zhixu divides Buddhist literature
dently. Zhixu’s miscellaneous pieces were collected in 1678
into five sections: the Vinaya, texts dealing with “teaching
by his disciple Chengshi into the ten-volume Ling feng Yuyi
and insight” (Tiantai, Huayan, and Weishi), Chan, the Se-
Dashi zonglun.
cret Teachings, and Pure Land works.
Zhixu’s corpus includes several works concerned with
SEE ALSO Buddhism, Schools of, articles on Chinese Bud-
the Lengyen jing, a scripture hitherto not commented upon
dhism and Maha¯ya¯na Philosophical Schools of Buddhism;
from the Tiantai standpoint, and works dealing with the pre-
Buddhist Books and Texts, article on Exegesis and Herme-
cepts, Buddhist logic, different aspects of Buddhist philoso-
neutics; Buddhist Meditation; Buddhist Philosophy; Huay-
phy, many different scriptural commentaries, and interest-
an; Na¯ga¯rjuna; Nirva¯n:a; Tendaishu; Zhiyi.
ingly enough, a Buddhist commentary on the Four Books
(four Confucian classics) and a ten-volume Zhouyi chanjie (a
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Chan commentary on the Book of Changes). Zhixu’s largest
Ando¯ Toshio. Tendai shiso¯shi. Kyoto, 1959.
work is the forty-four-volume Yuezang zhijin (Examining the
Ando¯ Toshio. Tendaigaku: Konpon shiso¯ to sono tenkai. Kyoto,
Canon and Determining Its Depth). In this work he com-
1968.
ments on every book included in the Buddhist canon, a task
Ando¯ Toshio. Tendaigaku ronshu¯. Kyoto, 1975.
he began when he was twenty-nine years old.
Chappell, David, and M. Ichishima. Tiantai Buddhism: An Out-
Zhixu’s text divides the whole of the canon into four
line of the Fourfold Teachings. Honolulu, 1983.
parts: Su¯tra, Vinaya, S´a¯stra, and Miscellaneous. The Su¯tra
Fukuda Gyo¯ei. Tendaigaku gairon. Tokyo, 1954.
section is divided into Maha¯ya¯na Su¯tras and H¯ınaya¯na
Su¯tras, and the Maha¯ya¯na Su¯tras are divided on the basis on
Hazama Jiko¯. Tendaishu¯shi gaisetsu. Edited by O
¯ kubo Ryo¯jun.
Tokyo, 1969.
the Five Periods: Huayan, Vaipulya, Prajña¯ texts, Lotus-
related texts, and Maha¯parinirva¯n:a texts. The Vaipulya scrip-
Hibi Sensho¯. To¯dai Tendaigaku josetsu. Tokyo, 1966.
tures are divided into Revealed Teachings and Secret Teach-
Hibi Sensho¯. To¯dai Tendaigaku kenkyu¯. Tokyo, 1975.
ings, and the Secret Teachings are further divided into Secret
Hurvitz, Leon N. Zhiyi (538–597): An Introduction to the Life and
(i. e., Tantric) scriptures and sa¯dhana literature.
Ideas of a Chinese Buddhist Monk. Brussels, 1962.
The Vinaya is here divided into Maha¯ya¯na Vinaya texts
Hurvitz, Leon N., trans. Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine
and H¯ınaya¯na Vinaya texts. The Sastra section is divided
Dharma. New York, 1976.
into Maha¯ya¯na S´a¯stras and H¯ınaya¯na S´a¯stras. Maha¯ya¯na
Inaba Enjo¯. Tendai shikyo¯gi shinshaku. Kyoto, 1925.
S´a¯stras are divided into three: S´a¯stras that comment on scrip-
Ishizu Teruji. Tendai jisso¯ron no kenkyu¯. Tokyo, 1947.
tures, sectarian S´a¯stras, and S´a¯stras that comment on other
S´a¯stras: this section is also broken down on the basis of those
Magnin, Paul. La vie et l’œuvre de Huisi: Les origines de la secte
bouddhique chinoise du Tiantai. Paris, 1979.
composed in India and those composed in China. The Mis-
cellaneous section is divided into works composed in India
Sakamoto Yukio. Hokekyo¯ no shiso¯ to bunka. Kyoto, 1965.
and those composed in China, and the section of those works
Sasaki Kentoku. Tendai kyo¯gaku. Kyoto, 1951.
composed in China is divided into fifteen subsections: repen-
Sato¯ Tetsuei. Tendai Daishi no kenkyu¯. Kyoto, 1961.
tence rituals, Pure Land, Tiantai, Chan, Huayan, Weishi,
Tantrism, Vinaya, compilations, biographies, defense of the
Sekiguchi Shindai. Tendai shoshikan no kenkyu¯. Tokyo, 1954.
faith (i. e., polemical writings), glossaries, indices, “prefaces,
Shimaji Daito¯. Tendai kyo¯gakushi. Tokyo, 1929.
hymns, poems, and songs,” and last, a list of works that
Sun Zhengxin. “Tiantai sixiangdi yuanyuan yu qi texhi.” Xhong-
should be included in the canon. Zhixu comments on a total
guo fojiaoshi lunji 2 (1956): 687–713.
of 1,773 titles; for each work he gives the name of the transla-
Weinstein, Stanley. “Imperial Patronage in the Formation of
tor or author, a summary of its contents, and the names of
Tang Buddhism.” In Perspectives on the Tang, edited by Ar-
its chapters. Zhixu’s classification of Buddhist scriptures was
thur Wright and Denis Twitchett. New Haven, Conn.,
employed in the printing of the Dai-Nippon ko¯tei shukkoku
1973.
daizo¯kyo¯; the influence of Zhixu’s classification can also be
L
found in the internal arrangement of the Taisho¯ daizo¯kyo¯.
EO M. PRUDEN (1987)
The Yuezang zhijin was not published during Zhixu’s
lifetime. It was first printed by 1669, and was reprinted in
TIBETAN RELIGIONS
1892 in Nanking. The first full Japanese printing came in
This entry consists of the following articles:
1783, and the work is now included in volume 3 of the
AN OVERVIEW
Sho¯wa ho¯bo¯ so¯mokuroku, appended to the Taisho¯ daizo¯kyo¯.
HISTORY OF STUDY
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9182
TIBETAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
TIBETAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
taken to imply that Buddhism in Tibet is somehow basically
To the Western mind, Tibet has traditionally appeared as a
different from Buddhism in other parts of Asia. To the extent
remote yet uniquely fascinating country. Profoundly Bud-
that the term Lamaism points to the important role of the
dhist in all aspects of its social, cultural, and religious life,
lama (Tib,, bla ma), or religious guide and expert in Tibetan
it was, until 1959, dominated by a monastic hierarchy. In
religion, it can be said to refer equally to Buddhism and Bon,
the imagination of some, the so-called Land of Snow (as the
and thus it retains a certain usefulness. However, as a term
Tibetans style their country) has also been regarded as the
intended to describe Tibetan religion as a whole, it remains
home of mysterious, superhuman beings, mahatmas, who,
one-sided and hence misleading.
from their secret abodes in the Himalayas, give mystic guid-
THE PRE-BUDDHIST RELIGION. When Buddhism was intro-
ance to the rest of humanity.
duced into Tibet in the eighth century, it did not enter a reli-
As sources become more abundant, a more realistic and
gious vacuum. At present, however, it is not possible to arrive
complex view of Tibetan history and religion is gaining
at an adequate understanding of the pre-Buddhist religion
ground. The following points, which make this clear, should
because of the incompleteness of the sources.
be kept in mind.
These sources fall into two categories: ancient and later.
First, Buddhism in Tibet is represented by several tradi-
Ancient sources are those that predate the collapse of the
tions, monastic “orders,” or schools, which have certain basic
royal dynasty in the middle of the ninth century. Archaeo-
traits in common but also differ in significant respects. This
logical sources are practically nonexistent, since only sporad-
must be taken into account when reading written sources,
ic excavations have been undertaken to date. The royal
since traditional Tibetan historiography (which invariably is
tombs at DPhyong rgyas in central Tibet are still prominently
religious historiography) tends to reflect the more or less par-
visible but were plundered at an early date. The vast majority
tisan views of the authors.
of the written sources are later than the introduction of Bud-
dhism and thus often show traces of syncretic beliefs. These
Second, Buddhism is not the only religion that must be
sources include inscriptions on pillars and bells, manuscripts
taken into account. Buddhism penetrated into Tibet relative-
containing fragments of rituals and myths or of divinatory
ly late—perhaps not before the eighth century CE—and only
practices, Buddhist texts that refute the ancient religion, and
gradually succeeded in supplanting a well-established indige-
Chinese chronicles from the Tang dynasty (618-907). The
nous religion that is still only fragmentarily known. Further-
language of these Tibetan texts, however, is archaic and all
more, from the tenth or eleventh century onward, the vari-
too often obscure, and the manuscripts themselves are not
ous Buddhist orders have existed alongside a religion known
infrequently in a fragmentary condition.
as Bon, which, while claiming, certainly not without some
justification, continuity with the pre-Buddhist religion, is
The later sources date from the twelfth century onward
nevertheless almost indistinguishable from Buddhism in
and are found mainly in the historical writings of Buddhism
many respects. Bon has retained its own identity to this day.
and the Bon religion, which, between them, had by this time
In addition, there remains a vast area of rites and beliefs that
been completely successful in an institutional sense at least
are neither specifically Buddhist nor Bon but may be styled
in replacing the ancient religion. Many indigenous beliefs
“popular religion” or “the religion without a name.” There
and practices have persisted until today in the popular, non-
is also a small minority of Tibetan Muslims (who will, how-
monastic religion, but as they are usually closely intermixed
ever, not be treated in this article).
with elements of Buddhism (or, as the case may be, with
Third, it should be recognized that Tibet is a somewhat
Bon), it is an exceptionally delicate task to use folk religion
ambiguous term. In the present context it can only be used
as a basis for reconstructing the pre-Buddhist religion.
in a meaningful way to refer to an ethnically defined area—
Thus the picture of pre-Buddhist religion that emerges
including parts of India and Nepal—that shares a common
on the basis of the ancient sources is, unfortunately, frag-
culture and language, common religious traditions, and, to
mentary. Certain rituals, beliefs, and parts of myths may be
a large extent, a common history. The so-called Tibetan Au-
discerned, but the overall feeling of coherency is lacking,
tonomous Region of China only comprises the western and
Those elements that are known focus largely on the person
central parts of Tibet, including the capital, Lhasa. The vast
of the king. It is safe to assert that the Tibetans, at least from
expanses of eastern and northeastern Tibet (Kham and
the sixth century onward, if not earlier, had a sacral kingship.
Amdo) have since the 1950s been incorporated into Chinese
The welfare of the country depended on the welfare of the
provinces, but are ethnically and historically entirely Tibet-
king. Accordingly, rites of divination and sacrifice were per-
an. Beyond Tibet (thus defined), Tibetan Buddhism is the
formed to protect his life, guarantee his victory in battle, and
official religion of Bhutan; until the early years of the twenti-
ensure his supremacy in all things. It is said in the ancient
eth century it reigned supreme in Mongolia; and it is still
sources that “his helmet is mighty” and his rule “great, firm,
found among the Buriats, Tuvin, and Kalmuks in Russia. Its
supreme,” and “eternal.” The king “does not change”; he is
spread in the West will be discussed at the end of this article.
endowed with “long life.”
The term Lamaism is frequently used to refer to Tibetan
The king was regarded not only as a vitally important
religion. Tibetans often object to this term, as it could be
personage but above all as a sacred being. According to a fre-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIBETAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
9183
quently encountered myth, the first king of Tibet descended
guardians and guarantors of treaties. Sacrifices in the form
from heaven (“the sky”) and alighted on the summit of a
of various animals were made at the conclusion of the treaty
mountain (according to later sources, he made the descent
of 822 between China and Tibet. By this time, however,
by means of a supernatural rope or ladder). At the foot of
Buddhism had appeared on the scene and the Three Jewels
the mountain he was received by his subjects. The earliest
of Buddhism (i.e., Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha) were also
kings were believed to have ascended bodily to heaven by the
invoked. A Buddhist monk with the rank of minister was at
same means, thus leaving no corpse behind. Furthermore,
the head of the Tibetan delegation.
the king was assimilated to the sacred mountain itself, just
The subterranean beings, the klu, posed a constant dan-
as in later popular religion the distinction between a sacred
ger to humanity, since they were particularly prone to be an-
mountain and the deity residing on it was often blurred.
noyed by activities that interfered with the surface of the
The myth relates that when the seventh king was killed,
land, such as plowing and digging. The klu could cause the
funerary rites had to be performed for the first time, In fact,
eruption of diseases, especially leprosy and dropsy, that could
in historical times (i.e., from the sixth century CE onward)
only be cured through rites of atonement and propitiation.
huge funerary mounds were erected, assimilated both to the
However, in determining the details of these rites and in ob-
sacred mountains and to the kings, the tombs being given
taining specific information about the host of demons pre-
names that consisted of the same elements as those found in
sumably populating the supernatural world of the ancient
the names of the kings themselves. The death of a king was
Tibetans we are to a large extent reduced to speculation on
surrounded by elaborate rituals: processions, sacrifices, and
the basis of later, popular religious practices. Likewise, we
the depositing on a lavish scale of all sorts of precious objects
meet with the names of various types of deities that are of
in the burial chamber. The officiating priests were known ge-
great importance in later, popular religion: warrior god (dgra
nerically as bon pos, but apparently there were numerous spe-
bla), god of the fireplace (thab lha), life god (srog lha), god
cialized subgroups. Animals were sacrificed: in particular,
of the land (yul lha), and so on.
sheep, horses, and yaks. The sacrificial sheep seem to have
had an important role as guides for the deceased along the
It is difficult to establish which elements in the pre-
difficult road leading to the land of the dead—a land appar-
Buddhist religion are truly indigenous, The later sources in-
ently conceived of in terms analogous to that of the living,
sist that many of the Bon priests came from countries border-
Servants and officials, perhaps also members of the family,
ing Tibet, in particular, areas to the west. After Buddhism
were assigned to the dead king as his “companions”; it is un-
had triumphed, the Tibetans themselves speculated whether
certain, however, whether they, too, actually accompanied
the Bonpos were S´aiva adepts from Kashmir. Possible influ-
him to the grave, or, as certain later sources suggest, only
ences emanating from the Iranian world have also been the
lived within the precincts of the tomb for a specified period.
subject of speculation by Western scholars, so far without
conclusive evidence. On the other hand, the importance of
A surviving early text outlines an eschatological cosmol-
the Chinese influence, long ignored, has now been firmly es-
ogy that embodies a cyclical view of time. In a “golden age”
tablished. The royal tombs have obvious Chinese prototypes,
plants and animals are transposed from their celestial home
as does the sacredness of the king: he is “god son” (lha sras),
to the earth for the benefit of humanity. Virtue and “good
corresponding to the Chinese emperor, the “Son of Heaven”;
religion” reign supreme. However, a demon breaks loose
he is “sacred and divine” ( Dphrul gyi lha), corresponding to
from his subterranean abode and causes a general decline in
the Chinese sheng-shen. This sacredness is manifested in a su-
morals as well as in the physical world. Those who neverthe-
pernormal intelligence and in the power to act, politically as
less follow the path of virtue and honor the gods are led after
well as militarily.
death to a land of bliss. In the meantime, the world rapidly
reaches a point at which everything is destroyed, whereupon
It has been suggested that the pre-Buddhist religion was
a new golden age begins in which the virtuous dead are re-
transformed into a coherent political ideology in the seventh
born. Thus the cycle presumably—the text is not explicit—
century, modeled on the Chinese cult of the emperor. This
repeats itself.
royal religion was, according to this view, referred to as gtsug
or gtsug lag, a word that was defined as “the law of the gods.”
Little is known of the pantheon of the pre-Buddhist reli-
However, the later sources, Buddhist and Bonpo, unani-
gion. The universe was conceived of as having three levels:
mously refer to the ancient religion as Bon, a claim that is
the world above (the sky), inhabited by gods (lha); the mid-
supported by recent research. In any case, the cult of the di-
dle world (the earth), the abode of human beings; and the
vine kings disappeared together with the organized priest-
world below (the subterranean world, conceived of as aquat-
hood.
ic), inhabited by a class of beings known as klu (and later as-
BUDDHISM. Buddhism was established in Tibet under royal
similated to the Indian na¯gas).
patronage in the eighth century. In the preceding century,
According to some sources, the heavenly world above
Tibet had become a unified state and embarked upon a poli-
had thirteen levels, inhabited by a hierarchy of male and fe-
cy of military conquest resulting in the brief appearance of
male deities. Both Chinese sources and epigraphic evidence
a powerful Central Asian empire. The introduction of Bud-
speak of the sun, the moon, and the stars being invoked as
dhism was certainly due to the need to provide this empire
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9184
TIBETAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
with a religion that enjoyed high prestige because of its well-
protector of Tibet. In the form of an ape he had, in ancient
established status in the mighty neighboring countries of
times, assumed the role of progenitor of the Tibetan people
India and China. The first Buddhist temple was built at
in order that the teachings of the Buddha might flourish in
Bsam yas (Samyé) in approximately 779; soon afterward the
Tibet in due course; in the form of the great Tibetan king
first monks were ordained. From the very start, the Buddhist
Srong bstan sgam po, who created the Tibetan empire in the
monks were given economic and social privileges.
seventh century, Avalokite´svara had established Buddhism—
according to this retrospective view—in the Land of Snow.
When Buddhism was introduced, the Tibetans had a
The Potala Palace in Lhasa, the ancient capital, was built in
choice as to whether the new religion should be brought
its present form by the fifth Dalai Lama and made his resi-
from India or China. Modern scholarship has established the
dence; situated on a hill, it symbolically reestablished the pre-
important role that China played as a source of Buddhism
in the early stages of its history in Tibet. Nevertheless, it was
Buddhist connection between the divine king and the sacred
the Indian form of Buddhism that eventually predominated.
mountain.
According to later sources, the Tibetan kings were guided by
POPULAR RELIGION. It would be illusory to draw a sharp line
spiritual considerations and the proponents of Indian Bud-
of demarcation between popular and monastic religion. Nev-
dhism emerged victorious from a doctrinal debate with Chi-
ertheless, while the study of the Maha¯ya¯na philosophical sys-
nese monks representing a form of Chan Buddhism. Howev-
tems and the performance of elaborate Tantric rites take
er, hard political motives were surely equally important: in
place within the confines of the monasteries, monks actively
military and political terms China was Tibet’s main rival,
participate in a wide range of ritual activities outside the
and China’s influence at the Tibetan court would be unduly
monasteries, and beliefs that do not derive from Buddhism
increased if it gained control of the powerful Buddhist
are shared by monks and laypeople alike.
hierarchy.
These rites and beliefs may be styled “popular religion,”
In any case, Tibet turned to India for its sacred texts,
a term that only signifies that it is nonmonastic, traditional,
philosophical ideas, and rituals, in the same way as it had
and related to the concerns of laypeople. It does not imply
adopted, in the seventh century, an Indian alphabet. Once
a system representing an alternative to Buddhism (or the Bon
set on its course, Buddhism rapidly became the dominant re-
religion). For the last thousand years, Buddhist ideas have
ligion, suffering only a temporary setback after the collapse
provided a general cosmological and metaphysical frame-
of the royal dynasty in 842. In several important respects,
Buddhism in Tibet remained faithful to its Indian prototype.
work for popular religion. In many cases one may also as-
It must, of course, be kept in mind that this prototype was,
sume that there is continuity with the pre-Buddhist religion,
by the seventh and eighth centuries, a form of Maha¯ya¯na
but it is often a delicate task to determine this continuity in
Buddhism that was, on the one hand, increasingly dependent
precise terms.
on large monastic institutions, and on the other, permeated
Turning, first of all, to elements inspired by Buddhism,
by Tantric rites and ideas. Both these features—vast
the most important—and conspicuous—are undoubtedly
monasteries and a pervasive Tantric influence—have re-
the varied and ceaseless efforts to accumulate merit. The law
mained characteristic of Buddhism in Tibet. Similarly, there
of moral causality (karman) easily turns into a sort of balance
has been little development in the realm of philosophical
in which the effect of evil deeds in this life or in former lives
ideas; the Tibetans have, on the whole, been content to play
may be annulled by multiplying wholesome deeds. While an
the role of exegetes, commentators, and compilers. However,
act of compassion, such as ransoming a sheep destined to be
the political domination that the monasteries gradually ob-
slaughtered, theoretically constitutes the ideal act of virtue,
tained was without precedent. A uniquely Tibetan feature of
the accumulation of merit generally takes a more mechanical
monastic rule was succession by incarnation—the head of an
form. Hence the incessant murmuring of sacred formulas (in
order, or of a monastery, being regarded as the reincarnation
particular the mantra of Avalokite´svara, “Om mani padme
(motivated by compassion for all beings) of his predecessor.
hum”), the spinning of prayer wheels (ranging in size from
In other cases, a religious figure might be regarded as the
hand-held wheels to enormous cylinders housed in special
manifestation of a deity (or a particular aspect of a deity). In
buildings), the carving of mantras on stones (which may
the person of the fifth Dalai Lama (1617–1682) both ideas
eventually grow into walls several miles in length, so-called
were combined. Each Dalai Lama was already regarded as the
mani-walls), and the hoisting of banners and strings of flags
incarnation of his predecessor; the fifth, who established
on which prayers are printed (“prayer flags”). Ritual circu-
himself as head of the Tibetan state, also came to be regarded
mambulation of holy places, objects, and persons is also a
as the emanation or manifestation of the great bodhisattva
distinctly Buddhist, as well as truly popular, practice. Show-
Avalokite´svara (Tib., Spyanrasgzigs), as have all subsequent
ing generosity toward monks and observing—lightly or scru-
Dalai Lamas down to the present, the fourteenth.
pulously, as the case may be—the universal precepts of Bud-
The choice of Avalokite´svara was not made at random.
dhism (particularly the prohibition against taking the life of
As early as the twelfth or thirteenth century, Avalokite´svara
any living being, however small) are ethical norms that Ti-
had come to be regarded in a double respect as the divine
betans share with all Buddhists.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIBETAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
9185
Pilgrimages constitute an important religious activity:
and a “black” demon whose task it is, after death, to place
above all to the holy city of Lhasa—sanctified by its ancient
the white and the black pebbles—representing the good and
temples and (since the seventeenth century) the presence of
evil deeds one has done in this life—on the scales of the judge
the Dalai Lama—but also to innumerable monasteries,
of the dead. The basic opposition between “white” and
shrines, and caves in which relics of holy men and women
“black,” good and evil, is a fundamental concept in Tibetan
may be seen, honored, and worshiped. Sacred mountains,
popular religion and figures prominently in pre-Buddhist
such as Mount Kailash in western Tibet, attract a stream of
traditions as well. Iranian influences have been suggested,
pilgrims who circumambulate, perhaps for weeks or months,
but it seems likely that the Chinese conceptual dichotomy
the holy abode of the chosen deity. The supreme pilgrimage
of yin and yang lies closer at hand.
is the long journey to the sacred sites of Buddhism in India
and Nepal (Bodh Gaya¯, Ra¯jagr:ha, Lumbin¯ı, Sa¯rna¯th); al-
The ancient cosmological scheme of sky, earth, and un-
though the flow of pilgrims to India virtually ceased after the
derworld remains fundamental in popular religion. In partic-
thirteenth century, it again became possible in the twentieth
ular, the cult of the klu—subterranean or aquatic beings easi-
century.
ly irritated by activities such as house building or plowing,
which provoke them to afflict people as well as animals with
Ritual practices, while generally having an overall Bud-
various diseases—remains widespread and provides a direct
dhist conceptual framework, often contain elements that
link to the pre-Buddhist religion.
point back to the pre-Buddhist religion. One such element,
frequently met with, is the “ransom” (glud) in the form of
An important aspect of popular religion (and, indeed,
a small human figurine that is offered as a gesture of propitia-
of the pre-Buddhist religion) is the emphasis on knowing the
tion to demons. In the New Year rituals as traditionally prac-
origins not only of the world but of all features of the land-
ticed in Lhasa, the glud was in fact a human scapegoat who
scape, as well as of elements of culture and society that are
was driven out of the city and who, in earlier times, was sym-
important to man. Tibetans have a vast number of myths
bolically killed.
centering on this theme of origins; while some of them have
a purely narrative function, others serve to legitimate a par-
As in other Buddhist countries, regional and local dei-
ticular ritual and must be recited in order that the ritual may
ties have remained objects of worship, generally performed
become effective.
by laypeople. In particular, the deities connected with (or
even identified with) sacred mountains, powerful gods of the
Rites of divination and of healing in which deities “de-
land (yul lha), are worshiped during seasonal festivals with
scend” into a male or female medium (lha pa, “god-
the burning of juniper branches that emit clouds of fragrant
possessed,” or dpa D bo, “hero”) and speak through it are an
smoke; horse races; archery contests; drinking bouts; and
important part of religious life, and such mediums are fre-
songs extolling the might of the deity, the beauty of the land,
quently consulted. Other, simpler means of divination are
the fleetness of its horses, and the valor of its heroes. These
also extremely widespread.
gods have a martial nature and are accordingly known as
enemy gods (dgra bla); they are also known as kings (rgyal
A special kind of medium is the sgrun pa, the bard who
po), Usually they are depicted as mounted warriors, dressed
in a state of trance can recite for days on end the exploits of
in archaic mail and armor and wearing plumed helmets.
the great hero Gesar. Regarded as an emanation of the bodhi-
sattva Avalokite´svara, Gesar has been approved by the Bud-
The house ideally reproduces the outside world, and it
dhist hierarchy; but essentially he is a popular, epic hero, a
has its own guardian deities, such as the god of the fireplace
mighty king and warrior. His epic is a storehouse of myths,
(thab lha). Care must be taken to avoid polluting the fire-
folklore, and pan-Eurasian narrative motifs, and is wide-
place in any way, as this angers the god. On the flat rooftops
spread outside Tibet in the Hindu Kush and, above all,
are altars dedicated to the “male god” (pho lha) and the “fe-
among the Mongolians. Other visionaries ( Ddas log) travel in
male god” (mo lha) and a banner representing the enemy
trance to the Buddhist purgatories, their bodies lying as if
god. The “male” and “female” gods are tutelary deities of the
dead; on awakening, they give detailed accounts of the pun-
household, supervising the activities of its male and female
ishment awaiting sinners beyond the grave. Still others find
members, respectively. The “enemy god” is —in spite of its
hidden “treasures” (gter ma) consisting of texts or sacred ob-
name—a deity who protects the entire household or, as a
jects; indeed, this has remained until today an important way
member of the retinue of the local “god of the land,” the dis-
of adding to the body of authoritative texts translated from
trict. The worship of these gods on the rooftops corresponds
Sanskrit (and, to a lesser extent, from Chinese), for the “trea-
to that performed in their honor on mountaintops and in
sure-discoverers” (gter ston) claim to bring to light texts that
passes: spears and arrows dedicated to them are stacked by
have been hidden away (especially by the eighth-century
the altar and juniper twigs are burned amid fierce cries of vic-
Tantric master Padmasambhava) during times of persecution
tory and good luck.
of Buddhism, to be rediscovered, usually with the assistance
The person, too, possesses a number of tutelary deities
of supernatural beings, for the benefit of humanity when the
residing in different parts of the body. Every person is also
time is ripe. Finally, ecstatics and visionaries point the way
accompanied, from the moment of birth, by a “white” god
to earthly paradises such as the mythical kingdom of Shamb-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9186
TIBETAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
hala or to hidden valleys, untouched by man, in the secret
unleashed a violent antireligious campaign in Tibet that re-
recesses of the Himalayas.
sulted in the total destruction of monastic life. A large num-
ber of monks were killed, and the rest were, without excep-
Summing up, Tibetan popular religion may perhaps be
tion, defrocked. Most monasteries were razed to the ground,
characterized as an infinitely varied attempt to circumvent,
and others were converted into secular buildings such as gra-
or at least mitigate, the mechanism of the law of moral cau-
naries or army barracks. Vast libraries were destroyed, and
sality. According to orthodox Buddhist doctrine, this law is
ritual objects, Buddha images, and relics were systematically
inexorable and its justice cannot be avoided; however, since
profaned. At the height of the campaign, even the most insig-
one cannot know what acts one has committed in the past
nificant expression of religious faith would be severely pun-
for which one may have to suffer in the future, the intolera-
ished by Chinese soldiers or Red Guards.
ble rigor of the law of cause and effect is in practice modified
by a religious worldview in which the destiny of the individu-
The new and more pragmatic policy in China began to
al also depends on ritual acts and on spiritual beings—
take effect in Tibet around 1980. A number of buildings, of-
benevolent as well as malevolent—who may at least be ap-
ficially regarded as historical monuments, were carefully re-
proached and at best be manipulated.
stored; a limited number of monks were installed in a num-
BON. It has already been noted that a class of ritual experts
ber of the largest monasteries: EBras-spungs (Drepung) near
in the pre-Buddhist religion were known as bon pos and that
Lhasa, Bkra shis lhun po (Tashilhunpo) outside Gshis ka rtse
certain early sources indicate that their religion was known
(Shigatse), and Bla brang (Labrang) and Sku Dbum (Kum-
as Bon. In any case, the later sources all agree that the pre-
bum) in eastern Tibet; a few temples were reopened for wor-
Buddhist religion was in fact known as Bon, and these
ship; and hundreds of other monasteries were reconstructed
sources tend to describe the struggle between Bon and Bud-
on a voluntary basis by the Tibetans themselves. On the
dhism in dramatic terms. This is true not only of the later
whole, religious activity seems to be tolerated as long as it
Buddhist sources but also of texts emanating from a religious
does not interfere with government policies. Tibet has in fact
tradition, explicitly styling itself Bon, that emerged in the
seen a remarkable resurgence of religious fervor that finds
eleventh century, if not before.
outlet, among other things, in the reconstruction of
monasteries and the traditional practices of the popular reli-
While virtually indistinguishable from Buddhism in
gion, including extended pilgrimages to sacred mountains
such aspects as philosophy, monastic life, ritual, and icono-
and other sites throughout Tibet. Within the limits set by
graphical conventions, this “later” Bon has always insisted
the political and economic conditions imposed on Tibet, it
that it represents the religion that prevailed in Tibet before
is clear that religious belief and practice remain a fundamen-
the coming of Buddhism. In spite of occasional syncretic ef-
tal factor in the overall situation in the Land of Snow.
forts on both sides, the Buddhists have tended to regard Bon
as heretical, and not infrequently the term bonpo has been
Among the Tibetan refugees in India and Nepal, reli-
used in the sense of “heretic,” “black magician,” and so forth.
gious life flourishes, to a large extent along traditional lines.
There is a tendency to emphasize monastic life together with
Two points about Bon must be made. First, the histori-
those aspects of Buddhism that are common to all Buddhists.
cal background of the Bon religion that emerged in the elev-
In the West, many Tibetan lamas have become highly suc-
enth century is far from clear. There is a significant element
cessful “gurus,” and numerous Tibetan Buddhist centers
of continuity with the pre-Buddhist religion, but nothing ap-
have been established, generally focusing on the teachings of
proaching identity. Second, it is seriously misleading to iden-
one particular order and emphasizing meditation and ritual
tify Bon with popular religion in general. On the level of
rather than conventional, scholastic studies. In exile, the
popular religion, followers of Bon and Buddhism alike share
fourteenth Dalai Lama, Bstan Ddzin rgya mtsho (Tenzin
the same beliefs and perform, to a very large extent, the same
Gyatsho; b. 1935), has become an internationally respected
rituals, although details may differ (for example, the Bonpos
Buddhist figure, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate in 1989 and
spin their prayer wheels and perform circumambulations in
a guide to the Buddhist way to human happiness and world
the opposite direction than the Buddhists do, i.e., counter-
peace through the development of insight and compassion.
clockwise; they worship different deities and hence use other
mantras, and so forth). These correspondences do not repre-
SEE ALSO Avalokite´svara; Dalai Lama; Gesar; Kingship, arti-
sent a case of “perversion,” “contradiction,” or the like (as
cle on Kingship in East Asia; Merit, article on Buddhist
has been too hastily suggested), for Bon and Buddhism share
Concepts; Pilgrimage, article on Tibetan Pilgrimage; Wor-
the same religious ideals and goals, and they approach them
ship and Devotional Life, article on Buddhist Devotional
by essentially similar means.
Life in East Asia; Yinyang Wuxing.
TIBETAN RELIGION TODAY. An overview of Tibetan religion
would be incomplete without an attempt to take stock of the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
situation in the early years of the twenty-first century. The
Tibetan religion is a field in which quasi-esoteric literature
most significant single fact is the downfall of monastic reli-
abounds. However, there are also many works of serious
gion. Starting in the 1950s and culminating in the period of
scholarship available to the general reader. The following sur-
the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s and 1970s, the Chinese
vey lists titles that are easily available.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIBETAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
9187
General Studies
pèlerinages, edited by Anne-Marie Esnoul et al. (Paris, 1960),
A classic and still useful introduction to the subject is Charles A.
pp. 199–245. A collection of more specialised articles is Alex
Bell’s The Religion of Tibet (1931; reprint, Oxford. 1968).
McKay (ed.) Pilgrimage in Tibet (Richmond, Surrey, 1998).
More recently, several excellent studies have been published:
The most complete study of Tibetan festivals is Martin Br-
David L. Snellgrove and Hugh E. Richardson’s A Cultural
auen’s Feste in Ladakh (Graz, 1980).
History of Tibet (1968; reprint, Boulder, 1980); Rolf A.
Among numerous studies published in recent years on the cult of
Stein’s Tibetan Civilization, translated by J. E. Stapleton
mountains, Toni Huber, The Cult of Pure Crystal Mountain,
Driver (Stanford, Calif., 1972) and republished in a revised
Popular Pilgrimage and Visionary Landscape in Southeast Tibet
French edition as La civilisation tibétaine (Paris, 1981); Gi-
(New York and Oxford, 1999) is likely to become a standard
useppe Tucci’s The Religions of Tibet, translated by Geoffrey
work.
Samuel (Berkeley, 1980); Geoffrey Samuel’s Civilized Sha-
mans, Buddhism in Tibetan Societies (Washington and Lon-
There is a considerable body of literature on the Gesar epic. The
don, 1993); and Donald S. Lopez Jr. (ed) Religions of Tibet
fundamental study is R. A. Stein’s L’épopée et le barde au
in Practice (Princeton, NJ, 1997). A particularly lucid exposi-
Tibet (Paris, 1959). Several translations of the text exist,
tion is Anne-Marie Blondeau’s “Les religions du Tibet,” in
mainly in the form of summaries. The most easily accessible
Histoire des religions, edited by Henri-Charles Puech, vol. 3
is probably that of Alexandra David-Neel, La vie surhumaine
(Paris, 1976), pp. 233–329.
de Guésar de Ling (Paris, 1931), translated with the collabora-
tion of Violet Sydney as The Superhuman Life of Gesar of Ling
Pre-Buddhist Religion
(1933; rev. ed., London, 1959). More scholarly translations
Most studies of the pre-Buddhist religion can be found only in
are R. A. Stein’s L’épopée tibétaine de Gesar dans la version la-
specialized publications. The works of Snellgrove and Rich-
maïque de Ling (Paris, 1956), and Mireille Helffer’s Les
ardson, Stein, and Blondeau, however, all contain pertinent
chants dans l’épopée tibétaine de Gesar d’après le livre de la
discussions based on their own research. A useful study of the
course de cheval (Geneva, 1977). On visionary journeys to
early inscriptions is H. E. Richardson’s A Corpus of Early Ti-
Sambhala and related phenomena, see Edwin Bernbaum’s
betan Inscriptions (London, 1985).
The Way to Shambhala: A Search for the Mythical Kingdom
beyond the Himalayas (New York, 1980).
Buddhism
Snellgrove and Richardson’s work is particularly strong on the for-
Bon
mation of the orders and the subsequent political history of
An important translation of a Bon text is David L. Snellgrove’s
the church. Tucci’s The Religions of Tibet contains a most
The Nine Ways of Bon: Excerpts from the gZi-brjid (1967; re-
useful survey of Buddhist doctrine and monastic life. A con-
print, Boulder, 1980). Samten G. Karmay surveys the Bon
cise presentation of Tibetan Buddhism is provided in Per
religion in “A General Introduction to the History and Doc-
Kvaerne’s “Tibet: The Rise and Fall of a Monastic Tradi-
trines of Bon,” Memoirs of the Research Department of the
tion,” in The World of Buddhism: Buddhist Monks and Nuns
Toyo Bunko, no. 3 (1975): 171–218. On Bon literature, see
in Society and Culture, edited by Heinz Bechert and Richard
Per Kvaerne’s “The Canon of the Bonpos,” Indo-Iranian
F. Gombrich (London, 1984), pp. 253–270. For a discus-
Journal 16 (1975): 18–56, 96–144. See also the works of
sion of ritual and meditation, see Stephan Beyer’s The Cult
Snellgrove and Richardson, Stein, and Blondeau cited above.
of Ta¯ra¯: Magic and Ritual in Tibet (Berkeley, 1973).
Contemporary Religion
Popular Religion
Peter H. Lehmann and Jay Ullai’s Tibet: Das stille Drama auf dem
Dach der Erde, edited by Rolf Winter (Hamburg, 1981), and
General surveys of Tibetan popular religion are given by Stein in
on Bon art and iconography, Per Kvaerne, The Bon Religion
Tibetan Civilization and in Per Kvaerne’s “Croyances
of Tibet, The Iconogragphy of a Living Tradition (London
populaires et folklores au Tibet” in Mythes et croyances du
1995, reprint 2001). The book is remarkable not least for its
monde entier, edited by André Akoun, vol. 4 (Paris, 1985),
photographic documentation of the years following the Cul-
pp. 157–169, and Satmten G. Karmay, The Arrow and the
tural Revolution. The situation at the end of the twentieth
Spindle, Studies in History, Myths, Rituals and Beliefs in Tibet
centruy is discussed in Melvyn C. Goldstein and Mathew T.
(Kathmandu 1998). A basic reference work is René de Ne-
Kapstein (eds.) Buddhism in Contemprorary Tibet, Religious
besky-Wojkowitz’s Oracles and Demons of Tibet, The Cult
Revivial and Cultural Identity (Berkeley, 1998).
and Iconography of the Tibetan Protective Deities (1956; re-
print, Graz, 1975). The reprint edition contains an introduc-
PER KVAERNE (1987 AND 2005)
tion by Per Kvaerne in which numerous corrections and ad-
ditions to the earlier edition are provided. A useful
supplement to this work is Tadeusz Skorupski’s Tibetan Am-
ulets (Bangkok, 1983). A major study of ritual texts has been
TIBETAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
published by Christina Klaus, Schutz vor den Naturgefahren:
Until the 1980s, scholars took a threefold approach to the
Tibetische Ritualtexte aus dem Rin chen gter mdzod ediert,
study of Tibetan religions. First, they used Tibetan materials
Übersetzt und Kommentiert (Wiesbaden, 1985). A discussion
to supplement Indian and Chinese materials; second, West-
of Tibetan myths intended for the nonspecialist is provided
by Per Kvaerne in a series of articles in Dictionnaire des my-
ern scholars were drawn by a fascination with Tibetan Bud-
thologies, edited by Yves Bonnefoy (Paris, 1981), vol. 1,
dhism itself; and third, they studied the numerous Tibetan
pp. 42–45, 249–252; vol. 2, pp. 194–195, 381–384, 495–
texts completed since the 1970s by Tibetans who were living
497. A survey of the most important pilgrimages is provided
either in exile or in Tibet and China. Events and develop-
in Anne-Marie Blondeau’s “Les pèlerinages tibétains,” in Les
ments of momentous importance for research into the reli-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9188
TIBETAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
gious life of Tibet occurred during the twentieth century.
This shift was certainly the result of scholars being able to
These events drove some Tibetans into a Western-oriented
travel to Tibet and adjacent areas, and it was also a reflection
study of their own religion, brought Western scholars into
of the monastic background of some writers. Moreover, the
close contact with learned lamas, and drew scholarly atten-
role of women in Tibetan Buddhism, which was all but ig-
tion to a very early period of Bon and Buddhism in Tibet,
nored in earlier writings, became prominent, along with the
while almost simultaneously revealing contemporary prac-
study of the Bon tradition and Tibetan popular religion, in-
tices with a precision and on a scale previously impossible for
cluding local cults that are not necessarily Buddhist or have
various political or geographical reasons.
become “buddhicized.” These trends in scholarship have
The first event was the discovery in 1905 of Tibetan
profoundly transformed the study of Tibetan religions.
texts from the eighth to eleventh centuries in a cave along
One of the first major contributions to the advancement
the Silk Road at Dunhuang, China. For the next several
of the field was the United States Library of Congress project
years, British, French, Russian, and Japanese scholars were
initiated in the 1970s in New Delhi by Gene E. Smith. This
able to study manuscript materials that were much older
program encouraged Tibetans to publish previously un-
than those previously known and that were contemporary to
known texts and disseminate them to academic institutions
the events they described. These materials revolutionized the
in the West. Smith added further to the study of the field
study of Bon and Buddhism in Tibet, as well as the study
by establishing the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center,
of the religious currents flowing through the Tibetan empire
which promotes research and scholarship in Tibetan Bud-
from the East and the West. The development of the study
dhism through digital text and image preservation. Similar
of the Dunhuang manuscripts has been of paramount im-
projects include the Tsadra Foundation, sponsored by the
portance in the understanding of Tibetan religions, which
Trace Foundation, which publishes Tibetan texts and trans-
for decades had been studied only from a Buddhist perspec-
lations. The Trace Foundation has also established the online
tive, and historically only from a relatively late perspective.
Latse Contemporary Tibetan Cultural Library, which offers
Following the studies of Gustave Charles Toussaint and
texts and other research materials and sponsors programs for
Marcelle Lalou in Paris, one of the most innovative books
people interested in Tibetan culture. The Tibetan and Hi-
in this field was Études Tibétaines dédiées à la mémoire de
malayan Digital Library, sponsored by the University of Vir-
Marcelle Lalou (1971), which contained articles by Ariane
ginia, publishes multilingual and multimedia texts and re-
Macdonald, Rolf A. Stein, and others, and which presented
sources, as well as creative works concerned with the culture
a truly new perspective on the religions of Tibet. The work
and history of Tibet and the Himalayas. Digital versions of
begun with this volume was later completed by the publica-
the Dunhuang Tibetan documents are available at Old Ti-
tion of selections of the Pelliot Choix de documents tibétains
betan Documents Online, a website established by a group
conservés à la bibliothèque nationale (1978–2001) by Ariane
of Japanese scholars. Other useful websites include Digital
Macdonald, Yoshiro Imaeda, and T. Takeuchi.
Himalaya, sponsored by Department of Social Anthropology
The second event was the Chinese invasion of Tibet in
at Cambridge University and the Anthropology Department
the 1950s. Numerous lamas took up residence thereafter in
at Cornell University, and Tibet Visual History Online,
Nepal, northern India, Europe, the United States, and else-
sponsored by the Pitt Rivers Museum in Oxford. Such web-
where. These exiles took some of their vast literature and
sites are popular with researchers because they include old
physical culture with them, and made it accessible to West-
and previously unavailable footage and photographs, and
ern scholars. In the late 1980s, Tibetans in China also started
they constitute a good base for religious studies from an an-
to publish a great number of texts through state-owned pub-
thropological approach. In 2002, the Tibetology team of the
lishing houses, and later privately. Some of these texts had
French National Center for Scientific Research inaugurated
been previously unknown to many scholars, and they added
the first digital academic journal on Tibetan studies: Revue
to the corpus of materials already available.
d’Etudes Tibétaines. In addition, the major Tibetan religious
A third important development occurred in the early
traditions and lamas have their own websites, where one can
1980s with the relative opening of Tibetan areas, which,
find texts, teachings, and photos, as well as polemical writ-
along with inexpensive air travel, allowed many researchers
ings. In 2003, in Oxford, Tibetologists from all over the
to travel and do fieldwork in Tibet. A fourth major develop-
world who had gathered for the International Association of
ment was the advent of the Internet and the digitalization
Tibetan Studies seminar decided to launch the digital Journal
of many Tibetan texts beginning at the end of the twentieth
of the International Association of Tibetan Studies (JIATS).
century.
The use of the Internet is truly a revolution for a field
Since the mid-1980s, therefore, there has been no
as previously obscure as the study of Tibetan religions; the
dearth of publications about the religion of Tibet. There has
Internet allows information to flow even to remote areas of
been, however, a shift from a purely philological approach
the Tibetan world. The great Western pioneer student of
to a more interdisciplinary approach that incorporates histo-
Tibet’s religious culture was the Hungarian traveler Alexan-
ry, anthropology, and even art history (numerous exhibitions
der Csoma de Körös (c. 1784–1842), some of whose work
of Tibetan art have been accompanied by expert catalogues).
is still valuable, while that of many of his near-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIBETAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
9189
contemporaries is completely outdated. His work parallels
A number of works attempting synthetic interpretations
that of the founders of Buddhist studies in Europe, who
of major events or trends in Tibetan religious history ap-
worked from Indian sources. His Notices on the Life of
peared in the twentieth century. In particular, Charles Bell’s
Shakya, Extracted from the Tibetan Authorities (1838) is an
The Religion of Tibet (1931) analyzes the history of Bud-
early work in the field, as is F. Anton von Schiefner’s “Eine
dhism until the early twentieth century, including Tibet’s in-
tibetische Lebensbeschreibung Cakyamuni’s, des Begründers
fluence on Mongolian Buddhism and the political dimen-
des Buddhatums” (Mémoires de l’academie impériale des sci-
sions of the rule of the Dalai Lamas. In the guise of a
ences de Saint Pétersbourg 6, 1851).
description of a series of Tibetan paintings, Tucci’s Tibetan
Painted Scrolls (1949) contains much (well-indexed) material
The best of the early monographs is Emil Schlagint-
on topics ranging from mythology to iconography that
weit’s Buddhism in Tibet, Illustrated by Literary Documents
concerns the history of Tibetan religions and sectarian devel-
and Objects of Religious Worship (1863), which deals compre-
opments.
hensively with the Buddhist world in Tibet from its basis in
Indian Maha¯ya¯na theory to local customs. Equally rich in
Eva Dargyay’s The Rise of Esoteric Buddhism in Tibet (2d
data is L. Austine Waddell’s The Buddhism of Tibet, or Lama-
ed., 1979) provides data on the Rnying ma pa religious tradi-
ism, with its Mystic Cults, Symbolism, and Mythology, and in
tion; this work discusses Rnying ma pa’s “discovered Trea-
its Relation to Indian Buddhism (1895). Giuseppe Tucci’s Die
sure” literature and its history. The study of the “discovered”
Religionen Tibets (1970; translated as Religions of Tibet,
religious writings is now a subfield by itself as a result of ac-
[1980]) is enhanced by Tucci’s abundant use of Tibetan
cess to Tibetan masters and a better knowledge of the trans-
sources and his high level of knowledge about the philosoph-
mission lineages. One of the pioneers was Anne-Marie
ical and historical background of Tibetan religions. One of
Blondeau, who wrote several articles. Janet Gyatso also pub-
the most important newer books in the field is Indo-Tibetan
lished a series of articles on the Treasure movement. Also
Buddhism: Indian Buddhists and their Tibetan Successors by
noteworthy is the Life and Revelations of Pema Lingpa (2003)
David L. Snellgrove (1987). The publication of Gene E.
by Sarah Harding and Ganteng Tulku.
Smith’s previously scattered articles and introductions—
Among Tibetan Texts: History and Literature of the Himalayan
The basis of all Buddhist practice is yoga and medita-
Plateau (2001)—has also reinforced the study of Buddhist
tion, and studies of Tibetan versions of such practices with
transmissions in Tibet.
commentaries by learned lamas are appearing in great num-
bers. Among older established studies that are still frequently
Tibetan scholars have written many works on the intro-
consulted, the following are notable either for their lucidity
duction and spread of Buddhism in their country and on its
of presentation or their accompanying commentary. Herbert
origins in India. Studies by European scholars of three such
Guenther’s translation of Sgam po pa’s twelfth-century ac-
works are particularly important: Schiefner’s Târanâthas
count of Tibetan religious practice, The Jewel Ornament of
Geschichte des Buddhismus in Indien (1869), a translation of
Liberation (1971), and Guenther’s The Life and Teaching of
Ta¯rana¯tha’s 1608 Tibetan-Language History of Buddhism in
Na¯ropa (1963) on an eleventh-century yogin, are character-
India, has sufficient interpretations and explanations by the
ized by a sophisticated analysis of the psychology of Buddhist
translator to make it useful for the student of Tibetan Bud-
practice. A clear exposition is made by Tenzin Gyatso (Bstan
dhism; and Eugene Obermiller’s History of Buddhism (1931–
’dzin rgya mtsho, the fourteenth Dalai Lama) in The Opening
1932), a translation of Bu ston’s Chos ’byung, contains infor-
of the Wisdom Eye and the History of the Advancement of Budd-
mation on Tibet, but Indian subjects predominate. The great
hadharma in Tibet (1966). An analysis of philosophical posi-
achievement in scholarship in this area is George N. Roe-
tions, meditation, and ritual is found in Ferdinand D. Les-
rich’s The Blue Annals (1949–1953), a translation of ’Gos
sing and Alex Wayman’s Mkhas grub rje’s Fundamentals of
Lo tsa ba Gzon nu dpal’s Deb ther snon po; this classic text
the Buddhist Tantras (1968), a translation of a fifteenth-
describes major developments in Tibet up to the 1470s. Roe-
century work. Rdzogs chen, a meditative and philosophical
rich’s diligence as a scholar, combined with the various in-
teaching common to both the Rnying ma pa and Bon tradi-
dexes to the text, have made this translation an invaluable
tions, is explained by Samten Karmay in The Great Perfec-
reference work.
tion: A Philosophical and Meditative Teaching in Tibetan Bud-
dhism (1988).
Another important work is The Nyingma School of Ti-
betan Buddhism: Its Fundamentals and History (1991, 2d ed.,
Traditional Buddhist biographies (rnam thar) are being
2002), a translation of Dudjom Rinpoche by Matthew Kap-
used more and more as sources to put meat on the bones of
stein and Gyurme Dorje. Enriched with maps and several in-
doctrinal studies, but they are also translated into English to
dexes, this work is an excellent resource for the history of
cater to an interested audience. Perhaps the best of the earlier
Buddhism in Tibet, and more particularly for the Rnying ma
efforts is Jacques Bacot’s La vie de Marpa le “traducteur”
(Nyingma) school. Austrian, German, and Japanese scholars
(1937). Also worthy of recommendation is Rolf A. Stein’s
still lead the field in philological works on the Indian Bud-
Vie et chants de ’Brug-pa Kun-legs le yogin (1972), and of
dhist texts used by Tibetans, as well as on the Tibetan
course the different translations of the great saint and poet
canons.
Mi la ras pa’s biography and mystic songs. A more recent
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9190
TIBETAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
study of autobiographical writing in Tibet, especially by vi-
gZer mig: A Book of the Tibetan Bonpos, a translation that was
sionary yogis, is Janet Gyatso’s Apparitions of the Self: The Se-
published in five volumes between 1924 and 1949.
cret Autobiographies of a Tibetan Visionary (1998).
Where are the origins of Bon to be sought—beyond
An excellent work intended as a manual for students is
Tibet or within? What is its relationship to Buddhism and
Religions of Tibet in Practice, edited by Donald Lopez (1997).
other religions, in particular to those of Iran? How did Bon
In addition, Tibetan Literature: Studies in Genre, edited by
evolve? What can be called Bon? These questions are still de-
José Cabezón and Roger R. Jackson (1996), covers mainly
bated by scholars. Studies on Bon that were particularly valu-
religious literature.
able include a lengthy essay in Giuseppe Tucci’s Die Relig-
Westerners who went through Tibetan scholastic educa-
ionen Tibets; Samten Karmay’s “A General Introduction to
tion as monks in the 1970s, including Robert Thurman and
the History and Doctrines of Bon” in Memoirs of the Research
Jeffrey Hopkins, have published numerous books that pro-
Department of the Toyo Bunko 33 (1975): 171–218; as well
vide insight on religious studies in a traditional context. Such
as Karmay’s Treasury of Good Sayings: A Tibetan History of
works include Georges Dreyfus’s The Sound of Two Hands
Bon (1972). An extensive doctrinal text was presented by
Clapping: The Education of a Tibetan Buddhist Monk (2003).
David L. Snellgrove in The Nine Ways of Bon: Excerpts from
Each of these authors holds a chair in religious studies in an
the gZi-brjid (1967). An important study and the first work
American university. Matthieu Ricard, an active monk, con-
on Bon yoga is Per Kvaerne’s “Bonpo Studies: The A Khrid
tributed to the field with his translation of The Life of Shab-
System of Meditation,” in Kailash 1 (1973): 19–50 and 247–
kar: An Autiobiography of a Tibetan Yogin (1994), as well as
332, as well as his important work, The Bon Religion of Tibet:
his own books and the archiving of the teachings and writ-
The Iconography of a Living Tradition (1995). Dan Martin’s
ings of his lama, Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche (1910–1991).
Unearthing Bon Treasures: Life and Contested Legacy of a Ti-
betan Scripture Revealer (2001) deals with a Tibetan “text dis-
In the 1980s, with the importance given to feminist
coverer” and includes a general bibliography of Bon. Martin
studies in the West, there was a sudden interest in the role
updated this bibliography in “Bon Bibliography: An Anno-
that female figures played in Tibetan religions as nuns or
tated List of Recent Publications,” in Revue d’Etudes Tibé-
partners of lamas, or by themselves. Among the pioneers in
taines 4 (2003): 61–77, which demonstrates the contempo-
translation of women’s biographies was Keith Dowman with
rary strength of Bon studies. Martin joined forces with Per
Sky Dancer: The Secret Life and Songs of the Lady Yeshe Tsogyel
Kvaerne and Yasuhiko Nagano to edit A Catalogue of the Bon
(1984), and Tsultrim Allione with Women of Wisdom
Kanjur (2003). In addition, Karmay and Nagano edited A
(1984). Later, Hanna Havnevik published her dissertation
Catalogue of the New Collection of Bonpo Katen Texts (2001).
on Tibetan Buddhist nuns, Karma Lekshe Tsomo, Sisters in
In France, Jean-Luc Achard is researching the Dzogchen tra-
Solitude: Two Traditions of Buddhist Monastic Ethics for
dition of the Bon and Rnying ma schools. Achard has pub-
Women (1996), and Janice Willis edited Feminine Ground:
lished several articles in the Revue d’Etudes Tibétaines, as well
Essays on Women and Tibet (1995). In Machig Labdrön and
as the book L’Essence perlée du secret: Recherches philologiques
the Foundations of Chöd (1996) Jérôme Edou studied the ex-
et historiques sur l’origine de la Grande Perfection dans la tradi-
traordinary life of this eleventh-century yogin¯ı, whose teach-
tion rNying ma pa (1999).
ings are still practiced today; this work was followed by The
Lives and Liberation of Princess Mandarava, translated by
The literature and adherents of the normative Bud-
Lama Chonam and Sangye Khandro (1998)
dhism and Bon traditions were the first elements to strike Al-
exander Csoma de Körös and his successors, and they remain
The Bon religion has been much less studied than Bud-
today the center of focus in Tibetology. However, popular
dhism. Its literature and teachers were not accessible, and
religion and its numerous cultic manifestations have increas-
some Tibetan Buddhists succeeded in giving early Western
ingly become the topic of studies, especially in Europe since
visitors a highly inaccurate view of its origins and practices.
the late 1980s. One such study is Françoise Pommaret’s Les
This trend is now reversed, and by the end of the twentieth
revenants de l’au-delà dans le monde Tibétain: Sources lit-
century there was great interest in Bon studies, often linked
téraires et traditions vivantes (1989).
to the Western Tibetan region of Zhang zhung. The field is
now flourishing under the impetus of pioneers like Per Kva-
Of course, the interest in Tibet’s epic hero, King Gesar,
erne in Norway and Samten Karmay in France. Bon studies
an important figure in popular Tibetan literature and reli-
has become linked to the publications program initiated in
gion, dates back to the eighteenth century when Mongolian-
2000 by Yasuhiko Nagano at the Ethnological Museum of
language texts of the epic became known to Western travel-
Osaka; published works include New Horizons in Bon Studies
ers. A comprehensive analysis of the religious and ethno-
(2000), A Survey of Bonpo Monasteries and Temples in Tibet
graphic data in these materials certainly lies far in the future,
and the Himalaya (2003), and The Call of the Blue Cuckoo:
but two works may be cited here that analyze different ver-
An Anthology of Nine Bonpo Texts on Myths and Rituals
sions of Gesar’s life and deeds and thus give an idea of the
(2002), all edited by Nagano and Karmay. One of the first
variety of information available: A. H. Francke’s Der Frühl-
valuable contributions to the study of Bon mythology and
ings- und Wintermythus der Kesarsage: Beiträge zur Kenntnis
a veritable catalog of the Bon pantheon was A. H. Francke’s
der vorbuddhistishchen Religion Tibets und Ladakhs (1902)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIBETAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
9191
and Rolf A. Stein’s Recherches sur l’épopée et le barde au Tibet
traditions. A promising development is that Tibetan and
(1959). The former study shows the influence of the “nature
Chinese scholars from different research institutes and uni-
mythology” school of religious studies, while the latter in-
versities in China have begun to show interest in religious
cludes sections dealing with Buddhist, Bon, and popular reli-
studies, mostly in the Gesar epic and in popular religion. The
gious influences and motifs. Gesar studies are a subfield in
Tibetan and Chinese scholars concentrate mostly on histori-
themselves, with Chinese scholars taking a keen interest in
cal, ethnographic, and sociological subjects. Working as re-
the matter.
searchers in different academies and institutes, they have
good opportunities to publish their studies. They also partic-
Among early general studies on popular religion in
ipate in the seminar of the International Association of Ti-
Tibet, an extensive analysis of the iconography and hierarchi-
betan Studies (IATS), which is held every four years and
cal ordering of Tibet’s spirits and deities in ritual and litera-
where they exchange ideas with their Western and Japanese
ture was René de Nebesky-Wojkowitz’s Oracles and Demons
colleagues.
of Tibet (1956; 2d rev. ed., 1975). Rolf A. Stein’s Tibetan
Civilization (1972) also dwelt on popular religion.
Since the 1980s the amount of written literature and the
number of learned informants from all traditions has in-
Many anthropologists have studied what is sometimes
creased dramatically. Tibetans for the most part feel a great
called shamanist practices in Tibet and the Tibetan areas.
urge to accommodate Western research into their traditions,
Geoffrey Samuel’s Civilized Shamans: Buddhism in Tibetan
and many are now working in research institutions in Eu-
Societies (1993) is a challenging and innovative work on the
rope, Japan, and North America. Indeed, Tibetan studies are
links between Tibetan Buddhism and shamanism. Anthro-
now awash in resources, and scholars have begun to call into
pologists with the opportunity to do fieldwork started study-
question many of the most important positions that were
ing local deities more or less integrated into Buddhism, as
only recently thought to be firmly established. There is also
well as different cults and other religious manifestations.
a new interest in Buddhism as practiced today in Tibet, as
These were important in understanding the daily religious
evidenced by Melvyn G. Goldstein and Matthew T. Kap-
life of the people and their relation to their territory. Among
stein’s Buddhism in Contemporary Tibet: Religious Revival and
different publications, four collections should be noted:
Cultural Identity (1998), which demonstrates that the study
Mandala and Landscape, edited by A. W. Macdonald (1997);
of religions of Tibet needs to be envisaged in a cultural and
Reflections of the Mountain: Essays on the History and Social
political context.
Meaning of the Mountain Cult in Tibet and the Himalayas,
edited by Anne-Marie Blondeau and Ernst Steinkellner
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(1996); Tibetan Mountain Deities: Their Cults and Represen-
An appreciation of the status of modern scholarship can perhaps
tations, edited by Blondeau (1998); and Territory and Identity
best be gained by perusing volumes of the Proceedings of the
in Tibet and the Himalayas, Tibetan Studies in Honour of
Csoma de Körös Memorial Symposium, as well as the Pro-
Anne-Marie Blondeau, edited by Katia Buffetrille and Hilde-
ceedings of the International Seminar on Tibetan Studies,
gard Diemberger (2002).
which are being published regularly. Along with university
presses, several private publishing houses, including Wisdom
Alex McKay’s edition of Pilgrimage in Tibet (1998) was
Publications in Boston, Serindia Publications in Chicago,
another important contribution to the study of religion as
Shambhala Publications in Boston, Snow Lion Publications
practiced by the common people. The history of Tibetan re-
in Ithaca, N.Y, Padma Publishing in Junction City, Califor-
ligions must also take into account the numerous publica-
nia, Prajna Press in Boulder, Colorado, the Tsadra Founda-
tions and translations done in Tibetan Buddhist centers in
tion in New York City, and Dharma Publications in Berke-
the West, as well as the biographies of lamas written directly
ley, California, as well as the Padma karpo Translation
in Western languages. In most cases, such works were not
committee in Denmark, are continually releasing books on
produced as contributions to the field of study, but rather
different aspects of Tibetan Buddhism.
as a means of propagating Buddhist thought. Still, the mate-
Websites
rial they present is often new and interesting for the research-
Digital Himalaya: http://www.digitalhimalaya.com.
er, while appealing to a wider audience. Two such works that
Latse Contemporary Tibetan Cultural Library: http://www.
were successful worldwide were The Words of My Perfect
latse.org.
Teacher by Patrul Rinpoche (1998) and especially The Tibet-
Old Tibetan Documents Online: http://www.aa.tufs.ac.jp/
an Book of Living and Dying by Sogyal Rinpoche (2002).
~hoshi/OTDO_web/index.html.
Also noteworthy is Philippe Cornu’s handy and informative
Padma karpo translation committee: http://www.tibet.dk/pktc/
Dictionnaire encyclopédique du Bouddhisme (2001).
onlinepubs.htm.
Religious studies scholars and followers of Tibetan reli-
Revue d’Etudes Tibétaines: http://www.digitalhimalaya.com/col-
gious traditions have begun engaging in fruitful exchange
lections/journals/ret.
and interface, although both are often still wary of each
Tibet Visual History Online: http://visualtibet.org.
other. The academics tend to scorn the disciples’ lack of criti-
Tibetan and Himalayan Digital Library: http://iris.lib.vir
cal approach, and the disciples tend to condescend towards
ginia.edu/tibet.
the scholars’ lack of “inner understanding” of the religious
Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center: http://www.tbrc.org.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9192
TIELE, C. P.
Tsadra Foundation: http://www.tsadra.org.
of religion. The real nature of religion is under investigation
here, and this part of the study demands a deductive reason-
MICHAEL L. WALTER (1987)
F
ing on the basis of what has been reached by means of induc-
RANÇOISE POMMARET (2005)
tive “empirical” research. The ontological study contains
both a phenomenological-analytical part, in which the reli-
gious phenomena are studied in each stage of development,
TIELE, C. P. (1830–1902), Dutch historian of religions.
and a “psychological-synthetic” part in which the essence
Cornelis Petrus Tiele studied theology at the University of
and origin of religion are investigated; in fact this stage is
Amsterdam and was a Remonstrant minister for twenty years
philosophical (rather than “psychological”) in nature. For
(1853–1873). During this time he applied himself to the
Tiele historical, phenomenological, and philosophical ques-
study of ancient religions and taught himself the Avestan lan-
tions logically followed from each other. Because Tiele took
guage as well as Akkadian and Egyptian. In 1872 he obtained
as his departure the premise that religion fundamentally is
the Th.D. degree at the University of Leiden; and the follow-
a general human phenomenon and that the way in which it
ing year he became a professor at the Remonstrants’ seminary
has manifested itself as well as the elements of which it is
in Leiden, where he taught the history of religions. In 1877,
composed are the same always and everywhere, the study of
Tiele was appointed to the new chair in history of religions
permanently recurring phenomena made sense.
and philosophy of religion at the University of Leiden, in the
faculty of theology. He retired in 1900.
Tiele’s history of religions may have been somewhat
schematized, but it was dynamic; further, his phenomenolo-
Tiele was a pioneer of the “science of religion” and one
gy had a dynamic character because of his notion of the de-
of the first to offer a historical survey of a number of religions
velopment of the human mind. His insistence that religion
based on the study of source materials. His own research
“manifests” itself in the phenomena, and that this manifesta-
opened up the religions of ancient Iran, Mesopotamia, and
tion happens through the activity of the human mind, has
Egypt, putting the history of religions on a firm philological-
an almost modern, phenomenological flavor, like the idea
historical basis that was long to be the hallmark of the disci-
that religions are different expressions of that “religion” that
pline.
as a tendency slumbers in every person. Religion here is in-
Tiele was much concerned with the broader notion of
vestigated as a human phenomenon, and the unifying factor
a “development” of religion, a notion that was natural at a
of all religious phenomena is the human mind.
time when evolution and progress were accepted ideas. He
saw religion—man’s “disposition of the heart toward
BIBLIOGRAPHY
God”—as a distinct province of life that can be found every-
For bibliographic data on Tiele’s person and work, see my Classi-
where, and he was convinced that there is a unity and inde-
cal Approaches to the Study of Religion, vol. 2, Bibliography
pendence of religious life underlying all its different external
(The Hague, 1974), pp. 283–286. A noteworthy commemo-
forms. The gradual development of the human mind in his-
ration by Tiele’s colleague P. D. Chantepie de la Saussaye
tory implies a parallel development in religion, which is, basi-
was delivered at the Netherlands Royal Academy of Sciences
cally, a progressive expansion of self-consciousness. Accord-
in 1902 (in Dutch) and republished in the latter’s Portretten
ing to Tiele, the historical changes of the forms of religion
en kritieken (Haarlem, 1909), pp. 82–120.
show a process of evolution in the course of which the “reli-
Three of Tiele’s longer works exist in English translation: Outlines
gious idea” and the religious needs receive an ever fuller and
of the History of Religion, to the Spread of Universal Religions,
more perfect expression. The historical forms of religion rep-
7th ed. (London, 1905); History of the Egyptian Religion, 2d
resent different stages of this evolution, in particular from
ed. (London, 1884); and his Gifford Lectures, Elements of the
nature religions to ethical religions. The historian of religions
Science of Religion, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1897–1899).
has to compare and classify religious phenomena in accor-
New Sources
dance with the state and direction of their development.
Molendijk, Arie L. “Tiele on Religion.” Numen 46, no. 3 (1999):
Tiele sharply distinguished all forms of religion from re-
237–268.
ligion itself, and his deeper concern in the study of religion
Molendijk, Arie L., and Peter Pels, eds. Religion in the Making:
is the question of the real nature and origin of the religion
The Emergence of the Sciences of Religion. Leiden, 1998.
that “reveals” itself in its manifold forms and phenomena.
Ryba, Thomas. “Comparative Religion, Taxonomies and
He therefore divides the study of religion into two parts. The
19th-Century Philosophies of Science: Chantepie de la Saus-
first is morphology, that is, the inductive study of the phe-
saye and Tiele.” Numen 48, no. 3 (2001): 309–338.
nomena and their changes and transformations as a result of
a continuing development. This study requires, among other
JACQUES WAARDENBURG (1987)
things, a comparative history of religion.
Revised Bibliography
The second part of the study of religion is ontology, the
study of the permanent element, beyond and through all
changes and passing forms, that is the core and the source
T’IEN SEE TIAN
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIKHON
9193
T’IEN-T’AI SEE TIANTAI
of the metropolitanate of Moscow in May 1922. By this time
Tikhon was already under arrest, and leading Moscow clergy
had either been tried and condemned to death for inciting
the masses “to engage in civil war” or were under indictment
TIKHON (born Vasilii Ivanovich Belavin; 1865–1925),
for that offense. In the resulting paralysis, the Living Church
patriarch of the Russian Orthodox church. Prior to becom-
takeover was accomplished under the guise of providing
ing metropolitan of Moscow (1917), Tikhon served as arch-
leadership in unusual circumstances and with the assistance
bishop of Vilna and archbishop of Yaroslavl. Before that he
of the secret police. Clergy and bishops who refused to ac-
was bishop and archbishop of the Aleutians and North
knowlege the takeover were immediately declared unfrocked
America (1898–1907), laying the foundations of the Ortho-
by the Living Church administration and arrested, tried,
dox church in America. The Alaskan mission, founded in
and, in many cases, executed by the secret police.
1794, was extended and coordinated, so that it was able to
The takeover coincided with vitriolic attacks upon
grow into an autocephalous church in 1970. Tikhon’s plan
Tikhon, the hierarchy, and the clergy for refusing to hand
was to permit the Orthodox of various nations to form a sin-
over eucharistic vessels for famine relief. Tikhon had already
gle church, initially dependent on the Russian church, but
agreed to strip the churches, monasteries, and cathedrals of
eventually becoming autocephalous. The goal of a single
precious metals and jewels except for the eucharistic vessels.
church in the United States remains to be achieved, its delay
The regime accused the church of hoarding its valuables and
being one of the consequences of the Russian Revolution.
launched a massive propaganda attack. Churches were plun-
Patriarch Tikhon was elected twelve days after the Bol-
dered anew, and their defenders arrested and indicted for an-
shevik coup by the Great Sobor, or Pomestnyi Sobor (1917–
tistate activities. The Living Church administration went
1918), the first assembly of magnitude in the Russian church
through the motions of deposing Tikhon, and the Soviet
since the Great Sobor of 1666–1667. His election signaled
government prepared to put him on trial for treason.
the successful outcome of a nearly two-hundred-year struggle
A major part of the government’s indictment consisted
by the church to emancipate itself from control by the Rus-
in the accusation that Tikhon was working to overthrow the
sian state. Yet, Tikhon and the sobor delegates were aware
regime. That accusation was based upon a resolution passed
of the danger in the demise of the provisional government
by émigré hierarchs and lay leaders at Karlovci, Yugoslavia,
that left the Orthodox church as the only pan-Russian insti-
in November 1921, demanding the restoration of the Roma-
tution to which the masses could turn. The contest that en-
nov dynasty. Tikhon had already ordered his faithful and
sued between the church and the Bolsheviks developed into
clergy to desist from antistate activities in September 1919
the most extensive persecution experienced by Christians
and repudiated the Karlovci statement. He also formally dis-
since the days of the Roman emperor Diocletian.
solved the émigré church administration in May 1922.
Tikhon’s first months as patriarch witnessed the first
The Soviet regime soon realized that the Living Church
onslaught of Bolshevik violence when monasteries, cathe-
did not have the support of the majority of Orthodox believ-
drals, and churches were bombarded and desecrated, and
ers. Moreover, a general intensification of persecution of the
priests, bishops, and lay defenders of the church murdered.
Orthodox church in 1922, during which the popular metro-
Tikhon countered through an encyclical urging the Bolshe-
politan of Petrograd, Benjamin Kazanskii, was tried and exe-
viks to cease the massacres and telling them that they were
cuted, produced a deepening of dissatisfaction with Bolshe-
doing the work of Satan; he also excommunicated all collab-
vik rule among the masses. The regime also had put on trial
orators in the terror. The encyclical, combined with the reac-
Ioann Cieplak, acting Roman Catholic archbishop in Russia,
tion to persecution, produced a major groundswell of sup-
together with Konstantin Budkiewicz, pastor of the chief
port for the church. The Bolshevik regime reacted by
Roman Catholic church in Petrograd. The execution of Bud-
depriving the church of its legal status, confiscating all its
kiewicz had raised such an international outcry that the Bol-
properties and revenues, and launching a holocaust designed
sheviks faltered in their determination to execute the patri-
to devastate the church and eliminate its legacy in Russian
arch.
history and culture.
The circumstances led to a compromise. Tikhon wished
During the persecution the regime pursued two meth-
to meet the Living Church challenge head-on, while the re-
ods of weakening and discrediting the patriarch. First, it sup-
gime was concerned to avoid creating a martyr. Tikhon
ported dissident schismatics who splintered the ecclesiastical
agreed to issue an encyclical in which he stated his personal
administration, and second, it tried to compromise Tikhon
loyalty to the Soviet government. He implied that the Living
with the public in a dispute over the disposition of church
Church, rather than the regime, was the key danger to the
values during the famine of 1921–1922. The Living Church,
Orthodox church. The regime slackened its support for the
composed of those opposed to restoring traditional canonical
Living Church and Tikhon was released from prison. How-
authority to the patriarchal office, was created as a result of
ever, he was required to live in seclusion in the Donskoi
the schism. Its leaders were allowed to seize the patriarchal
Monastery, where he remained, except for brief hospitaliza-
palace, the patriarchal administrative offices, and the offices
tion, until his death on April 7, 1925. While Tikhon con-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9194
TIKHON OF ZADONSK
tained the damage from the Living Church, he paid the
ed from the World and On True Christianity. The collected
heavy price of being effectively isolated from his shattered
works of Tikhon are in five volumes, including letters, ser-
flock and of paving the way for further subordination of the
mons, and instructions of various sorts written mostly for
Orthodox church to the Soviet regime.
seminarians, pastors, and monastics.
Tikhon regularly attended liturgical church services in
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the monastery and always participated in the sacraments, but
Cunningham, James W. Vanquished Hope: The Church in Russia
he celebrated in his episcopal rank only at the matins of
on the Eve of the Revolution. New York, 1981.
Christmas and Easter. In his everyday life he practiced great
Curtiss, John S. The Russian Church and the Soviet State, 1917–
simplicity and poverty. He rarely met with people, particu-
1950. Boston, 1953.
larly those of rank and wealth, and found communication
Curtiss, John S. Church and State in Russia: The Last Years of the
generally very difficult. He did speak with peasants and beg-
Empire, 1900–1917. New York, 1965.
gars, however, giving them money, food, and counsel, and
Fletcher, William C. The Russian Orthodox Church Underground,
he frequently visited prisoners and criminals.
1917–1970. Oxford, 1971.
Tikhon was of melancholy spirit until the end of his life,
McCullagh, Francis. The Bolshevik Persecution of Christianity.
frequently despondent and depressed. He was much given
London, 1924.
to prayerful lamentation and often wept over the state of the
Nichols, Robert Lewis, and Theofanis Stavrou, eds. Russian Or-
church and the world, particularly within the Russian em-
thodoxy under the Old Regime. Minneapolis, 1978.
pire. Even during church services he could be heard weeping
Pol’skii, Mikhail. The New Martyrs of Russia. Montreal, 1972.
and begging God for forgiveness and mercy. His main visual
Pospielovsky, Dimitry. The Russian Church under the Soviet Re-
aids to devotion in his monastic cell were not classical Ortho-
gime, 1917–1982. 2 vols. Crestwood, N.Y., 1984.
dox icons, but Western pictures portraying the passion of
Smolitsch, Igor. Geschichte der russischen Kirche, 1700–1917. Lei-
Christ in realistic form. Tikhon’s life and works had great
den, 1964.
impact upon subsequent generations in the Russian church,
particularly upon intellectuals such as Fedor Dostoevskii,
Spinka, Matthew. The Church in Soviet Russia. Oxford, 1956.
who used Tikhon as a model for figures in his novels, and
JAMES W. CUNNINGHAM (1987)
Bishop Feofan Govorov, known as Feofan the Recluse.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Numerous editions of Tikhon of Zadonsk’s many writings, ser-
TIKHON OF ZADONSK (Timofei Savelich
mons, and letters were made in nineteenth-century Russia,
Sokolov, or Sokolovskii; 1724–1783), Russian Orthodox
mostly by the official synodal press in Saint Petersburg.
bishop and saint. Son of a church reader in the Novgorod
None of Tikhon’s major works exists in entirety in any other
province of Russia, the young Sokolov spent his youth in
language but Russian. Extracts of his writings can be found
poverty. After graduating from the Novgorod seminary in
in such works as G. P. Fedotov’s A Treasury of Russian Spiri-
1754, he taught Greek and rhetoric until his monastic ton-
tuality (1950; reprint, Belmont, Mass., 1975). The definitive
sure and priestly ordination in 1758, when he received the
work on Tikhon in English is Nadejda Gorodetzky’s Saint
name Tikhon. Having held several academic positions,
Tikhon of Zadonsk, Inspirer of Dostoevsky (1951; reprint,
Tikhon was consecrated suffragan bishop in the Novgorod
Crestwood, N.Y., 1976). This work contains many long
quotations from Tikhon’s writings as well as an exhaustive
diocese in 1761 and became bishop of Voronezh in 1763.
bibliography of writings concerning the man, his life, times,
He retired from episcopal service in 1767 and finally settled
and works.
in 1769 in the Zadonsk Monastery (hence his popular appel-
lation), where he lived until his death. He was canonized a
THOMAS HOPKO (1987)
saint of the Russian Orthodox church on August 13, 1860.
Tikhon surrendered his episcopal ministry for reasons
of ill health, probably emotional as well as physical. He was
TIKOPIA RELIGION. Tikopia is a small island, three
a high-strung person, radically committed to his pastoral
miles long and a mile and a half wide. It is part of the politi-
work and greatly frustrated in his activities by the ecclesiasti-
cal grouping of the Solomon Islands, a thousand-mile chain
cal and secular conditions of the imperial Russia of his time.
of islands in the Pacific Ocean. It is also the peak of an old
In monastic solitude Tikhon lived a life of continual prayer,
volcano, now largely sunk beneath the sea, and the original
reading the Bible (in particular the Gospels, Psalms, and
vent of the mountain has become a small brackish lake. To
Prophets, especially Isaiah), as well as the Fathers and saints
the northeast of the island the sacred mountain Reani rises;
of the Orthodox church (particularly Chrysostom). He also
to the southwest are flat swamplands. The population of
read Western Christian literature and was particularly inter-
around fourteen hundred lives mainly around the western
ested in the books of the Anglican bishop Joseph Hall and
and southern coast of the island. Another six hundred
the German Pietist Johannes Arndt, in imitation of whom
Tikopia have migrated either temporarily or permanently to
he wrote his most famous works, A Spiritual Treasure Collect-
other parts of the Solomons. Whereas the island is theoreti-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIKOPIA RELIGION
9195
cally controlled by the central government of the Solomon
body of the chief, and especially his head, is still regarded as
Islands, its distance from the seat of government and its gen-
tapu because of his mana or inherent mystical power. In this
eral isolation have meant a degree of autonomy in retaining
hierarchically ranked society, maru or ritual elders are next
traditional practices and beliefs. The effect of this isolation
below the chiefs. They are men who come from junior chief-
on its religious practices will be discussed below.
ly lines. They originally had roles with the ariki in the tradi-
tional religion, and they still have a political function on the
While the majority of islands in the Solomons are peo-
island. Commoners, or tauarofa, make up the bulk of the
pled by Melanesians, Tikopia is a Polynesian outlier. That
population. Descent is traced patrilineally, and women take
is, while it lies outside the true Polynesian triangle in the Pa-
no roles in either the politics or the religious practices of the
cific Ocean, it shares genetic, linguistic, and cultural traits
island, although this is changing among those who have left
with Polynesian islands such as Samoa, Tonga, and with the
the home island.
Maori of New Zealand. The major religious beliefs and prac-
tices of traditional (i.e., precontact) Polynesia were similar.
TIKOPIA CONCEPTS AND RITUAL. Tikopia religion tradi-
Traditional Polynesians believed humans had an invisible
tionally rested upon a belief that a set of spiritual beings
counterpart or soul that continued its existence after death
(atua) controlled the fertility of nature and the health and
in an afterworld variously located in the sky or the sea and
well-being of the people. These atua comprised the spirits of
often composed of a series of heavens. They believed in an
dead chiefs and their ritual elders and a number of major
analogous life principle in animals and plants. They wor-
gods, most notably the eponymous gods of each clan: the
shiped gods (atua) who had never been human as well as im-
Atua i Kafika, Atua i Tafua, Atua i Taumako, and Atua i
portant human ancestors now also regarded as atua. Some
Fangarere. The Kafika clan is the senior of the four, and most
of these gods could be regarded as departmental deities hav-
significant in the Tikopia pantheon was the Atua i Kafika.
ing responsibility for the sky, the sea, the land, and warfare
An elision may have occurred here: the original four brothers
as well as for elements, like the wind. The atua generally were
were the children of true deities and were themselves deities,
beneficent, but there were also spirit entities that could cause
but the Atua i Kafika, as he is conceptualized now, was be-
harm.
lieved to have lived as a mortal man, a chief and a culture
Traditional Polynesian religion used abstract thought
hero, responsible for many Tikopian traditional institutions.
and symbolism. Offerings of food to the gods were made in
Killed by an opponent in a struggle for land, he abjured retal-
the belief that the immaterial substance of the food was con-
iation as he lay dying, and thus morally elevated, he suc-
sumed by the gods but that the actual food could later be
ceeded to the highest position among the gods.
eaten by human participants in the rituals. Equally the mate-
A few female deities were usually highly dangerous to
rial symbols of gods and ancestors (statues, significant rocks
humans: Nau Fiora was preeminent in this group and was
and trees) were seen as representations or memorials and not
believed to have the power to steal the souls of children,
actual figurations with specific powers.
thereby killing them. Other female spirits, not deities but
Existing knowledge of traditional Polynesian religion is,
also never human, existed in various parts of the island and
on the whole, fragmentary and often mediated through the
were sometimes seen benignly leading their spirit children to
records of missionaries whose duty it was to extirpate these
the sea. However, more dangerous ones existed in the bush
pagan beliefs. Complete conversion of most of Polynesia to
and were capable of seducing and killing men. Ideas about
Christianity had taken place by the middle of the 1800s.
gender in the temporal world, where women were conceptu-
However, Tikopia’s isolation and small size made it difficult
alized as powerless but having the potential to be dangerous,
to find in the early days of Pacific exploration and not worth
were reflected in the spirit world. There were also some other
the effort of exploiting commercially for forced labor or land.
potentially dangerous entities with human origins, such as
This meant that when Raymond Firth carried out his first
the spirits of children, either stillborn or miscarried. A child
period of anthropological fieldwork in 1928–1929, the tradi-
that died before recognizing his or her parents, that is, up
tional religion was still practiced by three out of the four
to about the age of six weeks after birth, also came into this
chiefs and by half the population. Therefore an excellent eth-
category, as did occasionally the spirits of young males who
nographic record exists of the traditional ritual cycle, which
had died in accidents. While these spirits could perform mis-
was referred to as the “Work of the Gods.” This summary
chievous actions by themselves, they were also the ones that
of traditional Tikopia religious beliefs comes from Firth’s ex-
often manifested themselves through spirit mediums.
tensive writings.
The major gods of the pantheon had several personal
The island is traditionally controlled by four ariki
names or titles that were held as secret information by the
(chiefs), heads of patrilineages believed, according to origin
religious leaders, and it was through the ritual invocation of
myths, to have begun with the birth of four male children
the name that the god could be stimulated to listen to and
to the Atua Fafine (premier female god) and the Atua Lasi
grant the requests of his worshipers. The deities were on the
(great god). The birth order of the children is reflected in the
whole “owned” by different clans and lineages, and although
ranking of the chiefs, and their divine antecedents meant that
there was some overlap in their attribution, each spirit had
the chiefs traditionally were regarded as sacred (tapu). The
a primary social affiliation.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9196
TIKOPIA RELIGION
Unlike some of the larger Polynesian groups, the
used by the Tikopia to refer to these rituals represented the
Tikopia had no separate category of priests whose main func-
amount of energy that was required from the people in per-
tion was ritual performance. The four chiefs themselves, and
forming them.
their ritual elders, communicated with the gods and ancestor
The basic theme of the Work of the Gods was the peri-
spirits with prayers, invocations, and offerings on behalf of
odic resacralization of some of the most important elements
their people. They also performed secular social roles as
of Tikopia culture. Under religious auspices, canoes and
heads or administrative officers of lineages overseeing clan
temples were repaired and rededicated, yams were harvested
lands, canoes, and other property. The four ariki were the
and replanted, and a red pigment was extracted from turmer-
main priests, and each had a primary responsibility for cer-
ic rhizomes and preserved for ritual use. (The turmeric cere-
tain crops and elements. The Ariki Kafika had prime respon-
mony, nuanga, is one of the few elements of traditional ritual
sibility for the success of the yam crop and for the welfare
to survive the island’s conversion to Christianity and will be
of the island generally. The Ariki Tafua was responsible for
described below.) Ceremonies were performed for the wel-
the coconut, and he looked out, away from the island, to
fare of the crops and fishing. However, these rituals not only
matters concerning outsiders. The Ariki Taumako was re-
dealt with the technological and economic affairs of the is-
sponsible for the taro and for things to do with the sea, while
land, they also included a sternly moral public address, under
the Ariki Fangarere looked after the breadfruit. This latter
conditions of great sanctity, instructing the people on proper
chief, for reasons described in the origin story of the birth
behavior as members of Tikopia society. This included in-
of the four males, was also connected with disasters like cy-
junctions about birth control, an essential matter on a small
clones and drought.
island far distant from the next piece of land.
On the whole, commoners were merely supporters in
The period ended with ritual dancing in which formal
the rituals, providing food and mats and, on some but not
mimetic displays and chanting of archaic songs were suc-
all occasions, an audience. However, there were some men
ceeded by freer performances by firelight at night in which
(and a few women who had usually passed menopause) who
men and women could indulge in often ribald reference to
had the potential to go into trance. These mediums were
sexual matters, although still in a highly controlled setting.
called vaka atua (spirit vessels). Their function was more in-
This aspect of the festival, partly cathartic in nature, was
formal and usually involved healing by communicating with
thought to seek the gods’ approval of human recreation.
some spirit that may have caused sickness. Spirits could also
Most of the rituals of the Work of the Gods were carried out
speak through the mediums to express concern at social and
on marae, ceremonial assembly spaces, often outside temples
interpersonal derelictions. Where the chiefs and ritual elders
or large meetinghouses.
performed rituals for the larger groups of clan and lineage,
the mediums tended to cater to the concerns of families with
The Work of the Gods comprised a two-part cycle. It
whom they were connected.
was not strictly calendrical but recognized the two major sea-
sonal alternations: the trade wind period that went from
The basic traditional Tikopia religious rite was the pre-
April to October and the monsoon season of sometimes sav-
sentation of kava to the gods. Kava is the root of Piper
age cyclones and rain from November to March. The timing
methysticum that is macerated by pounding or chewing and
of each cycle was based on natural observations, such as the
mixed with water. In modern Tonga, Samoa, and Fiji, kava
appearance of constellations, especially the Pleiades, the mi-
is prepared and drunk in ceremonies and on social occasions,
gration of birds, and, for the beginning of the turmeric mak-
but traditionally it had a religious function. In Tikopia the
ing, the flowering of the bright red coral tree (Erithrina sp.).
kava liquid was hardly drunk at all: it was offered to the gods
Each ritual lasted about thirty days and was elaborately orga-
as a libation poured on to the ground to the accompaniment
nized with much mobilization and exchange of food sup-
of prayers for welfare. To perform a kava rite, a chief or elder
plies, drawing the whole community into a vast network of
assumed ritual purity by bathing, and he then donned a spe-
social and economic relationships. Two clear functions of the
cial waist cloth and a leaf necklet as a sign of formal religious
whole series of religious performances seemed to be to pro-
dedication and set out offerings of bark cloth and food that,
vide occasion for the expression of personal and role status,
with the libations, served as a channel for invoking the spir-
especially of the chiefs, and to demonstrate communal soli-
its. The language used was highly symbolic and honorific;
darity.
the chief adopted a tone of great humility, pleading poverty
The Work of the Gods had a special quality of sanctity
and signifying abasement before a god. Using conventional
through traditional authority. No particular myth was told
and ritual terms, the chief beseeched the gods to excrete on
by the Tikopia people to account for the genesis of the ritual
the earth, the gods’ excrement being seen symbolically as all
cycle. They merely described it as having been instituted by
the goods things of the land and the sea.
the Atua i Kafika, and the performances of the rituals were
THE WORK OF THE GODS. A notable feature of Tikopia tra-
regarded as a continuation and replication of the practices
ditional religion was a collective set of seasonal rites that in-
the deity had initiated. Therefore every effort was made to
volved elaborate organization of the community and the as-
see that they were repeated in accurate detail, which required
sembly of large supplies of food. The title Work of the Gods
the careful passing on of the rituals from one generation to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TIKOPIA RELIGION
9197
the next. The cycle began with the burning of a fire stick,
commoners had converted and were therefore prohibited
and until the ceremony was completed, there was a ban on
from joining in the rites of the old beliefs. This meant that
noise and much secular activity. Each ritual cycle concluded
the remaining three pagan chiefs did not have sufficient ma-
with the lifting of the taboo in a ceremony known as “freeing
terial and human support to carry out the rituals in a manner
the land” that was emphasized by deliberate loud noise in
they thought appropriate. The unity of the people for the
contrast to the previous peace. Children ran about shrieking,
good of the land was central to Tikopia belief, and the pagan
and men whooped and yelled from the hills as they went
chiefs, always pragmatists, met and decided that for the good
about their daily work, making hollow booms by beating the
of the land they should convert to Christianity. There are
buttresses of giant Tahitian chestnut tree trunks. A detailed
two accounts of the decision to convert.
description of the rituals is in Firth’s The Work of the Gods
in Tikopia (1940/1967).
The first comes from the ethnographic records of Firth
and James Spillius, who carried out fieldwork in Tikopia in
CONVERSION TO CHRISTIANITY. Tikopia’s relative isolation,
1952 and 1953. They recorded that one chief was baptized
as mentioned above, protected the small island from early in-
by Pa Pangisi, who had married into this chief’s family, but
trusions by colonizers, traders, and missionaries (who initial-
the other two chiefs insisted that their reception into the
ly contacted the Tikopia in 1858), but the Tikopia them-
Church of Melanesia should be performed by the bishop. A
selves discouraged outsiders from settling on their island.
radio message was therefore sent to Honiara asking the bish-
This kept missionaries at bay until 1907. Where much of the
op to come to Tikopia, and the mission ship, the Southern
rest of both Polynesia and Melanesia was missionized by Eu-
Cross, set out. The two remaining chiefs and nearly all of
ropeans, Tikopia’s first resident missionary was a man from
their clans were thereupon baptized as Anglicans. Only one
the Banks Islands, a Melanesian. This probably muted to
old woman refused, saying that her husband had died a
some degree the impact of a new religion. Where the techno-
pagan and she would too. The degree to which there was a
logical superiority (including guns) of Europeans in other
deeply felt doctrinal understanding is unknown, although it
parts of the Pacific led to some fairly rapid conversions, in
has been noted that the Ariki Taumako did not intellectually
Tikopia the first missionary was not white and not particu-
reject his old gods; he just decided not to worship them any
larly well equipped. The Tikopia gave him a Tikopian name,
longer. Nonetheless the old temples were left to decay, the
Pa Pangisi (after Banks), and married him to a Tikopian
ritual adzes were destroyed or buried, and new church build-
woman. He spent his whole life with the Tikopia, and his
ings were constructed in the centers of several villages. The
sons underwent the manhood ceremonies of all Tikopia
chiefs no longer led the rituals; they were simply members
boys.
of the congregation. The first priest was the Melanesian Pa
Pangisi, but the Tikopia quickly arranged for the education
Pa Pangisi was a missionary for the Melanesian Mission,
of some of their men as Anglican priests or brothers of the
the Anglican Church in Melanesia. He settled on the leeward
Franciscan order. Priests and catechists in Tikopia have since
side of the island, where one of the four chiefs lived, the Ariki
been largely Tikopian.
Tafua. This chief converted to Christianity, and a number
of commoners belonging to his clan followed him. Pa Pangisi
The second story of the island’s final conversion is con-
instituted some changes to traditional practices: he discour-
sistent with a society taking control of its own history and
aged the young men from growing their hair long and join-
rewriting it to some degree. This version, recorded in 1980,
ing in the pagan dances. He also insisted on marriage be-
suggests that, rather than the historical accident of being mis-
tween young people who were in sexual relationships. In this
sionized by Anglicans, a deliberate choice was made. In this
matter, his interpretation, through a Christian lens, of sex
version the chiefs looked at all the religions then practiced
outside of marriage failed to take into account the pragmatic
in the Solomon Islands. They rejected Roman Catholicism
Tikopia thinking underlying human relationships. On a
on the grounds that the prohibition on priests marrying was
small island the necessity to control the population had been
an unnatural practice. They rejected Seventh-day Advent-
recognized in the exhortations of the Work of the Gods. To
ism, to which the people of two other Polynesian outliers in
this end only the eldest son was allowed to marry, “marriage”
the Solomons (Rennell and Bellona) had converted, on the
involving the production of children. Younger sons were al-
grounds that the dietary restrictions of this religion were un-
lowed to have sexual affairs, but they could not produce off-
realistic. The chiefs considered, it was said, that Anglicans
spring, something ensured through abortion or infanticide.
were the least trouble and that the island would therefore be-
Pa Pangisi’s insistence on marriage for all sexually active cou-
come Anglican.
ples led to a population explosion. In about thirty years the
population increased 50 percent and led to deaths after a cy-
With one priest on the island but several churches, the
clone, when the island’s carrying and recuperative capacity
priest moved around the various parishes, named by Angli-
was overextended.
can tradition after saints. Catechists or senior men of rank
could conduct prayer services in the other churches in the
The Work of the Gods had also involved the participa-
priest’s absence. The mission ship came once a year for the
tion of most of the population in the rituals. By 1955 only
confirmation of the young, and the priest and other church
one of the chiefs, Tafua, had become Christian, but many
functionaries were taken off the island once a year for synod.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9198
TILAK, BAL GANGADHAR
Various parts of the order of service and some gospels were
women (mainly those related to this woman’s husband)
translated into the Tikopia language, and the communion
joined and took responsibility for matters like church linen,
service was always conducted in the local language. However,
something that was not used in Tikopia itself because no
accretions that were purely Tikopian crept into the religious
money economy existed there. Meanwhile, Tikopia in Honi-
practice. Women, allowed no voice in political, economic,
ara have been exposed to a variety of sects, and young men
or even domestic matters in Tikopia, were not allowed a role
especially have been attracted to religions that provide youth
in the church, and women’s groups like Mothers’ Union
activities such as dances. While Anglicanism remains virtual-
were actively discouraged. Menstruating women, excluded
ly the only religion on the home island, Tikopia in other
from traditional rituals and even from dances, were techni-
parts of the Solomons have begun to espouse other religions,
cally prohibited from attending church in that state, some-
including Jehovah’s Witnesses and Mormonism, whereas
thing that was seen more as a relief than an exclusion.
others have ceased religious observances.
The earlier priests were more doctrinally rigid, and cere-
SEE ALSO Atua.
monies associated with the Work of the Gods were specifical-
ly prohibited. However, by 1980 the turmeric-making cere-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
mony was reinstated. Turmeric is the culinary spice made
Firth, Raymond. We, the Tikopia. London, 1936.
from the rhizomes of a lilylike plant. The yellow lees from
Firth, Raymond. The Work of the Gods in Tikopia. London, 1940;
the process are used in food, but the bright orange part of
2d ed. London, 1967.
the spice is mixed with coconut oil to make a body and cloth
Firth, Raymond. The Fate of the Soul: An Interpretation of Some
paint. Turmeric was used to mark the body in every life pas-
Primitive Concepts. Cambridge, U.K., 1955.
sage ceremony, as well as in the decoration of dancers and
Firth, Raymond. History and Traditions of Tikopia. Memoirs of
their bark-cloth skirts or loincloths. Referred to as “the per-
the Polynesian Society no. 33. Wellington, New Zealand,
fume of the [old] gods,” it was traditionally believed to draw
1961.
the kindly attention of the gods to whatever activity was in
Firth, Raymond. Tikopia Ritual and Belief. Boston, 1967.
progress. During the time it had not been made on the is-
Firth, Raymond. Rank and Religion in Tikopia. Boston, 1970.
land, turmeric, judged inferior but necessary, was imported
from another island. The making of the turmeric in Tikopia
Firth, Raymond, and James Spillius. Study in Ritual Modification:
involved ritual withdrawal from everyday life and a series of
The Work of the Gods in Tikopia in 1929 and 1952. Royal
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland Occa-
elaborate taboos and restrictions to be followed over the two
sional Paper no. 19. London, 1963.
to three weeks the process took. Once again chiefs or their
ritual elders took up their traditional roles in directing the
Macdonald, Judith. “The Tikopia and ‘What Raymond Said.’” In
process.
Ethnographic Artifacts: Challenges to a Reflexive Anthropology,
edited by Sjoerd R. Jaarsma and Marta A. Rohatynskyj,
In 1980 the oldest of the four chiefs, the Ariki Tau-
pp. 107–123. Honolulu, 2000.
mako, was still alive and was the only one who had taken part
RAYMOND FIRTH (1987)
in the traditional rituals. His ritual paraphernalia was kept
JUDITH MACDONALD (2005)
in a small house, which he referred to as a “museum,” behind
his main dwelling place, and he regularly threw a small offer-
ing of food toward the museum. He still remembered and
TILAK, BAL GANGADHAR (1856–1920), was an
used his invocations to the gods of the sea, who had been the
Indian political leader. Known by his followers as Loka-
responsibility of his clan when people were to take the in-
manya, “revered by the people, ” but as the “father of Indian
terisland ship away from Tikopia. However, he has subse-
unrest” by the British authorities in India, Tilak had a crucial
quently died, and two or three generations have passed since
role in defining Indian nationalism by an appeal to Hindu
the forebears of the present chiefs practiced the old rituals.
religious and cultural symbols. He was born on July 23,
Their memory exists only in Firth’s record.
1856, in the Ratnagiri district of the Bombay Presidency.
The interventions by the first missionary in Tikopian
His family belonged to the Citpa¯van subcaste of Brahmans,
birth-control measures resulted in an increase in the popula-
members of which had been influential as both religious and
tion that was unsustainable for the island. From the late
secular functionaries under the Marathas, the last indigenous
1960s on, people left the island for other parts of the Solo-
rulers of the region, and Tilak had a proud consciousness of
mons, forming permanent settlements first in the Russell Is-
the greatness of Hindu civilization. He began his career in
lands, later on Makira, and increasingly in the capital of the
the recently established Fergusson College in Poona, where
Solomon Islands, Honiara. There, Tikopia men sometimes
in 1881 he and his friend G. G. Agarkar established two
married Melanesian women whose exposure to Christianity
newspapers: Kesari, in Marathi, and Maratha, in English.
and practices inclusive of women differed from the Tikopia
The papers criticized many aspects of British rule and called
experience. In the Tikopia village of Nukukaisi on Makira,
for a rejuvenation of India’s national life.
an in-marrying Melanesian woman became president of the
Tilak’s rise to prominence as a nationalist leader must
Mothers’ Union for the top half of the island. Some Tikopia
be seen in the context of movements for social and religious
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TILAK, BAL GANGADHAR
9199
reform that had attracted many intellectuals in the Poona re-
a practice sanctioned by religion. Then, in 1897, there was
gion and elsewhere. Many reformers believed, however, in
an outbreak of bubonic plague in Poona, and the govern-
working with the British to bring about gradual political
ment ordered a house-to-house search under a military offi-
change and in seeking to reform deeply embedded social
cer, W. C. Rand, which Tilak said violated the sanctity of
practices that seemed to have Hindu religious sanction. Tilak
the Hindu home; he also argued that, following the example
did not condone such practices but insisted that freedom
of S´iva¯j¯ı, violence was justified to protest it. When Rand was
from British rule was the first priority, not social or religious
assassinated, Tilak was charged with incitement to murder
reform.
because of his writings, and he was sentenced to eighteen
months in prison.
Sometimes Tilak supported, but he also opposed, the
Indian National Congress, the organization founded in 1885
Such activities made Tilak the leading figure in the
that became the chief agent in winning Indian indepen-
group within the Indian National Congress that he proudly
dence. Two characteristics often alienated him from other
called the “Extremists,” in contrast to the “Moderates,”
nationalist leaders: one was his use of Hindu religious sym-
whom he denounced for begging favors from their British
bols as expressions of Indian nationalism, and the other was
overlords when they should be taking by force what was
his acceptance of violence as a legitimate political tool sanc-
rightfully theirs. He popularized the slogan, “Swara¯j [self-
tioned by the Hindu tradition.
rule] is my birthright and I will have it.” In 1907 he and his
In two of Tilak’s books, Orion (1893) and The Arctic
group tried to gain control of the annual meeting of the Indi-
Home of the Vedas (1903), he argued that the mythic Hindu
an National Congress in Surat, but failed, leading to a split
stories could be interpreted as actual history, thus giving In-
in the organization. In 1908 Tilak was arrested on charges
dians pride in the antiquity of their nationalist narrative. In
of incitement to violence and sentenced to six years of im-
G¯ıta¯ Rahasya (1915), a commentary on the Bhagavadg¯ıta¯,
prisonment in the unhealthy Andaman Islands, but he sur-
written while he was imprisoned for sedition, Tilak argued
vived the ordeal and in 1916 he rejoined the Congress.
that it was not, as many commentators had interpreted it,
At this time, Gandhi arrived on the Indian political
a text that encouraged passive devotion to a deity, but, on
scene with a message of nonviolence that rejected Tilak’s
the contrary, it was a revolutionary call to use violence
reading of the Bhagavadg¯ıta¯. Tilak’s death in August 1920,
against oppression. Mahatma Gandhi was later to argue,
just before the Indian National Congress adopted Gandhi’s
with Tilak in mind, that the message of the Bhagavadg¯ıta¯ was
platform of nonviolence, prevented Tilak from questioning
one of nonviolence and love of one’s enemies.
the new direction that the nationalist movement was taking.
Tilak’s appeal to the Hindu tradition as a basis for a re-
Gandhi’s success in subsequent years in persuading Indian
newal of Indian greatness and opposition to the British was
nationalists to accept his version of Hinduism as a religion
dramatized in numerous initiatives. One of these was starting
of nonviolence and love overshadowed for many years Tilak’s
festivals to celebrate S´iva¯j¯ı (1621–1680), the great warrior
insistence that Hinduism could be the basis for a militant na-
who fought the Mughal emperors, defending Hinduism
tionalism that would fight to win India’s independence. At
against the invading Muslims. The implication of the mes-
the beginning of the twenty-first century, however, Tilak’s
sage was not lost on either the Muslim minorities or the Brit-
version of militant Hinduism, not Gandhi’s pacifism, was
ish rulers. More directly identified with Hinduism were festi-
dominant in India’s political life.
vals supported by Tilak in honor of the popular deity
S
Gan:apati, or Gan:e´sa. These had been in existence as family
EE ALSO Bhagavadg¯ıta¯; Brahman; Gandhi, Mohandas;
Gan:e´sa; Marathi Religions.
or local celebrations, but Tilak saw them as a chance for
widespread group support for the project for political free-
dom, for Gan:apati is the god of new beginnings, a help in
BIBLIOGRAPHY
overcoming obstacles, and the son of S´iva, the most powerful
There is no good biography that comprehensively examines
and potent of the great gods, often pictured as a warrior smit-
Tilak’s personal life, political activities, and religious views,
ing his enemies. Tilak also joined in the campaign against
and assesses his role in the nationalist narrative. Richard I.
Cashman, The Myth of the Lokamanya: Tilak and Mass Poli-
cow slaughter, arguing that Hindus venerated the cow as a
tics in Maharashtra (Berkeley, 1975), is a scholarly study of
religious symbol. Since Muslims and the British were beef
aspects of his political activities. Stanley A. Wolpert, Tilak
eaters, the campaign had a potent social and political
and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform in the Making of Modern
message.
India (Berkeley, 1962), contrasts his positions with those of
Some of the causes that Tilak supported in the name of
his great liberal contemporary and rival, G. K. Gokhale.
D. V. Tahmankar, Lokamanya Tilak: Father of Indian Unrest
Hindu cultural nationalism seemed, not only to the British
and Maker of Modern India (London, 1956), is an authorized
but also to other Indian intellectuals, reactionary. One was
biography but gives a fuller picture of Tilak’s life and times.
his denunciation of the government when, in 1890, it intro-
G. P. Pradhan, Lokamanya Tilak (New Delhi, 1994), is in-
duced legislation to raise the permissible age of marriage for
tended to show Tilak as a great patriot and thinker. Examples
girls from ten to twelve. Orthodox Muslim leaders, as well
of Tilak’s combination of religious and political thought can
as Hindus, argued that the government was interfering with
be found in B. G. Tilak, Tilak: His Writings and Speeches
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9200
TILA¯WAH
(Madras, India, 1922). An English translation of his Marathi
ly until the revelation ended at the time of Muh:ammad’s
work is available in Srimad-Bhagavadg¯ıta¯-Rahasya, edited by
death (632 CE). It is also held that through his secretary,
B. S. Sukthanankar (Poona, India, 1965).
Zayd ibn Tha¯bit (and others), Muh:ammad had at least some
A
of the QurDa¯n written down during his own lifetime. Various
INSLIE T. EMBREE (2005)
copies (mas:a¯h:if, sg., mas:h:af) of these and the transcription
of others were collected by the first two caliphs
(Muh:ammad’s successors as head of the community). Islam-
TILA¯WAH. Recitation of the sacred words of scripture
ic tradition regards the definitive collection ordered by the
in Islamic contexts of prayer, liturgy, and public performance
third caliph EUthma¯n (d. 656), however, as the official copy
is designated by the Arabic terms tila¯wah and qira¯ Dah. The
to which all authoritative copies since that time are traced.
very name of Muslim scripture, QurDa¯n, is a cognate of
As is often the case when the texts of sacred speech as-
qira¯ Dah from the finite verb qara Ea, which means “he read,”
sume written form prior to the development of widespread
in the sense of “recited.” Tila¯wah is the more general term
functional literacy, the scriptio defectiva of the earliest tran-
for QurDa¯n recitation, and its root carries the double sense
scriptions of the QurDa¯n did not present the full and unam-
of “to recite” and “to follow.” Thus, the Muslim concept of
biguous script that was later developed for the enunciation,
scripture entails the notion of divine speech meant to be re-
phrasing, and punctuation of each vocable, and it did not
cited, as indeed is the case with several other scriptures, such
provide for other matters of enormous significance for mean-
as the Hindu Vedas and the Jewish Torah. The sacred arche-
ing and consistency in oral recitation, such as guidance for
type of Muslim scripture is the Preserved Tablet (lawh:
phrasing and pauses. Scriptio plena, the full and precise sys-
mah:fu¯z:, surah 85:22) or Mother of the Book (umm al-kita¯b,
tem of writing, had neither fully evolved nor was it really
13:39, 43:4), the heavenly inscription of God’s word from
necessary in the early stages when the “text” was transmitted
which it is believed that scriptures had been sent down to
primarily in oral form. As a result, slightly different variant
other prophets (e.g., the torah to Moses and the gospel to
readings (recitations) of the written QurDanic text have exist-
Jesus) and ultimately from which the angel Gabriel recited
ed and been accepted since the formative period of Islam.
the Arabic QurDa¯n to Muh:ammad. This notion of divine
speech, preserved and transmitted in heaven and on earth in
Tenth-century QurDa¯n scholars, the most famous of
both written and oral forms, can be traced among Semites
whom was Ibn Muja¯hid (859–935), analyzed and evaluated
to ancient Near Eastern cosmologies. In both its inscribed
the existing variant readings of their day and established the
and its recited Arabic forms, the QurDa¯n lies at the heart of
orthodox systems of reciting from the written text attributed
Islamic symbolism, ritual, and social experience—indeed,
to the caliph EUthma¯n (r. 644–656). Tradition accounts for
even among many non-Arabic-speaking Muslims.
the variations among the reciters, as Ibn Muja¯hid’s work
The tendency of Western scholars to concentrate on
shows, on the basis of a report (h:ad¯ıth) that Muh:ammad had
problems of textual history and interpretation to the neglect
been given the QurDa¯n to recite according to seven ah:ruf
of the contextual modes of oral transmission and perfor-
(“letters”), a term that is sometimes taken to mean the dia-
mance has resulted in a general failure to appreciate the sig-
lects spoken by Arab tribes contemporary with the Prophet.
nificance of tila¯wah in Islamic society. Although the textual
In this view, God revealed the QurDa¯n to Muh:ammad in the
form of the QurDa¯n is paramount in such areas of classical
seven dialects of Arabic understood by the various tribes in
Muslim scholarship as law (fiqh), theology (kala¯m), grammar
Arabia, and these phonetic variations account for the differ-
(nah:w), and scriptural commentary (tafs¯ır), it is in its oral
ent qira¯ Da¯t of the text of EUthma¯n. The connotation of ah:ruf
form that most Muslims down to the present have learned
as “dialects” is controversial among Islamicists, however. Ibn
the QurDa¯n.
Muja¯hid’s work, Kita¯b al-sab Eah (The Seven Recitations),
identified the most renowned orthodox eighth-century recit-
TILA¯WAH AND THE QUESTION OF CANON. In Islam, the
ers of the QurDa¯n, and although later authorities boosted to
problem of establishing an authoritative text was not a ques-
ten and fourteen the number of acceptable recitation sys-
tion, as it was in Judaism and Christianity, of authorized
tems, Ibn Muja¯hid’s seven remain the most widely recog-
councils deciding which writings were inspired or otherwise
nized among Muslims today. Disciples of the seven charter
authentic. Materials for the body of scripture (kita¯b, “book,
reciters promulgated slight variations from their masters;
writing”) were from the beginning regarded as simply and
these seven secondary transmitters are known as ra¯w¯ıs, and
exclusively the accurate preservation of Muh:ammad’s recita-
their traditions of recitation have also survived and found ac-
tion of God’s speech, which tradition affirms had circulated
ceptance in the Muslim community.
orally, and in a less well-assembled form in writing, among
contemporaries of the Prophet. Of greater significance was
Thus, for example, in the postscript to the official edi-
the question of collecting—implying also the arranging—of
tion of the QurDa¯n printed in Egypt, the editors state that
the Prophet’s recitation of su¯rahs and a¯yahs (“chapters” and
the basic orthography is that of EUthma¯n’s copy and that it
“verses”). Tradition assigns the beginning of this task to the
reflects the phonetic qualities of the oral transmission by the
Prophet himself and stipulates further that the QurDanic text
ra¯w¯ı H:afs: (d. 805), whose master was the reciter (qa¯riD,
was rehearsed in the presence of the angel Gabriel periodical-
muqri D) EA¯s:im (d. 744)—one of Ibn Muja¯hid’s seven. Many
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TILA¯WAH
9201
professional reciters know several of the phonetic systems of
evil Satan,” followed by the Basmalah, “In the name of God,
the classic reciters and their disciples, and they will often re-
the merciful, the compassionate.” At the completion of each
peat a given QurDanic phrase in other qira¯Da¯t in order to
recitation one recites: “The majestic God has spoken truly.”
bring out several possible emphases and meanings allowed
Two general styles of recitation may be distinguished.
by the basic script.
Murattal is the more straightforward type, appropriate for in-
TILA¯WAH AND THE RULES OF TAJW¯ID. The significance of
dividuals reciting in the context of prayer and private devo-
acceptable variations in the enunciation of the text is consid-
tions; mujawwad refers to the more melodious and ornate
erable insofar as meaning is established not only by written
styles employed by trained and professional reciters for reli-
symbols but also by sounds. Although written texts of the
gious celebrations and public performances. Both murattal
QurDa¯n, such as the modern Egyptian edition traced to the
and mujawwad are governed by the rules of tajw¯ıd, although
qira¯ Dah of EA¯s:im, are elaborately marked to reflect the pho-
mujawwad is an art form that takes years to master, and its
netic qualities of a given qira¯ Dah and are further coded to
practitioners receive high recognition in Islamic society.
guide the reciter in proper phrasing and oral emphasis, the
The term tila¯wah (which has thus far been used synony-
actual art of reciting can be learned properly only from a
mously with qira¯ Dah) has the special connotation, as
teacher. This oral, performative, pedagogical context has
al-Ghaza¯l¯ı (d. 1111) put it, of being an act of recitation in
characterized QurDanic studies in Islam since the seventh cen-
which the tongue, heart, and mind are equally involved.
tury. Nonetheless, a considerable literature about the rules
Thus, tila¯wah involves three essential ingredients: sound,
that govern recitation has accumulated over the cen-
thought, and emotion. Insofar as the rules of tajw¯ıd and the
turies.
contexts in which they are taught are intended to realize all
Learning to recite the QurDa¯n traditionally began in the
three factors, QurDa¯n recitation cannot be regarded as an
QurDa¯n school (kutta¯b, maktab), where rote memorization of
empty verbal exercise, a cultural form without content. Mus-
QurDanic passages by children seated around a teacher
lim literature about tila¯wah indicates that “the necessary,
(shaykh) marked the first, and for some the only, stage of for-
obligatory recitation is the thoughtful one that engrosses the
mal education. Even with increasing government control of
whole self,” or “those who would listen to the QurDa¯n with
public education in modern times and the changes this has
their ears, not attending with their hearts, God faults them
brought about, many contemporary Muslims are attempting
for that.” The rules of tajw¯ıd, then, have to do with sound
to retain some form of the traditional QurDa¯n school as an
production in relation to the proper cognitive and emotional
important first stage of Islamic pedagogy. At more advanced
responses.
levels, students specializing in tila¯wah learn the rules of
The tila¯wah literature addresses the rules of tajw¯ıd for
tajw¯ıd, that is, the rules for rendering correctly the recitation
listening to QurDa¯n recitation as well. This dual focus reflects
of the QurDa¯n (and their application) in more critical learn-
the facts that the QurDa¯n is an integral aspect of Muslim piety
ing and performance situations. Again, this is primarily an
and worship and that most occasions of QurDa¯n recitation
oral context dominated by a shaykh who has received special
entail a speaker/listener social relationship. The reciter’s skill
training and earned recognition as a reciter. In one of the
and correct frame of mind for his task are to be matched by
most popular recitation manuals in use in Cairo today,
listeners who likewise are prepared to hear the word of God.
tajw¯ıd is defined as “articulating each letter from its point
Besides the manuals on tajw¯ıd, other sources contribut-
of articulation, giving it its full value. The intent of tajw¯ıd
ing to the cognitive and intellectual understanding of the
is the reciting of the QurDa¯n as God most high sent it
QurDa¯n include phrase-by-phrase commentaries (tafs¯ır), bi-
down. . . . Knowledge of it is a collective duty, and the
ographies of the prophet Muh:ammad (s¯ıra¯t), and descrip-
practice of it is a duty prescribed for all who wish to recite
tions of the specific occasions of revelation during
something from the holy QurDa¯n.”
Muh:ammad’s mission (asba¯b al-nuzu¯l). Then too, there are
Rules for proper recitation are usually printed at the
the personal meanings each phrase might symbolize for indi-
back of the QurDa¯n. These include specifications on how to
vidual reciters and hearers: when an individual or communi-
produce the correct phonetic sounds, assimilation of certain
ty feels tempted or threatened by an intrusive outside force
juxtaposed phonemes, proper duration of vowel sounds, and
or circumstance, for example, a passage about Satan may be
sectioning (the rules for pauses and starts in reciting). The
recited. In general, the rules of tajw¯ıd and QurDa¯n recitation
first three kinds of rules account for the unique sound of
are closely connected with these other sources—both literary
QurDanic recitation—a sound that easily distinguishes
and social/contextual—of meaning. Any adequate apprecia-
tila¯wah from the pronunciation of Arabic for any other pur-
tion of the meaning of the QurDa¯n would have to involve
pose. Sectioning allows the reciter to build a cadence or stress
knowledge of the written text, the commentary literature, the
a particular phrase through the use of required and optional
performance of recitation, and the social-ritual contexts—in
points of pausing and starting within each verse of the text
short, the whole spectrum of QurDanic presence in Islamic
and through calculated repetition of phrases. The rules of
culture.
tajw¯ıd also cover the proper Arabic formulas used before and
THE CONTEXTS OF TILA¯WAH. Among the most important
after each recitation, such as “I take refuge in God from the
settings for QurDa¯n recitation are the ritual celebrations ap-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9202
TILA¯WAH
pointed by the Muslim calendar. The ninth month,
The development of electronic media in the twentieth
Ramad:a¯n—the month when Muh:ammad’s mission was first
century has created new contexts for QurDa¯n recitation. Tape
announced to him with the transmission of the first revela-
recordings of the murattal and tajw¯ıd styles of recitation by
tion (surah 96) by the angel Gabriel, and also the month of
famous recent and contemporary reciters are widely available
the obligatory fast—is the occasion for public recitation of
for private and public listening. Cassettes also allow individ-
one-thirtieth of the text each day in mosques and special
uals to record their favorite reciter from the radio or at pri-
gatherings. The written text of the QurDa¯n indicates these li-
vate reciting sessions and to exchange tapes with other con-
turgical divisions with symbols in the margins marking each
noisseurs. Television stations in Muslim countries typically
thirtieth part (juz D), the halves of each of these, and the quar-
begin and end each program day with a passage of QurDa¯n
ters of each half. Another set of markings divides the text into
recitation; as the shaykh recites, the Arabic text rolls down
seven weekly sections. The apportioning of the text in this
the screen in place of or in addition to the image of the recit-
fashion is separate from the literary chapter divisions (surahs)
er. In some non-Arabic-speaking countries such as Malaysia
and specifically applies to the liturgical and mnemonic func-
and Indonesia, a simultaneous translation of the text in the
tions of reciting.
local language may also appear on the screen. Radio, howev-
er, is by far the most widely used broadcast medium for
The actual speed with which a Muslim may choose to
QurDa¯n recitation today. Most stations broadcast QurDa¯n rec-
recite the entire text (over a month, a week, three days, or
itation at selected intervals, along with religious poetry, read-
even in one night), like the question of which passage to re-
ings of the Prophet’s h:ad¯ıth, and homiletic materials. Some
cite on a given occasion, is a matter of personal preference.
stations devote programming entirely to QurDa¯n recitation
Various recommendations of the Prophet and his compan-
and other religious materials, and listeners are able to select
ions on these matters are found in the h:ad¯ıth and are quoted
times for listening or recording their favorite passages and re-
in the literature on QurDa¯n recitation.
citers from broadcast schedules in the print media. Along
On important calendrical festivals ( Euyu¯d; sg., E¯ıd), such
with reciters famed for their skills and in high demand for
as the Prophet’s birthday (Mawlid al-Nab¯ı), the Feast of
public and private recitations in person, those chosen for
Fast-Breaking (E¯Id al-Fit:r, at the end of the month of
broadcast performance are carefully screened, and many be-
Ramad:a¯n), and during the pilgrimage assemblies in Mecca
come well-known personalities in Muslim societies. Given
during the twelfth month, QurDa¯n recitation also plays an
the new media contexts of modern Islam, it is not uncom-
important role. Whereas such public occasions call for the
mon, therefore, for someone walking down a street to hear
skills of a trained reciter, every Muslim individually recites
the QurDa¯n being recited from several sources at once—from
a portion of the QurDa¯n during the five daily prayers. The
radios and cassette recorders in private homes, small shops,
most frequently recited passage is the brief first surah, the
and automobiles, along with those carried by passersby.
Fa¯tih:ah (Opener).
Throughout the Muslim world students, both male and fe-
male, compete in local and national QurDa¯n reciting contests,
The Muslim lunar calendar captures in its festivals and
which are decided internationally each year at such re-
holidays the rhythms of sacred history that center around
nowned centers as al-Azhar University in Cairo.
God’s revelation to the Prophet and the sacred time of the
formation of the Prophet’s community (ummah) in Mecca
The contexts of QurDa¯n recitation described above have
and Medina. Another set of social rhythms, the human life
a striking symbolic association with “occasions of revelation”
cycle, is also celebrated by moments of recitation. The Mus-
during the sacred time of the Prophet’s mission in Mecca and
lim rites of passage, including birth and naming of the child,
Medina. Recitation then and now belongs to those signifi-
circumcision, acquiring the ability to recite the entire QurDa¯n
cant moments in the life of the community that call for
from memory, marriage, and death, are normally celebrated
enunciation of the divine word. Tila¯wah is, then, a meaning-
among family, friends, and neighbors, and it is common
ful speech act governed by rules that situate the speaker and
practice to hire a QurDa¯n reciter for the edification and enjoy-
the addressee within the sacred paradigm of God’s address
ment of those gathered. Numerous political and social occa-
to humankind. The recited QurDa¯n is, however, no more
sions also call for a religious blessing attended by QurDa¯n reci-
considered by Muslims to be the actual words of the contem-
tation. Because QurDa¯n recitation in the more ornate
porary reciter than it is attributed to the prophet
mujawwad style is also a critical art form, a well-known recit-
Muh:ammad. The QurDa¯n is enthusiastically held to be God’s
er can attract a large and responsive crowd just to hear him
beneficent revelation to the Arabs in the seventh century and,
perform his art. Indeed, the ethnomusicological field re-
through the Arabs and their language, to the rest of human-
search of Kristina Nelson has shown that public knowledge
kind. Tila¯wah as an Islamic cultural framework embraces not
and appreciation of different personal styles of mujawwad
only the sounds but also the cognitive processes of meaning
performance are very keen among reciters and their audi-
and the emotional responses appropriate to this symbol of
ences in Egypt today; such intense appreciation of QurDa¯n
divine manifestation. A full appreciation of tila¯wah, there-
recitation is characteristic of all Muslim societies including
fore, engages the student of religions with texts, rules, and
regions outside the Arabic-speaking Middle East.
practices that touch virtually every aspect of Muslim society.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TILLICH, PAUL JOHANNES
9203
SEE ALSO Dhikr; QurDa¯n; Rites of Passage, article on Mus-
of this time.” Completing his military service in December
lim Rites; Sama¯E; Tafs¯ır.
1918, Tillich received his qualification for university teach-
ing (Habilitation) at the University of Berlin in 1919. This
BIBLIOGRAPHY
was also the year in which he published one of his most influ-
The standard work on the QurDa¯n is by Theodor Nöldeke, Frie-
ential essays, “On the Idea of a Theology of Culture” (Über
drich Schwally, and others, Geschichte des Qora¯ns, 2d rev. ed.,
die Idee einer Theologie der Kultur). The essay presented the
3 vols. (1909-1938; reprint, New York, 1970), of which the
principles for interpreting culture theologically that Tillich
third volume by Gotthelf Bergsträsser and Otto Pretzl, Die
followed throughout his career and that became the basis of
Geschichte des Korantexts, 2d ed. (Leiden, 1938), contains in-
a new field of theological study. The guideline that Tillich
formation about QurDa¯n recitation. Another standard source
used for such an interpretation was, in his formulation, that
of information is Ignácz Goldziher’s Die Richtungen der is-
lamischen Koranauslegung (1920; reprint, Leiden, 1970), es-
the Gehalt (import, or substance) of a cultural work is
pecially pages 1–54. A summary of European scholarship on
“grasped in the content (Inhalt) by means of the form and
QurDa¯n recitation is presented in Rudi Paret’s “Kira¯Da,” in
given expression.” Expressionistic art is an example. In such
The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed. (Leiden, 1960-). Useful
art, the forms of everyday reality—for example, the human
information about tajw¯ıd may be found in Edward Sell’s The
shape or the shapes of everyday objects—are distorted in
Faith of Islam, 3d ed. (London, 1907); see appendix A,
such a way that this distortion expresses a power, or reality,
“EIlmu’t-tajwid.”
that manifests itself by the very way in which it breaks
The most important modern research on QurDa¯n recitation has
through the form and content of the objects. A theology of
been done by Kristina Nelson; see The Art of Reciting the
culture undertakes to interpret the meaning of this “sub-
Qur Dan (Austin, 1985). Also useful is the International Con-
stance” (Gehalt), or depth content, which thus breaks
gress for the Study of the Qur Dan, series 1, 2d ed., edited by
through the form into the content. Accordingly, an interpre-
A. H. Johns (Canberra, 1982); see especially Frederick M.
tation of culture always involves a reference to three elements
Denny’s “The Adab of QurDan Recitation: Text and Con-
of cultural works: the form, the content (Inhalt), and the
text,” pp. 143–160, and John Bowman’s “Holy Scriptures,
substance (Gehalt).
Lectionaries and QurDan,” pp. 29–37. On QurDa¯n recitation
in the wider context of Islamic culture, see Frederick M.
In the spring of 1929 Tillich accepted a call to teach
Denny’s “Exegesis and Recitation: Their Development as
philosophy and sociology at the Univeristy of Frankfurt. It
Classical Forms of QurDa¯nic Piety,” in Transitions and Trans-
was there that, in 1933, he published the work that was to
formations in the History of Religions: Essays in Honor of Joseph
cause his emigration to the United States, Die sozialistische
M. Kitagawa, edited by Frank E. Reynolds and Theodore M.
Entscheidung (The Socialist Decision). In content, this was a
Ludwig (Leiden, 1980), pp. 91–123, and my own “Under-
cautious analysis of socialism and a critique of unrestrained
standing the QurDan in Text and Context,” History of Reli-
gions 21 (May 1982): 361–384.
capitalism. It was based upon the idea of kairos (right
time)—the idea that, even politcally, there are “right” times
Most Muslim works on the QurDa¯n are written in Arabic and thus
for accomplishing certain things—and upon an analysis of
little known in the West except among specialists. An excep-
tion is Labib al-Said’s The Recited Koran: A History of the First
German democrary as only an abstract, not yet a real, demo-
Recorded Version, translated and edited by Bernard Weiss, M.
crary. Tillich drew the conclusion that the time was ripe for
A. Rauf, and Morroe Berger (Princeton, 1975).
a new socialism, specifically, for a religious socialism that
could incorporate democracy. National Socialism, however,
RICHARD C. MARTIN (1987)
was not what Tillich envisaged. Hence, the essay also con-
tained a criticism of the totalitarian element in the National
Socialist movement, and as a result Tillich became one of the
TILLICH, PAUL JOHANNES (1886–1965), Ger-
many educated Germans who emigrated under the threat of
man-American theologian and philosopher, was born in
those years as the movement developed.
Starzeddel (now Starosiedle, Poland), in Brandenburg, Ger-
Tillich left Germany in October 1933. In February
many, on August 20, 1886, the son of a Lutheran pastor. He
1934 he began his long teaching career at Union Theological
attended the University of Berlin, from which he received his
Seminary in New York, remaining there until his retirement
Ph.D., and the University of Halle, where he received his
in 1955. He then became University Professor at Har-
doctorate in theology. After passing his second theological
vard—a great distinction—and in 1962 he became, with
examination at Halle, he was ordained into the ministry in
similar distinction, the Nuveen Professor of Theology at the
1912.
University of Chicago. His last public address, “The Signifi-
CAREER AND THEORY FORMULATION. During World War
cance of the History of Religions for the Systematic Theolo-
I Tillich served as a military chaplain. These years had a pro-
gian,” delivered at the University of Chicago shortly before
found impact on Tillich’s understanding of human reality.
his death on October 22, 1965, reflected the direction that
The effect of the war’s devastation, both physical and spiritu-
his thought had taken toward the questions raised by the en-
al, is reflected in a letter that he wrote in November 1916:
counter of Christianity with other religions. These differed
“I have become purely an eschatologist [in that] what I, along
from the questions he had treated in his earlier works because
with others, am experiencing is the actual end of the world
they involved differences in the religious symbols themselves.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9204
TILLICH, PAUL JOHANNES
THEORY OF RELIGION AND SYMBOLS. Tillich’s major work
principle of justification to the realm of theoretical thought.
is the three-volume Systematic Theology, in which Tillich un-
One who doubts the reality of God knows the truth despite
dertakes to interpret Christian symbols so as to show how
that doubt, just as one who sins is justified despite the sin;
they provide answers to ontological questions. Through the
the reality of God shows itself to the human mind despite
“method of correlation,” he shows how the question of the
the doubt, just as the goodness of God appears in human ac-
meaning of being (the ontological question) is correlated
tions despite their imperfection. The second characteristic of
with the symbol of God as its answer (the theological an-
Tillich’s theology appears in his theology of culture. This
swer). The symbol God is the reality that answers the ques-
theology of culture is based on the conception that culture
tion of the meaning of being. In the five divisions of System-
itself is capable of expressing, indirectly, the ultimate mean-
atic Theology, Tillich provides, on the one hand, an analysis
ing that is intended by religious faith. Thus, in his analysis
of the three basic ways in which the ontological question is
of contemporary culture Tillich showed how, as culture, it
asked and, on the other hand, an interpretation of religious
did express indirectly what religion expresses directly. The
symbols in which he shows how the symbols present the real-
third characteristic, which is at the basis of the method of
ity that answers the question of the meaning of being as such.
correlation used in Systematic Theology, is the idea that phi-
Simply put, the three basic questions are these: What is the
losophy, which asks the question of the meaning of being as
meaning of being itself? What is the meaning of (human) ex-
such, and religion, which is based upon the reality shown in
istence? What is the meaning of life? The first question, an-
the symbol of God, cannot be reduced to each other, and
swered by the symbol God, is occasioned by the finitude of
they cannot be derived from each other, but they can be “cor-
human being. The second question, answered by the symbol
related.” What human beings seek when they ask the ques-
of Christ, is occasioned by the contradictoriness (estrange-
tion of the meaning of being can be correlated with what
ment) of the human being—the fact that things are not what
human beings receive through the meaningfulness of reli-
they should be and could be. The third question, answered
gious symbols. Accordingly, Tillich’s definition of faith as
by the symbol of the Spirit, is occasioned by the ambiguity
“ultimate concern”—in the sense of one’s being ultimately
of actual life—the fact that life is a mixture of being and non-
concerned about that which concerns one unconditionally—
being, of the good and the bad, of the creative and the de-
implies both the ontological question of the meaning of
structive. The symbol God presents the meaning of the fini-
being and also the symbol God as the presence of being-itself,
tude of being; the symbol Christ presents the meaning of the
which, as such, is beyond both being and nonbeing.
contradictoriness of existence; and the symbol Spirit presents
Tillich’s wide influence, especially in the United States,
the meaning of the ambiguity of actual life. The actual
is attributable to the ecumenical character of this theology,
human situation is that of life, in which the finitude of being
to the effectiveness of his teaching, the appeal of his work
and the contradictoriness of existence as such are always am-
to professionals as well as to the laity, and, no doubt, to his
biguously mixed. To say that “God,” “the Christ,” and “the
extraordinary ability to relate theology to the issues of the
Spirit” are symbols is to say that they actually convey the real-
time.
ity of the answer that they represent. In other words, as a
symbol, the word “God” (or the meaning and image borne
BIBLIOGRAPHY
by that word) actually presents an ultimate meaning in the
The most complete biography of Tillich is that of Wilhelm Pauck
finitude of being in the world; as a symbol, the word or the
and Marion Pauck, Paul Tillich: His Life and Thought, vol.
image or the history connected with “the Christ” conveys a
1, Life (New York, 1976); the projected volume 2 was never
real power to bear the contradictions and meaninglessness of
published. A highly compact but excellent interpretive study
of the unity of his life and thought is the pamphlet by Carl
reality without being overwhelmed by them; and the symbol
Heinz Ratschow, Paul Tillich (Iowa City, 1980). Of several
of “the Spirit” is the actual presence of an unambiguous
autobiographical sketches, the most helpful one, first pub-
meaning that can be discerned through the ambiguities of
lished in 1936, was published separately under the title On
life.
the Boundary (New York, 1966).
Through this method of correlation, Tillich intended to
Tillich’s collected works have been published in German in the
assign an equal importance to the question of being, which
Gesammelte Werke, 14 vols. (Stuttgart, 1959–1975), and in
is the main subject matter of philosophy (or ontology), and
six supplementary volumes, Ergänzungsbände (Stuttgart,
1971–1982). Volume 14 contains an index and bibliogra-
to God as the symbol in which the meaning of being is pres-
phy, including a list of unpublished manuscripts in the Til-
ent, which is the main subject matter of theology. The corre-
lich Archives at the Harvard Divinity School, Cambridge,
lation between the two is formulated in the statement “God
Massachusetts, and the Paul-Tillich-Archiv at the University
is being-itself.” That is to say, what is present in the symbol
of Marburg, Germany. Among Tillich’s major works are The
God is also the reality to which the ontological concept of
Socialist Decision (1933), translated by Frederick Sherman
being-itself refers.
(New York, 1977), Systematic Theology, 3 vols. (Chicago,
1951–1963), What Is Religion? (New York, 1969), The Prot-
Besides the method of correlation, Tillich’s distinctive
estant Era (essays edited by James Luther Adams, Chicago,
contribution to Christian theology lies in three characteris-
1948), The Courage to Be (New Haven, Conn., 1952), Bibli-
tics of his work. The first is his application of the Protestant
cal Religion and the Search for Ultimate Reality (Chicago,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TINGLEY, KATHERINE
9205
1955), Theology of Culture (New York, 1959), Christianity
mon and fragments of his essays have been incorrectly attri-
and the Encounter of the World Religions (New York, 1963),
buted to Timothy III of Alexandria.
and Dynamics of Faith (New York, 1957), the last of which
provides perhaps the best introduction to his thought.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A useful variety of critical and appreciative responses to Tillich’s
Original writings are available in Patrologia Graeca, edited by J.-P.
thought is contained in The Theology of Paul Tillich, 2d rev.
Migne, vol. 86, pt. 1, (Paris, 1860). Useful discussions can
ed., edited by Charles W. Kegley (New York, 1982), with
be found in Evagrios Scholastikos’s Greek-language Historia
three new essays and a revised bibliography. Responses to his
ecclesiastica (2.8–2.11), available as The Ecclesiastical History
theory of religious symbolism are contained in Religious Ex-
of Evagrius, edited by Joseph Bidez and Léon Parmentier
perience and Truth: A Symposium, edited by Sidney Hook
(Amsterdam, 1964), pp. 55–63. See also Konstantinos I.
(New York, 1961); included in the volume are two basic es-
Amantos’s Historia tou Buzantinou kratous, 2d ed., vol. 1
says by Tillich. An excellent brief account of Tillich’s reli-
(Athens, 1953), p. 129.
gious socialism is John R. Stumme’s introduction to the En-
glish translation of Tillich’s The Socialist Decision (New
DEMETRIOS J. CONSTANTELOS (1987)
York, 1977). A more recent secondary study is Mystical Heri-
tage in Tillich’s Philosophical Theology, edited by Gert Hum-
mal and Doris Lax (Münster, 2000).
ROBERT P. SCHARLEMANN (1987 AND 2005)
TINGLEY, KATHERINE (1847–1929), was a leader
of the Theosophical movement in the United States from
1896 to 1929. She led the organization that established the
TIME SEE CALENDARS; CHRONOLOGY;
Point Loma Theosophical Community and was a well-
COSMOGONY; ESCHATOLOGY; ETERNITY;
known figure in early-twentieth-century American society.
HISTORY; REJUVENATION; SACRED TIME;
Tingley was born Catharine Augusta Westcott in New-
SYMBOLIC TIME
buryport, Massachusetts, in 1847. According to her own ac-
count, she was a dreamy child who enjoyed walking in the
woods or along the seashore, engrossed in her imagination.
TIMOTHY AILUROS (d. 477), known as Timothy
During the Civil War her father equipped and led a company
II, fifth-century Monophysite theologian who became the
of volunteers to fight for the Union. His unit was transferred
first patriarch of the Coptic Church in Alexandria (457–460;
to Virginia, and his family followed him. Tingley, as a teen-
475–477). He was surnamed by his opponents Ailuros (“the
ager, witnessed the aftermath of battle, caring for wounded
cat”) because of his small stature and his weasel words and
soldiers from both the Union and Confederate armies. Other
ways. Venerated as a saint by the Coptic Church, Timothy,
details of her adolescent and early adult years are sketchy. She
along with other monophysite patriarchs, was anathematized
married three times, the third time to Philo Tingley. No chil-
by the church of Rome under Pope Hormisdas (514–523).
dren resulted from these marriages. By the 1880s she was liv-
Little is known of Timothy’s early life. It is certain that
ing in New York City. Like many women from the middle
during the Christological controversies of the fifth century
classes of that period, she was interested in various late Victo-
he sided with those who rejected the decree of the Council
rian, Progressive causes that would improve the quality of life
of Chalcedon (451), which defined Christ as “one hypostasis
for the urban poor, especially women and children. She was
in two natures.” The council appointed the orthodox
responsible for one or more voluntary establishments that
Proterios as patriarch of Alexandria. But the local mob
provided food and other relief. Supposedly in the early
lynched Proterios, and in 457 the Egyptian bishops elected
1890s, while she was conducting one such operation, she met
Timothy to succeed him. He served as patriarch for three
William Q. Judge (1851–1896), the leader of the Theosoph-
years, until 460, when he was removed from the patriarchal
ical Society in the United States. Some sources also point to
position and banished. While in exile, Timothy carried on
her interest in Spiritualism as a possible context in which she
a correspondence against the Chalcedonian decisions and
had contact with him.
wrote several essays promoting Monophysitism.
The Theosophical Society began in 1875 in New York
Timothy’s fate changed again when, upon the death of
City under the leadership of Helena P. Blavatsky (1831–
Emperor Leo I, Basiliskos usurped the throne and turned to
1891) and Henry Steel Olcott (1832–1907). It attracted
the monophysites for support. He reinstated Timothy, who
urban, middle-class individuals interested in Spiritualism,
became instrumental in the writing of an encyclical that Ba-
comparative religions, and the occult. By the time Judge and
siliskos issued in an attempt to impose Monophysitism as the
Tingley met, Theosophical lodges across the United States
official Christology of the church. Timothy ruled the church
were growing in size and number. But the most influential
of Alexandria for two more years, until his death in 477. His
leaders of this nationwide movement resided in New York
ecclesiastical policy was characterized both by ambiguity and
City. They included businessmen, teachers, physicians, and
by fanaticism.
other middle-class, often professionalized, men and women.
Of Timothy’s writings against the Council of Chalce-
Judge led many American Theosophical lodges to declare
don three letters have survived in a Syriac translation. A ser-
their independence from the worldwide Theosophical Soci-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9206
TINGLEY, KATHERINE
ety in 1895. He died the next year. Tingley succeeded him,
War I she became a noted national and international figure
although the circumstances surrounding her succession re-
in various peace conferences. Even after the American entry
main unclear. Over time, many leaders loyal to Judge shifted
into the war, she continued to advocate peace, and for this
their loyalty to her, but not all. Some of the dissenters
reason briefly attracted the attention of the United States
formed their own Theosophical groups.
government as a possible agent for Germany, although suspi-
cion of Tingley’s cooperation with German agents proved
Tingley mobilized Theosophists across the United
unfounded.
States to work for social reform. Theosophists were responsi-
ble for public vegetable gardens, orphanages, halfway houses
Tingley was a high-profile figure, often in the news be-
for prostitutes, job training for the poor, emergency relief,
cause of remarks she made at public gatherings or in court
and Theosophical Sunday schools for children, which were
cases that included various individuals at Point Loma. Some
originally begun under Judge but expanded under Tingley
of these cases dealt with divorces of married couples, some
and called Lotus Circles. The Theosophical response to
with the settlement of estates left behind by deceased Point
American soldiers returning from Cuba after the Spanish-
Loma residents. In all such instances, Tingley was a witty and
American War in 1898 is noteworthy. The United States
feisty participant, yet she maintained a pronounced Victori-
Army was not prepared to receive the troops who came home
an respectability consistent with her social class, gender, and
weak and ill from tropical diseases. At one such disembarka-
generation.
tion point on Long Island, Theosophists led by Tingley
staffed a hospital camp where soldiers received food and
Tingley was praised by Point Loma Theosophists as the
medical treatment.
rightful successor to Blavatsky and Judge as the leader of
world Theosophy, in spite of the opposition to this assertion
In the late 1890s Tingley and the leadership around her
by other Theosophical organizations. Theosophists claimed
took steps toward the establishment of a community of like-
that their leaders were granted both paranormal abilities and
minded adults who would provide an education for children
special authority to teach Theosophical principles by a group
based upon Theosophical principles. They selected Point
of advanced beings called the masters, who supervised the
Loma as the location for this community. It was a relatively
great cosmic evolution of souls and worlds. Point Loma The-
isolated site a few miles from San Diego, California, with a
osophists believed that, as the sanctioned leader, Tingley
mild climate and space to expand facilities. American Theos-
manifested extraordinary powers of prediction and percep-
ophists led by Tingley believed that they stood on the cusp
tion. Her commands were followed without question by
of a new cycle or age in human history. Ancient souls who
those who revered her. She was seen as the mother of the age,
had reincarnated countless times in past eons were especially
as well as the mother of people in this age, especially the suf-
mature and ready to advance spiritually and morally as they
fering and destitute. Maternity defined her particular style
appeared in this incarnation as children. This promising co-
of leadership, in contrast to the masculine style of Judge be-
hort required special nurture, and Point Loma was their nur-
fore her, and the more scholarly style of her successor, Gott-
sery. Tingley and other adults at Point Loma strictly con-
fried de Purucker (1874–1942). Tingley was a persuasive
trolled their children’s exposure to the outside world, their
speaker in an era when public speakers enjoyed widespread
diets, their reading material, their physical activities, and
popularity and influence in American society. Many of her
their relationships with one another. This system of child-
speeches appeared in the magazines and books printed by
rearing and education was called Raja Yoga, a term that the
Point Loma’s press. But within the Point Loma Theosophi-
Theosophists borrowed from Hinduism but invested with
cal tradition, both during and after her lifetime, she was re-
their own meaning. In their worldview, Raja Yoga was the
garded as a great organizer and manager, not a scholar. Her
holistic education of children in which all of their faculties—
speeches and writings mostly repeated Theosophical ideas al-
spiritual, mental, physical, and emotional—could be culti-
ready extant, but she articulated them in a way that appealed
vated simultaneously. From 1900, when Tingley and others
to late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century Americans.
moved to Point Loma, until the community relocated to Co-
She evoked patriotic pride as well as concern for all of hu-
vina, California, in 1942, Point Loma Theosophists raised
manity; advocated gender distinctions as well as common
and educated hundreds of children.
characteristics of men and women; and argued for children
to be both protected and challenged in their nurture. Her
Throughout the first three decades of the twentieth cen-
genius lay in her ability to tap into American folkways and
tury, Tingley made numerous tours of the United States and
middle-class discourse about culture, and to intertwine those
the world. She set the tone for such travel in 1896 by visiting
with Theosophical doctrine.
Theosophical lodges worldwide. Thistour, called the Cru-
sade, was designed to consolidate support for her leadership
Tingley was in an automobile accident in Germany in
and establish good working relationships with Theosophists
May 1929. As a result of injuries sustained in that accident,
elsewhere. For many years afterward she traveled avidly, pub-
she died of illness while convalescing on the island of Vising-
licizing the Point Loma Theosophical Community and ad-
so, in Sweden, in July 1929. She was eighty-two years of age.
vocating a number of social and political causes, especially
Today, the organizational descendant of the Point Loma
world peace. During the years immediately preceding World
Theosophical Community is the Theosophical Society, Pasa-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

T¯IRTHAM
: KARAS
9207
dena, which publishes a bimonthly magazine and Theosoph-
in 523 BCE, the present period began, characterized by
ical classics, including the works of Katherine Tingley.
misery.
S
The first T¯ırtham:kara was R:s:abha, who is said to have
EE ALSO Blavatsky, H. P.; Judge, William Q; Point Loma
Theosophical Community; Theosophical Society.
been born toward the end of the third period and to have
died three and one-half years before its completion. His life
B
span extended over millions of so-called Pu¯rva years. In the
IBLIOGRAPHY
Ashcraft, W. Michael. The Dawn of the New Cycle: Point Loma
fourth period, after R:s:abha and before Maha¯v¯ıra, the law
Theosophists and American Culture. Knoxville, Tenn., 2002.
was preached by twenty-two T¯ırtham:karas: Ajita, Sambhava,
Kirkley, Evelyn. “Equality of the Sexes, But. . .: Women in Point
Abhinandana, Sumati, Padmaprabha, Supa¯r´sva, Candra-
Loma Theosophy, 1899–1942.” Nova Religio 1, no. 2
prabha, Suvidhi (Pus:padanta), S´¯ıtala, S´reya¯m:sa, Va¯supu¯jya,
(1998): 272–288.
Vimala, Ananta, Dharma, S´a¯nti, Kunthu, Ara, Malli, Muni-
suvrata, Nami, (Aris:t:a)nemi, and Pa¯r´sva.
Tingley, Katherine. The Gods Await. Point Loma, Calif., 1926;
rev. ed., Pasadena, Calif., 1992.
Tradition also gives the lists of their contemporaries in
Tingley, Katherine. The Voice of the Soul. Point Loma, Calif.,
Aira¯vata, as well as of past and future T¯ırtham:karas of
1928.
Bha¯rata. In Videha, the prevailing conditions of happiness
mixed with misery are always akin to those of this, the third
W. MICHAEL ASHCRAFT (2005)
period in an avasarpin:¯ı half cycle, so that a T¯ırtham:kara can
be preaching there at any time.
THE CAREER OF A T¯IRTHAM:KARA. No soul will become the
T¯IRTHAM:KARAS. According to the Jains, one of the
soul of a T¯ırtham:kara unless it has gone through a consider-
oldest religious communities in India, the T¯ırtham:karas
able number of rebirths and has finally practiced exceptional
(called titthagaras in the Jain canon) are the prophets who
virtues resulting in a special karman. The soul is urged by
periodically teach the world the truth of the imperishable
gods to “fall” from its divine mansion and be reborn to prac-
Jain tradition; the term is almost equivalent to jina (“victor”)
tise and propagate the true law. T¯ırtham:karas are usually
or arhant (“saint”). The term t¯ırtha(m:)-kara refers literally
considered to become incarnate only through male figures;
to one who “builds the ford” that leads across the ocean of
the S´veta¯mbaras nevertheless consider the nineteenth, Malli,
rebirths and suffering, and thus builds or renews the Jain
to be a female, although the Digambaras deny this point.
fourfold community of monks and nuns, laymen and lay-
women.
The career of a T¯ırtham:kara conforms to a well-
structured pattern, and traditional descriptions of the
Twenty-four T¯ırtham:karas are said to appear at given
T¯ırtham:karas provide very few or no distinctive individual
periods in selected regions. As they are capable of ultimate
characteristics. The biography of a T¯ırtham:kara is stereo-
spiritual perfection they are thus regarded as having more
typed, listing in an almost formulaic sequence the following
than a human status. Together with the cakravartins (univer-
information: (1) some details of his former existence, (2) the
sal sovereigns) and other such heroes, they form the class of
five kalya¯n:as, or religiously significant moments of his life
the venerated sixty-three personages of the Jain “universal
(i.e., conception, birth, renunciation, attainment of omni-
history.” They are called maha¯purus:as (“great men”) by the
science, nirva¯n:a), (3) the names of his parents, (4) the num-
Digambaras and ´sala¯ka¯purus:as (“men with the staff”) by the
ber of his followers, (5) the duration of his life, (6) the color
S´veta¯mbaras.
of his body (most are golden, but the twentieth and twenty-
MEMBERS OF THE LINEAGE. T¯ırtham:karas are born only in
second are black, the eighth and ninth are white, the sixth
the “middle world” (Madhyade´sa), and there only in the very
and twelfth are red, the twenty-third and another [the nine-
few karmabhu¯mis (regions where one reaps the fruit of one’s
teenth, according to the S´veta¯mbaras, the seventh, according
actions) of the central continent (Jambu¯dv¯ıpa): in the south-
to the Digambaras] are blue-green), (7) his height, (8) his
ern land of Bha¯rata (i.e., India), in the northern land of
guardian divinities, and (9) the length of time elapsed since
Aira¯vata, and in half of the central land of Videha. Except
his predecessor’s nirva¯n:a. All are born to princely families,
in Videha, where conditions differ, they are said to live exclu-
and, with two exceptions, are related to the Iks:va¯ku dynasty.
sively during the third and fourth of the six stages of the
The conception of a T¯ırtham:kara is announced to his moth-
avasarpin:¯ıs and utsarpin:¯ıs, that is, the descending and as-
er by a standardized succession of auspicious dreams (four-
cending halves of the endless temporal cycle, thus at times
teen according to the S´veta¯mbaras, sixteen according to the
of mixed happiness and misery.
Digambaras).
In Bha¯rata, the teacher of the present era is Vardhama¯na
ICONOGRAPHY. Like their biographies, the images of the
Maha¯v¯ıra, the twenty-fourth and last of the series of
T¯ırtham:karas are all fundamentally similar. The figures are
T¯ırtham:karas in our avasarpin:¯ı half cycle. According to tra-
represented in meditation, either seated cross-legged or
dition, he was born seventy-five years and eight and one-half
standing in a ka¯yotsarga pose (representing a particular type
months before the end of the fourth period, in which he lived
of Jain austerity), with arms stretched slightly apart from the
for seventy-two years. Three years after his nirva¯n:a, allegedly
body. Although the canon for the T¯ırtham:kara images ap-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9208
T¯IRTHAM
: KARAS
pears to have been well fixed by the beginning of the com-
and fifty years before Maha¯v¯ıra, and to have been born in
mon era, there have been some developments through the
Banaras and ended his life in Bihar on Mount Sameta, which
course of time. After the fifth century, S´veta¯mbara icons are
is now also known as Pa¯rasna¯th in his honor. He is alleged
characterized by a dhoti (a wrapped garment of draping lay-
to have established the “law of four restraints”
ers of cloth) and various ornaments; Digambara icons remain
(caturya¯ma-dharma), which is generally, though not unani-
naked. Moreover, a series of characteristic marks (cihnas) are
mously, considered to be the forerunner of the five “great
added to the pedestals in order to distinguish the individual
vows” (maha¯vratas) followed by Maha¯v¯ıra’s disciples. Pa¯r´sva
T¯ırtham:karas: R:s:abha’s symbol is the bull; Nemi’s, the
is associated with serpents and consequently the object of
conch shell; Pa¯r´sva’s, the snake; Maha¯v¯ıra’s, the lion. Repre-
much veneration.
sentations of R:s:abha, Pa¯r´sva, and Maha¯v¯ıra are particularly
CULTIC LIFE. Immediately after death, the T¯ırtham:karas be-
numerous; Pa¯r´sva is easily recognized by the snake hoods
come siddhas (“perfected” souls), and thus became complete-
over his head.
ly inaccessible. But the example they set should be meditated
The comparative monotony of the T¯ırtham:kara images
upon, and it is extolled daily when the Jains recite the
is somewhat striking. These icons, however, are not meant
Caturvim:´satistava (Praise of the twenty-four [T¯ırtham:-
to be picturesque but to suggest omniscient awareness and
karas]); the images of the T¯ırtham:karas should serve only as
absolute detachment, serenity.
meditative supports. Archaeological evidence indicates that
this method of worshiping the T¯ırtham:karas, known as
MYTHIC IMPORTANCE. Despite such uniformity, several
deva-pu¯ja¯, goes back to the first few centuries BCE.
T¯ırtham:karas emerge as prominent figures. On the whole,
Many lay believers, however, cannot refrain from ap-
the general trend of the present avasarpin:¯ı implies a notable
pealing to superhuman benevolence. They direct their wor-
decline from a golden age and is marked by the considerable
ship and supplications for assistance to the pairs of guardian
shortening of life span, prosperity, and happiness. Thus the
deities who serve the T¯ırtham:karas. Among the most popular
legends concerning R:s:abha, the “first lord” of this cycle, are
are the snake god Dharan:endra and his consort Padma¯vat¯ı,
of special significance because in them he is shown in a pio-
both of whom flank Pa¯r´sva. The Jain teachers, however, have
neering role.
always insisted on the inferior position of these deities and
R:s:abha is said to have set the groundwork for civiliza-
have succeeded in preventing them from usurping the su-
tion: first as a sovereign, when he organized kingdoms and
premacy of the T¯ırtham:karas.
societies, instituted legislation, taught agriculture, fire, cook-
T¯IRTHAM:KARAS AND INDIAN RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE. In
ing, arts and crafts, writing, and arithmetic, and later, when
Jainism it is clear that the recurrent presence of
he renounced the world and became the first mendicant,
T¯ırtham:karas, who periodically appear in the human realms
thus shaping the religious life of the present avasarpin:¯ı.
in order to preach and show the true law, have a function
These two spheres of influence were further served by two
similar to that of the seven (later twenty-five) Buddhas in
of R:s:abha’s sons: Bha¯rata is renowned in Indian tradition as
Buddhism, and also to that of the Hindu avata¯ras of Vis:n:u.
the first cakravartin of Bha¯rata. Ba¯hubali became a forebear-
On the other hand, by promoting civilization, the first
ing ascetic and as such has long been revered by the Digam-
T¯ırtham:kara, R:s:abha, recalls the role played by Pr:thu in the
baras, especially in the South, where several impressive mo-
epics, by Maha¯sammata in Buddhism, and by Prometheus
noliths representing this hero were erected. One of the best
in the Greek and Roman traditions. Thus from many per-
known is a colossal fifty-seven-foot image towering at the top
spectives Jainism offers a coherent system that links the evo-
of one of the hills overlooking S´ravan:a Bel:gol:a, about one
lutions of time, cosmos, humankind, and the Jain church.
hundred miles northwest of Bangalore.
SEE ALSO Ahim:sa¯; Cosmology, articles on Hindu Cosmolo-
The twenty-second T¯ırtham:kara (Aris:t:a)nemi, is alleg-
gy, Jain Cosmology; Jainism; Maha¯v¯ıra.
edly related to Kr:s:n:a and the Ya¯davas. He is extremely popu-
lar, especially in Gujarat, where on the sacred Girnar Hills
he practiced austerities and eventually understood the ulti-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
mate truth, thus achieving enlightenment; after many years
The standard books on Jainism provide general information on
the T¯ırtham:karas. A comparatively detailed treatment will be
he reached final emancipation, nirva¯n:a, on the same moun-
found in Helmuth von Glasenapp’s Der Jainusmus: Eine in-
tain. His revulsion at the sight of the animals awaiting
dische Erlösungsreligion (Berlin, 1925; reprint, Hildesheim,
slaughter for his wedding ceremonies as well as his subse-
1964; English translation by S.B. Shrotri: Jainism. An Indian
quent refusal to marry his betrothed, Ra¯j¯ımat¯ı, are highly
Religion of Salvation, Delhi 1998). Padmanabh S. Jaini, The
significant and are the subject of many narratives, songs, and
Jaina Path of Purification. (Berkeley, Los Angeles London
paintings that illustrate the greatness of the doctrine of
1979). A substantial although short account is provided by
ahim:sa¯, or noninjury.
Josef Deleu’s “Die Mythologie des Jinismus,” in H. W.
Haussig’s Wörterbuch der Mythologie (Stuttgart, 1976),
Pa¯r´sva, the twenty-third T¯ırtham:kara, has been regard-
pp. 207–284, esp. pp. 270–273. Various aspects of the
ed by most scholars as possibly being a historical figure. He
T¯ırtham:karas—concept, worship, representation—are con-
is said to have lived for a hundred years, some two hundred
sidered in several papers of Approaches to Jaina Studies: Philos-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TITHES
9209
ophy, Logic, Ritual and Symbols, edited by N.K. Wagle and
products represented only a token amount, which would
Olle Qvarnström (Toronto, 1999).
hardly have corresponded to the tenth or tithe. Firstfruits
Sculptures of T¯ırtham:karas are among the most ancient Indian re-
and tithes are closely related, however, in Deuteronomy 26:1–
ligious images, dating from first to second century CE. Since
15 and in Tobit 1:6–8.
the eleventh century, illustrated manuscripts (first palm-
From the time of the monarchy in Israel, and especially
leaves, later paper manuscripts) represent figures of Jinas
and/or depict important moments of their lives. Brightly col-
from the eighth century forward, the Levites more and more
oured Jain miniatures (especially in “Western Indian Style”),
were recognized as the beneficiaries of the tithe. They were
as well as statues and bas-reliefs are reproduced in Pratapadi-
not to share in the allotment of land along with the other
tya Pal et al., The Peaceful Liberators: Jain Art from India (Los
tribes but were set apart to the service of the Lord (Nm. 18,
Angeles, 1994); Kurt Titze, Jainism: A Pictorial Guide to the
Dt. 18:1–8, Jos. 21). The Levite cities seem to have been the
Religion of Non-Violence (Delhi, 1998); Jan Van Alphen,
store cities in which the tithes collected by the Levites were
Steps to Liberation: 2500 Years of Jain Art and Religion (Ant-
stored (see Neh. 10:38), just as the tithes in Mesopotamia
werp, 2000). Also see the monograph by José Pereira, Mono-
were collected by temple personnel and stored in the temples
lithic Jinas: The Iconography of the Jain Temples of Ellora
or in their vicinity.
(Delhi, 1977).
For the iconography of the T¯ırtham:karas, see Brindavan Chandra
The tithe became the means of livelihood for the Levites
Bhattacharya’s The Jaina Iconography, 2d rev. ed. (Delhi,
during the middle and later periods of the monarchy. Once
1974), and Klaus Bruhn’s The Jina-Images of Deogarh (Lei-
the city of Jerusalem had been designated by Josiah’s reform
den, 1969). The lives of Maha¯v¯ıra and the other Jinas are the
as the central sanctuary for Israelite worship (622/1 BCE; see
subject of the Jin:acariya, edited and translated by Hermann
2 Kgs. 22–23), the need for the tithe to support the Levites
Jacobi in The Kalpasûtra of Bhadrabâhu (Leipzig, 1879), and
at the many local sanctuaries would have disappeared. Ac-
of the Jaina Sûtras, vol. 1 (London, 1884; reprint, Delhi,
cordingly, the law in Deuteronomy 14 specifies a quite differ-
1964). See also Tris:as:t:i´sala¯ka¯purus:acaritra, or The Lives of
ent character and purpose for the tithe (Dt. 14:22–29). The
the Sixty-three Illustrious Persons by Hemacandra, 6 vols.,
tithe was to be taken to Jerusalem and eaten there before the
translated by Helen M. Johnson (Baroda, 1931–1962). On
Lord with rejoicing. It could be converted to money, if need
R:s:abha and civilization, see Adelheid Mette’s Indische Kul-
be. And every third year the tithe was to be set aside for meet-
turstiftungsberichte und ihr Verhältnis zur Zeitaltersage
(Mainz, 1973).
ing the needs of the Levite, the resident alien, the orphan,
and the widow. Scholars are divided over the issue of whether
COLETTE CAILLAT (1987 AND 2005)
or not the text in Deuteronomy 14 can be reconciled with
those in Numbers 18 and Leviticus 27.
If the legislation in Numbers 18 is later than that in Deu-
TITHES. In the ancient Near East lie the origins of a sa-
teronomy 14, however, the tithe was originally an offering as-
cral offering or payment of a tenth part of stated goods or
sociated with the king and with royal sanctuaries, It was then
property to the deity. Often given to the king or to the royal
democratized to become the basis for a celebrative meal be-
temple, the “tenth” was usually approximate, not exact. The
fore the Lord at the places of worship. After that the priests
practice is known from Mesopotamia, Syria-Palestine,
and Levites claimed the tenth for themselves, with the first-
Greece, and as far to the west as the Phoenician city of Car-
fruits in particular going to the priests and the tithes going
thage. Tithing also continued in Christian Europe as a
to the Levites (Nm. 18). Many scholars assign the priestly lit-
church tithe and as a tax upon Jewish landholdings formerly
erary deposit to a period later than that of the Deuteronomic
owned by Christians (or claimed to have been so). Tithes
legislation. All acknowledge, however, that the priestly mate-
paid in support of parish rectors continued in England into
rials contain elements older than Deuteronomy; it seems
the twentieth century.
probable that, in this case, the materials found in Numbers
18 are the older.
Early texts associate the tithe with support of the king
and of temples of the royal house (see Am. 4:4, 7:1, 7:13;
According to Leviticus 27:30–33, a distinction is made
see also Samuel’s forecast of actions to be taken by the king,
between those tithes that were redeemable—that is, convert-
1 Sm. 8:15, 8:17). The early biblical references to the tithe
ible into silver—and those that were not. Animals were not
in Genesis 14:20 and 28:22 are also related to sites where
redeemable, but grain, wine, and oil were. Items that were
royal shrines were located, such as Jerusalem and Bethel. It
placed under the ban (Hebrew cherem) were never redeem-
is not certain, however, that the tithe originated as a royal
able, and tithed animals, if suitable for offering, also were not
levy in support of temples and their personnel.
redeemable. When a tithe was redeemed, one-fifth of the
value was added (Lv. 27:31; see also Lv. 5:14–16).
It is difficult to be sure whether or not the offering of
the firstborn of animals and the firstfruits of field and or-
With regard to tithes in other parts of the ancient world,
chard should be treated as a tithe. It seems unlikely, because
Egyptian sources are not informative. There is no indication
the two are distinguished in Numbers 18 and in Deuteronomy
that the vast temple complexes in ancient Egypt were sup-
12:17. Moreover, the first fruits of grain and nonanimal
ported by a tithe. In Greece the situation is different. Nu-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9210
TIV RELIGION
merous references to tithes of the annual harvest and to tithes
2001. See especially his study of Leviticus 27 and the extend-
of spoil taken in battle are known. Delphi, Delos, and Athens
ed comments at the end of the volume.
are mentioned as recipients of tithe offerings made to the
Tigay, Jeffrey H. Deuteronomy = Devarim: The Traditional He-
gods. The offering of firstfruits and of tithes seems to have
brew Text with the New JPS Translation. Philadelphia, Pa.,
been quite closely associated.
New York, Jerusalem, 1996.
As a part of the Jewish legislation, the tithe becomes
Vaux, Roland de. Les institutions de l’Ancien Testament. 2 vols.
fixed and indeed extends beyond the original prescription.
Paris, 1958–1960. Translated by John McHugh as Ancient
The tractates Terumot and MaDaserot, along with other tal-
Israel: Its Life and Institutions. 2d ed. New York, 1961; re-
mudic collections, give particulars on postbiblical under-
print, Grand Rapids, Mich., 1997. See especially
standings. The Book of Tobit (second century BCE) offers
pp. 140–141, 380–382, and 403–405.
important testimony of the changes in the understanding of
Vischer, Lukas. “Die Zehntforderung in der Alten Kirche.”
the tithe. Tobit reports that when he was a young man, prior
Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 70 (1959): 201–217. Trans-
to his having been taken captive by the Assyrians and trans-
lated by Robert C. Schultz as Tithing in the Early Church.
ported to Nineveh, he brought firstfruits, tithes of the pro-
Philadelphia, Pa., 1966. Particularly good on the theologians
duce, and first shearings to Jerusalem. He also gave three
of the early church, but sketchy on the biblical evidence.
tithes: he presented the first tenth to the Levites (as required
Weinfield, Moshe. “Tithe.” In Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 15. Je-
by Nm. 18), offered the second tenth in Jerusalem (as re-
rusalem, 1971. A thorough and excellent treatment. See also
quired by Dt. 14), and gave the third tenth to the needy (as
the accompanying article, “Church Tithes,” by Bernhard
specified in Dt. 14 as well).
Blumenkranz.
In the early church, tithing became a means of securing
WALTER HARRELSON (1987 AND 2005)
a livelihood for church leadership, although in the earliest
days of the Christian movement tithing seems to have been
abandoned entirely in many Christian circles as a practice
TIV RELIGION. The Tiv, who live in the central
not in harmony with the Christian divergence from Jewish
Benue valley of Nigeria, have a name for God, Aondo (sky),
observances. The tithe remained of great importance for the
but are not much interested in him because they say that he
church as a means of securing a stable institution, providing
is not much interested in them. God, in their view, created
for ecclesiastical establishments, and offering resources for
the earth and everything within it—including the forces of
the care of the poor and the needy. In Judaism the tithe
evil. Then he walked away—the Tiv do not ask where God
helped the community meet human needs, although com-
went.
plaints were voiced that a “second tithe,” amounting to 20
percent (as apparently demanded by the different specifica-
The Tiv are concerned with health (and with death, the
tions in Nm. 18 and Dt. 14), was too heavy a burden on the
ultimate manifestation of poor health), with fertility of crops,
community. Christian understanding of the tithe has had to
animals, and themselves, and with social harmony. To be
combat both an overzealous application of the law of tithing
healthy, to have plenty, and to live in harmony are natural
(as some communities have understood it) and the supposi-
states. Although the Tiv have some lore about spirits, no spir-
tion that to provide a tenth of one’s goods to the church or
its manipulate the forces that interfere with these desirable
to charitable purposes meant that the remainder of one’s
states; Tiv respect their ancestors, but no ancestors manipu-
goods could be used in complete disregard of the claims of
late the forces. Rather, the acts and devices of living human
Christian stewardship.
beings activate the forces of evil. Tiv ritual is designed to
overcome these forces.
SEE ALSO Israelite Law, article on Property Law; Levites.
The Tiv say that some people grow a substance called
B
tsav on their hearts that acts much like a physical organ. Tsav
IBLIOGRAPHY
Eissfeldt, Otto. Erstlinge und Zehnte im Alten Testament. Götting-
is both a sign of and source of special talent or ability, wheth-
en, 1916. The classic work, a benchmark in the study of the
er musical and artistic, social and political, or the ability to
subject.
live to old age. One such special talent is to manipulate the
Guthrie, Harvey H., Jr. “Tithe.” In Interpreter’s Dictionary of the
forces that repair the society ritually.
Bible, vol. 4. New York, 1962; reprint, Nashville, Tenn.,
Tsav is not present in all people. It becomes enlarged
1976.
and nefariously powerful in any person who eats human
Levine, Baruch A.. Leviticus = Vayikra: The Traditional Hebrew
flesh. Tsav itself does not tempt its bearers to eat human
Text with the New JPS Translation. Philadelphia, Pa., New
flesh—but lust for power may. Cannibalism is a metaphor
York, Jerusalem, 1988. See especially pp. 199–200.
for antisocial misuse of other people, their property, and sub-
Levine, Baruch A. Numbers 1–20: A New Translation with Intro-
stance.
duction and Commentary. Anchor Bible 4A. New York,
1993.
The Tiv postulate that some of those with the special
Milgrom, Jacob, Leviticus 23–27: A New Translation with Intro-
talents of tsav meet at night as an organization to keep the
duction and Commentary. Anchor Bible 3B. New York,
social and cosmic forces working for the benefit of society
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TJURUNGAS
9211
as a whole. The mbatsav (people with tsav) perform rituals
symbol called swem. Made in a potsherd from hearth ashes
to repair the land, but they may, through reckless human
and symbolic plants, it is held high, then smashed to earth.
emotions such as spite, envy, or fear, use their power (as may
The ashes, spreading on the breeze, mean that justice spreads
any individual with tsav, acting alone) for antisocial and
through the land and that swem will punish evildoers.
deadly purposes that spoil the land. To call the mbatsav
Most Tiv claim not to know the details of any akombo
witches is not accurate, even though they were labeled as
or its ritual, and all deny knowing that the ritual was carried
such in some of the early literature.
out at night. But they never postulate that any part of it is
The postulated activities of the mbatsav, both for the
a mystery. Somebody knows. Tiv say “God knows” at funer-
good of the community and for the evil purposes of some
als if they can find no other reason for the death. They mean
individuals, are associated with certain rituals performed
that they have not yet discovered the human motivation be-
with symbols called akombo. This ritual manipulation is
hind the misfortune. But they do not question that the moti-
called repairing the akombo. Those aspects of the natural and
vation is there and that ultimately it will be detected and ei-
social world about which Tiv are most concerned are par-
ther neutralized or punished.
celed out among named akombo, which exist as amulets, fig-
urines, pots, or plants. Each is associated with a disease (al-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
though certain diseases are not associated with akombo
Akiga (Benjamin Akighirga Sai). Akiga’s Story: The Tiv Tribe as
because the Tiv recognize that some diseases are merely con-
Seen by One of Its Members. 2d ed. Translated and annotated
tagious). Each has its own ritual required to activate it or to
by Rupert East. London, 1965. First edition (1939) contains
pacify it. Akombo, however, are not personalized and are not
less material. This work is valuable for Akiga’s texts; East’s
spiritualized; they are certainly not gods. They work by
analyses are outdated.
forces akin to what Westerners think of as laws of nature.
Bohannan, Laura, and Paul Bohannan. The Tiv of Central Nigeria.
When Tiv become ill, they assume that an akombo is the
Ethnographic Survey of Africa, Western Africa, part 8. Lon-
cause. That means either that some person of ill will who
don, 1953. See particularly pages 81–93. This account is
grows tsav has ritually manipulated the akombo so that it
brief, and its analysis varies somewhat from the one given in
this article, but it is not contradictory.
would seize a victim, or else that the victim or one of his or
her close kinsmen has performed an act that was precluded
Bohannan, Paul, and Laura Bohannan. A Source Notebook on Tiv
by that akombo at the time of its creation (usually a common-
Religion. 5 vols. New Haven, Conn., 1969. Field notes for
place and neutral act, although adultery and battery are pro-
a book that was never written, this work contains a vast
amount of ethnographic information but is short on analysis.
hibited by one or more akombo). To determine just which
akombo is involved, Tiv consult diviners who throw chains
Downes, Rupert M. Tiv Religion. Ibadan, Nigeria, 1971. Despite
of snake bones and pods to determine which akombo have
its publication date, this study is about Tiv religion as Cap-
tain Downes found it in the late 1920s and early 1930s.
been used to cause an illness or create social misfortune.
Downes was a distinguished colonial officer with three
When the responsible akombo is revealed, the Tiv per-
months’ training in anthropology. His account contains in-
form rituals to neutralize it. They must also remove the mal-
valuable information, but his analysis is shaky.
ice that activated it. The latter is achieved by a modest ritual
New Sources
in which every person concerned takes a little water into his
Ahire, Philip Terdo. The Tiv in Contemporary Nigeria. Samaru
or her mouth and spews it out in a spray, signifying that any
Zaria, Nigeria, 1993.
grudges are no longer effective. Medicines will work only
Bohannan, Paul. Justice and Judgment among the Tiv. Prospect
after the ill will is ritually removed and the akombo repaired.
Heights, Ill., 1989.
The ritual for each akombo varies, but the climax of all is a
Burfisher, Mary E. Sex Roles in the Nigerian Tiv Farm Household.
prayer that “evil descend and goodness ascend.” These rituals
West Hartford, Conn., 1985.
are as much group therapy sessions as they are religious acts.
Jibo, Mvendaga. Chieftaincy and Politics: The Tor Tiv in the Poli-
Tiv recognize two major categories of akombo. Small
tics and Administration of Tivland. New York, 2001.
akombo attack individuals and their farms; their repair de-
Makar, Tesemchi. The History of Political Change among the Tiv
mands minor sacrificial animals, usually a chicken. A few
in the 19th and 20th Centuries. Enugu, Nigeria, 1994.
small akombo require special sacrificial animals such as turtles
or valuable ones such as goats or rams. Coins or other forms
Wegh, Shagbaor F. Between Continuity and Change: Tiv Concept
of Traditional and Modernity. Lagos, Nigeria, 1998.
of wealth can be added to a less valuable sacrificial animal
to make it taller and so serve as a more valuable one.
PAUL BOHANNAN (1987)
Revised Bibliography
The great akombo, on the other hand, attack social
groups; they must be repaired either by the elders of the com-
munity acting by day, or by a secret group (the same people)
acting as the mbatsav by night.
TJURUNGAS. Originally an Aranda word referring to
At the end of any akombo ritual carried out by day, or
a particular type of secret-sacred object (a stone board bear-
as the last act of any funeral, the Tiv prepare and break a
ing engraved designs), the term tjurunga has now become ge-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9212
TJURUNGAS
neric in anthropological literature and is used to identify a
their living representatives today. Beliefs about the origin of
wide variety of Australian Aboriginal religious objects. (The
tjurungas vary according to culture (Davidson, 1953; Stre-
term tjurunga also has by now generally replaced the term
hlow, 1964). Basically, though, it is believed that tjurungas
churinga in anthropological writing.) The term covers a wide
were either created by mythic beings or represent tangible as-
variety of meanings and can refer not only to the stone and
pects of their bodies or something directly associated with
wooden objects to which it was originally restricted but also
them. In virtually all cases a tjurunga served as a vehicle in
to bullroarers, ground paintings, ritual poles, headgear, and
which resided part of a mythic being’s spiritual essence.
religious songs (Strehlow, 1947, pp. 84ff.).
Some stone tjurungas, particularly those with well-worn de-
signs or those having none, are regarded as the actual meta-
Tjurungas and tjurunga-type objects are widely distrib-
morphoses of mythic beings and may be ritually relevant to
uted throughout central, southern, and western Australia, as
several sociodialectal groups. Usually, however, a tjurunga is
well as the Northern Territory. They are usually secret-sacred
personal; it is connected with both men and women and is
and may be viewed only by initiated men, although in some
symbolic of their mythic associations: men look after those
cases women too possess religious boards. In all cases, tjurun-
belonging to the women of their own local group. As far as
gas are closely associated with the mythic and totemic beings
men are concerned, tjurungas play an important part in con-
of the Dreaming. In the beginning, these beings shaped the
ception, initiation, and death.
physiographic features of the Aboriginal countryside and
were, ultimately, responsible for creating human beings, who
While the Aranda may manufacture stone tjurungas, en-
are regarded as their spiritual descendants. They also estab-
suring that male members of the oncoming generation pos-
lished particular Aboriginal social orders and were especially
sess such objects, they basically replicate the older ones ac-
responsible for instituting religious ritual. The Dreaming
cording to their particular mythic and topographic type—
characters are believed to be as alive today, spiritually, as they
that is, new tjurungas must correspond with those
were in the past, and their significance continues. It is
concerning the place of a person’s conception and/or local
through the sacred objects that they live on in spiritual form.
group. In the Western Desert, Aborigines believe that all
Tjurungas are often considered to represent particular mythic
stone tjurungas are of supernatural origin, and these groups
beings, and their engraved designs to represent specific locali-
manufacture only wooden sacred boards. Small wooden
ties and the activities associated with them; some tjurungas,
boards or bull-roarers are made and presented to a novice
however, are undecorated.
during the final stages of his initiation; they signify his accep-
tance into the religious life of his people. It is only some years
Stone tjurungas are flat oval platters that vary in size
after a man’s first initiation that he is introduced to the
from nine to more than fifty centimeters in length and that,
tjurungas of his own group. Later, he may prepare and incise
for the most part, are engraved on both sides. Smaller wood-
such examples, either alone or in the company of close kin
en objects are similarly decorated, but they are lenticular in
who share the same mythological associations.
cross section and elongated with rounded ends. Larger
boards, between two and three meters in length, are made
The designs that appear on these religious objects are
from tree-trunk sections; they are flat or slightly concave on
similar to those on spear-throwers, some shields, pearl-shell
the incised side and convex on the reverse. Traditionally, the
pendants, and a variety of head ornaments (all of which are
lower incisor of a wallaby’s jaw was used to engrave both
used or worn publicly in contrast to the actual ritual objects).
stone and wooden tjurungas, but today steel rasps are used
Clearly the form of an object and its purpose, rather than the
to shape the basic form and chisels to make the design. The
design, indicate whether or not the item is to be regarded as
act of incising the tjurunga is accompanied by songs relevant
open-sacred or secret-sacred (Berndt, Berndt, and Stanton,
to the mythological associations of the pattern being made
1982, pp. 114–116). The designs depict, through a repetitive
and is itself a ritual act. The knowledge of such songs is held
but symbolic structure, a particular segment of territory
by members of particular local groups, which have the re-
linked to an artist, his mythological connection with it, and
sponsibility of maintaining and reproducing the range of em-
some of the physiographic features that characterize this area
blems and the designs connected with their own territories.
of land. Moreover, this is usually shown looking from above
Cognate groups collaborate with them in a complex pattern-
rather than horizontally from the ground level. This is be-
ing of ritual information between members of a number of
cause mythic beings saw the land in this way. Some Western
similarly constituted social groups.
Desert Aborigines believe that the spirits of men who live a
far distance from their own country travel through the sky
Tjurungas have a profound religious significance in con-
on their sacred boards during sleep, and they, too, see the
temporary desert Aboriginal cultures. Decorated with incised
country in that way.
meandering lines, concentric circles, cross-hatching, zigzags,
and, more rarely, naturalistic designs of bird and animal foot-
The same designs that appear on tjurungas are also re-
prints and stylized human figures, they represent a compact
produced in ochers on the bodies of participants in rituals.
and conventionalized statement of land occupation, utiliza-
Depending on the area and the particular ritual being per-
tion, and ownership, seen in terms of specific areas of land
formed, ground structures of furrows and mounds have
associated with particular mythic beings who in turn have
blood and red ocher superimposed on them and are decorat-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TLALOC
9213
ed with feather down: these too represent stylized versions
American Philosophical Society 97 (1953): 194–213. Al-
of territories within their mythic context. In such circum-
though this article is based on limited materials, it continues
stances, tjurungas are hung from pole emblems or are worn
to be the only significant study of Western Australian
in the men’s headdresses. Since these objects are considered
tjurungas.
to be ritually and mythologically alive, they signify that the
Spencer, Baldwin, and F. J. Gillen. The Native Tribes of Central
mythic being is actually present in a spiritual form.
Australia. London, 1899. An early study of central Australian
The major function of tjurungas is to provide a tangible,
Aboriginal societies. Contains much material from traditions
that are no longer extant and is especially rich in descriptions
visible representation of personal and social identity, but it
of Aranda ritual.
is in fact much more than this. The tjurunga affirms and reaf-
firms a particular group’s rights to a specific stretch of coun-
Strehlow, T. G. H. Aranda Traditions. Melbourne, 1947. This
try through the land-based associations of mythic person-
provides a discussion of the broad Aranda concept of the
term tjurunga, with a number of ritual examples.
ages. These objects are always stored close to the places to
which they belong, and such sites fall within different local
Strehlow, T. G. H. “The Art of the Circle, Line and Square.” In
group territories, the members of which are their custodians.
Australian Aboriginal Art, edited by Ronald M. Berndt,
When Aborigines moved away from their own countries as
pp. 44–59. Sydney, 1964. Provides an examination of the
a result of European contact and eventually settled on gov-
iconography of central Australian tjurungas, especially those
of the Aranda, and also makes comparisons with Western
ernment and mission stations, they brought some of their sa-
Desert sacred boards.
cred objects with them, leaving others behind at their mythic
sites. Smaller tjurungas, however, are often carried from one
JOHN E. STANTON (1987)
place to another when groups gather to hold large rituals that
involve both men and women. In the Western Desert, these
meetings, in which expressions of hostility are forbidden, are
TLALOC, the pan-Mesoamerican deity of rain and fertili-
also occasions for settling interpersonal and intragroup dis-
ty, was named by the Aztec, or Mexica, of Central Mexico.
putes and grievances.
They chose a word derived from the Nahuatl term meaning
Deep reverence and respect are displayed toward all
“he is the embodiment of the earth.” Other fertility deities
tjurungas, whether they are of stone or of wood. For example,
throughout Mesoamerica include Chac among the Maya,
fully initiated men may be specially invited to have revealed
Cocijo among the Zapotec, Tzahui among the Mixtec, and
to them particular boards stored within a repository. This
Tajin among the Totonac. Many of these deities continue
revelation must take place in the presence of a senior man
to be worshiped by the contemporary indigenous people of
who has the religious right to show them and explain their
Mesoamerica.
significance. In such cases, the boards have been prepared by
a small group of elders who reanoint them with red ocher
Tlaloc made his first appearance at Teotihuacan be-
mixed with fat: they are treated as if they are living creatures.
tween 200 and 700 CE. He is depicted iconographically in
On approaching the place, the invited men use small branch-
murals and temples with round, “goggle” eyes and a fanged
es of leaves to stroke the backs and heads of the sitting elders.
mouth. He strongly resembles a jaguar, with predatory fea-
This act is said to insulate the power that is believed to be
tures. At Teotihuacan, ideas regarding rain, fertility, wealth,
inherent in the tjurungas and that can be dangerous to the
and prestige were combined with human sacrifice and
unprepared. Mythic songs are sung and explained, and the
warfare.
objects are pressed to the bodies of the men who are seeing
More detailed textual information exists regarding
them for the first time. This action indicates that the men
Tlaloc during the Mexica period (1325–1521 CE). During
share in their power, which is regarded as eternal and is sym-
the calendar year, which for the Aztec consisted of eighteen
bolized by the tjurunga objects.
twenty-day “months” and five “unlucky days,” approximate-
ly half of the ceremonies were dedicated to Tlaloc. These cer-
SEE ALSO Dreaming, The.
emonies—such as human sacrifices, fasting, and feasts—
focused on topics such as ancestors, food, rain, and fertility.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Berndt, Ronald M. Australian Aboriginal Religion. Leiden, 1974.
Worship of Tlaloc, therefore, encompassed a wide spectrum
Provides the first general view of Australian Aboriginal reli-
of Mesoamerican concerns and articulated more general un-
gion. It has iconographical references and is profusely illus-
derstandings of the entire cosmology.
trated.
Water was an important element in Mesoamerican reli-
Berndt, Ronald M., and Catherine H. Berndt, with John E. Stan-
gions. Its presence in the iconography at ceremonial centers
ton. Aboriginal Australian Art: A Visual Perspective. Sydney,
illustrates its material and symbolic importance. The circula-
1982. A comprehensive coverage of traditional and innova-
tion of water through the ceremonial precinct was intimately
tive Aboriginal art within its sociocultural context. Illus-
associated with the deities who were housed in temples there.
trated.
Davidson, Daniel S. “The Possible Source and Antiquity of the
According to the Aztec cosmology, all material existence
Slate Churingas of Western Australia.” Proceedings of the
was surrounded by water. In Nahuatl, the language of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9214
TLAXCALAN RELIGION
Aztec (still spoken by nearly three million Mexicans), the
“rain deity” is an insufficient description. Attempting to de-
word for city is altepetl. Its literal translation is “water moun-
scribe the dynamic nature of the ceremonial interactions be-
tain,” and it describes the central ceremonial temple that de-
tween the Aztec and Tlaloc as a feeding relationship, one
fined the city. Mountains were thought to be containers of
scholar has referred to the mythic world of the Aztec as an
water, which made its way from the sea. Tlaloc oversaw the
“eating landscape.”
circulation of water through the earth; therefore, human be-
ings propitiated him so that he would release just the right
SEE ALSO Aztec Religion; Cosmology, article on Indigenous
amount of water.
North and Mesoamerican Cosmologies; Mesoamerican Reli-
gions, article on Formative Cultures.
Ritual descriptions emphasized the relationship of the
human body and the earth. Both objects were understood
BIBLIOGRAPHY
to simultaneously be containers of, and surrounded by, liq-
Arnold, Philip P. Eating Landscape: Aztec and European Occupa-
uid. Human flesh was a container for blood, which was un-
tion of Tlalocan. Niwot, Colo., 1999. Discusses the impor-
derstood as a living fluid. During gestation, the human body
tance of fertility rites for the Aztec and describes how they
was surrounded by amniotic fluid. These material aspects of
meaningfully inhabited their material world.
human existence mirrored the Aztec’s understanding of their
Broda, Johanna. “Las fiestas Aztecas de los dioses de la luvia: Una
living landscape. Thus, they would perform healing prac-
reconstruccíon según las fuentes del siglo XVI.” Revista Espa-
tices, divinatory activity of various sorts, and rituals sur-
ñola de Antropología Americana 6 (1971): 245–327. Presents
rounding childbirth and child-rearing at particular places,
a comprehensive outline of rain and fertility gods as de-
where Tlaloc could receive the gifts of human beings.
scribed in early colonial sources.
Nicholson, H.B. “Religion in Pre-Hispanic Central Mexico.” In
The material makeup of the human body corresponded
Handbook of Middle American Indians, vol. 10, Archaeology
with the material makeup of land. Thus Tlaloc, although a
of Northern Mesoamerica, edited by Gordon F. Eckhom and
rain deity, was also understood to be Tlalteuctli—the “earth
Ignacio Bernal, pp. 395–446. Austin, Tex., 1971. This im-
lord.” His body was likened to that of the crocodile: the
portant article on deities of the Aztec includes a lengthy sec-
ridges of his back were associated with the mountains and
tion on Tlaloc and the Tlaloques.
ravines, and he was said to float on the primordial saltwater
Sandstrom, Alan R. Corn Is Our Blood: Culture and Ethnic Identity
sea. The Tlaloques were “rain dwarfs”; namely, lesser deities
in a Contemporary Aztec Indian Village. Norman, Okla.,
associated with various climatological phenomena such as
1991. Sandstrom describes the contemporary understanding
snow, sleet, and lightning.
of Tlaloc among Nahuatl-speaking people.
Tlaloc needed to eat. The ceremonial relationship be-
PHILIP P. ARNOLD (2005)
tween human beings and the Tlaloques was primarily based
on food exchange. Rain was essential for the development of
agriculture in Mesoamerica. In particular, the development
TLAXCALAN RELIGION. What is in the early
of maize cultivation over several thousand years had become
twenty-first century the Mexican state of Tlaxcala occupies
the basis for urban culture. Consequently, the Aztec per-
roughly the same territory as the old pre-Hispanic Tlaxcalan
formed ritual strategies for propitiating the rain deities so
confederacy, an alliance of several indigenous principalities
that they would release adequate amounts of moisture for ag-
independent of the so-called Aztec empire. Its inhabitants
ricultural bounty. Human beings grew and prospered due to
were Nahuatl-speaking Indians, and they were the main al-
the interaction of earth and water on Tlaloc’s body. The
lies of Hernán Cortés in the Spanish conquest of Mexico
Aztec believed that the flesh and blood of human beings,
from 1519 to 1522. Present-day Tlaxcala is located on the
given to Tlaloc through human sacrifice, sustained and re-
western fringes of the central Mexican highlands. It is the
generated his body. Thus, Tlaloc and the Aztec were in an
smallest state in the nation, with a population of slightly
intimate, reciprocal relationship.
more than 600,000. Although less than 15 percent of the
population still speaks Nahuatl, the ethnic and somatic com-
Ceremonial temples, or altepetl, were openings to the
position of Tlaxcala is predominantly Indian, and there per-
watery dwelling of the deities.Yet human existence was un-
sists a strong identification with the Indian past.
derstood to materially depend on this hidden world of Tlalo-
P
can (“the place of Tlaloc”). Ritual activities performed at
RE-HISPANIC BACKGROUND. When the Spaniards arrived
in Mexico in 1519 they found a polytheistic religion wide-
these places brought human beings into intimate contact
spread throughout the area that in the twentieth century
with the entire cosmos. Material elements such as earth,
came to be known archaeologically and ethnologically as Me-
water, air, human flesh and blood, trees, and various kinds
soamerica. Mesoamerica exhibited a rather high degree of
of animals were understood to be in dynamic interaction
cultural uniformity, and in no cultural domain was this more
with each other.
true than in the realm of religion. Thus, Tlaxcalan polythe-
Since Tlaloc was seen as a living embodiment of the
ism was a variant of a pan-Mesoamerican religion, minimally
land, whose primary duty was to control the circulation of
different from, say, Méxica-Aztec, Huastec, Tarascan, Za-
water both inside and above the earthly plane, the title of
potec, or even Maya polytheism.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TLAXCALAN RELIGION
9215
The main characteristics of Tlaxcalan polytheism were
tism,” a policy that the Franciscans consciously followed for
seven:
two principal reasons: first, to convert the Indians rapidly;
1. A highly diversified and specialized pantheon, in which
and, second, to soften the impact of forced conversion and
hundreds of patron gods and goddesses relating to near-
thus make the new religion more palatable to the masses of
ly every human activity, natural phenomenon, or social
the Indian population. This policy of conversion was greatly
grouping were arranged in a somewhat hierarchical
facilitated by the symbolic, ritual, ceremonial, and formal
order
similarities between the lengthy roster of Catholic saints and
the highly diversified Tlaxcalan pantheon. As early as the
2. A complex and extensive ritual and ceremonial yearly
turn of the seventeenth century, the Tlaxcalan Indians were
cycle regulated by the calendrical system
already practicing a syncretic kind of Catholicism. This was
3. A sophisticated cosmology and theology centered on the
partly the result of the Franciscans’ efforts in fostering identi-
origins and nature of the gods, the creation of humans
fications between the interacting religious traditions, particu-
and the universe, the regulation of humanity’s relation-
larly between Tlaxcalan gods and Catholic saints. The same
ship to the gods, the disposition of the dead, and after-
process is evident in the emergence of local (community) re-
life
ligious hierarchies, in which such pre-Hispanic institutions
as the priestly houses (calmecac) and people’s houses (telpoch-
4. A religious ideology that emphasized pragmatism in the
calli) came to interact with such similar Catholic institutions
relationship between humanity and the supernatural at
as stewardships (mayordomías) and sodalities (cofradías). The
the expense of values and morality, which were almost
syncretic process undergone by Tlaxcalan religion from 1524
exclusively an aspect of the social structure in operation
until approximately the last quarter of the seventeenth centu-
5. An extensive and well-organized priesthood in charge of
ry permanently marked Indian Catholicism, and to a lesser
the administration of religion and several ancillary as-
extent all rural and urban Catholicism throughout the
pects of the social structure
region.
6. A tremendous emphasis on human sacrifices to the gods
CONTEMPORARY TLAXCALAN RELIGION. Contemporary
and a significant degree of ritual cannibalism
Tlaxcalan Catholicism is centered on several institutions: the
7. A pronounced concern with bloodshed and the dead,
cult of the saints, the cult of the dead, the mayordomía sys-
and a cult of the dead approaching ancestor worship
tem, the ayuntamiento religioso (local religious hierarchy),
and the magico-symbolic system. It may be characterized as
Tlaxcalan religion pervaded every significant cultural domain
primarily a type of folk religion; that is, its ritual and ceremo-
of the confederacy: society, economy, polity, administration,
nial complex is markedly different from the national Catho-
and the military. Indeed, religion was the driving force of
lic religion of Mexico and is carried on by the barrios (quasi-
Tlaxcalan culture. In many distinct ways, however, Tlaxcalan
socioreligious units), hermandades (brotherhoods), cofradías,
religion was not that different from Old World polytheistic
and other religious institutions of a syncretic nature. The sin-
systems such as those of the Indo-Europeans and the Chi-
gle most important institution in the administration of Tlax-
nese: the gods were made in the image of humans, and they
calan religion is the república eclesiástica (ecclesiastic repub-
exhibited the foibles, virtues, and vices of human beings; the
lic), which includes all annually elected officials of the
gods were hierarchically arranged in an organized pantheon;
numerous stewardships and the local hierarchy.
the social structure of the gods mirrored that of humans,
with whom they interacted in a variety of ways; and religion
One fundamental aspect of Tlaxcalan religion remains
was essentially a pragmatic ritualistic system regulating the
unchanged: The present-day folk Catholicism retains the es-
relationship between humans and the supernatural.
sentially pragmatic and ritualistic character of pre-Hispanic
SYNCRETIC DEVELOPMENT. Tlaxcala was one of the first re-
polytheism. The supernatural belief system has one general,
gions of the continental New World to be subject to system-
predominant aim: to make the individual and the collective
atic efforts to convert its inhabitants. In 1524, the task of in-
world of social existence safe and secure by the proper propi-
doctrinating the Indian population in the ritual, ceremonial,
tiation of all supernatural forces, regardless of the structural
and theological practices of Roman Catholicism was assigned
means employed. The relationship between humans and the
to the Franciscan friars. For nearly a century the Tlaxcalans
supernatural, then, is characterized by pragmatic and rather
were under the religious leadership of the Franciscans. Dur-
selfish motives for which the individual and the group pay
ing the second decade of the seventeenth century, the Fran-
dearly in terms of time and economic and social resources.
ciscans were replaced by secular priests and clerics, who con-
Finally, there is a significant magical component to
tinued the catechization of the Indian population. By the
Tlaxcalan religion. It coexists side by side with folk Catholi-
end of the seventeenth century, Tlaxcalan Indian Catholi-
cism and is regulated by the same belief system. Although
cism had essentially crystallized into what it is in the early
the practice of magic sometimes merges with folk Catholi-
twenty-first century.
cism and is part of the syncretic complex, more often it forms
The context of conversion and indoctrination to Ca-
a separate system. Witchcraft, sorcery, soul loss, and belief
tholicism in Tlaxcala can be characterized as “guided syncre-
in a series of anthropomorphic or animistic supernaturals
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9216
TOADS
constitute the bulk of the magical component. All these prac-
of tobacco, Nicotiana rustica and N. tabacum, were products
tices are of pre-Hispanic origin, but they do contain elements
of that moment in time when some South American Indians
of European and even African witchcraft and sorcery, some
turned from a pure hunting and gathering economy to food
of which became syncretized independently of Catholicism.
cultivation, beginning with the root crop cassava, or manioc.
Although all species of the genus contain nicotine, that alka-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
loid is present in much greater amounts in the two cultigens
Pre-Hispanic Polytheism
of ancient lineage, N. tabacum, the progenitor of commercial
Carrasco, Pedro. “La sociedad mexicana antes de la Conquista.”
blends, and N. rustica. The former is the more variable, with
In Historia general de México, vol. 1, edited by Bernardo Gar-
percentages of nicotine content in the leaf ranging from only
cía Martínez. Mexico City, 1976.
0.6 percent to 9.0 percent. In contrast, in a Mexican species
López Austin, Alfredo. Hombre Dios: Religión y política en el
of N. rustica, the percentage of nicotine was as high as 19
mundo náhuatl. Mexico City, 1973.
to 20 percent. Although, as Johannes Wilbert notes in his
Sahagún, Bernardino de. Historia general de las cosas de la Nueva
pathbreaking book Tobacco and Shamanism in South America
España (compiled 1569–1582; first published 1820). Trans-
(1987), nicotine is distributed throughout the plant, in both
lated by Arthur J. O. Anderson and Charles E. Dibble as
species the leaves contain the highest amount, those of N.
Florentine Codex: General History of the Things of New Spain,
rustica far outstripping the milder species in its capacity to
13 vols. Santa Fe, N. Mex., 1950–1982.
inebriate and addict. Little wonder, then, that the leaves were
Syncretic Development
used either whole or dried and crushed and that N. rustica
Gibson, Charles. Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century. New Haven,
achieved by far the widest distribution as a sacred ecstatic in-
Conn., 1952.
toxicant among many Native American peoples. Often, espe-
Nutini, Hugo G., and Betty Bell. Ritual Kinship, vol. 1, The Struc-
cially in South America, it serves as the exclusive vehicle of
ture and Historical Development of the Compadrazgo System in
the shamanic trance, and sometimes it is one of several herbal
Rural Tlaxcala. Princeton, N. J. 1980.
preparations employed for the altered mental state in which
Contemporary Folk Catholicism
the shaman, it is believed, travels out-of-body to consult with
Nutini, Hugo G. San Bernardino Contla: Marriage and Family
the spirits of the deceased and the gods or to do battle with
Structure in a Tlaxcalan Municipio. Pittsburgh, 1968.
disease demons and other negative forces on behalf of his or
Nutini, Hugo G. Ritual Kinship, vol. 2, Ideological and Structural
her clients.
Integration of the Compadrazgo System in Rural Tlaxcala.
Princeton, N. J., 1984.
Tobacco is sometimes also employed to create an espe-
Nutini, Hugo G., and Barry L. Isaac. “Ideology and the Sacro-
cially receptive state of mind for the application of another
Symbolic Functions of Compadrazgo in Santa María Belén
psychoactive species with even greater ramifications in the
Azitzimititlán, Tlaxcala, Mexico.” Uomo: Società, tradizione,
intellectual culture. Thus, to cite just two examples, on their
sviluppo 1 (1977): 81–120.
peyote pilgrimages to the north-central Mexican desert, the
HUGO G. NUTINI (1987 AND 2005)
Huichol Indians of northwestern Mexico, whose most sacred
and supernaturally charged plant is peyote, smoke N. rustica
tobacco wrapped in cornhusks to intensify the effects of the
TOADS SEE FROGS AND TOADS
psychoactive cactus. Far to the south, on the north coast of
Peru, Mestizo curanderos combine tobacco syrup adminis-
tered through the nostrils with infusions of San Pedro
TOBACCO. Now used recreationally throughout the
(Trichocereus pachanoi), the popular name for a tall, colum-
world, tobacco originated in South America as long as eight
nar cactus that, like peyote, has mescaline as its primary alka-
thousand years ago as a product of two cultivated hybrid spe-
loid and whose place in Andean shamanism is archaeologi-
cies of the genus Nicotiana, N. rustica and N. tabacum. The
cally documented as reaching back at least three and half
genus, which belongs to the nightshade or potato family
millennia.
(Solanaceae), occurs naturally in many parts of the world, in-
It should be emphasized that as many as two hundred
cluding North and South America, Australia, some of the
major and minor species have been identified in the vision-
South Pacific Islands, and—with but a single species—
ary-therapeutic pharmacopoeias of Native American sha-
Africa. The greatest number is native to North and South
mans, the majority in the tropics. Of these, tobacco had the
America, but even with this relative abundance of nicotine-
widest distribution even before it became a major item of
bearing species, only in one small area of the New World,
commerce as a recreational drug in the centuries after Chris-
most likely fertile valleys located between Peru and Ecuador,
topher Columbus arrived in the New World. Curiously, de-
did early food cultivators discover and make use of the ex-
spite the rapid pre-Columbian diffusion of tobacco through
traordinary effects on mind and body of the powerful alka-
the Indian Americas, tobacco’s cultural role as a visionary in-
loid from which the genus derives its name.
toxicant seems to have stopped at the shores of the Atlantic
More than likely the early experiments with cross-
and the Pacific. Tobacco and the custom of smoking reached
fertilization that resulted in the two cultivated hybrid species
West Africa in the 1500s, not long after Columbus’s first
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOBACCO
9217
landfall in the Western Hemisphere, and spread on that con-
trol over a spirit food fervently desired by the supernaturals
tinent so quickly that some students of the phenomenon as-
gives them some leverage, for the gods are said to be unable
sumed it to be African in origin, reaching the New World
to resist it.
with the slave trade, rather than the other way round.
The craving for tobacco attributed to the supernaturals
In parts of Africa, notably the Cameroons and Nigeria,
can thus also be understood as an extrapolation from human
tobacco pipes of terra-cotta, metal, and other materials
experience, in this case nicotine addiction, especially among
evolved into great sculpture, real masterpieces of portable art
tribes whose shamans regularly intoxicated themselves with
and objects of prestige associated with the nobility, great
tobacco. The use of tobacco as smoke, snuff, cuds mixed
warriors, and priests, with long stems and complex chimneys
with lime, or liquid infusions to induce “drunkenness” for
rivaling in size and volume the monumental pipes of the so-
the purpose of “communicating with demons” is repeatedly
called Mound Builder cultures of prehistoric North America.
described by sixteenth-century sources from the Caribbean,
Both men and women smoked pipes, some with sculptural
Mexico, and South America, though in some cases the intox-
bowls whose interiors exceed the size of large teacups or cof-
icating substance was probably not tobacco but another of
fee cups. Even if the tobacco was of the milder kind, it is hard
the many botanical hallucinogens then and now in ritual use.
to believe that the amount of nicotine the smoker absorbed
would not have had some effect on consciousness. And yet
Wilbert found a particularly complex variety of “tobac-
if African medicine men or shamans used tobacco to contact
co shamanism” among the Venezuelan Warao, whose sacred
the spirits, no evidence for it exists. The only possible hint
geography and cosmic architecture are virtually constructed
that there was more to African smoking than pleasure or so-
of tobacco smoke and whose shamans smoke themselves into
ciability comes from a report by the French anthropologist
“out-of-body” ecstatic trance states with cane cigarettes three
and Africanist Marcel Griaule (1898–1956). During field re-
and four feet long. Warao shamans travel to the House of
search with the Dogon people of Mali, Griaule met an old
Tobacco Smoke in the eastern part of the universe over a ce-
blind hunter named Ogotemmêli, who was especially knowl-
lestial bridge of tobacco smoke conceived of as a channel of
edgeable in the cosmology and religion of his people. “Hav-
energy that guarantees health and abundance on earth as
ing sat down on his threshold,” Griaule recounts, “Ogotem-
long as the supernaturals continue to be properly fed with
mêli scraped in his tobacco pouch and gathered some
tobacco smoke. Wilbert reports that Warao shamans crave
yellowish dust on the flap. ‘Tobacco,’ he said, ‘clears up the
tobacco smoke with such “tremendous physiological and
sense of judgment.’ And he began to reconstruct the system
psychological urgency” that they are literally sick without it.
of the world, for one had to begin with the very beginnings
They believe that the gods likewise await their gift of tobacco
of things” (Griaule, 1970, p. 16).
with the craving of an addict and will inevitably enter into
mutually beneficial relationships with human beings as long
Tobacco was introduced into Siberia by trade from Rus-
as humans provide the gift.
sia’s possessions in Alaska and the Aleutians—or even earlier;
that is, at least by the 1700s. But there are no reliable reports
This attribution of addictive craving to the gods proba-
that Siberian shamans adopted it as a ritual intoxicant along-
bly diffused together with cultivated tobacco itself. The no-
side, or even instead of, the fly agaric mushroom, Amanita
tion dominates tobacco mythology and ritual even among
muscaria. In the Himalayas, on the other hand, Nepalese sha-
peoples who, like those of the North American Plains and
mans have added N. rustica tobacco to a long list of psy-
Prairies, customarily reduced the potency of tobacco with
choactive species they classify as “traveling plants” belonging
such nonpsychoactive plant materials as red willow bark and
to the god S´iva—“traveling” because they enable the shaman
who, in any event, smoked only small quantities ceremonial-
to travel to other worlds. N. tabacum, in contrast, is regarded
ly in sacred pipes with chimneys of limited interior diameter
as merely “pleasurable.” Both species were introduced in co-
to please gods and spirits and sanctify the spoken word, never
lonial times.
to the point of intoxication.
TOBACCO MYTHS. A common theme in the origin mytholo-
A significant dichotomy may be noted between the ori-
gy of tobacco among Native Americans is that this most
gin mythologies of the cultivated hybrid species Nicotiana
widely distributed psychoactive species in the New World
rustica and the less potent and less widely distributed N. ta-
was given to the first people by the gods. The gods them-
bacum, on the one hand, and the wild species (N. attenuata,
selves were believed to require tobacco as their sacred, and
N. bigelovii, and N. trigonophylla) of aboriginal western
even only proper, food. But in making it a gift to humanity
North America, on the other. While the origin of the Indian
they neglected to keep any for their own use—“not even one
species is commonly credited to the divine realm, the latter
pipeful,” in the words of an elder of the Fox tribe of Wiscon-
two species are frequently attributed to the dead, perhaps be-
sin (Michelson, 1932, p. 127). So they must rely on human
cause, as casuals, these species (like the daturas, which also
beings to give it to them. In exchange, the gods listen to peti-
belong to the Solonaceae) are sometimes seen to grow in dis-
tions and confer their blessings or, conversely, withhold evil.
turbed soil (e.g., on graves). In California and the Great
Reciprocity is thus extended from the social realm to interac-
Basin they are often highly valued as gifts of the ancestors,
tion between the spirit world and human beings, whose con-
but in transitional areas, where both wild and cultivated spe-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9218
TOBACCO
cies are available, the wild varieties are sometimes feared for
that at first sight might be considered “magical” but whose
their association with death.
therapeutic efficacy can be pharmacologically demonstrated.
The oldest evidence thought to point to smoking comes
Take, for example, the shaman’s breath. Not only in the
from California, where conical stone pipes dating to circa
Americas but wherever shamanism survives, the shaman’s
4000 BCE have been excavated and where wild tobaccos were
breath is considered to have curative, purifying, and
widely employed for shamanistic, magico-religious, and me-
strengthening powers. Except in the Arctic, breath is of
dicinal procedures, including the ecstatic trance. The Sho-
course invisible, but in the American tropics it is often given
shonean (Uto-Aztecan) Kawaiisu of south-central California
form by tobacco smoke. This phenomenon of shamanic
used virtually every technique of ingestion reported from
practice was noted by the earliest European explorers. Sha-
South America, including smoking, snuffing, licking, chew-
mans blow both their breath alone and thick clouds of tobac-
ing, and swallowing. Likewise, the prophylactic, therapeutic,
co smoke over their patient and his or her relatives and also
and metaphysical uses for cultivated species in South Ameri-
fumigate the house. Blowing tobacco smoke is especially val-
ca and eastern North America were paralleled by these and
ued at the planting season. Before putting their seeds in the
other California tribes with the native wild species. The most
ground, farmers ask their shaman to “purify” their seed stock
common method was mixing the pulverized, dried leaves
with tobacco smoke to assure a good harvest. Of course, to-
with slaked and powdered lime and either swallowing the
bacco smoke is sacred and feeds the spirits. But there is more
mixture dry or liquified or licking and sucking it.
to it than magic or religion: nicotine is a powerful insecticide
and vermifuge. German experimenters found that fully 8
The Kawaiisu participated in the ecstatic-initiatory tolo-
percent of the insecticides in tobacco are transferred into to-
ache (Datura inoxia) religion common to other California In-
bacco smoke. Seeds fumigated with nicotine against insect
dians, but tobacco, whose magical potency was given to the
pests have in fact been observed to do better than those not
first people by the trickster culture hero Coyote, was much
so treated.
more generally employed by them and their neighbors. They
In treating their patients, shamans not only blow thick
used it as a mild-to-potent dream-inducing soporific; as a
clouds of smoke but “capture” the smoke in their cupped
shamanistic and initiatory intoxicant; or for preventing and
hands; direct it into a wound, an aching or extracted tooth,
curing illness; repelling and killing rattlesnakes; driving away
eyes, nose, and mouth; and then massage the affected body
ghosts, monsters, and other threatening supernatural beings;
parts. In addition curers blow nicotine-laden spittle and
and divining and manipulating the weather.
soothe aches and pains with tobacco juice. “Looking at these
In North America the widespread function of tobacco
therapeutic practices from the point of view of drug adminis-
to please the spirits is particularly well documented among
tration,” writes Wilbert, one recognizes in them more or less
the Iroquois and Algonquin of the Eastern Woodlands and
sustained-release mechanisms of application. Tobacco leaves
the Plains and Prairie tribes. Seneca mythology attributes the
are also used as plasters or compacts. Tobacco therapy thus
origin of tobacco (Nicotiana rustica) to Awen’hai’i (ancient
involves the respiratory, dermal, and even gastrointestinal
bodied one), the pregnant daughter of the Great Chief in the
routes.
Sky, who stripped the heavens of tobacco when she fell onto
In both South America and Mexico, tobacco was also
the newly created earth island through a hole in the sky. This
employed in the form of therapeutic enemas. In addition to
left not only the heavenly powers but the vast company of
tobacco, other plants that native peoples invested with sacred
other spirits that manifest themselves in nature without their
power and even divinity were so used. For example, a seven-
most essential divine sustenance. To induce these spirits,
teenth-century Spanish colonial account of therapeutic prac-
which included masters and mistresses of animals and plants
tices and incantations in a community of speakers of Nahuatl
as well as the “faces” that appear to hunters in the forest or
(Aztec) in Guerrero, Mexico, lists therapeutic enemas not
in dreams and that are represented by the wooden masks of
only of piciétl (tobacco, Nicotiana rustica) but of peyote
the shamanistic medicine societies of the Iroquois, to act on
(Lophophora williamsii), the little cactus of the north-central
one’s behalf requires the indispensable gift of tobacco.
Mexican desert whose most important visionary alkaloid is
T
mescaline; an aquatic species of Datura; and ololiuhqui, the
HERAPEUTIC APPLICATIONS. Though widely employed to
Nahuatl name for the potent seeds of the white-flowering
trigger the ecstatic visionary trance that is one of the corner-
morning glory Turbina (form. Rivea) corymbosa, whose ac-
stones of shamanism, tobacco was also deeply embedded in
tive principles are lysergic acid derivatives related to synthetic
native therapeutics. Almost certainly this was in large part
LSD.
based on observation and experience with the pharmacologi-
cal effects of nicotine, not only on the human organism but
Native American tobacco lore and therapy thus run
other phenomena in the environment. Answering his own
counter to modern experience with the effects of tobacco on
question whether pharmacological science corroborates nico-
human health. Of course, Indian tobaccos are truly “organ-
tine therapy and curing practices with tobacco of South
ic”—they are cultivated, processed, and ritually employed
American shamans, Wilbert, in a paper published in 1991,
without chemicals. Shamans often reach great age, including
lists a whole series of tobacco administrations by shamans
those for whom tobacco is the primary avenue of ecstasy.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOLSTOY, LEO
9219
Whatever negative effects tobacco intoxication has on the
Parker, Arthur C. Seneca Myths and Folk Tales. Buffalo, N.Y.,
vocal cords, visual acuity, color perception, and so on—and
1923. An important collection of the oral traditions of his
Wilbert lists many of these—have, by way of natural model-
own people, the Iroqouian Seneca of upstate New York, by
ing, long since been processed into desirable qualities in the
an ethnologist and New York State archaeologist who served
intellectual world of tobacco shamanism. Still, there are no
for many years as director of the New York State Museum.
statistics to show whether tobacco shamans fall victim to
Robicsek, Francis. The Smoking Gods: Tobacco in Maya Art, Histo-
lung cancer, heart disease, emphysema, or any of the other
ry, and Religion. Norman, Okla., 1978. A richly illustrated
ills associated in the West with smoking. That Native Ameri-
study of tobacco and smoking in ancient Maya art, history,
and religion.
can peoples are well aware that tobacco can kill is obvious
from the many traditions of symbolic death and resurrection
Ruiz de Alarcón, Hernando. Treatise on the Heathen Superstitions
through the experience of initiatory intoxication. But there
That Today Live among the Indians of This New Spain, 1629.
is also the reverse: revitalization, bringing the dead back to
Translated and edited by J. Richard Andrews and Ross Has-
sig. Norman, Okla., 1984.
life by means of tobacco. This desirable end is dramatically
illustrated in the following Seneca myth from upstate New
Wilbert, Johannes. “Tobacco and Shamanistic Ecstasy among the
York (Hewitt, 1918):
Warao Indians of Venezuela.” In Flesh of the Gods: The Ritual
Use of Hallucinogens, edited by Peter T. Furst, pp. 55–83.
In his travels a youth encounters a skeletonized man in
New York, 1972. New ed., Prospect Heights, Ill., 1990. A
a place heaped with the bones of dead people. Skeleton
pioneering essay on Warao tobacco shamanism and tobacco
Man tells the youth that the only thing he desires is to-
cosmology, proposing for the first time that tobacco belongs
bacco, but his pipe and pouch are empty. He sends the
in the category of the “true” hallucinogens.
youth on a harrowing journey, past or through danger-
ous obstacles and variations of an ordeal familiar from
Wilbert, Johannes. Tobacco and Shamanism in South America.
heroic, funerary, and shamanic mythology—the Sym-
New Haven, Conn., 1987. A pathbreaking study of the eth-
plegades-like “paradoxical passage,” that is, clashing
nology, ethnobotany, and pharmacology of tobacco, the
rocks, islands, or icebergs that open and close in an in-
physiological effects of nicotine, and their incorporation in
stant and through which the hero, the soul, or the sha-
the ideology and practice of shamanism across the South
man must pass. The Seneca youth survives these ordeals
American continent by a UCLA ethnologist whose fieldwork
and finally reaches a distant place where tobacco is
among Indian peoples spans five decades.
guarded by Seven Sisters and their terrible old mother.
Wilbert, Johannes. “Does Pharmacology Corroborate the Nico-
Using his orenda (spirit power) and trickery, he suc-
tine Therapy and Practice of South American Shamanism?”
ceeds in entering the lodge of the female spirits, evading
Journal of Ethnopharmacology 32 (1991): 179–186. An exam-
their war clubs and escaping with the magical tobacco.
ination of empirical ethnographic data on indigenous nico-
When he returns and fills Skeleton Man’s pipe, the
tine therapy shows it to compare favorably against experi-
bones of the dead people are reclothed with flesh, and
mental clinical studies of nicotine pharmacology and its
the people return to life.
effects on the human body.
S
Zigmond, Maurice L. Kawaiisu Ethnobotany. Salt Lake City,
EE ALSO Smoking.
1981.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
PETER T. FURST (2005)
Griaule, Marcel. Conversions with Ogototemmêli: An Introduction
to Dogon Religious Ideas. London, 1970.
Hewitt, J. N. B., ed. “Seneca Fiction, Legends, and Myths: Part
1.” In Thirty-second Annual Report of the Bureau of American
TOLSTOY, LEO (1828–1910), Russian writer. Leo
Ethnology, pp. 37–813. Washington, D.C., 1918. The first
Nikolaevich Tolstoy was born on his family’s estate of Yas-
volume of a comprehensive collection of Seneca Iroquois oral
naia Poliana (Bright Meadow), in Tula Province. His par-
traditions by a Smithsonian Institution ethnologist and lin-
ents, both from the high aristocracy, died in his early boy-
guist who was a Tuscaloosa, one of the nations of the Iro-
hood. Tolstoy was a melancholy child, self-centered but
quois Confederacy.
filled with the desire to be a better person.
Meyer, Laure. Art and Craft in Africa. Paris, 1995. With numer-
ous photographs in full color, a noted French art historian
He entered the University of Kazan in 1844, planning
surveys the high technical and aesthetic qualities of everyday
to become a diplomat, but left the university in 1847 with-
and court arts of one hundred African tribes.
out taking a degree. That same year, he inherited Yasnaia
Michelson, Truman. Notes on the Fox Wapanowiweni. Smithsoni-
Poliana and went there to live. In 1849 he opened a school
an Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 105.
for the village children and was one of its teachers. At this
Washington, D.C., 1932.
time, as later, he was strongly under the influence of
Müller-Ebeling, Claudia, Christian Rätsch, and Surenda Bahadur
Rousseau.
Shahi. Shamanism and Tantra in the Himalayas. Rochester,
Vt., 2002. With 605 color and black-and-white illustrations,
Tolstoy volunteered in 1851 for army service in the
this is a popular but authoritative overview of Nepalese sha-
Caucasus, and he subsequently took part in the Crimean
mans and tantrikas and their practices, with special emphasis
War (1854–1856) in the Danube region and at Sevastopol.
on psychoactive plants.
He left the army in 1856 and returned to Yasnaia Poliana.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9220
TOLSTOY, LEO
By the following year he had published a semi-
gave him no answer to his questions, which marriage and
autobiographical trilogy on his childhood and youth and a
family life had stifled only temporarily. He read extensively,
group of short stories on the war in the Caucasus and at Se-
but the thinkers he studied—Socrates, Solomon, Buddha,
vastopol. These works soon brought him fame.
Schopenhauer—all concluded that life was an evil and that
Tolstoy made the first of two trips to western Europe
the greatest good was to free oneself of one’s existence. Tol-
in 1857 and was repelled by the absence of spiritual values
stoy then turned to the peasants. He saw that their simple
and the materialism he found there. In Paris he witnessed a
faith in God gave their life meaning. They did not fear death,
public execution and from it concluded that all governments
which they regarded as the natural outcome of life. Tolstoy
were immoral. During his second trip abroad in 1860 his fa-
concluded that the answer was simply to believe, without
vorite brother, Nikolai, who had tuberculosis, died in Tol-
reasoning. Belief in God and in the possibility of moral per-
stoy’s arms. The next year Tolstoy returned to Russia and
fection made life meaningful. The peasants’ faith, however,
resumed teaching at the Yasnaia Poliana school.
was bound up with Orthodox ritual and dogma, which Tol-
stoy could not accept. He ended A Confession promising to
In 1862 Tolstoy married Sof’ia Andreevna Bers, eigh-
study the scriptures and the church’s doctrines in order to
teen years old. They had thirteen children, of whom five
separate the truth in them from falsehood.
died. The first decade of his marriage was the happiest time
of his life. During this period he wrote War and Peace (1863–
Tolstoy taught himself Greek and Hebrew in order to
1869).
read the biblical texts in the original. In his Translation and
Tolstoy’s concern with moral development and religion
Harmony of the Four Gospels (1880–1881) he rearranged the
was evident from his childhood. At the age of nineteen he
Gospels, rewriting or eliminating material he thought in-
wrote out rules of behavior for himself that were close to the
comprehensible or untrue. Miracles, including the resurrec-
precepts of his later Christianity. In 1855 he wanted to
tion, were discarded. Tolstoy’s version presented the tenets
found a new religion, free of dogma and mysticism. Happi-
of Christianity as he saw them. He said that this book was
ness would be achieved not in heaven but on earth, by fol-
the most important thing he had written. The other prom-
lowing the voice of one’s conscience. His letters from the
ised work, A Criticism of Dogmatic Theology (also 1880–
1850s on, and his literary works from Childhood (1852) to
1881), was an attack on the Orthodox church. In it, Tolstoy
Anna Karenina (1873–1877), reflect the development of his
examined the church’s doctrines and said they were distor-
ideas.
tions of the true teachings of Christ, who had wanted only
love, humility, and forgiveness.
Beginning in the early 1870s, Tolstoy engaged in a
moral and religious quest that was to continue until the end
His next book, What I Believe (1882–1884), was a sum-
of his life. He had begun reading Schopenhauer in 1867 and
ming-up of Tolstoy’s creed. He listed in it five command-
was influenced by Schopenhauer’s negative view of life. In
ments of Christ: (1) do not be angry; (2) do not lust; (3) do
the fall of 1869, while on a trip to buy land, he stopped at
not swear oaths; (4) do not resist evil with force; (5) love all
the provincial town of Arzamas, staying overnight at an inn.
persons without distinction. Observance of these rules would
There, in the middle of the night, he had a terrifying vision
transform life on earth by putting an end to courts of law,
of death. From this time on, Tolstoy was obsessed with
governments, and wars between nations. Tolstoy’s other reli-
thoughts of his own death—although earlier works, like
gious and moralistic works, such as On Life (1887) and The
Three Deaths (1859), were witness that the problem of death
Kingdom of God Is within You (1892–1893), contained essen-
had been on his mind for years. It was this obsession that led
tially the same ideas as the earlier ones. All of these books,
to his search for a viable religious faith, one that would make
including A Confession, were banned by the censor, but they
life worth living and would reconcile him to the bitter fact
circulated in underground editions or were published abroad
that he too must die.
and smuggled into Russia.
Tolstoy’s spiritual crisis began during the writing of
Tolstoy’s new religion was essentially a system of per-
Anna Karenina and lasted until 1879. It is mirrored in the
sonal ethics, the same rules he had been trying to live by since
seekings of Levin, the novel’s hero, and is akin to the spiritual
boyhood. The church, he said, had obscured true Christiani-
quest that had occupied Pierre Bezukhov, the hero of War
ty with ritual, miracles, and symbols. It tried to keep from
and Peace. But whereas War and Peace had ended in opti-
people the true Christ, a man and not a divine being, who
mism, in Anna Karenina a dark force seems to take over.
wanted to unite men in peace and make them happy. Tol-
Levin cannot accept a materialist explanation for his life.
stoy’s Christianity was based primarily on the sermon on the
That would be “the mockery of Satan,” the power that re-
mount, and especially on Christ’s principle of turning the
mains in the universe if there is no God. This power is Scho-
other cheek (Mt. 5:38–42). God had placed the light of con-
penhauer’s blind force of will, the same force that destroys
science within each person. By heeding their inner voice,
Anna. Levin thinks that suicide is the only possible escape
people would act with simple truthfulness and love and
from his situation.
would achieve happiness. The only way to combat evil was
In A Confession, which he wrote from 1879 to 1882,
by a constant effort at self-perfection, not by opposing the
Tolstoy described his own crisis. Reason and the sciences
evil of others with force. If each person does good whenever
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOLTEC RELIGION
9221
possible, evil will die of itself. Nonresistance to evil became
between her and Chertkov made Tolstoy’s life at home un-
Tolstoy’s main tenet.
bearable and led to his flight from Yasnaia Poliana in late Oc-
tober of 1910. He had long wanted to live quietly in solitude.
But Tolstoy’s Christianity did not bring him peace and
On the train journey he fell ill and was taken to the station-
did not end his search, any more than Levin’s quest in Anna
master’s house at Astapovo, where he died on November 7.
Karenina had ended with his conversion. Never believing in
personal immortality, Tolstoy was not able to accept death’s
While Tolstoy’s religious writings are peripheral to his
physical finality and the thought of his own physical annihi-
literary achievements, his art is unimaginable without the
lation. He returned again and again to the theme of death,
moral and religious vision that informs it. Perhaps he cheated
which continued to haunt him. Efforts to include death in
death better than he knew; as artist and seeker he has contin-
his vision of harmony on earth by viewing it as a peaceful
ued, generation after generation, to attract passionate adher-
merging with nature warred with flashes of nihilism. Only
ents, and Yasnaia Poliana remains a focus of pilgrimages
in his last years did he make his peace with death.
from all over the world.
After his conversion Tolstoy condemned his own pre-
In one of his Sevastopol stories, Tolstoy had written:
1878 fiction, saying that it contained morally bad feelings.
“The hero of my narrative, whom I have tried to render in
He resumed writing literary works in the mid-1880s, but
all its beauty and who was, is, and always will be beautiful,
they had changed. He now used a bare, plain style that would
is truth.” Tolstoy’s brother Nikolai had said that in a certain
be accessible to every reader. Tolstoy wrote two kinds of
spot at Yasnaia Poliana there was a green stick on which was
works, both fundamentally tracts: short stories for peasants
written a secret that would destroy evil in men and make
and children that presented his views on love and nonvio-
them happy. As a boy, Tolstoy searched in the bushes at Yas-
lence, and longer stories for the educated reader, such as The
naia Poliana for this stick. Much later, he wrote: “I believe
Death of Ivan Il’ich (1886), Kreutzer Sonata (1889), The
that this truth exists, and that it will be disclosed to men and
Devil (1889), and Father Sergii (1890–1891). He still had
will give them what it promises.” According to his wish, Tol-
all his literary force, but the joy in life that had animated his
stoy was buried at the place where he thought the green stick
earlier fiction was gone; the longer stories are dominated by
was hidden.
gloomy, strong passions. Most of them express a hatred of
the flesh, the source of life and of death.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aldanov, Mark. Zagadka Tolstogo (1923). Reprint, Providence,
Tolstoy’s last work to be published in his lifetime was
R.I., 1969.
Resurrection (1899). It depicts the moral regeneration of
Christian, R. F. Tolstoi: A Critical Introduction. London, 1969.
Nekhliudov, a nobleman whose early debauchery had ruined
the life of a young servant girl. In prison, Nekhliudov ob-
Eikhenbaum, Boris. Lev Tolstoi. 2 vols. Leningrad, 1928.
serves a religious service during which the priest, after giving
Maude, Aylmer. The Life of Tolstoi. 2 vols. London, 1929–1930.
communion, “took the cup back with him behind the parti-
Noyes, George Rapall. Tolstoi (1918). Reprint, New York, 1968.
tion and drank all the remaining blood and finished all the
Rolland, Romain. Vie de Tolstoï. Paris, 1928.
remaining pieces of God’s flesh.” Because of the heretical
passages in Resurrection and his attacks on the church and
Tolstoy, Alexandra. Tolstoi: A Life of My Father. New York, 1953.
state, the Holy Synod excommunicated Tolstoy in 1901. On
Weisbein, Nicolas. L’évolution religieuse de Tolstoï. Paris, 1960.
the day the decree was announced, a cheering crowd of sup-
SYLVIA JURAN (1987)
porters gathered around his house.
By the 1880s Tolstoy had numerous disciples in Russia
and abroad, many of them misfits or half-mad. One of his
TOLTEC RELIGION. In pre-Columbian central
followers, Vladimir Chertkov, gained increasing influence
Mexico, Tolteca literally meant “people living at a place
over him. Tolstoy’s disciples regarded him as a living saint,
named Tollan [i.e., among the rushes].” However, even then
and Yasnaia Poliana became a goal of pilgrimages. Groups
the name had no single application, and it has none today.
of Tolstoyans formed who tried to live by his ideas. All these
Because there was more than one place called Tollan, the
groups eventually fell apart. (Many of the early kibbutsim in
word Toltec refers not to a single culture or religion, but rath-
Palestine, however, were inspired by the ideology of a Rus-
er to at least five specific groups of people, all belonging to
sian-Jewish Tolstoyan, Aharon David Gordon.) Tolstoy con-
Postclassic Mesoamerica: (1) the inhabitants of what is now
tinued to write in the final years of his life, expressing his
the archaeological site of Tula de Allende near Mexico City,
views on most of the social, religious, and political issues of
(2) the inhabitants or, more precisely, the elite, called Toltec-
the day. He corresponded with Mohandas K. Gandhi, and
Maya, of Chichén Itzá, Yucatán, (3) the inhabitants of Tol-
Gandhi’s doctrine of satyagraha was an adaptation of Tol-
lan as it is described in central Mexican historical documents
stoy’s nonresistance to evil.
of the sixteenth century, (4) militant leading groups in other
Tolstoy’s relations with his wife had deteriorated as he
parts of Mesoamerica claiming descent from a place called
became more and more preoccupied with religion. Friction
Tollan, (5) members of various, often quite different, ethnic
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9222
TOLTEC RELIGION
groups, all bearing the typological name Tolteca, that mi-
being that in Tula is metaphorically depicted by a combina-
grated to central Mexico. In addition, the term Toltec was
tion of reptilian, avian, and human elements: the face of a
generally applied to any person who exhibited extraordinary
man with circular, spectacle-like eyes is shown looking out
skills, arts, or wisdom.
of or emerging from open reptilian jaws. The figure, depicted
en face, is surrounded by feathers and supports itself on legs
The present article discusses, in turn, each of these five
with birdlike claws. Despite clear analogies, this hybrid being
groups, which overlap only to a certain degree. The familiar
hybrid picture of “Toltec,” resulting from an unsophisticated
is not the famous feathered serpent, which in Tula architec-
merging commonly found in overall descriptions, can no
ture is represented only as a subordinate element.
longer be supported. Presumably there never existed either
Another quite different aspect of Tula-Toltec religious
a single, homogeneous Toltec culture or, consequently, a sin-
activities centered on a ritual ball game, which is generally
gle Toltec religion. But many traits are certainly common to
believed to have been important as a symbolic reenactment
various of the above-mentioned “Toltecs,” including reli-
of cosmic movement. In Tula Grande at least three giant ball
gious traits. In this article, common features will be stressed,
courts existed, but there is no basis for any extensive interpre-
but the reader should be aware that they are not necessarily
tation.
all elements of one coherent whole.
TOLTECS OF TULA. The rather extensive archaeological site
TOLTEC-MAYA. Similar to Tula-Toltec culture in its essential
of Tula de Allende in the modern Mexican state of Hidalgo,
expression, Toltec-Maya also seems to have been restricted
75 kilometers north-northwest of Mexico City, has been ex-
to a single, extremely important place: Chichén Itzá in
cavated professionally since 1940. Its main ceremonial cen-
north-central Yucatán. The great resemblances between Chi-
ter, Tula Grande, flourished from about 950 to 1200 CE
chén Itzá and Tula, 850 kilometers away, as the crow flies,
(dates established by ceramic crossties but only very few ra-
are a commonplace in Mesoamerican archaeology, although
diocarbon readings). In its final shape, Tula Grande consist-
the site of origin of these particular traits has not been defini-
ed of some ten hectares of magnificently arranged buildings,
tively established. Chichén Itzá was always an important cen-
surrounded by ten to twelve square kilometers of living quar-
ter of late Classic Puuc Maya, which toward its final period
ters. So far, Tula-Toltec religion can be reconstructed only
(c. 900 CE) exhibited an increased extra-Mayan influence.
from the archaeological remains of the main ceremonial cen-
Subsequent development, to be found only at Chichén Itzá,
ter. In contrast to buildings of the earlier metropolitan civili-
shows a merging of traditional and newly introduced ele-
zation of the region, Teotihuacan, Tula-Toltec religious
ments, the latter having been found so far only in Tula. The
buildings were designed for the full participation of large
center of the Toltec-Maya city covers some thirty hectares,
groups of people, who gathered in pillared halls, or colon-
the general outline very much resembling that of Tula: large
nades, along one side of the huge central square. Different
courts, colonnades, and ball courts. The more abundant and
types of benches along the walls of the colonnades suggest
detailed iconography and a historical tradition, albeit a faint
that they were intended for groups of people of varying rank,
one, give the picture a little more color: the dominant social
although all participants probably belonged to the social
stratum, that of the warriors, is principally the same as in
elite. Numerous bas-reliefs show them dressed as warriors
Tula, but a wider variety of grades is displayed.
and aligned in rows, emphasizing their function in the cult
as a homogeneous group: no single person is highlighted.
The central deity of Toltec-Maya culture at Chichén
Itzá is depicted, as in Tula, as the man-reptile-bird combina-
Archaeological vestiges indicate that the ceremonies of
tion. The image is omnipresent, but there are practically no
the Tula-Toltecs focused on the strange effigies known as
variations to provide deeper insight, although sometimes art-
chacmools. These are approximately lifesize sculptures of a
ists misinterpreted the stereotyped picture and made it look
reclining male figure dressed in some of the paraphernalia of
like a heavily adorned warrior with his pectoral and feathered
a warrior, but clearly no warrior himself. He holds an object,
headdress. The theme itself is an old Maya one: a man’s head
perhaps a receptacle, over his belly and glares with sharply
emerging from a snake’s mouth. It is already known in Clas-
turned face at approaching worshipers. Despite recent at-
sic Maya representations and is frequent in the Puuc-style
tempts to interpret the chacmools as the stones on which
ruins, where the feathered rattlesnake is also common. Colo-
human sacrifice was made, their specific function is as yet
nial sources call this mythological animal k’uk’ulkan
unknown. The practice of human sacrifice, however, was not
(“quetzal-feathered serpent”) and mention a famous leader
uncommon among the Tula-Toltecs. The practice seems to
of Chichén Itzá who bore this name and who is said to have
be addressed metaphorically in endlessly repeated sculptural
“returned” to central Mexico. A person intimately associated
reliefs depicting eagles devouring human hearts. There are
with this feathered serpent serves as the focus of a story with
also frequent allusions in the reliefs to death in the form of
a mythical flavor, the wording of which is unknown but
skulls and bones.
which is depicted with considerable detail in various Chi-
More difficult to establish from archaeological data is
chén Itzá temples. The sculptural narration makes clear that
the deity to whom the devotion of the presumed caste of war-
this feathered serpent was the center of devotion for the Tol-
riors was directed. Most probably it was that highly complex
tec-Maya elite.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOLTEC RELIGION
9223
There is evidence, however, that the feathered serpent
They worshiped only one god, whom they called Quet-
did not occupy the paramount place in the Toltec-Maya
zalcoatl (“quetzal-feathered serpent”), a name also given to
pantheon. Not infrequently, what seems to be a supreme
the highest priest of the deity. This god did not require any
deity is depicted seated on a low throne-bench in the shape
sumptuous service and reportedly abhorred human sacrifice
of a jaguar before a giant sun disk designed in the manner
(although scholars believe that these accounts were designed
of central Mexico. This theme demonstrates the preoccupa-
to please the Spanish missionaries and divert from historical
tion of Toltec-Maya religion with the sun, which is presum-
truth). People were admonished to offer their god only ser-
ably also the main concern of the ritual ball game. Based on
pents, flowers, and butterflies. They considered their incom-
central Mexican analogies, long rows of reliefs of strangely
parable wisdom, science, skill, and arts as emanating from
reclined warriors have been interpreted in relation to the sun
their god and strictly obeyed the orders given by Quetzal-
cult: the sun that passed beneath the earth during the night
coatl and voiced by his priest. The god, resembling a mon-
had to be revived every morning through rituals executed by
ster, lay like a fallen rock, as one source says, in his temple
the warriors.
on the top of a tall pyramid. He had a long beard. He—or
perhaps his priest—repeatedly made autosacrifice by bleed-
To the water deities was directed a special cult peculiar
ing himself with sharp thorns, thus becoming a prototype for
to Chichén Itzá: on certain occasions, human beings were
all later priests in central Mexico.
thrown into the sacred cenote (natural well) and drowned to
appease the rain gods or to act as intermediaries between
This account, given to the sixteenth-century Spanish
them and men. The continuing belief in the old Maya water
missionary and historian Bernardino de Sahagún by educat-
god Chac is clearly visible in the large masks with elongated
ed Indians, is incompatible in its details not only with the
noses that adorn the corners and facades of most temples,
ecological situation of Tula but also with a warrior-
sometimes together with the bird-snake-man motif.
dominated society like that of archaeological Tula. It seems
to correspond to earlier times, when the idea of a divine
A great variety of human sacrifice was practiced among
feathered serpent was developed or introduced in Teotihua-
the Toltec-Maya, in contrast to earlier Maya times. The
can iconography and later refined and elaborated in places
sheer quantity of victims, whose skulls were displayed on spe-
like Xochicalco and Cacaxtla. On the other hand, Sahagún
cial racks, is impressive. Striking, too, is the constant pres-
and other sources tell the story of a famous ruler of Tollan
ence of the death symbol on buildings, as well as on warriors’
Xicocotitlan, who, confusingly enough, bore the title of
clothing. The act of human sacrifice is frequently depicted,
Quetzalcoatl in addition to his personal name Topiltzin
not only in the metaphorical form of wild beasts (symboliz-
(“our beloved prince”) and the name of the date of his birth,
ing warriors) feeding on human hearts but also in naturalistic
Ce Acatl. Details of his origin, genealogy, and life are contra-
representations found on the interior walls of temples and
dictory. He may have belonged to the Nonoalca, the cultur-
along the field of the ball court. In the latter, the decapitation
ally (and perhaps politically) dominant group of multiethnic
of the leader of the losing team is depicted. The rubber ball
Tollan Xicocotitlan. Scholars assume that the Nonoalca mi-
of the game in this scene is a symbol of glorious death, and
grated from the southern Veracruz region, where they had
snakes emerging from the victim’s neck symbolize precious
been in contact with a more sophisticated civilization, which
blood.
would explain their opinion of themselves and of Quetzal-
These are examples of the abundant metaphorical mo-
coatl as the incarnation of cultural superiority.
tifs, also seen in the chacmools and the images of feathered
One of the more important virtues of the people of Tol-
serpents, whose interpretation is fraught with difficulties.
lan Xicocotitlan was their forthrightness. According to
Chichén Itzá clearly presents a syncretic religion in which the
Sahagún, they spoke thus: “It is so, it is true, yes, no.” But
veneration of old Maya water gods mingles with foreign
the very personification of their integrity— Topiltzin him-
solar-astral ideas. Everything points to the martial rituals as
self, the Quetzalcoatl—was attacked by three demons, two
being associated with the elite warrior group, or “Toltecs,”
of them bearing the names of later, Aztec deities (Huitz-
whereas the cult of the water deities is likely to have been
ilopochtli and Titlacahuan, that is, Tezcatlipoca), although
connected with the commoners, the Maya farmers.
they do not seem to have been identical with them. One
TOLTECS OF TOLLAN XICOCOTITLAN. Although identified
should refrain from interpreting this incident as the mythic
by Jiménez Moreno with Tula de Allende, the famous Tollan
rendering of an antagonistic struggle between divine princi-
Xicocotitlan referred to in colonial sources is not this town
ples or between two religious factions practicing and oppos-
alone. As epithet or name, the word Tollan has been used to
ing human sacrifice. Topiltzin was eventually overthrown,
designate other famous cities, and the description of this Tol-
and consequently one disaster after the other befell his city.
lan corresponds—if to any place on earth at all—more to
Finally he had to gather his followers and leave the place. It
Classic Teotihuacan than to Tula de Allende. As described
is generally accepted that part of the story reflects internal
in the written sources, Tollan Xicocotitlan was a sort of para-
dissent in Xicocotitlan between Nonoalca and Tolteca-
dise. Thanks to their prudence, the inhabitants of Tollan
Chichimeca, another constituent ethnic group.
possessed everything they needed in abundance, including
From here on, history once more becomes legend. On
maize and cotton, precious stones, and gold.
his flight, Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl worked miracles in many
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9224
TOLTEC RELIGION
places. Eventually, on reaching the Veracruz coast, he either
in the Puebla valley. They report in the monumental Historia
burned himself and became the morning star, or, according
Tolteca-Chichimeca that their forefathers, bearing the charac-
to other versions, he walked or sailed on a raft, miraculously
teristic name Tolteca-Chichimeca, had to leave the decaying
made by intertwining serpents, to the mythical land Tlapal-
Tollan. Before starting off, their messenger-priest asked the
lan, where he may have died. After his departure from Xico-
god of Cholollan, then already a famous place of pilgrimage,
cotitlan, Topiltzin was replaced by a more secular ruler, Hue-
for permission to settle in his city, which was granted. The
mac, perhaps Topiltzin’s kinsman, who himself was also
god is referred to in the Nahuatl text as Quetzalcoatl Nacxitl
persecuted by the demons and who finally fled to a cave
Tepeuhqui and is addressed as Tloque’ Nahuaque’ (Lord of
where he killed himself or disappeared—the sources are
Proximity and Vicinity), the omnipresent deity. The allusion
hopelessly contradictory on this point. Huemac, too, as-
of the source to Quetzalcoatl as already present in Cholollan
sumed divinity, as lord of the underworld.
seems to indicate that well before the fall of Tollan the god’s
cult had begun to spread, certainly fostered by “Toltec”
Conquerors of “Toltec” Affiliation. In various parts of
groups, into wider parts of central Mexico.
Mesoamerica during early Postclassic times a local popula-
tion had to submit to small groups of militant immigrants.
CONCLUSION. Only a few characteristic elements common
These usurpers, who showed positive “Toltec” traits, estab-
to various facets of “Toltec” religion can be singled out so
lished themselves as ruling elites. In the case of the Quiché
far: a supreme deity, Quetzalcoatl, who gave his name to
and Cakchiquel Maya in highland Guatemala, the respective
priests and rulers; a cult dominated by eagles and jaguars
elites claimed descent from a mythical place of origin called
(i.e., the warriors); a ritual ball game as reenactment of cos-
Tulán, far to the north, and ethnic affiliation with those they
mic processes; and the importance of human sacrifice. These
called the Yaqui (Nahuatl-speaking Mexicans). After their
traits, whose roots go back far into Classic times, survived,
initial migration the Quiché settled for a long time near the
sometimes altered or obscured, into late Postclassic times.
Laguna de Términos on the Gulf of Mexico and later contin-
For example, Quetzalcoatl ceded his rank to the Aztec Tez-
ued their migration into the Guatemalan highlands. They
catlipoca, the former being reduced to a mere wind god while
carried with them a “sacred bundle”—in Mesoamerica gen-
the latter assumed titles peculiar to the “Toltec” Quetzal-
erally considered the very essence of their god and the sacro-
coatl. Thus many religious descriptions in the colonial
sanct symbol of ethnic identity—which they were given by
sources contain “Toltec” nuclei, although they are often
Nacxitl at Tulán. Nacxitl or Acxitl is one of the names of
barely recognizable.
Quetzalcoatl, according to central Mexican sources.
SEE ALSO Quetzalcoatl.
Quiché tradition of the sixteenth century, amply pre-
served in their “sacred book,” the Popol Vuh, relates that at
BIBLIOGRAPHY
No special treatment of Toltec religion in any form has yet been
Tulán their four ethnic subdivisions had each been given
published. The most comprehensive study of the Toltecs,
tribal deities: Tohil, Avilix, Hacavitz, and Nicacatah. The
written from an ethnohistoric point of view but making full
most powerful, Tohil, who was identified by the Popol Vuh
use of available archaeological data, is Nigel Davies’s The
with Quetzalcoatl, was the possessor of fire; he offered this
Toltecs (Norman, Okla., 1977). The subsequent period and
cultural achievement to other starving tribes at the price of
developments are covered in detail by the same author in The
using them as victims for human sacrifice, hitherto unknown
Toltec Heritage (Norman, Okla., 1980), an expanded version
at Tulán. The other tribes thus came under Quiché domi-
of his Los Mexicas, primeros pasos hacia el imperio (Mexico
nance, which they unsuccessfully tried to shake off.
City, 1973). There is no published synthesis yet of archaeo-
logical work at Tula de Allende, but Jorge R. Acosta’s “Los
The creation myth recorded at length in the Popol Vuh
Toltecs,” in Los señoríos y estados militaristas (Mexico City,
is generally considered an adaptation of central Mexican
1976), can be profitably consulted. The Toltec-Maya period
(Toltec) prototypes: here, the creation of the world in various
of Chichén Itzá is summarized, although not very satisfacto-
stages of completion is referred to as the work of Tepeu and
rily, in Román Piña Chan’s Chichén Itzá, la ciudad de los bru-
Cucumatz (Gucumatz). The name Tepeu recalls the ruler of
jos del agua (Mexico City, 1980).
Tollan, named Totepeuh (to is a Nahuatl possessive prefix),
The Quiché text of the Popol Vuh has been translated many times.
sometimes referred to as the father of Topiltzin or Huemac;
Popol Vuh: The Sacred Book of the Ancient Quiché Maya,
the name Cucumatz is a literal translation of Quetzalcoatl
translated by Delia Goetz and Sylvanus G. Morley from the
into Quiché. The account of the Popol Vuh also gives deep
Spanish edition of Adrián Recinos (Norman, Okla., 1950),
insight into the wide corpus of legends of the Quiché that
was the standard English version until it was superseded by
the more scholarly work of Munro S. Edmonson in The Book
do not seem to be of Toltec origin.
of Counsel: The Popol Vuh of the Quiché Maya (New Orleans,
TOLTECA CHICHIMECA. As a rule, central Mexican ethnic
1971). A recommendable interpretation of this highly im-
groups have ample traditions regarding their migration to
portant text is, however, still lacking.
their present homes. Most of these refer to a place of origin
New Sources
at Chicomoztoc (Seven Caves), and they count Tollan
Brumfel, Elizabeth M. “Huitzilopochtli’s Conquest: Aztec Ideolo-
among their stopping places during their long migration.
gy in the Archeological Record.” Cambridge Archaeological
This holds true for the inhabitants of Cholula (Cholollan)
Journal 8 (1998): 3–14.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOMBS
9225
Davies, Nigel. Aztec Empire: The Toltec Resurgence. Norman,
on such a vast scale that they constitute some of the most
Okla., 1987.
spectacular finds of archaeology. When Chinese archaeolo-
Graulich, Michel. Myths of Ancient Mexico. Translated by Bernard
gists began in the 1970s to probe the mound associated with
R. Ortiz and Thelma Ortiz de Montellano. Norman, Okla.,
the Qin Emperor Shi Huangdi, the first to unify the Chinese
1997.
into one state, they discovered a series of vaults containing
Hers, Marie-Areti. Toltecas in tierras chichimecas. Mexico City,
an estimated seven thousand life-size terra-cotta statues com-
1989.
prising an entire army of infantry, cavalry, crossbowmen, and
charioteers. The figures are extremely lifelike, each face dif-
Rolingson, Martha Ann. Toltec Mounds and Plum Bayou Culture:
Mound D Excavations. Fayettville, Ark., 1998.
ferent and thought to have been modeled from life. They
comprise a stunning artistic and technical triumph, but it is
Rolingson, Martha Ann, ed. Emerging Patterns of Plum Bayou Cul-
not clear what ideology lay behind the complex, especially
ture: Preliminary Investigations of Toltec Mounds Research
as it was not imitated by subsequent emperors. At first sight
Project. Fayettville, Ark., 1982.
it seems to reflect the megalomania of an emperor who evi-
Sánchez, Victor. Toltecs of the New Millennium. Translated by
dently thought that he could ride into the afterlife at the head
Robert Nelson. Santa Fe, N.M., 1996.
of his army, but there were also sociological effects that may
HANNS J. PREM (1987)
or may not have been part of the emperor’s intentions. The
Revised Bibliography
organizational challenge of such a project was appropriate to
a new state in the process of establishing its infrastructure,
especially as it must have trained thousands of artisans in pot-
TOMBS.
tery techniques for which China has ever since been famous.
In many European languages, to speak of “the
Moreover, it augmented a national cult focused on the
tomb” is synecdochically to speak of death. In other places
emperor.
this is not true, since mortuary rites do not involve anything
resembling a tomb. Moreover, where they exist, there are a
Much the same argument could be made about the mas-
wide variety of structures that may be described as tombs.
sive pyramids of Giza in Egypt. Although the pyramids were
TOMBLESS DEATH RITUALS. There are ethnographic in-
all built within a century near the beginning of the pharaonic
stances where corpses are simply abandoned. When a death
state, they can also be placed within the context of a religion
occurs in the camps of some of the hunting and gathering
that developed over several millennia. The most famous ar-
peoples of the Kalahari Desert, there is an outpouring of
chaeological discovery of the 1920s was the tomb of a rela-
grief, but nevertheless the band rapidly decamps leaving the
tively unimportant pharaoh of the eighteenth dynasty ob-
corpse just as it lay at the moment of dying. There is a ritual
scure enough to have avoided the attention of grave robbers
response in that the site is avoided for years afterwards, but
in antiquity. By comparison with the temple complexes of
it is about as minimal a response as can be imagined. Corpses
other pharaohs, Tutankhamen’s tomb was modest. Never-
abandoned in this way are generally disposed of by carrion
theless, it contained a fabulous storehouse of treasures, in-
creatures, most commonly hyenas. Across much of Africa,
cluding enough furniture to equip a small palace. As is dem-
hyenas are the subject of black humor, since they are always
onstrated by the tombs in the Valley of the Nobles at Luxor,
ready to devour the injured or dig up shallow graves.
such grandeur was not restricted to pharaohs.
The same theme of disposal as carrion is found in the
GRAVE GOODS. The Qin emperor’s soldiers and Tutankha-
Tibetan practice of “sky burial,” in which corpses are ritually
men’s furniture are examples, if remarkable ones, of the prac-
butchered by a caste of death specialists, and fed to vultures.
tice commonly found all over the world of entombing useful
What this expresses in the starkest possible terms is the Bud-
or valuable objects with a corpse. It is often argued that such
dhist contempt for the body, whose transience stands in con-
grave goods are among the earliest prehistoric evidence of rit-
trast to the eternal verities of the spiritual world. The Jain
ual activity, and that they demonstrate belief in an afterlife.
“towers of the dead” use vultures in the same way, but the
This does not, in fact, follow. Other motives are possible,
doctrinal emphasis is on avoiding pollution of the earth.
such as the desire to prevent the further use of objects senti-
If these cases seem obscure, consider the ancient Hindu
mentally associated with the deceased. Even so, grave goods
tradition of cremation, still followed by millions of people
often do imply an equipping of the dead. For instance, in
in Northern India. The purpose is to allow the corporeal ele-
parts of Borneo there is an elaborated theory of the journey
ments to return to their origins—vision to the sun, feeling
of the dead to the afterlife by canoe. Consequently, paddles
to the air, and so on. Consequently, rather than retaining the
and sun hats are often hung from the sides of mausoleums.
ashes, they are cast into rivers so that they can be dispersed.
These grave goods are of little intrinsic value, and in a similar
The most auspicious river of all is the Ganges, and the tem-
fashion even humble graves are often found to contain pot-
ples and burning ghats of Benares are a major focus of Hindu
tery or tools.
ritual.
Archaeologists are also familiar with finding valuables
IMPERIAL MORTUARY COMPLEXES. At the opposite end of
in gravesites. Often these are goods originating from far
the spectrum, there are examples of royal tombs constructed
away, and so give evidence of ancient trade. Examples are the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9226
TOMBS
shell disks and embossed copper sheets found in mounds
are over a hundred flat-topped earth mounds, the largest of
throughout central North America, and the gold and pre-
which is one hundred feet high. The mounds show traces of
cious stones found across much of the Middle East. It is a
wooden buildings on top, which probably included charnel
safe assumption that such valuables were not taken out of cir-
houses where corpses were left to rot until the remains were
culation lightly, but it is often unclear exactly what the goal
ready for burial in the mound. There are also graves contain-
was. There may have been an element of sacrifice, especially
ing whole skeletons, the remains of burials of particularly
where animals or even humans were immolated at the grave-
prestigious people. Bundles of bones were also brought from
side. In accordance with that conception, in many places
elsewhere, to produce a complex pattern of interment in one
grave goods must be broken before they can be transmitted
mound. The Cahokia site supported a dense population, but
to the other world.
dispersed populations in less fertile regions of the Appala-
H
chian Mountains also built mounds, which grew over many
IERARCHY AND TOMB ELABORATION. Diversity in grave
goods from tombs of the same period is often taken by ar-
generations by accretion of new bones and earth. Exposure
chaeologists as evidence of differences in the social status of
platforms were widely used across North America, the corpse
the living, and hence a measure of social hierarchy. There are,
dressed and equipped suitably for the gender and role of the
as usual, exceptions that undermine the validity of the infer-
deceased.
ence. For instance, the funerals of the kings of Bali, an island
Secondary treatment is by no means restricted to the
in Indonesia, were theatrical displays of pomp and hierarchy,
Americas. It is found in parts of Southeast Asia and in New
yet the king’s ashes ended up strewn on the sea according to
Guinea, where corpses are laid out on platforms or set behind
the Hindu origins of the ancient empire of Majapahit. Noble
domestic fireplaces to dry out. In rural Greece the burial of
Balinese families that had lost a member in the previous few
corpses is only temporary. After some years, the grave is dug
years took the opportunity to participate in the grand crema-
up and the bones stored in a communal ossuary. The same
tion rites, so that the only graves that remained were those
process in monastic communities in southern Europe pro-
of commoners. Again, the kings of the Shilluk of southern
duced crypts lined with anonymous skulls and femurs neatly
Sudan had no tombs because it was intolerable that the king
arranged in patterns—a dramatic expression of death as the
should die. Since the king’s vitality was associated with that
great leveler. In other cases in Europe, the removal of bones
of the whole nation, signs of frailty meant that he had to be
from communal graveyards to make room for others is the
suffocated by his own wives, or so it was said. However the
fate of paupers buried at public expense.
king died, his body was simply left where it lay, and the door
BURIALS, TOMBSTONES, VAULTS, AND MAUSOLEUMS. Sim-
of the hut walled up with bricks. Until the new king was in-
ple earth burial is often associated with those on the lower
stalled, the spirit of the nation passed into an effigy kept for
rungs of a social hierarchy. It may be argued that this is a
the purpose. Consequently, mortuary structures provide no
matter of practical expedience, the most rapid way to dispose
evidence of the existence of the state. As a further example,
of corpses before putrescence sets in. The carnage of a battle
Saudi kings are buried in plain graves facing Mecca as a ges-
or a lethal epidemic makes mass graves necessary. At Caho-
ture of humility before Alla¯h.
kia, however, immediate burial was a privilege of a small
Nevertheless, it remains true that the tombs most char-
elite, whereas paupers in southern Europe were lucky to rest
acteristic of a place or an epoch are often those of the elite,
undisturbed in their graves. In the Christian tradition, earth
especially where there is intense status competition. In Iron
burial is the norm for rich and poor, in accordance with the
Age northern Europe, warrior kings tried to establish their
doctrine of the resurrection of the body. Moreover, mis-
lineages by building impressive tumuli containing stone-
sionaries have exported Christian practices to the indigenous
lined vaults and passageways. The size of the artificial hill was
populations of Africa, the Americas, and Asia. The spread of
physical proof of a king’s ability to muster numerous follow-
Islam has had the same effect, so that burial is now more uni-
ers. A striking variant was the ship burials that have proved
versal than it was in previous centuries.
such a treasure trove for archaeologists and were particularly
Accordingly, tombstones provide the most familiar of
appropriate to images of death as a voyage. Ship symbolism
death monuments. They are found in many varieties, from
is in fact widely found in connection with tombs, and partic-
stones or plain slabs covering a grave to elaborate sculptures.
ularly with coffins that resemble dugout canoes.
The commonest are headstones inscribed with brief accounts
PRIMARY AND SECONDARY STORAGE. Tumuli or burial
of the deceased, but changing fashions have sometimes pro-
mounds often became ritual centers, incorporating subse-
duced much more elaborate and imposing structures. In
quent interments. This was especially true when they were
parts of the Islamic world, grave markers are nothing more
associated with secondary treatment of the dead. This in-
than short wooden posts, carved in abstract or floral designs,
volves the temporary storage of a corpse while the flesh de-
but elsewhere the same process of elaboration has occurred
cays from the bones, with final entombment of the bones at
as in Christian cemeteries.
a later date.
Such changes of fashion date back to classical antiquity.
The technique was employed in ancient times across the
Until sometime in the first century, Romans of any respect-
Mississippi region. At Cahokia in present-day Illinois, there
ability were cremated, and their ashes stored in barrel-vaulted
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOMBS
9227
brick and masonry chambers, with niches in the walls to con-
sequently, the dead were seen as simultaneously both near
tain urns. Such was the expense of building them that sub-
and far, and that mystery contributed much to the power
scribers joined funeral cooperatives called collegia. Mean-
and drama of indigenous ritual. The entire community of
while, the poor and slaves were disposed of casually in pits,
ancestors was invited to funerals by other chants, but great
initially on the Esquilline Hill. Beginning in the first century,
care was taken to disentangle them from the living after the
Romans began to copy Greek fashions of inhumation, which
deceased was delivered to them.
had long been the practice throughout the eastern Mediterra-
Archaeological data from China show evidence of buri-
nean. The motivation appears to have been display, since
als beneath the house, but in recent centuries the living have
Greek funerary monuments had developed from amphorae
been careful not to live near graveyards for fear of unquiet
over graves to structures elaborately decorated with an eclec-
ghosts. However, in many Chinese communities, both in
tic iconography, including sphinxes and winged lions.
China and abroad, ancestors figure prominently in the rituals
Roman versions can still be seen along the Via Appia, some
of extended kin groups, and they are represented by tablets
originally displaying bas-relief portraits of the occupants.
in special ancestor temples. Moreover, the location of the
Also to be seen in Rome are the catacombs of the early Chris-
tombs is thought to have a major influence, and the ancient
tian era, which represent a continuation of the Middle East-
techniques of feng shui, or “wind and water,” are designed
ern practice of burial in caves or rock-cut tombs.
to site deceased family members so that they deflect evil and
Underground vaults are another common development
funnel blessings towards the living.
from simple earth burial, and not only in the Mediterranean.
RELIQUARIES, STUPAS, AND CENOTAPHS. A special case of
In much of sub-Saharan Africa, graves are roofed with logs
the ambiguous presence of the dead is provided by holy rel-
before being covered over.
ics. In medieval Europe there was a brisk trade in body parts
A stone vault built above ground is usually described as
supposedly belonging to saints, and they were handled lov-
a mausoleum, after the massive tomb of King Mausolus in
ingly and stored in valuable reliquaries. Yet the virtue of the
Asia Minor. In central Borneo, ironwood mausoleums were
relics is, to say the least, doctrinally obscure. The saints are
constructed on top of large pilings. Sometimes thirty feet or
presumably in heaven, and there is no reason why their bless-
more high and delicately carved in swirling designs, they are
ing should somehow inhere in their blood or bones. The par-
the premier artistic achievements of the region. They may
adox is sharper in Buddhism, but from its beginnings relics
contain coffins, large jars used for corpses, or smaller ones
of the Buddha have been enshrined in large stupas that be-
for bones collected after secondary treatment, with some-
came centers of pilgrimage. Officially, relics, like statues,
times a dozen or more sets of remains in one aerial chamber.
have no power other than to provide a focus of individual
Adjacent to them are simple earth burials.
meditation, yet they have become national symbols. When
L
the Portuguese conquered Sri Lanka they seized the relic
OCATION OF TOMBS AND LOCATION OF THE DEAD. There
are striking differences from culture to culture in where
housed in the Temple of the Tooth in Kandy, ground it into
tombs are located in relation to the community. In New
powder and threw it in the sea. But faith is not so easily de-
Britain, corpses were buried directly under the floor of the
stroyed. Within a short time the relic was miraculously redis-
house, with the explicit aim of keeping the dead with their
covered by a fisherman in his net and restored to its rightful
kinsmen. Pressure from missionaries and colonial authorities
place. Even when there are no remains in a tomb, it may be-
forced an end to the practice, but the dead are still buried
come a national symbol, as with the Cenotaph in London,
as close to their houses as possible. In parts of eastern Indone-
which honors the dead of both world wars.
sia, corpses were buried under the dance ground in the mid-
CHANGING STYLES OF TOMBS IN ENGLAND AND THE UNIT-
dle of the village. Moreover, kin and neighbors were required
ED STATES. Since the eighth century, graveyards in England
to sit by uncomplaining during a long wake because bodily
were located within settlements next to the parish church.
corruption was seen as a positive process that allowed the de-
Consequently, villagers attending services were reminded of
ceased to return to mother earth. At the same time the dead
their forebears, now resting under the protection of the
were associated with ancestral villages in the mountains, so
church. The elaboration of grave markers also served to re-
that they had a complex multiple presence for the living.
mind them of the local social order. Throughout the Middle
Ages, senior clerics tried to prohibit burials inside the church,
In Borneo, the elaborate mausoleums described above
which were seen as desecrating. One thirteenth-century prel-
were sited across the river from communal longhouses, so
ate grumbled that such was the clutter of memorials that the
that flowing water formed a barrier between the living and
graveyard appeared to have moved inside the church. It was
the dead. The mausoleums were described as houses of the
difficult, however, to refuse landowners who patronized
dead; they were raised on pilings like the longhouse, and no
churches so that they could be buried there. Life-sized effi-
one entered this village of the dead without very good reasons
gies were not unusual atop grand family tombs.
for fear that the inhabitants would see the intrusion as the
arrival of a new member. This perception was contradicted,
The urbanization accompanying the industrial revolu-
however, by long sacred chants at the funeral that took the
tion changed this pattern. City churches could no longer
deceased on a riverine journey to the land of the dead. Con-
provide space, and graveyards had to be moved to the out-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9228
TOMOL
skirts of cities, where they were often overtaken by further
lidify the complex regional trade system whose influence was
expansion. Consequently, graveyards became an issue of
felt far beyond the Chumash interaction sphere. However,
urban planning, although authorities were slow to respond.
for some contemporary Chumash, this important item of
In the Victorian era, this changed under the influence of a
material culture reaches beyond its practical value and into
new sentimentalization of death and the afterlife. Graveyards
the realm of prime symbol, tapping into the essence of Chu-
became “cemeteries,” a term derived from the Greek koimete-
mash culture and religious orientation and encompassing a
rion (a sleeping place), which were filled with fanciful archi-
nexus of meaning surrounding issues of dependence upon
tecture imitating Roman and Egyptian motifs.
nature, belief in the reciprocity of social life, and the world
A similar development occurred in the United States.
view of the people.
In New England the Puritan tradition meant that graveyards
THE CHUMASH. In classical times, the Chumash were never
were treated as mere necessities, and all affectation in burials
a discreet linguistic or cultural entity. They lived in a geo-
was frowned on. Further south, things were not much differ-
graphic area along the California coast from roughly Topan-
ent, and visitors to the colonies remarked on the chaotic state
ga Canyon in the south to Estero Bay in the north, extending
of graveyards in New York and Philadelphia. In the nine-
east to the western edge of the San Joaquin Valley, and in
teenth century the rural cemetery movement set out to
the northern Channel Islands. The people who have come
change this start of affairs. Their best-known achievement is
to be known as the Chumash inhabited numerous relatively
Mount Auburn cemetery outside Boston, which is beautiful-
autonomous villages, each with its own internal political
ly landscaped with tombs discretely set into hillocks. A Swed-
structure, the largest of which acted as capital cities for smal-
ish visitor remarked, “A glance at this cemetery almost excites
ler village collectives. These individual city-states supported
a wish to die.” A parallel innovation was the embalming of
several dialects of the Hokan linguistic family, first identified
corpses, which originated during the Civil War so that dis-
by anthropologist Alfred Kroeber in 1925 and named, for
tant families could take their sons home for burial. By the
the most part, for the missions in the areas encompassed by
mid-twentieth century the entombing of embalmed corpses
the dialects, namely the Ventureño, Barbareño, Ineseño,
had become standard among Americans, whether newly im-
Purisimeño, Obispeño, and the additional Emigdiano,
migrant or long established. Cemeteries were made efficient
Cuyama, and Island dialects. While these dialects have been
by insetting tombstones flat on the ground to allow regular
identified as branches of the Hokan linguistic family tree,
mowing, but underneath these neat lawns lay massive con-
they in fact operated much like distinct languages. This, in
crete vaults and luxuriously furnished steel coffins. Crema-
turn, has given rise to the notion that the various regional
tion came into vogue at the end of the twentieth century, but
entities actually operated as distinct tribes in their own right,
an archaeologist of the future would certainly conclude that
but with the necessary economic and sociopolitical system
American notions of death paralleled those of the ancient
that would unite a region into a relatively cohesive network.
Egyptians.
The regional federations consisted of smaller villages,
SEE ALSO Caves; Death; Funeral Rites; Pyramids, overview
which varied in population from sixty to over a thousand
article; Towers.
people, each presided over by a chief, or wot. The smaller vil-
lages owed their allegiance to a major chief for the region
BIBLIOGRAPHY
who resided in a capital village, enabling him to control the
Cotterell, Arthur. The First Emperor of China: The Greatest Archeo-
production and redistribution of the goods within his vil-
logical Find of Our Time. New York, 1981.
lages, thereby strengthening the federation’s position among
Metcalf, Peter, and Richard Huntington. Celebrations of Death:
the other regions. Perhaps the key feature of this complex of
The Anthropology of Mortuary Ritual. 2d ed. Cambridge,
inter-regional trade is the presence of specialized craft guilds,
U.K., 1991.
or brotherhoods, both within the villages and extending into
Morley, John. Death, Heaven, and the Victorians. Pittsburgh,
a regional alliance of like craft specialists. These guilds were
1971.
fraternal in nature, with the knowledge needed to produce
Morris, Ian. Death Ritual and Social Structure in Classical Antiqui-
the various products of these guilds passed on to subsequent
ty. Cambridge, U.K., 1992.
generations via familial ties.
Stannard, David, ed. Death in America. Philadelphia, 1974.
These specializations standardized the production of a
PETER METCALF (2005)
number of important elements of Chumash material life, in-
cluding baskets, obsidian projectile points, plant fiber cord-
age, shell bead money, and especially the plank canoe known
as the tomol. In fact, the most powerful of these guilds was
TOMOL. The indigenous people of the central California
the brotherhood of the tomol, with its members in possession
coast now collectively known as the Chumash are known in
of high social status, important links to the religious leader-
ethnographic circles for their unique use of the plank canoe,
ship (’antap), and unprecedented access to the political lead-
or tomol, a vessel that was not only instrumental in the Chu-
ership, as well. The tomol, with its powerful brotherhood,
mash exploitation of their marine resources, but served to so-
was the glue that held the entire system together. In order
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOMOL
9229
to fully understand the importance of the tomol and the
important resource depended upon management. Chumash
brotherhood in classical times, it is necessary to analyze the
ethnobotanist Julie Cordero states that the plant simply will
region’s economy prior to the Spanish arrival.
not occur in useable stands if merely left to its own growth
TRADE AND TRAVEL. As the Chumash interaction sphere ex-
patterns. Clearly, the tomol required a vast amount of person-
ists within a coastal zone and encompasses some eight to ten
nel and resource management before the manufacturing even
thousand years (since, roughly, the recession of the last coast-
began.
al ice- age permafrost), it should not be construed as a stable
PADDLING AS PRACTICE. This system does not stop at the
environment. Changes in rainfall patterns and sea surface
production level. Crew responsibilities and the environmen-
temperatures and their resulting impacts on terrestrial and
tal knowledge required for safe travel are also important. It
ocean resources prompted the Chumash to rely upon a com-
is this last point that provides the clearest metaphorical con-
plex trade system in order to mitigate against shortfalls. As
nection between the contemporary tomol crew and their clas-
Daniel Larson and his colleagues state in “Missionization
sic predecessors. The rowing of a relatively small vessel in the
Among the Coastal Chumash of Central California”:
hazardous Santa Barbara Channel requires great skill and
teamwork for safety and efficiency. Individual paddlers must
As Chumash population levels increased there was a
greater dependence on exchange of food from one set-
be physically capable, mentally adroit, and socially connected
tlement to the next. This reciprocity allowed groups to
to the other paddlers for the safe and successful operation of
meet their provisioning needs when there were short-
the tomol.
falls within a village’s cachment. As populations contin-
The nature of the vessel is such that individual balance
ued to grow, subsistence strategies expanded and inten-
while compensating for the movement of the other paddlers
sified, settlements became increasingly interdependent,
and synchronous strokes of the paddles are key for the
and mutual trade became critical to subsistence success.
smooth movement of the canoe. For this to occur, it is opti-
Tied to the mutual trading relationship was a hierarchi-
cal political system involving chiefs who acted as bro-
mal that the crew be experienced with the other members so
kers in the exchange relationships. They were also re-
they will be aware of their style and physical types and their
sponsible for the scheduling of feasts, ceremonies, and
various strengths and weaknesses, and for the formation of
celebrations, which were essential to intervillage social
personal bonds of trust, as the process, even in the contem-
interaction and conflict resolution. (p. 264)
porary context, is not without some measure of risk. It is pre-
The tomol was the tool par excellence for the maintenance
cisely this relationship-building, among both paddlers and
of this system of trade, enabling the reciprocal exchange of
non-paddling support and building crews, that gives the
goods and ideas and galvanizing the network of interdepen-
Chumash involved in paddling the tomol the tangible ele-
dence that contemporary Chumash see as fundamental to
ments for understanding the underlying ethos viewed as
their ethical system. Owing to its role as facilitator for the
uniquely Chumash.
trade system, the tomol represents an investment of time, in-
In the process of learning the behaviors and skills re-
genuity, and resource management techniques. In addition
quired for the rowing of the tomol, the contemporary Chu-
to requiring an estimated 180 to 540 person-days of labor
mash have also begun to fashion a rhetorical system within
to complete, not to mention great amounts of skill in order
which the tomol protocol, as well as the actual requirements
to produce a sea-worthy vessel, the raw materials for the
for paddling, are transmitted to others. This oratory ranges
tomol represent sometimes years of careful management be-
from practical concerns regarding canoe operation to onto-
fore they ever make it to the production level.
logical statements of emotive quality that are seen as perti-
nent to living a proper life. Maintenance of the tomol is liked
The key ingredients of the canoe are, of course, wood,
to maintenance of interpersonal relationships. Paddling to-
with redwood driftwood (washed down from the northern
gether is connected to bonds of trust, interdependence, and
California coast) being the most prized; natural fiber cordage
ancestral honor. Suffice it to say that, in the reprise of canoe
for lashing the planks together as well as for tether and an-
culture for the Chumash, the tomol provides both an exem-
chor lines; a mixture of asphaltum (naturally occurring pe-
plar of the entire ethos seen as essentially Chumash, as well
troleum deposits and pine pitch) for caulking and sealing;
as an opportunity to express through practice what it is that
and the assorted tools (adzes, drills, etc.) for the manufactur-
comprises the particular Chumash ethic.
ing process. These raw materials are employed as a result of
preproduction processes such as gathering (or purchasing via
The tomol, for the Chumash who are involved in the re-
the aforementioned trade system), preparation (curing and
vival of their maritime culture, provides a key symbol of an
planking the wood), knowledge of availability (in the case of
ancient ethos that navigated its way through some ten thou-
asphaltum deposits); and ongoing resource management.
sand years of history, through many transformations in cli-
mate, and continues to provide a vessel with which they can
This last point is especially true with regard to stands
carry their children into a future that regards their past as
of red milkweed (Asclepias fascicularis) and/or dogbane (Apo-
continually present.
cynum canabis) for the approximately one mile of cordage
needed for the finished tomol. In this last case, contemporary
SEE ALSO North American Indians, article on Indians of
Chumash assert that the availability of large amounts of this
California and the Intermountain Region.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9230
TÖNNIES, FERDINAND
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ferentiations in terms of another dichotomy. On the one
Arnold, Jeanne. “Complex Hunter-Gatherer-Fishers of Prehistor-
hand is a common “natural will” consisting of life forces asso-
ic California: Chiefs, Specialists, and Maritime Adaptations
ciated with instincts, emotions, and habits, forming personal
of the Channel Islands” American Antiquity 57, no. 1 (1992):
bonds and obligations that engender an unconscious sense
60–84.
of organic unity and solidarity of persons and groups. On the
Blackburn, Thomas. December’s Child: A Book of Chumash Oral
other hand is a deliberate, consciously purposeful “rational
Narratives. Berkeley, Calif., 1975.
will” manifest in the impersonal pursuit of individual and
Bourdieu, Pierre. The Logic of Practice. Stanford, Calif., 1980.
group interests. In the rational will is a combination of mo-
Johnson, John R. “Chumash Social Organization: An Ethnohi-
tifs issuing from romanticism and rationalism. These differ-
storic Perspective.” Ph.D. diss., University of California,
entiations become evident also in religion. (In his later period
Santa Barbara, 1988.
he envisaged the possibility of a nondogmatic universal reli-
Larson, Daniel O., John R. Johnson, and Joel C. Michaelsen.
gion to unite humankind.)
“Missionization Among the Coastal Chumash of Central
California: A Study of Risk Minimization Strategies.” Ameri-
The “natural will” of community is integrative; the “ra-
can Anthropologist 96, no. 2 (1994): 263–299.
tional will” of society is pluralistic and segmental, reaching
Ortner, Sherry B. “On Key Symbols.” In Reader in Comparative
its peak in capitalism. Both kinds of will are always present
Religion, edited by William A. Lessa and Evon Z. Vogt. New
in some form or degree, but Tönnies favored a community-
York, 1973.
oriented socialism.
Swidler, Ann. “Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies.” Amer-
Some critics have seen these typological dichotomies an
ican Sociological Review 5 (1986): 273–286.
inimical to strictly empirical studies. Typology, they say,
DENNIS F. KELLEY (2005)
should not replace historiography, though the latter requires
the former. Tönnies was aware of the danger of oversimplifi-
cation and reduction in one’s view of social reality. This be-
TÖNNIES, FERDINAND (1855–1936), German
comes readily evident in his sharp critique of statisticians.
sociologist. Tönnies provided elaborate definitions of
In his early essay on Spinoza, “Studie zur Entwicklungs-
branches of sociology long before it was recognized as an aca-
geschichte des Spinozas” in Vierteljahrsschrift für wissen-
demic discipline.
schaftliche Philosophie (1883), Tönnies spoke of the emphasis
Ferdinand Julius Tönnies’s academic preparation for his
on will as revealing a philosophy (stimulated by Arthur Scho-
work as sociologist was uncommonly broad. In 1877 he re-
penhauer) that he called “voluntarism,” which entails the
ceived his doctorate in classical philology. Beginning his
recognition of the primacy of will over intellect, and which
teaching career at the University of Kiel in 1881, he succes-
is applicable to psychology, epistemology, and metaphysics.
sively taught philosophy, economics, statistics, and sociolo-
His old friend Friedrich Paulsen in his Einleitung in die
gy, and meanwhile published many articles on public poli-
Philosophie (1892) spelled out the conception of voluntarism
cies. From 1909 to 1933 he was president of the German
in psychological terms. Paul Tillich in Socialist Decision
Sociological Society (founded by him along with Georg Sim-
(1933) adapted Tönnies’s concepts of community and soci-
mel, Werner Sombart, and Max Weber). Having been pub-
ety. William James was so enthusiastic about Paulsen’s book
licly opposed to rising National Socialism and anti-
that he provided a lengthy introduction for the English edi-
Semitism, he was later illegally discharged from this post by
tion, and one can see voluntaristic elements in James’s con-
the Hitler regime.
cept of the “will to believe.”
In 1887 he published his most famous book, a typologi-
cal study, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (translated as Com-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
munity and Society, 1957). Outside Germany the reputation
Cahnman, Werner J., ed. Ferdinand Tönnies: A New Evaluation;
of this work overshadowed his other important writings such
Essays and Documents. Leiden, 1973.
as those on Thomas Hobbes, on Karl Marx, on custom and
Wirth, Louis. “The Sociology of Ferdinand Tönnies.” American
morals, and on public opinion. Employing his dichotomous
Journal of Sociology 32 (1926): 412–422.
ideal types, Gemeinschaft (“community”) and Gesellschaft
(“society”), he attempted to define fundamentally different
New Sources
Bickel, Cornelius. Ferdinand Tönnies: Soziologie als skeptische Auf-
kinds of human relationships in their dimensions and struc-
klärung zwischen Historismus und Rationalismus. Opladen,
tures. He took into account biological and psychological as
Germany, 1991.
well as institutional perspectives, and he expounded the ty-
pology with impressive erudition and poetic imagination. He
JAMES LUTHER ADAMS (1987)
leaned heavily on English literature from Hobbes to Herbert
Revised Bibliography
Spencer and Henry Maine. He compared his typology to
Maine’s distinction between status and contract.
For Tönnies, all social groupings are willed creations
TORAH. It is no exaggeration to claim that the term torah
manifesting different kinds of human will. He saw these dif-
is the quintessential symbol in Judaism. The present essay
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TORAH
9231
approaches this symbol from a variety of linguistic, historical,
in the future in return for full loyalty to the norms contained
and phenomenological points of view. The discussion is di-
within the Torah (Neh. 9:6-10:31).
vided into nine basic parts. The first of these offers basic ety-
THE LITERARY FORMAT OF THE CANONICAL TORAH. In the
mological orientation to the semantic range of the term torah
authoritative version known for well over 2000 years, the
in classical Hebrew usage. Parts two to four address the prob-
Torah refers collectively to the first five books in the canon
lem of the nature and origins of the diverse sorts of writings
of the Hebrew Bible. Ancient Jewish translations of the He-
that have come to be called torah in Judiasm. With the liter-
brew Bible into Greek (i.e., the Septuagint, c. 250 BCE and
ary survey of torah complete, we then move to a survey of
later), which form the textual basis of the Christian Old Tes-
the ideological perspectives that Jews in various times and
tament, refer to these five books collectively as the Penta-
places have used to explain the meaning and the authority
teuch (“the Five Books”). Greek-speaking Jews commonly
of torah. Part eight traces the profound role that the value
referred to this collection by the term ho nomos (“the Law”;
of Torah study has played in the history of Judaism. The
e.g., 2 Mc. 15:9, Rom. 7:1). Through the mediation of Chris-
final part addresses the ritual functions of the book of the
tianity, deeply influenced by the usages of Greek-speaking
Torah as physical object.
Jews, it has become common in Western culture to conceive
of the Torah as a law code and of torah as “law.” More prop-
ETYMOLOGY AND BASIC MEANINGS. The Hebrew noun
erly, the Torah founded in the Hebrew Bible is an extended
torah is formed from the linguistic stem y-r-h. This stem has
narrative that contains law codes. In traditional Jewish usage,
a complex semantic history, bearing at least three distinct
the general noun torah—without the definite article—refers
senses: “to throw or shoot,” “to water,” and “to proclaim or
broadly to any authoritative religious teaching—legal, ethi-
instruct.” Some nineteenth-century scholars held that the
cal, or theological.
stem has a primary setting in the context of divination prac-
Neither ancient Hebrew copies of the Torah nor mod-
tices, as in the casting of lots (e.g., Jos. 18:6). Indeed in Akka-
ern scrolls used in Jewish worship identify either the Torah
dian a closely related stem underlies the noun, tertu, which
as a whole or its separate books by name. In traditional Jew-
refers to an oracular directive or instruction. Nevertheless, in
ish usage the title of each book is drawn from Hebrew words
contemporary times, there has been no firm consensus about
that appear in their first sentences: Bereshit (“In the begin-
the linguistic history of the term torah prior to its characteris-
ning”), Shemot (“Names”), Vayiqr Da (“And he called”),
tic usages in the Hebrew Bible and associated ancient He-
Bamidbar (“In the wilderness”), and Devarim (“Words”). In
brew literature. In these sources, torah bears the primary
Christian usage, the titles are drawn from Latin renderings
sense of “teaching” or “instruction.” Depending upon the
of the Septuagint’s Greek titles that allude broadly to the
context, torah can refer to the orally imparted wisdom of par-
theme of each work. These are the origins of the terms rou-
ents (Prv. 1:8, 4:2) as well as to the teachings of formal in-
tinely used in Christian communities. English translations of
structors, including sages (Prv. 13:14), priests (Dn. 17:11),
the Old Testament, for example, list the titles of the Pen-
or prophets (Dn. 1:5). Very commonly it refers to messages
tateuchal books as Genesis (Gr. Genesis); Exodus (Gr. Exodos);
delivered by the God of Israel to prophetic spokespersons,
Leviticus (Gr. Leuitikon); Numbers (Gr. Arithmoi); and Deu-
usually in the form of auditory disclosures of the divine voice
teronomy (Gr. Deuteronomion).
(Is. 30:9). Especially in the biblical book of Deuteronomy,
Modern readers of the Torah in Hebrew will find it in
and at key junctures in the historical accounts of the books
two forms: as a printed book in the larger collection of a
of Joshua through 2 Kings (e.g., Jos. 8:31, 2 Kgs. 14:6,
printed Hebrew Bible or as a handwritten scroll used in syna-
23:25), “the book of the Torah of Moses” (sefer torat mosheh)
gogue rituals which call for reading from the Torah in public.
refers to a written collection of hortatory teachings and legal
Scholars, perhaps, will have consulted medieval handwritten
instructions. Equivalent terms, apparently referring to a
copies of the Torah that take the form of codices—separate
complete document, are “the book of the Torah of YHWH”
leaves of parchment or other writing material bound together
(sefer torat yhwh; e.g., Neh. 9:3) and “the book of the Torah
into a book. The format of the scroll is the most ancient and
of God” (sefer torat Delohim; e.g., Jos. 24:26). According to
is found in the earliest surviving fragmentary copies of parts
Deuteronomy, these teachings were copied by Moses in re-
of the Torah that have been found among the Dead Sea
sponse to the divine command and deposited for posterity
Scrolls. These fragments, over eighty in number, offer evi-
in the ark that housed the stone covenantal tablets received
dence of the state of the text as early as the mid-second centu-
on Sinai/Horeb (Dn. 31:24-26). The author of the biblical
ry BCE. They also show that the books of the Torah, like
book of Nehemiah, writing sometime between the fifth and
other writings presently included in the canon of the Hebrew
the fourth centuries BCE, assumed that the scroll read by the
Bible, circulated in a variety of versions, many of which differ
priestly scribe, Ezra, in the covenant-renewal ceremony de-
from that found in the official scriptural canon. It is not clear
scribed in Nehemiah 8:1 and following, was a copy of this
how early the five books comprising the Torah were routine-
very same book of the Torah. It is represented as the written
ly copied together on one scroll. Nevertheless, Jewish and
testimony of a covenantal relationship between the Israelite
early Christian literary sources from the beginning of the
nation and the God of Israel, who redeemed it from slavery
Common Era assume that all five books formed a single liter-
in the time of Moses and promises to restore Israel’s fortunes
ary entity.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9232
TORAH
THE CONTENTS OF THE CANONICAL TORAH. The canonical
upon by God to lead Israel out of slavery into a formal cove-
version of the Torah is a complex narrative work of extremely
nant of servitude to God himself. Chapters 5 to 15 trace the
sophisticated composition. No simple outline of the plot of
negotiations of Moses and his brother, Aaron, with Pharaoh
the Torah can do justice to its complexity. Major and minor
for the release of Israel from slavery. They also describe Isra-
themes and subplots are skillfully woven throughout the five
el’s liberation through the visitation of plagues against Egypt,
books so that passages in one book are alluded to or even
culminating in the death of firstborn sons. Moses brings the
quoted in others (e.g., Ex. 16:2-3 and Nm. 11:4-6). The the-
freed slaves to a wilderness mountain chosen by God—
matic unity of the Torah, then, fully justifies the rabbinic
Sinai—and there concludes a covenant-making ceremony
view that the books must be copied on a single scroll (B.T.,
that includes the revelation to Moses and Israel of the legal
Git. 60a). The following summary suggests the overall coher-
terms of covenantal service to God (chapters 19-24). At this
ence of the Torah’s narrative across the five books in which
point Israel is in full possession of the covenant revelation
the story is told.
and anticipates rapid entry in the Land of Canaan, where its
terms are to be fulfilled.
The Torah’s master theme organizes diverse stories and
collections of laws into a theologically coherent statement as
With a few crucial narrative interruptions, the details of
well as a compelling historical narrative. The Torah is a his-
these covenantal laws extend from chapter 25 of Exodus,
tory of the expressions of divine love for Israel and of Israel’s
through the entire book of Leviticus, and into the first ten
inability to accept and respond to that love. The theme is
chapters of Numbers. The first narrative interruption in this
given a universal significance in the first eleven chapters of
extensive collection of laws is of great importance to the
Genesis, a complete literary unit that forms a prologue de-
Torah’s overall theme of human rebellion against divine love.
scribing the origins of the world in God’s creative speech
Exodus chapter 32 describes how Israel, just having seen the
(Gn. 1:1-2:4) and the early history of humanity. These chap-
saving power of God in his punishment of Egypt, initially
ters describe various forms of human rebellion from the time
rebels against the terms of its covenant at Sinai. The very first
of the primordial man and woman, Adam and Eve (Gn. 2:4-
divine statement of the covenantal terms was the command-
3:24) and continuing through their descendants: Cain’s
ment to avoid worship of any image as a divinity and to de-
murder of his brother, Abel (Gn. 4:1-16); the violence of
vote cultic service exclusively to the God who redeemed Isra-
Noah’s generation that led to the destruction of nearly all life
el from Egyptian servitude (Ex. 20:1-4). Nevertheless, when
(Gn. 6-9); and the insolence of the generation that sought
Moses is delayed on Sinai in discourse with God, Israel co-
to invade the heavens by building a tower in Babel (Gn.
erces Aaron to supply a cultic icon in the form of a golden
11:1-10).
calf to serve as a focus of religious devotion. Although Israel
atones for this violation, and God’s anger is appeased, a pat-
This history of human rebellion foreshadows the
tern of disloyalty familiar from the first chapters of Genesis
Torah’s depiction of God’s relationship with the family of
has been reestablished.
Abraham and his descendants through his son, Isaac, and
grandson, Jacob. Genesis chapters 12 to 36 describe various
The book of Numbers, from chapter 11, resumes the
covenantal promises sealed between God and these Patri-
theme of Israel’s inability to be loyal to the terms of the di-
archs (Gn. 12:1-4, 15:1-21, 17:1-14, 22:15-19, 26:23-25,
vine covenant. It repeatedly offers stories that illustrate Isra-
28:10-15). Essential to these is the promise of the Land of
el’s lack of trust in God’s power. The most important illus-
Canaan as the eventual dwelling place of the Israelite people.
tration comes in chapters 13 and 14. Two years after the
Thematically, this Land recalls the original Garden in which
liberation from slavery, Moses has lead Israel to the border
Adam and Eve lived and from which they were expelled due
of the Land promised to Abraham. In response to God’s
to their rebellion. It is to be the place in which God and his
word, he sends spies into the Land to help prepare the inva-
human partners dwell together in harmony. But as the
sion. But the spies are intimidated by the might of the Ca-
Torah’s narrative unfolds, it becomes clear that Israel is no
naanite nations living there and convince Israel not to in-
less susceptible than the original humans to the urge to defy
vade. The divine response to this lack of trust is to force
God. Each patriarch lives in the Land for a time, and each
Moses to lead Israel on a wilderness journey lasting thirty-
is tested with various hardships that require him to leave the
eight years, during which the entire generation of adults that
Land. Ultimately, through a combination of famine and cer-
refused to enter the Land dies off. Only thereafter is Israel
tain intrigues involving a plot by Jacob’s eleven sons against
brought again to the Moabite territory adjacent to the Land,
their brother Joseph, all of Jacob’s descendants migrate to
with a new generation prepared to take the Land and divide
Egypt (Gn. 37-50), abandoning entirely the Land promised
it among the tribal descendants of Jacob’s sons (chapters
to them through their ancestor, Abraham.
35-36).
The book of Exodus opens (chapter 1) with a description
The book of Deuteronomy opens with Moses delivering
of the enslavement of Jacob’s descendants to the Egyptian
an extended speech to Israel, assembled on the banks of the
Pharaoh. The focus of chapters 2 to 4 is the figure of Moses,
Jordan River. Moses recounts the history of God’s redemp-
a son of Hebrew slaves, spared from death and raised in the
tive acts and Israel’s ungrateful or rebellious responses, re-
royal household, who discovers his true identity and is called
peating and elaborating on stories told in Exodus and Num-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TORAH
9233
bers. He reviews the covenantal laws delivered on Sinai and
tional Jewish and Christian claims about the Torah’s Mosaic
elaborates in many cases upon their performance. He repeat-
origins, and inspired them to propose a host of theories
edly underscores the fact that Israel’s covenant with God en-
about the historical setting of the Torah’s composition and
tails both a blessing and a curse (e.g., Dn. 11:26-30, 28:1-
the persons or groups responsible for its creation. Since the
68). If Israel obeys the covenantal laws in the Land it will
middle of the nineteenth century, the most influential histor-
prosper there; but disobedience will be punished by war and
ical reconstructions of the composition of the Torah have
exile from the Land. Finally Moses writes down all God has
been associated with the Documentary Hypothesis pro-
told him in a document called the Book of the Torah of
posed, most notably by the German scholar Julius Well-
Moses. Deuteronomy closes with final words of dire predic-
hausen (1844-1918) and refined by generations of later
tion as well as hopeful blessings placed in Moses’ mouth
scholars.
(chapters 32-33). At the end, in chapter 34, Moses dies and
passes on the leadership of the people to his disciple Joshua.
As its name indicates, the Documentary Hypothesis
With this the Torah concludes, its readers fully aware of the
holds that the canonical Torah is a composite literary cre-
eventual fulfillment of Moses’ most dire predictions.
ation composed, in part, of written documents that are more
ancient than the final five-volume narrative into which they
THE FORMATION OF THE CANONICAL TORAH. The canoni-
have been incorporated. These documents may have origi-
cal Torah described above contains many instances of Moses
nated in oral narrative or legal traditions, but for the most
writing down utterances delivered by God. Readers both an-
part circulated in ancient Israelite priestly and scribal circles
cient and modern have wondered about the relation of the
as written sources. Most versions of the hypothesis identify
Torah-text found in the Hebrew Bible to the various docu-
four specific sources, each with its own geographical and
ments that Moses is asserted to have written at divine dicta-
chronological point of origin, and each representing a dis-
tion. Indeed, it is not unusual to read in the Torah that
tinct point of view regarding theology, politics, and, most
Moses wrote down “this Torah” or “these words” in response
importantly, the early history of Israel as a covenant people.
to a divine utterance. But careful readers also note that the
The canonical Torah was created by editors who selected and
antecedent of such expressions can be interpreted plausibly
combined elements from each of these sources in light of
as the immediately preceding divine utterances—or perhaps
their own views about the history of Israel’s covenant rela-
the book of Deuteronomy itself—rather than a series of five
tionship to its God.
books beginning with the creation of the world and ending
with the death of Moses. Nevertheless, virtually all Jewish
Most versions of the Documentary Hypothesis identify
writings known to have been composed during the later Sec-
the four documentary sources as follows. The oldest source,
ond Temple period (c. 400 BCE-70 CE) assume that the
often regarded as originating by the ninth century BCE, is a
Torah which Moses received and copied is identical to the
collection of stories reflecting many of the historical interests
five books found in Torah scrolls. But in some writings, such
of the canonical Torah: stories about early humanity, the Is-
as the preamble to the noncanonical book of Jubilees (c. 160
raelite patriarchs, and the events surrounding the liberation
BCE), it is also assumed that the received Torah is incomplete;
from Egypt. It is characterized by a preference for the proper
Moses received other revelations on Sinai as well and wrote
name, YHWH, in reference to the God of Israel. It also has
them down. These, too, should share the authority of the
a particular interest in events located in the southern part of
Torah of Moses. The early rabbinic sages, in traditions for-
the Land of Israel. It is called the J-source, an indication of
mulated from the second through the fourth centuries CE,
its Judean origins and its preference for the divine name
also believed in the Mosaic origin of the canonical text. But
(spelled jhwh in German). Scholars usually identify its cre-
noticing a host of chronological discrepancies and other tex-
ators as a school of scribes associated with the Davidic dynas-
tual problems, they debated the possibilities that the original
ty in Jerusalem.
revelations were received and transcribed by Moses in an
The second major documentary source is identified as
order that is no longer preserved in the canonical version
the E-source. This reflects its tendency to prefer the divine
(Mekh.Yish., to Ex. 15:9). Others suggested that the last
title Delohim (“God”) in reference to the God of Israel, and
verses of Deuteronomy describing the death of Moses were
a greater degree of interest in depicting the Patriarchs as
written by his disciple, Joshua (B.T., Bava Bat. 14b-15a).
founders of worship sites in the northern part of the Land
The issue of the Mosaic authorship of the canonical text
of Israel, also known as Ephraim. Most scholars regard E as
of the Torah has been a particular focus of modern literary-
a fragmentary source used to supplement and comment on
historical scholarship since at least the seventeenth century.
basic elements of the J-source. Presumably it was composed
The fundamental assumption of modern scholarship is that
in the northern part of the Land of Israel prior to the destruc-
the Torah, like all texts, is an essentially human product
tion of the Northern Israelite Kingdom by the Assyrians in
composed by authors immersed in specific historical situa-
722 BCE. When Ephraimite refugees migrated south to the
tions. Proper interpretation of the Torah, then, involves crit-
Davidic Kingdom they brought their traditions with them.
ical study of the text, reading it for literary, stylistic, and lin-
Over time they were incorporated into the J-source tradi-
guistic clues to the historical setting in which it was
tions to produce a richer and more complex narrative. Some
composed. This assumption has freed historians from tradi-
scholars designate this blended document as JE.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9234
TORAH
The Priestly or P-source stems, as its name indicates,
tive and legal parts of the Torah. But they have also observed
from priestly writers associated with the Temple in Jerusa-
that the so-called “scissors and paste” method of composition
lem. Like J and E, P contains narratives that comment on
proposed by the Documentary Hypothesis has no parallel in
primeval human history, the Patriarchal era, and experience
other ancient literary traditions. These depend heavily upon
of liberation. But its distinctive contribution is enormous
orally transmitted material, much of which undergoes trans-
and includes detailed collections of legal codes focusing
formation due to numerous public performances. This ne-
largely, but hardly exclusively, on cultic rules of sacrifice,
glect of the oral-traditional dimension of the Torah, when
matters of cultic purity, sexual and dietary behavior, and
combined with the failure of documentary critics to reach
other matters concerned with the separation of the Israelite
total consensus on the range of each documentary source, has
community from various sources of ritual contamination.
drawn charges that the method of documentary analysis is
These are richly represented in Leviticus and Numbers in
too subjective to provide a definitive historical account of the
particular. The P-source was at first thought by scholars to
composition of the Torah. Nevertheless, at the beginning of
be relatively recent, even postexilic in composition. Most
the twenty-first century no other theory of the Torah’s ori-
opinion holds that it is probably pre-exhilic in origin, al-
gins and composition has won a consensus among contem-
though it may incorporate certain revisions and additions
porary academic historians of ancient Israel’s literature.
stemming from postexilic priestly editors.
TORAH AS REVELATION. As much as the term Torah is ety-
The final source of the Torah, according to the Docu-
mologically linked to the idea of teaching, it is in all forms
mentary Hypothesis, survives in the Torah largely intact as
of Judaism linked rhetorically to the idea of revelation, i.e.,
the book of Deuteronomy. It is called D. Most regard it as
teaching that stems from a transmundane source. Like the
having been composed by 621 BCE in order to justify, in
other monotheistic religions originating in the Middle East
terms of Mosaic authority, King Josiah’s program for a re-
(i.e., Christianity and Islam), Judaism is grounded in claims
form of Israelite cultic practices. Its continual preoccupation
to possess revealed texts or doctrines. Since at least the early
is that Israel’s tenure on the Land is dependent upon total
Second Temple period, the text of the Torah of Moses has
opposition to idolatry in all its forms and the destruction of
served as the paradigmatic revelation. Specifically, the docu-
non-Israelite shrines throughout the Land. In its present
ment inscribed on the scroll of the Torah stems from a dis-
form, Deuteronomy is the introduction to a larger historical
closure of God’s love and will to Moses. But this is not to
work, called by scholars the Deuteronomic History, extend-
say that Judaism in all times and places has had a single con-
ing from the scriptural books of Joshua through 2 Kings. De-
ception of revelation or of how the Torah found in the canon
utronomy closes with Moses’ prediction of Israel’s failure to
of Scripture and in other more recent writings is related to
heed the covenant, and the Deuteronomic History concludes
the actual words disclosed to Moses.
with a description of the destruction of Jerusalem and the
The writings of Palestinian Jewish scribes from the Sec-
deportation of its royal house and priests. Accordingly, most
ond Temple period, whose pens produced dozens of books
scholars argue that D and the history attached to it are pre-
represented as revelations disclosed to ancient prophets and
exilic works completed in the wake of Jerusalem’s destruc-
sages from Abraham to Ezra, commonly accepted a steno-
tion and the onset of the period of exile.
graphic model of revelation derived from the depictions of
There remains in the twenty-first century no universal
Moses found throughout the Torah itself (e.g., 4 Ezr. 14:37-
consensus about precisely how to divide the canonical Torah
48). Just as ancient authors commonly dictated their books
into the constituent four source documents. Debates contin-
to scribal copyists, so God dictated his teachings to his pro-
ue as well regarding the dating and identity of the authors—
phetic scribe, Moses. Some Second Temple scribal circles,
whether individuals or “schools”—that stand behind the
however, asserted that Moses had written down more of the
sources. Most contemporary scholars accept the view that the
divine revelation than was contained in the scroll anchoring
final work of editing the various sources into their present
the growing collection of scriptural literature. Both the book
form must have been done sometime between the destruc-
of Jubilees, many copies of which were found among the
tion of Jerusalem in 587 BCE and the career of the priest, Ezra
Dead Sea Scrolls, and the singular Temple Scroll, represent
(c. 450-398 BCE), depicted in the books of Ezra and Nehemi-
themselves as records of revelation to Moses. Presumably, the
ah as imposing the laws of the Torah of Moses upon the Ju-
authors or groups promoting these works as revelation af-
dean community.
firmed that they, no less than the canonical Torah, constitut-
ed authoritative, divinely authorized teaching.
Also in contemporary times, the Documentary Hypoth-
esis has been subject to some heated criticism by historians
Despite the popularity of the stenographic model of rev-
who regard as implausible the hypothesis’s principle scenar-
elation in Palestinian scribal circles, there is at least one Jew-
io: that the Torah was created by an editorial team that took
ish source from the late Second Temple period that suggests
apart and recombined elements of earlier written sources.
a rather different view. In the opinion of Philo (15 BCE–45
Many contemporary students of oral tradition in ancient
CE), a philosophically trained Jew who thrived in the Greco-
scribal cultures, like those of ancient Israel and early Judaism,
Roman culture of Alexandria, Egypt, Moses was more than
acknowledge that written sources may lie behind both narra-
the copyist of the Torah. Rather, in Philo’s view, Moses was
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TORAH
9235
the author of the Torah (e.g., On the Sacrifices of Abel and
Nat., A:15). Other Jewish groups of the Second Temple peri-
Cain, 12, 94). He wrote his book in a state of philosophical
od had asserted the existence of books of revelations that
closeness to God that constituted prophetic illumination. In
were not contained in the Torah of Moses. But the rabbinic
Philo’s view, Moses’ narratives and laws are the external form
claim is unique in insisting that this revelation was not found
that concealed the deeper philosophical truths taught long
in books, but only available as oral tradition learned at the
after Moses’ death by Socrates and Plato. Only by applica-
feet of rabbinic sages themselves. Indeed, in rabbinic termi-
tion of allegorical methods of interpretation, Philo held,
nology, the “study of Torah” (talmud torah) refers specifically
could the philosophical content of the Torah be recovered.
to the study of the written and oral Torah, for Torah had
This content, only alluded to allegorically in the concrete
become the comprehensive term denoting the entirety of
text of the Torah’s stories and laws, constituted for Philo the
teachings recognized by rabbinic tradition as authoritative.
true revelation to Moses. The revelation of the Torah was the
By early medieval times, rabbinic scribes and teachers had
perception of philosophical truth disclosed to the human
come to preserve oral Torah in discrete written compilations,
mind in a state of prophetic ecstasy (e.g., On the Sacrifices
most importantly, the Mishnah and its Talmudic commen-
of Abel and Cain, 78).
taries. These were routinely memorized by rabbinic disciples,
whose discussions and inquiries into the texts of oral Torah
Medieval Jewish thinkers, entirely independently of
continued the oral tradition despite the use of writing in its
Philo, would revive the idea of the Torah as an allegory
preservation.
whose truths had to be decoded through appropriate inter-
pretive systems. But they would do so in a way deeply influ-
TORAH AS LAW AND ONTOLOGICAL PRINCIPLE. The term
enced by Rabbinic Judaism, the form of Judaism that grew
torah, in addition to its specific sense of “teaching” and the
to dominate Mediterranean and Middle Eastern Jews from
more comprehensive suggestion of “revealed teaching,” has
the second century CE until the rise of Islam in the seventh
also served to convey the concept of “legal rule.” This mean-
century. In its classical form, as found in the later Talmudic
ing is already well attested in the Hebrew Bible (e.g., Nm.
literature of Late Antiquity, the rabbinic theory of revelation
19:14). It is confirmed as well in the penchant of Greek-
is grounded in three basic conceptions.
speaking Jews and early Christians to refer to their collection
of scriptures as “the Law” (ho nomos; Matt. 5:17). Within
The first is that “Torah is from Heaven” (M. San.
classical rabbinic Judaism, the written Torah served as a fun-
10:1)—that is, the God of Israel is the exclusive source of
damental source of civil and ritual law. Rabbinic sages, func-
the Torah. In holding this view, the rabbinic sages shared the
tioning as jurisprudents, interpreted and applied the law
views of generations of Palestinian Jewish scribes before
within the traditional framework of the oral Torah.
them, who regarded Moses as a kind of stenographer taking
dictation from the God of Israel. The sages also accepted an-
A homiletic passage of the Babylonian Talmud (B.T.)
other element of Second Temple Jewish thought, the idea
(Mak. 24a) asserts that God had revealed in the written
that certain writings produced after the time of Moses were
Torah no less than 613 specific commandments (mitsvot;
disclosed to religious teachers—prophets in the line of Mosa-
sing. mitsvah). The Talmud nowhere lists these command-
ic authority but subordinate to him in status—whose writ-
ments, a task that would be taken up by many medieval legal
ings were the result of inspiration by the “holy spirit” (ruah
codifiers. Nevertheless, the conceptual tools and interpretive
haqodesh: e.g., B.T., Meg. 7a). Rabbinic discussion of the ex-
principles for identifying these commandments and applying
tent of the canon of the Hebrew Bible revolved in part
them in practical affairs were transmitted in the oral Torah
around the criterion of inspiration (T. Yad. 2:14). Thus the
tradition (e.g., the Bar. Yish.). These yielded the authorita-
relatively recent book of Daniel, composed around 167 BCE,
tive procedures (halakhot; sing. halakhah) for embodying the
is included within the rabbinic scriptural canon on the basis
commandments in the covenant life of Israel. In practice, the
of its attribution to an ancient seer from the Exilic period.
legal force of a commandment in the written Torah was de-
But an older work, a collection of wise sayings from the pen
limited exclusively by the meaning ascribed to it in the
of the Temple Scribe Yeshua ben Sirach (included in Chris-
halakhic tradition of the oral Torah, regardless of what the
tian collections of the Apocrypha as the Wisdom of ben Sira,
semantic meaning of the commandment might suggest.
c. 180 BCE), was not included in the rabbinic canon, despite
Thus, to take a famous example, the written Torah’s com-
its popularity among rabbinic sages as a source of wisdom.
mandment to take “an eye for an eye” in the case of damages
caused by negligence (Ex. 21:23) is defined halakhically to
The third key element in the rabbinic conception of rev-
mean that the responsible party must compensate the victim
elation is that the Sinaitic revelation to Moses included two
financially for his or her loss (e.g., Mek. Yish. to Ex. 21:23).
intertwined but discrete bodies of teaching. One of these, the
actual scroll of the Torah of Moses (and by extension, later
The most decisive development in rabbinic conceptions
books included in the rabbinic scriptural canon), was called
of Torah as a legal system was the emergence of various at-
the written Torah (e.g., Tanh.-Bub., to Ex. 19:1). But in ad-
tempts to systematically organize the vast legal discussions of
dition, God had disclosed an unwritten body of knowledge
the Talmudic literature into manageable codes that could
which alone could unlock the secrets of the written Torah.
serve the needs of rabbinic courts and educated laity. First
This unwritten revelation is called the oral Torah (e.g., Avot
in the Islamic world, and then in Latin Christendom, rabbin-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9236
TORAH
ic scholars produced a series of influential halakhic collec-
themes. Many of these formulations were inspired by polem-
tions. These experimented with a variety of organizational
ical interactions. The pioneering figure in the Jewish philo-
formats. The She Diltot of Rabbi Aha (c. 750), for example,
sophical tradition, Rabbi SaDadia ben Joseph (882-942) pro-
organized halakhic norms in tandem with the rabbinically
duced his masterpiece, The Book of Opinions and Beliefs, in
prescribed Torah readings for the Sabbath which served as
part as an effort to demonstrate to rationalist critics the ratio-
their sources. Others, such as the halakhic digest of Rabbi
nality of the Torah as a legal system stemming from God and
Isaac Al-Fasi (1013-1103), followed the traditional sequence
disclosed in its complete and final form to Israel’s prophets.
of Talmudic tractates, extracting essential halakhic conclu-
Deeply influenced by the rationalist Islamic school known
sions from the give-and-take of the debates within which the
as the MutEazilite Kalam, SaDadia hoped to use the Kalam’s
Talmud had preserved them. The most innovative and ency-
own rigorous methodology to demonstrate the intellectual
clopedic attempt at codification was the Mishneh Torah,
sufficiency of Torah as a comprehensive source of divine
composed by Moses ben Maimon (“Maimonides,” 1135-
knowledge. Building upon traditional Talmudic distinctions
1204). He organized all of rabbinic halakhah within the
between pragmatic rules (mishpatim) and inscrutable divine
framework of fourteen major topical headings, each of which
decrees (huqqim), SaDadia argued that both were absolutely
included several subheadings, all arranged in scrupulous logi-
essential in the context of the Torah as revelation. Laws self-
cal sequence. Subsequent codes, such as Rabbi Jacob ben
evidently necessary for social order, such as the prohibition
Asher’s DArb Ea Turim (fourteenth century) and Rabbi Joseph
against murder (Ex. 20:13), were entirely susceptible to ratio-
Caro’s Shulhan DArukh (sixteenth century) revised Maimoni-
nal explanation. Apparently absurd requirements, such as the
des’s comprehensive organizational categories. They also nar-
injunction against certain types of foods (e.g. Lv. 11:1ff.), on
rowed Maimonides’s scope, focusing only upon halakhic
the other hand, required revelationbecause unaided reason
norms that governed the daily life of individuals and the
would never discover them as the will of God. In this sense,
community as a corporate entity. Thus, vast halakhic topics
the rational laws of the Torah are a crucial part of revelation
that depended upon the existence of the Jerusalem Temple
because they inspire confidence in the inscrutable divine will
were excluded, despite their extensive treatment by Maimon-
that commands as well the nonrational prohibitions and in-
ides. The primary categories developed in the DArb Ea Turim
junctions of the Torah (Book of Beliefs and Opinions,
have become conventional in later rabbinic halakhic think-
III.3–5).
ing until contemporary times. They are DOrakh Hayyim (laws
governing the liturgical cycle of the day, week, and year);
Reflection on the rationality of the Torah as a source
Yoreh De Eah (ritual laws, such as the dietary restrictions, that
of law, a characteristic leitmotif of the Jewish philosophical
signify the holiness of the Jewish community); Hoshen Mish-
tradition since the time of SaDadia, reached its high point in
pat (the topics of civil and criminal law); and DEven Ha’ezer
the work of Maimonides. An Aristotelian critic of the Kalam,
(halakhot governing the contraction, duration, and dissolu-
Maimonides argued for the complete rational intelligibility
tion of marriage).
of all of the laws of the Torah. He did so both by philosophi-
cal argument and jurisprudential demonstration. Maimoni-
In addition to this halakhic-jurisprudential develop-
des’ great codification of the halakhah, discussed above, dem-
ment of the meaning of Torah as “law,” classical rabbinic tra-
onstrated the rational integrity and complete harmony of the
dition also suggested that Torah constituted a kind of law
entire body of written and oral Torah. By contrast, Maimon-
of being, “a precious instrument through which the world
ides’ principal philosophical work, the Guide of the Perplexed,
was created” (M. Avot 3:14). The thought was driven home
offered a powerful defense of the rationality of the Torah as
vividly in midrashic settings, in which the Torah was likened
a guide to the perfection of human beings as creatures of
to an architect’s blueprint that proved indispensable to the
God. He rejected earlier distinctions, such as those of
builder of a palace (Ber. Rab. 1:1) or claimed to have existed
SaDadia, between rational and nonrational commandments,
for 947 generations prior to the creation of the world (B.T.,
arguing instead for the conceptual cogency of the entire sys-
Zev. 116a). Such suggestions that the Torah in some sense
tem of revealed law as developed in the oral Torah. Acknowl-
preceded the creation of the world entailed, of course, a radi-
edging that the rationality of some commandments was
cal disassociation of Torah, conceived as a principle of being,
more immediately clear than others, he insisted that the
from the specific writings found in books. Torah, in the con-
Torah’s law remains the most complete and incomparable
text of such discussions, now denoted an ontological princi-
disclosure of the divine will in human language (Guide of the
ple that transcended the existence of the historical Torah of
Perplexed III:26-28).
Moses, even as the latter pointed toward and symbolized that
ontological reality.
When thinking about the ontological dimension of the
Torah, thinkers such as SaDadia and Maimonides hesitated
The jurisprudential and ontological developments of
to subscribe to the idea of the Torah as a pre-existent onto-
the idea of Torah among the sages of Late Antiquity provid-
logical principle that pervaded creation. In their view, to
ed the foundations upon which medieval rabbinic intellectu-
speak of the Torah pre-existing the world was tantamount
als, responding to larger movements in Islamic and Christian
to questioning the fundamental belief that God created the
thought and piety, created fresh formulations of these
world from nothing. Torah could reflect, as law, the mind
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TORAH
9237
and will of God, but it could not be conceived as something
1609) and the Vilna Gaon (Rabbi Elijah ben Solomon:
co-eternal with God. This type of ontological thinking about
1720-1797). The writings of Rabbi Haim Vital and the
Torah, in fact, became characteristic of the qabbalistic tradi-
Maharal were particularly influential in the development of
tion, a distinctly antiphilosophical movement of Spanish and
Eastern European Hasidism, a revivalist movement founded
southern French pietists that began to take shape in the elev-
in the eighteenth century. The idea of Torah as an ontologi-
enth through thirteenth centuries.
cal principle of being is richly represented in the early Ha-
sidic writings of such influential masters as Rabbi ShneDur
Qabbalists such as Rabbi Todros Abulafia (1220-1298,
Zalman of Liady (1745-1813), author of Tanya, and Rabbi
writing in DOtsar Hakavod, to Shab. 28b), tended to reject
Menahem Nahum of Chernobyl (1730-1797), the author of
as hubris the Maimonidean idea that the human mind could
Me Dor EEnayim.
justify divine commandments through the exercise of reason.
All of the 613 commandments—the reasonable as well the
TORAH AS A RECORD OF JEWISH MORAL AND HISTORICAL
absurd—were profound mysteries fulfilling some hidden
EXPERIENCE. In the contemporary world it is still possible
purpose in the economy of creation. In qabbalistic thought,
to find communities of Jews remaining ideologically com-
which reprised certain neo-Platonic themes that had origi-
mitted to stenographic conceptions of the revelation of the
nally inspired Jewish philosophers as well, thinking about the
Torah. For the most part, such Jews structure their behavior
Torah as law and ontological principle was, in fact, elegantly
exclusively in light of the oral Torah’s halakhic tradition as
combined. The pioneering Talmudist, biblical interpreter,
defined in the Shulhan DArukh, and regard the Torah as a cre-
and qabbalist Rabbi Moses ben Nahman (“Nahmanides,”
ative principle at the heart of reality. But they consider them-
1194-1270), asserted in the introduction to his commentary
selves—and are so considered by most other Jews—as ultra-
on the Torah that the Torah is nothing less than the being
orthodox rejectionists, opposed to all influences of Western
of God in linguistic form, a series of divine names. Reflecting
civilization upon Judaism. Accordingly, their intellectual im-
such conceptions, writers such as Azriel of Gerona (early thir-
pact upon the thought of Jews more accepting of modern
teenth century) conceived the 613 commandments of the
civilization has tended to be minimal. Of far greater influ-
halakhic tradition metaphorically as the “limbs” of God,
ence in most forms of contemporary Jewish thinking about
each limb corresponding to an appropriate human limb for
the Torah are intellectual traditions that emerged in the con-
which that commandment was destined (Per. Ag., 37). On
text of modern European Protestant religious thought and
this view, the “reason” for the commandments had nothing
went on to shape much of the intellectual style of modernity.
to do with rational justification of the divine will. Rather, a
These include in particular an ethical universalism associated
Jew’s performance of commandments according to their
with the philosopher Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), a ro-
halakhic prescriptions effected a communication of being be-
mantic focus on personal religious experience stemming
tween God and his creatures (e.g., Zoh. II: 165b). The Zohar,
from the work of the theologian Friedrich Schleiermacher
a canonical expression of thirteenth-century Qabbalah, ex-
(1768-1834), and an idealist search for the patterns of histor-
ical development that achieved influential formulation in the
pressed this principle as a kind of axiom: “Three dimensions
philosophy of G. W. F. Hegel (1770-1831).
of being are bound up with each other—the Blessed Holy
One, Torah, and Israel” (Zoh. III:73a). That is to say, Torah
These traditions stand behind three fundamental shifts
is at one and the same time a system of law and the root of
in Jewish thinking about the Torah in the past two centuries.
all existence. By enacting the law, Israel unifies the limbs of
The first, inspired by Kant, is the shift from conceiving
God into their ideal configuration, thus bringing blessing to
Torah as a legal instrument requiring absolute obedience to
the world (Zoh. II:85b).
conceiving it as a source of eternal moral values and ethical
norms. Thinkers following in this tradition include, among
The qabbalistic unification of Torah as law with Torah
others, Moritz Lazarus (1824-1903), Hermann Cohen
as a principle of being proved immensely influential. The
(1842-1918), and Leo Baeck (1873-1956), all of whom
Jewish philosophical tradition, which had never engaged
found the essence of Judaism to be in the Torah as the first
more than a relatively small minority of Jews, would essen-
historical expression of ethical monotheism. The Torah re-
tially die out by the sixteenth century. But from the thir-
mains essential, in this view, as an ongoing inspiration to
teenth century onward, qabbalistic ideas transmitted in the
moral seriousness and universal ethical concern on the part
Zohar and by its exegetical interpreters came to dominate
of the Jewish people. The ritual and civil laws of the Torah
much of the rabbinic intellectual leadership. Indeed, one of
are no longer literally binding upon Jews, although the ethi-
the last great Jewish philosophers, Hasdai Crescas (1340-
cal values informing them abide.
1410), was himself deeply sympathetic to the Qabbalah’s in-
sistence that the Torah could not be comprehended by
The second shift, inspired by Schleiermacher, moves the
human rationality. Qabbalistic perspectives on Torah are
traditional notion of revelation in the direction of personal
also represented in the writings of later intellectual leaders,
subjectivity, transforming the giving of the Torah from an
such as Rabbi Isaac Abarbanel (1437-1508), Rabbi Moses
historical event to a moral and psychological experience. For
Alshekh (c. 1590), Rabbi Haim Vital (1542-1620), the
much of modern Jewish religious thought, the Torah is con-
Maharal of Prague (Rabbi Judah Loewe ben Betsalel: 1525-
ceived as a written record of the profound personal religious
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9238
TORAH
experiences enjoyed by Israel’s prophets and still retrievable
observance of Torah—paradigmatically, the tradition of re-
for the modern reader through the proper interpretation of
ceived halakhic norms—enables Jews to transform their bro-
the text. A brilliant and influential exponent of this view was
ken human existence in accordance with the ideal construct
Abraham Geiger (1810-1874), the founder of Reform Juda-
of human personhood imagined for all humanity at the time
ism. In the middle of the twentieth century, the existentially
of creation.
oriented philosophical and hermeneutical writings of Martin
At the beginning of the twentieth-first century, Torah
Buber (1878-1965) brought this theme to the attention of
continues to occupy a central place in Jewish religious dis-
a wide audience. Buber focused upon revelation as the matrix
course. All of the traditional themes of modern Jewish con-
of an I-Thou relationship with God as the Eternal Thou. He
ceptions of the Torah—the ethical, the personalist, and the
was famous for insisting that the laws of the Torah could
historicist—have their exponents and these conceptions con-
only constitute revelation if they were subjectively experi-
tinue to be refined in both popular and academic writings.
enced as commandments by the individual.
A potentially significant development in more recent decades
Finally, the third shift involves a revision of the relation-
is the emergence of an explicitly “postmodernist” style of
ship of the Torah to historical and cultural processes. Classi-
Jewish thought inspired by developments in European phi-
cally, the Torah is transhuman and originates with God. For
losophy and literary studies associated with a movement
most modern Jewish thinkers, the Torah—both as a collec-
known as “Deconstruction.” Emanuel Levinas (1905-1995),
tion of texts and as a system of values—is a tradition that de-
the French author of both philosophical works and Talmud-
veloped in accord with historical processes and under a vari-
ic commentaries, has been influential in this trend, particu-
ety of cultural influences. This shift can ultimately be traced
larly among American thinkers. The principle tendency of
back to the influence of Hegel’s notion of history as the tem-
Jewish postmodernism is to expose the ideological underpin-
poral unfolding of an eternal Absolute Spirit that would
nings of the primary pillars of modern thought in general—
eventually come, through the dialectical patterns intrinsic to
its claim to ethical ultimacy and historically comprehensive
the logic of its own being, to a complete self-consciousness
vision. By depriving modern thought of its absolute authori-
of itself. This conception was first applied to the history of
ty over values and visions of the past, Jewish postmodernists
Judaism by Nahman Krochmal (1785-1840). He viewed the
have begun to experiment with new ways of engaging the
Torah in dialectical terms as both the product of historical
texts of Torah—broadly conceived now as the entire sum of
Jewish experience and the eternal, ideal structure of that ex-
texts that disclose dimensions of Jewish existence. It remains
perience. The influential writings of the twentieth-century
to be seen how these new ways of reading will influence Jew-
philosopher Franz Rosenzweig (1886-1929) take issue with
ish conceptions of Torah in coming decades.
much of Hegelian idealism, but remain deeply committed
TORAH STUDY AS A FORM OF JUDAIC PIETY. A famous rab-
to the concept of the eternality of the Torah as a unique
binic text included in the rabbinic ritual for daily morning
structure of Jewish being and consciousness. Rosenzweig’s
blessings concludes its list of praiseworthy acts with the
interchange of letters with Buber over the nature of the
phrase “and the study of Torah overrides all of them” (tal-
Torah’s commandments as revelation remains a crucial sign-
mud torah keneged kulam: P.T., Pe Dah 1:1). This phrase sum-
post in the history of modern Jewish thinking about the
marizes the centrality of Torah study in rabbinic Judaism.
Torah.
To a certain degree the study of the Torah of Moses is given
a high evaluation in a variety of Second Temple-period Jew-
Throughout the twentieth century, modern Jewish reli-
ish settings (cf. Ps. 119, Preface to the Wisdom of ben Sira,
gious thought in the United States, Europe, and the State
and Rule of the Community, QS 6:6-8). But in rabbinic Juda-
of Israel has elaborated upon the Torah as a source of Jewish
ism, which coalesced over a century after the destruction of
ethics, a record of Jewish religious insight, and a product of
the Jerusalem Temple in 70 CE, Torah study came to occupy
Jewish historical and cultural experience. For the most part,
a new role. It was conceived as a form of piety which, on a
this conversation has proceeded without the contribution of
par with formal public worship, substituted for the vanished
those Jews, mostly of Eastern European and Middle Eastern
sacrificial service performed in ancient times by the Jerusa-
origin, who for a variety of reasons have rejected modern cul-
lem priesthood (B.T., Meg. 16b). Both activities were regard-
ture in principle. A singular exception is Rabbi Joseph B.
ed by sages as world-sustaining acts which, like sacrifice itself,
Soloveitchik (1903-1992), descendant of a prestigious family
drew divine energy into the world and ensured its being (e.g.,
of Lithuanian Talmudists, and the principal mid-twentieth-
M. Avot 1:2). Indeed, it is not uncommon for rabbinic sages
century exponent of modern Orthodox Judaism. Fully con-
to suggest that Torah study may be even more important
versant with the Kantian, Scheiermachian, and Hegelian
than prayer and performance of other commandments as a
foundations of modern theology, Soloveitchik devoted him-
form of sacrificial worship (e.g., B.T., Qid. 40b). Like public
self to constructing a workable theory of the continued au-
prayer, however, talmud torah was conceived by rabbinic
thority of the halakhic tradition of written and oral Torah
sages as a paradigmatically male form of divine service (B.T.,
over Jewish life. For Soloveitchik, the halakhic tradition em-
Qid. 29a). Accordingly, for most of the history of rabbinic
bodies an historically given and existentially grounded mode
Judaism, Torah study has been primarily a male activity,
of human consciousness. Intellectual mastery and scrupulous
deemed crucial in the shaping of masculine Jewish identity.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TORAH
9239
The character of Torah study in classical rabbinic times
The premium on memorized mastery of the written text
can be inferred from careful study of the surviving rabbinic
and its commentaries, in conjunction with distinct method-
literature. It is clear, first of all, from the remarkable facility
ological approaches derived from nineteenth- and twentieth-
of midrashic literature in finding the most obscure biblical
century innovators, continues to be the distinguishing trait
texts to make an exegetical point, that many rabbinic sages
of yeshivah-grounded Torah study in contemporary Ortho-
had full recall of virtually the entire canon of the written
dox and Hasidic centers of Torah study throughout the
Torah. Indeed, a common form of Palestinian rabbinic en-
world. Curricula vary depending upon the specific ideologi-
tertainment included competitions in stringing the most im-
cal commitments of distinct communities. For example clas-
pressive list of biblical verses under specific themes (P.T.,
sical Hasidic sources are not commonly taught in yeshivot
Hag. 2:2). The disciples of sages were also expected to master
founded by anti-Hasidic authorities. Nevertheless, the core
the emerging tradition of oral Torah. Whereas written ver-
of contemporary Torah study remains the Babylonian Tal-
sions of such crucial texts as the Mishnah may have circulat-
mud and the commentaries printed on its margins and in the
ed as early as the third century, the preferred way to study
appendices to each printed volume. Closely associated with
oral Torah was by hearing the text recited by a teacher or an
study of the Talmud is careful analysis of the traditional me-
official text-memorizer (B.T., Git. 60b). Disciples would re-
dieval codes, particularly those of Maimonides, Rabbi Jacob
hearse their oral texts prior to examination by a master, often
ben Asher, and Rabbi Joseph Caro, with their panoply of as-
using distinctive tunes (T. Oh.16:8) or other mnemonic
sociated commentaries and supercommentaries. A recent in-
techniques (B.T., Hor.12a) as an aid to memorization. The
novation in many contemporary yeshivot is the inclusion
master would then review not only the orallymemorized text
within the curriculum of explicitly theological studies (hash-
(B.T., EEruv. 54b), but engage the student in extemporane-
qafah). Examples might include the more philosophical pas-
ous analysis of the text in comparison with other texts on
sages of Maimonides’s Mishneh Torah, works of classical
connected themes (B.T., Bava Qam. 117a).
Qabbalah, or works of ethical self-scrutiny stemming from
The rabbinic disciple-communities of late antiquity
the nineteenth-century Musar movement founded by Rabbi
were rather small circles associated with individual sages.
Israel Salanter (1786-1866).
Torah study in this setting was, therefore, part of an evolving
Among contemporary Jews, the primacy of Torah study
relationship between teacher and student. In medieval times
as a Judaic religious value is felt even beyond the circles of
the expansion of the rabbinic community and the conse-
traditional yeshivot. The explosion of electronic media and
quent production of written compendia of the Talmudic tra-
an ongoing industry in the translation of classical Judaica
dition engendered important changes in the character of
into a variety of languages has enabled the creation of novel
Torah study. Large institutionalized schools of rabbinic edu-
settings for popular as well as advanced Torah study. Similar-
cation (yeshivot; sing. yeshivah) were created and the study of
ly, the revolutionary achievements of feminism in Western
a fixed text, often encountered primarily in written form,
culture have affected most Jewish communities. Since the
began to replace the process of oral memorization. By the
latter half of the twentieth century, Torah study was made
tenth century, written commentaries by especially influential
widely available to women in the more liberal religious de-
masters (e.g., Rabbi HananDel ben HushiDel of Kairouan,
nominations. Most recently, certain Orthodox communities
Rashi of Troyes) began to circulate in manuscript copies as
in both the United States and the State of Israel have experi-
part of the Torahcurriculum and came as well to be regarded
mented with opening advanced Torah study to women.
as part of the oral Torah.
Contemporary Jewish communities of any size will have
The emergence of print technology in the late fifteenth
multiple outlets for the study of Jewish history and tradition
century was embraced by rabbinic authorities as providential,
at diverse levels in synagogues or community centers. Many
for it enabled the wide dissemination of both the written and
of these, based upon Western educational models, take the
the oral Torah in uniform formats that transcended local tex-
form of classes for children and adults on various themes and
tual differences and scribal practices. The expansion of pro-
include the study of the written and oral Torah in the origi-
found Talmudic scholarship in sixteenth- through seven-
nal languages and in accessible translations. Whereas such
teenth-century Eastern Europe was in part enabled by the
contexts do not yet provide the comprehensive technical
production of printed copies of rabbinic literature for use in
mastery and ideological élan of Orthodox yeshivot, they testi-
the great yeshivot. Thanks to printers, the prodigious memo-
fy to the continued significance of Torah study as a form of
ries encouraged by Talmudic learning were aided by the pro-
Jewish identification.
duction of text editions in which identical, clearly printed
words could be found on the exact same page of hundreds
TORAH SCROLL AS AN OBJECT OF RITUAL DEVOTION. The
of copies of a given rabbinic work throughout the Jewish
Torah in Judaism is more than a subject of study. The scroll
world. Whereas this premium on memorization led at times
of the Torah, read aloud in the synagogue liturgies of the
to a rather arid academicism, various educational reforms re-
Sabbath, holy days, and at other prescribed occasions, is Ju-
newed rigorous conceptual analysis of Talmudic discourse
daism’s most important ritual object. It is invested with a nu-
under various pedagogical theories until well into the nine-
minous quality—qedushah (“holiness”)—which, like other
teenth century.
ritual objects described in the anthropological studies of trib-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9240
TORAH
al cultures around the world, is conceived both as a source
congregants will be honored with an “ascent” (Ealiyah) to the
of charisma and as something deeply vulnerable to violation.
Torah. The term ascent intentionally recalls Moses’ ascent to
The qedushah invested in the scroll must therefore be pro-
Sinai. During these ascents a preselected passage will be read
tected. This protection is afforded by ritual activities that
aloud, normally by a professional reader. Each person who
surround all aspects of its handling.
ascends to the Torah recites, before and after the reading, a
benediction of thanks to God for the privilege of having re-
The ritualization of the scroll begins even prior to its
ceived the Torah. During the reading, the reader keeps track
first use in public synagogue worship. Complex halakhic re-
of the text with a silver or wood pointer (yad), so as to avoid
quirements surround every stage of its creation. These govern
touching the scroll. At the conclusion of the final ascent, the
the preparation of the hides and inks used by the scribe, the
Torah, now unfurled to expose a minimum of three columns
shapes of the letters used in writing, the spellings of the
of its text, is raised high in the hands of a designated congre-
words in the text, and the paragraphing of textual units. The
gant. At this the congregation points to the scroll and intones
scribe, who must copy the text letter-by-letter from another
the following formula from the Torah itself (Dn. 4:44):
suitable scroll, will have rinsed his hands prior to setting to
“This is the Torah which Moses placed before the children
work to ensure the requisite degree of bodily purity. Women
of Israel at God’s command, by Moses’ hand.” The scroll is
whose menstrual cycles render them ritually unclean for cer-
then rolled, returned to its sheath, and carried in a second
tain periods of each month may not serve as scribes for this
adorational procession back to its storage place in the ark.
reason.
Like all sacred objects, Torah scrolls can become defiled
Once it is ready for use, a Torah scroll must still be pro-
and disqualified for liturgical use (pasul). For example, cons-
tected from defilement through contact with sources of im-
tant use over the years may cause ink to chip from the scroll,
purity, including the hands of synagogue worshipers. The
rendering a word illegible. This is sufficient to prevent the
means of protecting the scroll also serve a second function
scroll from being read until the ink is restored by a duly qual-
of drawing attention to and beautifying it. It is wrapped in
ified scribe. Tears in the parchment and other minor repairs
a finely made, embroidered sheath or case. Often it will be
may also be made to restore the scroll to service. But if a
adorned as well with finely wrought silver crowns and breast-
scroll suffers massive irreparable damage—as in a fire or
plates. Thus protected from random touching, the scroll is
other disaster—the scroll is retired from use. In some com-
stored in a specially designed, ornate cabinet at the very front
munities, a defiled scroll is afforded the honor due to a
of the synagogue. This cabinet is normally called the Daron
human corpse and buried. In others it is stored in a special
haqodesh (“the holy ark”) and recalls the box in which Moses
storage area (Genizah) with other damaged books that con-
placed the stone tablets that represented the covenant be-
tain the divine name and, therefore, cannot be intentionally
tween Israel and God.
destroyed.
The formal liturgy of reading the Torah in public is also
deeply enmeshed in ritual performances. These call to mind
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the charismatic qedushah of the scroll and, at the same time,
Amir, Yehoshua. “Authority and Interpretation of Scripture in the
assimilate the empirical, existing scroll in the synagogue to
Writings of Philo.” In Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and
the Torah of Moses revealed on Sinai and stored in the origi-
Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and
nal holy ark. When, at the appropriate liturgical moment,
Early Christianity, edited by Martin Jan Mulder,
the ark is opened, the entire congregation must rise to atten-
pp. 421–454. Philadelphia, 1988.
tion, as if royalty had entered the room. At this point the
Campbell, Antony F., and Mark A. O’Brien, eds. Sources of the
worshippers recite in unison a verse from the Torah: “And
Pentateuch: Texts, Introductions, Annotations. Minneapolis,
when the Ark began to move, Moses said: ‘Arise, O Lord,
1993.
and scatter your enemies, and may those who hate you flee
Goodblatt, David. Rabbinic Instruction in Sasanian Babylonia. Lei-
from before you’” (Nm. 10:35). The scroll is then borne
den, Netherlands, 1975.
around the synagogue in a solemn procession accompanied
Heller, Marvin J. Printing the Talmud: A History of the Earliest
by the singing of texts from the book of Psalms. During this
Printed Editions of the Talmud. Brooklyn, 1992.
procession, worshippers engage in formal acts of adoration—
Jaffee, Martin S. Torah in the Mouth: Writing and Oral Tradition
particularly, touching the sheath with a prayer shawl or
in Palestinian Judaism, c. 200 BCE–400 CE. New York, 2001.
prayer book, and kissing the place on the shawl or book that
Kanarfogel, Ephraim. Jewish Education and Society in the High
touched the Torah. At the end of the procession, the scroll
Middle Ages. Detroit, 1991.
is brought to a reading table, usually in the front of the con-
Kellner, Menachem. Dogma in Medieval Jewish Thought: From
gregation or in its very midst. It is carefully removed from
Maimonides to Abravanel. Oxford, 1986.
its sheath and placed on the table, covered by a protecting
Leiman, Sid Z. The Canonization of Hebrew Scripture: The Tal-
cloth.
mudic and Midrashic Evidence. Hamden, Conn., 1976.
The actual reading of the Torah, commencing at this
Matt, Daniel. “The Mystic and the Mizwot.” In Jewish Spirituality
point, is equally surrounded by ritual performances. De-
From the Bible Through the Middle Ages, edited by Arthur
pending upon the occasion, anywhere from three to seven
Green, pp. 367–404. New York, 1986.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TORAJA RELIGION
9241
Morgan, Michael L. Dilemmas in Modern Jewish Thought: The Di-
ple who had known only an oral tradition. Tana Toraja be-
alectics of Revelation and History. Bloomington, Ind., 1992.
came the missionary field of the Reformed Alliance of the
Najman, Hindy. Seconding Sinai: The Development of Mosaic Dis-
Dutch Reformed Church and half of the population has
course in Second Temple Judaism. Leiden, 2003.
been converted to Christianity.
Neusner, Jacob. Torah: From Scroll to Symbol in Formative Juda-
THE “BELIEF OF THE OLD.” The autochthonous religion of
ism. Philadelphia, 1985.
the Toraja is called Aluk To Dolo (to dolo literally means
Niditch, Susan. Oral World and Written Word: Ancient Israelite
“people bygone”), that is, “belief of the old,” or “rituals of
Literature. Louisville, Ky., 1996.
the ancestors.” In this religion, ancestor cult, myth, and ritu-
al are intertwined. During the celebration of major rituals,
Posner, Raphael, and Israel Ta-Shema, eds. The Hebrew Book: An
the to minaa, a priest well versed in tribal lore and history,
Historical Survey. Jerusalem, 1975.
recites the lengthy litany of the tribe’s origins. He tells of how
Ray, Eric. Sofer: The Story of a Torah Scroll. New York, 1998.
the cosmos and the gods came into being, how man, his food
Scholem, Gershom. “The Meaning of the Torah in Jewish Mysti-
plants, and animals had originated in heaven and were
cism.” In On the Kabbalah and its Symbolism, by Gershom
brought down when the first nobleman descended to earth,
Scholem, translated by Ralph Mannheim, pp. 32–86. New
landing on a mountain. The to manurun, that is, the person
York, 1969.
of status who descended from heaven, brought with him the
Urbach, Ephraim E. The Halakhah: Its Sources and Development.
entire social order and a complete heavenly household, in-
Translated by Ralph Posner. Masada, Israel, 1986.
cluding a house, slaves, animals, and plants. With the to
Whybray, R. N. The Making of the Pentateuch: A Methodological
manurun also came priests: the to minaa, the to burake (the
Study. Sheffield, U.K., 1987.
highest rank of religious functionary), the rice priest, and the
medicine man. The death priest, however, is not mentioned.
MARTIN S. JAFFEE (2005)
The descent of a nobleman was believed to have occurred
several times in Toraja history. With regional variations these
main themes are found throughout Tana Toraja.
TORAH SHEBEDAL PEH SEE ORAL TORAH
THE TRIPARTITE COSMIC WORLD. In the Toraja view, the
cosmos is divided into three parts: the upper world, the
world of mankind (earth), and the underworld. In the begin-
TORAJA RELIGION. The Sa’dan Toraja, a people
ning, however, heaven and earth were one expanse of dark-
numbering about 325,000, live in Tana Toraja, the moun-
ness, united in marriage. With their separation came light.
tainous northern part of the southwest peninsula of the Indo-
Several gods sprang from this mythical marriage. Puang
nesian island of Sulawesi (formerly Celebes). The name
Matua (“the old lord”) is the principal god and the deity of
Sa’dan is derived from the Sa’dan River, the main stream in
heaven. Pong Banggai di Rante (“the master of the plains”)
the region. Toraja is a contraction of To-ri-aja (“men of the
is the god of the earth. Gaun ti Kembong (“the swollen
mountains”), a name given the people by their Bugis neigh-
cloud”’) resides between heaven and earth. Indo’ Belo Tum-
bors. Following local customs, we refer to these people as
bang (“the lady who dances beautifully”) is the goddess of
Toraja.
the medicine that cures the sick in the Maro ritual. Pong
Tulak Padang is the Toraja Atlas; he carries the earth, not
The region of approximately 3,180 square kilometers,
on his shoulders but in the palms of his hands. Together with
originally heavily forested, has been changed by cultivation.
Puang Matua in the upper world he keeps earth, the world
The few remaining forests cover slopes unsuitable for cultiva-
of mankind, in equilibrium, separating night from day. His
tion. The principal means of subsistence is agriculture. Rice,
bad-tempered spouse, Indo’ Ongon-ongon, however, upsets
cassava, and maize are the staples; coffee and cloves are the
the equilibrium by causing earthquakes when she is in a bad
principal cash crops. Animal husbandry is practiced on a
mood. She is much feared, as is Pong Lalondong (“the lord
large scale, but only the breeding of pigs is of economic im-
who is a cock”). Puya (“the land of souls”) lies in the south-
portance. The buffalo, a status symbol, is rarely used for
west under the earth’s surface. The underworld and upper
work in the fields. The animal has primarily a ritual function,
world have other deities, and there are also deata (deities,
for the superior type of death feast demands the sacrifice of
ghosts) residing on earth and in rivers, canals, wells, trees,
about a hundred buffalo.
and stones. Eels are revered as fertility symbols.
Social change began with the introduction of coffee
THE BIPARTITE DIVISION OF THE RITUALS. By observing
growing and the coffee trade in the last quarter of the previ-
the rules of deities and ancestors, man observes his part in
ous century. The subduing of the Toraja country by the
maintaining the equilibrium between the upper worlds and
Dutch (1906), the period of the Japanese occupation (1942–
the underworlds. He does so by means of rites and rituals.
1945), and the independence of Indonesia (1945) accelerat-
Rituals are divided into two spheres, one of the east, the Ris-
ed this process. Tourism, a recent development, has brought
ing Sun or Smoke Ascending (Rambu Tuka), and the other
further change. The school system introduced by the Dutch
of the west, the Setting Sun or Smoke Descending (Rambu
government and missionaries opened a new world for a peo-
Solo’). The north is associated with the east, the south with
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9242
TORQUEMADA, TOMÁS DE
the west. Rituals of the Rising Sun are those celebrating joy
Volkman, Toby, “The Riches of the Undertaker.” Indonesia 28
and life. This category includes birth, marriage, rice ceremo-
(1979): 1–16.
nies, and feasts for the well-being of the family, the house,
New Sources
and the community. Ceremonies for healing the sick are also
Chambert-Loir, H., A. Reid, and Australian National University.
rituals of the Rising Sun; yet to the extent that sickness poses
The Potent Dead: Ancestors, Saints and Heroes in Contempo-
a danger to the community the rituals of healing share some
rary Indonesia. Honolulu, 2002.
traits with those of the Setting Sun. The Setting Sun ritual
Klass, M., and M. K. Weisgrau. Across the Boundaries of Belief:
is associated with darkness, night, and, of course, with death.
Contemporary Issues in the Anthropology of Religion. Boulder,
With the exception of the healing rituals, the ritual spheres
Colo., 1999.
of east and west are kept quite distinct from one another.
Kobong, T. Evangelium und Tongkonan: Eine Untersuchung über
die Begegnung zwischen christlicher Botschaft und der Kultur
The most important ritual of the eastern sphere is the
der Toraja. Hamburg, 1989.
Bua’ feast, a ceremony for a whole territory, the Bua’ com-
Kotilainen, E. M. When the Bones are Left: A Study of the Material
munity. During this feast the burake—in some districts a
Culture of Central Sulawesi. Helsinki, 1992.
priestess, in others a priest who is considered a hermaphro-
Yampolsky, P., and Masyarakat Seni Pertunjukan Indonesia. Sula-
dite—implores the gods of heaven to bestow their benevo-
wesi Festivals, Funeral and Work. Washington, D.C., 1999.
lence on the community. Another feast of importance is the
HETTY NOOY-PALM (1987)
Merok, held for the welfare of a large family. At the center
Revised Bibliography
of the Merok is the tongkonan, the dwelling founded by the
family’s first ancestor. The most important of these houses
are the ones considered to have been founded by a to
TORQUEMADA, TOMÁS DE (1420–1498),
manurun. These major rituals of the east have their ritual
Spanish inquisitor. Tomás de Torquemada, nephew of Juan
counterparts in high-ranking death feasts. Ritualizing the
de Torquemada (1388–1468), the celebrated Dominican
dead is a major focus of Toraja culture. A ranking order in
theologian, canonist, and cardinal, was born at Valladolid
funerals exists that corresponds to the status of the deceased.
and as a youth entered the Order of Preachers. For twenty-
Toraja society is a stratified one, with much emphasis laid
two years he was prior of the Dominican convent of Santa
on the display of wealth. By the efforts and the devotion of
Cruz at Segovia. In 1474 he was appointed confessor to
the family, and through the expenditure lavished on buffalo,
Queen Isabella I of Castile, and later he performed the same
entertainment, and care of the death priest, the deceased of
service, nominally at least, for King Ferdinand V of Aragon.
rank will reach Puya. After being judged by Pong Lalondong
he climbs a mountain and reaches heaven. There he will oc-
By a brief of February 11, 1482, Pope Sixtus IV named
cupy a place among the deified ancestors, who form a con-
Torquemada, along with ten other Dominicans, to replace
stellation that guards mankind and the rice. Thus the spheres
former officers of the Spanish Inquisition who had been
of death and life, notwithstanding an apparent opposition,
charged with corrupt practices. On August 2, 1483, Torque-
meet each other.
mada was appointed grand inquisitor for the kingdoms of
Castile and León; a few months later his authority was ex-
SEE ALSO Southeast Asian Religions, article on Insular Cul-
tended to Catalonia, Aragon, Valencia, and Majorca. He
tures.
forthwith established tribunals at Seville, Cordova, Jaén, and
Villarreal (later transferred to Toledo). Between 1484 and
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1498 he set down the basic procedure of the Inquisition in
Bigalke, Terance Williams. A Social History of Tana Toraja, 1875–
a series of instrucciónes—fifty-four articles in all—that guided
1965. Ann Arbor, 1981.
the activities of succeeding grand inquisitors. These were
Jannel, Claude, and Frédéric Lontcho. Laissez venir ceux qui pleu-
published in 1576.
rent: Fête pour un mort Toradja (Indonésie). Place and date
Torquemada, though himself descended from Jewish
of publication not given. Includes translations of Toraja
forebears, was particularly harsh in carrying out the mandate
poems by Jeannine Koubi.
of the Inquisition against crypto-Jews (Marranos), Jews who
Koubi, Jeannine. Rambu Solo’, la fumée descend. Paris, 1982.
continued to practice Judaism in secret after their forced con-
Lanting, H. Th. “Nota van den Controleur van Makale/ Rante-
version to Christianity. In 1492 he supported, and perhaps
pao.” In Memorie van Overgave, Archives of the Netherlands
promoted, the expulsion of the Jews from the newly united
Ministry of Home Affairs. The Hague, 1926.
Spain. Complaints about his severity moved Pope Alexander
Nobele, E. A. J. “Memorie van Overgave betreffende de Onderaf-
VI in 1494 to add four colleagues to his judicial bench, but
deeling Makale.” Tijdschrift/Bataviaasch Genootschap van
as early as the next year they were accused of financial mis-
Kunsten en Wetenschappen 60 (1926): 1–144.
conduct, and there was no discernible change in the Inquisi-
Nooy-Palm, Hetty. The Sa’dan-Toraja: A Study of Their Social Life
tion’s practices after Torquemada’s retirement or even after
and Religion. 2 vols. The Hague, 1986.
his death.
Veen, Hendrik van der. Tae’ (Zuid-Toradjasch) Nederlandsch
Torquemada became, and has remained, the personifi-
Woordenboek. The Hague, 1940.
cation of religious intolerance at its worst. It is believed that
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOSAFOT [FIRST EDITION]
9243
as many as two thousand people were burned to death under
of these others the dialectical and polemic tendency and the
his regime, and many thousands of others suffered imprison-
trend to comparison predominate.
ment, confiscation of their property, and various other forms
In the establishment and perfection of the distinctive
of harassment and indignity. Papal efforts to moderate the
style of the tosafot a decisive influence was exercised by
inquisitorial zeal in Spain were usually ineffectual, because
Rashi’s grandson, YaEaqov ben MeDir, known as Rabbenu
the Spanish Inquisition, as Torquemada fashioned it, was an
(“our teacher”) Tam (after Genesis 25:27). With his immense
instrument to secure the racial and religious uniformity that
breadth of knowledge and his sharp and penetrating mind,
was a primary concern of the Catholic kings and of Spanish
Tam influenced the scholars of his generation. The students
policy for a long time afterward.
who came to learn with him in his academy in Ramerupt
adopted his method of study. His students were subsequent-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ly active in all regions of France, in England, in the commu-
Two classic works include treatments, hostile, of Torquemada:
Henry C. Lea’s A History of the Inquisition in Spain, 4 vols.
nities on the Rhine, and in southern Germany, Bohemia,
(1907; reprint, New York, 1966), and Juan Antonio Llo-
Carinthia, and Hungary, and in Kiev. Many others who
rente’s Discurso sobre el orden de procesar en los tribunales de
never studied under him personally accepted his authority as
Inquisición (Paris, 1817); an English translation and abridg-
binding and were influenced by his method.
ment of Llorente’s work (London, 1823) has been many
Rabbenu Tam’s successor was his nephew, generally
times reprinted. A good brief study is A. S. Turberville’s The
Spanish Inquisition (1932; reprint, London, 1949), and a
known by the acronym Riy (Rabbi Yitsh:aq [ben ShemuDel]).
popular account of a special subject is Thomas Hope’s Tor-
Students flocked to Riy’s academy in Dampierre from every
quemada, Scourge of the Jews (London, 1939).
country in Europe that was inhabited by Jews, including
Spain. Moses Nahmanides, known as Ramban (Rabbi
MARVIN R. O’CONNELL (1987)
Mosheh ben Nah:man), the thirteenth-century rabbi and
commentator from Barcelona, described the influence of
Rashi and his successors thus: “The French sages . . . they
TORTOISES SEE TURTLES AND TORTOISES
are our teachers, they the instructors; they reveal to us every-
thing that is hidden” (Dina D de-garmi, intro.). The academy
of Riy could be considered the forge of the tosafot. His work
TOSAFOT [FIRST EDITION].
and that of his disciples established the method for writing
Tosafot is the He-
tosafot: verification of the text of the Talmud and clarifica-
brew word that designates the glosses printed alongside the
tion and analysis of each sugyah through comparison of paral-
commentary of Rashi (Rabbi Shelomoh ben Yitsh:aq, elev-
lel passages in the Babylonian Talmud with the rest of the
enth-century French sage and commentator) in most edi-
halakhic and aggadic sources, thus uncovering and resolving
tions of the Babylonian Talmud. Yet these tosafot are only
contradictions and fixing methodological principles. Few of
a fraction of those composed by the French and German
Riy’s tosafot have reached us in their original formulations,
scholars (tosafists) of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
but they were included in the collections compiled by his stu-
The descendants of Rashi and his students edited his com-
dents—his son Elh:anan, Rash (Rabbi Shimshon [ben
mentaries and added glosses to them. Even after these addi-
Avraham]) of Sens and his brother Yitsh:aq, Yehudah ben
tions became much more extensive than the original com-
Yitsh:aq of Paris (also known as Rabbi Yehudah Sir Leon),
mentaries, they continued to be called tosafot (additions).
EliEezer ben ShemuDel of Verona, Barukh ben Yitsh:aq of
The tosafot emerged from disputations in the Talmudic acad-
Worms, and others. Riy’s teachings were recorded in their
emies that were recorded by teachers or by students under
works and, through them, in the tosafot of later generations.
their direction. Students traveled from place to place record-
ing the novel interpretations of their rabbis, and an academy
TYPES OF TOSAFOT. The greatest of the teachers edited col-
of study acquired a good name based on the collections of
lections of their tosafot, but their disciples did not consider
tosafot available there.
these closed collections. On the one hand, they abridged
long tosafot, while on the other, they added to the collections
EMERGENCE OF THE TOSAFOT. The beginnings of this new
more recent novellae. As a result, the students appended
literary form are discernible already in the commentaries of
glosses in the margins of the tosafot, which copyists subse-
Rashi’s son-in-law Yehudah ben Natan, and even more so
quently introduced into the body of the text.
in the commentaries of his other son-in-law, MeDir ben She-
muDel, and those of the latter’s son, Rashbam (Rabbi She-
The disciples of Riy did not simply record his teachings.
muDel ben MeDir), who wrote addenda to Rashi’s commen-
Moreover, they did not all study with him at the same time,
taries on the Talmud. The new style can be seen also in the
and later students often added to the tosafot of their predeces-
works of RivaD (Rabbi Yitsh:aq ben Asher), who was Rashi’s
sors the new explanations that grew out of their discussions
student in Troyes, France, and who later settled in Speyer,
and decisions of their master, which were rendered to them
in southwestern Germany. While Rashi’s commentaries gen-
orally or in writing. Even within the works of given individu-
erally explain each sugyah (Talmudic discussion of a specific
als we can sometimes discern development. The tosafot of
subject) where it occurs (i.e., on the same page), in the works
Rash of Sens to tractate Ketubbot (modern edition, Jerusa-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9244
TOSAFOT [FIRST EDITION]
lem, 1973) were compiled, it would seem, when he was still
These tosafot did not spread beyond Spain, though, and they
young. In them the teachings of his teacher Riy are excep-
were subsequently dispersed abroad (especially to Italy and
tionally predominant, and one can still sense in his style the
the Ottoman Empire) with the exiles from Spain. While the
give and take of the discussion in the academy. In contrast,
scholars of Germany and Poland remained unaware of their
the second edition of his tosafot to tractate EAvodah Zarah
existence, for us these tosafot are an important source for re-
(modern edition, New York, 1969) exhibit little of the style
constructing the original formulation of the tosafot of Riy
of disputation characteristic of most tosafot; they are instead
and his disciples.
rather similar to the style of the Rash in his Mishnah com-
The aforementioned compilations sealed a period of
mentaries.
nearly two hundred years of creativity. The earlier tosafot
Authority in the academies of the tosafists was not insti-
were superseded by the later collections, but many of the for-
tutionalized; there was no well-defined hierarchy within
mer were preserved by individuals, some of whom copied
them. Whoever could demonstrate exceptional capabilities
from them into their own compilations and collections. This
and great erudition gained authority, but this authority was
phenomenon can be observed in various collections: the cata-
constantly subject to the challenges and criticism of younger
logs of decisions and responsa, like Or Zaru Ea, compiled by
scholars and students.
Yitsh:aq ben Mosheh of Vienna, and the Mordekhai of
With the passage of time, different styles of tosafot devel-
Mordekhai ben Hillel; in the Haggahot Maymuniyyot and the
oped. Some scholars were content to record their critical
Teshuvot Maymuniyyot of the school of Maharam; the collec-
notes on famous tosafot, such as those of Rash of Sens. This
tions of exegesis of the Pentateuch (such as Da Eat zeqenim,
is what ElEazar of Worms (the author of Sefer ha-roqeah:) and
Hadar zeqenim, Moshav zeqenim, and Minh:at Yehudah); and
Berakhiyah of Nicole (modern-day Lincoln, England) did.
in manuscripts. All of these works help us to identify the edi-
In contrast, after the burning of the Talmud in Paris in 1244,
tors of extant collections of tosafot and the authors of anony-
there is a clearly discernible tendency, especially in the acade-
mous interpretations recorded in them.
my at Évreux, to compose tosafot shit:ah—a presentation of
PRINTING OF THE TOSAFOT. The spread of the tosafot en-
the Talmudic sugyah together with various explanations of
couraged printers of the Talmud to print these commentaries
it and the discussions of tosafists. One such shit:ah from
alongside the commentary of Rashi, which were already
Évreux on tractate Nazir was published from a manuscript
being printed alongside the Talmudic text. YehoshuEa Shelo-
in New York in 1974.
moh first printed the tosafot to tractate Berakhot in Soncino,
Toward the end of the thirteenth century, in the wake
Italy, in 1484. By 1519 his nephew Gershom Soncino had
of the emigration of many of the sages of northern France
printed twenty-three tractates with tosafot. The Bomberg
and the increasing persecutions in Germany, original creativ-
Press in Venice (1520–1523) generally copied the tosafot
ity among the scholars became rarer, while the collection of
from the Soncino edition, but they corrected them from
existing tosafot became more widespread. The great compil-
manuscripts. After that time, the tosafot were printed in every
ers, whose works spanned the entire Talmud, were Perets of
edition of the Talmud, except in some early Eastern editions,
Corbeil, EliEezer of Touques, and Asher ben Yeh:iDel. The to-
until the gemara D, the commentary of Rashi, and tosafot came
safot of Perets of Corbeil were extant in Italy until the time
to be studied as a single unit, referred to as GePeT (from
of the printing of the Talmud, and they also reached Spain.
gemara D, perush Rashi, and tosafot).
EliEezer of Touques abridged and edited the tosafot compiled
EDITING OF THE TOSAFOT. Examination of the tosafot print-
by Rash of Sens, added to them from other collections, and
ed in standard editions of the Talmud in relation to other
appended his own novellae in the margins. His tosafot quickly
collections that have been printed or preserved in manuscript
spread through France and Germany.
and in comparison with other sources demonstrates that the
When Asher ben Yeh:iDel, known as Rabbenu Asher (also
standard tosafot originated in various academies and at differ-
as RoDsh), left Germany, he brought with him to Spain col-
ent times. A summary of the conclusions that can be drawn
lections of tosafot from the collections of Riy and Rash of
about the origins of the tosafot of the various tractates can
Sens and copied them almost unchanged, occasionally ad-
be found in table 1.
ding an explanation of his teacher, MeDir ben Barukh, known
THE METHOD OF INTERPRETATION IN THE TOSAFOT. De-
as Maharam of Rothenburg. Rabbenu Asher prepared this
spite the diversity and the convoluted process of develop-
work in order to present the community of scholars in Spain
ment of all the various collections, the tosafot nevertheless
with an important collection of the teachings of the out-
share a common method of explication, for they all are char-
standing scholars of France. His son YaEaqov (that is, YaEaqov
acteristically dialectical and critical. These methodological
ben Asher), author of the halakhic codex Arba Eah T:urim,
foundations, as drawn by Rabbenu Tam and Riy, remained
wrote to a German scholar who was preparing to come to
fixed, with variation only in the quality of their employment.
Spain: “Bring whatever books you have, whether commen-
On the one hand, the tosafists themselves adopted the style
taries of Rashi, or gemara D, or other works, but you needn’t
of discussion of the amoraim and developed special tech-
bring the tosafot, for they only learn the shit:ah of my father
niques by which to express it; on the other hand, they traced
and teacher, may the memory of the righteous be a blessing.”
and criticized the way in which the amoraim used this style.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOSAFOT [FIRST EDITION]
9245
Origins of the Tosafot
B. T. Tractate
Origins Of Tosafot
Berakhot
A reworking of the tosafot of Yehudah ben Yitshaq of Paris, including material added by his students, edited by a German scholar who studied
in the academy at Évreux.
Shabbat
Edited by Eli`ezer of Touques. The editing of the final section (from page 122b) was never completed.
`Eruvin
Compiled by Shimshon ben Avraham of Sens (Rash), edited by students of Yitshaq ben Avraham (known as Ritsba').
Pesahim
Edited by Eli`ezer of Touques. The first nine chapters are based on the tosafot of Shimshon ben Avraham of Sens while chapter 10 is based on
the tosafot of Yehi'el of Paris.
Yoma'
Edited by Me'ir ben Barukh of Rothenburg.
Sukkah
Compiled by Shimshon ben Avraham of Sens.
Beitsah
Edited by a disciple of Perets of Corbeil.
Ro'sh ha-Shanah
Compiled by Shimshon ben Avraham of Sens.
Ta`anit
Late tosafot, apparently from the fourteenth century.
Megillah
Edited by Yehudah ben Yitshaq of Paris.
Mo`ed Qatan
Edited by Shemu'el ben Elhanan, grandson of Yitshaq ben Shemu'el.
Hagigah
Edited by Mosheh of Évreux, based on the tosafot of Elhanan and Yehudah ben Yitshaq of Paris.
Yevamot
Edited by Eli`ezer of Touques based upon the tosafot compiled by Shimshon ben Avraham of Sens up to chapter 12; from there, based
primarily on the tosafot of Yehudah ben Yitshaq of Paris.
Ketubbot
Edited by Eli`ezer of Touques but without a final editing; apparently a first edition.
Nedarim
Edited by a student of Perets of Corbeil, based on the tosafot of Évreux.
Nazir
Edited by a student of Perets of Corbeil based upon the shitah of Yitshaq of Évreux.
Sotah
German tosafot, edited by a disciple of Yehudah and Me'ir, the sons of Qalonimos.
Gittin
Edited by Eli`ezer of Touques.
Qiddushin
Tosafot from Évreux, from the end of the thirteenth century.
Bava' Qamma'
Edited by Eli`ezer of Touques based upon the tosafot of Yehudah ben Yitshaq of Paris.
Bava' Metsi`a'
Edited by Eli`ezer of Touques, based on the tosafot of Elhanan, Shimshon ben Avraham of Sens, and German students of the disciples of
Yitshaq ben Shemu'el.
Bava' Batra'
Until page 144a, edited by Eli`ezer of Touques based on the tosafot of Shimshon ben Avraham of Sens, Mosheh of Évreux, and Yitshaq ben
Mordekhai (known by the acronym Rivam), who worked under the supervision of Ya`aqov ben Me'ir; after page 144a, the primary source was
the tosafot of a disciple of Yitshaq ben Shemu'el.
Sanhedrin Tosafot from the school of Perets of Corbeil, based on the tosafot compiled by Shimshon ben Avraham.
Makkot
Edited during the lifetime of Perets of Corbeil.
Shavu`ot
Edited by Eli`ezer of Touques, after the tosafot of Elhanan of Sens.
`Avodah Zarah
Edited by a disciple of Perets of Corbeil, who copied unchanged the tosafot of Shemu'el of Falaise, who had drawn from the tosafot of Yehudah
ben Yitshaq of Paris, whose explanations were in accordance with the tosafot of Elhanan, son of Yitshaq ben Shemu'el. The tosafot of Elhanan,
composed around 1182, were in fact used as a major source for all the aforementioned tosafot on `Avodah Zarah.
Horayot
German tosafot, based primarily on the explanations of Simhah of Speyer.
Zevahim
Compiled and edited by Barukh ben Yitshaq of Worms.
Menahot
Compiled by Shimshon ben Avraham of Sens.
Hullin
Edited by Eli`ezer of Touques, based on the tosafot compiled by Shimshon ben Avraham of Sens and the tosafot of Yehudah ben Yitshaq of Paris.
Bekhorot
Compiled by Shimshon ben Avraham of Sens.
`Arakhin Tosafot from Évreux, edited by a disciple of Shemu'el of Évreux's son.
Temurah Tosafot from Évreux, the handiwork of a different editor.
Keritot
Edited by a disciple of Yitshaq ben Shemu'el.
Me`ilah
Edited by a disciple of Perets of Corbeil during the life of his master.
Qinnim
German tosafot, used as sources for the tosafot of Yitshaq ben Asher and Ya`aqov ben Yitshaq ben Eli`ezer ha-Levi (known as Ya`avets).
Niddah
Edited by Eli`ezer of Touques, based on the tosafot of Shimshon ben Avraham of Sens and other disciples of Yitshaq ben Shemu'el.
T ABLE 1 .
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9246
TOSAFOT [FIRST EDITION]
Every single line of the Talmud was analyzed acutely and
cation of the various strains of Talmudic thought neverthe-
tested, sometimes by uncovering contradictions between it
less essentially contributed to the formation of the halakhah.
and other statements in the sources, and sometimes by draw-
This fact justifies the work of the author of Pisqei tosafot (The
ing from it the most extreme inferences and conclusions pos-
decisions of tosafot)—whether he was Rabbenu Asher or his
sible. Precisely because they perceived the Talmud to be the
son YaEaqov—who abstracted the halakhic decision from
eternal source of halakhic decision, the tosafists considered
each dictum of tosafot. Indeed, the later rabbinic authorities
it incumbent upon them to compare, to question, and to
(decisors) learned much practical halakhah from the tosafot.
solve contradictions between the cases in the contradictory
sources by formulating “distinctions” (h:illuqim). In this
While the tosafists used the books and responsa of the
manner they hoped to advance the determination of the
geonim and the halakhic codices of the decisors, such as Rif
halakhah by supplementing what was already explicit in the
(Rabbi Yitsh:aq Alfasi), the Talmud remained for them the
Talmud.
primary source, and they evaluated the decisions of the
geonim and the decisors in its light. Rabbenu Asher ex-
The efforts of the tosafists were directed toward the veri-
plained: “Who is as great in our estimation as Rashi, may the
fication of the accurate text of the Talmud. Rabbenu Tam
memory of the righteous be a blessing, who enlightened the
condemned those who emended texts in order to remove dif-
entire Diaspora with his commentary? Nevertheless his de-
ficulties and problems, and he and his disciples developed a
scendants Rabbenu Tam and Riy, may their memories be a
whole methodology for textual criticism. The principles and
blessing, disagreed with him in many instances and refuted
explanations they elaborated to explain the development of
his positions, for the Torah is known as ‘the torah of truth,’
defective texts anticipated modern philology.
so we do not allow flattery of anyone” (commentary to San.
4.6). Likewise he wrote elsewhere, “[We do not flatter the
In their work supplementing the commentary of Rashi
geonim] for respecting any subject not explicitly dealt with
and expanding its bounds, the tosafists had at their disposal
in the Talmud which Rav Ashi and RavinaD edited, anyone
a number of additional sources, such as the commentaries of
can rise and build up [arguments], even if he opposes the
H:ananDel ben H:ushiDel and the Talmudic dictionary, Sefer
conclusions of the geonim” (Responsa 54.10).
ha- Earukh, of Natan ben Yeh:iDel, an eleventh-century rabbi.
They relied primarily on their broad knowledge of the classi-
The tosafists’ method of study provided them with pow-
cal sources, however, including not only the Babylonian Tal-
erful tools to harmonize, circumvent, and redefine, but nev-
mud but also the Tosefta, the halakhic and aggadic midrash-
ertheless their contemporary reality, with all its conflicting
im, and the Palestinian Talmud (Jerusalem Talmud). While
claims and conditions, sometimes asserted itself as a chal-
using these works the tosafists also contributed toward the
lenge to their methods. The tosafists had to take account of
establishment of their correct versions and toward a better
“everyday occurrences” and justify “generally accepted cus-
understanding of their contents. Nevertheless, the tosafists’
tom.” Thus, just as they found means to abrogate laws and
main aim remained the clarification of every sugyah of the
customs well supported in the sources, they likewise man-
Babylonian Talmud from all possible angles, including the
aged to include within the system of halakhah late develop-
testing of the logical arguments, distinctions, and classifica-
ments that were without a basis in the sources. To a certain
tions that they posited and the marshaling of support for
extent, the willingness to venture bold new explanations was
their conclusions. All this activity was directed toward the at-
a function of the differing personalities of the tosafists, who
tempt to see every subject and problem in its widest context.
differed from one another in their personal inclinations and
Every dictum of the tosafot demonstrates the extent to which
in their spiritual characteristics. However, they were united
the tosafists had assimilated the way of learning embodied
in their intention to continue the formulation and further
in the Babylonian Talmud; they studied until they were will-
the organic development of the Talmudic project as a way
ing and able to comment on what is the “way of the sugyah”
of life.
and what is the “method of the Talmud.” Taken together,
THE TOSAFISTS AND THE GLOSSARISTS. Several scholars
the principles governing their study constitute a complete
have noted the similarity between the method of the Scholas-
methodology. Their formulations describe the use of the
tics and that of the tosafists. Some of these scholars speak in
“rules for expounding scripture”; the relationship between
terms of influence, but the spiritual meeting ground between
the Talmud and baraitot (teachings of the tannaim that were
Christians and Jews took place in biblical exegesis; there is
not included in the Mishnah); the proper identification of
no hint of direct contact in the fields of law and halakhah.
tannaim and amoraim; the proper definition of the terms of
The tosafot were not known to the glossarists, nor were the
the sugyah; the order of the Mishnah; and the editing of the
tosafists familiar with the works of the Roman and canonical
Talmud. In this aspect of their endeavor, also, several of the
legal scholars. Nevertheless, comparison of the tosafot and the
tosafists’ conclusions anticipated modern research.
glosses shows similarities both in the way they came into
THE METHOD OF TOSAFOT IN DECIDING HALAKHAH. The
being and in details of terminology and presentation. Both
tosafists did not ignore the normative aim of the Talmudic
presume that contradictions in the sources could and must
discussions. Although their comments generally do not ex-
be resolved, whether by distinguishing the cases from one an-
plicitly contain halakhic summaries or decisions, the clarifi-
other or by clarifying differences in the time, place, and social
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOSAFOT [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
9247
position of the various personalities. The way in which the
ha-h:ayyim (Frankfurt, 1891). Isaac H. Weiss discussed the
tosafot spread and the way in which they were studied also
activities of the tosafists in Dor dor ve-dorshav, vol. 4 (Vien-
parallel the success of the activities of the glossarists of both
na, 1887); he also wrote a monograph on Rabbenu Tam that
Roman and canon law. Despite the differences between the
appeared in Beit Talmud, 3 (1883). Heinrich Gross gathered
political and social contexts of the Jewish and Christian com-
important information about the French tosafists in his book
munities, which lived in a constant, unequal struggle with
Gallia Judaica (Amsterdam, 1897). Abraham Epstein’s criti-
cism of the book, printed in the Monatsschrift für Geschichte
one another, their assumptions and aspirations were similar.
und Wissenschaft des Judenthums (MGWJ) 41 (1897): 464–
Both communities acknowledged the authority of the Bible
480, is especially valuable. A similar work, dealing with the
and considered themselves commanded to draw from it in-
German sages, is Germania Judaica, published in two parts,
struction for their day-to-day existence. Thus both commu-
edited by Marcus Brann et al. (Frankfurt, 1917–1934). Vic-
nities greatly esteemed the intellectual ability, sharp-
tor Aptowitzer devotes a long chapter to this subject in his
wittedness, and breadth of knowledge that made it possible
Mavo D le-sefer ha-RaDvyah (Jerusalem, 1938). The principles
to solve contradictions and deal with social change in the
of the Talmud described in tosafot were collected by P. Buch-
context of the tradition.
holtz in his article “Die Tossafisten als Methodologen,”
MGWJ 38 (1894): 342–359. On the methodology of the to-
THE INFLUENCE OF THE TOSAFOT. Tosafot came to occupy
safists, see Chaim Tchernowitz’s article “Lederekh ha-
a central role in the system of study and education of the
limmud shel baEalei ha-tosafot,” in Festschrift Adolf Schwarz,
Jews. It is true that Yehudah Löw ben BetsalDel (known as
edited by Samuel Krauss (Berlin, 1917). Following publica-
Maharal of Prague) bitterly decried the teaching of tosafot to
tion of my book Ba Ealei ha-tosafot (Jerusalem, 1956), there
children, but only few paid any attention to his objections,
ensued intensive activity in the publishing of tosafot; most of
and until the modern period the traditional schoolbook re-
the newly published works were from manuscripts that had
mained gemara D, the commentary of Rashi, and tosafot. In the
never been printed, but new editions of tosafot that had previ-
more advanced stages of education the tosafot were learned
ously been published in corrupt editions also appeared.
not only in relationship to the Talmud but also as indepen-
There have also been a number of studies of the historical
dent sources whose own internal contradictions required res-
and social reality discernible through the compilations of the
tosafists, as well as works on their ideas and influence. A sum-
olution. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the circles
mary is given in Salo W. Baron’s A Social and Religious Histo-
of YisraDel Isserlein, YaEaqov Molin, Yosef Qolon, and
ry of the Jews, vol. 9, 2d ed., rev. & enl. (New York, 1965).
Yitsh:aq Stein in Germany devoted much energy to deriving
A full bibliography can be found in the expanded and cor-
positions implied by tosafot. The tosafot stood in the center
rected fourth edition of my book mentioned above (Jerusa-
of the course of study of the Polish and the Turkish scholars.
lem, 1980).
In Vlorë, Albania, scholars of the sixteenth century debated
about the tosafot, which they called “the short profundities
E. E. URBACH (1987)
Translated from Hebrew by Akiva Garber
of Touques.” In the contract of Italian rabbis, the rabbi “ac-
cept[ed] upon himself the obligation to come to the syna-
gogue and teach the tosafot for an hour or more before the
afternoon prayer.”
TOSAFOT [FURTHER CONSIDERA-
Suspicion of casuistry and excessive exhibition of sharp-
TIONS]. Research conducted during the early twenty-first
wittedness were concerns already of the first tosafists. Rab-
century focuses on identifying and evaluating more precisely
benu Tam, who understood the power and possibilities of
the distinctions between northern French and German To-
casuistry as few others did, decried “casuists” who find “bun-
safists, integrating newly discovered collections of Tosafot
dles and bundles” of answers to every question. In similar
texts and bringing to the fore Tosafists whose writings and
fashion, Mosheh al-Ashqar (1462–1542) declared himself
contributions have not been fully assessed, reconsidering the
against “those who scrutinize the words of the tosafot and say
extent of Christian intellectual influences on Tosafist meth-
senseless things about the redundancies in their language”
ods, and examining the non-Talmudic disciplines with
(Responsa 29–30). The influence of the methodology of tosa-
which the Tosafists were significantly engaged.
fot far exceeded the tendency toward dialectics that arose in
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN FRANCE AND GERMANY. Tosafot
their study. This influence is clear in the works of the deci-
texts produced in northern France failed to cite leading Ger-
sors, in the responsa, and in the works of novellae of inter-
man scholars who were active circa 1200 (with barely an ex-
preters trying to get at the simple sense of the text, as well
ception), including those who authored prominent books
as in various aspects of modern Talmudic research.
such as Judah b. Qalonymus of Spires (d. 1199; Sefer Yihusei
Tanna’im va-Amora’im), Eliezer b. Joel ha-Levi (1160 to
B
1165–c. 1235; Sefer Rabiah), Barukh of Mainz (1150–1221;
IBLIOGRAPHY
Research on the tosafot first concentrated on biography and bibli-
the no longer extant Sefer ha-Hokhmah), Eleazar of Worms
ography. Leopold Zunz edited a list of tosafists and sages
(1176–1238; Sefer Roqeah), and Simhah of Speyer (c. 1230;
mentioned in tosafot that appears in his book Zur Geschichte
the partially extant Seder Olam). At the same time, these Ger-
und Literatur (Berlin, 1845), in which he refers to the manu-
man works cite few northern French Tosafists after Rabbenu
script of the important book by Heimann J. Michael, Or
Tam (c. 1100–1171) and his immediate students. Between
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9248
TOSAFOT [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
the years 1170 and 1220 students from Germany did not
R. Isaac (Ri) of Dampierre’s (d.c. 1200) student Samson of
study with northern French Tosafists (as they did before and
Sens (1150–1230) as one of the first and most prominent
after this period) and vice versa. During this period German
examples. Manuscript discoveries in the last decade show,
Tosafists are known as leading judges and judicial figures. In
however, that unlike other students of Ri who presented To-
this context they produced extensive works that dealt primar-
safot interpretations that their students then copied and ed-
ily with monetary law. Two examples (that are no longer ex-
ited, Samson composed his own Tosafot interpretations and
tant) are Ephraim of Regensburg’s (d. c. 1175) Arba’ah
intended them as an organized work that could be cross-
Rashim and Barukh of Mainz’s Sefer ha-Hokhmah.
referenced from one tractate to another. Another leading stu-
dent of Ri, Judah Sirleon (d. 1224), is the first to cite Mai-
On the other hand, the Tosafists of northern France,
monides, Moses (Mosheh ben Maimon, 1135/8–1204) in
who undoubtedly participated as judges in cases of monetary
law and in the preparation and adjudication of bills of di-
his Tosafot. Judah’s successor, R. Yehi’el of Paris (d.c. 1265),
vorce, are rarely identified as such. They are known as rashei
also produced material in the style of Tosafot, although his
yeshivah (heads of academies), whose power and reputation
teachings are cited most often in the form of halakhic and
derived mainly from their ability to put forward overarching
ritual decisions (pesaqim).
interpretations and novellae (hiddushim), rather than from
Northern French Tosafists generally did not preserve
any role that they played as communal judges. The period
their responsa or pesaqim, while their German counterparts
of disengagement between the northern French and German
did. German Tosafists consulted and communicated much
centers ends only in the days of R. Isaac ben Moses (1180–
more frequently with each other and collected and preserved
1250; Or Zarua’) and his student, R. Meir of Rothenburg
more faithfully the writings of their Tosafist predecessors
(1220–1293), who spent a significant amount of time study-
from both northern France and Germany. German Tosafot
ing in northern France. The mid-thirteenth-century Tosafist
were produced by Moses Taku (c. 1230), Simhah of Speyer,
study hall at Evreux, France, that appears to represent an
Judah b. Qalonymus of Speyers, and Eleazar of Worms, as
amalgam between the Talmudic methodology of the Tosaf-
well as Meir of Rothenburg. Tosafists in Germany, perhaps
ists of northern France and the educational critique and ethi-
under the influence of the German pietists, also tended to
cal imperatives of the German pietists, should also be noted
produce more commentaries than their French counterparts
in this regard.
to those tractates that were taught or studied less frequently,
The Tosafot that were produced in these different cen-
such as those included in Seder Qodashim.
ters throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries em-
ployed somewhat different methodologies as well. German
Although it has been assumed that the genre of Tosafot
Tosafot (and halakhic writings) take into account a wider se-
originated in northern France during the mid-twelfth centu-
lection of Talmudic and rabbinic literature (e.g., midreshei
ry, the earliest such activity is actually to be found in the
halakhah va-’aggadah) than did their counterparts in north-
work of the German scholar R. Isaac b. Asher (Riga) of Spires
ern France. Northern French Tosafot most often focused on
(d.c. 1130), who flourished a full generation earlier that
penetrating analyses of relevant texts within the Babylonian
Rashi’s (R. Solomon b. Isaac, 1040-1100) grandsons, Rab-
Talmud in particular (seeing themselves as a continuation of
benu Tam and Rashbam (1085–1174). There is, however,
the methodology of the Amoraim), while German dialectic
an important stylistic or methodological distinction between
is milder. In the end, however, the northern French Tosafot
them. While Riba functioned more like a judge, who tried
form dominated. The three leading Tosafot collections from
to decide between the various possible positions by pushing
the late thirteenth century, Tosafot Tukh (Turcheim, Germa-
aside or ferreting out as much material as possible that was
ny), Tosafot ha-Rosh, and Tosafot Rabbenu Perez, were essen-
not centrally relevant, the early Tosafists in northern France
tially collections of earlier northern French material (even as
sought to bring together similar sugyot to encourage compari-
all the editors had German roots).
sons (as a lawyer might typically do).
During the twelfth century northern French Tosafists
It was, however, in northern France that the classical
produced Tosafot comments almost exclusively, while Ger-
form of Tosafot proliferated. Ri, who was Rashi’s great-
man Tosafists produced a wider spectrum of halakhic works
grandson, transformed the Tosafist method from a tool of
and self-standing texts that contained Talmudic commentary
the elite that was to be used only by the greatest of scholars
as well. The production of halakhic works in northern France
(such as Rabbenu Tam and his closest students), to the pre-
at the turn of the twelfth century and into the thirteenth
dominant method of learning in study halls throughout
(such as Barukh b. Isaac’s [d. 1211] Sefer ha-Terumah and
northern France. From the days of Ri a series of northern
Moses of Coucy’s [c. 1240] Sefer Mizvot Gadol) may reflect
French Tosafists expressed the notion that authoritative
the influence of the German pietists with regard to the pri-
Torah study and Talmudic readings and rulings are not sole-
macy of practical halakhah as well as the notion that a period
ly the property or province of the teacher but belong equally
of great literary creativity is most often followed by one of
to his students as well who, on the basis of their analysis of
collection and assessment. The thirteenth century also saw
underlying Talmudic and rabbinic texts, may “outsmart” or
the collection and compilation of earlier Tosafot texts, with
emend the conclusions of the teachers.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOSAFOT [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
9249
All these newly highlighted distinctions between Ger-
some Tosafists (and leading ones at that) to focus exclusively
many and northern France can account for a number of sys-
on Talmudic and halakhic texts and studies, manuscript evi-
temic differences in halakhic rulings and outlook between
dence and a concomitant reevaluation of published texts sug-
the two regions. At the same time, their commonly held cus-
gest that others displayed interest in virtually the same variety
toms, basic methodologies, and interpretational values often
of disciplines as did their Ashkenazic predecessors from the
led to an unwavering consensus, whether in specific practices
pre-Crusade period. The more than two hundred manu-
and matters of belief, or in the need to formulate valid
script collections of perushei Ba’alei ha-Tosafot Eal ha-Torah
halakhic justifications for economic and other societal prac-
have barely been analyzed by modern scholarship. Many of
tices that appeared prima facie to contradict Talmudic law.
them do contain a large amount of Talmudic and halakhic
To be sure, the issue of intentionality in developing these jus-
material. But at the same time, some display a much greater
tifications has been the subject of renewed, vigorous discus-
interest in forms of simple or literal biblical interpretation
sion in recent years, just as it was when Urbach’s Ba’alei ha-
(peshat) than has been imagined.
Tosafot first appeared.
To be sure, there is greater interest in the peshat ap-
Urbach essentially reverses his original position on pos-
proach favored by the Tosafist and biblical commentator
sible Christian influences on Tosafist dialectic, whether by
Yosef b. Isaac Bekhor Shor of Orleans (d.c. 1200) than in
canon lawyers and masters of theology or by Christian schol-
the more radical peshat of the earlier northern French Tosaf-
ars of Roman law, in the revised edition of his work. Then,
ist and biblical scholar Rashbam. Also, the Tosafist biblical
after adducing additional parallels in method and terminolo-
collections or compilations of the mid- and late thirteenth
gy, Urbach concludes that it is difficult to argue for more
century often blend (and perhaps blur) peshat interpretations
than zeitgeist. Disparate geographic centers and differences
with unrestrained midrashic- or gematria-based comments.
in textual valence were at the core of the critiques of Urbach’s
Nonetheless, it is possible to identify a group of Tosafists
original view. More recent research suggests that the argu-
writing in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries that
ment for influence should not be abandoned. New para-
cultivated peshat interpretations on their own terms, while
digms, such as the jurists at Pavia, have been suggested. In
also serving as a kind of super-commentary to Rashi. In this
addition the presence of nascent dialectic at the yeshivah in
role they were interested in verifying not only the Talmudic
Worms already in the last quarter of the eleventh century
and midrashic underpinnings of Rashi’s Torah commentary,
(not to mention the presence of critical dialectic within the
but also his approach to peshat and his consistency as a peshat
Talmud itself) lessened the role that external influence would
exegete. Among these figures are Jacob of Orleans (d. 1189),
have to play. Influences transmitted by passing personal con-
Isaiah di Trani the Elder (d. c. 1240), and Moses of Coucy.
tacts and conversations rather than through literary sources
Interestingly, they are joined by R. Yehudah he-Hasid
must also be considered.
(d. 1217) in a number of the exoteric biblical comments that
Although Urbach notes at various points in his work
have been attributed to him. At the same time, Tosafist fig-
that certain Tosafists produced writings that were not related
ures such as Rashbam’s brother, Rabbenu Tam, and Ri Sam-
to Tosafot texts or halakhic treatises, the impression fostered
son and R. Samson of Sens (d. 1204) play almost no role in
by his presentation is that Tosafists were involved only mar-
these endeavors.
ginally in these other disciplines. So-called Tosafist Torah
A similar reevaluation has also been undertaken with re-
commentaries (perushei Ba Dalei ha-Tosafot Eal ha-Torah) are
gard to the writing of liturgical poetry. Some scholars suggest
mentioned by Urbach mostly because they also contained
that no piyyut was composed by northern French Tosafists
parallel or reworked Tosafot texts to the Talmud. At the end
after Rabbenu Tam. Although German Tosafists and rabbin-
of his long and nuanced discussion of the Tosafot corpus of
ic scholars such as Ephraim of Regensburg, Menahem of
Ri, Urbach writes that Ri and his son, R. Elhanan (d. 1184),
Worms (d. 1204), Barukh of Mainz, and Meir of Rothen-
“tried their hand” at the composition of liturgical poems
burg out-produced northern French Tosafists by far in this
(piyyutim), referring the reader to the listings of Leopold
realm in terms of quantity, a number of northern French To-
Zunz (1794–1886) for details. Urbach refers only in passing
safists including Elhanan the son of Ri, Yosef Bekhor Shor
to Abraham b. Azri’el of Bohemia (c. 1230), a student of Ele-
(of Orleans), Tuvyah of Vienne (d.c. 1260), and Isaac of
azar of Worms better known for his large and important trea-
Chinon (c. 1250) produced particular genres or patterns of
tise of piyyut commentary EArugat ha-Bosem (which Urbach
piyyutim, suggesting that their involvement was intentional
edited as well) than as a Talmudist. This further supports the
and focused. In any case the German Tosafists just noted ap-
perception that Tosafists did Talmud and legal studies, while
pear to have received Spanish material in this discipline (as
other disciplines were handled by specialists, a change from
was the case with respect to biblical interpretation in the pre-
the situation in Ashkenaz before the First Crusade when
ceding discussion). As will be seen shortly, a number of Ger-
leading scholars typically embraced several different disci-
man Tosafists who composed piyyutim were also involved
plines.
with mystical teachings. Lesser-known Tosafist figures such
Current research is beginning to question this supposi-
as Avigdor Katz of Vienna and Samuel b. Abraham of Bop-
tion. Although the impact of twelfth-century legalism caused
pard (d.c. 1250) also composed piyyutim.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9250
TOSEFTA
Strong ascetic tendencies and related interest in mysti-
Kanarfogel, Ephraim. “Religious Leadership during the Tosafist
cism and magic were demonstrated in both Germany and
Period.” In Jewish Religious Leadership: Image and Reality, ed-
northern France during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries,
ited by Jack Wertheimer, pp. 265–305. New York, 2004.
once again, primarily on the basis of texts and fragments still
Reiner, Rami. “Rabbenu Tam’s Northern French Teachers and
in manuscript. For these disciplines, the direction of influ-
German Students” (in Hebrew). Master’s thesis, Hebrew
ence extends from Ashkenaz to Provence and Spain (as was
University of Jerusalem, 1997.
the case for Talmudic studies). Tosafists display awareness
Shoshana, Abraham, ed. Tosafot Yeshanim Eal Massekhet Yevamot
of and interest in ancient Jewish mystical texts, including
(in Hebrew). Jerusalem, 1994.
Sefer Yezirah and especially Hekhalot literature. They wished
Sussmann, Yaacov. “The Scholarly Oeuvre of Professor Ephraim
to understand the secrets of the Divine Names, the use of
Urbach” (in Hebrew). In Ephraim Elimelech Urbach: A Bio-
Divine Names for magical purposes, and the mystical func-
Bibliography, edited by David Assaf, pp. 7–62. Jerusalem,
tioning of the heavenly realm. Although Rashbam and Rab-
1993.
benu Tam in northern France and R. Eliezer b. Nathan
Ta-Shma, Israel. Ritual, Custom, and Reality in Franco-Germany,
(Raban) of Mainz (c. 1090–1170; who were aware of some
1000–1350 (in Hebrew). Jerusalem, 2000a.
of these teachings as well) tried to play them down, they were
Ta-Shma, Israel. Talmudic Commentary in Europe and North Afri-
embraced by leading Tosafists (including Ri) in the second
ca (in Hebrew). Jerusalem, 2000b.
half of the twelfth century and became even more prominent
Ta-Shma, Israel. Collected Studies: Rabbinic Literature in the Mid-
through the thirteenth century, culminating in the figure of
dle Ages (in Hebrew). Vol. 1, Ashkenaz. Jerusalem, 2004.
Maharam of Rothenburg). The influence of the German pi-
etists in cultivating these disciplines also appears to have been
EPHRAIM KANARFOGEL (2005)
significant, although French figures such as Ezra the (ha-
Navi) of Moncontour (d.c. 1200 and other students of Ri
suggest that there was an independent core of influence as
TOSEFTA SEE MISHNAH AND TOSEFTA
well that perhaps extended back to Elijah of Paris (d.c. 1130)
in the early twelfth century.
All of this has implications for the way(s) that anthropo-
TOTEMISM is the systematic symbolization of social en-
morphism was approached and understood in medieval Ash-
tities (individuals, social units) through concrete phenome-
kenaz, which in turn impacts on the realities behind the Mai-
nal images, often natural species, and the development of
monidean controversy. In any event, rabbinic culture in
these symbols into relationships of identity, power, and com-
medieval Ashkenaz during the Tosafist period was clearly
mon origin. The term totem derives from dotem, a term used
broader and more variegated than has been thought, al-
by the Ojibwa, an Algonquin people of North America, to
though Talmudic interpretation and halakhic writings re-
denote clan membership. As a concept, totemism has been
mained the Tosafists’ most important areas of endeavor and
treated in two distinct senses, or phases, of anthropological
achievement.
theory. In the first, or evolutionary sense, it was postulated
S
as an institution of primitive thought, a necessary stage of
EE ALSO Ashkenazic Hasidism; Halakhah, article on Histo-
ry of Halakhah; Judaism, article on Judaism in Northern
religious conceptualization that all peoples must pass
and Eastern Europe to 1500; Rabbinate, article on The
through in the course of cultural evolution. This notion was
Rabbinate in Pre-Modern Judaism.
developed by such theorists as James G. Frazer and Émile
Durkheim, and it was the subject of a definitive critique by
Alexander A. Goldenweiser. The second, more modern sense
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Emanuel, Simcha. “The Lost Halakhic Books of the Tosafists” (in
of the term might be called its “systematic” sense, one that
Hebrew). Ph.D. dissertation, Hebrew University of Jerusa-
allows for a wide range of variance in culture-specific
lem, 1993.
schemes of symbolization and classification and that ap-
proaches the significance of totemism through its relation-
Emanuel, Simcha. “Biographical Data on R. Barukh b. Isaac” (in
ship to these schemes. This modern sense informs the view-
Hebrew). Tarbiz 69 (2000): 423–440.
point of Claude Lévi-Strauss’s critique Totemism (1963) and
Emanuel, Simcha. “Rabbi Barukh of Mainz: Portrait of a Scholar
forms the basis for his subsequent idea of a “science of the
as Reflected in the Fragments of His Writings” (in Hebrew).
concrete” (The Savage Mind, 1966).
Issues in Talmudic Research. Conference commemorating the
fifth anniversary of the passing of Ephraim E. Urbach, Jeru-
The first sense of totemism tends to exaggerate its uni-
salem, 2001.
tary aspects and make of it something of a universal primitive
Kanarfogel, Ephraim. Jewish Education and Society in the High
institution; the second tends to dissolve it into general issues
Middle Ages. Detroit, Mich., 1992.
of denomination and symbolism and to underplay the dis-
tinctiveness of the term and the usages to which it refers.
Kanarfogel, Ephraim. Peering through the Lattices: Mystical, Magi-
cal, and Pietistic Dimensions in the Tosafist Period. Detroit,
Instances of the naming of clans for natural species
Mich., 2000.
among North American peoples were known long before the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOTEMISM
9251
practice came to be called totemism. By the time the origin,
Goldenweiser called into question the unitary nature of the
significance, and definition of totemism became a major
phenomenon, pointing out that there was no necessary con-
topic of controversy among theorists of tribal religion, the
nection between the existence of clans, the use of totemic
area of ethnographic exemplification had shifted from the
designations for them, and the ideology of a relationship be-
Americas to central Australia. This shift was in part a conse-
tween human beings and totemic beings. Each of these phe-
quence of the splendid ethnography of Baldwin Spencer and
nomena, he argued, could in many cases be shown to exist
Francis James Gillen, but it also coincided with the wide-
independently of the others, so that totemism appeared less
spread adoption of the evolutionist notion of the “psychic
an institution or religion than an adventitious combination
unity of mankind.” According to this idea, human culture
of simpler and more widespread usages.
was essentially unitary and universal, having arisen every-
Despite the acuity and ultimate persuasiveness of Gol-
where through the same stages, so that if we could identify
denweiser’s arguments, the more creative “evolutionary” the-
a people who were “frozen” into an earlier stage, we would
ories appeared in the years after the publication of his cri-
observe modes of thought and action that were directly an-
tique. Like Frazer’s theory, Durkheim’s conception of
cestral to our own. Australia, a continent populated original-
totemism is exemplified primarily through Australian eth-
ly by hunting and gathering peoples alone, seemed to furnish
nography. Durkheim viewed totemism as dominated by
examples of the most primitive stages available.
what he called a quasi-divine principle (Durkheim, 1915,
Together with the concept of taboo, and perhaps also
p. 235), one that turned out to be none other than the repre-
that of mana, totemism became, for the later cultural evolu-
sentation of the social group or clan itself, presented to the
tionists, the emblem (or perhaps the “totem”) of primitive
collective imagination in the symbolic form of the creature
thought or religion—its hallmark, and therefore also the key
that serves as the totem. Totemism, then, was a special case
to its suspected irrationality. The origin and significance of
of the argument of Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, a
totemism became the subject of widespread theoretical spec-
work stating that religion is the form in which society takes
ulation during the first two decades of the twentieth century.
account of (reveres, worships, fears) its own collective force.
Much of the early theorization developed along the lines of
Sigmund Freud included the concept of totemism, as
E. B. Tylor’s conception of the evolution of the soul (for ex-
an exemplar (like the notion of taboo) of contemporary ideas
ample, totemic species as representations or repositories of
of primitive thought, in his psychodynamic reassessment of
the soul), or as literalizations of names (as in Herbert Spen-
cultural and religious forms. Freud’s Totem and Taboo
cer’s hypothesis that totems arose from an aberration in nick-
(1918) projected human culture as the creative result of a pri-
naming).
mal oedipal guilt. The totem was selected and revered as a
The controversy over totemism reached its peak after
substitute for the murdered father, and totemic exogamy
the publication of Frazer’s Totemism and Exogamy (1910).
functioned as an expiatory resignation on the part of the sons
In that work, Frazer distinguished totemism, as implying a
of claims to the women freed by the murder of the father.
relationship of equality or kinship with the totem, from reli-
In the last major theoretical treatment of “evolutionary”
gion, as a relationship with higher powers. He emphasized
totemism, Arnold van Gennep argued, against Goldenwei-
the solidarity function of totemism, which knits people into
ser, that its status as a particular combination of three ele-
social groups, as a contribution to the “cause of civilization.”
ments did not disqualify totemism’s integrity as a phenome-
Frazer’s speculation concerning the origin of totemism, how-
non. Yet Gennep rejected the views of Durkheim and other
ever, came more and more to reflect the particulars of his
social determinists to the effect that totemic categorization
Australian exemplars. From an initial theory identifying the
was based on social interests. Anticipating Lévi-Strauss, who
totem as a repository for a soul entrusted to it for safekeep-
based his later views on this position (Lévi-Strauss, 1966,
ing, Frazer turned to an explanation based on the Intichiuma
p. 162), Gennep saw totemism as a special case of the more
rites of central desert Aborigines, in which each subgroup is
general cultural phenomenon of classification, although he
responsible for the ritual replenishment of some (economi-
did not pursue the implications of this position to the degree
cally significant) natural species. The idea of the economic
that Lévi-Strauss did.
basis of totemism was later revived, in simplified form, by
Bronislaw Malinowski. Finally, Frazer developed the “con-
Claude Lévi-Strauss’s modern critique effectively con-
ception theory” of totemism, on the model of the Aranda
cludes the attack on evolutionary totemism begun by Gol-
people of central Australia, according to which a personal
denweiser, although it aims at the term totemism itself. In To-
totem is identified for a child by its mother on the basis of
temism (1963), Lévi-Strauss critically reviews the history of
experiences or encounters at the moment she becomes aware
the subject and reaches the conclusion that totemism is the
that she is pregnant. A creature or feature of the land thus
illusory construct of an earlier period in anthropological the-
“signified” becomes the child’s totem.
ory. Reviewing the more recent ethnographic findings of
writers like Meyer Fortes and Raymond Firth, he arrives at
In 1910, Goldenweiser, who had studied under Boas,
the proposition that it is the differences alone, among a series
published “Totemism: An Analytical Study,” an essay that
of totemic creatures, that serve to distinguish the correspond-
became the definitive critique of “evolutionary” totemism.
ing human social units. He disavows, in other words, any
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9252
TOTEMISM
sort of analogic relationship (of substance, origin, identity,
ence, including colors, human implements, traits, weather
or interest) between a totem and its human counterpart, and
conditions, as well as plants and animals, are assigned and
he thus reduces totemism to a special case of denomination
grouped as totems (Brandenstein, 1982, p. 87). These uni-
or designation. This leaves unexplained (or reduces to mere
versalized systems, in turn, are generally organized in terms
detail) perhaps the bulk of the ethnographic material to to-
of an overarching duality of principles. Brandenstein identi-
temism, concerned as it is with special ties and relationships
fies three of these—quick/slow, warm/cold, and round/flat
between totem and human unit. In order to deal with this
(large/small)—as generating, in their various permutations
question, Lévi-Strauss developed, in The Savage Mind
and combinations, the totemic-classificatory systems of ab-
(1966), his notion of the “science of the concrete,” in which
original Australia (ibid., pp. 148–149). A similarly compre-
totemic “classifications” are but a special instance of a more
hensive system is found among the Zuni of the American
widespread tradition of qualitative logic. Thus Lévi-Strauss
Southwest, for whom totemic clans are grouped in respective
is able to substitute the systematic tendencies of an abstract
association with seven directional orientations (the four di-
classifying schema for the specific relations between a totem
rections, plus zenith, nadir, and center), which are also
and its social counterpart.
linked to corresponding colors, social functions, and, in
some cases, seasons.
What is the place of totemism in the life of an ongoing
community? Consider the Walbiri, an Aboriginal people of
At the other extreme is individuating, or particularizing
the central Australian desert. Walbiri men are divided into
totemism, for the individual is also a social unit. Among the
about forty lines of paternal descent, each associated with a
Sauk and Osage of North America, traits, qualities, or attri-
totemic lodge devoted to the lore and ritual communication
butes of a clan totem will be assigned to clan members, as
with an ancestral Dreaming totem (kangaroo, wallaby, rain,
personal names, so that members of the Black Bear clan will
etc.). When they enact the Dreaming rituals, the men are be-
be known for its tracks, its eyes, the female of the species,
lieved to enter the “noumenal” phase of existence (Meggitt,
and so on (Lévi-Strauss, 1966, p. 173). Among the Kujamaat
1972, p. 72) and to merge with the totemic ancestors them-
Diola of Senegal, on the other hand, individuals are totem-
selves. Here the analogies between human beings and totem-
ized secretly through relationships with personalized animal
ic creatures are sacramentally transformed into identities,
doubles, which are produced by defecation from their own
made ritually into real relationships of mutual origin and cre-
bodies, and which live in the bush near their dwellings
ation, so that men of the different lodges actually belong to
(Sapir, 1977). Among the Usen Barok of New Ireland, indi-
different totemic species. When the ritual is concluded, how-
vidual names are taken from plant or animal manifestations
ever, they return to everyday “phenomenal” existence and re-
of the essentially formless masalai, or tutelary clan spirit.
assume their human character, so that the totemic designa-
Wherever personal names are conceived of as a relation be-
tions revert to mere names, linked to respective moieties,
tween the bearer of the name and some phenomenal entity,
linked subsections, and other constituents of the complex
we can consider naming itself to be a form of individual to-
Walbiri social structure.
temism.
Thus the “noumenal phase” of Walbiri life, the ritual
Totemic individuation of this sort, in which the charac-
state, is constituted by the analogies drawn between human
ter of the name itself bears a specific relational significance,
beings and their totems, whereas in the “phenomenal phase”
occurs frequently in the naming of modern sports teams, and
these analogies collapse into arbitrary labels. Only in the lat-
in formal or informal national symbols, such as the eagle or
ter phase does Lévi-Strauss’s proposition about the “differ-
the bear. Totemism has been proposed as the antecedent of
ences alone” being the basis for coding human groups apply,
the syncretistic religion of ancient Egypt, with possible indi-
for, as human beings, the members of these subsections and
rect connections to the Greco-Roman pantheon. Predynastic
moieties can marry one another’s sisters and daughters,
Egypt was subdivided into a large number of local territorial
something that different species cannot do. Within the same
units called nomes, each identified through the worship of
culture, in other words, totemic distinctions can serve either
a particular theriomorphic deity. As the unification of Egypt
as “labels,” to code the differences or distinctions among
involved the political joining of these nomes, so the evolu-
human groups, or, by expanding into metaphoric analogues,
tion of Egyptian religion led to the combining of the totemic
accomplish the religious differentiation of men into different
creatures into compound deities such as Amun-Re (“ram-
“species.”
sun”), or Re-Harakhte (“sun-hawk”). There are possible ar-
chaic connections of these theriomorphic deities, with Ho-
The totemic symbolization of social units is, in many
meric Greek divinities: for example, the cow Hathor with the
cultures, integrated into a larger or more comprehensive
“ox-eyed Hera.” Alternatively, of course, these divinities may
categorial or cosmological scheme, so that the totemic crea-
have acquired such characterizations as the heritage of an in-
tures themselves may be organized into broader categories.
digenous totemism.
Among the Ojibwa of North America, totems are grouped
according to habitat (earth, air, or water). Aboriginal Austra-
Totemism may not be the key to “primitive thought”
lia is distinctive in carrying this tendency to the extreme of
that Frazer, Durkheim, and Freud imagined it to be, but the
“totem affiliation,” in which all the phenomena of experi-
use of concrete phenomenal images as a means of differentia-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOTONAC RELIGION
9253
tion is not easily explained away as merely another mode of
social origin and conception of religion; totemism plays a
designation, or naming. Wherever social units of any kind—
prominent part in the argument.
individuals, groups, clans, families, corporations, sports
Frazer, James G. Totemism and Exogamy. 4 vols. London, 1910.
teams, or military units—are arrayed on an equal footing and
The work that established totemism as a central issue in the
in “symmetrical” opposition to one another, the possibility
era of historical anthropology. Well written, but an exercise
arises of transforming a mere quantitative diversity into qual-
in a dated style of anthropological speculation.
itative meaning through the use of concrete imagery. Diver-
Freud, Sigmund. Totem and Taboo. New York, 1918. The heuris-
sity is then not merely encoded but instead enters the dimen-
tic psychoanalytic “origin myth” of society, its neuroses and
sion of meaning, of identity as a concrete, positive quality.
taboos; theoretical speculation on totemism at the apex of its
popularity outside of anthropological circles.
Whenever we speak of a sports team as the Braves, Indi-
ans, Cubs, or Vikings, or speak of the Roman, American,
Goldenweiser, Alexander A. “Totemism: An Analytical Study.”
German, or Polish eagle, or consider Raven, Eagle, and Killer
Journal of American Folk-Lore 23 (1910): 179–293. The clas-
Whale clans, we make the differences among the respective
sic critique on the “evolutionary” concept of totemism, valid
even in relation to works published years afterward.
units something more than differences, and we give each unit
a center and a significance of its own. Whenever this occurs,
Lévi-Strauss, Claude. Le totémisme aujourd’hui. Paris, 1962.
the possibility arises of developing this significance, to a
Translated into English by Rodney Needham as Totemism
(Boston, 1963). The modern critique of totemism, written
greater or lesser degree, into a profound relationship of rap-
from a symbolic point of view; a classic of the structuralist
port, communion, power, or mythic origin. Viewed in this
approach.
light, the “totems” of a social entity become markers and car-
riers of its identity and meaning; to harm or consume the
Lévi-Strauss, Claude. The Savage Mind. London, 1966. A devel-
opment of the idea of totemism as denomination into the
totem may well, under certain cultural circumstances, be-
notion of a “science of the concrete.”
come a powerful metaphor for the denial of qualitative
meaning. When theorists of totemism sought to explain the
Meggitt, M. J. “Understanding Australian Aboriginal Society:
Kinship Systems of Cultural Categories.” In Kinship Studies
phenomenon solely in terms of the food quest, marriage re-
in the Morgan Centennial Year, edited by Priscilla Reining,
strictions, coding, or classification, they subverted the force
pp. 64–87. Washington, D.C., 1972. An account by a noted
of cultural meaning to considerations that would find an eas-
ethnographer of the complexities of Australian Aboriginal so-
ier credibility in a materialistically and pragmatically ori-
cial conceptualization.
ented society, “consuming,” as it were, meaning through its
Sapir, J. David. “Fecal Animals: An Example of Complementary
markers and carriers.
Totemism.” Man, n.s. 12 (April 1977): 1–21. A contempo-
The ostensibly “primitive” character of totemism is an
rary study of a highly unusual form of individual totemism
illusion, based on a tendency of literate traditions to overva-
and its philosophical implications.
lue abstraction and to reduce the rich and varied spectrum
New Sources
of meaning to the barest requirements of information cod-
Adler, Alfred, Bernard Juillerat, and Marie Mauzé. Totémismes.
ing. In fact abstract reference and concrete image are inextri-
Ivry, France, 1998.
cably interrelated; they imply each other, and neither can
Morphy, Howard. “Myth, Totemism and the Creation of Clans.”
exist without the other. Certainly, peoples whose social orga-
Oceania 60, no. 4 (1990): 55–64.
nizations lack hierarchy and organic diversity (e.g., social
Ratha, S. N. “Rethinking Totemism: Man-nature Relationship in
class or the division of labor) tend to develop and dramatize
Maintaining the Ecological Balance.” Man in India 70, no.
a qualitative differentiation through the imagery of natural
3 (1990): 245–252.
species, whereas those whose social units show an organic di-
Schwartz, Theodore. “Culture Totemism: Ethnic Identity, Primi-
versity need not resort to a symbolic differentiation. The
tive and Modern.” In Ethnic Identity: Creation, Conflict, and
choice, however, is not a matter of primitiveness or sophisti-
Accommodation. Walnut Creek, Calif., 1995.
cation but rather of the complementarity between social
Shapiro, Warren. “Claude Lévi-Strauss meets Alexander Golden-
form and one of two equally sophisticated, and mutually in-
weiser: Boasian Anthropology and the Study of Totemism.”
terdependent, symbolic alternatives.
American Anthropologist 93, no. 3 (1991): 599–610.
SEE ALSO Anthropology, Ethnology, and Religion; Austra-
Silverman, Eric Kline. “Gender of the Cosmos: Totemism, Soci-
lian Indigenous Religions, overview article; Warlpiri
ety and Embodiment in the Sepik River.” Oceania 67, no.
Religion.
1 (1996): 30–49.
ROY WAGNER (1987)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Revised Bibliography
Brandenstein, C.-G. von. Names and Substance of the Australian
Subsection System. Chicago, 1982. A comprehensive, com-
parative analysis of totemic categories in relation to Austra-
lian social organizaiton.
TOTONAC RELIGION. In the city of Zempoala
Durkheim, Émile. The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life
(Cempoallan), situated in what is today the state of Veracruz,
(1915). Reprint, New York, 1965. The classic work on the
Mexico, the Totonac people were the first to receive Europe-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9254
TOTONAC RELIGION
ans to the great land mass of continental America. The year
were ground into the mouths of the principal idols. Blood
was 1519 and the Spanish conquest of Mexico had begun.
was the food of the Sun. The persons sacrificed were messen-
At that time the Totonac occupied a strip of land flanked by
gers sent to plead with the Sun to send his son to liberate
the Atlantic Ocean and the Sierra Madre Oriental, between
the Totonac from the practices imposed on them by the
the Cazones River in the north and La Antigua River near
Aztec. (Fine illustrations of human sacrifice are to be found
the present port of Veracruz. Two important Totonac cere-
in the reliefs at El Tajín.) Similar practices were followed at
monial centers existed in this territory. The first, El Tajín,
Zempoala for at least two other important festivals. The flesh
was located in the north and had ceased to function before
of the victims was eaten by dignitaries and a few other influ-
the arrival of the Spanish. The second, Zempoala, is reputed
ential people. Besides this elitist communion, there existed
to have been populous when the Spanish arrived; soon after,
a practice popular among men who were more than twenty-
it witnessed the collapse of its idols and their replacement
six years of age: every six months they consumed a paste pre-
with the Christian cross.
pared from the blood of infants’ hearts, seeds from plants
grown in the temples, and a milky latex from the Castilla
Well before the Conquest, the Totonac people had ex-
elastica tree. This sacrament was called yoliaimtlaqualoz, a
tended even farther south, to the margins of the Papaloapan
Nahuatl word meaning “food for the soul.”
River. The Nahuatl-speaking Aztec had, however, reduced
the extent of the Totonac’s southern territories, and at the
Another regular custom was a confession of sins, called
time of the Spanish arrival Zempoala, the Totonac capital,
maiolcuita in Nahuatl. A person would retire to some isolat-
was paying tribute to its Aztec rulers. By this time Nahuatl
ed spot and confess his wrongdoings aloud. According to Las
was the lingua franca in the region, and thus the Spanish
Casas, penitents would often wring their hands and cry out
priests used Nahuatl terms to describe Totonac religion, a
in anguish with such conviction that it was, in his words, a
practice still common among scholars today.
custom “well worth consideration.”
At present some one hundred thousand Totonac-
The Totonac had a goddess, the consort of the sun god,
speaking people survive in the northern part of their original
whose temple was high in the sierra. She received sacrifices
territory between the states of Puebla and Veracruz. Linguis-
of decapitated animals and birds as well as offerings of herbs
tically, the Totonac are related to the Zoqueano- and
and flowers. Her name was Tonacayohua, which means
Mayan-speaking peoples. However, there is no evidence con-
“preserver of the flesh” in Nahuatl. In contrast to many other
necting the religion and culture of the Totonac to those of
Mesoamerican cultures, the Totonac did not believe the
the Maya and the Zoqueano. Our understanding of the To-
Sun’s consort to be the Moon, since Totonac tradition con-
tonac religion is based upon archaeological evidence primari-
sidered both the Sun and the Moon to be male deities. The
ly from Zempoala, El Tajín, and Puebla, and upon analysis
Totonac’s hope, reported by Las Casas, that the sun god
of early descriptions provided by Fray Bartolomé de Las
would intercede by sending his son to liberate them from ser-
Casas and Fray Andrés de Olmos.
vitude to the Aztec’s gods, who required human sacrifice,
EVIDENCE FROM ZEMPOALA. According to Las Casas, who
may well have been a Christian interpretation of Totonac be-
relied on information supplied by a young page of Cortés,
lief. Similarly, although the Sun, the Moon, and the planet
daily homage was paid in Zempoala to the Sun (Chichiní in
Venus together figure prominently in the paintings in the
Totonac), who was the creator of all other gods. Early in the
temple of Las Caritas in Zempoala, it is improbable that the
morning seven priests would attend the temple. One of the
Totonac viewed these three celestial deities as forming a uni-
priests would gaze skyward, paying reverence to the Sun be-
fied Trinity.
fore bathing the Sun’s image, as well as the images of other
In the same city a temple was dedicated to Xolotl, the
gods, in incense. On ceremonial occasions nobles and offi-
twin brother of Quetzalcoatl. These brothers were personifi-
cials would go to the temple to worship. According to Las
cations of the different manifestations of the planet Venus
Casas, every Saturday everyone was obliged to gather in the
as Morning Star and Evening Star.
atrium of the temple to pray. Scholars now believe that this
took place every fifth day. There, the nobles and principal
To the south of Zempoala, large sculptures were erected
dignitaries mutilated themselves before their gods by passing
of women who had died during their first childbirth. Such
numerous straws through incisions made in various parts of
women were venerated, their deaths being seen as equivalent
their bodies. Las Casas mentions in particular tongues,
to the deaths of soldiers killed while taking prisoners (new
thighs, and ears. The act of bleeding was a mechanism of pu-
servants for the Sun). Called cihuateteo (Nah., “deified
rification.
women”) by the Aztec, they were responsible for transport-
ing the Sun on his course across the sky. Statuettes from the
At the winter solstice an important festival was celebrat-
same area provide evidence that human beings were flayed
ed during which eighteen people, men and women, were sac-
in homage to a god similar to the Aztec deity Xipe Totec;
rificed. Eighteen is also the number of veintenas (Span., “set
the sacrifice was made to ensure a bountiful harvest.
of twenty,” i.e., “months” composed of twenty days each)
into which the Mesoamerican year was divided. The human
EVIDENCE FROM EL TAJÍN AND PUEBLA. The relief sculp-
sacrifice took place at midnight; the hearts of the victims
tures among the archaeological remains of El Tajín reveal the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOUCHING
9255
existence of another god, Huracán (whence the English word
Williams-García, Roberto. “Una visión del mundo totonaquen-
hurricane). While in Zempoala Huracán is represented as a
se.” In Actes du Quarante-deuxième Congrès international de
chacmool, a reclining anthropomorphic figure, in El Tajín he
americanistes, vol. 9–B, pp. 121–128. Paris, 1979.
is represented as a one-legged deity whom I consider analo-
New Sources
gous to Tezcatlipoca. From the Sierra Madre near El Tajín,
Cuentos totonacos: antología (Totonac tales: anthology). Mexico
Olmos reported the existence of (and denounced) a god
City, 2000.
called Chicueyozumatli (“8 Monkey”), to whom homage
Culturas prehispánicas del Golfo (Pre-hispanic cultures in the gulf).
was paid at a time near that of the Christian festival of Easter.
Veracruz, Mexico, 1999.
Like Huracán, Chicueyozumatli is analogous to Tezcatlipo-
Espejo, Alberto, Moraima Marín, and Rosalía Hernández. Cuentos
ca. Huracán was also equivalent to the god Tajín himself; this
y leyendas de la region de Naolinco (Tales and legends of the
storm god survives today among the Totonac, who give him
Naolinco region). Veracruz, Mexico, 1996.
various names, including Trueno Viejo (Span., “old thun-
Garma Navarro, Carlos. Protestantismo en una comunidad totonaca
der”), Aktsini’, and Nanahuatzin.
de Puebla, México (Protestantism and a Totonac community
It was also from the Sierra Madre that the Spanish first
in Puebla, Mexico). Mexico City, 1987.
reported a festival, called Calcusot by the Totonac, which
Ortiz Espejel, Benjamín. Cultura asediada: espacio e historia en el
was held in November for the remembrance of the dead.
trópico veracurano, el caso del Totonacapan (Besieged culture:
This festival was widespread among the indigenous peoples
space and history in the Veracruz tropics, the case of the To-
of Mexico and survives today in a modified form celebrated
tonac). Mexico City, 1995.
on All Souls’ Day.
ROBERTO WILLIAMS-GARCIA (1987)
Translated from Spanish by Robert Allkin
Religious beliefs bore upon sexual practices. Totonac
Revised Bibliography
priests were required to maintain celibacy. The high priest
and the secondary priest were responsible for the circumci-
sions of month-old boys, and they also broke the hymens of
infant girls. Priests would recommend that mothers repeat
TOUCHING. In religious usage touching often implies
the latter operation once their daughters had reached the age
more than simple physical contact with the hands or other
of six. Through Olmos we also know that those seeking good
parts of the body. One may confer a touch to heal or assert
health for some relative would refrain from sexual contact for
power, to convey or obtain grace, or to consecrate or con-
eighty days before making their petition. The general regard
strain a person or object.
for abstinence is demonstrated in a popular tale in which an
HEALING TOUCH. A classic instance of touching is recorded
old man arrives too late for a competition as a result of his
in the first three Gospels. They relate that a woman who had
libertine ways. The winner of the competition is transformed
had an issue of blood for twelve years came behind Jesus in
into the Sun; the old man is transformed into the Moon.
a crowd and touched the fringe of his garment. According
Several popular tales today constitute the remnants of
to Luke, Jesus asked, “Who touched me?” and added, “I per-
the Totonac religion. In the area of Zempoala the Totonac
ceive that power has gone out from me” (Lk. 8:45–46).
language is no longer spoken, but in the area of El Tajín
When the woman saw that she was hidden despite the press-
(present-day Papantla de Olarte) it still survives. Here the
ing crowd, she fell down before Jesus and declared that she
Totonac religious tales have become syncretized with Roman
had been immediately healed. As a charismatic healer, Jesus
Catholic beliefs. One example is that the Sun and Jesus
laid his hands upon sick folk, touched lepers, and put his fin-
Christ are often considered to be the same. Another example
gers into the ears of a deaf mute and touched his tongue; he
is that Saint John and the god Tajín (or Trueno Viejo) are
also put his spittle on the eyes of a blind man and twice laid
also identified as the same. The spread of Catholic (and,
hands on his eyes to effect a cure (Mk. 8:22–26).
more recently, Protestant) religion continues to break down
In the Hebrew scriptures, the prophet Elisha is said to
the original Totonac religion.
have laid himself upon the corpse of a child and to have put
S
his mouth on the child’s mouth, his eyes on his eyes, and his
EE ALSO Tezcatlipoca.
hands on his hands. The child’s flesh became warm, and the
B
prophet got up and then again stretched himself upon the
IBLIOGRAPHY
Las Casas, Bartolomé de. Apologética historia de las Indias. Madrid,
body. Then the child sneezed seven times and opened his
1909.
eyes (2 Kgs. 4:34–35). The prophet Isaiah, after having had
Olmos, Andrés de. “Proceso seguido por Fray Andrés de Olmos
a vision of God “high and lifted up,” confessed his own sin-
en contra del cacique de Matlatlán.” Archivo general de la na-
fulness, whereupon a seraph flew to him with a live coal from
ción (Mexico City) 3 (1912): 205–215.
the heavenly altar and touched his mouth with it to purge
Torquemada, Juan de. Monarquía indiana. 3d ed. Mexico City,
his iniquity (Is. 6:1–7).
1975.
Not only the touch of a sacred person but the touch of
Williams-García, Roberto. “Trueno Viejo = Huracán = Chac
anything connected with him could exercise healing power.
Mool.” Tlatoani (Mexico City) 8–9 (1954): 77.
The New Testament reports that the shadow of Peter was
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9256
TOUCHING
sought by the sick, who were brought into the street to be
In Asia and North America, both medicine men and
cured as he passed by (Acts 5:15). And miracles were wrought
shamans alike have performed functions of healing by touch-
not only by the hands of Paul but by the clothes that were
ing. Although the shaman may utilize the curative properties
taken from his body and given to the sick, whereupon diseas-
of plants and animals or may massage patients, many illnesses
es and possession by evil spirits went out of them (Acts
are regarded as spiritual, that is, caused by injury to the soul.
19:12).
Thus the shaman’s method is meant to restore the soul, and
this he accomplishes by ascending to the heavens or descend-
The disciples of Jesus healed the sick by anointing them
ing to the underworld in a trance. If he perceives the disease
with oil (Mk. 6:13), and the elders of the church were in-
to have been caused by a foreign body, visible or invisible,
structed to pray for the sick and anoint them with oil in the
he may extract it by sucking the part of the body that he saw
name of the Lord (Jas. 5:14–15). From this developed what
while in a trance, sucking the skin either directly or through
came to be called the unction of the sick, in some Eastern
a bone or wooden tube. The shaman then dances and after-
and Western churches, and extreme unction (a sacrament)
ward may paint magical designs on the patient’s body or in-
in the Roman Catholic church. To the accompaniment of
struct the patient’s family on how this is to be done.
prayer, anointing oil is administered to the eyes, ears, nose,
lips, hands, and feet of the sick person “for the health of body
In Japan, Nakayama Miki (1778–1884), founder of the
and soul.” This rite is to be distinguished from the viaticum
Tenrikyo¯ religion, sought to heal sick people by giving them
(“provision for a journey”) of Holy Communion, which is
food or one of her belongings. As the numbers of her follow-
administered to those near death.
ers increased, she prepared amulets to give them. Relatives
of the sick consulted her and brought with them some of the
Although Islam affirms that Muh:ammad was a man and
afflicted one’s clothes. She took them in her hands and
that the one miracle he wrought was the QurDa¯n, devotees
breathed on them, and it was said that recovery followed at
have credited the Prophet with a healing touch. Al-Bakha¯r¯ı
once. Miki also distributed to her disciples pieces of paper
recorded that when one of Muh:ammad’s companions broke
on which she had breathed, and when the demand on her
his leg, the Prophet passed his hands over the limb, where-
became too great she granted this power of breath to her cho-
upon it seemed as if nothing had ever been wrong with it.
sen disciples.
A woman brought him her son who was possessed, and
Muh:ammad stroked the boy’s breast and prayed until the lad
TOUCHES OF POWER OR REVERENCE. According to the Laws
vomited and was healed. The Prophet even had power over
of Manu, a Hindu high-caste student must clasp the feet of
nature: a palm tree that was one of the pillars of his mosque
his teacher both at the beginning and at the end of each les-
is said to have shouted out until it almost split, whereupon
son in the Vedas, crossing his hands so that he touches the
the Prophet embraced it until it calmed down and was quiet
left foot with his left hand and the right foot with his right
again.
hand. Similarly, he should touch the feet of his teacher’s wife
and the wife of his teacher’s brother, if she is of the same caste
In ancient and preliterate societies, power is attributed
(Manu 2.72, 132, 217).
to the touch of healers, priests, and shamans. Doctors of the
Ndembu of Zambia, for example, encircle a patient’s hut and
Down to modern times, the physical presence of a
bring medicines of roots and leaves. The patient’s chest and
teacher or guru has been treasured above books or learning,
shoulders are washed, and then the doctor catches him by
since true knowledge, power, and even divinity come
the little finger and directs him to a fire to warm himself. Still
through him. Sometimes the guru sits before his disciple in
holding the patient’s little finger, the doctor gives him a rat-
silence, and the latter squats with eyes closed. The guru may
tle, and after a while the patient begins to tremble and dance.
eventually touch the disciple’s forehead or gaze into his eyes,
A helper puts his hands on the patient’s shoulders while the
and thus power is felt to pass from one to the other.
doctor places a medicine basket on the patient’s head; after
further dancing, the patient is led backward into his own hut
In daily religious practice, a devout Hindu asks pardon
to rest and recover.
from the earth for touching it with his feet as he rises from
bed. When he is ready for worship, he invokes his god by
The practice of touching an animal in order to transfer
nya¯sa, “placing” or “fixing” the presence of the divinity in his
evil to it is illustrated in the Bible. The priest Aaron was in-
body by holding the right hand successively in front of the
structed to take two goats into the wilderness, one to be sacri-
mouth, eyes, ears, nostrils, top of the head, forearms, navel,
ficed as a sin offering and the other to be given as a scapegoat
and back. The touching is accompanied by recitation of a
to EAzaDzel, a desert demon. The priest placed his hands on
mantra, a scriptural text, and prayers that the gods who pro-
the head of the second goat, confessing over it the sins of the
tect different parts of the body may each take up his special
people, and sent it off to wander in the wilderness (Lv. 16:7–
place. Nya¯sa is also performed on images to install the gods
10, 21). In West Africa, a mother of twins who had died took
within them. With bunches of sacred grass, the breast of the
a goat by the horns and placed her forehead three times
image is touched to install Brahma, the hand is touched to
against it in order to transfer her evil to it. Then the animal
install Indra, the feet for Vis:n:u, and other parts for the ap-
was sent away to wander outside the village.
propriate gods.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOUCHING
9257
In Sri Lanka, Buddhists perform comparable rites. In
his hands (Acts 8:18–19). Paul and Barnabas had hands laid
the presence of a superior, one joins the hands in reverence,
on them for success in a special mission, but a warning to
bows or kneels, and even touches the ground with the fore-
Timothy to “lay hands suddenly on no man” shows that care
head or touches the feet of the person saluted. Similar rever-
was needed in such dedication.
ence is accorded images of the Buddha and other holy fig-
ures. The “eye festival,” which is held on completion of an
Commission to service by laying on hands, especially in
image of the Buddha, is an elaborate ritual performed to en-
the ordained ministry of the church, has continued through
sure that the gaze of the image does not fall directly on the
the ages. It is practiced by nonepiscopal and free churches
craftsman who paints in the eyes. He looks into a mirror to
as well as by those that claim an unbroken apostolic and epis-
see the eyes as he paints them, thus avoiding the dangerous
copal succession transmitted through this sacred touch. In
gaze; afterward he is led blindfolded from the room, and the
the Church of England, the ordination of priests by the epis-
covering is removed only when his eyes will fall on some-
copal touch gives power as well as office, as reflected in these
thing harmless, such as water.
words from the traditional Book of Common Prayer: “Receive
the Holy Ghost for the office and work of a priest in the
In Buddhist myth and imagery occurs the symbolic ges-
Church of God, now committed unto thee by the imposition
ture (mudra¯) of the Buddha “touching the ground”
of our hands.” In the consecration of a bishop, other bishops
(Bhu¯mi´sparsa Mudra¯). There are several versions of this
lay hands on his head and exhort him to “stir up the grace
event. In one version, the Buddha at the point of attaining
of God which is given thee by this imposition of our hands.”
perfection was warned that he would be attacked by demons.
At the investiture of a high-caste Hindu, the candidate passes
So he pointed to the ground with his finger and called on
from low or neutral status to that of a “twice-born.” The cen-
the gods of the earth to rise up and kill the demons. In anoth-
tral rite is the Upanayana, the “donning of the sacred
er version, the demon king Ma¯ra claimed the Buddha’s
thread,” nowadays confined usually to boys, although in for-
throne and summoned his troops as witnesses. The Buddha
mer times girls also were invested with this symbol of rebirth.
then touched the earth as his witness, and it proclaimed his
While the preceptor recites appropriate texts, the candidate,
right to the throne. Yet other accounts call this symbolic ges-
facing the sun, slips the cotton threads over his head and
ture the mudra¯ of the defeat of Ma¯ra, or touching the earth
across his breast. The teacher puts his right hand on the right
to oblige its gods to swear eternal fealty. Touching the
side of the boy, alternately touching the candidate’s shoulder
ground has the meaning of repressing evil and also of calling
and his own breast while exhorting obedience and unity of
the earth to witness. The five fingers of the left hand hold
mind. The teacher then takes the boy’s right hand into his
the Buddha’s robe at the level of the breast, and with the
own and asks him his “old name”; he then gives him a “new
right hand five fingers touch or press the earth. In Buddhist
name” (which is uttered only at this ceremony). When the
imagery, this gesture is a distinctive sign of the historical
candidate is finally considered ceremonially pure, he per-
Buddha, S´a¯kyamuni, whereas other gestures in images and
forms nya¯sa, touching his own head, eyes, nostrils, hands,
pictures are common to several Buddhas.
arms, limbs, and other parts of his body to purify them all.
An Islamic tradition, from al-Bukha¯r¯ı, says that once,
The third finger of the right hand is considered the most aus-
when there was only a little food, Muh:ammad blessed it until
picious, and, with it, the newly “twice-born” man touches
there was enough for a great multitude. This is similar to the
some of the ashes of the sacred fire that is burning nearby
gospel accounts of Jesus praying, blessing, and breaking five
and puts them on his forehead, throat, and right shoulder
loaves of bread for five thousand people. Another Islamic
and over his heart. Then he is blessed and bows to his teacher
narrative says that once, when the followers of Muh:ammad
and all his elders.
were thirsty, he put his hand into a bucket and water gushed
Not only prophets and healers but secular rulers have
out from between his fingers like a spring. One follower said
been credited with a potent touch, thereby expressing the di-
that the Prophet came to him in a dream and kissed his
vinity that “doth hedge a king.” European kings touched
cheek, so that when he awoke the house was full of scent.
their subjects who suffered from scrofula, also called “the
In Christianity, laying on of hands is said to communi-
king’s evil,” a swelling of the glands that supposedly was
cate power. The Gospels record that parents brought chil-
cured by the royal touch. French kings had done this since
dren to Jesus in order that he might touch them. He brushed
ancient times, and the custom was introduced to England in
aside the protective barrier formed by the disciples and, tak-
the eleventh century by the saintly Edward the Confessor.
ing the children in his arms, “he blessed them, laying his
In the late fifteenth century, Henry VII, perhaps to encour-
hands upon them” (Mk. 10:16). The Gospels record that the
age support for his claim to the throne, instituted a ceremony
first Christian apostles chose deacons to help in secondary
for touching persons suffering from scrofula and presented
duties, laid hands on them, and prayed, whereupon the dea-
the afflicted with gold coins; in the seventeenth century,
cons became filled with power. Peter and John laid their
Charles I distributed silver pieces for the sufferers to touch.
hands on converts so that they would receive the Holy Spirit
From then until 1719, the Anglican Book of Common Prayer
(Acts 6:6). The magician Simon tried to buy this power so
contained an office called At the Healing, in which the mon-
that the Spirit might also descend on those on whom he laid
arch laid hands on the assembled infirm persons and put gold
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9258
TOUCHING
or silver about their necks while a chaplain recited the follow-
and plow a furrow, pluck mulberries and feed silkworms, and
ing prayer: “God give a blessing to this work, and grant that
break new ground to increase the supply of grain. As the rep-
these sick persons on whom the king lays his hands may re-
resentative of Heaven, the king formally touched the plow
cover.” The practice of royal touching to gain popular sup-
or sickle to initiate the harvest. In Japan, to this day the em-
port reached its peak in England under Charles II, who
peror cuts the first rice of the harvest. Photographs in public
reigned from 1660 to 1685. Charles touched nearly one hun-
newspapers show him dressed in shirt, suspenders, and trou-
dred thousand people. According to Thomas Macaulay, “in
sers, harvesting rice. The rice he has cut is sent to the central
1684, the throng was such that six or seven of the sick were
Shinto shrines at Ise.
trampled to death.” A short time later, William III called the
KISSING AND HANDSHAKING. Kissing is a form of close
practice “a silly superstition,” though his wife and coregent,
touching, a sign of reverence as well as of greeting or affec-
Mary II, continued it. Queen Anne, who reigned from 1702
tion. It is performed on human beings and objects alike. The
to 1714, was the last British monarch to practice royal touch-
Bible’s report that the prophet Elijah was assured that there
ing. James Boswell recorded in his biography of Samuel
were in Israel seven thousand people who had not kissed the
Johnson that the infant Johnson had been taken to be
god Baal indicates that the Canaanite and Phoenician cus-
touched by Queen Anne because he had a disfigured face,
tom of kissing the images of their gods was being practiced
“his mother yielding to the superstitious notion, which, it is
by the Israelites. The prophet Hosea also spoke despairingly
wonderful to think prevailed so long in this country, as to
of the Israelites kissing silver idols of calves. The Greeks and
the virtue of the regal touch.” Queen Anne’s touch, however,
Romans also kissed images of their gods, and early Christians
had no effect on the young Johnson, and Boswell teased him
were persecuted for refusing to make such homage.
that “his mother had not carried him far enough, she should
have taken him to Rome.” A practice comparable to the royal
The ancient Hebrews kissed the floor of the Temple.
healing touch is the washing of feet performed on Maundy
Jews still kiss the scroll of the Torah when they are about to
Thursday by notable people in imitation of Christ’s washing
read it, and they kiss any holy book if it has been accidentally
his disciples’ feet. The practice took its name from the Latin
dropped. When the Torah scrolls are taken around the syna-
mandatum, the translation of the “new commandment” that
gogue in procession, worshipers touch them and then place
is given in John 13:34. Popes, bishops, and kings practiced
their hands on their own breasts. When a Jew puts on a
the ablution; the pope would wash the feet of his cardinals
prayer shawl, he kisses it, and upon entering or leaving a
or, in modern times, the feet of selected poor men. In En-
room, Jews may kiss or touch a mezuzah, the miniature con-
gland, kings did such washing until the reign of James II in
tainer holding several verses of scripture that is affixed to a
the late seventeenth century. Specially minted “Maundy
doorpost. At the Western Wall in Jerusalem, worshipers han-
money” is still distributed by the monarch to certain old peo-
dle and kiss pieces of paper on which they write prayers and
ple during a religious ceremony that takes place at a different
that they then put into cracks in the wall.
cathedral in England each year on Maundy Thursday, the
In the celebration of the Mass, Roman Catholic priests
Thursday before Easter.
kiss the altar and the corporal cloth on which the sacred ele-
Power in the royal touch, look, or presence is attested
ments are laid. A priest also kisses the cross on a stole before
in many places. In the Laws of Manu the presence of the
he puts it on. In both Eastern and Western churches, ritual
king, like the sun, is said to burn eyes and hearts, and nobody
kissing is also performed with relics and with books of the
on earth can even gaze on him; even an infant king is a deity
gospel, crosses, candles, palm branches, vestments, and uten-
in human form. The monarch’s responsibilities are great, and
sils of the liturgy. In British courts, oaths are sworn by taking
he must conquer his own senses if he is to require obedience
the Bible or another holy book in ungloved hands; formerly
from others. The king rules by the rod but must do no bodily
the book was kissed.
injury unjustly. If he fights his foes in battle, he must not
Images and icons are popular objects of the kiss. In Saint
strike with poisonous weapons or smite one who surrenders.
Peter’s Church in Rome, the toe of a statue of the apostle
His highest duty is to protect his subjects and gratify with
has been partly worn away by the kisses of devotees. In Ire-
a kindly reception all who come to see him.
land, the kissing of the Blarney Stone is a modern tourist at-
West African kings often wore beaded veils over their
traction that may look back to prehistoric times. Part of the
faces, a practice that seems to be very ancient, from the evi-
ritual of the Islamic pilgrimage to Mecca is kissing the Black
dence of bronze masks with holes for veils. To look directly
Stone, which is set in the wall of the KaDbah. Because the
at a king’s face or to receive his unveiled gaze were considered
crowds are vast, some pilgrims use long sticks to touch the
equally dangerous. For the monarch to point at or touch a
stone, or from a distance they simulate a gesture of touching
commoner might be seen as either a mark of favor or of
and afterward pass their hands over their faces while praising
danger.
God and his prophet. In the opposite corner of the KaDbah
is another stone, which it was the Prophet’s custom to touch.
In China, the physical obligations of a king were de-
When the crowd prevents a pilgrim from touching it, he says
tailed by the Confucian scholar Tung Chung-shu, who stat-
a prayer for blessing and forgiveness. Followers of the late
ed that the monarch must personally grasp a plow handle
shah of Iran may still be observed kissing his portrait, and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOUCHING
9259
the same gesture of reverence is offered to pictures of his
or dangerous. Touching any unclean thing would bring guilt
rival, the Ayatollah Khomeini.
and pollution and would require purgation by the presenta-
tion of a sin offering and an atonement effected by a priest.
The Second Psalm (2:11) exhorts Israelite worshipers to
Touching a dead body was considered particularly danger-
“kiss [the Lord’s] feet,” no doubt an act of homage. This car-
ous, and there are repeated warnings against such action. The
ried over to the kissing of kings’ and popes’ feet. In India,
power of blood was always perilous, and touching a menstru-
to kiss the feet or take the dust of the feet upon one’s own
ating woman or anything she sat on required washing and
head is a sign of submission and reverence. A farewell kiss
the presentation of a sin offering. Because blood was consid-
to the dead is an old practice, one that was sometimes forbid-
ered the life or soul, prohibitions against its consumption
den. It is still practiced in an attenuated form by touching
were imposed on Jews, and this rule was extended to Mus-
the coffin.
lims as well.
In the Islamic world, kissing the shoulder, the foot, or,
The Bible also strictly forbade touching to harm, or
especially, the hand of a holy man is believed to communi-
even to suggest disrespect for, a sacred object or person.
cate spiritual benefit. The water in which saints have washed
When Uzzah put out his hand to steady the Ark, “God smote
their hands confers grace, and schoolboys may drink the
him” (2 Sm. 6:7). The Bible records God’s command,
water they have used to wash the board on which they write
“touch not mine anointed, and do my prophets no harm,”
passages from the QurDa¯n, in order that they may learn the
a sentiment echoed in the vicar of Bray’s damnation of those
text more easily. The saliva of a holy man is said to have me-
who “touch the Lord’s anointed”—a reference to the execu-
dicinal value, and schoolboys are thought to learn their les-
tion of Charles I. An example of reverential and perhaps nu-
sons better when their teachers spit into their mouths.
minous prohibition against touching is found in the words
The kiss of peace became a distinctive Christian ritual:
of the risen Christ to Mary: “Touch me not” (Jn. 20:17).
both Paul and Peter exhorted their readers to “salute one an-
There are many other examples of religious figures who kept
other with a holy kiss,” but by the time of Tertullian, in the
themselves from being touched. When Nakayama Miki felt
second century, it was ruled that men should kiss only men
herself to be filled with divinity and chosen for a special mis-
and women should kiss only women, to prevent suggestions
sion, she separated herself from the common people. She or-
of scandal. The kiss had a sacramental value. It was an out-
dered that a separate fire and separate vessels be used to cook
ward sign of spiritual union or blessing: bishops were given
her food, and she wore only red robes to show that she was
a kiss at their consecration and kings at their coronation. The
not an ordinary person. This emphasized the numinous
practice of the kiss of peace has been revived in modern
value of the amulets that she gave to her faithful, since she
times, either by shaking hands and uttering a phrase of peace
claimed to be the mediatrix between God and men, saying,
or, for the less reserved, by giving a holy kiss.
“I must be set aside and live in a special and separate room.”
The shaking of hands may also transfer grace or mark
SEE ALSO Blood; Kashrut; Power; Scapegoat; Tenrikyo¯.
privilege. In Morocco, when equals meet they may join
hands in salutation, and then each person will kiss his own
BIBLIOGRAPHY
hand. Among the West African Ashanti, during intervals of
Among the countless books on Christian teaching and life that
dancing, priests walk around the circle of spectators, and
may be consulted on themes related to touching, special ref-
each places his right hand between the extended palms of the
erence may be made to A New Dictionary of Christian Theolo-
person saluted. The right hand is usually considered the
gy, edited by Alan Richardson and John Bowden (London,
proper or fortunate one, and the Ashanti may refuse to take
1983), and to the oft-reprinted Oxford Dictionary of the
a gift or even the payment of a debt from the left hand of
Christian Church, edited by F. L. Cross (Oxford, 1957). See
the giver. In Latin, the word for left is sinister, and the Greeks
also Touching by Ashley Montagu (New York, 1971). Islamic
euphemistically called the left the “well-named” side in order
rituals of pilgrimage and prayers are described by Ahmad
to avert bad luck. Shaking with the left hand, or with a finger
Kamal in The Sacred Journey (New York, 1961). Victor Tur-
bent back, is practiced by special societies and copied by
ner describes “religious processes” among the Ndembu of
Freemasons and Boy Scouts.
Zambia in The Drums of Affliction (Oxford, 1968), and
Henry van Straelen’s The Religion of Divine Wisdom (Tokyo,
TOUCHING PROHIBITED. On the negative side, the prohibi-
1954) gives an account of the history and rituals of Tenrikyo¯.
tion against touching may be as important as the act itself.
The Rites of the Twice-Born (1920; reprint, New Delhi, 1971)
Usually it serves to save a person from contamination. When
by Margaret S. Stevenson is probably still the most detailed
Moses brought the Israelites to Mount Sinai, he alone went
and readable account of Indian high-caste life and practices.
Mudra (New York, 1960) by E. Dale Saunders is an illustrat-
up into the presence of God. Although the people were sanc-
ed study of symbolic gestures in Buddhist sculpture. A valu-
tified by ritual washing, they were exhorted not to touch the
able study of the rites and symbols associated with kissing is
mountain or its border, for “whosoever touches the mount
The Kiss Sacred and Profane: An Interpretive History of Kiss
shall surely be put to death” (Ex. 19:12). The elaborate regu-
Symbolism and Related Religio-Erotic Themes (Berkeley,
lations described in Leviticus include many prohibitions
Calif., 1969) by Nicholas J. Perella. Shamanic activities in
against touching objects and people that were deemed sacred
a variety of cultures are described at length by Mircea Eliade
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9260
TOURISM AND RELIGION
in Shamanism, rev. & enl. ed. (New York, 1964), and per-
ics practiced in the context of global capitalism. Hence, they
haps the most exhaustive account of particular Islamic cus-
make these spaces into touristic places that remain distinct
toms is to be found in Edward Westermarck’s Ritual and Be-
from the sacred places of religious people. At Tepeyac, for
lief in Morocco, 2 vols. (1926; reprint, New Hyde Park,
instance, the sacredness sustained in veneration of the Virgin
N.Y., 1968).
of Guadalupe appears to a touristic sensibility in terms of aes-
GEOFFREY PARRINDER (1987)
thetics, history, and the exotic otherness of unfamiliar cultic
behaviors. Thus, the space of Tepeyac becomes simulta-
neously a place of religious practice and a place of touristic
indulgence.
TOURISM AND RELIGION. Tourism and its as-
sociated practices interact with religious life and the institu-
Places of both religion and tourism range from the pre-
tions of religion in virtually every corner of the world. From
dominantly religious to the predominantly touristic. As an
Amish communities of rural Pennsylvania to the snowy sum-
example of the former, the prohibition of non-Muslims in
mits of Mount Fuji in Japan, from the mysterious ruins of
Mecca keeps Islam’s most holy city free from purely touristic
Machu Picchu in the Peruvian Andes to the monumental
travelers, although the touristic imagination of non-Muslims
pyramids of Giza in Egypt, from Chartres in France to the
makes it a desirable, if improbable, destination. In contrast,
Western Wall in Jerusalem, millions of tourists seek out
Uluru in Australia, the world’s largest monolith, retains its
places of religion every year. The relationship between reli-
mythic significance as a sacred site for Aboriginal people, but
gion and tourism, however, amounts to far more than places
it is best known for the striking beauty of its ethereal hues.
of religion that host tourist visitors. In fact, there are at least
A half million annual visitors make the journey deep into the
three broad approaches to understanding this relationship:
Australian interior to view the giant outcropping set in the
spatial, historical, and cultural. Each of these illuminates dif-
stark outback landscape.
ferent implications for religious life when tourists enter a sa-
cred precinct.
Between the extremes of predominantly religious and
predominantly touristic lies a great variety of religious places
SPATIAL RELATIONS BETWEEN RELIGION AND TOURISM.
that host significant numbers of tourist visitors. These places
Tourists and religious adherents often occupy the same
range from the ancient to the contemporary, from auspicious
spaces; consequently, they both play a role in attributing
features of the natural landscape to glass and steel architec-
meanings to these spaces and in sustaining the sacred charac-
tural structures, from remote spots far from human habita-
ter of sites that host both casual and deeply committed visi-
tion to the centers of the world’s most densely populated
tors. In fact, the religious meanings that make a place sacred
urban areas. In addition, tourists seek out religious events
also make the site a meaningful destination for tourists. At
that include regularly performed rituals, special dedicatory
the same time, however, tourists and religious practitioners
events, festivals, and carnivals. There seems no end to the
usually have very different attachments to and understand-
types and locales of religious sites and celebrations that ap-
ings of these sacred spaces.
peal to the curiosities of touristic travelers.
Spaces become sacred according to the historical, social,
and cultural contexts of particular religious traditions. The
Among the most auspicious of places that tourists seek
holy nature of Mecca, for instance, cannot be understood
out are natural features regarded as sacred by one or more
apart from the historical and sociocultural contexts of Islam.
religious traditions. Mount Fuji, for example, looms above
Indeed, the close identification between Islam and its most
the Japanese landscape as a sacred monument in both the
sacred city make them nearly indistinguishable. Likewise, the
Shinto¯ and Buddhist traditions; at the same time, the moun-
shrine at Tepeyac, which houses the sacred image of the Vir-
tain serves as one of Japan’s most recognizable icons for tour-
gin of Guadalupe in Mexico City, gains its auspicious powers
ists. Caves, on the other hand, tend to appeal to visitors more
from the miraculous appearance of the Virgin there; these
for their ancient artwork associated with prehistoric religions
powers, however, also derive from the historical circum-
rather than for their inherent sacredness. At places like Las-
stances of colonial relations between European Christians
caux in France and the Altamira caves of northern Spain, vis-
and Native American converts, as well as from the racial, eth-
itors can tour exact replicas of the caverns complete with de-
nic, gender, and socioeconomic dynamics of subsequent gen-
tailed copies of their ancient paintings, even though entrance
erations of Catholic worshippers at the site. Both of these
into the caves themselves is restricted at both sites.
cases demonstrate how places are made holy according to
Tourists also visit the architectural ruins of places where
particular religious traditions and the spatial practices that
ancient peoples practiced their religions. Among the most fa-
sustain their sacred character.
mous of these sites are the remains of structures built by the
Tourists, on the other hand, arrive with a different set
Egyptian, Greek, Roman, and other civilizations of the an-
of spatial practices embedded in their own peculiar historical,
cient Mediterranean world. Similarly in Indonesia, travelers
social, and cultural contexts. Unlike religious practices relat-
can visit the restored Buddhist temple of Borobudur. Prehis-
ed to particular sacred spaces, however, the spatial practices
toric sites in the Americas include the monumental pyramids
of tourists rely on modern conventions of travel and aesthet-
and other sacred structures of Teotihuacan in central Mexi-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOURISM AND RELIGION
9261
co, and the Inca ceremonial center of Machu Picchu in Peru
of the traditions of religious pilgrimage. By 1780, when the
remains a favorite stop for tourists.
term tourist first appeared in the English language, conven-
Places where contemporary people continue to practice
tions of recreational and educational travel in the Western
their religion also capture the attention of tourists. Tourists
world already had established themselves with more than two
can view the Dome of the Rock, one of the holiest sites for
centuries of development. In fact, the history of touristic
Muslims in the ancient city of Al-Quds (Jerusalem). Also in
practices follows on the same historical forces that challenged
Jerusalem, an ancient ruin that remains an active place of re-
the traditional authority of Christianity and consequently led
ligious practice for Jews is the Western Wall of the Temple
to the demise of pilgrimage in much of northern Europe.
Mount, popularly known as the Wailing Wall. In Rome,
These include the rise of humanism beginning in Renais-
holy places of Christianity abound; among the most popular
sance Italy and spreading northward; the Protestant reforma-
are St. Peter’s Basilica and other sites of the Vatican. In
tions of the sixteenth century that shook the foundations of
Japan, the Ise temple complex, the most sacred site of the
traditional church authority in Christian Europe; and the
Shinto¯ religion, is a favorite destination for tourists.
Enlightenments of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
which introduced new models of political authority and
Tourists often take more interest in witnessing religions
modern forms of subjectivity. Along with their profound im-
in practice than in merely viewing the places of religion. A
pact on European societies in general, these movements also
visit to a church, temple, mosque, or shrine becomes more
changed the expectations and requirements for an educated
meaningful and fulfilling if a ritual or some other event hap-
citizenry. Sara Warneke (1995, p. 30) notes that, instead of
pens to be occurring at the time of the visit. Special celebra-
a pure scholasticism pursued in earlier times, the Renaissance
tions and religious festivals generate even more enthusiasm
education sought to prepare students for a life of service to
among visitors. Widely known festivals such as Carnival in
their community, their prince, and their state; this often in-
Rio de Janeiro in Brazil or Mardi Gras in New Orleans in
cluded stays in foreign states to learn firsthand the culture
the United States attract huge crowds every year. But smaller,
and politics of other societies. By the second half of the six-
lesser-known celebrations often have greater appeal for trav-
teenth century, significant numbers of travelers were leaving
elers. Visitors in China intent on experiencing authentic
their homelands in hopes of gaining the educational benefits
Chinese culture may have more interest in a local village’s
of a continental journey.
Lantern Festival than in a large celebration that is widely pro-
moted in tourist literature.
Following the Thirty Years’ War of the seventeenth cen-
There is no end to the places and events of religion that
tury, travelers settled into a conventional pattern of educa-
tourists visit each year, and an attempt to list all the possible
tional travel that would be the basis for what became known
religious attractions for travelers would prove futile. Indeed,
in the eighteenth century as the Grand Tour. Not unlike
outsiders visit religious sites and witness religious activities
their counterparts in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
virtually everywhere. Many of these visitors do not regard
participants in the Grand Tour sought education and refine-
themselves as religious practitioners or pilgrims; they come
ment. But tourism changed over the course of the eighteenth
as tourists, modern consumers of religious culture. Certainly,
century. Early in the century a classical view of the Grand
a good number find themselves actively participating in reli-
Tour dominated, most typically involving young men travel-
gious practices at the places they visit, but at the same time
ing with an entourage of servants and tutors to selected Euro-
they rarely falter in pursuit of their touristic objective to have
pean destinations, most often Paris and Italy, to finish their
authentic, aesthetically pleasing experiences.
education and practice the refinements of cultivated society.
H
But in the second half of the century, as Jeremy Black (1992,
ISTORICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN RELIGION AND TOUR-
p. 300) points out, the classical model became less typical as
ISM. It is tempting to suggest that tourism has its roots in
religious pilgrimage. In fact, as categories of practice and ex-
more people traveled for enjoyment and amusement. Black
perience, pilgrimage and tourism are easily confused. In con-
goes on to note that although many aristocratic families con-
temporary settings, pilgrims often engage in touristic activi-
tinued to send their sons abroad for education and social fin-
ties; like tourists, they take photographs of the places they
ishing, the emphasis on education declined as tourism joined
visit, they purchase souvenirs and gifts, and they avail them-
in the growing European fascination with leisure activities
selves of the same transportation and lodging accommoda-
(p. 303).
tions that tourists use. At the same time, tourists who visit
By the time of Napoleon’s defeat at Waterloo in 1815,
religious sites, including pilgrimage destinations, sometimes
travel practices in Europe were undergoing significant
find themselves participating in religious practices, and many
changes that precluded a return to the heyday of the Grand
so-called tourists are overtaken by feelings that can be de-
Tour. Steamships and railroad service allowed for more con-
scribed as religious at sites regarded as sacred. Thus, it is easy
venient, more enjoyable, and less time-consuming tours of
to confuse the experience of the tourist with that of the
the Continent. And although tourist travel throughout most
pilgrim.
of the nineteenth century remained primarily a privilege of
Yet despite the difficulty of distinguishing between
wealthy classes, the growth of railroad transportation made
them, the practice of tourism has origins largely independent
travel available to at least a few members of the middle class-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9262
TOURISM AND RELIGION
es. In the twentieth century, however, mass production of
modernity. Moreover, tourism has become pervasive in
automobiles, along with a trend toward shorter workweeks,
modern life. Not only do modern people travel far more than
allowed greater numbers from all but the lowest socioeco-
ever before, but as some commentators insist, they are tour-
nomic classes to indulge in regular, if infrequent, tourist trav-
ists most of the time, even in their own homes and commu-
els. Air travel has extended the range of the twenty-first-
nities. Indeed, touristic practices pervade the modern way of
century tourist to every continent on earth, and space travel
life.
has even taken tourists even beyond the earth’s atmosphere.
On the other hand, tourists rank among the most ma-
From the very beginning of tourism’s history, tourists
ligned of modern subjects. In fact, derogating tourists is a
have held a fascination with religion. Early travelers of the
part of being a tourist; Jonathan Culler (1981, p. 130) notes
European Renaissance regularly visited churches, cathedrals,
the somewhat ironic fact that tourists gain esteem by denying
shrines, and other religious sites in their studies of the art,
their status as a tourist; indeed, there is always someone else
architecture, culture, and history of the nations they visited.
less adept in the arts of modern travel whom one can dispar-
On occasion, Renaissance travelers also condemned the prac-
age as “tourist,” elevating oneself as something better than
tices of the religious people they encountered at such places.
a tourist. Consequently, maligning others conceals one’s own
In fact, the humanist Desiderius Erasmus (1466?–1536) sig-
touristic inclinations and practices, even as it makes one a
naled a pivotal moment between Christian pilgrimage and
better tourist.
the beginnings of religious tourism with his colloquy “A Pil-
Being a better tourist, then, involves having only a dis-
grimage for Religion’s Sake,” which first appeared in 1526,
creet engagement with touristic practices. At the most funda-
with an anonymous English translation appearing a decade
mental level, these practices rely on the technologies, net-
later as “The Pilgrimage of Pure Devotion.” Erasmus trav-
works, and discourses that constitute modern travel practices
eled as a secular visitor to various pilgrimage sites where he
in general. Travel practices can be defined as any practice,
had little patience for traditional religious practices; indeed,
discourse, or circumstance that either necessitates translocal
his observations and subsequent criticisms of pilgrims reflect-
movements or that generates a desire for travel and encour-
ed the groundswell of intellectual, political, and religious re-
ages people to travel; besides tourism, these practices also en-
forms sweeping Europe at the time.
compass migration, business and trade, military deploy-
The tension between practices of the earliest tourists
ments, research excursions, family visitations, and many
and those of their pilgrim counterparts, as exemplified in
other forms of and motives for travel. The practices them-
Erasmus’s essay, has continued into the twenty-first century.
selves involve various modes of transportation, most com-
In fact, pilgrimage sites remain favorite tourist destinations
monly airlines, trains, buses, and automobiles. They also in-
even today. Nonreligious visitors frequent such popular
clude communication networks that facilitate travel,
Christian pilgrimage destinations as Lourdes in France, San-
especially telecommunications and the Internet, but also
tiago de Campostela in Spain, and the Basilica of the Virgin
television and radio broadcast media, newspapers and maga-
of Guadalupe in Mexico. In the Hindu tradition, Benares,
zines, and other forms of mass communication. Other as-
India, serves as a favorite destination of tourists, and Bud-
pects of the modern practice of travel include banking net-
dhist stupas throughout Asia attract both religious and non-
works that allow convenient and trustworthy currency
religious travelers. In these auspicious religious places, pil-
exchange; accommodations for lodging and food services;
grims become tourists even as tourists fancy themselves as
and any other services or products that meet the needs and
pilgrims. A cultural understanding of tourism, however, re-
desires of modern travelers.
veals that the appeal of religion as a desirable attraction for
Besides modern infrastructures and services that make
tourist visitors extends beyond the confusion between tourist
global travel possible, convenient, and comfortable, touristic
and pilgrim. In fact, tourism as a modern cultural practice
practices participate in modern discourses that make travel
transforms religious places, rituals, artifacts, and people into
desirable. Foremost among these is a discourse on experi-
objects for touristic consumption.
ence. In fact, as a discursive category, experience serves tour-
C
ism as an epistemological mode of knowing the world in a
ULTURAL RELATIONS BETWEEN RELIGION AND TOURISM.
modern way. This includes equating authenticity with truth
Tourism amounts to a set of cultural practices aimed most
and interpreting experiences as meaningful by aestheticizing
often at aesthetically pleasing experiences of unfamiliar
landscapes, cultures, events, cities, villages, and even entire
places and peoples. Tourists encounter cultural otherness by
societies. In fact, touristic discourse attributes aesthetic quali-
leaving their familiar surroundings, but touristic practices
ties to anything and everything that travelers might encoun-
tend to domesticate unfamiliar places and novel experiences
ter. Indeed, tourists everywhere seek out and expect the most
by making them into objects of consumption. In this regard,
authentic and aesthetically pleasing experiences possible.
tourism exemplifies modernity; in particular, its conven-
tions, habits, and discursive concerns rely on and respond to
The emphasis on experience in touristic discourse aligns
the forces of modern capitalism, especially in its emphasis on
tourism with religion in the modern world. Robert Sharf
consumption, its tendency toward globalization, and its aes-
(1998, p. 95) points out that theologians and scholars of reli-
thetic proclivities. Put simply, tourists are practitioners of
gion invoke the category of experience in dealing with two
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOURISM AND RELIGION
9263
peculiarly modern challenges to traditional religious authori-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ty: empiricism and cultural pluralism. Indeed, the claim of
Adler, Judith. “Origins of Sightseeing.” In Travel Culture: Essays
authentic religious experience forestalls critiques of religious
on What Makes Us Go, edited by Carol Traynor Williams,
authority on strictly objective, empirical grounds. At the
pp. 3–23. Westport, Conn., 1998. Adler discusses the histor-
same time, cross-cultural similarities of religious experiences
ical shift in tourism in the modern Western world from an
lend a universal authority to the category of religion beyond
emphasis on texts to a focus on images and visuality.
the limited claims of particular religious traditions. In a simi-
Black, Jeremy. The British Abroad: The Grand Tour in the Eigh-
lar fashion, touristic experiences, at once both authentic and
teenth Century. New York, 1992. This is one of the most
aesthetic, confer validity, authority, and meaningfulness on
thorough historical studies of the European Grand Tour.
the modern traveler.
Bremer, Thomas S. Blessed with Tourists: The Borderlands of Reli-
gion and Tourism in San Antonio, Chapel Hill, N.C., 2004.
As a modern practice, however, tourism submits these
This case study explores religion and tourism in San Anto-
experiences to a thoroughgoing process of commodification.
nio, Texas.
Every sight, sound, and taste; every locale and event; indeed
Brockman, Norbert C. Encyclopedia of Sacred Places. Santa Barba-
every experience available to modern travelers becomes sub-
ra, Calif., 1997. A compendium of places throughout the
ject to a system of exchange that commodifies them in aes-
world regarded as sacred, all of which host tourist visitors.
thetic terms for touristic consumption. Tourists are hyper-
Clifford, James. Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twenti-
consumers of aestheticized culture, including religion. In
eth Century. Cambridge, Mass., 1997. An anthropologist’s
fact, religious people themselves oftentimes adopt touristic
analysis of travel as a vehicle for modern understandings of
practices to commodify their religion for touristic consump-
culture.
tion. They do this not only for financial gain, but also to
Crick, Malcolm. “Representations of International Tourism in the
proselytize, and in many cases religious groups capitalize on
Social Sciences: Sun, Sex, Sights, Savings, and Servility.” An-
touristic attention simply to present themselves and their re-
nual Review of Anthropology 18 (1989): 307–344. An exami-
ligion publicly in the best possible light. For example, the
nation of how social-scientific studies tend to represent inter-
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints takes advantage
national tourism.
of touristic interest at Temple Square in Salt Lake City to
Culler, Jonathan. “Semiotics of Tourism.” American Journal of
tell the Mormon story in heroic terms and to draw visitors
Semiotics 1, nos. 1–2 (1981): 127–140. This essay regards
into the church’s missionary process. On the other hand, nu-
tourists as semioticians and offers a semiotic analysis of au-
merous churches in Europe pay for their upkeep and im-
thenticity in touristic discourse.
provements by charging admission to visitors and by operat-
Eco, Umberto. Travels in Hyper Reality: Essays. Translated by Wil-
ing retail shops where tourists can purchase souvenirs and
liam Weaver. San Diego, Calif., 1986. Particularly in the
religious paraphernalia.
title essay of this collection, Eco examines tourism from a
semiotic perspective with attention to questions of authentic-
This process of commodification highlights the implica-
ity and what he calls “the absolute fake.”
tions of the encounter between religion and tourism. Nearly
all religious people in the world today must contend with the
Franklin, Adrian, and Mike Crang. “The Trouble with Tourism
and Travel Theory?” Tourist Studies 1, no.1 (2001): 5–22.
challenges that modernity presents to long-standing tradi-
A brief overview of tourism as a subject of academic study;
tions, and tourists bring those challenges into the sacred
attempts to theorize about touristic phenomena.
spaces of the world’s religions. By involving themselves in the
Hibbert, Christopher. The Grand Tour. London, 1987. A histori-
touristic discourse on experience, both authentic and aesthet-
cal study of the European Grand Tour.
ically pleasing, religious people conform to conventional as-
sumptions about the role of religion in the modern world
Judd, Dennis R., and Susan S. Fainstein, eds. The Tourist City.
New Haven, Conn., 1999. A collection of essays on urban
even as they assert the validity and power of their religious
tourism that draws attention to the ways that the tourist in-
traditions and values in modern terms. At the same time,
dustry defines, organizes, and commodifies touristic experi-
tourists experience religious life according to their own as-
ences.
sumptions, expectations, and desires. Consequently, most
Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara. Destination Culture: Tourism,
tourists rarely appreciate the uniqueness and complexity of
Museums, and Heritage. Berkeley, Calif., 1998. A cultural
the religious practices and traditions they observe in their
study of heritage tourism. Especially useful is the essay “Ex-
touristic travels. On the other hand, viewing tourism from
hibiting Jews,” which discusses representations of Jews and
the perspective of its spatial dimensions, understanding its
Judaism at world’s fairs.
historical origins, and regarding it as a cultural phenomenon
MacCannell, Dean. The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class.
of the modern world obviates a simple dichotomy between
3d ed. Berkeley, Calif., 1999. This is a classic sociological
religion and tourism. Differentiating religious people and
study of tourists and tourism from a structuralist perspective.
tourists in strictly oppositional terms becomes more difficult
Sears, John F. Sacred Places: American Tourist Attractions in the
when considering the many dimensions of their relationship.
Nineteenth Century. New York, 1989. A historical study of
Indeed, tourism and religion are not mutually exclusive, and
the emergence of American tourist destinations in the nine-
in fact they often reside together in individuals who remain
teenth century; Sears demonstrates the connection between
at once both tourists and religious adherents.
tourism and American identity.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9264
TOWERS
Sharf, Robert H. “Experience.” In Critical Terms for Religious
cient Yazd). Because earth, fire, and water are sacred and be-
Studies, edited by Mark C. Taylor, pp. 94–116. Chicago,
cause the more common means of disposing of the dead
1998. Sharf discusses the category of “experience” as it relates
(burial, cremation, interment) would pollute these elements,
to religious practices and the academic study of religion.
bodies of the deceased are placed over grates at the summit
Smith, Valene L., ed. Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tour-
of the tower, through which body fluids and rain can pass
ism. 2d ed. Philadelphia, 1989. A collection of anthropologi-
until the vultures and sun leave nothing but bones. The tow-
cal essays on tourists and the people who inhabit tourist des-
ers therefore prevent pollution of the sacred elements, thus
tinations.
protecting the living and also becoming passageways for the
Stowe, William W. Going Abroad: European Travel in Nineteenth-
dead from this life to eternity.
Century American Culture. Princeton, N.J., 1994. A histori-
cal and literary analysis of nineteenth-century American
STUPA AND PAGODA. The basic form of the Buddhist stupa
tourists in Europe and how their travels and travel writing
was a hemispherical earthbound dome built to house the sa-
contributed to personal and collective identities.
cred relics of the Buddha or his disciples and to be the focus
of ritual circumambulation or meditation by devotees. The
Urry, John. The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary
group at Sa¯ñc¯ı in central India remains the best surviving ex-
Societies. Newbury Park, Calif., 1990. A sociological study of
tourism that applies a Foucauldian understanding of “gaze”
ample of this genre. Although stupas were not conceptually
to the social, historical, economic, and cultural implications
towers in their original form, reliefs on Indian Buddhist
of touristic practices.
buildings already depict the stupa in the second to third cen-
turies CE with a vertical character. Early stupas in Nepal, such
Warneke, Sara. Images of the Educational Traveller in Early Modern
England. New York, 1995. This book examines early modern
as that of Carumati, show a towerlike elongation of the
English travels to the European continent for educational
harmika¯ (the finial above the dome of the stupa). Generally
purposes; the conventions of educational travel served as a
the vertical elongation took place as the stupa form crossed
historical precedent for later practices of tourism.
central Asia, and by the time it entered China in the later
Han dynasty (25–220 CE) it had become a true tower.
THOMAS S. BREMER (2005)
The Chinese Buddhist pagoda represents a culmination
of this development, becoming a multistoried building that
ascended at times to dizzying heights, as does the Fogong
TOWERS. Strictly speaking, a tower is any architectural
monastery pagoda at Yingxian, built in 1056. At 550 feet it
structure that is high in proportion to its lateral dimensions.
is still the tallest wooden structure in the world. Since earlier
Broadening that definition, tower here will be understood to
Chinese architecture was horizontal in character, with rare
be any architectural structure whose religious meaning is re-
examples of multistory buildings, the pagoda suggests an as-
lated to its lofty vertical dimension. This entry will refer to
piration for transcendence not found previously. Yet in its
this quality as vertical aspiration, which, while inexact, at
original meaning the lofty pagoda signifies the same as its ar-
least sets towers apart from merely massive structures. Tow-
chitectural opposite, the earthbound stupa. It is a structure
ers have no single explanation but betray a variety of mean-
built to house and honor the relics of the Buddha. At the
ings that show clearly the ingenious fertility of the religious
same time it acquired a wealth of new meanings over a long
imagination and offer a challenge to the interpreter, especial-
history in China and elsewhere in East Asia. Built to house
ly in cases where there is a paucity of written sources. Their
the living presence of deity in the form of the Buddha’s re-
meanings are not fixed but can change over time.
mains, it was at first the principal worship space in early Chi-
The Egyptian pyramid, one of the earliest examples of
nese Buddhist architecture. The Yongning Temple at Lo-
tower building, is essentially a funerary monument used to
yang, built in 516 CE, for example, had the pagoda sited at
inter and glorify deceased pharaohs, yet the pyramid is not
the center of the temple complex. Later the pagoda shared
simply a gigantic tombstone. Because of the divinization of
its centrality on the main axis of a monastic or temple com-
the ruler, it is also a structure that houses a sacred presence.
pound with the Great Buddha hall just behind it. As time
The obelisk, originally a monument to the sun god Re, later
passed the Buddha hall became the main place of worship,
became a popular architectural feature in Europe and North
and the pagoda declined in importance and came to be situ-
America. The ziggurat of ancient Mesopotamia was a multis-
ated outside and behind the monastic or temple complex.
toried structure surmounted by a temple, where gods were
Ritual circumambulation of the stupa was replaced by circu-
worshipped, annual rites were performed, and the authority
mambulation of the Buddha image.
of the ruler was confirmed; it was a place of communication
The pagoda acquired other meanings, becoming an im-
between upper and lower worlds.
posing sign of Buddhist presence in China, a demonstration
The Zarathushtrian dokhma, often translated as “tower
of the merit of the emperors and wealthy patrons who were
of silence,” has an entirely different meaning. These towers
able to fund such a project, a “guiding tower” to lead pil-
are twenty- to thirty-foot cylindrical funerary structures that
grims toward their destination, and a funerary structure built
continue to be used in the twenty-first century by the small
to house the ashes of cremated monks. Finally, the pagoda
Parsi population of South Asia and Iran (e.g., Mumbai, an-
was fully “domesticated” as a familiar element in the Chinese
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TOWERS
9265
landscape, a site for popular rituals and a protective element
Following the Co¯la period the temple tower that
in the complex system of fengshui (geomancy) that sought
¯
marked the holy of holies began to lose its vertical domi-
to balance qi (vital energy) that flowed in patterns across the
nance in the south, whereas the goparam, or gateway to the
surface of the earth. Yet older meanings were rarely lost. At
temple precincts, achieved ascendancy. By the sixteenth and
the pagoda of the Temple of the Buddha’s Tooth outside
seventeenth centuries, at the temple cities of S´r¯ıran˙gam and
Beijing, post-Communist crowds still come as pilgrims, kow-
Madurai, the gateways reached as much as fourteen stories
towing as they ascend the steps to revere the sacred relic and
into the sky and could be seen for miles around as one ap-
worship the Buddha.
proached the city. Here both resident and visitor entered the
S´IKHARA. By the fifth century CE the Indian S´ilpa Sa¯stra texts
sacred precincts and were at the same time reminded of the
had formally designated the tower or ´sikhara as the most
king’s power to protect his people. As many of the ´sikharas
prominent architectural statement for the Hindu temple
had done in earlier times, these towers assumed a didactic
(i.e., vima¯na, that which is “well measured”) and the crown-
function, visualizing in hundreds of sculpted images various
ing achievement for the idea of pratibimba (the creation of
mythic narratives of the lives of the gods for the mostly non-
divine regions). The ´sikhara served at least three functions:
literate population.
as denoting generally sacred space, as a sacred mountain that
The Indian temple ´sikhara as mountain–sacred city ex-
denotes the dwelling place of the deity, and as a vehicle that
hibits its most extravagant forms and highest ornamentation
carries the deity into the presence of the people and the peo-
in the Hindu temple complexes of the Khmers of Cambodia
ple into the presence of the deity. The S´ilpa Sa¯stra texts also
(e.g., Angkor Wat) and the Buddhist temple tower complex
suggest that those who build temples will not only be pros-
at Borobudur in Java. The latter combines the stupa idea
perous and have peaceful reigns but will have sons to succeed
with Hindu ´sikhara towers in imitation of the holy moun-
them and care for the funerary rites. Thus the reigning
tain range of the Himalayas with Mount Meru as the center
dynasties had great incentives to build these towering tem-
peak. At Borobudur pilgrims are guided through a ritual of
ples to the gods.
ascension from the lower and outer precincts until they reach
The Hindu temple as a whole became the architectural
the central stupa representing Mount Meru, the culmination
form of the va¯stupurus:a man:d:ala, the locus where the divine
of their journey.
being (purus:a) dwells. It is almost always built on an east-
west axis, with the entrance from the east and the tower
CHRISTIAN CHURCHES. The architecture of the Christian
above the western end. Underneath the tower is the inner
churches provides the principal example of towers in Europe,
sanctum, the garbagr:ha, the dwelling place of the deity.
and their development is a revealing history in stone. In the
Along the roof of the vima¯na from entrance to ´sikhara are
earliest pre-architectural stage, the ecclesia was simply the
gradually ascending towers that imitate the sacred Himala-
gathering of believers in crypts or private homes. In the post-
yas, the ultimate dwelling place of the gods and goddesses
Constantinian period Christians adopted the Roman basili-
on earth. Surmounting the ´sikhara on all temples is a kala´sa,
ca, a secular and civic building, as a place for worship. Two
or water pot, signifying the eternal bathing (abhiseka) of the
developments followed, both containing the seeds for the
tower by the holy waters of the Ganges River. In the north-
vertical development that occurred in the following centu-
ern- or na¯gara-style the temple tower is convex, with an
ries. The central domed structure of Byzantine classical style
a¯malaka or fruit of the Indian gooseberry (Emlica officinalis)
that developed from the circular plan of the martyrium and
immediately below the kala´sa. The southern- or Dravida-
baptistery gained height and size, resulting in an interior
style tower is concave and has a small stupa (stu¯p¯ıka) below
space that was homologized to the universe of time and
the kala´sa symbolizing the cosmic dome over the dwelling
space. Standing firmly on the earth in the present, the wor-
of the deity.
shiper could look upward at the dome of the church as a
symbol of the heaven to come. The iconography of Christ,
Most temples were constructed as places where brahman
the Virgin, and saints, often portrayed against a background
priests could perform pu¯ja, ritual worship on behalf of the
of gold mosaic, enhanced this impression. The Romanesque
king and his realm, reminding the people of the king’s power
church of western Europe, a development of the basilica
and divine right to rule. Temples thus became centers of po-
form into a cruciform plan, showed the first high vaulting
litical, social, and cultural as well as religious activities. As the
and spires, then developed into the Gothic style, the epitome
towers became higher in both North and South India, this
of vertical aspiration. Without drawing out the distinctions
sense of dominance was enhanced. The architectural climax
between spire, steeple, belfry, and bell tower, it is clear that
of this movement is evident in the Br:hade´svara temple of the
from the twelfth century on architects strove for luminosity,
early eleventh century CE Co¯la king, Ra¯jara¯ja, of Thanjavur
¯
lightness, and majestic height in their cathedrals.
in South India. Towering 210 feet above the base of the tem-
ple, the ´sikhara is as high as the technology of the period
The French Gothic cathedrals of Chartres, Reims, and
would allow, and it remains the tallest temple tower in all
Amiens seem to push the vertical aspiration to its material
of India. The eighty-ton stu¯p¯ıka that crowns the ´sikhara is
and architectural limit. Whether as the domed eastern style
the largest single stone employed by Indian architecture on
or the lofty vaulted western style, the change in meaning is
any temple tower.
clear. From a gathering of people in an ordinary secular
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9266
TOWERS
structure, believers took their place in an increasingly hierar-
for the dead, the comparison is not exact, for many of the
chically demarcated church building: the bishop’s throne,
Mesoamerican structures, such as the Temple of Inscriptions
the apse for the clergy, the communion railing separating lay
at Palenque, had burial chambers within them. Imitating
from religious. Jesus became a lordly king; Mary, his mother,
mountains and generally conforming to the Eliadean para-
became a grand queen of both worlds. The upper stories of
digm of the axis mundi, they were considered to mark the
the towering churches carried worshipers in spirit to this
center of the earth, the site of creation, and could be de-
higher realm. At the same time these “towers” marked the
scribed as places where the three worlds were connected. The
earthly splendor of the dwelling place of the divine presence
pyramids were often linked with nearby cenotes (sacred
and the place where God was most fittingly worshiped.
wells), their contrasting meanings of upper- and underworld
mutually reinforcing one another.
The churches acquired a host of other meanings. Not
only did they house divinity, they were images of divinity as
The Temple of the Sun at Teotihuacán was considered
the body of Christ crucified. Many, such as Westminster
a mountain where celestial gods, terrestrial deities of fertility
Abbey in London, served funerary purposes as crypts for the
and plenty, and underworld beings met. The temple, and the
royalty, nobility, and high clergy, whose funds had built,
entire city around it, was oriented to the place where the set-
supported, and maintained the churches. They were the sites
ting sun on the summer solstice touched the horizon. The
of colorful pageantry and elaborate ritual, where the secular
great pyramid of Cholula was built over a spring (under-
and sacred often mixed indistinguishably. They housed the
world), and its iconography, including the feathered serpent
relics of the saints; hermits attached themselves to certain
motif, indicate that it was a place of communication between
churches like barnacles to anchors; and pilgrims flocked to
the lower and upper worlds, the worlds of humans and the
them seeking miracles, sometimes creating new meanings
gods. The Castillo pyramid at Chichén Itzá, with its famous
and discomfiting ecclesiastical authorities. These churches
descending serpent, is the best-known expression of this
also became symbols of civic pride, with cities vying with
motif and a veritable compendium of cosmic, astral, and ca-
other cities to have the largest, highest, or most costly cathe-
lendrical correlations; at the same site the Caracol, a circular
dral. All of these factors, together with many others, must
pillbox rather than pyramidal configuration, provides a simi-
be considered if one wishes to interpret the meaning of
larly prominent variation on the tower theme. Tenochtitlán
Christian churches.
of the Aztecs had its Templo Major, the twin pyramid sites
MINAR. In Islam the minar towers over the landscape as a
for worship of the god of war, Huitzilopochtli, and the god
reminder of the obligation of Muslims to pray five times a
of rain, Tlaloc, referring to mountains in the mythic history
day in conformity with the second pillar (prayer) of the reli-
of the Aztecs. The pyramids of Mayan Tikal in the Peten area
gion. Traditionally the muezzin or prayer caller would climb
are the most vertical in feeling, with sharply inclined steps
the minar at the prescribed times, projecting his voice over
leading to a temple platform. The temple in turn was sur-
village or city to remind Muslims of their duty to pray. Mi-
mounted by a cresteria (comb) rising high above the back
nars also mark off a significant ritual space for worshipers,
wall of the temple, adding to the impression of height. The
as minars are most often positioned at the four corners of the
priests would have performed rites of worship with the peo-
mosque where Muslims come to pray, at least once a week
ple watching from far below.
on Fridays, and where they may gather periodically for other
The Mesoamerican pyramids show cosmic orientation
important social occasions.
and astronomical and calendrical correlations and are gener-
Minars normally stand as slender towers (thus the
ally built in layered levels, manifesting a stratification expres-
French minarette) rising above the domed mosques, though
sive of the hierarchical societies that produced them. Besides
in parts of Asia the minars took on enormous proportions,
being sites to worship the gods, the pyramids offered a ritual
as, for example, at the Emin mosque in Turpan in China,
stage to carry out rites of warfare and human sacrifice and
where the tower, like a huge inverted ice cream cone, dwarfs
to dramatize the coronations that established sovereignty and
its companion mosque. At least once in Islamic history the
claimed divine authority and purified and renewed the com-
minar symbolism was changed into a blatant expression of
munity. As with church architecture, their forms are quite
political and military power. QDtub-ud-din, the twelfth-
similar from place to place, while their meaning has changed
century central Asiatic conqueror of India, built the original
from one historical period and culture (e.g., Toltec, Maya,
QDtub minar some 238 feet high as a symbol of his victory
Aztec) to another.
over North India. It remains the tallest minar in the Islamic
MODERN TOWERS. The U.S. Capitol and the Washington
world.
Monument obelisk in Washington, D.C., stand as symbols
MESOAMERICAN STRUCTURES. Though tall, narrow struc-
of American civic religion. The Capitol was planned as the
tures are rare in pre-Columbian Mesoamerica (the multisto-
center of the city, and it manifests the same spatial metaphors
ried palace at Palenque is the outstanding exception), the
as the Byzantine church, with its dome showing the first
abundant pyramidal temples of that region are suitably con-
president in the heavenly realms and a crypt below the rotun-
strued as towers. Often inaccurately contrasted with the
da floor originally intended for his burial. The Washington
Egyptian pyramids as architecture for the living instead of
Monument’s towering height, together with its mysterious
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TRADITION
9267
and nontextual character, has captured the central place in
Xinian Fu, Daiheng Guo, Xujie Liu, Guxi Pan, Yun Qiao, and
the popular American imagination. It stands in the middle
Dazhang Sun. Chinese Architecture. Edited by Nancy S.
of the city’s ritual core, with the Capitol, the White House,
Steinhardt. New Haven, Conn., 2002.
and the Lincoln and Jefferson Memorials cardinally placed
JEFFREY F. MEYER (2005)
on its four sides.
J. DANIEL WHITE (2005)
Perhaps it is the skyscraper, more than any other build-
ing, that symbolizes the city since the nineteenth century.
And while lacking sacrality, skyscrapers are not without sym-
TRADITION. The word tradition comes from the Latin
bolic power. When the Twin Towers of the World Trade
noun traditio (handing over), which derives from the verb
Center in New York were destroyed on September 11, 2001,
tradere (hand over, deliver). Traditio corresponds closely to
the terrorists were attacking a symbol of U.S. financial domi-
the Greek paradosis, which also comes from a verb (paradi-
nance. But subsequent events have cast a religious aura over
domi) meaning “hand over.” Traditio and paradosis can be
the site, making it into a place of martyrdom and heroic self-
used literally or figuratively, in the latter case often to mean
sacrifice, a shrine to the mythical best qualities in the Ameri-
“teaching” or “instruction.” Traditio and paradosis were
can spirit. Public and private rituals, the placing of flowers,
commonly used in this sense by Latin and Greek Christian
a lone flag flying over the debris, notes, names, and other
theologians to denote the body of teachings preserved and
signs of grief all transformed the site almost immediately into
handed down by the church as “the Catholic faith.” In the
a shrine. Though some events were orchestrated public ex-
modern study of religion, however, a broader and more dif-
pressions of grief, most of the actions enacted there were
ferentiated concept of tradition must be employed.
spontaneous. The changed significance of the site is a clear
T
example of the mutability of meaning noted in towers every-
HE CONCEPT OF TRADITION. Culture depends on teaching
and learning, and teaching and learning presuppose a tradi-
where. No architectural meaning is final. A purely secular
tion. The concept of tradition thus applies to all fields of cul-
building may become a sacred one, and the rituals that have
ture, including science, arts and letters, education, law, poli-
and will be performed at the site will influence the reception
tics, and religion.
of whatever structure succeeds the former monument to fi-
nancial power.
A belief or practice in any field of culture may be said
to be a tradition to the extent that it is received from the
SEE ALSO Architecture; Axis Mundi; Basilica, Cathedral,
hands, lips, or the example of others rather than being dis-
and Church; Mountains; Pyramids, overview article; Sacred
covered or invented; that it is received on the assumption
Space; Stupa Worship; Temple; Tombs.
that the authors and transmitters are reliable and therefore
the tradition valid; and that it is received with the express
BIBLIOGRAPHY
command and conscious intention of further transmission
Bloom, Jonathan. Minaret: Symbol of Islam. Oxford, U.K., 1989.
without substantial change. Hence, as a source of knowledge,
tradition is to be distinguished from rumor and fashion.
Carrasco, Davíd, Lindsay Jones, and Scott Sessions, eds. Me-
soamerica’s Classic Heritage: From Teotihuacan to the Aztecs.
Rumor and fashion, although received from others, are not
Boulder, Colo., 2000.
necessarily assumed to be reliable or to merit transmission
without alteration; on the contrary, they invite speculation
Eliade, Mircea. Images and Symbols: Studies in Religious Symbolism.
and elaboration. Tradition, purporting to embody a fixed
Translated by Philip Mairet. New York, 1961.
truth from an authoritative source, demands faithfulness and
Gendrop, Paul, and Doris Heyden. Pre-Columbian Architecture of
obedience.
Mesoamerica. Translated by Judith Stanton. New York,
Established traditions command respect because of their
1974.
relative antiquity and the presumed trustworthiness of their
Giedion, Sigfried. The Eternal Present: A Contribution on Constan-
authors and transmitters. Sacred traditions provide a link be-
cy and Change, vol. 2: The Beginnings of Architecture. Wash-
tween the origin and destiny of things. The ancient Greek
ington, D.C., 1964.
poet and prophet Hesiod in his Theogony says that the
Harle, J. C. The Art and Architecture of the Indian Subcontinent.
Muses, the daughters of Zeus, “inspired me with a divine
2d ed. New Haven, Conn., 1994.
voice to tell of the things that are to come and the things that
were before” (ll. 31–32). Similarly, the sacred traditions of
Kramrisch, Stella. The Hindu Temple. Calcutta, 1946.
all religions offer access to beginnings and insight into end-
Prache, Anne. Cathedrals of Europe. Ithaca, N.Y., 2000.
ings that personal experience and unaided reason cannot
Rowland, Benjamin. The Art and Architecture of India: Buddhist,
supply.
Hindu, Jain. 3d rev. ed. Baltimore, Md., 1967.
Sacred traditions sometimes tell of a golden age in the
Wu, Nelson I. Chinese and Indian Architecture: The City of Man,
past. They preserve glimmers of the glorious age and estab-
the Mountain of God, and the Realm of the Immortals. New
lish beliefs, practices, and institutions to help people cope
York, 1963.
with the “iron age” of the present. At other times, traditions
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9268
TRADITION
anticipate the attainment of a glorious future age, which they
trast, the formal concept of tradition, the sunnah (custom,
portray in prophecies. And sacred traditions often address
example) of the Prophet, became more specialized as a result
past and future together. In all three cases, a view of time as
of the formation of a closed collection of traditions—the six
something that can be recapitulated, or at least held in syn-
books of h:ad¯ıths, or stories of the Prophet, compiled in the
optic vision long enough to lend perspective on the present,
third and fourth centuries AH (ninth and tenth centuries CE)
underlies the concept of sacred tradition. The work of seizing
and eventually accepted as authoritative throughout Sunn¯ı
time through myth or prophecy explains the critical impor-
Islam.
tance of memory in religious traditions. Memory defies time
and change. “Remember!” is the first commandment of tra-
Even more specialized cases are presented by two words
dition.
meaning “tradition” in Judaism, Masora and Qabbalah,
which come from verbs meaning “hand down” and “re-
The second commandment is “Trust!” which in practice
ceive,” respectively. The verbs are used at the beginning of
means “Obey!” Obedience to authorities who are deemed
the early rabbinic Ethics of the Fathers (Avot 1.1) with refer-
trustworthy is indispensable to the working of tradition be-
ence to the handing down of the Torah from God to Moses,
cause tradition is by definition something received from oth-
Moses to Joshua, Joshua to the elders, and so on. However,
ers. Within the community of tradition, obedience is validat-
the nouns Masora and Qabbalah eventually came to be used
ed by the benefits a person derives, or expects to derive, from
not for tradition in the comprehensive sense but for special-
following the tradition. From the outside, however, and es-
ized traditions: Masora for the exegetical traditions govern-
pecially from a modern critical perspective, the obedience
ing the transmission of the Hebrew text of the Holy Scrip-
tradition requires (and inspires) may appear to be confining,
tures (hence “Masoretic text” for the canonical version of the
even oppressive. The discussion of tradition in the modern
Hebrew Bible), Qabbalah for the mystical and esoteric tradi-
study of religion has been much affected by this clash of per-
tions of Judaism. The function of specialized concepts is to
spectives.
sharpen the definition of tradition in selected areas, not to
diminish the scope of tradition as a comprehensive norm. In
The concept of tradition in religion may be applied to
religions with highly specialized concepts of tradition, much
the means by which norms of belief and practice are handed
that is traditional falls outside the formal concepts without
down (e.g., bards, books, chains of teachers, institutions) or
being any less traditional for that reason.
to the norms themselves. This article is concerned with the
norms, whereas the word transmission refers to the means by
In addition to occurring in the practice of religion, the
which traditional norms are handed down. The distinction
concept of tradition appears also in the modern study of reli-
between tradition and transmission is not absolute, however.
gion, where it is used descriptively rather than normatively
Religions typically resist it, especially if it is used to justify
and often rather loosely. Sometimes the word is little more
attempts to abstract the supposed essence of a religion from
than a synonym for the name of a religion, as when “Islamic
its historic vehicles and forms of expression. Because tradi-
tradition” simply denotes “Islam.” This way of speaking may
tion is by definition an indirect source of knowledge, the
be questioned to the extent that it singles out traditionality
forms in which traditional knowledge is transmitted cannot
as the most basic characteristic of a religion.
be cast away without risking loss of content, because the con-
tent is not accessible or verifiable from contemporary
More problematic in relation to normative concepts of
sources. To the extent that it is immediately accessible, it
tradition is the pluralism reflected in some uses of the de-
ceases to be traditional in the strict sense of the word.
scriptive concept, as when “Chinese tradition” is applied col-
lectively to the several religious systems of China or “Chris-
A sense of tradition as normative is a basic element in
tian tradition” is used to group together conflicting
all religious systems, whether or not formal concepts of tradi-
normative versions of Christianity (Orthodox, Catholic, Lu-
tion exist. When formal concepts appear, they may be broad
theran, and so on). In some cases the modern descriptive
or specialized, depending on their function in the system and
concept of tradition fosters research into what might be
the degree of differentiation among the sources of religious
called “deep tradition”—cultural patterns and values so basic
belief and practice. Often the sense of tradition as normative
to a civilization that they are not formally stated in the classi-
is expressed by a broad collective reference to authoritative
cal tradition and may not even be clearly recognized by the
teachers or compendia: “the fathers,” “the elders,” “the
bearers of the tradition. The concern of some modern schol-
sages,” “the poets.” An evolution from broad to specialized
ars of India with the problem of defining the “Indianness”
concepts can sometimes be discerned. In early Catholic
of India—the deposit of culture underlying the many differ-
Christianity, for example, the concept of tradition embraced
ent normative traditions of India—is a case in point. In this
all the formal sources of belief and practice handed down by
case the notion of “Indian tradition” hypothesizes a unity
the church, including the Holy Scriptures. Only much later,
that remains to be found and described. Such unities are dif-
and only in the Western as distinct from the Eastern church,
ficult to define and are rejected by many scholars as mystifi-
did “tradition” come to signify the extrabiblical (ecclesiasti-
cations meriting no more credence than “the Russian soul,”
cal) sources in particular, at which point the “problem” of
“the Oriental mind,” or other cultural stereotypes. Neverthe-
scripture and tradition could arise. In Sunn¯ı Islam, by con-
less, the presentiment of continuity in the world’s great civili-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TRADITION
9269
zations is powerful enough to motivate continuing research
applications. The relative independence of written texts
on “deep tradition.”
stimulates the development of intellectuality and greatly in-
creases the possibilities of dissemination in a fixed form. At
TYPES OF TRADITIONS. Traditions may be verbal or nonver-
the same time, writing involves significant dangers for a tra-
bal. Nonverbal traditions include traditional artifacts (e.g.,
dition. When a tradition is put into writing, its inconsisten-
icons, monuments, symbolic objects), sites, designs, gestures,
cies become more evident. It may not be an exaggeration to
postures, customs, and institutions. Nonverbal traditions
say that the quickened intellectuality that accompanies writ-
cannot exist in isolation from verbal traditions, for the latter
ten traditions arises first of all from the need to address the
are needed to interpret them. However, nonverbal traditions
inconsistencies that the writing down of a tradition exposes.
possess a measure of autonomy in relation to verbal tradi-
Also, the independence of written texts opens the way to the
tions because verbal interpretations can never completely
use of traditional materials in ways not intended by tradi-
penetrate the “thickness” of traditional objects or, in the case
tional authorities, ways that are remote from the “living
of religious objects, their presumed sacrality. Far from being
word” actualized in pedagogy and cult. To be sure, a written
dependent on specific verbal interpretations, nonverbal tra-
tradition is not further removed from the living word than
ditions typically host multiple or successive interpretations
an oral tradition insofar as the latter is understood as a tradi-
without losing their identity or traditional status. The persis-
tion in the strict sense. Tradition, oral or written, is the word
tence of nonverbal traditions in relative autonomy over
handed down by others—the vehicle of the living word but
against the interpretations attached to them is a good exam-
not the living word itself. Nevertheless, the organic connec-
ple of traditionality: the ascription of value to something by
tion of oral tradition with performance guarantees the close
virtue of the fact that it has been handed down from early
proximity of tradition to the living word, whereas in the case
times on good authority.
of written tradition the connection is not as direct and great-
Oral and written tradition. Verbal traditions may be
er pains must be taken to regulate the use of traditions.
oral or written. Although the distinction pertains first of all
Many moral and religious teachers have felt anxiety
to the means of transmission rather than to tradition, the
about writing. In the Phaedrus, for example, Plato has Socra-
substance of traditions is affected by the differences between
tes tell a story about a wise Egyptian king who, in reply to
oral and written transmission.
the god who offered the Egyptians the gift of writing as “a
First, the forms of expression used in traditions are dic-
drug to produce memory and wisdom,” observed that the in-
tated in part by the means available. Some forms, such as
vention was more likely to produce just the opposite, because
hymns, proverbs, riddles, and folk tales, are essentially oral.
those who came to depend on it would tend to seek wisdom
They may be written down, but writing does not open the
in an external source rather than having to look within their
way to a fuller realization of the form. Other forms, such as
own souls, and so they would “seem wise without being
chronicles, law codes, and commentaries, depend on writing
wise” (Phaedrus 274c–275).
or are fully realized only in writing. Some of the most impor-
Fourth, oral and written traditions coexist and influence
tant forms of expression used in traditions, such as mytholo-
each other even after many authoritative sources of tradition
gy and epic poetry, may reach a high level of development
have been committed to writing. Oral tradition is not a stage
in either mode.
that is outgrown with the arrival of written tradition. Even
Second, oral tradition is a much older phenomenon
after it has been replaced by writing as the chief means of
than written tradition and precedes it in the formative period
transmission, oral tradition continues to thrive in the form
of traditions, even after the invention of writing. This fact
of customs, folklore, popular preaching, storytelling, esoteric
suggests that written traditions themselves are shaped in part
speculation, practical applications of religion to everyday life,
by oral traditions. In many literate religious traditions, for
and other manifestations of traditional mentality. The text
example, scriptural and pedagogical titles recall and even
of the Book of Exodus was well established by EAqivaD ben
purport to re-create an oral system of communication. Thus,
Yosef’s day, but that did not prevent the rabbi and his col-
Qur Da¯n means “recitation.” The title of the first book of rab-
leagues from arguing about the number and size of the frogs
binic law, Mishnah, comes from a verb meaning “repeat” and
sent against Egypt in the famous plague (B.T., San. 67b).
refers to pedagogy based on oral recitation. Upanis:ad, a name
People love to talk, and talk preserves and extends itself by
for books of philosophical and esoteric teaching in Vedic tra-
means of oral tradition. Sometimes oral tradition even gener-
dition, comes from Sanskrit words meaning “sit down before
ates new bodies of written tradition, as in the case of the oral
[a teacher].” An accomplished monk in early Buddhism was
Torah canonized in the rabbinic law codes, the Mishnah and
called a bahusuta, “one who has heard much.” The Greek
the Talmud.
word euangelion, “gospel” or “good news,” means news in the
The importance of oral tradition in the history of tradi-
literal sense of something proclaimed aloud in the hearing
tions has been widely recognized in the modern study of reli-
of the general public.
gion. In particular, the concept of oral tradition has been
Third, oral tradition exists mainly in performance, while
used by scholars seeking to reconstruct the origins and early
written tradition exists also in objective form apart from its
history of religious traditions. Unfortunately, the method-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9270
TRADITION
ological problems of applying the concept of oral tradition
there is no contradiction between an appreciation of the
are severe. Except for the data supplied by modern anthro-
grandeur and sufficiency of scripture and a recognition of the
pologists and ethnographers from direct observation, the evi-
crucial role of interpretation. The aim of interpretation is not
dence for oral tradition must be extracted from written
to threaten but to preserve and protect scriptural revelation:
sources. Scholarly opinion thus divides along a spectrum
“Tradition [Masora] is a fence to the Torah” (Avot 3.14).
running from skepticism about the possibility of ever isolat-
ing the original oral layer of a written tradition to more con-
Nevertheless, conflicts between scripture and tradition
fident approaches based on literary and rhetorical analysis
are bound to arise because of differences in provenance, time
and the selective application of archaeological evidence.
of origin, and ideological tendency. In every religion with a
body of scripture, there will be traditions lacking scriptural
Scripture and tradition. Many classical religious sys-
warrant or even contradicting the plain sense of scripture,
tems make a formal distinction between scripture and tradi-
and there will be beliefs and practices mandated by scripture
tion. Scripture refers to divinely revealed texts; tradition refers
with no living function in the tradition. While exegetical in-
to revelation mediated by human teachers. The distinction
genuity can go a long way toward resolving these conflicts,
tends to be clear enough in practice. Thus Catholic Chris-
the problem of scripture and tradition cannot be settled by
tians have no trouble distinguishing between the New Testa-
exegesis alone. From the outset, a conciliatory assumption of
ment writings and the creeds and canons of the church coun-
harmony between scripture and tradition must be made to
cils; Muslims do not confuse the sunnah of the Prophet with
support the work of exegesis and interpretation; otherwise
the QurDa¯n delivered by him. Yet the distinction between
the situation of the interpreter would be impossible, for
scripture and tradition is a difficult one to make in theory.
scripture and tradition always diverge enough to make recon-
It does not turn on the difference between divine revelation
ciliation impossible without the antecedent assumption of an
and human teaching, for in most religions authoritative tra-
ultimate harmony. This assumption is itself a traditum, a
dition is reverenced almost as much as scripture as a conduit
thing handed down and explicitly confessed by religious tra-
of revelation. Furthermore, the theoretical priority of scrip-
ditions with respect to their scriptures. The determination
ture over tradition rarely translates into a higher degree of
to affirm the harmony of scripture and tradition suggests that
binding force in practice.
scripture has a significance that goes beyond its substantive
contents, namely as an object of traditional loyalty, a badge
To some extent the distinction between scripture and
of affiliation, and a symbol of continuity.
tradition reflects the history of canonization in a religion.
When a canon of scripture is definitively closed, authorita-
The role of the Vedic scriptures in Hinduism affords a
tive teaching accruing thereafter is “tradition.” Even so, the
good example. The Vedas were for a long time not scripture
relationship must not be construed as a mere serial progres-
in the strict sense of the word because they were transmitted
sion, least of all as a purely exegetical relationship, as if tradi-
orally, but they played a quasi-scriptural role long before
tion were in essence commentary on a body of scripture that
being committed to writing. In scriptural form they enjoy
antedates it. Traditions often manifest a significant degree of
theoretical priority over the books of tradition (smr:ti; literal-
independence from scripture for a variety of reasons: their
ly, “remembered”) that were produced later. A wide gulf sep-
origin in a time prior to the canonization of scripture, the
arates the religion of the Vedas from that of later Hindu tra-
diversity of sources embodied in tradition as opposed to
dition. The Vedas present a religion of animal sacrifice and
the more restricted sources constituting a written canon, and
of meat-eating, intoxicant-drinking priests; a worldview that
the reference of tradition to basic religious functions not ade-
knows nothing of the cycle of rebirth (sam:sa¯ra) and little of
quately treated by scripture, such as liturgy or law.
the theory of action (karman); a cult without temple wor-
ship; and a pantheon in which many of the most popular
Beyond providing a source of religious authority in ad-
gods and heroes of later Hinduism play little or no role. Nev-
dition to scripture, tradition plays an indispensable role in
ertheless the books of smr:ti consistently avow loyalty to the
the appropriation of scriptural sources. Scripture cannot be
Vedas, and conciliatory explanations of departures from
used if it cannot be interpreted, and every use (liturgical,
Vedic ways are offered. As Louis Renou put it, “The Veda
legal, theological) implies an interpretation. Interpretation,
is precisely the sign, perhaps the only one, of Indian ortho-
however, requires a framework and accepted rules of dis-
doxy” (Renou, 1960, vol. 6, pp. 2–3). In the religious history
course that scripture by itself cannot supply. They are sup-
of India a crucial line of division separates the continuators
plied by tradition. Thus there arises a practical dependence
of Vedic tradition from groups, such as the Jains and Bud-
of scripture on tradition. Dependence need not imply dimin-
dhists, who broke with the tradition in principle. Among the
ished regard for the authority of scripture. While the critical
continuators a community of tradition existed, despite many
historian might view a hermeneutical tradition as a device for
differences of doctrine and practice. Between the continua-
overcoming the piecemeal character or obscurity of scripture,
tors and the others there was not a community of tradition,
the pious mind will regard it as the only conceivable means
despite many historical and cultural affinities.
by which to gain access to the vast and awe-inspiring con-
tents of divine revelation—the means established by divine
TRADITION AND RELIGIOUS ORIGINATORS. For a number of
authority as opposed to human ingenuity. In the eyes of piety
reasons the consciousness of standing in a sacred tradition
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TRADITION
9271
is a typical feature of the outlook of originating figures in the
Matthew, Jesus does not say “It is written” but “You have
history of religion. First, bearers of a new prophecy, revised
heard that it was said to the men of old,” but he then pro-
values, or new loyalties must address their audience in terms
ceeds to quote from the Torah. Thus the confrontation is in-
the latter understands. The terms have to be drawn from a
deed between a written law and a living master. Jesus is also
shared tradition. A classic example is in the Book of Exodus
shown in the Synoptic Gospels to be sovereign over the sa-
in the connection the prophet Moses proclaims between the
cred oral tradition claimed by the Pharisees, as when he re-
God Yahveh, whose name he is commanded to reveal to the
proached them saying, “You leave the commandment of
Israelite slaves, and “the God of your fathers, the God of
God, and hold fast the tradition of men” (Mk. 7:8; cf. Mt.
Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob,” that is
15:1–9).
to say the God or gods of ancient tradition (Ex. 3:13–15; cf.
Ex. 6:2–3).
Nevertheless, Jesus’ relation to Jewish tradition is mis-
construed if one assumes that at bottom it was dichotomous.
Second, religious originators must be able to reflect
Throughout the Gospels, including the passages cited above,
upon their own experiences. Affording a means of achieving
there is much evidence of continuity: “Think not that I have
distance from the immediate present, tradition provides a
come to abolish the law and the prophets; I have come not
framework for interrogation, interlocution, interpretation,
to abolish them but to fulfill them” (Mt. 5:17). The theme
and evaluation, without which reflection would be impossi-
of continuity has often been muted by the anti-Judaic ten-
ble. For example, early in his prophetic ministry Muh:ammad
dencies of much historical Christianity, including nine-
experienced visions that he later came to regard as encounters
teenth- and twentieth-century liberal theology, which made
with the archangel Gabriel, the figure thereafter identified by
a sharp distinction between the “legalistic” religion of the
Muslims as the agent of QurDanic revelation. Scholars have
Jews and the “spiritual” religion of Jesus. Weber’s discussion
pointed out, however, that the only reference to Gabriel as
of charisma also tends to emphasize the break with tradition
a revealer in the QurDa¯n occurs in a late Medinan su¯rah
in the work of Jesus, as well as that of other prophets, mili-
(2:97–98) and that the descriptions of visions in earlier
tary heroes, and messianic figures. Weber’s emphasis is justi-
su¯rahs (53:1–18, 81:15–25) are vague about the identity of
fiable given his aims, namely the clarification of pure
the being Muh:ammad encountered. In other words, it ap-
(“ideal”) types. Abstractly considered, a charismatic leader al-
pears that an angelological tradition, not invented by
ways stands against tradition. He or she offers his or her fol-
Muh:ammad but accepted by him at some point, served the
lowers something new and lays claim to a highly personal
Prophet (and later Islam) as a way of understanding his early
kind of authority, whereas “authority will be called tradition-
experiences.
al if legitimacy is claimed for it and believed in by virtue of
Third, the consciousness of standing in a sacred tradi-
the sanctity of age-old rules and powers” (Weber, 1978, vol.
tion supports religious originators who break with the sacred
1, p. 226). In historical reality, however, charismatic leaders
traditions of their contemporaries and coreligionists. The
always possess notions of tradition that play a crucial role in
originator’s sense of tradition makes the break bearable and
their own thinking and in their relationships with followers
keeps it from being episodic or nihilistic. So, for example,
and with the general public. Thus Jesus, in the ostensibly
the Apostle Paul, preaching a break with the Jewish law on
anti-Mosaic teachings of Matthew 5 (e.g., vv. 21–22: “You
the basis of faith in the gospel of Jesus Christ, was greatly
have heard that it was said to the men of old, ‘You shall not
aided by his conviction that he represented a tradition of
kill; and whoever kills shall be liable to judgment.’ But I say
faith authenticated by the law itself in its testimonies con-
to you that every one who is angry with his brother shall be
cerning Abraham (Rom. 3–4; Gal. 3–4).
liable to judgment”) was probably not trying to invalidate
the law of Moses but simply demanding behavior radically
The complexity of the relationship of religious origina-
consistent with it. Jesus also frequently cited traditional au-
tors to tradition can be seen in Jesus’ confrontation with Jew-
thorities in his confrontation with the Pharisees, as when he
ish tradition as presented in the Synoptic Gospels. That pre-
cited the Prophet Isaiah to support his condemnation of
sentation has decisively shaped the way the problem of
“your tradition” (hand washing before meals) in Mark 7:6–7
tradition and innovation has been understood in the history
(cf. Mt. 15:7–9; Is. 29:13). Here the condemnation of a cer-
of Christianity and even in modern scholarship. The Ger-
tain understanding of tradition is itself supported by an ap-
man sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920), in his famous dis-
peal to tradition, as Jesus draws an analogy between his con-
cussion of charismatic leadership, was thinking of the rhetor-
flict with the Pharisees and the conflicts of the prophets of
ical dichotomies of Jesus when he wrote, “From a substantive
Israel with the religious establishment of an earlier day. Even
point of view, every charismatic authority would have to sub-
conflicts with tradition are molded by tradition.
scribe to the proposition, ‘It is written . . . but I say unto
you,’” and when he wrote, “Hence, in a revolutionary and
Charismatic prophets who attack the sacred traditions
sovereign manner, charismatic domination transforms all
of their contemporaries are not the only type of originators
values and breaks all traditional and rational norms: ‘It has
in the history of religion. Sociable teachers of virtue who ac-
been written . . . but I say unto you’” (Weber, 1978, vol.
cept the commonly received forms of tradition but reinter-
1, p. 243, vol. 2, p. 1115; cf. Mt. 5:21-–48). Actually, in
pret their contents are also important. Originators of this
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9272
TRADITION
type often make a conscious effort to deny the novelty of
with examples of theories that at one time commanded a
their message. Confucius is a good example. A powerful orig-
substantial scholarly consensus but subsequently collapsed,
inator who reoriented Chinese tradition, Confucius achieved
not because they were opposed by religious traditionalists but
a remarkable humanization of the substance of Chinese reli-
because they were rejected by a new generation of critical
gion in his doctrine of “humanity” (jen). Yet he vigorously
scholars. For several decades of the twentieth century, for ex-
denied that there was anything new in his work. “I transmit
ample, students in the reputable Protestant theological
but do not innovate; I am truthful in what I say and devoted
schools of Europe and North America were taught to view
to antiquity” (Analects 7.1, Lau translation). Confucius’s
the Pentateuch through the lens of the “tradition history”
words and deeds were designed to authenticate this claim.
school of Albrecht Alt, Gerhard von Rad, and Martin Noth.
He was scrupulous in his observance of the established rites,
These scholars regarded the Pentateuch as the product of the
devoted himself to traditional poetry and music, took the
expansion of smaller yet well-defined units of traditional ma-
worthies of antiquity as his models, and showed reverence
terial dating in some cases from as far back as the Middle
for the spirit world and for heaven.
Bronze Age (2100–1600 BCE). Toward the end of the twenti-
The approach of Socrates to tradition, at least in Plato’s
eth century this theory gave way to a view of the Pentateuch
quasi-canonical version, runs parallel to that of Confucius in
as a much later body of material reflecting the party struggles
an important way, though with an equally important differ-
of the waning years of the Israelite monarchy (seventh–sixth
ence. The difference lies in the method—dialectic—which
centuries BCE) and owing relatively little to canonical forms
allows for the critical interrogation of received tradition in
handed down from earlier periods. The revisionist view itself
a spirit quite foreign to Confucius’s approach. The parallel
is susceptible to revision, of course, not least because it tends
lies in Socrates’ insistence that he had neither new truths to
to evade rather than settle the issue of tradition. While em-
teach people nor access to a special or secret source of truth,
phasizing the decisive role of political and religious elites in
but simply wanted to clarify the traditional values—justice,
the fashioning of the Pentateuch, the revisionists concede
goodness, piety—that most people accept on faith but can-
that the elites did not create their material from nothing but
not define or defend when challenged to do so. Thus
worked with an antecedent “body of lore (myths, legends,
throughout Plato’s portrait of Socrates there is a tension be-
laws, etc.),” “a basic core of stories, traditions, and so on,”
tween the critique and the affirmation of Greek tradition.
or a “body of diverse traditional material” (Van Seters, 1998,
Socrates is depicted as a man who respects and participates
pp. 8–9, 14). If so, then an account of the history of these
in the common forms of tradition even as he demolishes the
traditions is demanded. The category of tradition, marginal-
arguments of pretentious and incompetent apologists, such
ized by criticism of “tradition history,” enters the picture
as Euthyphro, Ion, and Agathon. The Republic, for example,
again.
although it contains the sharpest attack on Greek tradition
Political determinism, namely the view that traditions
in Plato’s dialogues, namely the critique of Homer and Hesi-
are formed by elites as a means of legitimating power and
od for “badly portraying the nature of gods and heroes” (Re-
privilege, has been a powerful factor in modern theoretical
public 377e), opens with Socrates telling how he went down
reflection on the formation of religious traditions. Attention
to Piraeus to pray to a goddess during a religious festival and
focused originally on clerical elites who, as Enlightenment
ends with him recounting a myth of gods and heroes (the
rationalists supposed, invented the apparatus of religious tra-
myth of Er).
dition to exploit the ignorant masses. Beginning with the
THE FORMATION OF TRADITIONS. A general theory of the
French Revolution the role of secular political elites also
formation of religious traditions has eluded scholars of reli-
came under scrutiny, as critics of “ideology” exposed the cozy
gion despite the large body of specialized scholarship on the
relations between church, throne, and aristocracy. As monar-
formative periods of many world religions. The difficulty is
chical and aristocratic power declined in the nineteenth cen-
related to the conflict between the modern critical view of
tury, ideological criticism was directed against the new power
tradition as a historical product and the religious concept of
elite, namely the middle class. The feminist criticism of tradi-
tradition as a body of inviolate sacred canons transcending
tion took shape in the same historical context. A related form
time and change. The application of historical and philologi-
of political determinism reverses the terms, suggesting that
cal analysis to sacred traditions never fails to demonstrate
certain traditions were formed by oppressed groups as a way
their dependence on historical determinants. Yet the critical
of contesting established power structures, whether through
analysis of sacred traditions, if carried to the point of radical
a revolutionary assault or through some sort of exodus from
relativism, fails to account for the most distinctive fact of all:
them. Such a view has been particularly influential in the in-
the continuity of certain sacred traditions with the capacity,
terpretation of the Hebrew Bible, in presentations of the eth-
however limited, to preserve themselves in a world of time
ics and “politics” of Jesus in the New Testament, and in lib-
and change.
eration theology.
The dynamics of traditionalism and relativism are fur-
Delineating the connections between traditions and
ther complicated by the instability of critical-historical theo-
power elites has proved complicated enough to prevent the
ry itself. The annals of the modern study of religion abound
emergence of a generally accepted analysis. That power elites
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TRADITION
9273
manipulate traditions and play a role in maintaining them
the invention of tradition. The critical framework of modern
has been clearly established by three centuries of critical anal-
goddess religiosity is provided by the feminist critique of
ysis. What is not so clear is the extent to which traditions are
patriarchalism and the environmentalist critique of capital-
the invention of power elites. The difficulty lies in the con-
ism and modern technology. The positive religious content
cept of legitimation. The legitimation, via tradition, of ar-
is drawn from the work of archaeologists, such as Marija
rangements favorable to a power elite works only as long as
Gimbutas, who seek to reconstruct the goddess-centered
the tradition is actually perceived as escapsulating a truth that
spirituality of a putatively pre-patriarchal period of European
transcends the elite. If the target audience—including the
civilization. The limitations of the enterprise derive from the
power elite itself—loses faith in the objective or unconstruct-
difficulty of determining the actual significance of goddess
ed truth of a tradition, the latter quickly becomes useless for
motifs in their original context, given the absence of written
political as well as all other purposes. Legitimation thus
sources.
proves to be an ambiguous concept: it combines political and
transpolitical elements without clarifying the relationship be-
In addition to political theories, linguistically based the-
tween them.
ories of the formation of tradition have been influential in
the modern study of religion. Here traditionality is seen not
The persistence of the tao-tEai pattern (the animal mask
just as the product of social and political interests but as
or dragon figure) in traditional Chinese ritual and art can
something inherent in the very structure of human under-
serve as an example of the dilemma faced by the interpreter
of any enduring tradition. Widely disseminated by the Shang
standing. This view of tradition is connected with the lin-
rulers of China in the second millennium
guistic turn in the human sciences in the twentieth century.
BCE, especially as
a motif on the bronze ritual vessels of the period, the tao-tEai
Many twentieth-century thinkers lost confidence in Enlight-
and related patterns have been called “signs or emblems of
enment rationalism with its search for an unmediated start-
Shang authority” (Hsu and Linduff, 1988, p. 19). Yet the
ing point of knowledge and focused instead on the medium
origins of the pattern are almost certainly to be looked for
in which human beings actually think and communicate.
in a shamanistic spirituality that long predated the Shang.
The concreteness of language seemed to provide a surer
Moreover, when the Chou dynasty overthrew the Shang in
foundation for a theory of human understanding than meta-
the late twelfth century
physical notions, such as self, substance, or God. In Anglo-
BCE, the new rulers perpetuated the
classical pattern, thereby showing that they and their audi-
American thought the linguistic turn generated analytic
ence regarded it not as a Shang emblem but as a tradition
philosophy; in continental European thought it produced
of general validity, a channel of truth. Even if one can show
philosophical hermeneutics and postmodernism. The contri-
that the meaning of the tao-tEai changed significantly in the
bution of analytic philosophers to the theory of tradition has
course of its long history, the persistence of the ancient tem-
been modest. Continental philosophers on the other hand,
plate as a form for the discovery of new meaning is itself a
especially Martin Heidegger, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Paul
highly significant fact about Chinese religion and thought,
Ricoeur, and Jacques Derrida, have had an enormous im-
an example of a certain kind of traditionality.
pact. By rejecting “pure” experience and insisting on the rad-
ically historical, interested, necessarily biased character of all
An important contribution to study of the formation of
human expression, these thinkers stimulated a new respect
traditions has been made by Eric Hobsbawm, Terence Rang-
for tradition to the extent that tradition manifests the predic-
er, and others who have investigated “the invention of tradi-
ament of human understanding generally. If all human ex-
tion” in modern times. Careful to distinguish their subject
pression (ideas, values, symbols, and so on) is, in effect, a
from tradition in a more comprehensive sense, these critics
commentary on its own temporal situation (including the
focus on the conscious production of new rituals in response
other human expressions found in its situation), then one
to the social, political, and ecological upheavals created by
may say that all human expression functions in and as a tradi-
modern capitalism. Invented traditions are designed to estab-
tion of some kind.
lish or symbolize social cohesion in an environment where
traditional communal bonds have been disrupted or revolu-
Ironically, reverence for tradition played little part in the
tionized. Typically modern communities, such as new na-
rise of philosophical hermeneutics and postmodernism. Hei-
tion-states, awakened ethnicities, labor unions, voluntary
degger viewed his philosophical project as a revolutionary
organizations, environmentalist groups, gender-based associ-
break with the entire tradition of Western philosophy and
ations, and others, invent traditions as a way of justifying
theology since Plato, a view not unconnected with the Euro-
their novelty. Often this takes the form of embracing “tradi-
pean fascist project of leaping beyond modernity into a radi-
tions” that appear to be old but are in fact quite new. The
cally new historical epoch. The “post” in postmodernism en-
Romantic movement, with its interest in premodern folk
codes the same idea of an irrevocable break with the Western
culture, was an important source of ideas for inventors of tra-
tradition. However, by rejecting the Enlightenment project
ditions. Archaeology and anthropology also contributed by
of modernity, philosophical hermeneutics and postmodern-
stimulating interest in prehistoric civilization.
ism stimulated a fresh look at the premodern value systems
Efforts to promote the cult of goddesses (or the God-
the Enlightenment rejected, including historic religious tra-
dess) in Europe and North America are a good example of
ditions. Heidegger’s more moderate heirs in the following
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9274
TRADITION
generation, especially Gadamer and Ricoeur, have played a
The fixing of canons in a tradition necessarily breeds conflict
particularly prominent role in recasting the discussion of
with the original local centers of living tradition. Conflict
tradition.
would be inevitable even if the work of later canonizers were
free of ideological or regional bias, which is rarely the case.
IDEALIZATION AND CANONIZATION. All religious traditions
The function of canonization is to generalize and standard-
construct pictures of their own formative periods. The pic-
ize, that of living tradition to affirm and develop inherited
tures are built up over time by the retrospective projection
beliefs and practices.
of religious ideals onto the history of the tradition. Such pic-
tures must not be accepted as literal descriptions of the for-
Yet it must not be thought that canonization represents
mation of a tradition. Their function is to stress the unity
nothing but the regimentation of tradition by a central au-
and continuity of tradition, whereas the critical history of
thority. Canonization is a process that presupposes a signifi-
any tradition in the formative period never fails to reveal
cant measure of consensus among the centers of living tradi-
breaks, conflicts, and a diversity of views and practices.
tion to begin with. Without it the canonization of a tradition
could not be successful but would result in division. An ex-
An example of an idealized picture of the formative peri-
ample of division is the split in the order of monks at the
od of a tradition is the picture of the early Christian church
second Buddhist council, said to have been held at Vaisali
in the Acts of the Apostles, a New Testament work composed
about a century after the Buddha’s death. Catholic Chris-
in the last third of the first century. The picture of the church
tianity and Sunn¯ı Islam, on the other hand, are examples of
in Acts was shaped in part by the proto-Catholic ideal of a
extremely successful efforts of broad-based canonization, ac-
single apostolic church, and it contributed to the spread of
complished in each case during the first three to four centu-
this ideal in the following decades. Acts depicts a worldwide
ries of the religion’s existence. The consolidation of broad
church directed from Jerusalem by twelve apostles governing
segments of Judaism in late antiquity on the basis of the Tal-
alongside elders who are not identified as apostles, such as
mud is another example of canonization carried out in a reli-
Jesus’ brother James. Much attention is devoted to the mis-
gious environment that modern scholarship has shown to be
sionary work of Paul, who is not identified as an apostle ex-
far more diverse than formerly supposed.
cept in Acts 14. Stress is placed on Paul’s cooperation with
the Jerusalem church and on the harmony of his views with
If canons are by definition clear, communicable, and
those of Peter, the only apostle to receive a substantial
relatively easy to identify once the process of canonization
amount of attention in Acts. Matters that would tend to qual-
has been completed, the consensus presupposed by canoniza-
ify the general impression of a unified church leadership,
tion is more difficult to locate and define. The concept of
such as the nature of the relationship between the twelve
consensus is further complicated by the fact that some reli-
apostles, Paul, and James, are not clarified. The picture in
gious traditions possess their own particular concepts of con-
Acts is at variance with the evidence preserved in Paul’s let-
sensus, such as the concept of the consensus (ijma¯E) of the
ters. Paul does not hesitate to call himself an apostle, does
law schools in early Islam. While concepts of consensus in
not deal with a group of twelve apostles in Jerusalem, records
religious systems function primarily as ideals, the ideals usu-
a sharp conflict with Peter (Gal. 2:11–14), and in general
ally preserve evidence of the fact that the formation of the
gives the impression of a more independent relationship to
tradition was not the work of a single religious center dictat-
the Jerusalem Church than the one ascribed to him by Acts.
ing canons to the periphery but resulted from the simulta-
neous emergence of distinct living traditions whose informal
The idealization of tradition by later canonizers stands
agreement on fundamentals was the sine qua non of the for-
in tension not only with protean historical experience but
mal consolidation of tradition at a later time.
with living traditions originating prior to the canonization
of the tradition. No religious tradition springs onto the scene
A good example of these dynamics is seen in the evolu-
already possessing the canonical structures that will hold it
tion of the sunnah, or tradition, in early Islam. In the third
together in the long run. Nevertheless, nascent tradition
and fourth centuries AH (ninth and tenth centuries CE) the
must be defined and held together in some way in the circles
sunnah of the Prophet received its classic form in the six ca-
where it is received. In these circles the legacy of charismatic
nonical books of h:ad¯ıths, or stories of the Prophet, eventually
leaders who can claim a direct link to the originating source
accepted by Sunn¯ı Muslims. How these books were pro-
of sacred tradition plays an important role, as do beliefs and
duced is not a mystery. They were the leading works to
practices validated by custom and oral tradition. Local cen-
emerge from decades of travel, research, and discussion by
ters of living tradition developing independently and with-
learned seekers of h:ad¯ıths who undertook to discriminate be-
out much central coordination are the original hearths of tra-
tween sound and spurious reports and whose methodolo-
dition. Examples are the regional schools of law in early
gy—the testing of the chain of transmission (isna¯d) of each
Islam (e.g., Medinese, Iraqi, Syrian), the metropolitan
report—was rigorous, even though modern critical historians
churches in early Christianity (e.g., Antioch, Alexandria,
would question some of the criteria applied. However, to
Rome), and the various monastic disciplines elaborated by
suppose that one has explained the formation of the sunnah
the Buddha’s successors around a common core but admit-
upon rendering an account of the work of the seekers of
ting significant differences of practice and eventually belief.
h:ad¯ıths is to fail to address more basic and difficult questions:
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TRADITION
9275
what was the connection between the h:ad¯ıth material on
“normative Judaism” that served as the foundation for later
which the seekers worked and the living traditions of Islam
rabbinic tradition. Subsequent scholarship has richly docu-
before their time, and what factors of consensus operating
mented the religious diversity of Judaism in late antiquity,
in earlier times paved the way for their work?
the influence of Hellenistic culture on the Pharisees them-
selves, and the role of parties other than the Pharisees in the
Much modern Western scholarship on h:ad¯ıth and the
making of rabbinic Judaism. The result has been to give rise
closely related subject of early Islamic law stresses the breaks
to a revisionist view of the Pharisees almost diametrically op-
between the work of the canonizers and earlier Islam. It is
posed to the earlier one. Far from being seen as the bearers
pointed out that the transmission of h:ad¯ıths with a certifying
of “normative Judaism,” the Pharisees are presented as sim-
isna¯d was a late phenomenon and that there is reason to
ply one sect among many in the religiously complicated
doubt that h:ad¯ıths were formally transmitted at all in the first
world of Judaism around the beginning of the Common Era.
century of Islam. It is sometimes questioned whether the
That the name Pharisee may have originally meant “sectari-
Prophet left any sunnahs, or traditions, apart from the
an” lends support to this view.
QurDa¯n. Above all it is pointed out that the schools of law,
whose roots went back to early times, looked upon the later
Yet the revisionist view has its problems. The conceptu-
h:ad¯ıth movement as a disruptive force that threatened their
al problem is how to distinguish between sectarians and
own understanding of the sunnah as the tradition of the law
traditionists. If all religious activists in a given setting are
schools (rather than of the Prophet himself) and undermined
“sectarians,” then none of them are. To put it another way,
the ideal of consensus.
the term sect in the history of religion has meaning only in
Some modern scholars, however, notably Fazlur Rah-
contrast to church or similar terms denoting broad-based tra-
man in Islam (1979), have pointed out the ultimate irratio-
ditional structures emphasizing consensus and continuity.
nality of a critical historiography that bars the assumption
To be sure, the distinction between sectarians and tradition-
of continuity in early Islam, since the consolidation of the
ists is a relative one, but without it one cannot speak about
sunnah and the integration of the traditional law schools into
some basic differences between religious groups. For exam-
Sunn¯ı tradition cannot be imagined without assuming sig-
ple, the difference between the Pharisees on the one hand
nificant elements of continuity and consensus at work from
and the early Christians and the community at Qumran
early times. Thus Rahman holds that, from the beginning,
(where the Dead Sea Scrolls were discovered) on the other
sunnah could not have meant the sunnah of the law schools
was a difference of kind, not just degree. The latter two were
alone but must have focused on the Prophet, at least in inten-
sects: small bands of devotees living apart from the ordinary
tion, even if “it was not so much like a path as like a riverbed
world in a closely knit commune (Qumran) or preaching a
which continuously assimilates new elements.” Accordingly,
radical new prophecy with its own novel cult (Christians).
transmission of the sunnah would have taken the form of a
Moreover, Christians and Qumranians lived in the expecta-
“‘silent’or ‘living’ tradition” rather than a formal discipline
tion of an approaching cosmic cataclysm that would put an
(Rahman, 1979, pp. 54–55). The later h:ad¯ıth movement
end to the historic Judaism of their day. Long before the de-
formalized and, so to speak, professionalized the sunnah. But
struction of the Second Temple in 70 CE, these groups had
the movement was successful, in Rahman’s opinion, because
broken with Jerusalem and the Temple by reinterpreting
the concept of “the sunnah of the Prophet” had always been
Jewish tradition in terms of their own sources of illumina-
the implied ideal of Muslim practice, and also because a fixed
tion. The Pharisees too were innovators, but they had a com-
corpus of h:ad¯ıths provided a more solid basis on which to
pletely different orientation to tradition. What set the Phari-
build a pan-traditional (“Sunn¯ı”) consensus than did the
sees apart from Christians and Qumranians was the
ideal of the consensus of the law schools.
assumption of continuity with the historic institutions of Ju-
daism, including the Temple, and the stress on realizing the
Beyond their role in the formative period of traditions,
goals of piety in the everyday world, without new prophecies
groups oriented toward a traditional consensus often play a
and without a new cult.
significant role in the regulation or reformation of traditions.
THE MULTIFORMITY OF CLASSICAL TRADITIONS. Classical
Brahman castes in many parts of Hindu India may be cited
traditions are multiform. Multiformity results from the ad-
as an example of tradition-minded regulators. An important
aptation of traditions to the variegated quality of human ex-
group of brahmans even goes by the name of Sma¯rtas (from
perience, including religious experience. Nestor, the voice of
smr:ti, “tradition”), or “traditionists.”
tradition in the Homeric poems, describes the problem ex-
For an example of tradition-minded reformers, one may
actly: “The gods do not give people all things at the same
point to the Pharisees in Judaism in late antiquity. Scholarly
time” (Iliad 4.320). Talents, tastes, values, social and politi-
debate continues over how best to classify the Pharisees as
cal roles, age, gender, and station in life vary among individ-
a religious group and how to define their role in the reorgani-
uals and groups. Tradition is called upon to unite what expe-
zation of Judaism culminating in the canonization of the
rience divides, so that the old can communicate with the
Mishnah and Talmud. In the twentieth century, George
young, the intellectual with the illiterate, the urbanite with
Foot Moore, Louis Finkelstein, and other scholars pro-
the rustic, the priest with the flock, the prince with the pau-
pounded a view of the Pharisees as representatives of a
per. Unity is sought not through regimentation but through
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9276
TRADITION
the multiform elaboration of tradition. Multiformity in turn
Monist philosophers unanimously proclaim the superiority
makes it possible for tradition to play a number of mediating
of the path of knowledge, and their control of much of the
roles in a civilization: to apply religious values flexibly, to me-
higher philosophical literature of Hinduism has led some ob-
diate conflicts between different sets of values, to host cre-
servers to assume that this appraisal is shared by most Hin-
ative interaction between different theoretical viewpoints,
dus. Yet in the fervor of communion with God, the devo-
and so on. The multiformity of classical traditions stops
tionalist does not doubt the superiority of the devotional
short of radical pluralism, however. In the end, every tradi-
path, nor in all probability has the majority of Indians doubt-
tion recognizes a hierarchy of values.
ed the practical superiority of dutiful action in the world.
Thus the idea that the three paths are expressions of a com-
Several kinds of multiformity can be seen in the history
mon aspiration cannot be explained as the natural outcome
of classical traditions. One kind results from the sociocultur-
of the paths themselves but must be seen as a traditum in its
al differentiation of a tradition. Using terms that subsequent-
own right—a tradition of handing down distinct paths in as-
ly found wide application in the study of religion, the an-
sociation with each other on the assumption of their mutual
thropologist Robert Redfield, in his Peasant Society and
coherence. The assumption is an act of faith, since a system-
Culture (1956), called the two basic forms of tradition result-
atic doctrine reconciling the different paths has never been
ing from this type of differentiation “the great tradition” and
accepted by all Hindus.
“the little tradition.” The great tradition is literate, reflective,
cultivated by specialists working in cities, schools, temples,
The Hebrew Scriptures constitute another traditum em-
monasteries, and the like. The little tradition is typically illit-
bodying a multiplicity of ways to religious insight. In Juda-
erate, customary, embodied in the common beliefs and prac-
ism and Christianity this multiplicity, while recognized, has
tices of the mass of ordinary folk. Scholars and cultivated
not been emphasized in ways that would threaten strict mo-
practitioners of religion have always recognized that classical
notheism or ecclesiastical unity. Nevertheless, the religious
and popular religion diverge, yet this recognition seldom led
multiformity of the Bible has always been exploited by Jew-
to advances in understanding because of the tendency to re-
ish and Christian traditionists. Certainly the Bible would be
gard popular religion as a “lower” form of expression. The
a far less usable book if it admitted only the normative reli-
contribution of modern anthropological studies of religion
gion of priests and legists, only the charismatic religion of the
has been to show, first, that popular religion is just as much
prophets, only the Logos of the wise men, or only the devo-
a tradition as classical religion, a tradition that can achieve
tionalism of the psalmist or if it lacked the rage of Job, the
high levels of organization, complexity, and “rural cosmopol-
skepticism of Ecclesiastes, the eroticism of the Song of Songs.
itanism”; and second, that the interaction between great and
Nothing is more characteristic of the Hebrew Scriptures as
little forms of tradition is a dynamic one in which the little
a traditum than the transmission of many ways of theological
tradition not only receives from the great but also contributes
insight together in a single canon of law, prophets, and writ-
to it. Great and little traditions are, as Redfield put it, “two
ings. Historically, the various forms of religion represented
currents of thought and action, distinguishable, yet ever
in the Bible originated in relative independence from each
flowing into and out of each other” (Redfield, 1956, p. 72).
other and were cultivated selectively by different groups.
Redfield’s distinction has been criticized by other anthropol-
One must not project back into the ancient period a general
ogists for oversimplifying “great” and “little” traditions and
fraternization of priests, legists, prophets, wise men, cult
for underestimating the degree to which ordinary believers
singers, and skeptics united in the praise of the Lord of Israel.
are conversant with their great tradition via nonliterary
Their solidarity in witness to and celebration of the One—
means, such as icons, oral tradition, preaching, rituals, and
the “Bible” as distinguished from its component parts—was
authority structures (Tambiah, 1970, pp. 3–4, 367–377).
the contribution of tradition.
But these criticisms do not so much refute the distinction as
suggest a more nuanced version of it. Almost no responsible
Other kinds of multiformity result from the adaptation
scholar of religion wishes to return to the privileging of text-
of a tradition to stages of life and degrees of religious virtuosi-
based religiosity and the neglect of demotic factors.
ty. An example is the classical Hindu doctrine of the four
a¯´sramas, or stages of life (celibate student, householder, for-
A second kind of multiformity in classical traditions de-
est hermit, wandering ascetic). In the classical doctrine the
velops from the recognition of the multiplicity of paths to
four a¯´sramas are seen as successive stages through which a
religious fulfillment. Classical Hinduism, for example, dis-
pious male of the twice-born castes will pass in the course
tinguishes at least three valid paths to the goal of liberation
of his life. It appears, however, that the distinction between
(moks:a): the path of knowledge (jña¯na ma¯rga), the path of
the a¯´sramas antedates the notion that they represent “stages”
devotion to a personal God (bhaktima¯rga), and the path of
in a coherent succession. In any case only a minority of
ritual and dutiful action in the world (karma-ma¯rga). It is
Hindu householders have ever passed beyond the second
fairly clear that the paths originated at different times and
stage, and many hermits and ascetics in the history of Indian
in different circles and that they evolved in relative indepen-
religion were never householders. The doctrine of the
dence of each other. Furthermore there has never been a con-
a¯´sramas appears to be an attempt on the level of ideals to rec-
sensus in Hinduism about the relative merits of the paths.
oncile the world-affirming, dutiful religion of the Indian
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TRADITION
9277
family system with the renunciationist religiosity of ascetic
mological, eschatological) or practical (e.g., magical, occult)
and mystical virtuosos. The contribution of tradition is the
sort. Mysticism and esotericism need not overlap, although
assumption that the four a¯´sramas are coherently related to
they often do. The genius of classical religious traditions is
each other, and that respect and communication are there-
nowhere better seen than in their capacity to host mysticism
fore possible among their representatives. The reach of
and esotericism, if not always as honored traditions within
Hindu tradition is thereby significantly expanded.
the tradition at least as a traditionally tolerated religious
“night life.”
A special adaptation of tradition to stages of life is repre-
sented by forms of religion connected with dying and the
Experience is the goal of mysticism regardless of the
treatment of the dead. In all societies these matters are regu-
means employed, which range from strict asceticism through
lated chiefly by tradition, because neither reason nor experi-
sociable middle ways to antinomian abandon. In essence,
ence can offer much guidance. By establishing a role in
mysticism is not a matter of tradition, since experience can-
death, a tradition secures a place for itself in life, because peo-
not be received from or handed on to others. Mysticism is
ple’s lives will be affected by the way they expect to die. In
a matter of insight or perception, not texts, doctrines, or
Japan, for example, Buddhism has traditionally been the reli-
rules. However, because mysticism is interesting to most reli-
gion of funerals, and only at the grave does it come close to
gious communities, and because human beings need to com-
being the universal religion of the Japanese people. Still its
municate about the things that interest them, mysticism typ-
special authority over death is one of the ways Buddhism
ically generates formal mystical traditions, which may grow
gains visibility and prestige in Japanese tradition as a whole.
to an imposing size and complexity even against the wishes
of a saintly originator. Formal mystical traditions are canons
In some religions the distinction between the religion
applied specifically to adepts or aspirants, such as myths of
of virtuosos and that of ordinary people is built into the fun-
foundation, sacred histories, chains of authoritative transmit-
damental structure of the tradition. Buddhism is a case in
ters, initiatory rites, techniques of devotion and ecstasy, say-
point. In its first century Buddhism was a religion of monks
ings, texts, and rules regulating physical functions. As a gen-
that, although moderate in comparison with other asceti-
eral rule, once a mystical tradition is formed, little vagueness
cisms in its day, proposed a way of life incompatible with life
or laxity in its application is tolerated even though the goal
as a householder in the everyday world. Yet Buddhism man-
of mysticism remains personal experience. In fact the canons
aged to establish itself as the dominant religious tradition in
of mystical traditions tend to be even more rigorously de-
several Asian societies. It achieved its hegemony not by aban-
fined and enforced than those of mainstream traditions. This
doning monasticism but by developing a mode of lay reli-
is partly because of the elite character of mystical tradi-
gious participation distinct from the monastic one yet in har-
tions—rules can be more strictly enforced when applied to
mony with it: laypeople are invited to earn “merit” by
a few; partly because of the central role of the spiritual master
providing food, clothing, dwellings, and other services for
in many mystical traditions, a role commanding a high de-
monks. The rewards of this exchange for the laity are ritual
gree of obedience from aspirants and apprentices; and also
protection against the chaotic forces of the universe, en-
perhaps because of the need to guard against the explosive
hanced moral clarity in this life, and a better birth in the next
forces of unstructured mysticism. In madness and in method
life. This “domestication” of Buddhism, as Todd T. Lewis
the traditional mystic is not unlike a classical S:u¯f¯ı poet: God-
has called it, had a profound effect not only on Buddhist so-
intoxicated yet still mindful of the meters.
cieties but on Buddhist monasticism itself (Lewis, 2000,
pp. 3–4). While the Western scholarly stereotype of the Bud-
Whereas the interaction between mysticism and host
dhist monk as a detached seeker of transcendental enlighten-
traditions is extremely complex, the history of religion sup-
ment (nirva¯n:a) can certainly be documented, the large ma-
ports the generalization that the two need each other. Mysti-
jority of Buddhist monks seem to have been more concerned
cism needs a host tradition as a source of vocabulary and
with such sociable pursuits as collecting and disseminating
symbols. Even though the meaning of these may be revised
parables, conducting rituals, and preaching for the edifica-
by the mystics who use them, without them the mystics
tion of the community as a whole. Indeed it is hard to imag-
would not be understood by anyone. In addition, the reserve
ine how Buddhism could have been such a successful religion
shown to mystics by the authorities of a host tradition, be-
if most of its monks had followed the more detached way.
yond safeguarding the interests of the latter, is generally
The dialectic of multiformity and community occurs in one
healthy for mystics because it challenges them to clarify their
form or another in every religious tradition.
goals and refine their methods. As a rule the nemesis of mys-
ticism is not too much structure but too little.
MYSTICISM, ESOTERICISM, AND TRADITION. Mysticism and
esotericism are forms of religious expression that present spe-
Mysticism can renew tradition. Cadmus and Tiresias,
cial problems for classical traditions. Mysticism is the cultiva-
personages representing the Greek political and religious es-
tion of closeness to or union with the divine or ultimate. It
tablishment in Euripides’ play The Bacchae, gave good advice
may or may not involve special doctrines; it always involves
to every established tradition when they counseled the young
special techniques. Esotericism is the study and application
ruler of Thebes, Pentheus, to admit the revels of the god
of “secret” teachings of a speculative (e.g., theosophical, cos-
Dionysos into the city, maintaining that incorporation of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9278
TRADITION
cult would fortify tradition and enhance the prestige of the
is the claim to possess secret or otherwise special traditions
ruling house. If Pentheus disregarded his elders’ advice with
from an authoritative source—traditions that support specu-
disastrous consequences to himself and his city, established
lation, occult practices including magic, or both. The posses-
traditions in the history of religion have usually heeded it.
sion of secret traditions may provide the basis for indepen-
Traditions may also strengthen their links with popular cul-
dence from other religious groups or for the existence of an
ture by patronizing mystics. In spite of the elitism involved
elite group within a larger host tradition. Among the reasons
in a formal mystical discipline, many mystics have been rath-
given to justify secrecy are that most people are too simple
er sociable individuals, and they have almost always found
or too perverse to understand true teachings or that the with-
favor with the popular strata. Among other things, this has
holding of secrets is part of a providential plan to be revealed
made mystics and ascetics effective agents of mission in reli-
in the future. Also at work is the natural desire to avoid en-
gious traditions with missionary ambitions.
raging the guardians of normative tradition by undercutting
their authority in public. The threat of conflicts is real be-
Conflicts between mystics and host traditions are com-
cause esotericists always claim access to authoritative sources
mon and may be severe. In the sixth century certain Palestin-
beyond those of normative tradition. So, for example, certain
ian monks, seekers of union with Christ through mental
masters of Jewish Qabbalah claimed access through secret
prayer, claimed that they would achieve “equality with
tradition to a primordial revelation from Adam or to texts
Christ” in the restoration of all things at the end of time, for
composed by biblical patriarchs and other ancient worthies.
which reason they were called Isochrists or “Equal-to-Christ-
Such claims compromised the singularity of the Torah re-
ers.” They were expelled from their monastery, and the doc-
ceived from Moses, and therefore also the authority of the
trines supporting their position were condemned by the
Orthodox rabbis. Similarly, the teaching authority of Catho-
Council of Constantinople (553 CE). The great Muslim mys-
lic Christian bishops was threatened by the belief of Gnostics
tic al-H:alla¯j was executed in Baghdad in 922 CE for claiming
that the inner meaning of the gospel was handed down by
“I am the Truth” (i.e., God). In both cases, however, the
the apostles to an elite of spiritual and intellectual Christians,
conflict was precipitated more by the doctrinal implications
not to the church as a whole.
of verbalized claims than by the practices or experiences that
prompted the claims. The suppression of the Isochrists did
Like mystics, esotericists generally steer away from di-
not stop the spread of the mysticism of mental prayer in East-
rect conflicts with traditional authorities and aim instead at
ern Orthodox monasteries; it simply showed that certain
accommodation. Rarely a religion in its own right, esoteri-
claims could not be expressed in public and probably should
cism needs an exoteric tradition in order to define itself. The
not be entertained in private, even if inspired by mystical ex-
common tradition is enriched by the multiformity. One of
periences. Similarly many a S:u¯f¯ı after al-H:alla¯j has doubtless
the most important contributions of modern research on
thought “I am the Truth” but has not said it or has said it
Qabbalah, for example, has been to show that many forms
in figurative language, with an appropriate gloss, or in the
of esotericism were deeply embedded in the soil of Palestin-
secrecy of the heart.
ian Judaism from early times and developed within the
framework of the Talmudic tradition. This is not to deny
As a general rule, mystics and traditionists tend to recog-
that influences from other religions and from popular culture
nize their mutual interest in avoiding direct conflict, or at
helped shape Qabbalah. But influences have consequences
least in finding ways to routinize it. Moreover, the way is al-
in the history of religion because they resonate with the needs
ways open for creative individuals to experiment with means
and themes of established traditions. Esotericists, for the
of uniting mysticism and tradition. Individuals who succeed
most part, are less interested in reshaping traditional piety
in this enjoy great popularity in their tradition. One may
than in heightening its intensity by focusing on specific val-
point to al-Ghaza¯l¯ı, who achieved fame in eleventh-century
ues and goals within it. The “paradoxical emphasis on the
Islam as a doctor of law and a S:u¯f¯ı adept; to Gregory Pala-
congruence of intuition and tradition” that Gershom
mas, the fourteenth-century bishop of Thessalonica, who
Scholem observed in Qabbalah is typical of the approach of
employed the refined intellectual traditions of Greek Ortho-
most esotericists to their host traditions (Scholem, 1978,
dox theology to defend the radical experientialism of rustic
p. 3).
monks; and to the Indian philosopher Ra¯ma¯nuja (eleventh
T
to twelfth century), who, using the texts and methods of
RADITION AND CHANGE. Religious traditions are not hos-
Veda¯nta, attempted to reconcile monism with the experien-
tile to change, provided the new can be integrated with the
tially based claims of devotionalists in a “qualified nondual-
old through reform or renewal. Integration is difficult to ac-
ism.” In most cases the theoretical differences between mysti-
complish in practice, and religious traditions rarely make the
cism and the doctrines of its host tradition are great enough
effort except when compelled to do so by a crisis of some
to put an absolute synthesis beyond reach. But tradition does
sort. In critical situations, however, when the outward au-
not require synthesis; mediation is enough.
thority or inner coherence of tradition is at stake, religious
traditions can demonstrate a vitality that contrasts sharply
Esotericism is concerned with teachings rather than ex-
with their apparent inertia at other times. There is no para-
perience, although mystical and esoteric currents mingle in
dox here. One of the primary functions of religious traditions
the history of religion. The basis of esotericism in religion
is to provide direction in times of change. A sense of tradi-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TRADITION
9279
tion, allowing for the old to be appreciated as ever new and
merous studies of the problem of modernization in particular
the new to be received as clarifying or fulfilling the old, serves
societies, however, there is little consensus among scholars
to check the chaotic potential of change. Of course, tradi-
about the lasting effects of modernity on religious traditions.
tions may be overwhelmed by a crisis of catastrophic propor-
tions, such as the European conquest of the Americas. Even
When the problem began to be studied by social scien-
in these cases, however, features of the displaced tradition
tists in the nineteenth century, progressivist ideologies, liber-
often survive under the auspices of the successor tradition,
al or socialist, shaped the discussion. Most critics assumed
usually on the popular level in the form of an ongoing little
that tradition was fated to give way to modernity, either at
tradition.
a stroke or through gradual evolution. This view received a
great deal of support from the spectacle of antitraditional,
While religious traditions are not necessarily opposed to
Marxist revolutions coming to power in Russia and China
reform or renewal, revolutionary change is a different matter.
in the twentieth century. In the late twentieth century and
By definition, a tradition is opposed to changes that abrogate
the early twenty-first century, however, with the worldwide
the link with the past preserved in its fundamental tradita.
collapse of Communism and the decline of secularist regimes
The completely new is intolerable in a traditional religion.
in the Islamic world and elsewhere, more attention has been
Even prophetic religions promising new and wondrous
given to the persistence of religious traditions. Evidence has
things typically do so in a way that reflects the mind of tradi-
also been adduced to show that in many societies moderniza-
tion. Prophets depend on traditions of expectation—that is,
tion actually reinforces and even reinvigorates certain aspects
patterned ways of seeking and announcing the new—and
of tradition, as, for example, when modern technologies of
they use traditional paradigms to make sense of new develop-
communication make it possible for religious groups to pro-
ments. The Prophet Isaiah heralded the fall of Babylon and
mote their messages with unprecedented militancy (e.g.,
the liberation of the Judean exiles in his day as “new things
Protestant Christian and Islamic fundamentalism), or when
. . . created now, not long ago” (Is. 48:6–7). But the rheto-
economic and political revolutions result in power and
ric of novelty did not keep him from understanding the liber-
prominence for groups whose outlook remains deeply tradi-
ation as a new Exodus and the liberator as the same Lord who
tional (e.g., Hindu nationalism). In many places moderniz-
stood for Israel in ancient times.
ing ideologies actually appear to require an alliance with tra-
Before modern times, the greatest challenges to religious
dition, including religious tradition, in order to promote
traditions came not from antireligious or nonreligious value
their goals. The central role of nationalism in the contempo-
systems but from rival religious traditions. The coexistence
rary world is a good example of this type of linkage. Nation-
of different religious traditions in the same societies for long
alism owes its dynamism to the fact that whereas it promotes
periods of time was also a source of change. While the inter-
essentially secular values, it also serves to reaffirm traditional
action of religious traditions before modern times has not yet
solidarities.
been studied in great detail, there is plenty of evidence to
Postmodernism has attempted a resolution of the prob-
suggest that the boundaries between traditions were much
lem of tradition and modernity by declaring modernity, as
more permeable than either the guardians of tradition or
such, to be over. Modernity in this context means the En-
their modern detractors suppose. Wilfred Cantwell Smith
lightenment project of reforming the world on the basis of
went so far as to propose a “history of religion in the singu-
science, natural law (human rights), and a common human
lar” based on the countless ideas, stories, practices and accou-
rationality. Postmodernism rejects this universalism in prin-
trements that have found their way into many different reli-
ciple on the grounds of the endless plurality of human
gious traditions (Smith, 1981, p. 3). Smith’s paradigm is the
cultures and the unfinalizability of discourse. Although post-
legend of the Christian saint Josaphat (or Joasaph), the
modernism was invented by radically secularized philosophi-
young Asian prince who abandoned his opulent, cocoon-like
cal elites, its critique of Enlightenment liberalism has been
circumstances to seek salvation as a monk. The legend is the
embraced by some apologists for religious tradition accord-
story of Siddha¯rtha Gautama, the Buddha, and it entered the
ing to the principle “my enemy’s enemy is my friend.” Yet
repertoire of medieval Christianity from the East through an
the use of postmodernism to defend religious tradition is
Islamic intermediary. By such a route did the Buddha be-
problematic. The world-historical religious traditions are
come a Christian saint.
universalist in principle, and it is hard to see in the final anal-
There is general agreement that the pace of religious
ysis how a case for them can be based on radical relativism.
change has quickened in recent centuries as a result of the
Postmodernists respond to this criticism by asserting that
economic, social, political, and intellectual changes summed
supposedly universalist or “great” traditions are in fact a vast
up in the term modernization. The problem of tradition and
congeries of essentially local and constantly changing beliefs
modernity concerns the fate of traditional value systems, in-
and practices. There is truth in this assertion, but also a prob-
cluding religious traditions, in a world shaped by modern sci-
lem. Classifications such as “Christian,” “Muslim,” “Bud-
ence and market capitalism and the ideologies and technolo-
dhist,” and the like appear to count for something in the tra-
gies resulting from them, such as liberalism, nationalism,
ditions that claim these names. Religious communities seem
socialism, and biological and social engineering. Despite nu-
to aspire to identification with a great tradition, no matter
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9280
TRADITION
how embedded they are in their local context. To be sure,
a lively if brief defense of the centrality of tradition in reli-
there are several great traditions, not just one. But this multi-
gion and culture. The broad influence of Robert Redfield’s
plicity can be interpreted in a number of ways, including
concept of tradition makes his Peasant Society and Culture:
some that cohere with the universalism of the traditions
An Anthropological Approach to Civilization (Chicago, 1956)
themselves.
required reading, especially chap. 3, “The Social Organiza-
tion of Tradition.” The most influential sociological discus-
The postmodernist assertion that modernity is over can
sion of tradition is Max Weber’s in Economy and Society: An
also be questioned. The claim seems to ignore the large body
Outline of Interpretive Sociology, 2 vols., edited by Guenther
of evidence summed up in the term globalization. Globaliza-
Roth and Claus Wittich (Berkeley, Calif., and London,
tion, as Peter Berger has observed, is “a continuation, albeit
1978). The seminal essay by T. S. Eliot, “Tradition and the
in an intensified and accelerated form, of the perduring chal-
Individual Talent,” in The Sacred Wood: Essays on Poetry and
Criticism (London, 1920), pp. 47–59, reprinted in Selected
lenge of modernization” (Berger and Huntington, 2002,
Essays, 3d ed. (New York, 1950), pp. 13–22, is also essential
p. 16). The forces of globalization—science, market capital-
reading.
ism, individualism—are expanding, not contracting in the
world, and religious traditions everywhere are struggling to
For the contribution of philosophical hermeneutics to the discus-
come to terms with them. The religious fundamentalisms
sion of tradition, one should consult the two masters of the
that are often cited as evidence of the collapse of modernity
discipline, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Truth and Method, trans-
are in fact just one of a number of responses to modernity,
lated by Joel Weinsheimer and Donald G. Marshall, 2d rev.
ed. (New York, 1989); and Paul Ricoeur, Hermeneutics and
their stridency and extremism marking them as untraditional
the Human Sciences: Essays on Language, Action, and Interpre-
phenomena. While globalization occurs in diverse forms,
tation, edited and translated by John B. Thompson (Cam-
there are enough similarities among its forms to suggest that
bridge, U.K., and New York, 1981). For an overview see
it is indeed a global process. In short, whereas postmodernist
Jean Grondin, Introduction to Philosophical Hermeneutics,
critics have significantly refined the discussion of modernity
translated by Joel Weinsheimer (New Haven, Conn., and
by discrediting simplistic theories, the case is by no means
London, 1994).
closed.
On oral tradition one may begin with Jan Vansina’s Oral Tradi-
For the time being the best approach is probably to rec-
tion: A Study in Historical Methodology (Chicago, 1965), a
ognize that the problem of tradition and modernity is part
rigorous discussion of the value of oral tradition as a histori-
of the religious situation of contemporary civilization and
cal source; and Walter J. Ong, Orality and Literacy: The
not likely to be resolved, or even greatly altered, in the near
Technologizing of the Word (London and New York, 2002).
The fundamental work on oral poetic tradition is Albert
future. The naive progressivism of the early theorists of mod-
Bates Lord’s The Singer of Tales (Cambridge, Mass., 1960).
ernization has been abandoned by most scholars, but the
For a more recent treatment see Ruth Finnegan, Oral Poetry:
general problem stands. Given globalizing trends, the contin-
Its Nature, Significance, and Social Context (Bloomington,
uators of tradition may be expected to go on experiencing
Ind., 1992). On oral tradition in the Hebrew Bible see Ed-
threats to their identities, including some that arise from
uard Nielsen’s Oral Tradition: A Modern Problem in Old Tes-
within their own traditions as modernizing tendencies insin-
tament Introduction, with a foreword by Harold H. Rowley
uate themselves even there. Yet the work of the globalizers
(Chicago, 1954); and Susan Niditch, Oral World and Writ-
is also full of tensions, and these are likely to intensify as ide-
ten Word: Ancient Israelite Literature (Louisville, Ky., 1996).
alistic enthusiasm for modern visions gives way to the diffi-
A large literature exists on the concept and practice of tradition
culty of putting these visions into practice. Globalizers risk
in particular religions. The best of these works shed light not
losing the way to the future for lack of a connection with the
only on the traditions under investigation but on tradition-
past. A steady orientation in any field of endeavor seems to
ality in general. On goddesses in prehistoric Europe see
require traditions: traditions inherited from premodern
Marija Gimbutas, The Civilization of the Goddess, edited by
times, new traditions of modernity’s own making, or new
Joan Marler (San Francisco, 1991). Douglas A. Knight, ed.,
cultural syntheses combining elements of both.
Tradition and Theology in the Old Testament (Philadelphia,
1977), is a good collection of essays on tradition in the He-
SEE ALSO Canon; Folk Religion; H:ad¯ıth; Memorization;
brew Bible. James A. Sanders’s Torah and Canon (Philadel-
Oral Tradition; Popular Religion; Reform; Revival and Re-
phia, 1972) is a suggestive discussion of tradition and canon-
newal; Scripture; Sunnah.
icity. See also John Van Seters, “The Pentateuch,” in The
Hebrew Bible Today: An Introduction to Critical Issues, edited
by Steven L. McKenzie and M. Patrick Graham (Louisville,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ky., 1998), pp. 3–49. For contrasting approaches to tradi-
Edward Shils’s Tradition (Chicago, 1981) is an excellent introduc-
tion in rabbinic Judaism see Jacob Weingreen, From Bible to
tion to the concept of tradition, although the book does not
Mishna: The Continuity of Tradition (New York, 1976); and
contain a specialized discussion of tradition in religion. Josef
Jacob Neusner, Early Rabbinic Judaism: Historical Studies in
Pieper’s Überlieferung: Begriff und Anspruch (Munich, 1970)
Religion, Literature, and Art (Leiden, Netherlands, 1975), es-
is a good introduction to religious and theological dimen-
pecially chap. 1, “The Meaning of Oral Torah, with Special
sions of the concept. The lectures by Jaroslav Pelikan, The
Reference to Kelim and Ohalot.” On tradition in mystical
Vindication of Tradition (New Haven, Conn., 1984), offer
Judaism see Gershom Scholem, Kabbalah (New York, 1974).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TRANSCENDENCE AND IMMANENCE
9281
On tradition in the history of Christianity one cannot do better
1958–1968). Donald H. Shively, ed., Tradition and Modern-
than to consult Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: A
ization in Japanese Culture (Princeton, N.J., 1971), is a good
History of the Development of Doctrine, 4 vols. (Chicago,
collection of essays on tradition and change in early modern
1971–1989). Yves M.-J. Congar, Tradition and Traditions:
Japan. Paul Heelas, ed., with the assistance of David Martin
An Historical and a Theological Essay (New York, 1967), is
and Paul Morris, Religion, Modernity, and Postmodernity
a another masterful treatment by one of the intellectual lead-
(Oxford, U.K., and Malden, Mass., 1998), provides a sam-
ers of the Second Vatican Council. One should also consult
pling of postmodernist perspectives on issues of tradition and
the classic that inspired both Pelikan and Congar, John
modernity.
Henry Newman’s An Essay on the Development of Christian
From the growing literature on the cultural and religious impact
Doctrine (New York, 1845). For Orthodox Christian ap-
of globalization, see Arjun Appadurai, ed., Globalization
proaches see John Meyendorff, Living Tradition: Orthodox
(Durham, N.C., and London, 2001); Peter L. Berger and
Witness in the Contemporary World (Crestwood, N.Y., 1978);
Samuel P. Huntington, eds., Many Globalizations: Cultural
Constantine Scouteris, “Paradosis: The Orthodox Under-
Diversity in the Contemporary World (Oxford, U.K., 2002);
standing of Tradition,” Sobornost 4, no. 1 (1982): 30–37;
and Mark Juergensmeyer, ed., Global Religions: An Introduc-
and Michael Plekon, ed., Tradition Alive: On the Church and
tion (New York, 2003), which includes a helpful bibliogra-
the Christian Life in Our Time: Readings from the Eastern
phy. In the same connection, William Ernest Hocking’s sug-
Church (Lanham, Md., 2003). See also the critical assess-
gestive typology of the interaction between religious
ment by Paul Valliere, Modern Russian Theology: Bukharev,
traditions in Living Religions and a World Faith (New York,
Soloviev, Bulgakov: Orthodox Theology in a New Key (Edin-
1940) is receiving fresh attention, as is Wilfred Cantwell
burgh, U.K., and Grand Rapids, Mich., 2000), chap. 15,
Smith’s Towards a World Theology: Faith and the Compara-
“Conclusion: The Limits of Tradition.”
tive History of Religion (Philadelphia, 1981).
A probing discussion of tradition in Islam is in Fazlur Rahman’s
Islam, 2d ed. (Chicago, 1979), chaps. 3, “Origins and Devel-
PAUL VALLIERE (1987 AND 2005)
opment of the Tradition,” and 4, “The Structure of the
Law.” Rahman’s critique of the analysis of Islamic tradition
by Western scholars illuminates the problem of continuity
in religion in general. Similarly Robert Lingat’s study of tra-
TRANSCENDENCE AND IMMANENCE. Ac-
dition (smr:ti) in Hinduism, The Classical Law of India, trans-
cording to Webster’s New International Dictionary of the En-
lated with additions by J. Duncan M. Derrett (Berkeley,
glish Language, second edition, unabridged, to transcend is
Calif., 1973), provides insights into the workings of any sys-
to “ascend beyond, excel.” The term is used of the “relation
tem of norms based on tradition. See also Louis Renou,
of God to the universe of physical things and finite spirits,
Études védiques et pa¯n:inéennes, vol. 6 (Paris, 1960).
as being . . . in essential nature, prior to it, exalted above
On tradition in early Chinese civilization, see K. C. Chang, Art,
it, and having real being apart from it.” Immanence, defined
Myth, and Ritual: The Path to Political Authority in Ancient
as “presence in the world . . . in pantheism is thought of
China (Cambridge, U.K., and London, 1983); Cho-Yun
as uniform, God . . . equally present in the personal and the
Hsu and Katheryn M. Linduff, Western Chou Civilization
impersonal, in the evil and the good. According to theism,
(New Haven, Conn., and London, 1988); and Aihe Wang,
immanence occurs in various degrees, more in the personal
Cosmology and Political Culture in Early China (Cambridge,
than the impersonal, in the good than in the evil.”
U.K., 2000). The complex interaction between religious tra-
dition and social systems in Buddhism is explored by S. J.
It is clear that transcendence is a value term expressing
Tambiah, Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-East Thai-
the unique excellence of God, because of which worship—
land (Cambridge, U.K., 1970); Melford E. Spiro, Buddhism
utmost devotion or love—is the appropriate attitude toward
and Society: A Great Tradition and Its Burmese Vicissitudes, 2d
the being so described. It is less obvious that immanence is
ed. (Berkeley, Calif., 1982); and Todd T. Lewis, Popular
a value term, but ubiquity, “being everywhere,” comes closer
Buddhist Texts from Nepal: Narratives and Rituals of Newar
to expressing a unique property. If God is everywhere in the
Buddhism (Albany, N.Y., 2000).
world and also in some sense beyond the world, then God
On tradition and change in modern times, see Robert N. Bellah,
certainly surpasses all ordinary objects of respect or love.
“Epilogue: Religion and Progress in Modern Asia,” in Reli-
gion and Progress in Modern Asia, edited by Robert N. Bellah
“Prior to the universe” seems to suggest a time when
(New York, 1965), pp. 168—229; and Eric J. Hobsbawn
God was alone, with no cosmos of creatures to relate to—
and Terence Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cam-
first a creator not actually creating, then one creating. But
bridge, U.K., 1983). Lloyd I. Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber
it also might mean that there was a different universe before
Rudolph, The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development
our own. Origen thought God had created an infinity of uni-
in India (Chicago, 1967), is a classic study of the role of tra-
verses in succession and never lacked relation to some actual
dition in modern politics. Milton Singer, When a Great Tra-
creatures. We see a partial return to that position in Alfred
dition Modernizes: An Anthropological Approach to Indian
Civilization, with a foreword by M. N. Srinivas (New York,
North Whitehead’s hypothesis of “cosmic epochs,” each
1972), is another fine work on tradition and modernity in
with its own natural laws. Whitehead held that having a uni-
South Asia. The tenacious reader will be rewarded by work-
verse, some universe or other, is, in principle, inherent in
ing through Joseph Richmond Levenson’s Confucian China
God’s nature and not subject to divine choice. What may be
and Its Modern Fate: A Trilogy, 3 vols. (Berkeley, Calif.,
subject to such choice are the particular laws that will govern
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9282
TRANSCENDENCE AND IMMANENCE
a cosmic epoch about to arise. God’s “real being apart from
between dualism and materialism. A “realistic idealism”
the universe” means, in such a view, a vantage apart from our
makes perfectly good sense. And Plato was both realist and
current universe, not apart from all universes. Not every
idealist, except insofar as, like all ancient Greeks, he was un-
theologian agrees with those who think to compliment God
able to escape dualism and materialism entirely. No one in
by affirming divine freedom to have simply no creatures. The
the West knew how to conceive mind, or awareness, as a uni-
objection to this once-popular view is that since any creatures
versal property of creatures until Leibniz, the true founder
are better than none (that being as such is primarily good and
of realistic idealism, made his distinction between dynamic
only secondarily bad is a classical doctrine), God would be
singulars and aggregates or groups of singulars. (The singu-
making the worst possible choice by not creating at all. Free-
lars he called monads, but this term tends to connote some
dom to do this seems nonsensical when affirmed of God.
further doctrines peculiar to Leibniz that are no longer ac-
cepted, even by those strongly influenced by Leibniz, so far
In what sense is God in the universe? The suggestion
as the problem of mind and matter is concerned.) In Asia,
in Webster’s, attributed to “idealists,” is that the divine pres-
where Leibniz has not as yet had much influence, there seems
ence is “like that of a conscious self in the world of that self.”
to be no comparably well-articulated doctrine of realistic ide-
Or, attributed to “realists,” it is like “that of a self in its or-
alism that can be called theistic.
ganism and its behavior.” The latter suggestion makes Plato
a realist, for it was he who in the West first thought of God
The distinction between dynamic singulars—all of
as the World Soul, whose body is the entire cosmos of nondi-
which are sentient—and their groups or aggregates depends,
vine things and persons. This proposal (in the Timaeus) was,
for Leibniz, on the primitive form of the atomic theory then
however, seldom followed until recent times, and was reject-
entertained by physicists and also upon the discovery by
ed by Whitehead. In this I take Whitehead to have been mis-
Leeuwenhoek of the realm of microscopic animals. With a
taken. The relation of mind to body in human (and other)
stroke of genius, Leibniz generalized this and held that larger
animals is the relation of mind to physical reality, to “mat-
animals consist of smaller animals (in a generalized sense),
ter,” that we most directly and surely know. If our thoughts
thus anticipating the cell theory established much later. Leib-
do not influence our behavior, then we know nothing of any
niz may well have realized the philosophical meaning of
influence of mind or spirit on the physical world. David
Leeuwenhoek’s discoveries better than some philosophers do
Hume pointed this out in his Dialogues concerning Natural
now. He made a realistic idealism at last possible and thereby
Religion through the character Cleanthes.
freed theism from one of its greatest difficulties, enabling it
to give a positive explanation of the divine ubiquity.
REALISTIC IDEALISM. The idealist view referred to above is
less obviously intelligible. Does our mere contemplation of
GOD’S DUALLY TRANSCENDENT LOVE. Whitehead’s theory
the world make us immanent in that world? When we re-
of prehension (or “feeling of feeling”), applied to God and
member past experiences, does that put our present con-
all creatures, makes God the universally prehending and uni-
sciousness back into those experiences? If I think of someone
versally prehended subject, feeling all and felt by all. Hence
in Hong Kong, does that put me in Hong Kong? The form
God is in all and all is in God. Since creaturely prehensions
of idealism referred to by Webster’s definition is no longer
are those of subjects in principle inferior to God, they feel
widely held. It is the data of an awareness that are in the
God inadequately, whereas God, in principle superior to all,
awareness, not vice versa. If this realistic principle—accepted
feels the creatures and their mostly unintellectual feelings
by the theistic metaphysicians Charles S. Peirce and White-
with ideal adequacy. Although each creature contains God
head, who in some respects are properly called idealists—is
and God contains each creature, the divine containing is un-
sound, then it is the creatures’ awareness of God, not God’s
qualified, but the creaturely containing is more or less drasti-
awareness of them, that constitutes the divine presence in the
cally qualified. Thus, for theism, God is present “in various
universe. And if God is universally present, then the creatures
degrees” in the parts of the universe, but the creatures are
universally are, however inadequately, aware of God, who is
wholly present to God. As Berdiaev urges, the most pertinent
the universal object as well as the universal subject. This im-
question is not “Is God in the world?” but rather “Is the
plies, as Peirce and Whitehead held, as did Henri Bergson
world in God?” The Pauline saying, that in God “we live and
and some other recent theists, that every creature has some
move and have our being,” can be taken literally without
form of awareness, even if it be nothing more than some
necessarily implying pantheism.
mode of feeling. For those of this persuasion, dualism and
materialism are both inconsistent with a well-thought-out
To say that God feels the feelings of all creatures is to
theism.
contradict the doctrine of classical theism that God is impas-
sible, wholly unaffected by others. Anselm said that God was
Unfortunately, the term idealism is still often applied to
not compassionate, although the effects of the divine being
the now antiquated doctrine presupposed by the editors of
were as if God were compassionate. What this amounts to,
Webster’s. Few changes of opinion are more definite or im-
for some of us, is that the New Testament saying “God is
portant than the shift, in this century, in the way the rela-
love” is untrue, yet the effects of God’s nature upon us are
tions of mind or experience to its data are conceived. Indeed,
what they would be if God loved us. We here confront a deep
the alternative to idealism is no longer realism but the choice
divergence between that theism pervasive in Scholasticism
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TRANSCENDENCE AND IMMANENCE
9283
(with Bonaventure producing the most thoroughgoing at-
EXTREMIST AND MIDDLE-GROUND STRATEGIES. History
tempt to interpret divine love), and found also in medieval
shows two ways of approaching philosophical disagreement.
Islamic and Jewish writings, and the theism that I call neo-
One way, in practice taken by some of the wisest philoso-
classical, which has been set forth by some recent philoso-
phers, is to suspect extreme views and look for a “middle
phers and theologians (e.g., Nikolai Berdiaev, Alfred North
way” between opposite extremes. Some of the ancient Bud-
Whitehead, Rudolf Otto, Otto Pfleiderer, John Oman, Al-
dhists did this explicitly. With regard to transcendence and
fred Ernest Garvie, and Edgar S. Brightman). Whitehead’s
immanence, one extreme is gross anthropomorphism, taking
assertion that “to attribute mere happiness to God is a profa-
God to be, as Matthew Arnold put it, “a magnified, nonnat-
nation” hints at this rejection of Anselm’s doctrine, and his
ural man.” The opposite extreme is to say, as Karl Barth once
further statement that “God is the fellow sufferer who under-
did (he later partly rescinded the statement), that God is
stands” makes the contrast quite clear. Berdiaev is no less
“wholly other” than ourselves. The middle way is to look for
plain on this point.
a difference in principle between God and all else and yet
The denial that love, however generalized, can charac-
also, consistent with this, a resemblance in principle between
terize deity is implied by Plato, who, in his Symposium, inter-
God and all other beings. Many philosophers and theolo-
prets love as the longing for absolute beauty and hence a con-
gians have more or less consciously proceeded in this fashion,
fession of imperfection. The nearest Plato comes to
and two of these, Plato and Whitehead, have been especially
attributing love to God is to say that there is no envy in the
successful (at least according to some scholars strongly influ-
divine nature, and hence God is willing to have creatures
enced by Whitehead). However, conditions in the ancient
sharing existence with him. Plato does definitely attribute to
world were unfavorable to this side of Plato; and for many
God knowledge of the creatures, whereas Aristotle denies
centuries a quite different way was taken in the West (begin-
this. All his deity thinks is the generic nature of thinking it-
ning with Aristotle and the theologian Philo Judaeus).
self, totally free from the contingency and particularity that
go with individuals in the world.
In India, also, it was not a middle way that was the
mainstream of thought. Instead, an extremist strategy was
In India, the Advaita Veda¯ntins, often regarded as the
followed, though with some inconsistency. It was taken for
orthodox Hindus, thought of the highest and only genuine
granted that truth is an extreme with error its opposite. The
reality as beyond anything that could be called love. The lat-
maxim, without ever being so stated, perhaps, was “Let us
ter is a social relation, presupposing a plurality of subjects in
find the view that is most hopelessly wrong and affirm the
space and time, whereas brahman is without temporal or spa-
opposite.” That the God of all the worlds is like a localized
tial plurality. In India, however, there are also various propo-
and mortal animal, dependent for its very existence on an en-
nents of pluralism. Ramanuja and Madhva are the most ob-
vironment, is clearly wrong, the absurd error of anthropo-
vious examples, but there are others whose views show
morphism. So, let us deny of God, or the supreme reality,
striking analogies to the Western “process” view, the greatest
all traits that animals and still lesser beings have in common,
single representative of which is Whitehead. To appreciate
and, by achieving the opposite of anthropomorphism in
adequately the strength of the worldwide effort to find some-
characterizing God, we will come as close to the truth as is
thing greater and better, or more real, than love at its best,
in our power. All animals and lesser beings are finite, change-
we need to relate the issue to the problem of anthropomor-
able, subject to influence by others, complex, and have feel-
phism. We human animals are social, and it has with some
ings as well as thoughts (if they have the latter). Let us say,
justice been said that an absolutely nonsocial animal does not
therefore, that God is infinite, unchangeable in every way,
exist. God, however, is in principle superior to any animal.
wholly impassible, immune to influence by others, wholly
God is uniquely excellent, without possible rival or equal.
simple, incapable of feeling, but with purely intellectual
The Christian doctrine of the Trinity is an attempt to
knowledge (whatever that may be). It was David Hume who
have it both ways. In some sense, the Son and Holy Spirit
first indicated the possible fallacy in all this. What is to guar-
are equal to God the Father; in some sense God is supreme.
antee that, when we have denied all that constitutes reality
The three divine persons could love each other, even were
as we experience it, anything is left to distinguish God from
there no creatures. This doctrine is too paradoxical to be de-
mere nonentity? The famous negative way, the via negativa,
fended apart from revelation. Apart from some such doc-
must, after all, be supplemented by something positive, or
trine, either God does not love anyone or the being in princi-
we may end up worshiping a mere nothing or a mere verbal
ple superior to all conceivable others loves these lesser beings.
formula.
Even with the trinitarian doctrine, the question remains rele-
vant: must not God, conceived by analogy to what we know
As a matter of fact, the premise of the negative way—its
of ordinary beings (and how else can we conceive anything?),
characterization of beings in the world—is seriously inaccu-
cherish the creatures? If we can sympathize with children and
rate. What is common to ordinary individuals is only inade-
other kinds of animals, must God view them and us with
quately or ambiguously described as finite, changeable, sub-
mere indifference? If so, was not Aristotle right in saying that
ject to influence by others, and complex. Furthermore, the
God does not know particular, contingent individuals be-
distinction between awareness as feeling and awareness as
cause they are “not worth knowing”?
pure thought or knowledge is problematic. What thought or
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9284
TRANSCENDENCE AND IMMANENCE
knowledge would be without feeling is not something that
What this is neither Plato nor anyone else has told us. An
our experience makes transparently obvious. Finally, we ani-
analysis of aesthetic principles strongly suggests that given
mals are not simply finite; each of us is a mere fragment of
any conceivable beauty there could be a greater beauty. If this
the finite. The entire cosmos may be spatially finite; and even
be so, Plato’s argument proves nothing.
a beginningless past would be in a sense finite compared to
the infinity of all that is conceivable. It is very well arguable
Another ambiguity or problematic concept in the nega-
that no knowledge of finite things could, without contradic-
tive way was the idea that dependence was necessarily a de-
tion, be considered absolutely infinite. Hence an all-knowing
fect distinguishing ordinary things from God. This excludes
God must be in some sense or respect finite.
knowledge from God, if indeed Aristotle, or anyone else, can
tell us what “to know” means. In addition there are two
Similarly, knowledge of the contingent must be contin-
kinds of dependence, only one of which is obviously a weak-
gent. What we are and what God cannot be is fragmentary.
ness, this being dependence for very existence and essential
The divine finitude must encompass at least the world’s fini-
properties. Denying this radical dependence of God for very
tude and also its infinity in whatever sense the world is infi-
existence leaves quite open the possibility of a dependence
nite. Yes, we are affected by others, but it is just as true that
for qualities not necessary to the divine existence. If there is
we affect others. We are cause and effect; the question is,
any genuine freedom in the creatures, they will do things
does it even make sense to view God as the cause of all and
they might not have done. God will know what they have
the effect of nothing? As Aristotle said, knowledge of contin-
done, but (as the Socinians saw long ago) this knowledge
gent things is conditioned by the reality of the things known.
cannot be essential to God’s very existence. Rather, had a
The all-knowing cannot be simply and in every sense un-
creature done something other than what it did, God would
caused, unconditioned.
have had correspondingly different knowledge other than the
knowledge he does have. If the word knowledge is given an
The alternative to the negative way is the doctrine of
honest meaning, one can consistently assert the compatibility
dual transcendence, according to which God in principle ex-
of creaturely freedom with divine knowledge only if one ad-
cels over others both in the sense that the divine nature is
mits divine knowledge without which God could and
uniquely absolute and infinite and in the sense that it is
would—had the world been otherwise—have existed as God,
uniquely relative and finite. If we could not be absolute (in-
incapable of error and ignorance. Total independence of oth-
dependent) or infinite in the divine sense, neither could we
ers entails not knowing these others. Plato did not know us
be relative or finite in the divine sense. Nor need it be contra-
and was independent of us; we know Plato and therefore are
dictory to attribute both of these contrasting properties to
not wholly independent of Plato.
God. Contradiction occurs only if a subject is said to have
a property and a contrary property in the same respect; other-
Step by step, the reasoning of simple or nondual tran-
wise contradiction does not obtain. And if it be said that
scendence has been examined by this and other writers. It
since God is simple, God cannot contain a duality, the reply
seems lacking in cogency. To understand the steady loss of
is ready: the divine simplicity is itself only one side of the du-
support by philosophers (beginning with Hume and Kant)
ality of transcendence. In Whitehead’s view, God’s “primor-
for classical theism (which denies dual transcendence), this
dial nature” is simple (I would say even simpler than White-
lack of cogency is important. Belief in the divine uniqueness
head makes it) but God’s “consequent nature” is the most
can survive the admission that it is not change but certain
complex reality there is. The complex can include the simple.
kinds of change, not dependence but certain kinds of depen-
dence, that are excluded by the divine excellence. That the
It was said above that “changeable” is an inadequate or
issue is worldwide and intercultural is remarkably well illus-
ambiguous characterization of things other than God. There
trated by the following coincidences.
are changes for the better, for the worse, and neutral changes.
Animals are open to good changes—growth, enrichment of
In a year—I think the very month or week—in which
experience—but also to bad ones—decay, impoverishment.
I was thinking and writing about how God in some senses
To demand that God be, in every respect, immutable is to
is changing, yet also in other senses unchanging, a man from
imply that there is no form of the capacity to change without
India delivered a sermon in the chapel of the University of
which a being would be defective, or even a mere abstraction,
Chicago, with which I was connected for twenty-seven years.
not a concrete, actual being. The divine excellence requires
He was Radhakamal Mukerji, a leading sociologist of India,
immunity to negative change, to loss or degeneration; but
but also a writer on mysticism. He said in his sermon that
does it require an incapacity for any and every kind of good
God is unchanging in “ethical” goodness but increases in
change, every kind of increase in value? Plato (not the scrip-
“aesthetic” value, which I took to mean in the richness or
tures) proposed the argument “God must be perfect, hence
beauty of the divine experience of the world as new creatures
any change would have to be either for the worse or without
come into being. This distinction between ethical value as
value, meaningless.” This argument presupposes for its force
capable of an absolute maximum and aesthetic value as an
that we have a positive idea of a maximum of value such that
open infinity with no upper maximum was exactly the con-
no additional value would be possible. Plato’s phrase for such
clusion I had come to before hearing or knowing Mukerji.
an unincreasable, unsurpassable value was “absolute beauty.”
Also before this, I had had a somewhat similar intercultural
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

TRANSCENDENCE AND IMMANENCE
9285
experience, which was confirmed again long after Mukerji’s
ma¯ya¯ to the Indians, who are by no means in agreement on
visit. It involved two monks of the modern Bengali sect of
the subject.
Hinduism whose views harmonized with the idea of a deity
It is fair to add that there is no agreement in the West
both unchanging and yet in some respects changing. One of
on the reality of divine love. Can a fragment of reality com-
these monks, Ma-kanam Brata Brahmachari, who did his
prehend the encompassing? I feel entirely confident that if
doctoral dissertation under me, quoted a representative of his
love cannot encompass all, including creaturely hatred as a
sect who wrote of God: “Lo, the cup is eternally full, yet it
degenerate case of love (the total lack of which is mere indif-
grows without ceasing.” When this man began talking to me
ference), then nothing positively conceivable by such as we
about “love” as a theological term I asked him what he meant
are can do so either.
by the word. “I mean,” he said, “the consciousness of con-
sciousness, the thinking of thinking, the . . . of. . . .” I am
If no form of theism escapes difficulties, puzzles it can-
not sure, but he may have said, “the feeling of feeling.” If he
not solve, questions to which it finds no convincing answer,
this is perhaps to be expected. A god easily understood is not
did, the analogy with Whitehead was close. In his disserta-
God but a fetish, an idol. Dual transcendence removes some
tion he writes: “God is more than the absolute.” Of course,
of the traditional paradoxes, especially if we include a clear
for a mere negative like nonrelative by itself constitutes no
doctrine of freedom as well as of more or less humble forms
sufficient account of any actuality. Plato is not relative to us,
of sentience and feeling for all dynamic singulars in nature.
but that is Plato’s total ignorance of us; we constitute noth-
Peirce had already done this before Whitehead took creativi-
ing of Plato’s being, whereas, by his knowledge of and hence
ty as the ultimate category, applicable in the uniquely, di-
relativity to them, Parmenides and many others whom he
vinely excellent form to God and in humbler forms to all
did know contributed much to his wonderfully comprehen-
creatures. But still there are puzzles. Change in God seems
sive awareness.
to imply, and Berdiaev hints at this, a divine kind of time.
THE REALITY OF DIVINE LOVE. Finally, I want to focus on
But how to relate this timelike aspect of God to worldly time
the proposition “God is love.” Mortimer Adler has recently
is a problem that overwhelms me with a sense of incompe-
explained why, although he is convinced that an intelligent
tence. Physicists have their own difficulties with time, and
divine being exists as creator of all, he does not think it can
without a mathematical competence beyond that of most of
be demonstrated that this being is benevolent or loving. One
us one can scarcely begin to understand these difficulties, let
may, however, question the distinction drawn here between
alone overcome them.
divine intelligence and divine love. If God is to know us,
By attributing freedom as well as minimal sentience to
God must know our feelings. How can feelings be known
even the least single creatures (particles, atoms), the classical
except by feelings? Can mere intellect (whatever that is—
atheistic argument from evil loses its cogency. The details of
perhaps a computer) know feelings while having none of its
nature are decided not by God but by the creatures con-
own? And if God has feelings, what kind of feelings? Envy,
cerned, by atoms, molecules, bacteria, single-celled animals,
malice, conceit, hatred, inferiority complexes? What have
and many-celled animals, including human beings. And if
these to do with all-encompassing intelligence? For me, this
it be said that God, in deciding to have free creatures instead
is a wholly absurd combination of ideas. By embracing in
of unfree creatures, is indirectly responsible for evil, the reply
knowledge all the qualities of reality, God possesses all that
is that for the new type of idealism “unfree creature” is an
anyone possesses by way of value, so what could envy mean?
ill-formed formula. As God is supreme freedom, ordinary
Hatred would be baseless, since by willing the suffering of
singular beings are instances of less than supreme freedom,
creatures God would be willing divine sharing in these suffer-
not of total lack of freedom. To be is to create, to decide what
ings. Whitehead’s wonderfully simple formula of “feeling of
is otherwise undecided. Decision making, freedom, cannot
feeling” as a basic element in knowledge excludes any ground
be monopolized. Supreme freedom would have nothing to
for Adler’s dilemma. To know others without intuiting their
do were there not also less exalted forms of freedom. Genu-
feelings is scarcely knowledge at all, and such an ability
ine power is not power over the powerless. No single agent
would hardly seem likely as an essential quality of an inde-
ever decides exactly what happens. The new physics (and
structible cosmic subject upon which all others radically de-
even classical physics as interpreted by Clerk Maxwell, Reic-
pend. Simple atheism would be more reasonable than affirm-
henbach, Peirce, Whitehead, Sudarshan, and others) seems
ing such a God, so far as I can see. To give intelligence
to harmonize better with this doctrine than did classical
cosmic and everlasting scope, but to deny such scope to love,
physics as it was usually interpreted by philosophers.
seems a discordant mixture of notions. Or is Advaita
The present climate of opinion suggests the need for re-
Veda¯nta and the doctrine of ma¯ya¯ the alternative to love? We
considering many an old controversy and for questioning not
think we exist as individuals, but really only brahman exists,
only certain assumptions of classical theologians but also
spaceless and timeless. We are appearances of brahman, al-
some of those of classical atheists or agnostics, including
though brahman is unaware of us. Or does brahman consti-
Hume, Kant, Marx, Comte, Russell, and Nietzsche. Not all
tute us by dreaming us? I have a different theory of dreams,
contemporary forms of theism can be refuted by antiquated
and so had Bergson. Perhaps we can leave the doctrine of
forms of skeptical argument.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

9286
TRANSCENDENCE AND IMMANENCE
Religion is a two-story affair, to adapt a phrase from
ham Joshua Heschel (New York, 1985); see also Heschel’s
James Feibleman. It is in part an empirical and historical
God in Search of Man: A Philosophy of Judaism (New York,
matter, concerned with contingent fact about human nature
1955). Heschel’s view is remarkably close to the neoclassical
and traditions. The idea of God, however, is nonempiri-
view, although both doctrines were worked out indepen-
cal and metaphysical. Dealing as they do with what is eternal
dently. Edgar S. Brightman’s The Problem of God (Nashville,
and necessary, including the eternal and necessary aspects of
1930) is an approximation to the dual transcendence view;
see also Brightman’s A Philosophy of Religion (1940; West-
God, metaphysical statements are true if they make coherent
port, Conn., 1969), especially chapters 7, 10, and 11, for a
sense and false otherwise. To admit that one has no idea of
fine historical sketch of the idea that God must have finite
the answers is to imply that one has no idea of the question;
as well as infinite aspects. Brightman’s conceptualization is
for they are either self-answering or else confused. It is hu-
in line with the trend to turn away from the extremist strate-
manly difficult to admit this confusion. If one could clearly
gy that prevailed from Aristotle to early modern times toward
see that and how one is confused, would one still be con-
a middle-ground strategy, in which God is neither exclusive-
fused? I feel confident there will be other writers in this col-
ly infinite nor exclusively finite but is, in suitable divine
lective enterprise whose confusions will contrast with mine.
ways, both.
And there is something to be said for making one’s partiali-
New Sources
ties explicit.
Faulconer, James E., ed. Transcendence in Philosophy and Religion.
S
Bloomington, 2003.
EE ALSO Anthropomorphism; Attributes of God; Panthe-
ism and Panentheism; Sky; Supreme Beings; Theism.
Hyland, Drew A. Finitude and Transcendence in Platonic Dialogue.
Albany, 1995.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
My article “Pantheism and Panentheism” in this encyclopedia
Polakola, Jolana. Searching for the Divine in Contemporary Philoso-
deals with closely related topics; its bibliography is relevant
phy: Tensions between the Immanent and the Transcendent.
here. My Omnipotence and Other Theological Mistakes (Alba-
Translated by Jan Veleska. Lewiston, N.Y., 1999.
ny, N.Y., 1984) is a somewhat popular, nontechnical presen-
Roy, Louis. Transcendent Experiences: Phenomenology and Critique.
tation of my own version of the idea of God as supreme love
Toronto, 2001.
exalted above ordinary love by dual transcendence. My arti-
cle “Transcendence” appears in An Encyclopedia of Religion,
Seligman, Adam B. Modernity’s Wager; Authority, and Transcen-
edited by Vergilius Ferm (New York, 1945), pp. 791–792;
dence. Princeton, N.J., 2000.
see also in the same work my articles “Hume, David,” “Om-
Stone, Jerome Arthur. The Minimalist Vision of Transcendence: A
nipotence,” “Omnipresence,” and “Perfect, Perfection,” as
Naturalist Philosophy of Relgion. Albany, N.Y., 1992.
well as Herman Hausheer’s “Fechner, Gustav Theodor.”
For a distinguished Jewish theologian’s idea of God, see John C.
CHARLES HARTSHORNE (1987)
Merkle’s The Genesis of Faith: The Depth Theology of Abra-
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N