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E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F
RELIGION
S E C O N D E D I T I O N

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E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F
RELIGION
S E C O N D E D I T I O N
1
AARON
LINDSAY JONES
•
EDITOR IN CHIEF
ATTENTION
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Encyclopedia of Religion, Second Edition
Lindsay Jones, Editor in Chief
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
Encyclopedia of religion / Lindsay Jones, editor in chief.— 2nd ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-02-865733-0 (SET HARDCOVER : ALK. PAPER) —
ISBN 0-02-865734-9 (V. 1) — ISBN 0-02-865735-7 (v. 2) —
ISBN 0-02-865736-5 (v. 3) — ISBN 0-02-865737-3 (v. 4) —
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(v. 14) — ISBN 0-02-865984-8 (v. 15)
1. RELIGION—ENCYCLOPEDIAS. I. JONES, LINDSAY,
1954-
BL31.E46 2005
200’.3—dc22
2004017052
This title is also available as an e-book.
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Contact your Thomson Gale representative for ordering information.
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E D I T O R S A N D C O N S U L T A N T S
EDITOR IN CHIEF
Program in Religious Studies,
SIGMA ANKRAVA
LINDSAY JONES
University of Wisconsin—Madison
Professor, Department of Literary and
Associate Professor, Department of
C
Cultural Studies, Faculty of Modern
HARLES H. LONG
Comparative Studies, Ohio State
Professor of History of Religions,
Languages, University of Latvia
University
Baltic Religion and Slavic Religion
Emeritus, and Former Director of
Research Center for Black Studies,
DIANE APOSTOLOS-CAPPADONA
BOARD MEMBERS
University of California, Santa Barbara
Center for Muslim–Christian
DAVÍD CARRASCO
Understanding and Liberal Studies
MARY N. MACDONALD
Neil Rudenstine Professor of Study of
Program, Georgetown University
Professor, History of Religions, Le
Latin America, Divinity School and
Art and Religion
Moyne College (Syracuse, New York)
Department of Anthropology, Harvard
DIANE BELL
DALE B. MARTIN
University
Professor of Anthropology and Women’s
Professor of Religious Studies, and
Studies, George Washington University
GIOVANNI CASADIO
Chair, Department of Religious
Australian Indigenous Religions
Professor of History of Religions,
Studies, Yale University
Dipartimento di Scienze
KEES W. BOLLE
AZIM NANJI
Professor Emeritus of History,
dell’Antichità, Università degli Studi
Professor and Director, The Institute
University of California, Los Angeles,
di Salerno
of Ismaili Studies, London
and Fellow, Netherlands Institute for
WENDY DONIGER
JACOB OLUPONA
Advanced Studies in the Humanities
Mircea Eliade Distinguished Service
Professor, African American and
and Social Sciences
Professor of the History of Religions,
African Studies Program, University
History of Religions
University of Chicago
of California, Davis
MARK CSIKSZENTMIHALYI
GARY L. EBERSOLE
MICHAEL SWARTZ
Associate Professor in the Department
Professor of History and Religious
Professor of Hebrew and Religious
of East Asian Languages and
Studies, and Director, UMKC Center
Studies, Ohio State University
Literature and the Program in
for Religious Studies, University of
Religious Studies, University of
INÉS TALAMANTEZ
Missouri—Kansas City
Wisconsin—Madison
Associate Professor, Religious Studies
Chinese Religions
JANET GYATSO
Department, University of California,
RICHARD A. GARDNER
Hershey Professor of Buddhist Studies,
Santa Barbara
Faculty of Comparative Culture,
The Divinity School, Harvard
Sophia University
University
CONSULTANTS
Humor and Religion
GREGORY D. ALLES
CHARLES HALLISEY
Associate Professor of Religious Studies,
JOHN A. GRIM
Associate Professor, Department of
McDaniel College
Professor of Religion, Bucknell
Languages and Cultures of Asia and
Study of Religion
University and Co-Coordinator,
v
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vi
EDITORS AND CONSULTANTS
Harvard Forum on Religion and
TED PETERS
Religion, University of Chicago
Ecology
Professor of Systematic Theology,
Law and Religion
Ecology and Religion
Pacific Lutheran Theological Seminary
TOD SWANSON
JOSEPH HARRIS
and the Center for Theology and the
Associate Professor of Religious Studies,
Francis Lee Higginson Professor of
Natural Sciences at the Graduate
and Director, Center for Latin
English Literature and Professor of
Theological Union, Berkeley,
American Studies, Arizona State
Folklore, Harvard University
California
University
Germanic Religions
Science and Religion
South American Religions
URSULA KING
FRANK E. REYNOLDS
MARY EVELYN TUCKER
Professor Emerita, Senior Research
Professor of the History of Religions
Professor of Religion, Bucknell
Fellow and Associate Member of the
and Buddhist Studies in the Divinity
University, Founder and Coordinator,
Institute for Advanced Studies,
School and the Department of South
University of Bristol, England, and
Asian Languages and Civilizations,
Harvard Forum on Religion and
Professorial Research Associate, Centre
Emeritus, University of Chicago
Ecology, Research Fellow, Harvard
for Gender and Religions Research,
History of Religions
Yenching Institute, Research Associate,
School of Oriental and African
GONZALO RUBIO
Harvard Reischauer Institute of
Studies, University of London
Assistant Professor, Department of
Japanese Studies
Gender and Religion
Classics and Ancient Mediterranean
Ecology and Religion
DAVID MORGAN
Studies and Department of History
HUGH B. URBAN
Duesenberg Professor of Christianity
and Religious Studies, Pennsylvania
Associate Professor, Department of
and the Arts, and
State University
Comparative Studies, Ohio State
Professor of Humanities and Art
Ancient Near Eastern Religions
University
History, Valparaiso University
SUSAN SERED
Politics and Religion
Color Inserts and Essays
Director of Research, Religion, Health
CATHERINE WESSINGER
JOSEPH F. NAGY
and Healing Initiative, Center for the
Professor of the History of Religions
Professor, Department of English,
Study of World Religions, Harvard
and Women’s Studies, Loyola
University of California, Los Angeles
University, and Senior Research
University New Orleans
Celtic Religion
Associate, Center for Women’s Health
New Religious Movements
M
and Human Rights, Suffolk University
ATTHEW OJO
Healing, Medicine, and Religion
ROBERT A. YELLE
Obafemi Awolowo University
African Religions
LAWRENCE E. SULLIVAN
Mellon Postdoctoral Fellow, University
of Toronto
J
Professor, Department of Theology,
UHA PENTIKÄINEN
Law and Religion
Professor of Comparative Religion, The
University of Notre Dame
History of Religions
University of Helsinki, Member of
ERIC ZIOLKOWSKI
Academia Scientiarum Fennica,
WINNIFRED FALLERS SULLIVAN
Charles A. Dana Professor of Religious
Finland
Dean of Students and Senior Lecturer
Studies, Lafayette College
Arctic Religions and Uralic Religions
in the Anthropology and Sociology of
Literature and Religion
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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E D I T O R I A L A N D P R O D U C T I O N S T A F F
PUBLISHER
Michael R. Fischbach, Rebecca J.
INDEXER
Frank Menchaca
Frey, Paul R. Greenland, Ellen
Coughlin Indexing Services, Inc.
Hawley, Peter Jaskowiak, Jean Fortune
PUBLISHING DIRECTOR
Kaplan, Eric B. Lagergren, Michael L.
PRODUCT DESIGN
Hélène Potter
Levine, Steven M. Long, Eric
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Michelle DiMercurio, Tracey Rowens
P
H. Miller, Michael J. O’Neal, Janet
ROJECT EDITORS
Patterson, Kathleen A. Roy, Mary H.
I
Deirdre S. Blanchfield, Dawn
MAGING
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Akins Swartz, Alan Thwaits, Visual
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PROOFREADERS
CONTRIBUTING PROJECT EDITORS
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GRAPHIC ART
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IGHTS ACQUISITION AND
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Christine Slovey, Ken Wachsberger,
MANAGEMENT
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BIBLIOGRAPHY RESEARCHERS
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EDITORIAL TECHNICAL SUPPORT
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COMPOSITION
MANUSCRIPT EDITORS
TRANSLATORS
Kari Bethel, Carol Brennan, Sheryl A.
Evi Seoud, Mary Beth Trimper
Names of translators appear through-
Ciccarelli, Judith A. Clinebell, Tony
out the body of the encyclopedia, at
Coulter, Judith Culligan, Andrew
the end of each article that has been
MANUFACTURING
Cunningham, Anne C. Davidson,
rendered into English.
Wendy Blurton, Dorothy Maki
vii
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T A B L E O F C O N T E N T S
Preface to the Second Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
Visual Essays: Rationale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii
Preface to the First Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xix
Foreword to the First Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiii
Introduction to the First Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . xxvii
List of Articles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxxi
List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lxxxvii
Abbreviations and Symbols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . cxliii
E N C YC LO PE D I A O F R E L I G I O N ,
S E C O N D E D I T I O N . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Volume 15 includes Appendix, Synoptic Outline of
Contents, and Index
ix
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P R E F A C E T O T H E S E C O N D E D I T I O N
To participate in a revision of Mircea Eliade’s Encyclopedia of
sort. Careful reading reveals enormous diversity of perspec-
Religion, first published in 1987, is an occasion of intense
tive among first-edition contributors, far more than is often
humility, but also a grand opportunity. Though not without
assumed; and for the revision, even among the principal deci-
its critics, the first edition was suitably heralded as the stan-
sion makers, and positively among the contributors, there is
dard reference work in the field, a truly landmark achieve-
a very wide spectrum of opinions as to the most serviceable
ment. The work of revision has, at nearly every turn, ampli-
definitions of religion and the most worthy purview for the
fied rather than diminished appreciation for the accomplish-
field of religious studies.
ment of those original volumes. Dealing firsthand with the
conceptual and organizational challenges, coupled with the
On the one hand, encyclopedias seem by nature vehicles
logistical labors of coordinating the efforts of countless schol-
of convention, destined to simplify, reify, essentialize, and
ars and editors, redoubles a sense of admiration, respect, and
provide falsely stabilized views of dynamic historical eras,
gratitude for the makers of the original version of this ency-
religious traditions, doctrines, and practices. Yet, on the other
clopedia.
hand, a large percentage of the contributors to this project
understand their academic calling to be primarily one of dis-
If the making of that original set posed innumerable
ruption and destabilization; many have explicitly dedicated
theoretical, organizational, and practical challenges, the revi-
their careers to complicating and calling to question conven-
sion of such a work evokes no fewer questions of balance and
tional wisdoms about religion and things religious. Thus in
compromise. On the one hand, the building and remodeling
order to capitalize on their talents, contributors were provid-
of a work of this wide scope is a preeminently collaborative
ed explicit instructions, tidy scope descriptions, and specific
enterprise. It is born of a vast community of scholars, togeth-
word allotments, but they were also provided a fair measure
er participating in an immensely collective project; the inter-
of space for improvisation and flexibility. One member of the
activity among editors, consultants, and contributors has
editorial board framed the balance this way:
indeed provided perhaps the most rewarding aspects of this
project. Yet, on the other hand, such a large and multifaceted
The letters to all contributors should include a general
undertaking has a deeply impersonal, even anonymous, qual-
statement that we wish to respect their judgment in
ity. Face-to-face meetings among participants are few, sched-
defining the general contours of each article, and the
ules fast, authors and editors far-spaced. By engaging the tal-
scope descriptions are meant only to be suggestive,
ents of so many people from so many places, large encyclo-
although of course we do hope that we will be taken
pedias, and even more so their revisions, perpetuate the pre-
seriously. Also that we are looking for entries that reflect
tense of anonymous, objective, and interchangeable authors;
the current state of the field and that we are hoping that
numerous hands touch every piece, and the target of respon-
each entry will not gloss over problems of evidence or
sibility either for credit or for blame is not always easy to
conceptualization in the current state of the field but
will instead frankly acknowledge such problems and
locate.
make them key parts of the entry in a bid to make the
Such an encyclopedia requires, in one respect, a large
[second edition of the Encyclopedia of Religion] look to
measure of consensus among contributors as to what religion
the future and help to shape things to come.
is and what academic students of religion ought to and ought
not to circumscribe within their view. But, in another
The intellectual challenges are likewise reflected in more
respect, it is a scholarly consensus of a very broad and pliant
practical tensions and balancing acts. Perhaps most onerous-
xi
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xii
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
ly, the recruitment of literally hundreds of qualified scholars,
ASSESSMENTS, ADJUSTMENTS, AND CONVENTIONS
available and willing to deliver their work in a timely man-
The initial step in the revision process was a comprehensive
ner, is no mean task. For some, participation in an encyclo-
evaluation of every one of the 2,750 first-edition entries. As
pedia of this stature is a high calling, a fortuitous opportuni-
though dealing out an enormous deck of cards, each of the
ty to engage a uniquely wide readership; others, however,
original articles was assigned to suitable members of the
admit far less enthusiasm about undertaking assignments
thirteen-person board of associate editors or the slate of some
construed as diversions from their more technical research,
two dozen consultants. Parity did not apply insofar as a stur-
more public service than privilege. Once aboard, contribu-
dy few were taxed with assessing hundreds of articles, others
tors had to balance the standards of accuracy, sophistication,
with only a handful. In the subsequent entry-by-entry
and scholarly nuance that would satisfy themselves and their
review, a relatively small number of articles were completely
academic peers with the encyclopedia’s incentive to reach a
jettisoned while the huge remainder was assigned to one of
far more broad, less specialized audience.
three categories.
The balancing of word counts is likewise a constant con-
A first category of entries is composed of those approved
cern, and the space allotted to various topics is, to some real
to be reprinted with few or no changes. Though roughly
extent, a telling indicator as to the relative importance of
1,800 articles in this set were to remain largely or fully intact,
those topics, at least in the eyes of the editorial board. Yet,
attempts were made to reach the authors of those
equations of article length and significance, a familiar
first-edition entries both with an invitation to modify or
assumption among reviewers, are invariably too simple, too
update their contribution in ways that they saw fit and with
little aware of the practical exigencies of accepted and
a request that they augment the bibliography with relevant
declined invitations, met and missed deadlines, obeyed and
sources that had appeared in the interim. Of course, many of
ignored editorial recommendations. The most well consid-
those scholars were no longer active in the profession; others
ered intentions and the clearest of visions are, not infre-
did not reply; and others declined to make any alterations to
quently, causalities in the stiff competition for the time of
their original articles. Articles that were, therefore, reprinted
twenty-first century academics. In fact, it is both noteworthy
essentially unchanged have a designation of “(1987)” follow-
and deeply disappointing that several dozen additional new
ing the author’s name. In numerous instances, however, first-
articles were conceived but never successfully assigned, and
edition authors did take the occasion to adjust their own arti-
also that at least three dozen promised articles had not
cles in small or large ways. For these articles, the attribution
arrived by the production deadline, and thus had to be omit-
of authorship is followed by two dates, for example, Eleanor
ted from the revision. Gaps and asymmetries in coverage
Zelliot (1987 and 2005). Additionally, where original
could, therefore, have innumerable explanations.
authors of articles in this set were unavailable or nonrespon-
Be that as it may, perhaps the most vexing acts of bal-
sive, many of the respective bibliographies were nonetheless
ance and compromise are built into the very notion of “revi-
supplemented with relevant new sources; this accounts for
sion” itself. Neither defense nor attack, revision demands
those bylines that include the designation “Revised
commingled attitudes of respect for and discontent with the
Bibliography,” which signals that a “New Sources” section is
original. To revise requires, on the one side, that a goodly
appended to the bibliography.
portion of the previous work will remain intact; this editori-
A second category of entries comprises those judged to
al board was not afforded a fully fresh point of departure. Yet,
need significant revision or updating. These articles are per-
on the other side, the initiative of revising does afford, even
haps most properly worthy of the title “revised” insofar as
necessitates, changes, reconceptualizations, and wholly new
they both retain a substantial portion of the original work
additions that respond both to recent events and to recent
and introduce substantially new information and/or new
trends in scholarship. Revision is, by nature and by design, a
conceptual formulations. This sort of revision took one of
balancing and a juxtaposition of old and new elements.
three forms. In some cases, original authors were enlisted to
This complex intermingling of first-edition and new
rework and update their own articles; those articles (not
components enriches but also greatly complicates the critical
unlike those in which authors voluntarily revised their origi-
use and assessment of these volumes. The synoptic outline of
nal articles) are consequently attributed to a sole author but
contents, the alphabetical list of entries, and the index pro-
with two dates, for example, Davíd Carrasco (1987 and
vide usefully comprehensive guides, but to discover all that is
2005). In many other cases, the revision was undertaken by
new and different between the second edition and its prece-
a different scholar, which accounts for those articles that are
dent can, nonetheless, pose a difficult challenge. The remain-
attributed to two authors, for example, Robertson Davies
der of this preface works, therefore, to direct attention (1) to
(1987) and Eric Ziolkowski (2005). Irrespective of whether
some of the most prominent new elements of this revision;
the modifications were completed by the original author or
(2) to the decision-making processes that put those adjust-
by someone else, the revisions are, in some instances, mod-
ments in place; and (3) to the conventions in this edition that
est, perhaps addressing recent events or attending to an
can assist in ascertaining the precise status of individual
important new publication on the topic; but, in other cases,
entries.
the adjustments and reconceptualizations are more thor-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
xiii
oughgoing. All of the revisions and “updates” of these sorts
NEW FEATURES AND CONFIGURATIONS
do, however, eventuate in entries that are, at once, old and
In addition to these various layers of revision and replace-
new.
ment, the second edition introduces entries on nearly six
A third variation on this revision theme—and one of the
hundred topics that did not appear in the first edition. New
more distinctive features of the second edition of
topics and titles are added to almost every portion of the revi-
Encyclopedia of Religion—is a consequence of those situations
sion, but especially noteworthy are those that appear in relat-
in which the original article was assessed as a still-valuable
ed sets of articles—or so-termed composite entries. Many of
exposition of the topic, worthy of reprinting, but not a treat-
these composite sets, which were also a very prominent fea-
ment that could any longer be represented as state-of-the-art.
ture of the first edition, provide a means of surveying the
In many of these instances, the first-edition entry provided a
geographical distribution of a large tradition: The
seminal statement on the subject, but was distinctive, or
“Buddhism” composite entry, for example, is composed of
sometimes idiosyncratic, in ways that precluded revision or
articles that treat, in succession, “Buddhism in India,”
updating per se. Thus, instead of reworking the original, it
“Buddhism in Southeast Asia,” “Buddhism in Central Asia,”
was more suitable to retain the integrity of that article by
and so on. In many other cases, however, these composite sets
reprinting it unchanged and then augmenting it with a kind
are trained on a broad topic or theme such as “Pilgrimage,”
of supplementary addendum. For instance, Mircea Eliade
“Iconography,” “Music,” or “Soul,” which is then addressed
in a cross-culturally comparative fashion. In the main, these
wrote the first-edition entry “Sexuality: An Overview,” which
thematically configured composites open with a broad
articulates a prominent, still-important exposition of the
overview article, which is then followed by a series of articles
topic, but not one that can be regarded as current in a field
that explore that large theme either in different contexts
of study where there has been enormous activity in the past
and/or from different angles of view. And, although every
two decades. The original entry is, therefore, allowed to stand
sort of composite entry enjoys a measure of revision, it is
with the parenthetical designation “[First Edition]” and then
these thematically linked sets that are subject to the most
is complemented by a completely new entry titled “Sexuality:
venturesome innovation and growth. Several permutations
An Overview [Further Considerations],” which focuses
and outstanding examples deserve quick comment.
attention on research and perspectives that have emerged
since the first edition. This pairing of prominent but now
In numerous instances, thematic composite entries that
dated first-edition entries with new complementary pieces—
appeared in the original edition were reworked and very sub-
there are roughly fifty of these juxtapositions of old and
stantially expanded. For example, the first-edition “Afterlife”
new—adds a special texture to the revision; it facilitates a
composite entry included an overview and only two
kind of historical, even archaeological, appreciation of the
area-specific articles, one on Jewish concepts of the afterlife
unfolding succession of ideas on a topic. But the same edito-
and another on Chinese concepts. In the new edition, how-
rial tactic also places a special burden on readers.
ever, that pair is complemented by completely new entries on
Accordingly, as a cautionary note, it would, in principle,
African conceptions of the afterlife, as well as Australian,
Oceanic, Mesoamerican, Christian, Islamic, Greek and
never be suitable to rely on one of these “First Edition” pieces
Roman, and Germanic concepts. The first-edition
without reading ahead also to its complimentary, sometimes
“Cosmology” composite is similarly expanded with thor-
quite critical, “Further Considerations” counterpart.
oughly new entries on the cosmologies of Africa, indigenous
In any case, the initial article-by-article assessment of the
Australia, Oceania, indigenous North America and
first edition eventuated also in a third category constituted of
Mesoamerica, South America, Islam, and finally, so-termed
those entries for which a topic and title were retained but the
“Scientific Cosmologies.” Or, to cite just one more such
actual article was completely replaced. There are well over
example of the enhancement of a standing composite entry,
three hundred of these new renditions of already-standing
the original cluster of entries under the rubric of “Rites of
topics. As a rule, authors of these replacement articles were
Passage,” which had included entries solely on Hindu,
invited to employ the original entry as a resource but not
Jewish, and Muslim rites, is fleshed out to include new arti-
necessarily a model, that is, to compose an essentially new
cles on African, Oceanic, Mesoamerican, and Neopagan rites
treatment of the existing topic. Not surprisingly, one can find
of passage.
instances in which there is considerable continuity between
Other second-edition composite entries—article sets
the original and present articles while, in other cases, the
that provide some of the most notable new contributions to
first-edition article and its new, second-edition iteration
the revision—result from cases in which a topic that had
share little beyond the title. That is to say, the great majority
received fairly limited coverage in the first edition becomes
of these so-termed replacement articles are, for all practical
the subject of a much more extensive block of new articles.
purposes, thoroughly new entries. Consequently, author
For instance, where the original edition had modest-length
attribution for these articles includes a parenthetical date pre-
and broadly-framed articles devoted to “Healing,”
cisely like other new articles, for example, Mary MacDonald
“Medicine,” and “Diseases and Cures,” the revision explores
(2005).
those themes far more fully via a composite entry that opens
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PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
with “Healing and Medicine: An Overview,” which is then
tions under consideration. A second level of revision focused
followed by fourteen completely new articles trained on heal-
on individual entries: standing articles like “Women’s
ing practices in various regions and traditions, for example,
Studies,” “Human Body,” and “Spirit Possession” were revis-
in Africa, in the African diaspora, in the Ancient Near East,
ited, then replaced or heavily reworked in light of contem-
in Judaism, in Islamic texts and traditions, in the popular
porary approaches to gender and religion. Space was opened
healing practices of Middle Eastern cultures, in Greece and
also for numerous new topical entries such as “Beauty,”
Rome, and so on. A sole first-edition entry on “Ecology” is
“Gynocentrism,” “Lesbianism,” “Men’s Studies in Religion,”
supplanted by a full constellation of “Ecology and Religion”
“Patriarchy and Matriarchy,” and “Thealogy”; for several
articles that includes eleven new tradition-specific articles on
midsized composite entries on “Feminism,” “Feminist
various ways of conceiving the interrelations between
Theology,” and “Nuns”; and for numerous new biographical
humans, the earth, and the cosmos, as well as thematic
entries on women. Finally, at a third and especially ambitious
entries on environmental ethics and on science, religion, and
level, the completely new “Gender and Religion” composite
ecology. “Law and Religion” is also much expanded and fully
entry employs the familiar pattern of an overview article, fol-
reconfigured in a set of thirteen articles that address the topic
lowed by a succession of region- or tradition-specific articles;
in six different regions or traditions and then in relation to
but this set is unique in its scale of execution.
six different sorts of themes, such as law and religion in con-
New religious movements is yet another area of major
nection with literature, with critical theory, with human
growth and reconceptualization. In fact, no segment of the
rights, with morality, with new religious movements and,
encyclopedia enjoys quite such extensive enlargement. The
finally, with punishment. And, by the same token, the free-
original five-part composite entry is replaced by an eleven-
standing entry on “Politics and Religion” in the first edition
part set that includes not only a revamped overview and new
is replaced by a ten-part composite entry that begins with a
or reworked area-specific articles on the United States,
broad overview of the topic and then engages intersections of
Europe, Japan, and Latin America, but also thematic and
religion and politics in each of several traditions.
comparative articles on the scriptures of new religious move-
Additional composite entries are completely new insofar
ments and on new religious movements in relation to
as they have no direct counterpart in the first edition. The
women, to children, to millennialism, and to violence.
treatment of literature, for instance, an enormous and multi-
Where the first-edition synoptic outline listed a couple dozen
faceted topic that streams through countless sections of the
supporting articles under the heading of “New Religions and
encyclopedia, was reconfigured in ways that issued in a com-
Modern Movements,” the revision includes nearly three
pletely new ten-part composite entry on fiction and religion
times that many. Among the wealth of new topical entries are
in various guises. In that case, a lead entry titled “Fiction:
“Anticult Movements,” “Brainwashing (Debate),” and
History of the Novel” is complemented by all new entries
“Deprogramming”; “Neopaganism” and “Wicca”;
that survey connections between religion and the Western
“Swedenborgianism,” “Rastafarianism,” “UFO Religions,”
novel, Latin American fiction, Chinese fiction, Japanese fic-
“Heaven’s Gate,” “Aum Shinrikyo¯,” and “Falun Gong.”
tion, Southeast Asian fiction, Australian fiction, Oceanic fic-
Similarly abundant new biographical articles address figures
tion, African fiction, and Native American fiction. Another
ranging from Aleister Crowley, Daddy Grace, Matilda Joslyn
fully new composite entry under the rubric of
Gage, Emma Curtis Hopkins, and L. Ron Hubbard to Jim
“Transculturation and Religion” opens with an overview that
Jones and David Koresh, to mention just a few.
situates “the problem of religion” within the context of the
An innovative new composite entry under the rubric of
making of the modern world; subsequent elements of the set
“Study of Religion” is one of several components designed to
address the role of religion in the formation of, respectively,
engage matters of theory, method, and intellectual history,
modern Canada, the modern Caribbean, modern Japan,
concerns that were very important for the first edition and
modern India, and modern Oceania. Other innovative new
remained a priority for the second. Where the original edition
composite entries, though on somewhat more modest scales,
had entries focused primarily on the emergence and develop-
engage such topics as “Orgy,” “Sociobiology and
ment of religious studies in Western Europe and the United
Evolutionary Psychology,” and “Humor and Religion.”
States, this new “Study of Religion” grouping works to survey
Particularly notable among new composite entries is the
ways in which the nature and study of “religion” have been
twenty-one-part “Gender and Religion,” a wholly new set
conceptualized and institutionalized also in Eastern Europe,
that deserves special mention not only as the largest such
Japan, North Africa and the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa,
grouping in the revision, but also as part of a three-tiered ini-
and South Asia. Also in a methodological realm, most of the
tiative to engage the abundance of important work that has
eighteen first-edition “History of Study” entries (e.g.,
appeared in that field since the original version. At one level,
“Australian Religions: History of Study”; “Chinese Religion:
the instructions to authors of every article for this edition,
History of Study”; “Egyptian Religion: History of Study”;
whether revised or completely new, included an incitement
etc.) were substantially updated or replaced, and entirely new
to consider seriously, and to make explicit, the gendered
entries were added to address the history of the study of
dynamics of the religious doctrines, practices, and institu-
African American religions, Baltic religion, Celtic religions,
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PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
xv
Confucianism, and Germanic religions, along with new
Religion” were areas of considerable growth and innovation.
entries on the history of the study of gender and religion, of
Yes, the enumeration of new and reworked features could go
Gnosticism, and of new religious movements. Numerous of
on and on. It is, to be sure, only via direct engagement of the
the “Methods of Study” entries were revised, and wholly new
entries themselves that one can really begin to appreciate all
offerings include “Ethology of Religion,” “Literature: Critical
that is new and different between the second edition and its
Theory and Religious Studies,” “Subaltern Studies,” and a
precedent.
two-part set on “Sociobiology and Evolutionary Psychology.”
Of more than one hundred first-edition entries listed in the
In sum, then, it is important to note that the associate
synoptic outline under so-called “Scholarly Terms,” very few
editors and consultants—all of whom deserve enormous cred-
were deleted; some are substantially revised (e.g.,
it for their expertise, insight, and endurance—worked with-
“Conversion,” “Dualism,” and “Tradition”); some prominent
out any fixed quota as to how much would change and how
terms are augmented with “Further Considerations” pieces
much remain the same. This open policy proved a proverbial
(e.g., “Mysticism,” “Ritual,” “Religion,” “Sacrifice,” and
mixed blessing—both an ample benefit and what became a
“Syncretism”); and many others are replaced with essentially
heavy burden insofar as, it is safe to say, the extent of revision
new entries (e.g., “Charisma,” “Folklore,” “Religious
and enlargement far exceeded anyone’s expectation. The final
Experience,” and “Sacred Time”). Completely new offerings
tally of new and essentially new entries, in fact, exceeds by
under that heading include “Colonialism and Post-colonial-
fourfold the initial projections, which were only whispered at
ism,” “Creolization,” “Globalization and Religion,” “Implicit
the outset of the process. Were there anticipation in the
Religion,” “Invisible Religion,” “Orientalism,” “Spirituality,”
beginning that this revised second edition would include, as it
and “World Religions.” And with respect to “Scholars of
does, well over five hundred new topics, nearly one thousand
Religion,” another area of special distinction for Encyclopedia
completely new articles, and 1.5 million more words than the
of Religion, we retained the policy of separate biographical
original Encyclopedia of Religion perhaps fewer would have
entries only for scholars who are deceased, but nonetheless
agreed to participate in the editorial initiative.
added more than fifty new names to the list.
The fortuitous result is, nevertheless, a scholarly
The enumeration of important new articles and features
resource too large and layered for anyone to master or even
could, as they say, go on and on. In the Judaism section,
appreciate fully; no one can attain that vantage that affords a
nearly all of the principal articles, the main “Judaism: An
view of the whole. Instead—and happily—individual readers
Overview” included, are thoroughly rewritten and more than
will inevitably be drawn to those parts that appeal to their
thirty new topics were added. Among the articles on Islam, a
distinct interests and serve their special purposes. This ency-
high percentage both of the large geographical survey entries
clopedia is, in an important sense, many encyclopedias, each
and the dozens of shorter supporting articles are revised in
of which emerges in dynamic relations with the persons who
variously minor and major ways, and numerous wholly new
read and use it. Moreover, time and again, searching and
topics have been introduced. The treatment of Buddhism,
serendipity blend so that an entry simply happened upon, an
including the several composite configurations devoted to
article or aspect other than that which you are seeking,
that tradition, received especially thoroughgoing reconceptu-
evokes the strongest excitement and provides the most satis-
alizations, as well as the introduction of more than two dozen
fying reward. Even those of us with much invested in this
completely new topics, numerous of them focused on Tibet.
North American Indian religions was also a zone of especial-
revision, continue to read, reread, and experience these vol-
ly extensive revision and expansion in ways that reflect the
umes with a sense of discovery. It is our sincere hope, more-
tumultuous changes in that field over the past two decades
over, that this new edition can provide other readers that
and the emergence of a generation of native scholars whose
same ongoing sense of exploration and evocation of interest.
presence was largely absent from the first edition. The large
LINDSAY JONES
lists under “Art and Religion” and, even more, “Science and
Ohio State University, September 2004
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V I S U A L E S S A Y S : R A T I O N A L E
Without exception, religions around the world and through-
3. They structure relations with other persons, beings,
out time have included a vital visual dimension—whether it
and communities.
is icons to contemplate, sacred diagrams used in ritual, pow-
4. They shape one’s state of mind and body for ritual and
erful objects charged with the capacity to protect or heal, the
devotional experience.
creation of sacred spaces, or the use of clothing, vestments, or
liturgical objects in worship. Because human beings rely
5. They visualize sacred texts, intermingling word and
heavily on sight for information about their worlds, images
image or transforming them into one another.
of different kinds have always played an important role in the
Of course, a single image may do several or even all of these.
design of religious spaces and rites and in the daily practices
But for the sake of clarity, selections for each essay focus on
of the devout. Art historians, anthropologists, archeologists,
one function.
and historians of religion have long noted the significance of
images in religious life.
I do not suppose that any of these operations is unique
to imagery. One might make the same points regarding food,
The fourteen visual essays included in the second edi-
dress, dance, or any of the arts regarding most, if not all, of
tion of Encyclopedia of Religion seek to demonstrate how per-
the functions. But images will operate in different terms from
vasively visual culture permeates religion. Each of the essays
other media. The larger point here is to show by means of
is organized around a practice or theme common to many
example and comparison how images and visual practices
different religions. Since the goal was to explore the relevance
provide rich evidence for the study and understanding of reli-
and power of the visual culture of religion, the task in each
gion as a lived and visually engaging experience.
case has been to show how images and visual practices par-
ticipate in the lived experience of religion. This approach
VISUAL ESSAY THEMES
contrasts with the passive use of images sometimes used by
scholars and reference works merely to illustrate religious
The fourteen essays are organized under the five broad
practice or doctrine. In no instance does an image appear
rubrics outlined above. It is important to underscore the fact
here in that capacity. Images are not used in these essays to
that any given image might be classified simultaneously
under several of the themes and rubrics. In fact, categories
recall or exemplify religious ideas or topics, but to provide
such as “space” and “time” are only extricated and regarded
concrete examples of how religions happen visually, that is,
in abstracto since, in practice, they are often collapsed into a
how images are put to use in visual practices that are the sub-
single domain of experience, as several examples of the sacred
stance and experience of religious belief. Thus, the emphasis
diagrams in the third essay will show. Moreover, images that
has been consistently on what images do.
perform such acts as healing or protection, or images that
The fourteen themes have been selected in order to
help one to remember or convey information, do so within
show the great variety of ways in which images, objects, and
the cultural contexts of their users. An image is not an
spaces make religious practice take the form it does. Broadly
autonomous entity, but is embedded in a life-world and a
speaking, images accomplish at least five operations:
history, and charged with meaning and purpose within its
society and civilization, deprived of which its function and
1. They create a sense of time.
power to signify and operate to purpose are necessarily com-
2. They create a sense of space.
promised. Like any cultural artifact, images are not things in
xvii
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VISUAL ESSAYS: RATIONALE
themselves, but organic components of an operating whole.
II. Space
But in order to convey as clearly as possible the individual
4. Sacred Matter—the use of images and objects such as
functions of images, the fourteen themes are placed under
relics, reliquaries, amulets, or liturgical objects in reli-
discrete rubrics.
gious practice.
To remove images and visual practices from one habitat
5. Sacred Space—the role of images in creating shrines,
and history, as often happens through migration, coloniza-
monuments, gardens, temples, mosques, churches, and
tion, warfare, and trade, means to inaugurate new cultural
pilgrimage sites.
and historical meanings. The ability of images to transcend
III. Structuring Social Relations
one context, to synthesize different systems of meaning, to
help invent new traditions of practice and thought, and to
6. Community—imaging clan, tribe, ancestor, family,
nation, congregation, ethnicity, and race.
lead many lives beyond those originally ascribed to them are
all part of the power of images that will be explored visually
7. Commerce of Images—the role that images play in the
in these essays.
metaphysical as well as social economies of the sacred.
The operative question posed throughout the organiza-
8. Appropriation and Identity—the manner in which
tion of these themes and the examples gathered under each
images facilitate transformation, migration, and evolu-
has been: what do images do in religious life? Images are not
tion of religious ideas and practices.
used identically in various religions, though there are many
9. Efficacious Images—images that heal, protect, or
striking parallels. And images often mark and remember the
enable their users to benefit or harm others.
boundary of one tradition and another. Not all of the cate-
10. Portraits—images of ancestors, teachers, saints, or
gories listed below apply to every religious tradition. Not
deities that enable veneration, adoration, or union.
every religion in human history is represented. Indeed, far
IV. Shaping Mind and Body
from it. The task was not universal coverage, but rather an
attempt to register some of the most important things that
11. Sacred Gaze—images that assist meditation, visualiza-
images do, things that belong at the heart of any study of reli-
tion, memory, and aesthetic contemplation.
gious practice and history. Students and scholars should find
12. The True Image—visual traditions in certain religions
in these categories and their examples a prompt for the visu-
that seek nonhumanly created images of a deity,
al investigation of virtually any religious group, behavior, or
founder, or saint.
idea.
13. Images and the Body—how images are used to condi-
I. Time
tion the body, affect its operation, and control it.
1. Sacred Time—the creation of time in ritual, memory,
V. Imaging Sacred Text
prophecy, or dream time; that is, remembering, look-
14. Word and Image—artifacts involving the integration of
ing ahead, and stepping out of time.
text and image in order to intensify the artifact’s mean-
ing and effect or evade taboos against pictorial repre-
2. Visual Narrative—the visual means of storytelling.
sentation.
3. Cosmic Visions—maps, calendars, man.d.alas, yantras,
DAVID MORGAN
astrological charts, and sacred diagrams.
Valparaiso University, September 2004
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P R E F A C E T O T H E F I R S T E D I T I O N
Such an encyclopedia as this has long been overdue. In all
gnostic writings at Nag Hammadi in Upper Egypt and of a
areas of religious studies—in the historical religious tradi-
great number of Essene manuscripts at Qumran, near the
tions as well as in nonliterate (“primitive”) religious sys-
Dead Sea, have given us documents of immeasurable value.
tems—the “information explosion” of recent decades has
Although publication and translation are not yet completed,
demanded a new presentation of available materials. Further,
much light has already been thrown on two problems that
in the last half century, new methodological approaches and
were extremely controversial until a generation ago.
more adequate hermeneutics have enhanced our knowledge
A specific characteristic of the last several decades’ activ-
of the existential value, the social function, and the cultural
ities has been the amazing number of Asian religious texts
creativity of religions throughout history. We understand
that have been edited and, in many cases, translated for the
better now the mind and the behavior of homo religious (“reli-
first time into a European language. This editorial enterprise
gious man”), and we know much more about the beginnings,
has been accompanied by the publication of a series of
the growth, and the crises of different religions of the world.
monographs spanning a range of scholarship difficult to
These impressive advances in information and under-
imagine a few generations ago. The significance of such
standing have helped to eradicate the cliches, highly popular
works is enormous, and the consequences of their publica-
in the nineteenth century, concerning the mental capacity of
tion are far-reaching.
nonliterate peoples and the poverty and provincialism of
The esoteric and occult traditions, misunderstood or
non-Western cultures. To realize the radical change of per-
neglected by former generations of scholars born and
spective, it suffices to compare, for instance, the current
brought up in a positivistic milieu, constitute but one area of
interpretations of an Australian Aboriginal ritual, a tradition-
study on which recent research has cast new light. Here,
al African mythology, an Inner Asian shamanistic seance, or
much that was once obscure has been illuminated by, for
such complex phenomena as yoga and alchemy with the eval-
instance, the classic monographs of Gershom Scholem on
uations en vogue a few generations ago. Perhaps for the first
Qabbalah and on Jewish gnostic and mystical systems.
time in history we recognize today not only the unity of
Scholem’s erudition and insight have disclosed to us a coher-
human races but also the spiritual values and cultural signif-
ent and profound world of meaning in texts that had earlier
icance of their religious creations.
been generally dismissed as mere magic and superstition.
I shall not here attempt to survey all the decisive contri-
Likewise, our understanding of Islamic mysticism has been
butions of recent research to a more correct appreciation of
radically improved by Louis Massignon’s works, while Henry
the dialectics of the sacred and of so many ethnic and histor-
Corbin and his disciples have revealed the neglected dimen-
ical religious systems. A few examples will serve to underscore
sions of Isma¯Eı¯lı¯ esoteric tradition.
my point.
Also, in the past forty years we have witnessed a more
In some areas of religious studies, unexpected and aston-
correct and comprehensive appraisal of Chinese, Indian, and
ishing consequences of recent archaeological or textual dis-
Western alchemies. Until recently, alchemy was regarded
coveries have become almost immediately apparent.
either as a proto-chemistry—that is, as an embryonic, naive,
Excavations at Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa, for instance,
or prescientific discipline—or as a mass of superstitious rub-
have revealed the grandiose proto-historical urban civiliza-
bish that was culturally irrelevant. The investigations of
tion of the Indus Valley, and discoveries of the library of
Joseph Needham and Nathan Sivin have proved that Chinese
xix
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PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
alchemy has a holistic structure, that it is a traditional science
peasants toward the Virgin Mary might bear in some way on
sui generis, not intelligible without its cosmologies and its
our understanding of the Classical Demeter.” And the
ethical and, so to say, “existential” presuppositions and sote-
archaeologist Marija Gimbutas has pointed out that the pre-
riological implications. And it is significant that in China
Christian layer in Baltic folklore “is so ancient that it
alchemy was intimately related to secret Taoist practices, that
undoubtedly reaches back to prehistoric times—at least to
in India it was a part of Tantric Yoga, and that, in the West,
the Iron Age or in the case of some elements even several mil-
Greco-Egyptian and Renaissance alchemy was usually con-
lennia deeper.” As to the archaism of Irish popular traditions,
nected with gnosticism and Hermetism—all of which are
recent studies have demonstrated numerous analogies with
secret, “occult” traditions.
ancient Indian ideas and customs.
A most surprising result of contemporary scholarship
Even more important, popular traditions around the
has been the discovery of the important role that alchemy
globe reveal a specific originality in their reinterpretation of
and Hermetic esotericism have played in Western thought,
the Christian message. In many cultures, peasants practice
not only in the Italian Renaissance but also in the triumph of
what can be called a “cosmic Christianity,” which, in a “total”
Copernicus’s new astronomy, in the heliocentric theory of
history of Christendom, ought to have a place, for it repre-
the solar system. Frances A. Yates has brilliantly analyzed the
sents a new type of religious creativity. Thus, parallel to the
deep implications of the passionate interest in Hermetism in
different Christian theologies constructed both on Hebrew
this period. For almost two centuries, Egyptian magic, alche-
scriptures and on Greek metaphysics, one must also set the
my, and esotericism have obsessed innumerable theologians
“popular theology” that assimilated and christianized many
and philosophers, believers as well as skeptics and cryp-
archaic traditions, from Neolithic to Oriental and Hellenistic
toatheists. Yet, only recently has the importance of alchemy
religions. In this way, the religious history of Christian
in Newton’s thinking, for example, been revealed. Betty J. T.
Europe will be deprovincialized and its universal values will
Dobbs has pointed out that Newton probed in his laborato-
become more evident.
ry “the whole vast literature of the older alchemy as it has
I may also recall some of the results of contemporary
never been probed before or since.” In fact, Newton sought
work on the religious meaning—or function—of oral, and
in alchemy the structure of the small world to match his cos-
even written, literature. Some years ago, a number of schol-
mological system.
ars pointed out the initiatory symbols and motifs of certain
Among many other examples of the progress realized in
categories of fairy tale. Significantly, almost at the same time
the last several decades, I may also recall the reevaluation of
many critics in Europe as well as in the United States began
European popular traditions. Until the 1930s, the religious
to investigate the patterns of initiation recognizable in vari-
systems of Australian Aborigines and North American
ous literary works. In both types of narrative, oral and writ-
Indians were more seriously investigated, and were better
ten, we are led into an imaginary world, and in both we meet
understood, than were European folk traditions. On the one
characters who undergo a series of initiatory ordeals, a com-
hand, researchers were interested mainly in folk literature; on
mon plot structure that is generally presented more or less
the other hand, their interpretations of rituals and “popular
transparently. The difference is that, while some fairy tales
mythologies” usually followed one of the fashionable theo-
can be regarded as reflecting the remembrance of actual ini-
rists, such as Wilhelm Mannhardt or James G. Frazer.
tiation rites practiced in the past, such is not true of modern
Furthermore, many scholars, in both eastern and western
literary works.
Europe, considered rural traditions as fragmentary and
Specialists have also identified initiatory elements in
debased survivals from a superior layer of culture, from that,
such classical sources as the sixth book of Vergil’s Aeneid, in a
say, represented by the feudal aristocracy or that derived from
number of scenarios and personages of the Arthurian leg-
church literature. In sum, taking into account the powerful
ends, in the neo-Greek epic Digenis Akritas, in Tibetan epic
influences of the church and of urban culture, one was
poetry, and elsewhere. Most probably, these elements are
inclined to doubt the authenticity or the archaism of rural
ghostly souvenirs of the distant past, memories, vaguely
religious traditions in Europe.
recalled, of ancient initiatory rituals. But such cannot be so
Recent and more rigorous studies have revealed a quite
with initiatory structures found in modern literature from
different situation. The Austrian ethnologist Leopold
Coleridge’s The Rime of the Ancient Mariner and Eliot’s The
Schmidt, for example, has shown that certain mythico-ritual
Waste Land to the many novels of James Fenimore Cooper,
scenarios that were still current among peasants of central
Jules Verne, Mark Twain, and William Faulkner.
and southeastern Europe at the beginning of the twentieth
Nevertheless, these facts are relevant for an understanding of
century preserved mythological fragments and rituals that
modern Western man. Indeed, in a desacralized world such
had disappeared in ancient Greece before the time of Homer.
as ours, the “sacred” is present and active chiefly in imaginary
Other scholars have concluded that Romanian and Balkan
universes. But imaginary experiences are part of the total
folklore preserves Homeric and pre-Homeric themes and
human being. This means that nostalgia for initiatory trials
motifs. According to the American linguist and anthropolo-
and scenarios, nostalgia deciphered in so many literary and
gist Paul Friedrich, “The attitudes of contemporary Greek
artistic works (including the cinema), reveals modern man’s
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PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
xxi
longing for a renovation capable of radically changing his
An obvious corollary may thence be drawn: that knowl-
existence.
edge of the religious ideas and practices of other traditions
better enables anyone to understand his or her own. The his-
Of course, this is only an example of the unconscious
tory of religions is the story of the human encounter with the
reaction against the desacralization of modern Western soci-
sacred—a universal phenomenon made evident in myriad
eties, in some regards a phenomenon parallel to the accultur-
ways.
ation of many traditional (“primitive”) cultures. This com-
plex and delicate problem warrants far more attention then I
These, then, are some of the themes and topics that the
can give it here, but I do wish to note that what has been
interested reader will find in the hundreds of articles that
called the “occult explosion” in contemporary North
constitute this encyclopedia. In planning it, the editors and
America belongs to the same desperate effort to react against
the staff have aimed at a concise, clear, and objective descrip-
the growing desacralization of the modern world, specifical-
tion of the totality of human experiences of the sacred. We
ly the almost general crisis of the Christian churches.
have, we hope, paid due attention to traditions both great
and small, to the historical religions as well as to the primal
The most significant advance in religious studies of the
religions, to the religious systems of the East as well as to
past several decades has been realized in our understanding of
those of the West. Wishing particularly to avoid reduction-
primal religions—that is, the religious systems of “primitive,”
ism and Western cultural bias, we have given far greater space
nonliterate peoples. There is no doubt that improvement of
to the religions of non-Western areas than have earlier refer-
fieldwork methods and the growing interest of anthropolo-
ence books on religion. Finally, and in conformity with the
gists in depth psychology, linguistics, and historiographical
international design of our encyclopedia, we have invited
methodology have contributed to this success. Especially the
scholars from five continents to contribute articles related to
researches, hypotheses, and controversies in relation to myths
their specific areas of research.
and mythological thinking have played a decisive role. The
once-popular theories of the intellectual inferiority of “sav-
Our encyclopedia was not conceived as a dictionary,
with entries covering the entire vocabulary in every field of
ages,” or of their “pre-logical mentality,” have been obsolete
religious studies. Rather, it was conceived as a system of arti-
for some time. Anthropologists and sociologists as well as his-
cles on important ideas, beliefs, rituals, myths, symbols, and
torians of religions nowadays emphasize the structural coher-
persons that have played a role in the universal history of reli-
ence of “primitive” religious beliefs and ideas. Although, as is
gions from Paleolithic times to the present day. Thus, the
always true in humanistic disciplines, no general theory on
reader will not find here entries on all the popes or on all the
the “primitive mind” has been universally accepted, one
patriarchs of the Eastern churches, nor on all the saints, mys-
methodological presupposition seems to be shared by the
tics, and minor figures of the various religious traditions.
majority of today’s scholars: namely, the “normality” and,
Instead, here is a great network of historical and descriptive
consequently, the creativity of the primal religions.
articles, synthetical discussions, and interpretive essays that
Indeed, it has been repeatedly pointed out that the
make available contemporary insight into the long and mul-
archaic mind has never been stagnant, that some nonliterate
tifaceted history of religious man.
peoples have made important technological discoveries and
Here, among many others, are articles devoted to recent
that some others have had a certain sense of history. Such
archaeological and textual discoveries and, particularly
radical modification of our former understanding and evalu-
important, articles devoted to the reevaluation of facts and
ation of nonliterate religious traditions has been in part a
systems of thought ignored or neglected until a few decades
consequence of growing interest in the structure and the
ago: for instance, the history of Hermetism and of alchemy,
morphology of the sacred—that is, in religious experience
the occult revival in our time, the creativity of “popular” reli-
and in its ritual and symbolic expressions.
gions, the millenaristic movements among contemporary
Progressively, scholars have realized the necessity of try-
“primitive” societies, and the religious dimensions of the arts.
ing to discover the meanings given by nonliterate peoples to
A more rigorous study of such themes not only illuminates
their own religious activities. W. E. H. Stanner, who dedicat-
their meanings but, in some cases, opens new perspectives on
ed his life to the study of Australian Aborigines, emphatical-
the evaluation of other cultural phenomena.
ly asserted that their religion must be approached “as religion
By consulting various entries in the encyclopedia, the
and not as a mirror of something else.” Stanner repeatedly
reader will learn the latest results of anthropological research
criticized the fallacious presupposition “that the social order
and the current evaluation of various primal religions. These,
is primary and in some cases causal, and the religious order
in turn, have led to the burgeoning contemporary interest in
secondary and in some sense consequential.” Equally signifi-
the structure, meaning, and functions of myth and of reli-
cant is the affirmation of the British Africanist E. E. Evans-
gious symbols. A number of articles herein are devoted to
Pritchard that knowledge of Christian theology, exegesis,
these subjects, which are equally important, I might add, for
symbolic thought, and ritual better enables the anthropolo-
recent Western philosophical inquiry. As a matter of fact, the
gist to understand “primitive” ideas and practices.
exegesis of mythical thinking has played a central role in the
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PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
works of many distinguished modern philosophers and lin-
psychologist, and the philosopher. To know the great variety
guists. Similarly, a more adequate understanding of symbolic
of worldviews assumed by religious man, to comprehend the
thinking has contributed to the systematic study of religious
expanse of his spiritual universe, is, finally, to advance our
symbols, and, thus, to a reevaluation of the central role of
general knowledge of humankind. It is true that most of the
religious symbolism.
worldviews of primal societies and archaic civilizations have
I need not list here other examples of recent method-
long since been left behind by history. But they have not van-
ological progress that has made possible our present compre-
ished without a trace. They have contributed toward making
hension of religious structures and creations. It suffices to say
us what we are today, and so, after all, they are part of our
that the researches of the last half century concern not only
own history.
the historian of religions, the anthropologist, and the sociol-
MIRCEA ELIADE
ogist but also the political scientist, the social historian, the
Chicago, March 1986
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F O R E W O R D T O T H E F I R S T E D I T I O N
Mircea Eliade, the editor in chief of this encyclopedia, died
reminders that any encyclopedia, including this one, begins
in April 1986, shortly after drafting his preface. The publish-
to grow obsolete almost before it is published.
er wisely chose to leave his preface substantially as he had
Readers will notice, of course, some basic differences
composed it, and it was suggested that I spell out in a fore-
between these two encyclopedias. Joachim Wach
word what might be called the encyclopedia’s “angle of
(1898–1955) often reminded us that religion usually has
vision,” to supplement what had already been said by its edi-
three “expressions” (his term) or dimensions, namely, the the-
tor in chief.
oretical (e.g., doctrines, dogmas, myths, theologies, ethics),
Needless to say, it would be virtually impossible for an
the practical (e.g., cults, sacraments, meditations), and the
encyclopedia of this sort to cover adequately every religious
sociological (e.g., religious groupings, ecclesiastical forms).
idea, practice, and phenomenon known to the human race.
Our encyclopedia tries to do justice as much as possible to
these three dimensions of religion, in contradistinction to the
At the same time, the publisher, the editors, and our many
ERE, which focused primarily on the theoretical aspect to the
advisers wished to produce not a dictionary but a genuine
exclusion of the practical and the sociological. Admittedly,
encyclopedia that would introduce educated, nonspecialist
the division of human experience into various compart-
readers to important ideas, practices, and persons in the reli-
ments—religion, philosophy, ethics, art, and so on—is large-
gious experience of humankind from the Paleolithic past to
ly a Western convention; and historically, in the West, theol-
our day.
ogy (cognitive attempts to systematize religious teachings)
The present work has much in common with another
has occupied a conspicuously important place in defining
major English-language encyclopedia produced earlier in this
religion, which in turn has enjoyed a traditionally ambiguous
century, namely, the thirteen-volume Encyclopaedia of
but close relationship with ethics and the philosophy of reli-
Religion and Ethics, edited by James Hastings with assistance
gion. Thus it is not surprising that the ERE was primarily
from John A. Selbie, Louis H. Gray, and others (Edinburgh,
concerned with theologies and philosophies of religion and
1908–1926; reprint, New York, 1955; hereafter designated
with ethics, for it was the underlying theological and philo-
sophical interest of the planners of the ERE that led them to
ERE ). Both came into being at times when knowledge about
look for normativeness in religion and ethics. In this sense,
the various religions had grown to such a degree that without
the ERE and the present encyclopedia are very different.
an encyclopedic work of some sort, it would not be possible,
as the architects of the ERE put it, “to have at our command
It is important to appreciate the difference between the
the vast stores of learning which have accumulated.”
mental world of the planners of the ERE and our own men-
tal world. Unconsciously if not consciously, the planners of
The planners of both encyclopedias attempted to solicit
the ERE viewed non-Western peoples, histories, cultures, and
contributions from the most advanced scholars at work in
religions primarily from the Western perspective. It was
the various fields of study; they asked their contributors for
doubtless true that politically, socially, culturally, religiously,
the most up-to-date information available, to be sure, but
economically, and militarily the power of Western colonial
also for histories of interpretation and the most current inter-
nations reached its zenith during the nineteenth century, and
pretive schemas. That much of what was said in the ERE has
that the most important events of the modern world
now gone out of date and that all of it reflects the scholarship
occurred through the impetus and initiative of the West.
of the time in which it was produced are melancholy
Moreover, as has been aptly remarked, the ethos of the nine-
xxiii
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FOREWORD TO THE FIRST EDITION
teenth century lasted rather longer than the actual calendar
similar ideas and beliefs can be differently expressed … [so
end of the century; and furthermore, although World War I
that] confusion has often been caused by naive comparisons
undeniably weakened the unity and cohesiveness of the
and rash inferences” (ibid.). A rational scheme of interpreta-
European family of nations, a persistent carryover of the
tion of religious ideas, usually a philosophy of religion
vitality of the Western powers, Western civilization, and
although sometimes a theology, was brought in to introduce
Western learning remained even in Asia and Africa until the
order and to adjudicate nebulous, confusing, and competing
end of World War II.
religious claims. The following statement succinctly express-
es the main concern of the ERE:
To many non-Western peoples, the year 1945 marked a
significant line of demarcation between two worlds of expe-
Whenever the ethical or moral value of activities or con-
rience. In their eyes, the Western colonial powers—even
ditions is questioned, the value of religion is involved;
when they meant well—had acted in the manner of parents
and all deep-stirring experiences invariably compel a
who refuse to allow their children to grow up by making all
reconsideration of the most fundamental ideas, whether
the important decisions for them. The years after World War
they are explicitly religious or not. Ultimately there
II witnessed not only the emergence of many new and inex-
arise problems of justice, human destiny, God, and the
perienced nations but, more important, a redefinition on a
universe; and these in turn involve problems of the rela-
tion between ‘religious’ and other ideas, the validity of
global scale of the dignity, value, and freedom of human
ordinary knowledge, and practicable conceptions of
beings, including non-Western peoples. While knowledge-
‘experience’ and ‘reality.’ (ibid., p. 662)
able Western scholars of the nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries saw non-Western peoples only as sources of reli-
Undeniably the ERE was an important embodiment of the
gious and cultural data for Western scholars to analyze with-
deep concerns of informed Western theologians and philoso-
in their own (i.e., Western) methodologies and frameworks,
phers with religion and ethics in the early twentieth century,
after World War II these same non-Western peoples rightly
and it represented a high standard, with contributions from
began to insist on participating in the global effort to devel-
many of the most erudite scholars of comparative religion at
op adequate interpretive schemes for apprehending the entire
the time.
religious experience of humankind, past and present, prehis-
toric to modern. Accordingly, the present encyclopedia has
Clearly, our encyclopedia of religion is the product of a
attempted to enlarge the mental world of contemporary
different time and a different sort of scholarship. The multi-
scholarship by drawing a large number of contributors from
dimensional scholarly style of Mircea Eliade, our editor in
the non-Western world. This has turned out to be a far more
chief, might best exemplify the character of our encyclopedia.
difficult approach—but a far more rewarding one—than a
Born in Romania, Eliade early aspired to be a physical scien-
primarily Western-based compendium modeled on the ERE
tist but was lured into the study of the philosophy of the
would have been.
Italian Renaissance during his college days. He studied
Indian philosophy and Yoga at the University of Calcutta and
During the early twentieth century, three major areas of
in the Himalayas. Once back in Romania, he taught at the
“scholarly” or “scientific” study of religion(s)—often called
University of Bucharest and also established his reputation as
“comparative religion” or the “comparative study of reli-
a creative writer. After serving as a cultural attache in both
gions”—were taken for granted. The first comprised a nar-
London and Lisbon, he taught and wrote in Paris as a self-
row historical and ethnological survey of a short series of par-
styled refugee. In 1956 he was invited to teach at the
ticular religions, conceived as the simple collection of “raw”
University of Chicago, and there he spent the next thirty
religious data—beliefs, practices, feelings, moods, atti-
years, until his death in 1986. While he taught the history of
tudes—often colored by an evolutionary ideology. Scholars
religions in the Divinity School and in the Committee of
were keenly aware, however, of the personal and corporate
Social Thought, he also collaborated often with philosopher
aspects and the immanental and transcendental dimensions
Paul Ricoeur and theologian Paul Tillich. His numerous
of religions. The second area aimed to classify religious data
writings include systematic works; historical studies; mono-
according to what Stanley A. Cook in the ERE called “certain
graphs on yoga, shamanism, folk religion, and alchemy;
persistent and prevalent notions of the ‘evolution’ of thought
autobiographies; drama; stories of the occult; and novels.
and … practices … in the history of culture” (ERE, vol. 10,
p. 664). The third area was usually reserved for the philoso-
Eliade hoped that the present encyclopedia would
phy of religion or sometimes for theology. In all three areas,
implement his lifelong vision of a “total hermeneutics,” a
scholars were conscious of the virtues of the comparative
coherent interpretive framework for the entire human expe-
method of inquiry—“the unbiased co-ordination of all com-
rience (called once by Wach “integral understanding”).
parable data irrespective of context or age”—which aims to
Eliade’s total hermeneutics was based on his understanding
break down “racial, social, intellectual, and psychical bound-
of the general scientific study of religions (allgemeine
aries, and to bring into relation all classes and races of men”
Religionswissenschaft ), known as the “history of religions” to
(ibid.). They were careful to point out, however, that “simi-
the international association of scholars of the discipline, and
lar practices can have different meanings or motives, and
was dependent as well on various social, physical, and bio-
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FOREWORD TO THE FIRST EDITION
xxv
logical sciences; law; humanistic disciplines, especially the
Muslims but to the Muslims Islam is a religion of truth. Our
arts and literature; philosophy (more particularly the philos-
encyclopedia has made a serious effort on this account to bal-
ophy of religion); and theologies. It was Eliade’s conviction
ance the inner, theological, soteriological meanings and the
that all of these disciplines in combination must attempt to
outer, historical, sociological, anthropological, historical, and
decipher the meaning of human experience in this mysteri-
cultural meanings; but it is doubtful that our efforts will
ous universe. Indeed, from the dawn of history, human
completely satisfy those partisans who seek only the “inner”
beings have been working, discovering, and religious beings
or the “outer” meanings of religious phenomena. There are
simultaneously.
surely some people who think that their religious tradition
alone encompasses the whole and final truth. It is beyond the
The editors agreed with Eliade that the basic methodol-
scope of our encyclopedia to address this issue.
ogy underlying our encyclopedia should be that of the histo-
ry of religions (Religionswissenschaft ), which consists of two
Readers should, however, know what our stance toward
dimensions, historical and systematic. In this framework, the
religion(s) is. We have assumed that there is no such thing as
historical dimension depends upon a mutual interaction
a purely religious phenomenon. A religious phenomenon is a
between histories of individual religions—any of the prehis-
human phenomenon and thus is not only religious but also
toric, early historic, historic, premodern, modern, or con-
social, cultural, psychological, biological, and so on. Yet as
temporary “primitive” religions—and the history of religion-
Eliade rightly said, “To try to grasp the essence of such a
myths, symbols, rituals, and so on. The systematic task con-
phenomenon by means of physiology, psychology, sociology,
sists of phenomenological, comparative, sociological, and
economics, linguistics, art or any other study is false; it miss-
psychological studies of religions. (Eliade’s particular contri-
es the one unique and irreducible element in it—the element
bution here has been termed the “morphological” study of
of the sacred” (Patterns in Comparative Religion, London,
religion.)
1958, p. xi). Thus, throughout this encyclopedia we have
made every effort to avoid “reductionist” interpretations of
Eliade and the editors were convinced that with the
religion.
combination of the history of religions and all the other dis-
ciplines mentioned previously it would be possible to arrive
By the same token, we have avoided the currently fash-
at certain disciplined generalizations about the nature of reli-
ionable theory of dividing history into a simplistic formula of
gion, as well as a structuring of religious data, which would
tradition versus modern. We recall that from the time of the
increase our understanding of the meaning of human experi-
Enlightenment in Europe many scholars sought the “origin”
ence or the mode of being human in this universe.
of religion in order to understand the meaning of religions.
Accordingly, in the early planning stage, at least, we created
In their inquiry, they paid scant attention to the historical
three categories of articles. Our first broad category was
dimensions of religions because to them, history signified
planned to include historical and descriptive essays on par-
primarily the accretions of time and the process of degenera-
ticular religious communities and traditions, both the “great”
tion, presumably from the origin of religion. On the other
traditions (Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism, Christianity,
hand, many scholars today are preoccupied with the con-
Islam) and the “small” (traditional African societies,
temporary manifestations of religions without adequate
Australian Aboriginal groups, Mesoamerican cultures, and
appreciation of the historical processes that impinge on the
others). Our second broad category was slated to cover top-
present. They often equate the traditional with an inherited
ics in the history of religion (e.g., “afterlife,” “alchemy,”
culture long identified with a stagnating society, and thus to
“myth,” “ritual,” “symbol,” and so on). Finally, our third
them what is not modern has the derogatory connotation of
broad category was planned to include examinations of the
tradition. It is our intention, therefore, to avoid both such a
relationships between religion and other areas of culture (e.g.,
facile use of history and the formula of tradition versus
law, science, the arts, and others).
modern.
Inevitably, there were bound to be duplications among
Our editor in chief sincerely appreciated the dedication
topics in different categories, as in the case of “ritual,” “ritu-
of the editors and the staff members who, over the years, cre-
ated entries; wrote up descriptions for articles; solicited con-
al studies,” and the rituals of individual religious traditions.
sultants, advisers, and contributors; read the submitted arti-
There are also, we found, some religious phenomena that
cles; made suggestions for revisions; and much more. Among
defy easy categorization. Thus, our three categories were
the editors, Charles J. Adams and Annemarie Schimmel
merely the framework on which we based our plans; we
made important contributions in the history of religion in
expanded and embellished it as need arose.
addition to their original assignment in the histories of reli-
In editing an encyclopedia on “religion,” we have had to
gions, Islam. Martin E. Marty, Richard P. McBrien, and
face many problems that editors of encyclopedias on other
Robert M. Seltzer handled not only their original assign-
subjects might easily avoid. One such problem involves what
ments of Protestantism, Catholicism, and Judaism, respec-
H. Richard Niebuhr called the “inner” and the “outer”
tively, but were also indispensable in formulating theories
meanings of religious phenomena. Wilfred Cantwell Smith
and frameworks. Seltzer’s assignment also included Israelite
once remarked that to outsiders Islam is a religion of the
religion as well as other religions of the ancient Near East.
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FOREWORD TO THE FIRST EDITION
Jacob Needleman undertook the formidable task of relating
other Chicago colleagues, and Gregory D. Alles and Peter
religion to other areas of life. Eliade himself not only func-
Chemery, who served as Eliade’s research assistants, for gen-
tioned as our editor in chief but also acted as a supervising
erously offering their scholarship, their time, and their labor.
editor for archaic, primal religions (with Victor Turner and
All of the editors share Eliade’s sentiment, often
Lawrence E. Sullivan, our associate editor) and for Hinduism
expressed at various meetings, in recognizing the initiative of
(helped by William K. Mahony, our assistant editor). Turner,
Jeremiah Kaplan, president of Macmillan Publishing
of course, covered the vast area of anthropology, folklores,
Company, and of Charles E. Smith, vice-president and pub-
and folk religions; and I, besides collaborating on the history
lisher, for undertaking this gigantic and expensive enterprise,
of religion, was in charge of Chinese, Korean, and Japanese
and the efficiency and effectiveness of the project editors on
religions and of Buddhism. Sullivan worked with Eliade on
the history of religion and with Turner on primal religions;
the publisher’s staff in bringing this undertaking to a suc-
Mahoney worked with Eliade on Hinduism and with me on
cessful conclusion.
Buddhism. All of us enjoyed the help of the project editors
Of course, everyone involved in the realization of The
on the Macmillan staff.
Encyclopedia of Religion—editors, consultants, contributors,
We all witnessed Eliade’s deep grief at the news of Victor
and staff—laments the untimely death of Mircea Eliade. But
Turner’s death in 1983. Turner had at one time chaired the
we should recall the epitaph of Sir Christopher Wren at Saint
Committee on Social Thought at the University of Chicago,
Paul’s in London: “If you seek his monument, look around
a committee on which Eliade served for many years. In him
you.” In like vein, we can say about Mircea Eliade, who
were combined abundant energy and multidimensional
passed away before his encyclopedia came to full fruition, “If
interests and a broad learning, all of which he freely offered
you seek his monument, look in these volumes.” This ency-
to the encyclopedia. His death was a great blow to us all.
clopedia was his final undertaking, and he will remain alive
in the minds of its readers for decades to come.
Eliade wished to acknowledge publicly all the formal
and informal consultants, advisers, and contributors, many
I consider it a great privilege to have known and worked
of whom were friends, colleagues, and former students of the
with Mircea Eliade for more than three decades. I wish to
editors. This is an appropriate place to express our gratitude
express my personal gratitude to the Macmillan staff, to fel-
to Franklin I. Gamwell, dean of the Divinity School of the
low advisers, and to the contributors who made this encyclo-
University of Chicago, and to Bernard McGinn, program
pedia possible. Although the foregoing statement is largely
coordinator of the Institute for the Advanced Study of
mine, I hope that it expresses as well something of the senti-
Religion in the Divinity School, for providing facilities for
ments of my colleagues on the board of editors.
editorial meetings of the encyclopedia. We also wish to thank
JOSEPH M. KITAGAWA
Wendy D. O’Flaherty (on the study of Hinduism especially),
Chicago, August 1986
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I N T R O D U C T I O N T O T H E F I R S T E D I T I O N
During the early days of the development of this encyclope-
tended and encouraged to grow; some must be pinched back
dia, the board of editors and the senior members of the staff
to improve their shape, propped up to permit their develop-
met often, both formally and informally, to exchange ideas,
ment, or given extra nutriments to build their strength.
to decide editorial policies, and to discuss plans for the con-
Attention must constantly be paid, and the garden must be
tents of the work we had undertaken to produce. At first,
rid of noxious weeds and pernicious pests. This all done, and
given the enormous scope of our topic, and the great variety
given favorable atmospheric conditions, a garden may grow
of religious traditions and fields of study that it includes, it
and flourish.
seemed impossible that any coherent system of articles could
be devised that would limn the entire circle of current learn-
The end result may be much as the gardener had
ing on religion and that would, further, serve the purposes
planned, forming the orderly patterns of the original design
both of the general reader and of specialists in various areas
and exhibiting the structural symmetries, pleasing contrasts,
of religious studies. Soon, however, it became apparent that
and pretty juxtapositions that the gardener had first imag-
the conceptual scheme mapped out by Mircea Eliade, our
ined. But there will surely be some surprises along the way.
editor in chief, and the editorial formats and systems used by
Some seeds may fail to sprout; others may yield proliferous
Macmillan were extremely compatible. Indeed, quite early in
growth. A natural balance seems to obtain. Just as a few
our planning stage, we realized the possibilities of creating a
seedlings may be undersized, weak, and thin, some few early
work that would be both truly encyclopedic and widely use-
blossoms of disappointingly pallid hue, other plants may
ful. At the conclusion of the editorial meeting in which we
foliate and flower with unexpected vigor and splendor. For all
had reached this happy consensus, Victor Turner remarked,
a gardener’s careful planning, a garden grows as it will.
with evident delight, “And so, then, we shall let a thousand
Yet, if the conceptual scheme of a garden has been judi-
flowers bloom.”
ciously and imaginatively wrought and if the gardener works
As usual, Turner’s metaphor was apt. Not only did his
with skill and patience and knowledge of the needs of the
horticultural image echo Eliade’s particular interest in vege-
various plants, the garden may, in the end, be a wondrous
tative symbolism—from the Goethean notion of the primor-
thing. A thousand flowers may indeed one day bloom, to
dial plant to the widespread image of the cosmic tree—but it
enchant the eye, engage the mind, and enrich the spirit.
suggested a correspondence between editing and gardening
The present encyclopedia is a garden of nearly three
that I have long known to be true.
thousand flowers, grown from seeds sown in scholarly fields
The editor and the gardener do, in fact, have much in
around the globe and transplanted here to form this great
common. The one, just as the other, must know taxonomy,
collection of articles. The board of editors and the Macmillan
and he must plan his garden with care. He must consider the
staff have gladly labored in this large and elaborate plot dur-
genera and species of vegetal materials he wishes to include,
ing the seven years of its planning and cultivation, sharing
the size and shape of his plot, the number and arrangement
our chores with uncommon congeniality and good will. Now
of plants, their growing season and their heights and textures
that the season of bloom is upon us, it falls to me, as the sen-
and colors. Then the soil must be prepared, stones removed,
ior project editor on the Macmillan staff, to recapitulate
seeds sown and nourished. After a while, germination occurs
some of the editorial policies we established, some of the edi-
and plants emerge. With an eye toward the planned appear-
torial decisions we made, and some of the editorial practices
ance of the garden at maturity, individual plants must be
we followed in making our garden grow.
xxvii
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INTRODUCTION TO THE FIRST EDITION
To cover the vast territory outlined by our editor in chief
and as manuscripts began to arrive in our offices from all the
in his general plan for the encyclopedia, the editors under-
four corners of the earth, we soon saw that our encyclopedia
took to develop specific plans for articles in their various
would fulfill its promise. Our garden flourished from the
areas of specialization. Governed only by a general word
very beginning; almost every seed sprouted, and there were
allotment and suggestions for certain patterns of coverage,
remarkably few weeds.
each editor was given free rein to determine the number,
There were, however, many gardening tasks to be done.
kind, and length of articles for the area(s) assigned to him or
The arrival of manuscripts brought us finally and squarely
her. Staff members assigned to corresponding areas coordi-
face to face with certain editorial problems of writing style
nated and supplemented the editors’ plans for coverage but
that we had earlier anticipated, and with a few that we had
did not substantially alter them. Some parts of our plans were
not. We were confronted, of course, by problems of transla-
assigned to project editors on the Macmillan staff and were
tion, transliteration, and romanization of many foreign lan-
developed by them on the expert advice of special consult-
ants. Consequently, in the final conceptual scheme of things,
guages, which, given the international tenor of our contribu-
selection and arrangement of materials on the various reli-
tors and the pandemic scope of our project, we had fully
gious traditions and fields of study turned out to be general-
expected. But we were also confronted by some surprisingly
ly similar but particularly diverse, reflecting not only the dif-
thorny problems of vocabulary and orthography that arose
ferent states of current scholarship in different fields but also
from the need to coordinate various conventions employed
the personal judgments and emphases of the various super-
in different areas of religious studies and the need to establish
vising editors.
standards of writing style that would be both acceptable to
scholars and intelligible to nonspecialists.
Entries in the encyclopedia, it was early decided, would
be alphabetically arranged. To avoid the dilemma of “alpha-
Given that we had set out to produce an English-lan-
betization versus systematization,” however, we also planned
guage encyclopedia and that we had decided to invite contri-
to follow the admirable practice of earlier Macmillan ency-
butions from leading scholars around the globe, regardless of
clopedias in using “composite entries” to group two or more
their native languages, the specter of translation loomed large
articles under one heading, thus permitting systematic dis-
and early. Contributors who preferred to write their articles
cussion of various aspects of broad topics. As an aid to the
in languages other than English were encouraged to enlist the
reader, we planned to put a headnote to each composite entry
aid of a trusted colleague as translator. Many of them did so,
to explain its organization and, where appropriate, to offer a
and submitted their articles to us in English. Many more did
rationale for its partition. In developing composite entries, I
not, and submitted their articles to us in a great variety of
should note, we did not always strive for exhaustive system-
European and Asian languages. Drawing upon the talents of
atization; instead, we sometimes allowed ourselves to design
translators both here and abroad, as well as upon the lan-
pairs or groups of articles reflecting the idiosyncracies of cur-
guage skills of staff members, we undertook to put all these
rent scholarly interest in various topics.
articles into clear and accurate English. We hope that we have
successfully avoided an equation that Italians make—
Once our plans were laid, and details of the several parts
“Traduttore a traditore” (roughly, “Translation is treach-
of our conceptual scheme began to fall into place, contribu-
ery”)—and that we have everywhere been faithful to our con-
tors selected from the international community of scholars
tributors’ meanings. Translators are credited at the end of
were invited to undertake assignments in their special fields
each article that has been rendered into English.
of study. For each article, a length was specified and a brief
scope description was suggested. Except in terms of length,
Translation of prose does not, of course, lay to rest all
however, contributors were not restricted. On the contrary,
editorial problems with foreign languages. Many linguistic
as experts in their fields, they were encouraged to develop
issues hovered over us, awaiting resolution. As a general pol-
their articles according to their best judgment. We requested
icy, we had decided to restrict ourselves to the Latin alphabet,
that a selected bibliography accompany each article, to call
not venturing into such other alphabets as those of Sanskrit,
attention to some of the most useful publications on the top-
Hebrew, Greek, or Arabic or into such other writing systems
ics discussed, to make recommendations for further reading,
as those used to transcribe spoken Chinese, Japanese, or
and to indicate bibliographic resources. Our general aim was
Korean. Yet all these languages, and many more, are the stuff
to procure fresh, original articles from the best writers and
of religious studies, and we were obliged to deal with them
thinkers and scholars in the world, forming a collection that
sensibly within an English context. A multitude of names
would accurately reflect what we currently know—or, as one
and technical terms in all the world’s languages, couched in
distinguished contributor put it, what we think we know—
various alphabets and writing systems, demanded to be
about the particular histories of religions past and present,
appropriately spelled via transliteration or romanization into
great and small, as well as of the general history of religion
the Latin alphabet of English.
viewed on a universal scale.
Generally, we agreed to prefer the modern, scholarly
Our reach, we believe, did not exceed our grasp. The
spellings that most closely approximate the orthography
response to our invitations was overwhelmingly affirmative,
and/or pronunciation of the original language. Thus we
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INTRODUCTION TO THE FIRST EDITION
xxix
decided to follow the transliteration and romanization sys-
torical figures who habitually spoke or wrote more than one
tems used by the United States Library of Congress. These,
language, we have transliterated their names from the lan-
by and large, are the traditional systems of scholarship in the
guage of their major works. Appropriate spelling of the
English-speaking world and are thus to be found in the
names of Jewish scholars—polyglots all, it seems—has
majority of secondary sources in Western libraries.
involved some particularly fine decisions, but, faced with sev-
eral choices, we have generally preferred to give them in
For languages for which the Library of Congress has
Hebrew.
issued no romanization table and for which no scholarly con-
sensus has yet clearly emerged, we have made decisions on
Common sense, of course, frequently overruled all our
romanization based on the most expert advice we could
editorial principles. Many names are too firmly embedded in
secure. The languages of many indigenous peoples of Africa,
the English language to bear alteration to more scholarly
the Americas, Australia, and Oceania, for example, have long
forms. Consequently, we have used latinized forms of most
been spoken but only recently written. For those for which
ancient Greek names (e.g., Athena, Plato, and Phidias, not
standard systems of romanization have been established (e.g.,
Athe¯ne¯, Platon, and Pheidias), and we have invariably used
Khoisan, Navajo), we have used them; for others, we have
englished names of biblical figures (e.g., Moses, Jeremiah, and
followed traditional practices. For languages for which schol-
Jesus, not Mosheh, Yirmiyahu, and Yeshuah). Otherwise, we
arly practices of romanization vary widely—as in transcrip-
have used commonly latinized or grecized names (e.g.,
tion of the languages of the ancient Near East—we have gen-
Confucius, Maimonides) followed by more accurate forms in
erally preferred the simplest system commonly used. For lan-
parentheses. Widely known place-names are given in eng-
guages on which scholarly preference seems to be about
lished forms (e.g., Tokyo, Vienna, and Rome, not To¯kyo¯, Wien,
equally divided between two standard systems of romaniza-
and Roma); less well known places are named in the language
tion (e.g., Tibetan), we have, realizing the impossibility of
of the locale.
pleasing everyone, chosen to please ourselves. Gardeners’
choice, as it were.
Appropriate spelling of names and terms in foreign lan-
guages was thus among our major editorial concerns, but no
The spelling systems we have followed employ a moder-
less so, and perhaps more so, was appropriate use of English
ate range of diacritical marks to indicate pronunciation in
terms. In devising our plans for the contents of the encyclo-
various languages. In addition to standard diacritics (e.g., the
pedia, and especially in choosing the terms under which arti-
acute accent, the grave accent, the macron, the circumflex,
cles would be entered into the overall alphabetical order, we
the tilde, et al.), we decided to use an apostrophe (’) to rep-
endeavored to be constantly attuned to the nuances of mean-
resent the hamzah in Arabic and the alef in Hebrew, a
ing, and to the limits of meaning, of the terms that we chose
reversed apostrophe (!) to represent !ayn in Arabic and !ayin
to employ. We have used English words, of course, as head-
in Hebrew, and a single quotation mark (‘) to indicate voiced
ings for many articles planned to present cross-cultural per-
consonants in Chinese. Besides these, we have used a few
spectives of broad topics. But in all instances where genuine
special characters (e.g., the thorn, the edh, et al.) in spelling
doubts about the suitability of an entry term could legiti-
Old English and Middle English, venerable ancestors of our
mately be raised with respect to a particular religious tradi-
modern language, and Old Norse, its ancient Germanic
tion, we planned to present a separate discussion under the
cousin.
idiom employed by the tradition itself. In all articles on cross-
Having made all these decisions regarding our prefer-
cultural topics, we encouraged contributors to speculate on
ences for scholarly usage of foreign languages, we found that
the usefulness of the entry term as an organizing principle in
personal names, both mythic and historical, continued to
the study of religion. We often urged them, too, to venture
give us editorial trouble. We wished, wherever possible, to
beyond their customary range of specialization and to take
spell names according to the transliteration and romanization
the broadest possible view of their topics, thus developing
systems we had chosen, thus establishing a harmonious edi-
rare hybrids of unusual texture and variegation.
torial consistency and, at the same time, restoring a certain
The plants in our garden, then, are named by terms
linguistic and cultural integrity to names whose origins had,
both English and non-English, and they are arranged in the
in Western scholarship, generally been englished or latinized
order of the Latin alphabet, strictly letter by letter.
or grecized beyond recognition. We wished, in short, to
Throughout the alphabetical order, articles are located under
name Greeks in Greek, Chinese in Chinese, Arabs in Arabic,
the terms that we hope will be first consulted by most read-
and so on.
ers, both specialists and nonspecialists. Entries under alter-
To a certain degree we have been successful in our
native spellings and synonyms give cross-references to the
attempts to spell proper names “properly.” Where our
actual location of articles. In addition, an extensive system of
spellings differ markedly from those to which English read-
cross-references within articles has been employed to direct
ers may be accustomed, we have usually given traditional
the reader to discussions of related topics. As final aids to the
forms in parentheses: Ibn Sı¯na¯ (Avicenna), Meng-tzu
reader, a synoptic outline of contents and a thorough topical
(Mencius), Ód˜inn (Odin), Zarathushtra (Zoroaster). For his-
index appear in volume 16, and it is there that curious
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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xxx
INTRODUCTION TO THE FIRST EDITION
researchers should turn for systematic references to the
used in the front of each of our volumes. In devising bibli-
names, the terms, and the topics they seek.
ographies, we offered our contributors two standard formats,
prose and list, and allowed them to choose the more appro-
Like mushrooms after rain, other issues of appropriate
priate to their articles. Regardless of format, our researchers
use of language sprang up all over our garden. Perhaps
have verified the accuracy of all bibliographic data, and we
nowhere more than in religious studies are conventions of
have taken pains to ensure that English-language editions are
writing style so bewilderingly diverse and thus so challenging
to editors intent on stylistic consistency. In establishing prin-
cited if they exist.
ciples of capitalization, italicization, and other such minutiae
All these editorial concerns, among numerous others,
of editorial style, we tried always to remain flexible, observ-
have entered into the care of our garden. We are happy at last
ing the scholarly shibboleths of various religious traditions
to see it in full flower, and we believe that it presents a splen-
and, wherever we could without generating confusion,
did array of great variety, worth, and interest. We trust that
accommodating contributors’ preferences. We have striven
Victor Turner would have been pleased.
for consistency, to be sure, but we have always let context be
our guide, varying details of style to suit content wherever
Thanks due from the Macmillan staff to the many peo-
necessary. Our chief aim in all our decisions has been to
ple who aided us in our gardening chores are expressed in a
make meaning clear.
special section of acknowledgments in volume 16. I cannot
close this introduction, however, without making a general
By no means, however, did we abandon all standards of
acknowledgment of our gratitude to the contributors, whose
writing style and let chaos reign. Editing, like all creative acts,
ready cooperation greatly eased our efforts; to the consult-
is a messy business, but, like gardening, it is also both an
ants, who lent us the conceptual tools and technical devices
orderly process and a process of establishing order.
that we needed; and to the board of editors, who shared our
Order, engendering clarity, is a consummation we have
labors and became our friends. Most of all, we are grateful to
devoutly wished. Through use of standard forms of names
have known and worked with Mircea Eliade, our editor in
and parenthetical notations of alternate forms, we have tried
chief. In all his dealings with us, his generosity of spirit was
to make sure that all persons and places mentioned are clear-
boundless, his sweetness, kindness, and gentleness never fail-
ly identified. We have standardized year dates to those of the
ing. His genius is represented in these volumes, and through
Gregorian calendar, generally cited in terms of the common
them it will live, in the words of Ben Jonson, as long as “we
era, but we have also given dates by other systems of chronol-
have wits to read, and praise to give.”
ogy wherever context demanded them. We have kept abbre-
CLAUDE CONYERS
viations to a minimum, and we have listed those we have
New York, October 1986
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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L I S T O F A R T I C L E S
Articles included in the Encyclopedia are listed below in alphabetic order. Contributors’ names follow the article title;
first-edition contributors are indicated by (1987) and second-edition contributors are noted as (2005). Articles updated
or revised for the second edition have both dates listed. Revised Bibliography indicates that only the bibliography was
updated for this edition.
A
ABU
¯ AL-HUDHAYL AL-EALL A¯F
AEGEAN RELIGIONS
R. M. Frank (1987)
Olivier Pelon (1987)
AARON
Nanno Marinatos (2005)
Edward L. Greenstein (1987)
ABU
¯ BAKR
M. A. Zaki Badawi (2005)
AESTHETICS: PHILOSOPHICAL
ABBAHU
AESTHETICS
Robert Goldenberg (1987)
ABU
¯ H.ANI¯FAH
James Alfred Martin, Jr. (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
Zafar Ishaq Ansari (1987)
2005)
ABULAFIA, MEDIR
ABBAYE
AESTHETICS: VISUAL AESTHTICS
Baruch M. Bokser (1987)
Bernard Septimus (1987)
Rudolf Arnheim (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
AFFLICTION: AFRICAN CULTS OF
E
ABU
¯ YU¯SUF
ABD AL-JABBA
¯R
AFFLICTION
Alnoor Dhanani (2005)
Jeanette A. Wakin (1987)
John M. Janzen (1987 and 2005)
E
ACEHNESE RELIGION
ABD AL-RA
¯ ZIQ, EALI¯
AFFLICTION: AN OVERVIEW
Ibrahim I. Ibrahim (1987)
James T. Siegel (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Vieda Skultans (1987)
EABDUH, MUH.AMMAD
Revised Bibliography
Ali E. Hillal Dessouki (1987)
ADAD
Edward Lipin´ski (2005)
AFGHA
¯ NI¯, JAMA¯L AL-DI¯N AL-
ABELARD, PETER
Albert Hourani (1987)
Eileen F. Kearney (1987)
ADAM
Michael Fishbane (1987)
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: AN
ABHINAVAGUPTA
OVERVIEW
Alexis Sanderson (1987)
ADAMS, HANNAH
James Anthony Noel (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Thomas A. Tweed (2005)
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS:
A
¯ DI GRANTH
ABLUTIONS
HISTORY OF STUDY
Han J. W. Drijvers (1987)
Surindar Singh Kohli (1987)
Tracey E. Hucks (2005)
Revised Bibliography
ADLER, FELIX
Dianne M. Stewart (2005)
Benny Kraut (1987)
ABRAHAM
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: MUSLIM
John Van Seters (1987)
ADONIS
MOVEMENTS
Revised Bibliography
Edward Lipin´ski (2005)
Albert J. Raboteau (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ABRAVANEL, ISAAC
ADRET, SHELOMOH BEN AVRAHAM
Norbert M. Samuelson (1987)
Marc Saperstein (1987)
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Benjamin C. Ray (1987)
xxxi
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xxxii
LIST OF ARTICLES
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
AGNON, SHEMUDEL YOSEF
EALAWI¯YU¯N
Vinigi Grottanelli (1987)
David C. Jacobson (2005)
Michel M. Mazzaoui (1987)
Robert M. Baum (2005)
AGNO
¯ STOS THEOS
A
¯ LAYA-VIJÑA¯NA
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
Robert Turcan (1987 and 2005)
William S. Waldron (2005)
Evan M. Zuesse (1987)
AGO
¯ GE¯
Revised Bibliography
AL-AZHAR
Jan N. Bremmer (1987 and 2005)
Ismail K. Poonawala (2005)
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS
AGRICULTURE
ALBERTUS MAGNUS
MOVEMENTS
Cristiano Grottanelli (1987)
Peter B. Clarke (2005)
James A. Weisheipl (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ALBO, YOSEF
AFRO-BRAZILIAN RELIGIONS
AGUDAT YISRADEL
Rachel E. Harding (2005)
Daniel J. Lasker (1987)
Gershon C. Bacon (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
AFRO-SURINAMESE RELIGIONS
2005)
Richard Price (1987)
ALCHEMY: AN OVERVIEW
AHIM
. SA¯
Mircea Eliade (1987)
AFTERLIFE: AFRICAN CONCEPTS
Colette Caillat (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Teresia Mbari Hinga (2005)
AHL AL-BAYT
ALCHEMY: CHINESE ALCHEMY
AFTERLIFE: AN OVERVIEW
Shafique N. Virani (2005)
Nathan Sivin (1987 and 2005)
Jane I. Smith (1987)
AH
. MADIYAH
Revised Bibliography
Yohanan Friedmann (2005)
ALCHEMY: HELLENISTIC AND MEDIEVAL
ALCHEMY
AFTERLIFE: AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS
AHMAD KHAN, SAYYID
Henry Kahane (1987)
CONCEPTS
Christian W. Troll (1987)
Renée Kahane (1987)
John J. Bradley (2005)
AHURA MAZDA
¯ AND ANGRA MAINYU
Revised Bibliography
AFTERLIFE: CHINESE CONCEPTS
Almut Hintze (2005)
ALCHEMY: INDIAN ALCHEMY
Mu-chou Poo (2005)
AHURAS
David Gordon White (1987 and
AFTERLIFE: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
2005)
Hiroshi Obayashi (2005)
AINU RELIGION
ALCHEMY: ISLAMIC ALCHEMY
AFTERLIFE: GEOGRAPHIES OF DEATH
Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney (1987)
Habibeh Rahim (1987)
Th. P. van Baaren (1987)
AION
Revised Bibliography
ALCHEMY: RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY
Giovanni Casadio (2005)
Allison Coudert (1987)
AFTERLIFE: GERMANIC CONCEPTS
AIRYANA VAE¯JAH
Revised Bibliography
Lawrence P. Morris (2005)
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
ALCUIN
AFTERLIFE: GREEK AND ROMAN
EA¯DISHAH BINT ABI¯ BAKR
Donald A. Bullough (1987)
CONCEPTS
Jane Dammen McAuliffe (1987)
Sarah Iles Johnston (2005)
ÁLFAR
A
¯ JI¯VIKAS
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
AFTERLIFE: ISLAMIC CONCEPTS
A. L. Basham (1987)
Feras Q. Hamza (2005)
ALFASI, YITSH
. AQ BEN YAEAQOV
AKAN RELIGION
Gerald J. Blidstein (1987)
AFTERLIFE: JEWISH CONCEPTS
Michelle Gilbert (1987)
David Stern (1987)
E
Revised Bibliography
ALI¯ IBN ABI¯ T.A¯LIB
Revised Bibliography
Reza Shah-Kazemi (2005)
AKBAR
AFTERLIFE: MESOAMERICAN CONCEPTS
Ainslie T. Embree (1987 and
ALINESITOUE
Ximena Chávez Balderas (2005)
2005)
Robert M. Baum (2005)
AFTERLIFE: OCEANIC CONCEPTS
E
AKHENATON
ALI¯ SHI¯R NAVA
¯ DI¯
Roy Wagner (2005)
James P. Allen (2005)
Eden Naby (1987)
AGA KHAN
AKITU
ALKALAI, YEHUDAH BEN SHELOMOH
Ali S. Asani (1987)
Giovanni Pettinato (2005)
David Biale (1987)
Revised Bibliography
AGES OF THE WORLD
AKSAKOV, IVAN
Jonathan Z. Smith (1987)
Sergei Hackel (1987)
ALLEN, RICHARD
James Anthony Noel (2005)
AGNI
AKSUMITE RELIGION
Ellison Banks Findly (1987 and
William Y. Adams (1987)
ALL-FATHER
2005)
Revised Bibliography
Kenneth Maddock (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
xxxiii
ALL FOOLS’ DAY
ANABAPTISM
ANISHINAABE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
Leonard Norman Primiano (1987)
Cornelius J. Dyck (1987)
Lawrence W. Gross (2005)
Revised Bibliography
ANA
¯ HITA¯
ANNWN
ALMSGIVING
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
Brynley F. Roberts (1987 and
Maria Heim (2005)
2005)
ANALYTIC PHILOSOPHY
ALPHABETS
Frederick Ferré (1987)
ANSELM
Jon-Christian Billigmeier (1987
Revised Bibliography
James A. Weisheipl (1987)
and 2005)
ANAMNESIS
ANTHESTERIA
Pamela J. Burnham (2005)
Klaus-Peter Köpping (1987)
Noel Robertson (2005)
ALTAR
Revised Bibliography
ANTHONY OF PADUA
Carl-Martin Edsman (1987)
EANAN BEN DAVID
Lawrence S. Cunningham (1987)
A
¯ L.VA¯RS
Leon Nemoy (1987)
ANTHROPOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY, AND
Friedhelm E. Hardy (1987)
Revised Bibliography
RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
A
¯ NANDAMAYI¯ MA¯
James A. Boon (1987 and 2005)
AMATERASU O
¯ MIKAMI
Neelima Shukla-Bhatt (2005)
ANTHROPOMORPHISM
Kakubayashi Fumio (1987 and
R. J. Zwi Werblowsky (1987)
ANAT
2005)
Neal H. Walls (2005)
Revised Bibliography
AMAZONIAN QUECHUA RELIGIONS
ANTHROPOSOPHY
ANCESTORS: ANCESTOR WORSHIP
Norman E. Whitten, Jr. (1987)
Helen Hardacre (1987)
Robert A. McDermott (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
2005)
AMBEDKAR, B. R.
ANTICHRIST
ANCESTORS: BALTIC CULT OF
Eleanor Zelliot (1987 and 2005)
Bernard McGinn (1987 and 2005)
ANCESTORS
AMBROSE
Ru¯ta Muktupa¯vela (2005)
ANTICULT MOVEMENTS
Richard Crouter (1987)
Anson Shupe (2005)
ANCESTORS: MYTHIC ANCESTORS
AMEER ALI, SYED
Charles H. Long (1987)
ANTI-SEMITISM
David Lelyveld (1987)
Alan Davies (1987)
ANCHOR
Robert Chazan (2005)
AME NO KOYANE
Elaine Magalis (1987)
Ishida Ichiro¯ (1987)
ANUBIS
ANDRAE, TOR
M. Heerma van Voss (1987 and
AMESHA SPENTAS
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
2005)
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
ANDROCENTRISM
APACHE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
AMITA
¯ BHA
Rosemary Radford Ruether (1987)
Enrique Maestas (2005)
Erik Zürcher (1987)
ANDROGYNES
APHRODITE
Revised Bibliography
Wendy Doniger (1987)
Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge (2005)
Mircea Eliade (1987)
AMOGHAVAJRA
APOCALYPSE: AN OVERVIEW
Charles D. Orzech (1987)
Revised Bibliography
John J. Collins (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
ANESAKI MASAHARU
Isomae Jun’ichi (2005)
APOCALYPSE: JEWISH APOCALYPTICISM
AMORAIM
TO THE RABBINIC PERIOD
Baruch M. Bokser (1987)
ANGELS
John J. Collins (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Andrea Piras (2005)
APOCALYPSE: MEDIEVAL JEWISH
AMOS
ANGLICANISM
APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE
Yehoshua Gitay (1987)
Massey H. Shepherd, Jr. (1987)
Lawrence Fine (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Dale B. Martin (2005)
Revised Bibliography
AMULETS AND TALISMANS
ANI LOCHEN
APOCATASTASIS
Theodor H. Gaster (1987)
Hanna Havnevik (2005)
Robert Turcan (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
ANIMALS
AMUN
Paul Waldau (2005)
APOLLINARIS OF LAODICEA
Leonard H. Lesko (1987)
George S. Bebis (1987)
ANIMISM AND ANIMATISM
AN
Kees W. Bolle (1987)
APOLLO
Silvia Maria Chiodi (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Fritz Graf (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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xxxiv
LIST OF ARTICLES
APOLOGETICS
ARMINIUS, JACOBUS
EA¯SHU¯RA¯D
Paul Bernabeo (1987)
Carl Bangs (1987)
Mahmoud M. Ayoub (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ART AND RELIGION
ASKLEPIOS
APOSTASY
Diane Apostolos-Cappadona
C. A. Meier (1987)
H. G. Kippenberg (1987 and
(2005)
Revised Bibliography
2005)
ARTEMIS
AS´OKA
APOSTLES
Fritz Graf (2005)
Jonathan S. Walters (2005)
Hans Dieter Betz (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ARTHUR
ASSASSINS
Brynley F. Roberts (1987 and
Azim Nanji (1987)
APOTHEOSIS
2005)
Robert Turcan (1987)
ASSOCIATION FOR RESEARCH AND
Chiara Ombretta Tommasi (2005)
ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE
ENLIGHTENMENT
Noreen L. Herzfeld (2005)
Phillip Charles Lucas (2005)
EAQIVAD BEN YOSEF
Gary G. Porton (1987)
ARVAL BROTHERS
ASTARTE
Revised Bibliography
John Scheid (1987 and 2005)
Tawny L. Holm (2005)
A
¯ RYADEVA
ARABIAN RELIGIONS
ASTROLOGY
Adel Allouche (1987 and 2005)
Mimaki Katsumi (1987)
Ioan Petru Culianu (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ARAMEAN RELIGION
ATAHUALLPA
Javier Teixidor (1987)
A
¯ RYA SAMA¯J
Joseph W. Bastien (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
Thomas J. Hopkins (1987)
Revised Bibliography
2005)
ARCHAEOLOGY AND RELIGION
ATESHGAH
Arthur Andrew Demarest (1987)
ASAN
˙ GA
Hattori Masaaki (1987)
Jamsheed K. Choksy (2005)
ARCHETYPES
Revised Bibliography
ATHANASIUS
Beverly Moon (1987)
Charles Kannengiesser (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ASBURY, FRANCIS
Frank Baker (1987)
ATHAPASKAN RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS:
ARCHITECTURE
AN OVERVIEW
J. G. Davies (1987)
ASCENSION
Phyllis Ann Fast (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Chiara Ombretta Tommasi (2005)
ATHAPASKAN RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS:
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
ASCETICISM
Åke Hultkrantz (1987)
Walter O. Kaelber (1987)
ATHAPASKAN CONCEPTS OF WIND AND
Revised Bibliography
POWER
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
James Kale McNeley (2005)
Åke Hultkrantz (1987)
ASHEARI¯ AL-
R. M. Frank (1987)
ATHEISM
ARHAT
George Alfred James (1987 and
Donald K. Swearer (1987)
ASHEARI¯YAH
2005)
Revised Bibliography
R. M. Frank (1987)
ATHENA
ARIANISM
ASHER BEN YEH
. IDEL
Christine Downing (1987)
Charles Kannengiesser (1987)
Marc Saperstein (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Paola Ceccarelli (2005)
ARISTOTELIANISM
Seymour Feldman (1987)
ATHENAGORAS
ASHES
Revised Bibliography
Richard W. Thurn (1987)
Charles Kannengiesser (1987)
ATHIRAT
ARISTOTLE
ASHI
Seymour Feldman (1987)
Baruch M. Bokser (1987)
Edward Lipin´ski (2005)
Franco Ferrari (2005)
Revised Bibliography
ATI¯S´A
ARJUNA
ASHKENAZIC HASIDISM
Leslie S. Kawamura (1987)
Alf Hiltebeitel (1987)
Ivan G. Marcus (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
ATONEMENT: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
ARMENIAN CHURCH
ASHRAM
William J. Wolf (1987)
Tiran Nersoyan (1987)
Judith G. Martin (2005)
Revised Bibliography
ARMENIAN RELIGION
ASHUR
ATONEMENT: JEWISH CONCEPTS
J. R. Russell (1987)
Tikva Frymer-Kensky (1987)
Walter S. Wurzburger (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Pietro Mander (2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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xxxv
ATRAHASIS
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS:
BACON, FRANCIS
Giovanni Pettinato (2005)
MYTHIC THEMES [FURTHER
R. I. G. Hughes (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS]
EAT.T.A¯R, FARI¯D AL-DI¯N
Ute Eickelkamp (2005)
BACON, ROGER
Leonard Lewisohn (2005)
A. George Molland (1987)
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS:
ATTENTION
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
BA
¯ DARA¯YAN.A
Philip Novak (1987 and 2005)
Heather McDonald (2005)
Edwn Gerow (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ATTRIBUTES OF GOD: CHRISTIAN
AUTHORITY
CONCEPTS
Manabu Waida (1987)
BAECK, LEO
William J. Hill (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Jack Wertheimer (1987)
Revised Bibliography
AUTOBIOGRAPHY
BAHA
¯ DI¯S
ATTRIBUTES OF GOD: ISLAMIC
John D. Barbour (2005)
Manfred Hutter (2005)
CONCEPTS
AVALOKITES´VARA
BAH
. YE IBN PAQUDA
Georges C. Anawati (1987)
Raoul Birnbaum (1987)
Raymond P. Scheindlin (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
ATTRIBUTES OF GOD: JEWISH CONCEPTS
2005)
Louis Jacobs (1987)
AVATA
¯ RA
BAKHTIN, M. M.
Revised Bibliography
David Kinsley (1987)
Peter Slater (2005)
Revised Bibliography
ATUA
BALARA
¯ MA
Judith Macdonald (2005)
AVESTA
Velcheru Narayana Rao (1987)
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
ATUM
Revised Bibliography
Leonard H. Lesko (1987)
AVIDYA¯
Purushottama Bilimoria (2005)
BALDR
AUGUSTINE OF CANTERBURY
John Lindow (2005)
H. McKennie Goodpasture (1987)
AVRAHAM BEN DAVID OF POSQUIÈRES
Isadore Twersky (1987)
BALINESE RELIGION
AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO
Revised Bibliography
J. Stephen Lansing (1987)
Warren Thomas Smith (1987)
Revised Bibliography
AVVAKUM
AUGUSTUS
Sergei Hackel (1987)
BALLGAMES: MESOAMERICAN
J. Rufus Fears (1987)
BALLGAMES
AXIS MUNDI
Revised Bibliography
Heather S. Orr (2005)
Lawrence E. Sullivan (1987)
AUM SHINRIKYO
¯
Revised Bibliography
BALLGAMES: NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN
Manabu Watanabe (2005)
BALLGAMES
A
¯ YURVEDA
Mitchell G. Weiss (1987)
Michael J. Zogry (2005)
AUROBINDO GHOSE
June O’Connor (1987)
Revised Bibliography
BALTIC RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
Revised Bibliography
AZTEC RELIGION
Haralds Biezais (1987)
Davíd Carrasco (1987)
Sigma Ankrava (2005)
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS:
Revised Bibliography
ABORIGINAL CHRISTIANITY
BALTIC RELIGION: HISTORY OF STUDY
Anne Pattel-Gray (2005)
B
Janı¯na Kursı¯te (2005)
BALTIC RELIGION: NEW RELIGIOUS
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS:
BAAL
MOVEMENTS
AN OVERVIEW
Neal H. Walls (2005)
Deane Fergie (2005)
Valdis Muktupa¯vels (2005)
BAAL, JAN VAN
W. Hofstee (2005)
BALTIC SANCTUARIES
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS:
Janı¯na Kursı¯te (2005)
HISTORY OF STUDY [FIRST EDITION]
BAEAL SHEM TOV
Kenneth Maddock (1987)
Joseph Dan (1987 and 2005)
BAMBARA RELIGION
Dominique Zahan (1987)
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS:
BABA YAGA
Revised Bibliography
HISTORY OF STUDY [FURTHER
Marija Gimbutas (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS]
Revised Bibliography
BANARAS
Rodney Lucas (2005)
BA
¯ BI¯S
Diana L. Eck (1987)
Manfred Hutter (2005)
Revised Bibliography
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS:
MYTHIC THEMES [FIRST EDITION]
BACHOFEN, J. J.
BAPTISM
Catherine H. Berndt (1987)
Alessandro Stavru (2005)
Michel Meslin (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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xxxvi
LIST OF ARTICLES
BAPTIST CHURCHES
BENDIS
BHAGAVADGI¯TA
¯
Edwin S. Gaustad (1987)
Ioan Petru Culianu (1987)
Eliot Deutsch (1987)
Bill Leonard (2005)
Cicerone Poghirc (1987)
Lee Siegel (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
BARDAISAN
Alberto Camplani (2005)
BENEDICT, RUTH
BHAIS.AJYAGURU
Judith S. Modell (1987)
Raoul Birnbaum (1987)
BAR-ILAN, MEDIR
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
David Biale (1987)
Revised Bibliography
BENEDICTINES
BHAKTI
R. Kevin Seasoltz (1987)
John B. Carman (1987)
BARLAAM OF CALABRIA
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Theodore Zissis (1987)
BENEDICT OF NURSIA
BHA
¯ VAVIVEKA
BARTH, KARL
R. Kevin Seasoltz (1987)
Nathan Katz (1987)
James B. Torrance (1987)
BENGALI RELIGIONS
BHAVE, VINOBA
BASILICA, CATHEDRAL, AND CHURCH
Rachel Fell McDermott (2005)
Ishwar C. Harris (1987)
J. G. Davies (1987)
Revised Bibliography
BENNETT, JOHN G.
BIANCHI, UGO
Bruce W. Monserud (2005)
Giovanni Casadio (2005)
BASIL OF CAESAREA
BIBLICAL EXEGESIS: CHRISTIAN VIEWS
David L. Balás (1987)
BERBER RELIGION
Norman A. Stillman (1987)
Christopher Rowland (2005)
BATAK RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
BIBLICAL EXEGESIS: JEWISH VIEWS
Susan Rodgers (1987)
Shalom Carmy (1987)
Revised Bibliography
BERDIAEV, NIKOLAI
Carnegie Samuel Calian (1987)
BIBLICAL LITERATURE: APOCRYPHA AND
BATHS
PSEUDEPIGRAPHA
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
BERENGAR OF TOURS
Geoffrey Wainwright (1987 and
James H. Charlesworth (1987)
BAUBO
2005)
Revised Bibliography
Maurice Olender (1987)
BERGSON, HENRI
BIBLICAL LITERATURE: HEBREW
Revised Bibliography
Darrell Jodock (1987 and 2005)
SCRIPTURES
Nahum M. Sarna (1987)
BAUER, BRUNO
BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX
Van A. Harvey (1987 and 2005)
Jean Leclercq (1987)
BIBLICAL LITERATURE: NEW
TESTAMENT
BAUR, F. C.
BERNDT, CATHERINE H.
B. A. Gerrish (1987)
Dale C. Allison, Jr. (2005)
Diane Bell (2005)
Revised Bibliography
BIBLICAL TEMPLE
BERNDT, RONALD
Baruch A. Levine (1987)
BAYD
. A
¯ WI¯, AL-
John E. Stanton (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Andrew Rippin (1987)
BERSERKERS
BINDING
BEARS
John Lindow (1987 and 2005)
Giulia Piccaluga (1987)
Leon Chartrand (2005)
BERTHOLET, ALFRED
BIOETHICS
BEAUTY
Günter Lanczkowski (1987)
Thomas A. Shannon (2005)
Pamela Sue Anderson (2005)
BERURYAH
BIOGRAPHY
BEDE
Tzvee Zahavy (1987)
William R. Lafleur (1987)
Paul Meyvaert (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
BEIT HILLEL AND BEIT SHAMMAI
BESANT, ANNIE
BIRDS
Stuart S. Miller (1987)
Catherine Wessinger (2005)
Manabu Waida (1987)
BELLARMINO, ROBERTO
Revised Bibliography
BETH, KARL
Marvin R. O’Connell (1987)
Willem A. Bijlefeld (1987)
BIRTH
Rita M. Gross (1987 and 2005)
BEMBA RELIGION
BEVERAGES
Audrey I. Richards (1987)
Bruce Lincoln (1987)
BI¯RU
¯ NI¯, AL-
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Bruce B. Lawrence (1987)
BENCHO
¯
BEZA, THEODORE
BIST.A¯MI¯, ABU¯ YAZI¯D AL-
Bando Sho¯jun (1987)
Jill Raitt (1987)
Leonard Lewisohn (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
xxxvii
BLACK ELK
BONAVENTURE
BROWNE, ROBERT
Joseph Epes Brown (1987)
Zachary Hayes (1987)
Daniel Jenkins (1987)
Suzanne J. Crawford (2005)
BONES
BRUNNER, EMIL
BLACKFEET RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
Michael J. Puett (2005)
Charles W. Kegley (1987)
Nimachia Hernandez (2005)
BONHOEFFER, DIETRICH
BRUNO, GIORDANO
BLACK THEOLOGY
Eberhard Bethge (1987)
Lewis W. Spitz (1987)
Matthew V. Johnson, Sr. (2005)
BONIFACE
BUBER, MARTIN
BLADES
Stephen C. Neill (1987)
Laurence J. Silberstein (1987 and
Richard W. Thurn (1987)
BONIFACE VIII
2005)
Revised Bibliography
Francis Oakley (1987)
BUCER, MARTIN
BLASPHEMY: CHRISTIAN CONCEPT
BOOTH, WILLIAM
James M. Kittelson (1987)
Leonard W. Levy (1987)
Edward H. McKinley (1987 and
BUDDHA
BLASPHEMY: ISLAMIC CONCEPT
2005)
Carl W. Ernst (1987)
Frank E. Reynolds (1987)
BORNEAN RELIGIONS
Charles Hallisey (1987)
BLASPHEMY: JEWISH CONCEPT
Peter Metcalf (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Daniel J. Lasker (2005)
Revised Bibliography
BUDDHADA
¯ SA
BLAVATSKY, H. P.
BORROMEO, CARLO
Donald K. Swearer (2005)
Robert S. Ellwood (2005)
Marvin R. O’Connell (1987)
BUDDHAGHOSA
BLEEKER, C. JOUCO
BRAHMA
¯
John Ross Carter (1987)
M. Heerma van Voss (1987)
Wendy Doniger (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
BLESSING
Prapod Assavavirulhakarn (2005)
BUDDHAPA
¯ LITA
BRAHMAN
Jan C. Heesterman (1987)
Mimaki Katsumi (1987)
BLONDEL, MAURICE
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Alec Vidler (1987)
BRA
¯ HMAN
BUDDHAS AND BODHISATTVAS:
. AS AND A
¯ RAN.YAKAS
BLOOD
Jan C. Heesterman (1987)
CELESTIAL BUDDHAS AND
Jean-Paul Roux (1987)
BODHISATTVAS
Revised Bibliography
BRA
¯ HMO SAMA¯J
David L. Snellgrove (1987)
Thomas J. Hopkins (1987)
BOAS, FRANZ
Revised Bibliography
BUDDHAS AND BODHISATTVAS: ETHICAL
Douglas Cole (1987)
PRACTICES ASSOCIATED WITH
Revised Bibliography
BRAINWASHING (DEBATE)
David G. Bromley (2005)
BUDDHAS AND BODHISATTVAS
BOATS
Karen Derris (2005)
Carl-Martin Edsman (1987)
BRANCH DAVIDIANS
Eugene V. Gallagher (2005)
BUDDHISM: AN OVERVIEW
BOCHICA
Frank E. Reynolds (1987)
Elizabeth P. Benson (1987)
BRANDON, S. G. F.
Charles Hallisey (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Eric J. Sharpe (1987)
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN CENTRAL ASIA
BODHIDHARMA
BREAD
Jens-Uwe Hartmann (2005)
Bernard Faure (1987)
James E. Latham (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN CHINA
Stephen F. Teiser (2005)
BODHISATTVA PATH
BREATH AND BREATHING
Paul Williams (2005)
Ellison Banks Findly (1987 and
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN INDIA
2005)
Luis O. Gómez (1987)
BODILY MARKS
Victor Turner (1987)
Revised Bibliography
BRELICH, ANGELO
Edith Turner (2005)
Ugo Bianchi (1987)
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN JAPAN
BOEHME, JAKOB
BREUIL, HENRI
Brian O. Ruppert (2005)
Peter C. Erb (1987)
Jacques Waardenburg (1987)
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN KOREA
BOETHIUS
BRIDGES
Robert Evans Buswell, Jr. (1987
A. Rand Sutherland (1987)
Carl-Martin Edsman (1987)
and 2005)
BON
BRIGHID
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN MONGOLIA
Per Kvaerne (1987 and 2005)
Catherine McKenna (2005)
Christopher P. Atwood (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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xxxviii
LIST OF ARTICLES
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN SOUTHEAST
BUDDHIST BOOKS AND TEXTS: RITUAL
BUSHNELL, HORACE
ASIA
USES OF BOOKS
Donald A. Crosby (1987 and
Donald K. Swearer (1987)
Natalie Gummer (2005)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
BUDDHIST BOOKS AND TEXTS:
BU STON
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN THE WEST
TRANSLATION
Janice D. Willis (1987)
Martin Baumann (2005)
Natalie Gummer (2005)
Revised Bibliography
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN TIBET
BUDDHIST ETHICS
BUTLER, JOSEPH
Matthew T. Kapstein (2005)
Maria Heim (2005)
P. Allan Carlsson (1987)
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: CHINESE
BUDDHIST MEDITATION: EAST ASIAN
C
BUDDHISM
BUDDHIST MEDITATION
John R. McRae (2005)
Clarke Hudson (2005)
CABASILAS, NICHOLAS
Panagiotis C. Christou (1987)
BUDDHIST MEDITATION: TIBETAN
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: EARLY
BUDDHIST MEDITATION
CAIN AND ABEL
DOCTRINAL SCHOOLS OF BUDDHISM
David Germano (2005)
Michael Fishbane (1987)
André Bareau (1987)
Gregory A. Hillis (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
BUDDHIST PHILOSOPHY
CAITANYA
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: EAST ASIAN
Malcolm David Eckel (2005)
Joseph T. O’Connell (2005)
BUDDHISM
Mark Dennis (2005)
BUDDHIST RELIGIOUS YEAR
CAKRAS
Donald K. Swearer (1987)
André Padoux (1987)
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: HIMALAYAN
Revised Bibliography
Hugh B. Urban (2005)
BUDDHISM
Franz-Karl Ehrhard (2005)
BUDDHIST STUDIES
CAKRASAMVARA
Donald S. Lopez, Jr. (2005)
David B. Gray (2005)
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: JAPANESE
BUGIS RELIGION
CAKRAVARTIN
BUDDHISM
William K. Mahony (1987)
Michio Araki (1987)
Christian Pelras (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
BUKHA
¯ RI¯, AL-
CALENDARS: AN OVERVIEW
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: MAHA
¯ YA¯NA
Bruce Fudge (2005)
Giulia Piccaluga (1987)
PHILOSOPHICAL SCHOOLS OF
BUDDHISM
BULGAKOV, SERGEI
CALENDARS: MESOAMERICAN
John D. Dunne (2005)
Stanley Samuel Harakas (1987)
CALENDARS
Anthony F. Aveni (2005)
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: TANTRIC
BULL-ROARERS
RITUAL SCHOOLS OF BUDDHISM [FIRST
Klaus-Peter Köpping (1987)
CALENDARS: SOUTH AMERICAN
EDITION]
Revised Bibliography
CALENDARS
Alex Wayman (1987)
R. Tom Zuidema (1987)
BULTMANN, RUDOLF
Schubert M. Ogden (1987)
CALIPHATE
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: TANTRIC
Herbert L. Bodman, Jr. (1987)
RITUAL SCHOOLS OF BUDDHISM
BUNYAN, JOHN
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Richard L. Greaves (1987)
CALLIGRAPHY: AN OVERVIEW
Matthew T. Kapstein (2005)
Albertine Gaur (2005)
BURCKHARDT, TITUS
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: TIBETAN AND
Jean-Pierre Laurant (2005)
CALLIGRAPHY: CHINESE AND JAPANESE
MONGOLIAN BUDDHISM
CALLIGRAPHY
BURIAT RELIGION
Matthew T. Kapstein (2005)
Faubion Bowers (1987)
Roberte Hamayon (1987)
Revised Bibliography
BUDDHIST BOOKS AND TEXTS: CANON
Revised Bibliography
AND CANONIZATION
CALLIGRAPHY: HEBREW MICROGRAPHY
BURMESE RELIGION
Lewis R. Lancaster (1987 and
Miriam Rosen (1987)
Frederic K. Lehman (Chit Hlaing)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
(1987)
BUDDHIST BOOKS AND TEXTS: CANON
Revised Bibliography
CALLIGRAPHY: ISLAMIC CALLIGRAPHY
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
AND CANONIZATION—VINAYA
BURNOUF, EUGÈNE
Paul K. Nietupski (2005)
G. R. Welbon (1987 and 2005)
CALVERT, GEORGE
John D. Krugler (1987)
BUDDHIST BOOKS AND TEXTS: EXEGESIS
BUSHIDO
¯
AND HERMENEUTICS
Joyce Ackroyd (1987)
CALVIN, JOHN
Luis O. Gómez (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Brian G. Armstrong (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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xxxix
CAMPBELL, ALEXANDER
CASSIRER, ERNST
CHANNING, WILLIAM ELLERY,
David Edwin Harrell, Jr. (1987)
Donald Phillip Verene (1987)
John C. Godbey (1987)
Revised Bibliography
CAMPBELL, JOSEPH
CHANTEPIE DE LA SAUSSAYE,
Mark W. MacWilliams (2005)
CASTRATION
P. D.
Dario M. Cosi (1987 and 2005)
Jacques Waardenburg (1987)
CANAANITE RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
Revised Bibliography
Alan M. Cooper (1987)
CASTRÉN, MATTHIAS ALEXANDER
Revised Bibliography
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
CHANTING
Johanna Spector (1987)
CANAANITE RELIGION: THE LITERATURE
CASUISTRY
Revised Bibliography
Michael D. Coogan (1987 and
Albert R. Jonsen (1987)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
CHAOS
Norman J. Girardot (1987)
CANDRAKI¯RTI
CATHARI
Mimaki Katsumi (1987)
Gordon Leff (1987)
CHAOS THEORY
Revised Bibliography
John Polkinghorne (2005)
CATHARSIS
Robert Turcan (1987 and 2005)
CHARISMA
CANISIUS, PETER
Jill Raitt (1987)
George L. Scheper (2005)
CATHERINE OF SIENA
Suzanne Noffke (1987)
CHARITY
CANNIBALISM
Demetrios J. Constantelos (1987
Paula Brown (1987)
CATS
and 2005)
Beth A. Conklin (2005)
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
Revised Bibliography
CHARLEMAGNE
CANON
Donald A. Bullough (1987)
Gerald T. Sheppard (1987)
CATTLE
Revised Bibliography
Bruce Lincoln (1987)
CHASTITY
Revised Bibliography
Kate Cooper (2005)
CAO DAI
Robert S. Ellwood (1987 and
CAVES
CHENG HAO
2005)
Doris Heyden (1987)
Deborah Sommer (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
2005)
CAPPS, WALTER
David Chidester (2005)
CAYCE, EDGAR
CHENG YI
Robert S. Ellwood (2005)
Deborah Sommer (1987 and
CARDS
2005)
Richard W. Thurn (1987)
CELIBACY
Revised Bibliography
Daniel Gold (1987 and 2005)
CHEROKEE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
Michelene E. Pesantubbee (2005)
CELTIC RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
CARGO CULTS [FIRST EDITION]
Proinsias Mac Cana (1987 and
Peter Lawrence (1987)
CHILD
2005)
Wallace B. Clift (1987)
CARGO CULTS [FURTHER
CELTIC RELIGION: HISTORY OF STUDY
CHILD, LYDIA MARIA
CONSIDERATIONS]
Joseph F. Nagy (2005)
Lori Kenschaft (2005)
Martha Kaplan (2005)
CENTER OF THE WORLD
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY
CARIBBEAN RELIGIONS: AFRO-CARIBBEAN
Mircea Eliade (1987)
David S. Nivison (1987 and 2005)
RELIGIONS
Lawrence E. Sullivan (1987)
George Eaton Simpson (1987)
CHINESE RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
Revised Bibliography
Daniel L. Overmyer (1987)
CARIBBEAN RELIGIONS: PRE-COLUMBIAN
CENTRAL BANTU RELIGIONS
Joseph A. Adler (2005)
RELIGIONS
Elizabeth Colson (1987)
Stephen D. Glazier (1987)
CHINESE RELIGION: HISTORY OF STUDY
Revised Bibliography
Norman J. Girardot (1987)
CARNIVAL
CEREMONY
Terry F. Kleeman (2005)
Maria Julia Goldwasser (1987)
Bobby C. Alexander (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
CHINESE RELIGION: MYTHIC THEMES
2005)
Norman J. Girardot (1987)
CARROLL, JOHN
CERULARIOS, MICHAEL
Revised Bibliography
Thomas O’Brien Hanley (1987)
John Travis (1987)
CHINESE RELIGION: POPULAR RELIGION
CA
¯ RVA¯KA
CHAN
Vincent Goossaert (2005)
Bimal Krishna Matilal (1987)
John R. McRae (2005)
CHINESE RELIGIOUS YEAR
CASSIAN, JOHN
CHANCE
Laurence G. Thompson (1987)
Panagiotis C. Christou (1987)
Michiko Yusa (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
CHINGGIS KHAN
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN THE
CIRCLE
Klaus Sagaster (1987)
CARIBBEAN REGION
David E. Aune (2005)
Revised Bibliography
George Eaton Simpson (1987)
CIRCUMAMBULATION
CHINUL
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN THE
Diana L. Eck (1987)
Robert Evans Buswell, Jr. (1987
MIDDLE EAST
Revised Bibliography
and 2005)
Andrea Pacini (2005)
CIRCUMCISION
CHINVAT BRIDGE
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN THE
T. O. Beidelman (1987 and 2005)
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
PACIFIC ISLANDS [FIRST EDITION]
CISTERCIANS
CH’O
˘ NDOGYO
Charles W. Forman (1987)
M. Basil Pennington (1987)
Yong-choon Kim (1987)
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN THE
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
PACIFIC ISLANDS [FURTHER
CITIES
CHO
˘ NG YAGYONG
CONSIDERATIONS]
James Heitzman (2005)
Michael C. Kalton (1987)
Garry W. Trompf (2005)
Smriti Srinivas (2005)
Revised Bibliography
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN
CIVIL RELIGION
CHRISTENSEN, ARTHUR
WESTERN EUROPE
Jes P. Asmussen (1987)
Carole Lynn Stewart (2005)
Jaroslav Pelikan (1987)
CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS
CHRISTIAN ETHICS
Revised Bibliography
Charles E. Curran (1987 and
Harry B. Partin (1987)
CHRISTIAN LITURGICAL YEAR
2005)
Revised Bibliography
Thomas J. Talley (1987)
CHRISTIAN IDENTITY MOVEMENT
Revised Bibliography
CLEMEN, CARL
Michael Barkun (2005)
Christoph Elsas (1987)
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE
CHRISTIANITY: AN OVERVIEW
Stephen Gottschalk (1987)
CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA
Jaroslav Pelikan (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Elizabeth A. Clark (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
2005)
CHRISTIAN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN ASIA
Max L. Stackhouse (1987 and
CLEMENT OF ROME
Stephen C. Neill (1987)
2005)
James F. McCue (1987)
Mark R. Mullins (2005)
CHRISTMAS
CLITORIDECTOMY
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN
John F. Baldovin (1987)
Carol P. MacCormack (1987)
AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND
Revised Bibliography
Colin Brown (1987 and 2005)
CHRONOLOGY
Giulia Piccaluga (1987)
CLOTHING: CLOTHING AND RELIGION
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN
IN THE EAST
EASTERN EUROPE
CHRYSOSTOM
John E. Vollmer (2005)
Stanley Samuel Harakas (1987 and
F. Van Ommeslaeghe (1987)
2005)
CLOTHING: CLOTHING AND RELIGION
CHURCH: CHURCH MEMBERSHIP
IN THE WEST
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN LATIN
Avery Dulles (1987 and 2005)
Susan O. Michelman (2005)
AMERICA
CHURCH: CHURCH POLITY
Sidney H. Rooy (1987)
CLOTHING: DRESS AND RELIGION IN
John E. Lynch (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
AMERICA’S SECTARIAN COMMUNITIES
CHURCH: ECCLESIOLOGY
Linda B. Arthur (2005)
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN NORTH
Lewis S. Mudge (2005)
AFRICA
CLOTILDA
Aziz Suryal Atiya (1987)
CHURCHES OF CHRIST
H. McKennie Goodpasture (1987)
Douglas A. Foster (2005)
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN NORTH
CLOWNS
AMERICA
CHURCH UNIVERSAL AND TRIUMPHANT
Don Handelman (1987 and 2005)
Catherine L. Albanese (1987)
Phillip Charles Lucas (2005)
Revised Bibliography
COATLICUE
CHUVASH RELIGION
Davíd Carrasco (1987)
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN SUB-
András Róna-Tas (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SAHARAN AFRICA [FIRST EDITION]
Revised Bibliography
Adrian Hastings (1987)
COCKS
CICERO
Manabu Waida (1987)
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN SUB-
Lucio Troiani (2005)
Revised Bibliography
SAHARAN AFRICA [FURTHER
CONSIDERATIONS]
CIJI
CODES AND CODIFICATION
Akintunde E. Akinade (2005)
C. Julia Huang (2005)
H. G. Kippenberg (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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CODRINGTON, R. H.
CONFUCIANISM IN JAPAN
COSMOLOGY: AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS
George W. Stocking, Jr. (1987 and
Peter Nosco (1987 and 2005)
COSMOLOGY
2005)
John J. Bradley (2005)
CONFUCIANISM IN KOREA
COHEN, ARTHUR A.
JaHyun Kim Haboush (1987)
COSMOLOGY: BUDDHIST COSMOLOGY
David Stern (2005)
Revised Bibliography
W. Randolph Kloetzli (1987)
Revised Bibliography
COHEN, HERMANN
CONFUCIUS
Steven S. Schwarzschild (1987)
Julia Ching (1987)
COSMOLOGY: HINDU COSMOLOGY
Robert S. Schine (2005)
Revised Bibliography
W. Randolph Kloetzli (1987)
Laurie Louise Patton (2005)
COKE, THOMAS
CONGREGATIONALISM
Frank Baker (1987)
Daniel Jenkins (1987)
COSMOLOGY: INDIGENOUS NORTH AND
Revised Bibliography
MESOAMERICAN COSMOLOGIES
COLERIDGE, SAMUEL TAYLOR
J. Robert Barth (1987 and 2005)
CONSCIENCE
Gerardo Aldana (2005)
Michel Despland (1987)
COSMOLOGY: JAIN COSMOLOGY
COLONIALISM AND POSTCOLONIALISM
Revised Bibliography
David Chidester (2005)
Paul Dundas (2005)
CONSCIOUSNESS, STATES OF
COLORS
COSMOLOGY: OCEANIC COSMOLOGIES
Eugene Taylor (2005)
Philip P. Arnold (2005)
Garry W. Trompf (2005)
CONSECRATION
COMENIUS, JOHANNES AMOS
COSMOLOGY: SCIENTIFIC COSMOLOGIES
Daniel Gold (1987 and 2005)
Wayne R. Rood (1987)
John Polkinghorne (2005)
CONSERVATIVE JUDAISM
COMMUNITY
Pamela S. Nadell (2005)
COSMOLOGY: SOUTH AMERICAN
George Weckman (1987)
COSMOLOGIES
Revised Bibliography
CONSTANTINE
Robin M. Wright (2005)
John W. Eadie (1987)
COMPARATIVE-HISTORICAL METHOD
COUNCILS: BUDDHIST COUNCILS
CONSTANTINIANISM
[FIRST EDITION]
Charles S. Prebish (1987)
E. Glenn Hinson (1987)
Ninian Smart (1987)
Revised Bibliography
CONTARINI, GASPARO
COMPARATIVE-HISTORICAL METHOD
COUNCILS: CHRISTIAN COUNCILS
Elisabeth G. Gleason (1987)
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Brian E. Daley (1987)
John P. Burris (2005)
CONVERSION
Revised Bibliography
Lewis R. Rambo (1987 and 2005)
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY
COUVADE
Charles E. Farhadian (2005)
Helmer Ringgren (1987)
Rita M. Gross (1987)
Revised Bibliography
COOMARASWAMY, ANANDA
COVENANT
Roger Lipsey (1987)
COMPARATIVE RELIGION
Eckart Otto (2005)
Revised Bibliography
William E. Paden (2005)
CRANMER, THOMAS
COPERNICUS, NICOLAUS
COMTE, AUGUSTE
Massey H. Shepherd, Jr. (1987)
Peter M. J. Hess (2005)
Angèle Kremer-Marietti (1987)
CREEDS: AN OVERVIEW
Revised Bibliography
COPTIC CHURCH
Aziz Suryal Atiya (1987)
R. Marston Speight (1987)
CONALL CERNACH
Mark N. Swanson (2005)
CREEDS: CHRISTIAN CREEDS
Proinsias Mac Cana (1987 and
B. A. Gerrish (1987)
2005)
CORBIN, HENRY
Charles J. Adams (1987)
Revised Bibliography
CONFESSION OF SINS
Revised Bibliography
CREEDS: ISLAMIC CREEDS
Ugo Bianchi (1987)
W. Montgomery Watt (1987)
René Gothóni (2005)
CORDOVERO, MOSHEH
Lawrence Fine (1987)
Revised Bibliography
CONFUCIANISM: AN OVERVIEW
Revised Bibliography
CREOLIZATION
Mark Csikszentmihalyi (2005)
COSMOGONY
Leslie G. Desmangles (2005)
CONFUCIANISM: HISTORY OF STUDY
Charles H. Long (1987)
CRESCAS, H
. ASDAI
Lionel M. Jensen (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Warren Zev Harvey (1987 and
CONFUCIANISM: THE CLASSICAL CANON
COSMOLOGY: AFRICAN COSMOLOGIES
2005)
Mark Csikszentmihalyi (2005)
Barry Hallen (2005)
CREUZER, G. F.
CONFUCIANISM: THE IMPERIAL CULT
COSMOLOGY: AN OVERVIEW
Burton Feldman (1987)
Thomas A. Wilson (2005)
Kees W. Bolle (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
CROSSROADS
CYRUS II
DAO’AN
George R. Elder (1987)
Edward L. Greenstein (1987 and
Mark D. Cummings (1987)
2005)
CROWLEY, ALEISTER
DAO AND DE
Hugh B. Urban (2005)
D
Livia Kohn (2005)
CROWN
DAOCHUO
DACIAN RIDERS
Elaine Magalis (1987)
David W. Chappell (1987 and
Ioan Petru Culianu (1987)
Revised Bibliography
2005)
Cicerone Poghirc (1987)
DAOISM: AN OVERVIEW
CRUMMELL, ALEXANDER
Revised Bibliography
Stephen R. Bokenkamp (2005)
James Anthony Noel (2005)
DADDY GRACE
Marie W. Dallam (2005)
DAOISM: DAOIST LITERATURE
CRUSADES: CHRISTIAN PERSPECTIVE
Judith Magee Boltz (1987 and
Karlfried Froehlich (1987)
DAGAN
2005)
Revised Bibliography
Gonzalo Rubio (2005)
DAOISM: HISTORY OF STUDY
CRUSADES: MUSLIM PERSPECTIVE
DAINAS
T. H. Barrett (1987 and 2005)
Donald P. Little (1987)
Haralds Biezais (1987)
Revised Bibliography
DAOISM: THE DAOIST RELIGIOUS
CULIANU, IOAN PETRU
COMMUNITY
Eugen Ciurtin (2005)
DAIVAS
John Lagerwey (1987)
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
CULT OF SAINTS
DAOSHENG
Patrick J. Geary (1987)
DAI ZHEN
Mark D. Cummings (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Judith A. Berling (1987)
Revised Bibliography
CULTS AND SECTS
DAKHMA
DA
¯ RA¯ SHIKO¯H, MUH.AMMAD
Massimo Introvigne (2005)
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
Perwaiz Hayat (2005)
CULTURE
DALAI LAMA
DARWI¯SH
Roger Ivar Lohmann (2005)
Turrell V. Wylie (1987)
Seyyed Hossein Nasr (1987 and
2005)
DAMIAN, PETER
CULTURE HEROES
Jerome H. Long (1987)
J. Joseph Ryan (1987)
DASAM GRANTH
Nikky-Guninder Kaur Singh
DANCE: DANCE AND RELIGION
CUMONT, FRANZ
Judith Lynne Hanna (1987 and
(2005)
Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin
2005)
DAVID [FIRST EDITION]
(1987)
John Van Seters (1987)
Corinne Bonnet (2005)
DANCE: POPULAR AND FOLK DANCE
[FIRST EDITION]
DAVID [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
CUNA RELIGION
LeeEllen Friedland (1987)
Tawny L. Holm (2005)
Alexander Moore (1987)
DANCE: POPULAR AND FOLK DANCE
DAEWAH
CURSING
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Frederick Mathewson Denny
George Scheper (2005)
Diane Apostolos-Cappadona
(1987)
CYBELE
(2005)
DAY, DOROTHY
Lynn E. Roller (2005)
DANCE: THEATRICAL AND LITURGICAL
William D. Miller (1987)
CYBERNETICS
DANCE [FIRST EDITION]
DAYANANDA SARASVATI
Noreen L. Herzfeld (2005)
Suzanne Youngerman (1987)
Thomas J. Hopkins (1987)
CYPRIAN
DANCE: THEATRICAL AND LITURGICAL
DAY OF THE DEAD
Panagiotis C. Christou (1987)
DANCE [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Hugo G. Nutini (2005)
Diane Apostolos-Cappadona
CYRIL AND METHODIUS
(2005)
DAZHBOG
H. McKennie Goodpasture (1987)
Marija Gimbutas (1987)
DAN FODIO, USUMAN
Revised Bibliography
CYRIL I
Mervyn Hiskett (1987)
Kallistos Ware (1987)
DEA DIA
DANIEL
J. Rufus Fears (1987)
CYRIL OF ALEXANDRIA
Michael Fishbane (1987)
John Scheid (2005)
Charles Kannengiesser (1987)
Revised Bibliography
DEAD SEA SCROLLS
CYRIL OF JERUSALEM
DANTE ALIGHIERI
Lawrence H. Schiffman (1987)
Panagiotis C. Christou (1987)
Peter S. Hawkins (1987)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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DEATH
Lawrence E. Sullivan (1987)
DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE
Gary L. Ebersole (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Donald F. Duclow (1987)
DECONSTRUCTION
DEVA
¯ NAM.PIYATISSA
DIONYSOS
John D. Caputo (2005)
George D. Bond (1987)
Marcel Detienne (1987)
Revised Bibliography
DEIFICATION
Revised Bibliography
Robert Turcan (1987)
DEVILS
DISCIPLESHIP
Martin S. Jaffee (2005)
DEISM
Arvind Sharma (1987)
Allen W. Wood (1987)
DEVOTION
DISCIPLES OF CHRIST
David Edwin Harrell, Jr. (1987)
DEITY
David Kinsley (1987)
Raimundo Panikkar (1987)
Vasudha Narayanan (2005)
DISMEMBERMENT
Revised Bibliography
DGE LUGS PA
Bruce Lincoln (1987)
DELITZSCH, FRIEDRICH
Paul Jeffrey Hopkins (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
James Barr (1987)
2005)
DI¯VA
¯ LI¯
Revised Bibliography
DHAMMAKA
¯ YA MOVEMENT
Marie-Louise Reiniche (1987)
DELORIA, ELLA CARA
Edwin Zehner (2005)
DIVINATION: AN OVERVIEW
Raymond J. DeMallie (2005)
DHARMA: BUDDHIST DHARMA AND
Evan M. Zuesse (1987)
DELPHI
DHARMAS
Revised Bibliography
Jan N. Bremmer (1987 and 2005)
Tadeusz Skorupski (1987)
DIVINATION: GREEK AND ROMAN
Revised Bibliography
DE MARTINO, ERNESTO
DIVINATION
Pietro Angelini (2005)
DHARMA: HINDU DHARMA
Sarah Iles Johnston (2005)
Ariel Glucklich (2005)
DEMETER AND PERSEPHONE
DJAN’KAWU
Giulia Sfameni Gasparro (2005)
DHARMAKI¯RTI
Ronald M. Berndt (1987)
Ernst Steinkellner (1987)
Ian Keen (2005)
DEMIÉVILLE, PAUL
Robert G. Henricks (1987)
Revised Bibliography
DOCETISM
Revised Bibliography
DHARMAPA
¯ LA
Iain Gardner (2005)
Richard S. Y. Chi (1987)
DEMIURGE
DOCTRINE
Ugo Bianchi (1987)
Revised Bibliography
W. Richard Comstock (1987)
Revised Bibliography
DHIKR
DO
¯ GEN
William C. Chittick (1987)
DEMONS: AN OVERVIEW
William M. Bodiford (2005)
Walter Stephens (2005)
DIALOGUE OF RELIGIONS
DOGMA
Eric J. Sharpe (1987)
DEMONS: PSYCHOLOGICAL
Adolf Darlap (1987)
PERSPECTIVES
DIAMOND
Karl Rahner (1987)
Alfred Ribi (1987)
Elaine Magalis (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
DOGON RELIGION
DENOMINATIONALISM
DIANA
Geneviève Calame-Griaule (1987)
Winthrop S. Hudson (1987)
Robert Schilling (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Sabino Perea Yébenes (2005)
DOGS
DEPROGRAMMING
DIETERICH, ALBRECHT
David Gordon White (2005)
Anson Shupe (2005)
Robert Turcan (1987)
DOLGAN RELIGION
DESCARTES, RENÉ
Revised Bibliography
Boris Chichlo (1987 and 2005)
Leszek Kolakowski (1987)
DIETERLEN, GERMAINE
DÖLLINGER, JOHANN
DESCENT INTO THE UNDERWORLD
Laura S. Grillo (2005)
Ronald Burke (1987)
Anna-Leena Siikala (1987)
DIGNA
¯ GA
Francisco Diez de Velasco (2005)
DOMESTIC OBSERVANCES: CHINESE
Hattori Masaaki (1987)
PRACTICES
DESERTS
Revised Bibliography
Stevan Harrell (1987)
Xavier De Planhol (1987)
DILTHEY, WILHELM
Revised Bibliography
DESIRE
Guy Oakes (1987)
DOMESTIC OBSERVANCES: CHRISTIAN
Roland A. Delattre (1987)
Revised Bibliography
PRACTICES
DEUS OTIOSUS
DIOLA RELIGION
Sam Mackintosh (1987)
Mircea Eliade (1987)
Robert M. Baum (1987)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
DOMESTIC OBSERVANCES: HINDU
DRAMA: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN RITUAL
DUALISM
PRACTICES
DRAMA [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Ugo Bianchi (1987)
Brenda E. F. Beck (1987)
Gonzalo Rubio (2005)
Yuri Stoyanov (2005)
Revised Bibliography
DRAMA: BALINESE DANCE AND DANCE
DU GUANGTING
DOMESTIC OBSERVANCES: JAPANESE
DRAMA
Franciscus Verellen (2005)
PRACTICES
James A. Boon (1987)
Robert J. Smith (1987)
DUMÉZIL, GEORGES
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
C. Scott Littleton (2005)
DRAMA: DRAMA AND RELIGION
DUMUZI
DOMESTIC OBSERVANCES: JEWISH
E. J. Westlake (2005)
Pietro Mander (2005)
PRACTICES
Shlomo Deshen (1987)
DRAMA: EAST ASIAN DANCE AND
DUNS SCOTUS, JOHN
Revised Bibliography
THEATER
Allan B. Wolter (1987)
James R. Brandon (1987)
DOMESTIC OBSERVANCES: MUSLIM
DURGA
¯ HINDUISM
PRACTICES
DRAMA: EUROPEAN RELIGIOUS DRAMA
David N. Lorenzen (1987)
Anne H. Betteridge (1987)
[FIRST EDITION]
Revised Bibliography
O. B. Hardison, Jr. (1987)
DOMINIC
DURKHEIM, ÉMILE
Thomas McGonigle (1987)
DRAMA: EUROPEAN RELIGIOUS DRAMA
Ivan Strenski (2005)
DOMINICANS
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
DUSHUN
Thomas McGonigle (1987)
Clifford Davidson (2005)
Kimura Kiyotaka (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
DRAMA: INDIAN DANCE AND DANCE
DUT.T.HAGA¯MAN.I¯
DÖMÖTÖR, TEKLA
DRAMA
Charles Hallisey (1987)
Vilmos Voigt (2005)
Kapila Vatsyayan (1987)
Frank E. Reynolds (1987)
Revised Bibliography
DONATISM
Revised Bibliography
W. H. C. Frend (1987)
DRAMA: JAVANESE WAYANG
DVERGAR
DONG ZHONGSHU
James L. Peacock (1987 and 2005)
Lotte Motz (1987)
Joachim Gentz (2005)
DRAMA: MESOAMERICAN DANCE AND
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
DÖNMEH
DRAMA
DWIGHT, TIMOTHY
Marc David Baer (2005)
Karl Taube (2005)
Stephen E. Berk (1987)
Harris Lenowitz (2005)
Rhonda Taube (2005)
DYBBUK
DONNER, KAI
DRAMA: MIDDLE EASTERN NARRATIVE
J. H. Chajes (2005)
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
TRADITIONS
DYING AND RISING GODS
William L. Hanaway Jr. (1987)
DOSTOEVSKY, FYODOR
Jonathan Z. Smith (1987)
Sergei Hackel (1987)
Revised Bibliography
DYNAMISM
DOUBLENESS
DRAMA: MODERN WESTERN THEATER
Gregory D. Alles (1987)
Marija Gimbutas (1987)
Tom F. Driver (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Rex Deverell (2005)
DZOGCHEN
David Germano (2005)
DOUBT AND BELIEF
DRAMA: NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN
Geddes MacGregor (1987)
DANCE AND DRAMA
E
Revised Bibliography
William K. Powers (1987)
EAGLES AND HAWKS
DOV BER OF MEZHIRICH
DREAMING, THE
S. J. M. Gray (1987)
Arthur Green (1987)
Diane Bell (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
EARTH
DREAMS
DRAGONS
Barbara Tedlock (1987 and 2005)
Mircea Eliade (1987)
Cristiano Grottanelli (1987)
Lawrence E. Sullivan (1987)
Revised Bibliography
DRUIDS
Revised Bibliography
Bernhard Maier (2005)
DRAMA: AFRICAN RELIGIOUS DRAMA
EARTH FIRST!
Daniel P. Biebuyck (1987)
DRUMS
Bron Taylor (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Ter Ellingson (1987)
EAST AFRICAN RELIGIONS:
Revised Bibliography
DRAMA: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN RITUAL
AN OVERVIEW
DRAMA [FIRST EDITION]
DRUZE
John Middleton (1987)
Theodor H. Gaster (1987)
Samy Swayd (2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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EAST AFRICAN RELIGIONS: ETHIOPIAN
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY AND
EL
RELIGIONS
JAINISM
Neal H. Walls (2005)
William A. Shack (1987)
Christopher Key Chapple (2005)
ELEAZAR BEN EAZARYAH
Revised Bibliography
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY AND
David Kraemer (1987)
EAST AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NORTHEAST
JUDAISM
Revised Bibliography
BANTU RELIGIONS
Hava Tirosh-Samuelson (2005)
ELEAZAR BEN PEDAT
Benjamin C. Ray (1987)
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY AND
Robert Goldenberg (1987)
Revised Bibliography
NATURE RELIGIONS
Revised Bibliography
EASTER
Bron Taylor (2005)
ELECTION
John F. Baldovin (1987)
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY AND
Ellen M. Umansky (1987)
Revised Bibliography
EASTERN CHRISTIANITY
SHINTO
¯
Thomas E. FitzGerald (2005)
Bernhard Scheid (2005)
ELEPHANTS
Manabu Waida (1987)
EBIONITES
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION:
Robert L. Wilken (1987)
ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS, WORLD
ELEUSINIAN MYSTERIES
Revised Bibliography
RELIGIONS, AND ECOLOGY
Fritz Graf (1987)
J. Baird Callicott (2005)
Revised Bibliography
EBLAITE RELIGION
Giovanni Pettinato (2005)
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: SCIENCE,
ELIADE, MIRCEA [FIRST EDITION]
RELIGION, AND ECOLOGY
Joseph M. Kitagawa (1987)
ECCLESIASTES
William Grassie (2005)
Carol A. Newsom (2005)
ELIADE, MIRCEA [FURTHER
ECONOMICS AND RELIGION
CONSIDERATIONS]
ECK, JOHANN
Roland Robertson (1987)
Bryan S. Rennie (2005)
Walter L. Moore (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ELIEEZER BEN HYRCANUS
ECKANKAR
ECSTASY
David Kraemer (1987)
David Christopher Lane (2005)
Arvind Sharma (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ECKHART, JOHANNES
ECUMENICAL MOVEMENT
ELIJAH
Thomas F. O’Meara (1987)
Robert McAfee Brown (1987)
John Van Seters (1987)
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION:
Revised Bibliography
EDDAS
AN OVERVIEW
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
ELIJAH MUHAMMAD
Mary Evelyn Tucker (2005)
Lawrence H. Mamiya (1987 and
EDDY, MARY BAKER
John A. Grim (2005)
Diane Treacy-Cole (2005)
2005)
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY AND
EDO RELIGION
ELIMELEKH OF LIZHENSK
BUDDHISM
Paula Ben-Amos (1987)
Arthur Green (1987)
Donald K. Swearer (2005)
Flora Edouwaye S. Kaplan (2005)
Revised Bibliography
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY AND
ELISHA
EDWARDS, JONATHAN
CHRISTIANITY
Stephen J. Stein (1987)
John Van Seters (1987)
John B. Cobb, Jr. (2005)
Revised Bibliography
EGG
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY AND
Venetia Newall (1987)
ELISHAE BEN AVUYAH
CONFUCIANISM
Gary G. Porton (1987 and 2005)
Mary Evelyn Tucker (2005)
EGYPTIAN RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
Leonard H. Lesko (1987)
ELIXIR
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY AND
Allison Coudert (1987)
DAOISM
EGYPTIAN RELIGION: HISTORY OF STUDY
Charles S. J. White (2005)
James Miller (2005)
Willeke Wendrich (2005)
ELIYYAHU BEN SHELOMOH ZALMAN
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY AND
EGYPTIAN RELIGION: THE LITERATURE
Michael Stanislawski (1987)
Donald B. Redford (1987)
HINDUISM
Revised Bibliography
Vasudha Narayanan (2005)
EIGHTFOLD PATH
EMERSON, RALPH WALDO
Thanissaro Bhikkhu (2005)
David Sassian (1987)
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY AND
INDIGENOUS TRADITIONS
EINSTEIN, ALBERT
EMPEDOCLES
John A. Grim (2005)
Ravi Ravindra (1987)
Fritz Graf (2005)
Revised Bibliography
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY AND
EMPEROR’S CULT
ISLAM
EISAI
J. Rufus Fears (1987)
Richard C. Foltz (2005)
Martin Collcutt (1987)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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xlvi
LIST OF ARTICLES
EMPIRICISM
EREMITISM
EUSEBIUS
Nelson Pike (1987)
Juan Manuel Lozano (1987)
Robert M. Grant (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
EUTYCHES
ENCHIN
ERIUGENA, JOHN SCOTTUS
Theodore Zissis (1987)
Allan G. Grapard (1987)
John J. O’Meara (1987)
EVAGRIOS OF PONTUS
ENCYCLOPEDIAS
ERLIK
Demetrios J. Constantelos (1987)
Kocku von Stuckrad (2005)
Klaus Sagaster (1987)
EVANGELICAL AND FUNDAMENTAL
Revised Bibliography
ENGAGED BUDDHISM
CHRISTIANITY
Christopher S. Queen (2005)
EROS
George M. Marsden (1987 and
M. L. West (1987)
2005)
ENKI
Eleonora Cavallini (2005)
William L. Svelmoe (2005)
Giovanni Pettinato (2005)
ESCHATOLOGY: AN OVERVIEW
EVANS, ARTHUR
ENLIGHTENMENT
R. J. Zwi Werblowsky (1987)
A. W. H. Adkins (1987)
William K. Mahony (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
2005)
ESCHATOLOGY: ISLAMIC ESCHATOLOGY
EVANS-PRITCHARD, E. E.
ENLIGHTENMENT, THE
Marilyn Robinson Waldman
John Middleton (1987)
Allen W. Wood (1987)
(1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
EVE
ENLIL
ESHMUN
Michael Fishbane (1987)
David Marcus (1987)
Corinne Bonnet (2005)
EVIL
Giovanni Pettinato (2005)
ESOTERICISM
Paul Ricoeur (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ENNIN
Antoine Faivre (1987 and 2005)
Paul L. Swanson (1987)
ESSENES
EVOLA, JULIUS
Hans Thomas Hakl (2005)
EN NO GYO
¯ JA
Lawrence H. Schiffman (1987)
J. H. Kamstra (1987)
Revised Bibliography
EVOLUTION: EVOLUTIONARY ETHICS
Revised Bibliography
Paul Lawrence Farber (2005)
ESTHER
ENOCH
Michael Fishbane (1987)
EVOLUTION: EVOLUTIONISM
Steven D. Fraade (1987)
James Waller (1987)
ETERNITY
Revised Bibliography
Peter Manchester (1987)
Mary Edwardsen (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Martinez Hewlett (2005)
ENTHUSIASM
James D. G. Dunn (1987)
EVOLUTION: THE CONTROVERSY WITH
ETHICAL CULTURE
Benny Kraut (1987)
CREATIONISM
ENUMA ELISH
Martinez Hewlett (2005)
Tikva Frymer-Kensky (1987)
ETHIOPIAN CHURCH
Giovanni Pettinato (2005)
Getatchew Haile (1987)
EXCOMMUNICATION
James H. Provost (1987)
EPHRAEM OF SYRIA
ETHNOASTRONOMY
Theodore Stylianopoulos (1987)
Gary Urton (1987 and 2005)
EXILE
Ellen M. Umansky (1987 and
EPICS
ETHOLOGY OF RELIGION
2005)
David M. Knipe (1987)
Ina Wunn (2005)
EXISTENTIALISM
Revised Bibliography
ETRUSCAN RELIGION
John Macquarrie (1987)
EPIPHANY
Dominique Briquel (2005)
Revised Bibliography
John F. Baldovin (1987)
EUCHARIST
EXORCISM
EPISTEMOLOGY
Monika K. Hellwig (1987)
Nancy Caciola (2005)
Henry Le Roy Finch (1987)
EUCLID
EXPULSION
Revised Bibliography
Michael A. Kerze (1987)
James B. Wiggins (2005)
Revised Bibliography
EPONA
EYE
Françoise le Roux (1987)
EUGENICS
Michel Meslin (1987)
Christian-J. Guyonvarc’h (1987)
Nathan J. Hallanger (2005)
EZEKIEL
ERASMUS, DESIDERIUS
EUHEMERUS AND EUHEMERISM
Moshe Greenberg (1987)
B. A. Gerrish (1987)
Kees W. Bolle (2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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xlvii
EZRA
FEET
FICTION: NATIVE AMERICAN FICTION
John Van Seters (1987)
Elaine Magalis (1987)
AND RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
Laura Furlan Szanto (2005)
FEINSTEIN, MOSHE
F
Rod M. Glogower (1987)
FICTION: OCEANIC FICTION AND
Revised Bibliography
RELIGION
FACKENHEIM, EMIL
Kevin Hart (2005)
Michael L. Morgan (2005)
FEMININE SACRALITY
Nancy Auer Falk (1987 and 2005)
FICTION: SOUTHEAST ASIAN FICTION
FAIRIES
AND RELIGION
Venetia Newall (1987)
FEMINISM: FEMINISM, GENDER STUDIES,
Harry Aveling (2005)
Revised Bibliography
AND RELIGION
Teri Shaffer Yamada (2005)
Sîan Hawthorne (2005)
FAITH
FICTION: THE WESTERN NOVEL AND
Jaroslav Pelikan (1987)
FEMINISM: FRENCH FEMINISTS ON
RELIGION
RELIGION
FALL, THE
Robertson Davies (1987)
Judith L. Poxon (2005)
Julien Ries (1987)
Eric Ziolkowski (2005)
Revised Bibliography
FEMINIST THEOLOGY: AN OVERVIEW
Rita M. Gross (2005)
FIDES
FALSAFAH
Gérard Freyburger (1987)
Michael E. Marmura (1987)
FEMINIST THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN
Revised Bibliography
FEMINIST THEOLOGY
FALUN GONG
FILARET OF MOSCOW
David Ownby (2005)
Tina Beattie (2005)
Sergei Hackel (1987)
FÉNELON, FRANÇOIS
FAMILY
FILLMORE, CHARLES AND MYRTLE
Kathryn Allen Rabuzzi (1987)
E. Gerhard Carroll (1987)
Dell deChant (2005)
Revised Bibliography
FERGHUS MAC ROICH
Gail M. Harley (2005)
Proinsias Mac Cana (1987 and
FAMILY, THE
FILM AND RELIGION
William Sims Bainbridge (2005)
2005)
S. Brent Plate (2005)
FESTSCHRIFTEN
FANGSHI
FINNISH RELIGIONS
Harold D. Roth (1987 and 2005)
Kocku von Stuckrad (2005)
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
FA
¯ RA¯BI¯, AL-
FETISHISM
FINNO-UGRIC RELIGIONS:
S. Nomanul Haq (2005)
Jay Geller (2005)
AN OVERVIEW
FAREL, GUILLAUME
FEUERBACH, LUDWIG
Lauri Honko (1987)
John H. Leith (1987)
Van A. Harvey (1987 and 2005)
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
FASTI
FICHTE, JOHANN GOTTLIEB
FINNO-UGRIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
John Scheid (1987)
Garrett Green (1987)
STUDY
Jörg Rüpke (2005)
Mihály Hoppál (1987)
FICINO, MARSILIO
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
FASTING
Lewis W. Spitz (1987)
Rosemary Rader (1987)
FIRE
FICTION: AFRICAN FICTION AND
Revised Bibliography
David M. Knipe (2005)
RELIGION
FATE
George Joseph (2005)
FIRTH, RAYMOND
Kees W. Bolle (1987 and 2005)
Judith Macdonald (2005)
FICTION: AUSTRALIAN FICTION AND
FATHER DIVINE
RELIGION
FISH
Robert Weisbrot (2005)
Elaine Lindsay (2005)
Ann Dunnigan (1987)
Revised Bibliography
FA
¯ T.IMAH BINT MUH.AMMAD
FICTION: CHINESE FICTION AND
Asma Afsaruddin (2005)
RELIGION
FLACIUS, MATTHIAS
Richard G. Wang (2005)
Robert Kolb (1987)
FAUST
Allison Coudert (1987)
FICTION: HISTORY OF THE NOVEL
FLAMEN
Revised Bibliography
Margaret Anne Doody (2005)
Francisco Marco Simón (2005)
FAXIAN
FICTION: JAPANESE FICTION AND
FLIGHT
Jan Yün-hua (1987)
RELIGION
William K. Mahony (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Angela Yiu (2005)
Revised Bibliography
FAZANG
FICTION: LATIN AMERICAN FICTION AND
FLOOD, THE
Kimura Kiyotaka (1987)
RELIGION
Jean Rudhardt (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Julia Cuervo Hewitt (2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
FLORENSKII, PAVEL
FRANCIS OF ASSISI
FROBENIUS, LEO
Thomas Hopko (1987)
Raymond J. Bucher (1987)
Otto Zerries (1987)
Revised Bibliography
FLOWERS
FRANCKE, AUGUST HERMANN
Pamela R. Frese (1987)
F. Ernest Stoeffler (1987)
FROGS AND TOADS
Revised Bibliography
Manabu Waida (1987)
FRANK, JACOB
Revised Bibliography
FLOW EXPERIENCE
Harris Lenowitz (2005)
Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi (1987)
FRYE, NORTHROP
Revised Bibliography
FRANKEL, ZACHARIAS
Robert D. Denham (2005)
Ismar Schorsch (1987)
FOGUANGSHAN
Revised Bibliography
FUDO
¯
Stuart Chandler (2005)
Richard K. Payne (2005)
FRANKFORT, HENRI
FOLKLORE
Thorkild Jacobsen (1987)
FUJIWARA SEIKA
Patrick B. Mullen (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Kate Wildman Nakai (1987)
Revised Bibliography
FOLK RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
FRASHO
¯ KERETI
William A. Christian, Jr. (1987
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
FULBE RELIGION
and 2005)
David Robinson (1987)
FRAVASHIS
Revised Bibliography
FOLK RELIGION: FOLK BUDDHISM
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
Donald K. Swearer (1987)
FUNCTIONALISM
Revised Bibliography
FRAZER, JAMES G.
Roland Robertson (1987)
Robert Ackerman (1987)
Revised Bibliography
FOLK RELIGION: FOLK ISLAM
Revised Bibliography
Margaret A. Mills (2005)
FUNERAL RITES: AN OVERVIEW
FREEMASONS
Louis-Vincent Thomas (1987)
FOLK RELIGION: FOLK JUDAISM
Raphael Patai (1987)
William H. Stemper, Jr. (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Guy L. Beck (2005)
FUNERAL RITES: MESOAMERICAN
FREE WILL AND DETERMINISM
FUNERAL RITES
FOMHOIRE
Elizabeth A. Gray (2005)
Ileana Marcoulesco (1987)
Ximena Chávez Balderas (2005)
Revised Bibliography
FUSTEL DE COULANGES, N. D.
FON AND EWE RELIGION
Michelle Gilbert (1987)
FREE WILL AND PREDESTINATION: AN
S. C. Humphreys (1987)
Revised Bibliography
OVERVIEW
Revised Bibliography
Dewey D. Wallace, Jr. (1987 and
FYLGJUR
FOOD
2005)
James E. Latham (1987)
John Lindow (1987 and 2005)
Peter Gardella (2005)
FREE WILL AND PREDESTINATION:
G
CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
FORTUNA
C. T. McIntire (1987 and 2005)
Arnaldo Momigliano (1987)
GADJERI
Ronald M. Berndt (1987)
Charles Guittard (2005)
FREE WILL AND PREDESTINATION:
ISLAMIC CONCEPTS
GAGE, MATILDA JOSLYN
FOUCHER, ALFRED
Sally Roesch Wagner (2005)
Hubert Durt (1987)
W. Montgomery Watt (1987)
Asma Afsaruddin (2005)
GAIA
FOUNTAIN
Anne Primavesi (2005)
Richard W. Thurn (1987)
FRENZY
Revised Bibliography
Vincent Crapanzano (1987)
GALEN
Revised Bibliography
Gary B. Ferngren (1987)
FOUR NOBLE TRUTHS
John Ross Carter (1987)
FREUD, SIGMUND
GALILEO GALILEI
Revised Bibliography
Peter Homans (1987 and 2005)
Ravi Ravindra (1987)
Revised Bibliography
FOX, GEORGE
FREYJA
Hugh Barbour (1987)
Edgar C. Polomé (1987)
GALLICANISM
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
Joseph N. Moody (1987)
FOXES
Manabu Waida (1987)
FREYR
GAMBLING
Revised Bibliography
Edgar C. Polomé (1987)
Alf Hiltebeitel (1987)
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
Revised Bibliography
FRANCISCANS
Dominic V. Monti (1987 and
FRICK, HEINRICH
GAMES
2005)
Martin Kraatz (1987 and 2005)
John J. MacAloon (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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GAMLIDEL OF YAVNEH
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
David Kraemer (1987)
ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN RELIGIONS
ZOROASTRIANISM
Revised Bibliography
Mary Joan Winn Leith (2005)
Jamsheed K. Choksy (2005)
GAMLI’EL THE ELDER
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
GENDER AND RELIGION: HISTORY OF
Stuart S. Miller (1987 and 2005)
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS
STUDY
Diane Bell (2005)
Sîan Hawthorne (2005)
GA
¯ N.APATYAS
Paul B. Courtright (1987)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
GENDER ROLES
BUDDHISM
Fiona Bowie (2005)
GANDHI, MOHANDAS
Mark Juergensmeyer (1987 and
Rita M. Gross (2005)
GENEALOGY
2005)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
Irving Goldman (1987)
CELTIC RELIGIONS
Revised Bibliography
GAN
. ES´A
Paul B. Courtright (1987)
Juliette Wood (2005)
GENETICS AND RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
Laurie Zoloth (2005)
GANGES RIVER
CHINESE RELIGIONS
GENNEP, ARNOLD VAN
Indira Viswanathan Peterson
Victoria Cass (2005)
Nicole Belmont (1987)
(1987)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
Revised Bibliography
GANJIN
CHRISTIANITY
GENSHIN
James C. Dobbins (1987)
Tina Beattie (2005)
Allan A. Andrews (1987)
GARDENS: AN OVERVIEW
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
GEOGRAPHY
John Prest (1987 and 2005)
HINDUISM
Richard F. Townsend (1987)
Julia Leslie (2005)
Revised Bibliography
GARDENS: GARDENS IN INDIGENOUS
TRADITIONS
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
GEOMANCY
Mary N. MacDonald (2005)
ISLAM
Erika Bourguignon (1987)
Nelly van Doorn-Harder (2005)
GARDENS: ISLAMIC GARDENS
Revised Bibliography
Azim Nanji (2005)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
GEOMETRY
JAINISM
GARIFUNA RELIGION
Ernest G. McClain (1987)
Nalini Balbir (2005)
Paul Christopher Johnson (2005)
Revised Bibliography
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
GARVEY, MARCUS
GERMANIC RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
James Anthony Noel (2005)
JAPANESE RELIGIONS
Edgar C. Polomé (1987)
Kawahashi Noriko (2005)
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
GASTER, THEODOR H.
Robert A. Segal (2005)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
GERMANIC RELIGION: HISTORY OF
JUDAISM
STUDY
GAUD
. APA
¯ DA
Melissa Raphael (2005)
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
Bimal Krishna Matilal (1987)
Revised Bibliography
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
GERSHOM BEN YEHUDAH
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS
Gerald J. Blidstein (1987)
GE HONG
Christine Eber (2005)
T. H. Barrett (1987)
Christine Kovic (2005)
GERSONIDES
Revised Bibliography
Norbert M. Samuelson (1987 and
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
2005)
GEIGER, ABRAHAM
NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIOUS
David Ellenson (1987)
GESAR
TRADITIONS
Revised Bibliography
Kathleen Dugan (2005)
Françoise Robin (2005)
GE MYTHOLOGY
GETO-DACIAN RELIGION
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
Anthony Seeger (1987)
Ioan Petru Culianu (1987)
OCEANIC RELIGIONS
Cicerone Poghirc (1987)
GENDER AND RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
Mary N. MacDonald (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Ursula King (2005)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
GHAYBAH
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
SIKHISM
Douglas S. Crow (1987)
AFRICAN RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
Nikky-Guninder Kaur Singh
Oyeronke Olajubu (2005)
(2005)
GHAZA
¯ LI, ABU¯ H.A¯MID AL-
W. Montgomery Watt (1987)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN RELIGIONS
SOUTH AMERICAN RELIGIONS
GHOST DANCE
Deborah F. Sawyer (2005)
Susan Fitzpatrick Behrens (2005)
Åke Hultkrantz (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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l
LIST OF ARTICLES
GHOSTS
GOD: AFRICAN SUPREME BEINGS
GOOD, THE
Geoffrey Parrinder (1987)
David Ògúngbilé (2005)
Leszek Kolakowski (1987)
Revised Bibliography
GIBBONS, JAMES
GOD: GOD IN ISLAM
Joseph M. McShane (1987)
Vincent J. Cornell (2005)
GOODENOUGH, ERWIN R.
Robert M. Grant (1987)
GIFT GIVING
GOD: GOD IN POSTBIBLICAL
Revised Bibliography
Charles S. J. White (1987 and
CHRISTIANITY
2005)
John B. Cobb, Jr. (1987)
GORA
¯ KHNA¯TH
Revised Bibliography
David N. Lorenzen (1987)
GILGAMESH
Giovanni Pettinato (2005)
GOD: GOD IN POSTBIBLICAL JUDAISM
GÖRRES, JOSEPH VON
Louis Jacobs (1987 and 2005)
Burton Feldman (1987)
GILLEN, FRANCIS JAMES, AND BALDWIN
Revised Bibliography
SPENCER
GOD: GOD IN THE HEBREW SCRIPTURES
John Morton (2005)
S. David Sperling (1987 and 2005)
GOS´A
¯ LA
Colette Caillat (1987 and 2005)
GILSON, ÉTIENNE
GOD: GOD IN THE NEW TESTAMENT
Linus J. Thro (1987)
Reginald H. Fuller (1987 and
GOSPEL
2005)
Raymond F. Collins (1987)
GIMBUTAS, MARIJA
Revised Bibliography
Julia Iwersen (2005)
GODDESS WORSHIP: AN OVERVIEW
James J. Preston (1987)
GOZAN ZEN
GINA
¯ N
Martin Collcutt (1987)
Ali S. Asani (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
GINZA
GODDESS WORSHIP: GODDESS WORSHIP
Jorunn Jacobsen Buckley (1987)
IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST
GRACE
Thomas F. O’Meara (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Joan Goodnick Westenholz (2005)
Revised Bibliography
GINZBERG, ASHER
GODDESS WORSHIP: GODDESS WORSHIP
Steven J. Zipperstein (2005)
IN THE HELLENISTIC WORLD
GRAEBNER, FRITZ
Giulia Sfameni Gasparro (2005)
Joseph Henninger (1987)
GLASENAPP, HELMUTH VON
Revised Bibliography
Glenn Wallis (2005)
GODDESS WORSHIP: THE HINDU
GODDESS
GRAIL, THE
GLOBALIZATION AND RELIGION
Rachel Fell McDermott (2005)
Henry Kahane (1987)
Peter Beyer (2005)
Renée Kahane (1987)
GODDESS WORSHIP: THEORETICAL
Revised Bibliography
GLOSSOLALIA
PERSPECTIVES
Felicitas D. Goodman (1987)
James J. Preston (1987)
GRAIL MOVEMENT
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Janet Kalven (2005)
GNOSTICISM: GNOSTICISM AS A
GODS AND GODDESSES
GRANET, MARCEL
CHRISTIAN HERESY
Theodore M. Ludwig (1987 and
Norman J. Girardot (1987)
Pheme Perkins (1987)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
GNOSTICISM: GNOSTICISM FROM ITS
GÖKALP, ZI˙YAM
GREEK ORTHODOX CHURCH
ORIGINS TO THE MIDDLE AGES [FIRST
Niyazi Berkes (1987)
Stanley Samuel Harakas (1987)
EDITION]
Revised Bibliography
Gilles Quispel (1987)
GREEK RELIGION [FIRST EDITION]
Jean-Pierre Vernant (1987)
GOLD AND SILVER
GNOSTICISM: GNOSTICISM FROM ITS
David Carpenter (1987)
GREEK RELIGION [FURTHER
ORIGINS TO THE MIDDLE AGES
Revised Bibliography
CONSIDERATIONS]
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Jan N. Bremmer (2005)
Aldo Magris (2005)
GOLDEN AGE
Jonathan Z. Smith (1987)
GREGORY I
GNOSTICISM: GNOSTICISM FROM THE
Paul Meyvaert (1987)
MIDDLE AGES TO THE PRESENT
GOLDEN RULE
Julia Iwersen (2005)
Andrew H. Plaks (2005)
GREGORY VII
Robert Somerville (1987 and
GNOSTICISM: HISTORY OF STUDY
GOLDENWEISER, ALEXANDER A.
2005)
Ezio Albrile (2005)
Roy Wagner (1987)
Revised Bibliography
GREGORY OF CYPRUS
GOBLET D’ALVIELLA, EUGÈNE
John Travis (1987)
Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin
GOLDZIHER, IGNÁCZ
(1987)
Jacques Waardenburg (1987)
GREGORY OF DATEV
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Avak Asadourian (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
li
GREGORY OF NAREK
H
HARNACK, ADOLF VON
Avak Asadourian (1987)
David W. Lotz (1987)
HAAVIO, MARTTI
Revised Bibliography
GREGORY OF NAZIANZUS
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
Donald F. Winslow (1987)
HARRIS, WILLIAM WADE
HADES
Sheila S. Walker (1987)
GREGORY OF NYSSA
Jan N. Bremmer (2005)
Richard A. Norris (1987)
HARRISON, JANE E.
H
. ADI¯TH
A. W. H. Adkins (1987)
GREGORY OF SINAI
Mohammad Hashim Kamali
Revised Bibliography
George S. Bebis (1987)
(2005)
HARTLAND, E. SIDNEY
GREGORY PALAMAS
H
. A
¯ FIZ. SHI¯RA¯ZI¯
Kenneth Maddock (1987)
Georgios I. Mantzaridis (1987)
G. M. Wickens (1987)
HARVA, UNO
GREGORY THE ILLUMINATOR
HAIDA RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
Veikko Anttonen (2005)
Krikor H. Maksoudian (1987)
Carolyn Bereznak Kenny (2005)
H
. ASAN AL-BAS.RI¯
H’AI GAON
GRIAULE, MARCEL
Hasan Qasim Murad (1987)
Gerald J. Blidstein (1987)
Laura S. Grillo (2005)
HASIDISM: AN OVERVIEW
HAIR
Joseph Dan (1987)
GRIMM BROTHERS
Christopher R. Hallpike (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Hilda R. Ellis Davidson (1987)
Revised Bibliography
HAKUIN
HASIDISM: HABAD HASIDISM
Philip Yampolsky (1987)
Arthur Green (1987)
GROOT, J. J. M. DE
Revised Bibliography
Shaul Magid (2005)
Robert G. Henricks (1987)
HALAKHAH: HISTORY OF HALAKHAH
HASIDISM: SATMAR HASIDISM
GROTIUS, HUGO
Gerald J. Blidstein (1987)
Arthur Green (1987)
Anne Clarke (1987)
Revised Bibliography
HALAKHAH: STRUCTURE OF HALAKHAH
GRUNDTVIG, NIKOLAI FREDERIK
David Novak (1987)
HASTINGS, JAMES
SEVERIN
F. Stanley Lusby (1987)
HALL, G. STANLEY
Synnøve Heggem (2005)
John W. Newman (1987)
Revised Bibliography
GUÉNON, RENÉ
Revised Bibliography
HAT.HAYOGA
Seyyed Hossein Nasr (1987 and
David N. Lorenzen (1987)
H
. ALLA
¯ J, AL-
2005)
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
Revised Bibliography
GUHYASAMA
¯ JA
HATHOR
HALLOWEEN
David B. Gray (2005)
Leonard H. Lesko (1987)
Leonard Norman Primiano (1987)
HAWAIIAN RELIGION
GUN
. AS
H
. ANA
¯ BILAH
Katharine Luomala (1987)
Karl H. Potter (1987)
George Makdisi (1987)
Malcolm Na¯ea Chun (2005)
GUO XIANG
HANDS
HAWZAH
Isabelle Robinet (1987)
Frederick Mathewson Denny
Muhammad Kazem Shaker (2005)
(1987)
GURDJIEFF, G. I.
HAYASHI RAZAN
Judy D. Saltzman (2005)
HANDSOME LAKE
Kate Wildman Nakai (1987 and
Donald P. St. John (1987)
2005)
GURU
¯
Catherine Cornille (2005)
HAN FEI ZI
HAYDON, A. EUSTACE
Scott Cook (2005)
F. Stanley Lusby (1987)
GURU
¯ GRANTH SA¯HIB
H
Revised Bibliography
Eleanor Nesbitt (2005)
. ANUKKAH
Louis Jacobs (1987)
HEAD: SYMBOLISM AND RITUAL USE
GU YANWU
HANUMA
¯ N
Michel Meslin (1987)
Judith A. Berling (1987)
Velcheru Narayana Rao (1987)
Revised Bibliography
HEAD: THE CELTIC HEAD CULT
Revised Bibliography
Proinsias Mac Cana (1987 and
GYNOCENTRISM
HAOMA
2005)
Sîan Hawthorne (2005)
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
HEALING AND MEDICINE: ALTERNATIVE
GYO
¯ GI
H
. ARAM AND H
. AWT.AH
MEDICINE IN THE NEW AGE
J. H. Kamstra (1987)
R. B. Serjeant (1987)
Robert C. Fuller (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lii
LIST OF ARTICLES
HEALING AND MEDICINE: AN OVERVIEW
HEART
HESCHEL, ABRAHAM JOSHUA
Lawrence E. Sullivan (2005)
Michel Meslin (1987)
Fritz A. Rothschild (1987)
Susan Sered (2005)
Revised Bibliography
HEAVEN AND HELL
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING AND
Linda M. Tober (1987)
HESIOD
MEDICINE IN AFRICA
F. Stanley Lusby (1987)
M. L. West (1987)
Brian M. du Toit (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING AND
HEAVEN’S GATE
HESTIA
MEDICINE IN A
¯ YURVEDA AND SOUTH
Robert W. Balch (2005)
Christine Downing (1987)
ASIA
Revised Bibliography
Dagmar Benner (2005)
HEDGEHOGS
Manabu Waida (1987)
HEVAJRA
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING AND
Revised Bibliography
David B. Gray (2005)
MEDICINE IN CHINA
TJ Hinrichs (2005)
HEGEL, G. W. F.
HIERODOULEIA
Quentin Lauer (1987)
Frédérique Apffel-Marglin (1987
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING AND
HEIDEGGER, MARTIN
and 2005)
MEDICINE IN CHRISTIANITY
Gary B. Ferngren (2005)
Michael E. Zimmerman (1987)
HIEROPHANY
Darrel W. Amundsen (2005)
HEILER, FRIEDRICH
Mircea Eliade (1987)
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
Lawrence E. Sullivan (1987)
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING AND
Revised Bibliography
MEDICINE IN GREECE AND ROME
HEIMDALLR
Gary B. Ferngren (2005)
Edgar C. Polomé (1987)
HIEROS GAMOS
Darrel W. Amundsen (2005)
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
Kees W. Bolle (1987)
Revised Bibliography
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING AND
HEKATE
MEDICINE IN INDIGENOUS AUSTRALIA
Sarah Iles Johnston (2005)
HIJIRI
Janice Reid (2005)
J. H. Kamstra (1987)
HELLENISTIC RELIGIONS
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING AND
J. Gwyn Griffiths (1987)
HILDEGARD OF BINGEN
MEDICINE IN ISLAMIC TEXTS AND
Fiona Bowie (2005)
TRADITIONS
HENOTHEISM
Oliver Davies (2005)
Nancy Gallagher (2005)
Michiko Yusa (1987 and 2005)
HILDESHEIMER, ESRIEL
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING AND
HERA
David Ellenson (1987)
MEDICINE IN JAPAN
Jan N. Bremmer (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney (2005)
HERAKLES
HILLEL
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING AND
Fritz Graf (2005)
Stuart S. Miller (1987 and 2005)
MEDICINE IN JUDAISM
HERDER, JOHANN GOTTFRIED
David L. Freeman (2005)
Friedhelm K. Radandt (1987 and
H
. ILLI¯, AL-
Mahmoud M. Ayoub (1987)
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING AND
2005)
MEDICINE IN THE AFRICAN DIASPORA
HERESY: AN OVERVIEW
HINCMAR
Karen McCarthy Brown (2005)
Kurt Rudolph (1987)
Paul Meyvaert (1987)
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING AND
Revised Bibliography
HINDI RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
MEDICINE IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST
HERESY: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
John Stratton Hawley (1987 and
Pietro Mander (2005)
Thomas A. Robinson (2005)
2005)
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING AND
HERMENEUTICS
HINDUISM
MEDICINE IN TIBET
Van A. Harvey (1987 and 2005)
Alf Hiltebeitel (1987)
Geoffrey Samuel (2005)
Revised Bibliography
HERMES
HEALING AND MEDICINE: POPULAR
Attilio Mastrocinque (2005)
HINDUISM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
HEALING PRACTICES IN MIDDLE
Vasudha Narayanan (2005)
EASTERN CULTURES
HERMES TRISMEGISTOS
Marcia C. Inhorn (2005)
Jean-Pierre Mahé (1987)
HINDU RELIGIOUS YEAR
Revised Bibliography
Marie-Louise Reiniche (1987)
HEALTH AND RELIGION
Harold G. Koenig (2005)
HERMETISM
HINDU TANTRIC LITERATURE
Antoine Faivre (1987 and 2005)
Sanjukta Gupta (1987 and 2005)
HEALTHY, HAPPY, HOLY ORGANIZATION
(3HO)
HEROES
HIPPOCRATES
Constance W. Elsberg (2005)
Robert A. Segal (2005)
Gary B. Ferngren (1987 and 2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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liii
HIRATA ATSUTANE
HOLY ORDER OF MANS
HUAYAN
Ueda Kenji (1987)
Phillip Charles Lucas (2005)
Robert M. Gimello (1987)
Revised Bibliography
HIRSCH, SAMSON RAPHAEL
HOME
David Ellenson (1987)
Kathryn Allen Rabuzzi (1987)
HUBBARD, L. RON
Revised Bibliography
HOMER
J. Gordon Melton (2005)
HISTORIOGRAPHY: AN OVERVIEW
Fritz Graf (2005)
HÜGEL, FRIEDRICH VON
Ernst Breisach (1987)
HOMO RELIGIOSUS
John J. Heaney (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Gregory D. Alles (1987)
HUGH OF SAINT-VICTOR
HISTORIOGRAPHY: WESTERN STUDIES
Revised Bibliography
Grover A. Zinn, Jr. (1987)
[FIRST EDITION]
HOMOSEXUALITY
Arnaldo Momigliano (1987)
Gilbert Herdt (1987)
HUICHOL RELIGION
Peter T. Furst (1987 and 2005)
HISTORIOGRAPHY: WESTERN STUDIES
Revised Bibliography
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS ]
HO
¯ NEN
HUINENG
Giovanni Casadio (2005)
Allan A. Andrews (1987)
Philip Yampolsky (1987)
HISTORY: CHRISTIAN VIEWS
Revised Bibliography
John R. McRae (2005)
C. T. McIntire (1987 and 2005)
HONJISUIJAKU
HUITZILOPOCHTLI
HISTORY: JEWISH VIEWS
Allan G. Grapard (1987)
Davíd Carrasco (1987)
Robert M. Seltzer (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
HONKO, LAURI
HUIYUAN
HISTORY OF RELIGIONS
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
Kenneth Tanaka (1987)
Ugo Bianchi (1987)
HOOKER, RICHARD
Revised Bibliography
HITTITE RELIGION
Massey H. Shepherd, Jr. (1987)
HUJWI¯RI¯, AL-
Harry A. Hoffner, Jr. (1987)
HOOKER, THOMAS
M. Athar Ali (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Frank Shuffelton (1987)
HUMAN BODY: HUMAN BODIES,
HOBBES, THOMAS
HOPE
RELIGION, AND ART
Roberto Farneti (2005)
Peter Slater (1987)
Diane Apostolos-Cappadona
HOCKING, WILLIAM ERNEST
(2005)
Leroy S. Rouner (1987)
HOPKINS, EMMA CURTIS
Gail M. Harley (2005)
HUMAN BODY: HUMAN BODIES,
HOFFMANN, DAVID
RELIGION, AND GENDER
David Ellenson (1987)
HORNER, I. B.
Grace G. Burford (2005)
Beverley Clack (2005)
Revised Bibliography
HORNS
HUMAN BODY: MYTHS AND SYMBOLISM
H
. OKHMAH
Allison Coudert (1987)
Bruce Lincoln (1987)
Murray H. Lichtenstein (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Claudia V. Camp (2005)
HORSES
Wendy Doniger (1987)
HUMANISM
HOLDHEIM, SAMUEL
Revised Bibliography
David Ellenson (1987)
Lewis W. Spitz (1987)
Revised Bibliography
HORUS
Revised Bibliography
Leonard H. Lesko (1987)
HOLI¯
HUMAN RIGHTS AND RELIGION
Marie-Louise Reiniche (1987)
HOSEA
Liam Gearon (2005)
Yehoshua Gitay (1987)
HOLINESS MOVEMENT
HUMAN SACRIFICE: AN OVERVIEW
Revised Bibliography
Melvin E. Dieter (2005)
Kay A. Read (1987 and 2005)
HOSPITALITY
HOLOCAUST, THE: HISTORY
John Koenig (1987 and 2005)
HUMAN SACRIFICE: AZTEC RITES
Christopher R. Browning (1987
Davíd Carrasco (1987 and 2005)
and 2005)
HOWITT, A. W.
Kenneth Maddock (1987)
HUME, DAVID
HOLOCAUST, THE: JEWISH THEOLOGICAL
Revised Bibliography
Nelson Pike (1987)
RESPONSES
Steven T. Katz (1987)
HROTSVIT
HUMOR AND RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
Revised Bibliography
Robert Potter (2005)
Richard A. Gardner (2005)
HOLY, IDEA OF THE
HUANGDI
HUMOR AND RELIGION: HUMOR AND
Willard G. Oxtoby (1987)
Anna Seidel (1987)
ISLAM
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Sabra J. Webber (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
HUMOR AND RELIGION: HUMOR AND
IBN BA
¯ JJAH
ICONOGRAPHY: ICONOGRAPHY AS
RELIGION IN EAST ASIAN CONTEXTS
L. E. Goodman (1987)
VISIBLE RELIGION [FIRST EDITION]
Richard A. Gardner (2005)
H. G. Kippenberg (1987)
IBN DAUD, AVRAHAM
Scott Davis (2005)
Norbert M. Samuelson (1987)
ICONOGRAPHY: ICONOGRAPHY AS
HUMOR AND RELIGION: HUMOR, IRONY,
Revised Bibliography
VISIBLE RELIGION [FURTHER
AND THE COMIC IN WESTERN
CONSIDERATIONS]
IBN EEZRAD, AVRAHAM
THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY
Diane Apostolos-Cappadona
John Lippitt (2005)
Marc Saperstein (1987 and 2005)
(2005)
IBN GABIROL, SHELOMOH
HUNAD
ICONOGRAPHY: ISLAMIC ICONOGRAPHY
Baruch M. Bokser (1987)
Norbert M. Samuelson (1987 and
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
Revised Bibliography
2005)
ICONOGRAPHY: JEWISH ICONOGRAPHY
HUNGARIAN RELIGION
IBN H
. AZM
[FIRST EDITION]
Vilmos Voigt (2005)
Roger Arnaldez (1987)
Moshe Barasch (1987)
HUN RELIGION
IBN KHALDU
¯ N
ICONOGRAPHY: JEWISH ICONOGRAPHY
Denis Sinor (1987)
Franz Rosenthal (1987)
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Steven Fine (2005)
HURRIAN RELIGION
IBN RUSHD
William J. Fulco (1987)
Majid Fakhry (2005)
ICONOGRAPHY: MESOAMERICAN
Alberto Bernabé (2005)
ICONOGRAPHY
IBN SI¯NA
¯
H. B. Nicholson (1987)
HUS, JAN
William E. Gohlman (1987 and
John C. Godbey (1987)
2005)
ICONOGRAPHY: MESOPOTAMIAN
ICONOGRAPHY
H
. USAYN IBN EALI¯, AL-
IBN TAYMI¯YAH
Dominique Collon (1987)
Sajjad H. Rizvi (2005)
George Makdisi (1987)
ICONOGRAPHY: NATIVE NORTH
HUSSERL, EDMUND
ICONOCLASM: AN OVERVIEW
AMERICAN ICONOGRAPHY
Douglas Allen (1987 and 2005)
Diane Apostolos-Cappadona
Armin W. Geertz (1987)
(2005)
HUTCHINSON, ANNE
ICONOGRAPHY: TRADITIONAL AFRICAN
Emery J. Battis (1987)
ICONOCLASM: ICONOCLASM IN THE
ICONOGRAPHY
HUTTERIAN BRETHREN
BYZANTINE TRADITION
John Pemberton III (1987 and
William M. Kephart (1987)
Charles Barber (2005)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
ICONOGRAPHY: AUSTRALIAN
ICONS
HYPOSTASIS
ABORIGINAL ICONOGRAPHY
Virgil Cândea (1987)
Birger A. Pearson (1987)
Howard Morphy (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
ICONOGRAPHY: BUDDHIST
IDEALISM
I
ICONOGRAPHY
Leroy S. Rouner (1987)
Jacob N. Kinnard (2005)
Revised Bibliography
I AM
ICONOGRAPHY: CHRISTIAN
J. Gordon Melton (2005)
IDOLATRY
ICONOGRAPHY
Julien Ries (1987)
IBA
¯ D.IYYA
John W. Cook (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Alan Jones (2005)
ICONOGRAPHY: CONFUCIAN
IGBO RELIGION
IBERIAN RELIGION
ICONOGRAPHY
Francis A. Arinze (1987)
Francisco Marco Simón (2005)
Deborah Sommer (2005)
Ogbu Kalu (2005)
IBN EABD AL-WAHHA¯B, MUH.AMMAD
ICONOGRAPHY: DAOIST ICONOGRAPHY
IGNATIUS LOYOLA
John O. Voll (1987 and 2005)
Ursula-Angelika Cedzich (2005)
John F. Broderick (1987)
IBN AL-EARABI¯
ICONOGRAPHY: EGYPTIAN
IGNATIUS OF ANTIOCH
Stephen Hirtenstein (2005)
ICONOGRAPHY
George S. Bebis (1987)
IBN AL-FA
¯ RID.
Karol Mysliwiec (1987)
IEJA¯Z
Issa J. Boullata (1987 and 2005)
Issa J. Boullata (1987)
ICONOGRAPHY: GRECO-ROMAN
IBN EAT.A¯D ALLA¯H
ICONOGRAPHY
I
¯JI¯, EAD.UD AL-DI¯N AL-
Victor Danner (1987)
Tamara M. Green (1987)
Josef van Ess (1987)
IBN BA
¯ BAWAYHI
ICONOGRAPHY: HINDU ICONOGRAPHY
IJMA
¯ E
Etan Kohlberg (1987)
Stella Kramrisch (1987)
Bernard G. Weiss (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lv
IJTIH A
¯ D
INDO-EUROPEAN RELIGIONS: AN
INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY FOR KRISHNA
Bernard G. Weiss (1987)
OVERVIEW
CONSCIOUSNESS
Bruce Lincoln (1987)
Larry D. Shinn (1987 and 2005)
IKHWA
¯ N AL-S.AFA¯D
Revised Bibliography
Ismail K. Poonawala (1987)
INTI
INDO-EUROPEAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY
Elizabeth P. Benson (1987)
IKKYU
¯ SO¯JUN
OF STUDY
James Hugh Sanford (1987)
INTUITION
C. Scott Littleton (1987 and 2005)
Ileana Marcoulesco (1987)
Revised Bibliography
INDRA
Revised Bibliography
ILMARINEN
Wendy Doniger (1987)
INUIT RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
Matti Kuusi (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Inge Kleivan (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
INDUS VALLEY RELIGION
IMAGES: IMAGES, ICONS, AND IDOLS
Thomas J. Hopkins (1987)
INVISIBLE RELIGION
John E. Cort (2005)
Alf Hiltebeitel (1987)
Carlo Prandi (2005)
IMAGES: VENERATION OF IMAGES
Revised Bibliography
IOANN OF KRONSTADT
Richard H. Davis (2005)
INITIATION: AN OVERVIEW
Thomas Hopko (1987)
Mircea Eliade (1987)
IMAMATE
IPPEN
Wilfred Madelung (1987)
INITIATION: MEN’S INITIATION
James H. Foard (1987 and 2005)
Walter O. Kaelber (1987)
I
¯MA¯N AND ISLA¯M
IQBAL, MUHAMMAD
Jane I. Smith (1987)
INITIATION: WOMEN’S INITIATION
Fazlur Rahman (1987)
Bruce Lincoln (1987)
Revised Bibliography
IMPLICIT RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
Arnaldo Nesti (2005)
IRANIAN RELIGIONS
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
INNER ASIAN RELIGIONS
INANNA
Ruth I. Meserve (1987)
IRENAEUS
Giovanni Pettinato (2005)
Revised Bibliography
E. Glenn Hinson (1987)
INCANTATION
INNOCENT I
IROQUOIS RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
Theodore M. Ludwig (1987)
Paul Meyvaert (1987)
Donald P. St. John (1987)
INCA RELIGION
INNOCENT III
IRVING, EDWARD
Pierre Duviols (1987)
Kenneth Pennington (1987)
Timothy P. Weber (1987)
Revised Bibliography
INNOKENTII VENIAMINOV
ISAAC
INCARNATION
James J. Stamoolis (1987)
Frederick E. Greenspahn (1987
Manabu Waida (1987)
and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
INQUISITION, THE: THE INQUISITION IN
THE NEW WORLD
ISAAC THE SYRIAN
INCENSE
Scott Sessions (2005)
Theodore Stylianopoulos (1987)
Habibeh Rahim (1987)
ISAIAH
INQUISITION, THE: THE INQUISITION IN
Yehoshua Gitay (1987)
INDIAN PHILOSOPHIES
THE OLD WORLD
Revised Bibliography
Anuradha Veeravalli (2005)
William Monter (2005)
ISHIDA BAIGAN
INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
INSECTS
Haga Noboru (1987)
Jan Gonda (1987)
Manabu Waida (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
ISHMAEL
INDIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
INSPIRATION
Frederick E. Greenspahn (1987
Wilhelm Halbfass (1987)
David Carpenter (1987)
and 2005)
Arjun Appadurai (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ISHRA
¯ QI¯YAH
Revised Bibliography
INTELLECTUALS
Toshihiko Izutsu (1987)
INDIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
Edward Shils (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Wendy Doniger (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ISIDORE OF SEVILLE
Revised Bibliography
INTELLIGENT DESIGN
Manuel C. Díaz y Díaz (1987 and
William A. Dembski (2005)
2005)
INDIAN RELIGIONS: RURAL TRADITIONS
Pupul Jayakar (1987)
INTERLACUSTRINE BANTU RELIGIONS
ISIS
Revised Bibliography
John Beattie (1987)
Sarolta A. Takács (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
ISLAM: AN OVERVIEW [FIRST EDITION]
ISRAELITE LAW: PERSONAL STATUS AND
JAPANESE RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
Fazlur Rahman (1987)
FAMILY LAW
Joseph M. Kitagawa (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Tikva Frymer-Kensky (1987)
Gary L. Ebersole (2005)
Revised Bibliography
ISLAM: AN OVERVIEW [FURTHER
JAPANESE RELIGIONS: POPULAR
CONSIDERATIONS]
ISRAELITE LAW: PROPERTY LAW
RELIGION
Azim Nanji (2005)
David Marcus (1987)
Alan L. Miller (1987 and 2005)
Abdou Filali-Ansary (2005)
Revised Bibliography
JAPANESE RELIGIONS: RELIGIOUS
ISLAM: ISLAM IN ANDALUSIA
ISRAELITE LAW: STATE AND JUDICIARY
DOCUMENTS
Maribel Fierro (2005)
LAW
H. Paul Varley (1987)
ISLAM: ISLAM IN CENTRAL ASIA
Tikva Frymer-Kensky (1987)
Maureen H. Donovan (2005)
Shirin Akiner (2005)
Revised Bibliography
JAPANESE RELIGIONS: THE STUDY OF
ISLAM: ISLAM IN CHINA
ISRAELITE RELIGION
MYTHS
Michael Dillon (2005)
Ronald S. Hendel (2005)
Isomae Jun’ichi (2005)
ISLAM: ISLAM IN MODERN EUROPE
ISSERLES, MOSHEH
JASPERS, KARL
Jørgen S. Nielsen (2005)
Michael Stanislawski (1987)
Leszek Kolakowski (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ISLAM: ISLAM IN NORTH AFRICA
JAVANESE RELIGION
AbdAlla¯h Laroui (1987)
I
¯S´VARA
R. M. Koentjaraningrat (1987)
Lloyd W. Pflueger (2005)
Revised Bibliography
ISLAM: ISLAM IN SOUTH ASIA
Ali S. Asani (2005)
ITO
¯ JINSAI
JAYADEVA
Joseph J. Spae (1987)
Barbara Stoler Miller (1987)
ISLAM: ISLAM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
Revised Bibliography
A. H. Johns (1987 and 2005)
IUPITER DOLICHENUS
Nicole Belayche (2005)
JEHOVAH’S WITNESSES
ISLAM: ISLAM IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
David L. Weddle (2005)
Nehemia Levtzion (1987)
IZANAGI AND IZANAMI
Abdin Chande (2005)
Matsumae Takeshi (1987)
JENSEN, ADOLF E.
Otto Zerries (1987)
ISLAM: ISLAM IN THE AMERICAS
J
Aminah Beverly McCloud (2005)
Alessandra Ciattini (2005)
JACOB
JEREMIAH
ISLAM: ISLAM IN THE CAUCASUS AND
Frederick E. Greenspahn (1987
S. David Sperling (1987)
THE MIDDLE VOLGA
Alexandre Bennigsen (1987)
and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Fanny E. Bryan (1987)
JADE
JEREMIAS II
David Carpenter (1987)
Theodore Zissis (1987)
ISLAMIC LAW: PERSONAL LAW
M. Hashim Kamali (1987)
Karl Taube (2005)
JEROME
JAEFAR AL-S
John Buckler (1987)
ISLAMIC LAW: SHARI¯EAH
.A
¯ DIQ
Ann Elizabeth Mayer (1987 and
Arzina R. Lalani (2005)
JERUSALEM: AN OVERVIEW
2005)
JAGUARS
F. E. Peters (1987)
Nicholas J. Saunders (2005)
ISLAMIC RELIGIOUS YEAR
Revised Bibliography
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
JAINISM
JERUSALEM: JERUSALEM IN JUDAISM,
ISLAMIC STUDIES [FIRST EDITION]
Paul Dundas (2005)
CHRISTIANITY, AND ISLAM
Jacques Waardenburg (1987)
Reuven Firestone (2005)
JAMA
¯ EAT-I ISLA¯MI¯
ISLAMIC STUDIES [FURTHER
Charles J. Adams (1987)
JESUITS
CONSIDERATIONS]
Revised Bibliography
John F. Broderick (1987)
Azim Nanji (2005)
Revised Bibliography
JAMES, E. O.
EIS.MAH
Eric J. Sharpe (1987)
JESUS
L. Clarke (2005)
Dale C. Allison, Jr. (2005)
JAMES, WILLIAM
ISRAELITE LAW: AN OVERVIEW
Jacques Barzun (1987)
JESUS MOVEMENT
Eckart Otto (2005)
Ann Taves (2005)
James T. Richardson (2005)
ISRAELITE LAW: CRIMINAL LAW
JANUS
JEVONS, F. B.
Samuel Greengus (1987)
Robert Schilling (1987)
Garry W. Trompf (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lvii
JEWISH PEOPLE
JOAN OF ARC
JUANA INÉS DE LA CRUZ DE ASBAJE Y
Robert M. Seltzer (1987 and
Anne Llewellyn Barstow (1987)
RAMIREZ
2005)
Michelle A. Gonzalez (2005)
JOB
JEWISH RELIGIOUS YEAR
Carol A. Newsom (2005)
JUDAISM: AN OVERVIEW
Louis Jacobs (1987)
Michael Swartz (2005)
JO
¯ DO SHINSHU¯
JEWISH RENEWAL MOVEMENT
Hase Sho¯to¯ (1987)
JUDAISM: JUDAISM IN ASIA
Shaul Magid (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Nathan Katz (2005)
JEWISH STUDIES: JEWISH STUDIES FROM
JO
¯ DOSHU¯
JUDAISM: JUDAISM IN NORTHEAST
1818 TO 1919
Fujiyoshi Jikai (1987)
AFRICA
Ismar Schorsch (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Steven Kaplan (2005)
Revised Bibliography
JOHN OF DAMASCUS
JUDAISM: JUDAISM IN NORTHERN AND
JEWISH STUDIES: JEWISH STUDIES SINCE
Stanley Samuel Harakas (1987)
EASTERN EUROPE SINCE 1500
1919
Steven J. Zipperstein (1987)
JOHN OF THE CROSS
Michael Brenner (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Sandra M. Schneiders (1987 and
JEWISH THOUGHT AND PHILOSOPHY:
2005)
JUDAISM: JUDAISM IN NORTHERN AND
JEWISH ETHICAL LITERATURE
EASTERN EUROPE TO 1500
JOHN THE BAPTIST
Joseph Dan (1987)
Ivan G. Marcus (1987)
Walter Wink (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
JOHN THE EVANGELIST
JEWISH THOUGHT AND PHILOSOPHY:
D. Moody Smith (1987 and 2005)
JUDAISM: JUDAISM IN THE MIDDLE EAST
MODERN THOUGHT
AND NORTH AFRICA SINCE 1492
Paul R. Mendes-Flohr (1987 and
JOHN XXIII
Jane S. Gerber (1987 and 2005)
2005)
Francis X. Murphy (1987)
JUDAISM: JUDAISM IN THE MIDDLE EAST
JEWISH THOUGHT AND PHILOSOPHY:
JONAH
AND NORTH AFRICA TO 1492
PREMODERN PHILOSOPHY
Michael Fishbane (1987)
Mark R. Cohen (1987)
Seymour Feldman (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
JONAS, HANS
JUDGE, WILLIAM Q.
JIAO
Christian Wiese (2005)
Judy D. Saltzman (2005)
Laurence G. Thompson (1987)
JONES, ABSALOM
JUDGMENT OF THE DEAD
Revised Bibliography
James Anthony Noel (2005)
Helmer Ringgren (1987)
JIEN
Revised Bibliography
JONES, JIM
Delmer M. Brown (1987)
Rebecca Moore (2005)
JULIAN OF HALICARNASSUS
JIHA
¯ D
Demetrios J. Constantelos (1987)
JONESTOWN AND PEOPLES TEMPLE
Rudolph Peters (1987)
David Chidester (2005)
JULIAN OF NORWICH
Barbara Bishop (1987)
JIMMU
JOSEPH
Kakubayashi Fumio (1987 and
Frederick E. Greenspahn (1987
JUNAYD, AL-
2005)
and 2005)
Alexander Knysh (2005)
JINGO
¯
JOSEPH OF VOLOKOLAMSK
JUNG, C. G.
J. H. Kamstra (1987)
Sergei Hackel (1987)
Peter Homans (1987)
Robert A. Segal (2005)
JINGTU
JOSEPHUS FLAVIUS
David W. Chappell (1987 and
David Altshuler (1987)
JUNO
2005)
Robert Schilling (1987)
JOSHUA
Revised Bibliography
JI¯VANMUKTI
Edward L. Greenstein (1987 and
Sanjukta Gupta (1987)
2005)
JUPITER
Revised Bibliography
Robert Schilling (1987)
JOSIAH
Charles Guittard (2005)
JIZANG
John Van Seters (1987)
Aaron K. Koseki (1987)
Revised Bibliography
JUSTIFICATION
Revised Bibliography
Ian A. McFarland (2005)
JÖTNAR
JÑA
¯ NA
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
JUSTINIAN I
Bimal Krishna Matilal (1987)
George Every (1987)
JOURNALISM AND RELIGION
JOACHIM OF FIORE
Ruel W. Tyson, Jr. (1987)
JUSTIN MARTYR
Marjorie E. Reeves (1987)
Revised Bibliography
E. Glenn Hinson (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lviii
LIST OF ARTICLES
K
KARMAN: BUDDHIST CONCEPTS
KIERKEGAARD, SØREN
Dennis Hirota (2005)
Mark C. Taylor (1987)
KAEBAH
Gordon D. Newby (2005)
KARMAN: HINDU AND JAIN CONCEPTS
KIMBANGU, SIMON
William K. Mahony (1987)
Bennetta Jules-Rosette (1987)
KABERRY, PHYLLIS M.
KIMH
Sandy Toussaint (2005)
KARMA PAS
. I, DAVID
Kurtis R. Schaeffer (2005)
Frank Talmage (1987)
KABI¯R
Revised Bibliography
Charlotte Vaudeville (1987)
KARO, YOSEF
R. J. Zwi Werblowsky (1987)
KING, MARTIN LUTHER, JR.
Revised Bibliography
Albert J. Raboteau (1987)
KARUN
. A
¯
KAGAN, YISRADEL MEDIR
Taitetsu Unno (1987)
KINGDOM OF GOD
Shaul Stampfer (1987)
Revised Bibliography
John Pairman Brown (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
KASHRUT
KAGAWA TOYOHIKO
David Novak (1987 and 2005)
KINGSHIP: AN OVERVIEW
John F. Howes (1987)
Gaetano Riccardo (2005)
KAUFMANN, YEH
. EZKEL
KAIBARA EKKEN
Laurence J. Silberstein (1987)
KINGSHIP: KINGSHIP IN EAST ASIA
Mary Evelyn Tucker (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Manabu Waida (1987)
Revised Bibliography
KALA
¯ BA¯DHI¯, AL-
KEIZAN
Gerhard Böwering (1987)
William M. Bodiford (2005)
KINGSHIP: KINGSHIP IN MESOAMERICA
AND SOUTH AMERICA
KA
¯ LACAKRA
KEMPE, MARGERY
Davíd Carrasco (1987 and 2005)
Vesna A. Wallace (2005)
Louise Collis (1987)
KINGSHIP: KINGSHIP IN SUB-SAHARAN
KALA
¯ M
KENYON, KATHLEEN
AFRICA
Georges C. Anawati (1987)
Kathleen S. Nash (2005)
Wyatt MacGaffey (1987 and 2005)
KALISCHER, TSEVI HIRSCH
KEPLER, JOHANNES
KINGSHIP: KINGSHIP IN THE ANCIENT
Jody Elizabeth Myers (1987 and
Ravi Ravindra (1987)
MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
2005)
Revised Bibliography
Cristiano Grottanelli (1987)
KAMALAS´I¯LA
Pietro Mander (2005)
KERÉNYI, KÁROLY
Sara L. McClintock (2005)
William McGuire (1987)
KINJIKITILE
KAMI
Aldo Magris (2005)
Marcia Wright (1987)
Michio Araki (2005)
KEYS
KINSHIP
Claudia Gross (2005)
KAMO NO MABUCHI
Elaine Magalis (1987)
Haga Noboru (1987)
Revised Bibliography
KIREEVSKII, IVAN
Revised Bibliography
KHA
¯ NAGA¯H
Sergei Hackel (1987)
KANG YUWEI
Bruce B. Lawrence (1987)
KITAGAWA, JOSEPH M.
Hao Chang (1987 and 2005)
KHANTY AND MANSI RELIGION
H. Byron Earhart (2005)
KANT, IMMANUEL
Eva Schmidt (1987)
KLIMKEIT, HANS-JOACHIM
T. K. Seung (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Michael Stausberg (2005)
KAPLAN, MORDECAI
KHA
¯ RIJI¯S
KLONG CHEN RAB ‘BYAMS PA
Richard L. Libowitz (1987 and
John Alden Williams (1987)
(LONGCHENPA)
2005)
David Germano (2005)
KHMER RELIGION
Anne Hansen (2005)
Gregory A. Hillis (2005)
KARAITES
Leon Nemoy (1987)
KNEES
KHOI AND SAN RELIGION
Daniel Frank (2005)
Edwin N. Wilmsen (1987)
Frederick Mathewson Denny
Revised Bibliography
(1987)
KARBALA
Syed Akbar Hyder (2005)
KNOTS
KHOMIAKOV, ALEKSEI
Giulia Piccaluga (1987)
Sergei Hackel (1987)
KARDECISM
Revised Bibliography
Lisias Noguera Negra¯o (1987)
KHUSRAW, AMI¯R
Revised Bibliography
KNOWLEDGE AND IGNORANCE
Saleem Kidwai (1987)
Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin
KARELIAN RELIGION
KHVARENAH
(1987)
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lix
KNOX, JOHN
KR.S.N.AISM
LAKES
John H. Leith (1987)
Friedhelm E. Hardy (1987)
Richard F. Townsend (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
KO
¯ BEN
Leo M. Pruden (1987)
KS.ITIGARBHA
LAKOTA RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
Miriam Levering (1987)
William K. Powers (1987)
KOHLER, KAUFMANN
Revised Bibliography
James Garrett (2005)
Benny Kraut (1987)
Kathleen J. Martin (2005)
KUBRA
¯ , NAJM AL-DI¯N
KOKUGAKU
Muhammad Isa Waley (2005)
LAMOTTE, ÉTIENNE
Ishida Ichiro¯ (1987)
Hubert Durt (1987 and 2005)
Peter Nosco (2005)
KUIJI
Alan Sponberg (1987)
LANDVÆTTIR
KOMI RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
John Lindow (1987 and 2005)
Nikolai Konakov (2005)
KULTURKREISELEHRE
LANG, ANDREW
KONGO RELIGION
Kurt Rudolph (1987)
Benjamin C. Ray (1987)
John M. Janzen (1987)
Alessandra Ciattini (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
KUMA
¯ RAJI¯VA
LANGER, SUSANNE
KONG SPRUL BLO GROS MTHA’ YAS
Dale Todaro (1987)
Arabella Lyon (2005)
(KONGTRUL LODRO TAYE)
LANGUAGE: BUDDHIST VIEWS OF
E. Gene Smith (2005)
KUMAZAWA BANZAN
I. J. McMullen (1987)
LANGUAGE
KONKO
¯ KYO¯
Luis O. Gómez (1987)
Helen Hardacre (1987)
KUMBHA MELA
¯
Revised Bibliography
William S. Sax (1987)
KOOK, AVRAHAM YITSH
. AQ
Revised Bibliography
LANGUAGE: SACRED LANGUAGE
Benjamin Ish-Shalom (2005)
Wade T. Wheelock (1987)
KUN
. D
. ALINI¯
KOREAN RELIGION
LAO RELIGION
Hugh B. Urban (2005)
Francisca Cho (2005)
Georges Condominas (1987)
KUROZUMIKYO
¯
Revised Bibliography
KORESH, DAVID
Hirota Masaki (1987)
James D. Tabor (2005)
LAOZI
Revised Bibliography
Judith Magee Boltz (1987)
KOSMAS AITOLOS
KURUKS.ETRA
Nomikos Michael Vaporis (1987)
LARES
Alf Hiltebeitel (1987)
Attilio Mastrocinque (2005)
KOTLER, AHARON
KUSHITE RELIGION
Shaul Stampfer (1987)
LAS CASAS, BARTOLOMÉ DE
William Y. Adams (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Sidney H. Rooy (1987)
Revised Bibliography
LA VALLÉE POUSSIN, LOUIS DE
KOU QIANZHI
KU
¯ YA
Hubert Durt (1987)
Richard B. Mather (1987)
Edward Kamens (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
KRAEMER, HENDRIK
LAW, WILLIAM
Willem A. Bijlefeld (1987)
L
Erwin P. Rudolph (1987)
Revised Bibliography
LABYRINTH
Lima de Freitas (1987)
LAW AND RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
KRAMRISCH, STELLA
Winnifred Fallers Sullivan (2005)
Michael W. Meister (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Robert A. Yelle (2005)
LADY OF THE ANIMALS
KRISHNAMURTI, JIDDU
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND NEW
Charles S. J. White (1987 and
Carol P. Christ (1987 and 2005)
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
2005)
LAESTADIUS, LARS LEVI
James T. Richardson (2005)
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
KRISTENSEN, W. BREDE
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND RELIGION
John B. Carman (1987)
LA
¯ HORI¯, MUH.AMMAD EALI¯
IN BUDDHISM
Revised Bibliography
Sajida S. Alvi (1987 and 2005)
Rebecca R. French (2005)
KROCHMAL, NAH
. MAN
LAIMA
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND RELIGION
Robert M. Seltzer (1987)
Haralds Biezais (1987)
IN CHINESE RELIGIONS
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Laura A. Skosey (2005)
KRS.N.A
LAITY
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND RELIGION
John Stratton Hawley (1987 and
F. Stanley Lusby (1987)
IN HINDUISM
2005)
Revised Bibliography
Richard W. Lariviere (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lx
LIST OF ARTICLES
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND RELIGION
LEGITIMATION
LIELE, GEORGE
IN INDIGENOUS CULTURES
James Luther Adams (1987)
James Anthony Noel (2005)
Greg Johnson (2005)
Thomas Mikelson (1987)
LIFE
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND RELIGION
LEHMANN, EDVARD
J. Bruce Long (1987)
IN MEDIEVAL EUROPE
Jes P. Asmussen (1987)
Laurie Louise Patton (2005)
Laurent Mayali (2005)
LEIBNIZ, GOTTFRIED WILHELM
LIGHT AND DARKNESS
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND RELIGION
R. C. Sleigh, Jr. (1987)
R. J. Zwi Werblowsky (1987)
IN THE ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN
Julia Iwersen (2005)
LEMMINKÄINEN
WORLD
Matti Kuusi (1987)
LI¯LA
¯
Hans Kippenberg (2005)
Norvin Hein (1987)
LENSHINA, ALICE
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW, RELIGION, AND
Revised Bibliography
George Clement Bond (1987)
CRITICAL THEORY
LILITH
Peter Goodrich (2005)
LEO I
Rebecca M. Lesses (2005)
Robert Somerville (1987 and
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW, RELIGION,
2005)
LIMINALITY
AND HUMAN RIGHTS
Edith Turner (2005)
Rosalind I. J. Hackett (2005)
LEO XIII
Joseph M. McShane (1987)
LINJI
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW, RELIGION,
Thomas Cleary (1987)
AND LITERATURE
LEONTIUS OF BYZANTIUM
Richard A. Rosengarten (2005)
David B. Evans (1987)
LIONS
Kathryn Hutton (1987)
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW, RELIGION,
LESBIANISM
Revised Bibliography
AND MORALITY
Carol S. Anderson (2005)
Michael Kessler (2005)
LI SHAOJUN
LESSING, G. E.
T. H. Barrett (1987)
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW, RELIGION,
L. P. Wessell, Jr. (1987)
Revised Bibliography
AND PUNISHMENT
Robert A. Yelle (2005)
LEUBA, JAMES H.
LITERATURE: CRITICAL THEORY AND
Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi (1987)
RELIGIOUS STUDIES
LAWRENCE, PETER
Revised Bibliography
David Jasper (2005)
Mary N. MacDonald (2005)
LÉVI, SYLVAIN
LITERATURE: LITERATURE AND RELIGION
LEACH, EDMUND
G. R. Welbon (1987 and 2005)
Anthony C. Yu (1987)
Mac Linscott Ricketts (2005)
LEVITES
Larry D. Bouchard (2005)
LEADERSHIP
Baruch A. Levine (1987)
LITERATURE: RELIGIOUS DIMENSIONS OF
Gillian Lindt (1987)
Revised Bibliography
MODERN WESTERN LITERATURE [FIRST
Revised Bibliography
LEVI YITSH
EDITION]
. AQ OF BERDICHEV
LEAVEN
Arthur Green (1987)
Nathan A. Scott, Jr. (1987)
James E. Latham (1987)
Revised Bibliography
LITERATURE: RELIGIOUS DIMENSIONS OF
LEE, ANN
MODERN WESTERN LITERATURE
LÉVY-BRUHL, LUCIEN
Lawrence Foster (1987 and 2005)
Claude Rivière (1987)
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Kevin Hart (2005)
LEENHARDT, MAURICE
LEWIS, C. S.
James Clifford (1987)
Walter Hooper (1987)
LITURGY
Revised Bibliography
Lawrence A. Hoffman (2005)
LI
LEESER, ISAAC
David S. Nivison (1987)
LIU AN
Abraham J. Karp (1987)
Harold D. Roth (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
LIANG WUDI
Miyakawa Hisayuki (1987)
LIU DEREN
LEEUW, GERARDUS VAN DER
Kubo Noritada (1987)
Jacques Waardenburg (1987)
LIBATION
LOCKE, JOHN
Revised Bibliography
Hans Dieter Betz (1987)
John C. Higgins-Biddle (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
LEFT AND RIGHT
2005)
Richard C. Martin (1987)
LIBERATION
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Kenneth Surin (2005)
LOGIC
LEGALISM
LIBERATION THEOLOGY
R. M. Martin (1987)
Karen Turner (2005)
Elsa Tamez (2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lxi
LOGICAL POSITIVISM
LURIA, SHELOMOH
MAGIC: MAGIC IN MEDIEVAL AND
Frederick Ferré (1987)
Michael Stanislawski (1987)
RENAISSANCE EUROPE
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Richard Kieckhefer (2005)
LOGOS
LUSTRATIO
MAGIC: MAGIC IN SOUTH ASIA
Jean Pépin (1987)
John Scheid (1987)
Ariel Glucklich (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
MAGIC: THEORIES OF MAGIC
LOISY, ALFRED
LUTHER, MARTIN
John Middleton (1987 and 2005)
Richard J. Resch (1987)
Hans J. Hillerbrand (1987)
Revised Bibliography
MAHA
¯ BHA¯RATA
LUTHERANISM
Alf Hiltebeitel (1987)
LOKI
Eric W. Gritsch (1987)
Revised Bibliography
John Lindow (2005)
Revised Bibliography
MAHA
¯ MUDRA¯
LONERGAN, BERNARD
LU XIUJING
Roger R. Jackson (2005)
Frederick E. Crowe (1987 and
Catherine M. Bell (1987)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
MAHA
¯ SA¯M.GHIKA
Luis O. Gómez (1987)
LÖNNROT, ELIAS
LU XIANGSHAN
Revised Bibliography
Felix J. Oinas (1987)
On-cho Ng (2005)
Revised Bibliography
MAHA
¯ SIDDHAS
M
Reginald Ray (1987)
LORD OF THE ANIMALS
Revised Bibliography
Otto Zerries (1987)
MABINOGION
Brynley F. Roberts (1987 and
MAHA
¯ VAIROCANA
LORD’S PRAYER
2005)
Charles D. Orzech (1987)
Geoffrey Wainwright (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
2005)
MADHHAB
M. Hashim Kamali (1987)
MAHA
¯ VI¯RA
LOTUS
Colette Caillat (1987)
Joel P. Brereton (1987)
MADHVA
Karl H. Potter (1987)
MAID OF LUDMIR
LÖW, YEHUDAH BEN BETSALDEL OF
Ada Rapoport-Albert (2005)
PRAGUE
MA
¯ DHYAMIKA
Byron L. Sherwin (1987)
Kajiyama Yu¯ichi (1987)
MAIMONIDES, ABRAHAM
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Paul B. Fenton (2005)
LOWIE, ROBERT H.
MADRASAH
MAIMONIDES, MOSES
Raymond D. Fogelson (1987)
Richard W. Bulliet (1987)
Isadore Twersky (1987)
Revised Bibliography
LUBA RELIGION
MA GCIG LAB SGRON (MACHIG
J. A. Theuws (1987)
LABDRON)
MAITREYA
Revised Bibliography
Janet Gyatso (2005)
Lewis R. Lancaster (1987)
Revised Bibliography
LUDI SAECULARES
MAGEN DAVID
John Scheid (1987)
Joseph Gutmann (1987)
MAJLISI¯, AL-
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Etan Kohlberg (1987)
LUGBARA RELIGION
MAGI
MAKARIOS OF EGYPT
John Middleton (1987)
Albert de Jong (2005)
Theodore Zissis (1987)
Revised Bibliography
MAGIC: MAGIC IN EAST ASIA
MALALASEKERA, G. P.
LUGH
Donald Harper (1987)
N. A. Jayawickrama (1987)
Elizabeth A. Gray (2005)
Revised Bibliography
MAGIC: MAGIC IN EASTERN EUROPE
LUKE THE EVANGELIST
Ionna Andreesco-Miereanu (1987)
MALBIM
D. Moody Smith (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
A. Stanley Dreyfus (1987)
LULL, RAMÓN
MAGIC: MAGIC IN GRECO-ROMAN
MALCOLM X
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
ANTIQUITY
Lawrence H. Mamiya (1987)
Hans Dieter Betz (1987)
LUPERCALIA
MA
¯ LIK IBN ANAS
Robert Schilling (1987)
MAGIC: MAGIC IN INDIGENOUS
Susan A. Spectorsky (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SOCIETIES
Devin J. Stewart (2005)
Donald R. Hill (1987)
LURIA, ISAAC
MALINOWSKI, BRONISLAW
Lawrence Fine (1987)
MAGIC: MAGIC IN ISLAM
Michael A. Baenen (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Toufic Fahd (1987)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxii
LIST OF ARTICLES
MAMI WATA
MAORI RELIGION [FIRST EDITION]
MARRANOS
Kathleen O’Brien Wicker (2005)
F. Allan Hanson (1987)
Daniel M. Swetschinski (1987)
Renée Levine Melammed (2005)
MANA
MAORI RELIGION [FURTHER
Roy Wagner (2005)
CONSIDERATIONS]
MARRIAGE
Edith Turner (1987)
MANCO CAPAC AND MAMA OCLLO
Jean E. Rosenfeld (2005)
Elizabeth P. Benson (1987)
Pamela R. Frese (1987)
MAPONOS
MANDA D’HIIA
Françoise le Roux (1987)
MARS
Jorunn Jacobsen Buckley (1987)
Christian-J. Guyonvarc’h (1987)
Robert Schilling (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Charles Guittard (2005)
MAPPO
¯
MANDAEAN RELIGION
Taitetsu Unno (1987)
MARSILIUS OF PADUA
Jorunn Jacobsen Buckley (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Alan Gewirth (1987)
Ezio Albrile (2005)
MAPUCHE RELIGION
MARTIAL ARTS: AN OVERVIEW
MAN
Michael Maliszewski (1987)
. D
. ALAS: BUDDHIST MAN
. D
. ALAS
Miguel Angel Olivera (1987)
Gudrun Bühnemann (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
MAN
. D
. ALAS: HINDU MAN
. D
. ALAS
MA
¯ RA
MARTIAL ARTS: CHINESE MARTIAL ARTS
Peter Gaeffke (1987)
John S. Strong (2005)
Meir Shahar (2005)
Revised Bibliography
MARTINEAU, JAMES
MA
¯ RA (AND GREAT MOTHERS)
MANI
Janı¯na Kursı¯te (2005)
R. K. Webb (1987)
Andrea Piras (2005)
MARTYRDOM
MARANKE, JOHN
MANICHAEISM: AN OVERVIEW
Bennetta Jules-Rosette (1987)
Samuel Z. Klausner (1987)
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
Revised Bibliography
MARATHI RELIGIONS
MANICHAEISM: MANICHAEISM AND
Eleanor Zelliot (1987 and 2005)
MARX, KARL
CHRISTIANITY
Louis Dupré (1987)
Anne Feldhaus (1987 and 2005)
Johannes van Oort (2005)
Revised Bibliography
MARCION
MANICHAEISM: MANICHAEISM IN
MARY: AN OVERVIEW
Robert L. Wilken (1987)
CENTRAL ASIA AND CHINA
John Reumann (1987 and 2005)
Samuel N. C. Lieu (2005)
MARCIONISM
MARY: FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES
Robert L. Wilken (1987)
MANICHAEISM: MANICHAEISM IN IRAN
Tina Beattie (2005)
Manfred Hutter (2005)
MARDUK
MARY MAGDALENE
MANICHAEISM: MANICHAEISM IN THE
Tikva Frymer-Kensky (1987)
Diane Treacy-Cole (2005)
ROMAN EMPIRE
Revised Bibliography
Samuel N. C. Lieu (2005)
MASCULINE SACRALITY
MARDU RELIGION
M. H. Klaiman (1987)
MA
¯ N.IKKAVA¯CAKAR
Robert Tonkinson (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
Glenn E. Yocum (1987)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
MASHTOTSE, MESROP
MARETT, R. R.
Krikor H. Maksoudian (1987)
MANISM
Eric J. Sharpe (1987)
Eric J. Sharpe (1987)
Revised Bibliography
MASKS
Henry Pernet (2005)
MANITOU
MARI AND MORDVIN RELIGION
James B. Jeffries (2005)
Juha Pentikäinen (1987)
MAS.LAH.AH
Susan A. Spectorsky (1987)
MAÑJUS´RI¯
MARIE DE L’INCARNATION
Raoul Birnbaum (1987)
Raymond Brodeur (2005)
MASPERO, HENRI
Revised Bibliography
Anna Seidel (1987)
MARITAIN, JACQUES
MANNHARDT, WILHELM
James C. Livingston (1987)
MASSIGNON, LOUIS
Eric J. Sharpe (1987)
Jacques Waardenburg (1987)
Revised Bibliography
MARK OF EPHESUS
Revised Bibliography
Panagiotis C. Christou (1987)
MANTRA
MATERIALISM
Frederick M. Smith (2005)
MARK THE EVANGELIST
Ernan McMullin (1987)
D. Moody Smith (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
MANU
Ludo Rocher (1987)
MAR PA
MATHER FAMILY
Revised Bibliography
Hubert Decleer (2005)
Robert Middlekauff (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxiii
MATRES
MEGALITHIC RELIGION: PREHISTORIC
MERIT: BUDDHIST CONCEPTS
Françoise le Roux (1987)
EVIDENCE
John S. Strong (1987)
Christian-J. Guyonvarc’h (1987)
Marija Gimbutas (1987)
Revised Bibliography
MATTHEW THE EVANGELIST
MEHER BABA
MERIT: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
D. Moody Smith (1987 and 2005)
Charles C. Haynes (1987 and
Michael Pye (1987)
Revised Bibliography
MA
¯ TURI¯DI¯, AL-
2005)
R. Marston Speight (1987)
MEDIR
MERLIN
Ibrahim Kalin (2005)
Tzvee Zahavy (1987)
Brynley F. Roberts (1987 and
MA
¯ UI
Revised Bibliography
2005)
Katharine Luomala (1987)
MEDIR BEN BARUKH OF ROTHENBURG
MERTON, THOMAS
MAURICE, FREDERICK DENISON
Gerald J. Blidstein (1987)
Anthony Padovano (1987)
Olive J. Brose (1987)
MELANCHTHON, PHILIPP
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS: CLASSIC
MAUSS, MARCEL
Clyde L. Manschreck (1987)
CULTURES
Marcel Fournier (2005)
Doris Heyden (1987)
MELANESIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
MA
¯ WARDI¯, AL-
Ann Chowning (1987)
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS: COLONIAL
Donald P. Little (1987)
Revised Bibliography
CULTURES
Veronica Gutiérrez (2005)
MAWDU
¯ DI¯, SAYYID ABU¯ AL-AELA¯
MELANESIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC
Matthew Restall (2005)
Sheila McDonough (1987)
THEMES
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS:
MAWLID
Fitz John Porter Poole (1987)
Dale F. Eickelman (1987)
Revised Bibliography
CONTEMPORARY CULTURES
Robert S. Carlsen (2005)
MAWU-LISA
MELQART
James S. Thayer (1987)
Corinne Bonnet (2005)
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS: FORMATIVE
CULTURES
MAXIMÓN
MEMORIZATION
Hasso von Winning (1987)
Vincent Stanzione (2005)
Phillipe Borgeaud (1987 and
2005)
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
MAXIMOS THE CONFESSOR
STUDY
Nicholas Karazafiris (1987)
MENDELSSOHN, MOSES
Yolotl González Torres (1987 and
Robert M. Seltzer (1987)
MA
¯ YA¯
2005)
Teun Goudriaan (1987)
Revised Bibliography
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC
MAYA RELIGION
MENDICANCY
THEMES
David Stuart (2005)
Rosemary Rader (1987)
Doris Heyden (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Yolotl González Torres (2005)
MAZDAKISM
Davíd Carrasco (2005)
Ehsan Yarshater (2005)
MENGZI
Philip J. Ivanhoe (2005)
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS:
MBONA
J. Matthew Schoffeleers (1987)
POSTCLASSIC CULTURES
MENNONITES
H. B. Nicholson (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Cornelius J. Dyck (1987)
Revised Bibliography
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS: PRE-
MCPHERSON, AIMEE SEMPLE
Robert Mapes Anderson (1987)
COLUMBIAN RELIGIONS
MEN’S STUDIES IN RELIGION
Björn Krondorfer (2005)
Miguel Léon-Portilla (1987 and
MEAD, MARGARET
2005)
Paul Shankman (2005)
Philip Culbertson (2005)
MESOPOTAMIAN RELIGIONS: AN
MENSTRUATION
MEDIA AND RELIGION
OVERVIEW [FIRST EDITION]
Stewart M. Hoover (2005)
Melissa Raphael (2005)
Thorkild Jacobsen (1987)
MEDICAL ETHICS
MERCIER, DÉSIRÉ JOSEPH
MESOPOTAMIAN RELIGIONS: AN
Lisa Soleymani Lehmann (2005)
Gary Lease (1987)
OVERVIEW [FURTHER
MEDITATION
MEREZHKOVSKII, DMITRII
CONSIDERATIONS]
Frederic B. Underwood (1987)
Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal (1987
Giovanni Pettinato (2005)
and 2005)
MEGALITHIC RELIGION: HISTORICAL
MESOPOTAMIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
CULTURES
MERIT: AN OVERVIEW
STUDY
J. Stephen Lansing (1987)
Michael Pye (1987)
Thorkild Jacobsen (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Pietro Mander (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
MESSIANISM: AN OVERVIEW
MILLENARIANISM: CHINESE
MODERNITY
Helmer Ringgren (1987)
MILLENARIAN MOVEMENTS
John F. Wilson (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Richard Shek (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
MESSIANISM: JEWISH MESSIANISM
MI¯MA
¯ M.SA¯
MOGGALIPUTTATISSA
R. J. Zwi Werblowsky (1987)
Bimal Krishna Matilal (1987)
George D. Bond (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
MESSIANISM: MESSIANISM IN THE
MINERVA
MOHILEVER, SHEMUDEL
MUSLIM TRADITION
Jean-Louis Girard (1987)
David Biale (1987)
Kamran Scot Aghaie (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
MESSIANISM: SOUTH AMERICAN
MINISTRY
MÖHLER, JOHANN ADAM
Joseph Fitzer (1987)
MESSIANISM
Robert S. Paul (1987)
Juan M. Ossio (2005)
Revised Bibliography
MOKOSH
Marija Gimbutas (1987)
METALS AND METALLURGY
MIQVEH
Mircea Eliade (1987)
Judith R. Baskin (2005)
Revised Bibliography
MIRABAI
MOKS
METAPHYSICS
.A
Cornel West (1987)
Nancy M. Martin (2005)
A. M. Esnoul (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
MIRACLES: AN OVERVIEW
Manabu Waida (1987)
MONASTERY
METEOROLOGICAL BEINGS
Revised Bibliography
Karen Kingsley (1987)
Peter C. Chemery (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
MIRACLES: MODERN PERSPECTIVES
Morton Kelsey (1987)
MONASTICISM: AN OVERVIEW
METHODIST CHURCHES
Revised Bibliography
George Weckman (1987)
Frank Baker (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
MIERA¯J.
Gerhard Böwering (1987)
MONASTICISM: BUDDHIST
MEYKAN
. T.A
¯ R
MONASTICISM
Glenn E. Yocum (1987)
MIRIAM
Paul K. Nietupski (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Edward L. Greenstein (1987 and
2005)
MONASTICISM: CHRISTIAN
MICAH
MONASTICISM
Yehoshua Gitay (1987)
MIRRORS
Lutz Kaelber (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Sabine Melchior-Bonnet (2005)
MONEY
MISHNAH AND TOSEFTA
MICRONESIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
David Carpenter (1987)
William A. Lessa (1987)
Jacob Neusner (1987)
Jay Dobbin (2005)
Revised Bibliography
MONGKUT
Frank E. Reynolds (1987)
MISSIONS: BUDDHIST MISSIONS
MICRONESIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC
Revised Bibliography
Jonathan S. Walters (2005)
THEMES
MONGOL RELIGIONS
Katharine Luomala (1987)
MISSIONS: CHRISTIAN MISSIONS
Walther Heissig (1987)
Michael A. Rynkiewich (2005)
Stephen C. Neill (1987)
Revised Bibliography
MIDRASH AND AGGADAH [FIRST
MISSIONS: MISSIONARY ACTIVITY
MONISM
EDITION]
Max L. Stackhouse (1987 and
Robert A. McDermott (1987)
Judah Goldin (1987)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
MIDRASH AND AGGADAH [FURTHER
MITHRA
MONKEYS
CONSIDERATONS]
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
Philip Lutgendorf (2005)
Burton L. Visotzky (2005)
MITHRAISM
MONOPHYSITISM
MIGRATION AND RELIGION
Richard Gordon (2005)
W. H. C. Frend (1987)
William H. McNeill (1987)
MOABITE RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Tawny L. Holm (2005)
MONOTHEISM
MI LA RAS PA (MILAREPA)
MODERNISM: CHRISTIAN MODERNISM
Theodore M. Ludwig (1987 and
Andrew Quintman (2005)
Bernard M. G. Reardon (1987 and
2005)
2005)
MILLENARIANISM: AN OVERVIEW
MONSTERS
Hillel Schwartz (1987)
MODERNISM: ISLAMIC MODERNISM
Theodor H. Gaster (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Omid Safi (2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lxv
MONTAGU, LILY
MUISCA RELIGION
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN SOUTH
Ellen M. Umansky (1987)
Pita Kelekna (1987)
AMERICA
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Acácio Tadeu de Camargo Piedade
(2005)
MONTANISM
MULLA
¯ S.ADRA¯
Kurt Aland (1987)
Fazlur Rahman (1987)
Deise Lucy Oliveira Montardo
Revised Bibliography
(2005)
MONTANUS
Kurt Aland (1987)
MÜLLER, F. MAX
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
Jon R. Stone (2005)
SOUTHEAST ASIA
MOODY, DWIGHT L.
David Harnish (2005)
James F. Findlay (1987)
MÜLLER, KARL O.
Burton Feldman (1987)
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN SUB-
MOON
SAHARAN AFRICA
Jean Rhys Bram (1987)
Revised Bibliography
J. H. Kwabena Nketia (1987)
Revised Bibliography
MÜNTZER, THOMAS
Revised Bibliography
Eric W. Gritsch (1987)
MOORE, GEORGE FOOT
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN THE
F. Stanley Lusby (1987)
MU
¯ RTI
Steven Fine (2005)
MIDDLE EAST
Gary Michael Tartakov (1987)
Amnon Shiloah (1987)
MORALITY AND RELIGION
MURUKAN
Ronald M. Green (1987)
¯
MUSIC: RELIGIOUS MUSIC IN THE WEST
Fred W. Clothey (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Frank Burch Brown (2005)
MUSAR MOVEMENT
MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD
MORAVIANS
Gershon C. Bacon (1987 and
David A. Schattschneider (1987)
Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyud Marsot (1987)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
MUSO
¯ SO¯SEKI
MUSES
MORMONISM
Jeannie Carlier (1987)
Martin Collcutt (1987)
Klaus J. Hansen (1987 and 2005)
Silvia Milanezi (1987)
MUETAZILAH
Revised Bibliography
MORRISON, ROBERT
Josef van Ess (1987)
Paul V. Martinson (1987)
MUSEUMS AND RELIGION
MYERHOFF, BARBARA G.
MORTIFICATION
Crispin Paine (2005)
Riv-Ellen Prell (1987 and 2005)
Dario Sabbatucci (1987)
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION
MYSTERY RELIGIONS
Revised Bibliography
Ter Ellingson (1987)
Kurt Rudolph (1987)
MOSES
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
John Van Seters (1987)
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN CHINA,
MYSTICAL UNION IN JUDAISM,
MOSQUE: ARCHITECTURAL ASPECTS
KOREA, AND TIBET
CHRISTIANITY, AND ISLAM
Hasan-Uddin Khan (2005)
Isabel Wong (1987)
Bernard McGinn (2005)
MOSQUE: HISTORY AND TRADITION
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
MYSTICISM [FIRST EDITION]
Syed Gulzar Haider (2005)
GREECE, ROME, AND BYZANTIUM
Louis Dupré (1987)
Eric Werner (1987)
MOTOORI NORINAGA
Revised Bibliography
MYSTICISM [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Ueda Kenji (1987)
Peter Moore (2005)
Revised Bibliography
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN INDIA
Philip V. Bohlman (2005)
MYTH: AN OVERVIEW
MOUNTAINS
Kees W. Bolle (1987 and 2005)
Diana L. Eck (1987)
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
INDIGENOUS AUSTRALIA
MYTH: MYTH AND HISTORY
MOVEMENT FOR THE RESTORATION OF
Elizabeth Mackinlay (2005)
Paul Ricoeur (1987)
THE TEN COMMANDMENTS OF GOD
John J. Bradley (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Massimo Introvigne (2005)
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN JAPAN
MYTH AND RITUAL SCHOOL
MOZI
Kishibe Shigeo (1987)
Walter Harrelson (1987 and 2005)
John Makeham (2005)
Ogi Mitsuo (2005)
MUDRA¯
N
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
Sanjukta Gupta (2005)
MESOAMERICA
NABATEAN RELIGION
MUH
. AMMAD
Arnd Adje Both (2005)
John F. Healey (2005)
Karen Armstrong (2005)
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
NABU
MUH
. AMMAD AH
. MAD
OCEANIA
Tikva Frymer-Kensky (1987)
John O. Hunwick (1987)
Richard M. Moyle (2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxvi
LIST OF ARTICLES
NA
¯ GA¯RJUNA
NATURALISM
NEOPLATONISM
John D. Dunne (2005)
Jeffrey Stout (1987)
Mary T. Clark (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
NA
¯ GAS AND YAKS.AS
NERGAL
Lowell W. Bloss (1987 and 2005)
NATURE: RELIGIOUS AND
David Marcus (1987)
PHILOSOPHICAL SPECULATIONS
Giovanni Pettinato (2005)
NAG HAMMADI
Antoine Faivre (1987 and 2005)
David Brakke (2005)
NERSE¯S OF CLA
NATURE: WORSHIP OF NATURE
Avak Asadourian (1987)
NAHMANIDES, MOSES
Lawrence E. Sullivan (1987)
David Berger (1987)
Revised Bibliography
NERSE¯S THE GREAT
Revised Bibliography
Krikor H. Maksoudian (1987)
NAVAJO RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
NAH
. MAN OF BRATSLAV
Louise Lamphere (1987)
NESTORIAN CHURCH
Arthur Green (1987)
Marilyn Notah Verney (2005)
Matti Moosa (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
NAVARA
¯ TRI
NAHUATL RELIGION
Marie-Louise Reiniche (1987)
NESTORIANISM
John M. Ingham (1987)
Robert L. Wilken (1987)
Revised Bibliography
NAZ.Z.A¯M, AL-
David R. Vishanoff (2005)
NESTORIUS
NAKAE TO
¯ JU
Robert L. Wilken (1987)
Mary Evelyn Tucker (1987)
NDEMBU RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
Edith Turner (1987)
NEUMANN, ERICH
Revised Bibliography
William McGuire (1987)
NAKAYAMA MIKI
Revised Bibliography
Mark W. MacWilliams (2005)
NECROMANCY
Erika Bourguignon (1987 and
NEUROSCIENCE AND RELIGION: AN
NAMES AND NAMING
2005)
OVERVIEW
Frederick Mathewson Denny
Gregory R. Peterson (2005)
NEGRITO RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
(1987)
Kirk Endicott (1987 and 2005)
NEUROSCIENCE AND RELIGION:
NA
¯ NAK
NEGRITO RELIGIONS: NEGRITOS OF THE
NEUROEPISTEMOLOGY
Nikky-Guninder Kaur Singh
ANDAMAN ISLANDS
Eugene G. d’Aquili (1987)
(2005)
Pranab Ganguly (1987)
Andrew B. Newberg (2005)
NANJO
¯ BUNYU¯
Revised Bibliography
NEUROSCIENCE AND RELIGION:
Mayeda Sengaku (1987)
NEGRITO RELIGIONS: NEGRITOS OF THE
NEUROTHEOLOGY
NANNA
MALAY PENINSULA
Andrew B. Newberg (2005)
David Marcus (1987)
Kirk Endicott (1987)
NEW AGE MOVEMENT
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Wouter J. Hanegraaff (2005)
NA
¯ RO PA
NEGRITO RELIGIONS: NEGRITOS OF THE
NEW CALEDONIA RELIGION
Reginald Ray (1987)
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
Jean Guiart (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Thomas N. Headland (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
NA
¯ S.IR-I KHUSRAW
NEW GUINEA RELIGIONS [FIRST
Nazir Arabzoda (2005)
NEHEMIAH
John Van Seters (1987)
EDITION]
NATHAN
Revised Bibliography
Peter Lawrence (1987)
John Van Seters (1987)
NEW GUINEA RELIGIONS [FURTHER
Revised Bibliography
NEOLIN
Donald P. St. John (1987 and
CONSIDERATIONS]
NATION OF ISLAM
2005)
Mary N. MacDonald (2005)
Anthony B. Pinn (2005)
NEOLITHIC RELIGION
NEWMAN, JOHN HENRY
NATIVE AMERICAN CHRISTIANITIES
Dragoslav Srejovic´ (1987)
J. H. Walgrave (1987)
Michael D. McNally (2005)
Revised Bibliography
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: AN
NATIVE AMERICAN SCIENCE
NEOORTHODOXY
OVERVIEW
Maria Catalina (2005)
John D. Godsey (1987)
Catherine Wessinger (2005)
Revised Bibliography
NATS
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: HISTORY
Manning Nash (1987)
NEOPAGANISM
OF STUDY
Revised Bibliography
Sarah M. Pike (2005)
J. Gordon Melton (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lxvii
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
NICHIREN
NOAH
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND
Watanabe Ho¯yo¯ (1987)
Michael Fishbane (1987)
CHILDREN
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Charlotte E. Hardman (2005)
NICHIRENSHU
¯
NOCK, ARTHUR DARBY
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
Jacqueline I. Stone (2005)
Robert M. Grant (1987)
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND
NICHOLAS OF CUSA
Revised Bibliography
MILLENNIALISM
Donald F. Duclow (1987 and
NOMINALISM
Catherine Wessinger (2005)
2005)
James A. Weisheipl (1987)
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
NIEBUHR, REINHOLD
Revised Bibliography
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND
Roger Lincoln Shinn (1987 and
NONVIOLENCE
VIOLENCE
2005)
Mark Juergensmeyer (1987 and
David G. Bromley (2005)
NIETZSCHE, FRIEDRICH
2005)
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
Richard Schacht (1987)
NORITO
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND WOMEN
NIGHTINGALE, FLORENCE
Ueda Kenji (1987)
Mary Farrell Bednarowski (2005)
Val Webb (2005)
NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS:
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
NIKEPHOROS
AN OVERVIEW
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE
John Travis (1987)
Åke Hultkrantz (1987)
Eileen Barker (1987 and 2005)
NIKEPHOROS KALLISTOS
NORTH AMERICAN [INDIAN] RELIGIONS:
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
Demetrios J. Constantelos (1987)
HISTORY OF STUDY
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN JAPAN
NIKKO
¯
Raymond D. Fogelson (1987)
Robert S. Ellwood (1987)
Murano Senchu (1987)
NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS:
Shimazono Susumu (2005)
NIKODIMOS OF THE HOLY MOUNTAIN
MYTHIC THEMES
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
George S. Bebis (1987)
Dennis F. Kelley (2005)
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN LATIN
NIKON
NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS:
AMERICA
Sergei Hackel (1987)
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
Miguel C. Leatham (2005)
Duane Champagne (2005)
NILSSON, MARTIN P.
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
Willem A. Bijlefeld (1987)
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN THE
Revised Bibliography
CALIFORNIA AND THE
UNITED STATES
INTERMOUNTAIN REGION
Timothy Miller (2005)
NIMBA
¯ RKA
Bimal Krishna Matilal (1987)
Thomas Buckley (1987)
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS:
NIMBUS
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
SCRIPTURES OF NEW RELIGIOUS
Elaine Magalis (1987)
THE FAR NORTH
MOVEMENTS
Revised Bibliography
Werner Muller (1987)
Eugene V. Gallagher (2005)
Phyllis Ann Fast (2005)
NINHURSAGA
NEW THOUGHT MOVEMENT
Thorkild Jacobsen (1987)
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
Dell deChant (2005)
Giovanni Pettinato (2005)
THE NORTHEAST WOODLANDS
John A. Grim (1987 and 2005)
NEWTON, ISAAC
NINURTA
Ravi Ravindra (1987)
Donald P. St. John (1987 and
Giovanni Pettinato (2005)
Revised Bibliography
2005)
NIRVA
¯ N.A
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
NEW YEAR FESTIVALS
Thomas P. Kasulis (1987)
Joseph Henninger (1987)
Revised Bibliography
THE NORTHWEST COAST [FIRST
Peter Antes (2005)
EDITION]
NISHIDA KITARO
¯
Stanley Walens (1987)
NEZ PERCE (NIIMÍIPUU) RELIGIOUS
Michiko Yusa (2005)
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
TRADITIONS
NIZ.A¯M AL-DI¯N AWLIYA¯D
Phillip Cash Cash (2005)
THE NORTHWEST COAST [FURTHER
Azra Alavi (2005)
CONSIDERATIONS]
NGUKURR RELIGION
NIZ.A¯M AL-MULK
Bernard C. Perley (2005)
John Bern (1987)
Neguin Yavari (2005)
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
NIANFO
NJO
¸ RD
¯ R
THE PLAINS
Fujiwara Ryo¯setsu (1987)
Edgar C. Polomé (1987)
William K. Powers (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
Kathleen J. Martin (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxviii
LIST OF ARTICLES
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
O
O
¯ MOTOKYO¯
THE SOUTHEAST WOODLANDS
Murakami Shigeyoshi (1987)
Michael J. Zogry (2005)
OBEDIENCE
Shimazono Susumu (2005)
Arvind Sharma (1987 and 2005)
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
ONGON
THE SOUTHWEST
OCCASIONALISM
Roberte Hamayon (1987)
Peter M. Whiteley (1987)
Majid Fakhry (1987)
Revised Bibliography
NOWRU
¯ Z
OCCULTISM
ONMYO
¯ DO¯
Ehsan Yarshater (1987 and 2005)
Antoine Faivre (1987 and 2005)
Edward Kamens (1987)
NOYES, JOHN HUMPHREY
OCEANIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
ONTOLOGY
Lawrence Foster (1987 and 2005)
Jean Guiart (2005)
Richard A. Norris (1987)
Revised Bibliography
NUBU
¯ WAH
OCEANIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
Marilyn Robinson Waldman
[FIRST EDITION]
ORACLES
(1987)
Dan W. Jorgensen (1987)
David E. Aune (1987)
Bruce B. Lawrence (2005)
Revised Bibliography
OCEANIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
NUDITY
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
ORAL TORAH
Liz Wilson (2005)
Garry W. Trompf (2005)
Martin S. Jaffee (2005)
NUER AND DINKA RELIGION
OCEANIC RELIGIONS: MISSIONARY
ORAL TRADITION
John Middleton (1987)
MOVEMENTS
Margaret A. Mills (1987)
Jean Guiart (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
NUM
Robert Austerlitz (1987)
OCEANIC RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS
ORDEAL
Dario Sabbatucci (1987)
MOVEMENTS
NUMBERS: AN OVERVIEW
Revised Bibliography
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
Philip Gibbs (2005)
Revised Bibliography
ORDINATION
OCEANS
David Konstan (1987)
Theodore M. Ludwig (1987 and
NUMBERS: BINARY SYMBOLISM
2005)
Michael A. Kerze (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
ORGY: AN OVERVIEW
ÓD
¯ INN
Michel Maffesoli (2005)
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
NUMEN
Robert Schilling (1987)
ORGY: ORGY IN ASIA
OGYU
¯ SORAI
Revised Bibliography
Francis V. Tiso (2005)
Samuel Hideo Yamashita (1987)
ORGY: ORGY IN MEDIEVAL AND MODERN
NUM-TU
¯ REM
OKINAWAN RELIGION
Louise Bäckman (1987)
EUROPE
Charles H. Hambrick (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Chiara Ombretta Tommasi (2005)
Sunao Taira (2005)
ORGY: ORGY IN THE ANCIENT
NUNS: AN OVERVIEW
O
¯ KUNINUSHI NO MIKOTO
Ursula King (2005)
MEDITERRANEAN WORLD
Michiko Yamaguchi Aoki (1987)
Chiara Ombretta Tommasi (2005)
NUNS: BUDDHIST NUNS
OLAF THE HOLY
Martine Batchelor (2005)
ORIENTALISM
John Weinstock (1987)
Hent de Vries (2005)
NUNS: CHRISTIAN NUNS AND SISTERS
OLCOTT, HENRY STEEL
Catherine M. Mooney (2005)
ORIENTATION
Stephen Prothero (2005)
Mircea Eliade (1987)
NU
¯ R MUH.AMMAD
OLDENBERG, HERMANN
Lawrence E. Sullivan (1987)
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
G. R. Welbon (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
NUWAUBIANS
OLMEC RELIGION
ORIGEN
J. Gordon Melton (2005)
Richard A. Diehl (1987)
Henri Crouzel (1987)
NYAKYUSA RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
ORPHEUS
Monica Wilson (1987)
Marcel Detienne (1987)
OM
.
Alberto Bernabé (2005)
NYA
¯ YA
A. M. Esnoul (1987)
Anuradha Veeravalli (2005)
Revised Bibliography
ORPHIC GOLD TABLETS
Sarah Iles Johnston (2005)
NYBERG, H. S.
OMOPHAGIA
Frithiof Rundgren (1987)
Walter Burkert (1987)
ORTHODOX JUDAISM [FIRST EDITION]
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Charles S. Liebman (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxix
ORTHODOX JUDAISM [FURTHER
PAÑCATANTRA
PEACE
CONSIDERATIONS]
Walter Harding Maurer (1987)
Geoffrey Parrinder (1987)
Samuel C. Heilman (2005)
Revised Bibliography
PEARL
ORTHODOXY AND HETERODOXY
PANTHEISM AND PANENTHEISM
Beverly Moon (1987)
Sheila McDonough (1987)
Charles Hartshorne (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
PECHAM, JOHN
ORTHOPRAXY
PAPACY
David C. Lindberg (1987)
Judith A. Berling (1987)
Patrick Granfield (1987 and 2005)
PELAGIANISM
Revised Bibliography
PARABLES AND PROVERBS
Robert L. Wilken (1987)
Alyce M. McKenzie (2005)
OSAGE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
PELAGIUS
Tink Tinker (2005)
PARACELSUS
Robert L. Wilken (1987)
Allison Coudert (1987)
OSIRIS
PENATES
Leonard H. Lesko (1987)
PARADISE
Arnaldo Momigliano (1987)
Attilio Mastrocinque (2005)
Harry B. Partin (1987)
Revised Bibliography
PENN, WILLIAM
OTHERWORLD
Melvin B. Endy, Jr. (1987)
Morton Kelsey (1987)
PARADOX AND RIDDLES
Michiko Yusa (1987 and 2005)
PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC
OTOMÍ RELIGION
CHRISTIANITY
Jacques Galinier (1987)
PARAMA
¯ RTHA
Robert Mapes Anderson (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
Miyakawa Hisayuki (1987)
2005)
PA
¯ RAMITA¯S
OTTO, RUDOLF
PERCUSSION AND NOISE
Gregory D. Alles (2005)
Charles Hallisey (1987)
James W. Perkinson (2005)
Revised Bibliography
OTTO, WALTER F.
PERFECTIBILITY
Alessandro Stavru (2005)
PARENTALIA
George D. Bond (1987 and 2005)
Robert Schilling (1987)
OUSPENSKY, P. D.
Revised Bibliography
PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL
Judy D. Saltzman (2005)
Richard Schechner (1987 and
PARMENIDES
2005)
OWLS
Giovanni Cerri (2005)
Ann Dunnigan (1987)
PE¯RKONS
PARSIS
Revised Bibliography
Jamsheed K. Choksy (2005)
Haralds Biezais (1987)
Revised Bibliography
P
PASCAL, BLAISE
Leszek Kolakowski (1987)
PERSECUTION: CHRISTIAN EXPERIENCE
PACHOMIUS
W. H. C. Frend (1987)
Theodore Zissis (1987)
PASSOVER
Revised Bibliography
Louis Jacobs (1987)
PADMASAMBHAVA
Revised Bibliography
PERSECUTION: JEWISH EXPERIENCE
Matthew T. Kapstein (2005)
Robert Chazan (1987 and 2005)
PATAÑJALI THE GRAMMARIAN
PAGANISM, ANGLO-SAXON
Constantina Bailly (1987)
PERUN
Richard North (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Marija Gimbutas (1987)
Revised Bibliography
PAIN
PATRIARCHATE
Ariel Glucklich (2005)
Lee I. Levine (2005)
PESHER
Devorah Dimant (2005)
PALEOLITHIC RELIGION
PATRIARCHY AND MATRIARCHY
Karl J. Narr (1987)
Melissa Raphael (2005)
PETER LOMBARD
Revised Bibliography
Eileen F. Kearney (1987)
PATRICK
PALI TEXT SOCIETY
H. McKennie Goodpasture (1987)
PETER THE APOSTLE
Grace G. Burford (2005)
James F. McCue (1987)
PAUCK, WILHELM
PETRE, MAUDE DOMINICA
PAN
David W. Lotz (1987)
Phillipe Borgeaud (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
Ursula King (2005)
2005)
PAUL VI
PETR MOGHILA
Martin E. Marty (1987)
Kallistos Ware (1987)
PANATHENAIA
Klaus-Peter Köpping (1987)
PAUL THE APOSTLE
PETTAZZONI, RAFFAELE
Revised Bibliography
Robert Jewett (1987)
Mario Gandini (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
PHALLUS AND VAGINA
PILGRIMAGE: HINDU PILGRIMAGE
POETRY: POETRY AND RELIGION
Jeffrey J. Kripal (2005)
William S. Sax (2005)
Frank Burch Brown (2005)
PHENOMENOLOGY OF RELIGION
PILGRIMAGE: MUSLIM PILGRIMAGE
POINT LOMA THEOSOPHICAL
Douglas Allen (1987 and 2005)
Richard C. Martin (1987)
COMMUNITY
W. Michael Ashcraft (2005)
PHILISTINE RELIGION
PILGRIMAGE: ROMAN CATHOLIC
Gonzalo Rubio (2005)
PILGRIMAGE IN EUROPE
POLEMICS: CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM
Pierre André Sigal (1987)
PHILO JUDAEUS
POLEMICS
David Winston (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Norman Daniel (1987)
PHILOSOPHY: AN OVERVIEW
PILGRIMAGE: ROMAN CATHOLIC
POLEMICS: JEWISH-CHRISTIAN POLEMICS
Joan Stambaugh (1987)
PILGRIMAGE IN THE NEW WORLD
David Berger (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Mary Lee Nolan (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
PHILOSOPHY: PHILOSOPHY AND
POLEMICS: MUSLIM-JEWISH POLEMICS
RELIGION
PILGRIMAGE: TIBETAN PILGRIMAGE
Moshe Perlmann (1987)
John E. Smith (1987)
Katia Buffetrille (2005)
Revised Bibliography
POLITICAL THEOLOGY
PIL.L.AI LOKA¯CA¯RYA
Frederick G. Lawrence (1987)
PHILOSOPHY: PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION
D. Dennis Hudson (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Wayne Proudfoot (1987)
PINARD DE LA BOULLAYE, HENRI
Revised Bibliography
POLITICS AND RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
Harry B. Partin (1987)
Hugh B. Urban (2005)
PHOENICIAN RELIGION [FIRST EDITION]
PINDAR
Alan M. Cooper (1987)
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS AND
Emilio Suárez de la Torre (2005)
AFRICAN RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
PHOENICIAN RELIGION [FURTHER
PIUS IX
Jeffrey Haynes (2005)
CONSIDERATIONS]
Roger Aubert (1987)
Tawny L. Holm (2005)
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS AND
PLATO
ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN RELIGIONS
PHOTIOS
Luc Brisson (2005)
Eric M. Orlin (2005)
Vasileios Yioultsis (1987)
PLATONISM
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS AND
PHYSICS AND RELIGION
Kirk Wegter-McNelly (2005)
Claudio Moreschini (2005)
BUDDHISM
Bruce Matthews (2005)
PLAY
PICO DELLA MIRANDOLA, GIOVANNI
Lewis W. Spitz (1987)
Don Handelman (1987 and 2005)
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS AND
CHINESE RELIGION
PLOTINUS
PIETISM
Jack W. Chen (2005)
F. Ernest Stoeffler (1987)
Mary T. Clark (1987 and 2005)
Natasha Heller (2005)
PIGS
PLUTARCH
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS AND
Manabu Waida (1987)
Frederick E. Brenk (2005)
CHRISTIANITY
Revised Bibliography
POBEDONOSTSEV, KONSTANTIN
Jill Raitt (2005)
PILGRIMAGE: AN OVERVIEW
James W. Cunningham (1987)
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS AND
Edith Turner (1987 and 2005)
POETRY: CHINESE RELIGIOUS POETRY
ISLAM
PILGRIMAGE: BUDDHIST PILGRIMAGE IN
James J. Y. Liu (1987)
John L. Esposito (2005)
EAST ASIA
POETRY: CHRISTIAN POETRY
Hoshino Eiki (1987)
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS AND
Peter S. Hawkins (1987)
Revised Bibliography
JAPANESE RELIGIONS
Revised Bibliography
John K. Nelson (2005)
PILGRIMAGE: BUDDHIST PILGRIMAGE IN
POETRY: INDIAN RELIGIOUS POETRY
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS AND
SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA
Linda Hess (1987)
Charles F. Keyes (1987)
NATIVE AMERICAN RELIGIOUS
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
TRADITIONS
POETRY: ISLAMIC POETRY
Vine Deloria, Jr. (2005)
PILGRIMAGE: CONTEMPORARY JEWISH
Ali S. Asani (2005)
PILGRIMAGE
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS AND
Moshe Shokeid (1987 and 2005)
POETRY: JAPANESE RELIGIOUS POETRY
OCEANIC RELIGIONS
Gary L. Ebersole (2005)
John Barker (2005)
PILGRIMAGE: EASTERN CHRISTIAN
PILGRIMAGE
POETRY: NATIVE AMERICAN POETRY AND
POLYNESIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
Sirarpi Feredjian-Aivazian (1987)
RELIGION
F. Allan Hanson (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Laura Furlan Szanto (2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lxxi
POLYNESIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC
PRATT, JAMES B.
PROOFS FOR THE EXISTENCE OF GOD
THEMES
William R. Darrow (2005)
William J. Hill (1987)
Adrienne L. Kaeppler (1987 and
PRAYER
PROPHECY: AFRICAN PROPHETISM
2005)
Sam D. Gill (1987)
Robert M. Baum (2005)
POLYTHEISM
PREANIMISM
PROPHECY: AN OVERVIEW
R. J. Zwi Werblowsky (1987)
Eric J. Sharpe (1987)
Gerald T. Sheppard (1987)
PONTIFEX
PREHISTORIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
William E. Herbrechtsmeier
Robert Schilling (1987)
Mary Edwardsen (1987)
(1987)
Revised Bibliography
James Waller (1987)
PROPHECY: BIBLICAL PROPHECY
POPULAR CULTURE
PREHISTORIC RELIGIONS: OLD EUROPE
Robert R. Wilson (1987)
Lynn Schofield Clark (2005)
Marija Gimbutas (1987)
Revised Bibliography
POPULAR RELIGION
PREHISTORIC RELIGIONS: THE EURASIAN
PROPHECY: PROPHECY IN POST-BIBLICAL
Charles H. Long (1987)
STEPPES AND INNER ASIA
JUDAISM
Revised Bibliography
B. A. Litvinskii (1987)
Howard Kreisel (2005)
Revised Bibliography
PORTALS
PROPHET, MARK AND ELIZABETH CLARE
Ronald L. Grimes (1987)
PRESBYTERIANISM, REFORMED
Phillip Charles Lucas (2005)
Revised Bibliography
John H. Leith (1987)
Revised Bibliography
PROTESTANTISM
PORTENTS AND PRODIGIES
Martin E. Marty (1987)
Raymond Bloch (1987)
PREUSS, KONRAD T.
Revised Bibliography
Otto Zerries (1987)
POSEIDON
PRZYLUSKI, JEAN
Jan N. Bremmer (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
John S. Strong (2005)
PRIAPUS
POSITIVISM
Maurice Olender (1987)
PSALMS
Angèle Kremer-Marietti (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Edward L. Greenstein (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
2005)
PRIESTHOOD: AN OVERVIEW
POSTURES AND GESTURES
Willard G. Oxtoby (1987)
PSELLUS, MICHAEL
Frederick Mathewson Denny
George Karahalios (1987)
(1987)
PRIESTHOOD: BUDDHIST PRIESTHOOD
John Clifford Holt (1987 and
PSYCHEDELIC DRUGS
POTLATCH
2005)
Stanley Walens (1987)
Marlene Dobkin de Rios (2005)
PRIESTHOOD: CHRISTIAN PRIESTHOOD
PSYCHOLOGY: PSYCHOLOGY OF
POWER
Francine Cardman (2005)
Alan L. Miller (1987 and 2005)
RELIGION
PRIESTHOOD: DAOIST PRIESTHOOD
William B. Parsons (2005)
PRABHUPADA, A. C. BHAKTIVEDANTA
John Lagerwey (1987)
E. Burke Rochford, Jr. (2005)
PSYCHOLOGY: PSYCHOTHERAPY AND
Livia Kohn (2005)
RELIGION
PRAJA
¯ PATI
PRIESTHOOD: HINDU PRIESTHOOD
Michael D. Clifford (1987 and
David M. Knipe (1987)
David M. Knipe (1987)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
PRIESTHOOD: JEWISH PRIESTHOOD
PSYCHOLOGY: SCHIZOANALYSIS AND
PRAJÑA
¯
Baruch A. Levine (1987)
RELIGION
Tadeusz Skorupski (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Eugene W. Holland (2005)
Revised Bibliography
PRIESTHOOD: SHINTO
¯ PRIESTHOOD
PTAH
PRAKR.TI
Toki Masanori (1987)
Leonard H. Lesko (1987)
Edeltraud Harzer (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
PTOLEMY
PRALAYA
PROCESSION
Michael A. Kerze (1987)
Wendy Doniger (1987)
Ronald L. Grimes (1987)
Revised Bibliography
PU
¯ JA¯: BUDDHIST PU¯JA¯
PRA
¯ N.A
William Tuladhar-Douglas (2005)
Georg Feuerstein (1987)
PROKOPOVICH, FEOFAN
Revised Bibliography
James W. Cunningham (1987)
PU
¯ JA¯: HINDU PU¯JA¯
Nancy Auer Falk (1987 and 2005)
PRATI¯TYA-SAMUTPA
¯ DA
PROMETHEUS
David J. Kalupahana (1987)
Klaus-Peter Köpping (1987 and
PURA
¯ N.AS
Revised Bibliography
2005)
E. H. Rick Jarow (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxxii
LIST OF ARTICLES
PURE AND IMPURE LANDS
QUATERNITY
RA
¯ DHA¯
Fujita Ko¯tatsu (1987)
George R. Elder (1987)
Donna Marie Wulff (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
PURIFICATION: AN OVERVIEW
QUESTS
RADHAKRISHNAN, SARVEPALLI
James J. Preston (1987)
David Adams Leeming (1987 and
Robert A. McDermott (1987)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
PURIFICATION: PURIFICATION IN
JUDAISM
QUETZALCOATL
RADIN, PAUL
Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert
Davíd Carrasco (1987)
Stanley Diamond (1987)
(2005)
Revised Bibliography
RAËLIANS
PURIM
QUIETISM
Susan J. Palmer (2005)
Louis Jacobs (1987)
Leszek Kolakowski (1987)
RAHNER, KARL
Revised Bibliography
QUIRINUS
Leo J. O’Donovan (1987)
PURIM PLAYS
Dominique Briquel (2005)
RAIN
Shifra Epstein (1987)
QURDA¯N: ITS ROLE IN MUSLIM PRACTICE
Ann Dunnigan (1987)
Revised Bibliography
AND LIFE
RAINBOW SNAKE
PURITANISM
Mahmoud M. Ayoub (1987)
Catherine H. Berndt (1987)
Francis J. Bremer (1987)
Vincent J. Cornell (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
QURDA¯N: TRADITION OF SCHOLARSHIP
RAJNEESH
PURUS.A
AND INTERPRETATION
Marion S. Goldman (2005)
Edeltraud Harzer (1987 and 2005)
Abdullah Saeed (2005)
RA
¯ MA
PUSEY, EDWARD BOUVERIE
QURRAT AL-EAYN T.A¯HIRAH
Velcheru Narayana Rao (1987)
C. Fitzsimons Allison (1987)
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
Revised Bibliography
PYGMY RELIGIONS
QUTB, SAYYID
RAMABAI, PANDITA
Serge Bahuchet (1987)
Suha Taji-Farouki (2005)
Sharada Sugirtharajah (2005)
Jacqueline M. C. Thomas (1987)
Youssef M. Choueiri (2005)
Revised Bibliography
RAMAKRISHNA
R
Walter G. Neevel, Jr. (1987)
PYRAMIDS: AN OVERVIEW
Brian A. Hatcher (2005)
Paul Gendrop (1987)
RABBAH BAR NAHMANI
Baruch M. Bokser (1987)
RA
¯ MA¯NUJA
PYRAMIDS: EGYPTIAN PYRAMIDS
Revised Bibliography
John B. Carman (1987)
J. D. Ray (1987)
Revised Bibliography
RABBINATE: THE RABBINATE IN MODERN
PYTHAGORAS
JUDAISM
RA
¯ MA¯YAN.A
Bruno Centrone (2005)
Robert E. Fierstien (2005)
Velcheru Narayana Rao (1987)
Q
Revised Bibliography
RABBINATE: THE RABBINATE IN PRE-
MODERN JUDAISM
RAPPAPORT, ROY A.
QABBALAH
Ephraim Kanarfogel (2005)
Ellen Messer (2005)
Moshe Idel (1987)
RABBINIC JUDAISM IN LATE ANTIQUITY
RASHI
QA
¯ D.I¯
Jacob Neusner (1987)
Ivan G. Marcus (1987)
Bernard G. Weiss (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
QA
¯ D.I¯ AL-NUEMA¯N
RABBITS
RASHI¯D RID
Hamid Haji (2005)
. A
¯ , MUH.AMMAD
Manabu Waida (1987)
Albert Hourani (1987)
QARA
¯ MIT.AH
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Ismail K. Poonawala (1987)
RA
¯ BIEAH AL-EADAWI¯YAH
RASTAFARIANISM
QI
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
Richard C. Salter (2005)
John S. Major (1987)
Ikael Tafari (2005)
RACHEL AND LEAH
QIYA
¯ S
Frederick E. Greenspahn (1987
RAUSCHENBUSCH, WALTER
M. Hashim Kamali (1987)
and 2005)
Paul M. Minus (1987 and 2005)
QUAKERS
RADCLIFFE-BROWN, A. R.
RAV
Hugh Barbour (1987)
Roland Robertson (1987)
Baruch M. Bokser (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lxxiii
RAVAD
RELATIVISM
REVEL, BERNARD
Baruch M. Bokser (1987)
Richard H. Popkin (1987)
Aaron Rakeffet-Rothkoff (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
RA
¯ WZAH-KHVA¯NI¯
RELICS
REVELATION
¨
Peter Chelkowski (1987)
John S. Strong (1987 and 2005)
Johannes Deninger (1987)
RA
¯ ZI¯, FAKHR AL-DI¯N AL-
RELIGION [FIRST EDITION]
REVENGE AND RETRIBUTION
Feras Q. Hamza (2005)
Winston L. King (1987)
Elmar Klinger (1987)
RE
RELIGION [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
REVIVAL AND RENEWAL
Leonard H. Lesko (1987)
Gregory D. Alles (2005)
Kenelm Burridge (1987)
Revised Bibliography
REBECCA
RELIGIONSGESCHICHTLICHE SCHULE
Frederick E. Greenspahn (1987
Kurt Rudolph (1987)
REVOLUTION
and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Guenter Lewy (1987)
Revised Bibliography
RECONSTRUCTIONIST JUDAISM
RELIGIOUS BROADCASTING
Rebecca T. Alpert (2005)
Gregor T. Goethals (1987)
RICCI, MATTEO
Julia Ching (1987)
REDEMPTION
Phillip Charles Lucas (2005)
Ileana Marcoulesco (1987)
RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES: CHRISTIAN
RICHARDSON, CYRIL C.
Revised Bibliography
RELIGIOUS ORDERS
David W. Lotz (1987)
REFERENCE WORKS
Nathan D. Mitchell (1987)
RISSHO
¯ KO¯SEIKAI
Edgar Krentz (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Morioka Kiyomi (1987)
Martha S. Alt (2005)
RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES: RELIGION,
Revised Bibliography
Roberta A. Schaafsma (2005)
COMMUNITY, AND SOCIETY
RITES OF PASSAGE: AFRICAN RITES
REFLEXIVITY
Joseph M. Kitagawa (1987)
James L. Cox (2005)
Barbara A. Babcock (1987)
RELIGIOUS DIVERSITY
Revised Bibliography
RITES OF PASSAGE: AN OVERVIEW [FIRST
Shmuel N. Eisenstadt (1987)
EDITION]
REFORM
Revised Bibliography
Linda A. Camino (1987)
Joseph L. Blau (1987)
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION
Barbara G. Myerhoff (1987)
Revised Bibliography
J. Mark Halstead (2005)
Edith Turner (2005)
REFORMATION
RITES OF PASSAGE: AN OVERVIEW
Hans J. Hillerbrand (1987)
RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE
Ann Taves (2005)
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Revised Bibliography
Barry Stephenson (2005)
RENAN, ERNEST
REFORM JUDAISM
RITES OF PASSAGE: HINDU RITES
Michael A. Meyer (1987 and
Richard J. Resch (1987)
Patrick Olivelle (1987 and 2005)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
REN AND YI
RITES OF PASSAGE: JEWISH RITES
REGULY, ANTAL
Harvey E. Goldberg (2005)
Vilmos Voigt (2005)
Kwong-loi Shun (2005)
RITES OF PASSAGE: MESOAMERICAN
REIMARUS, HERMANN SAMUEL
RENNYO
RITES
Charles H. Talbert (1987)
Kenshi Kusano (2005)
Kay A. Read (2005)
REINACH, SALOMON
RENOU, LOUIS
RITES OF PASSAGE: MUSLIM RITES
Willem A. Bijlefeld (1987)
Marie-Simone Renou (1987)
Dale F. Eickelman (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
RITES OF PASSAGE: NEOPAGAN RITES
REINCARNATION
REPENTANCE
Sarah M. Pike (2005)
J. Bruce Long (1987)
David E. Aune (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
RITES OF PASSAGE: OCEANIC RITES
Philip Gibbs (2005)
REINES, YITSH
. AQ YAEAQOV
RESHEF
David Biale (1987)
Edward Lipin´ski (2005)
RITSCHL, ALBRECHT
Revised Bibliography
David W. Lotz (1987)
RESURRECTION
REIYU
¯ KAI KYO¯DAN
Helmer Ringgren (1987)
RITUAL [FIRST EDITION]
Helen Hardacre (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Evan M. Zuesse (1987)
REJUVENATION
RETREAT
RITUAL [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Wallace B. Clift (1987)
Juan Manuel Lozano (1987)
Catherine M. Bell (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxxiv
LIST OF ARTICLES
RITUAL STUDIES
RUTH AND NAOMI
SAID, EDWARD W.
Madeline Duntley (2005)
Susanna W. Southard (2005)
Shamoon Zamir (2005)
RIVERS
RUUSBROEC, JAN VAN
SAINTHOOD
Diana L. Eck (1987)
Albert Ampe (1987)
Robert L. Cohn (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
S
RNYING MA PA (NYINGMAPA) SCHOOL
S´AIVISM: AN OVERVIEW
Matthew T. Kapstein (2005)
SAEADYAH GAON
David N. Lorenzen (1987)
Barry S. Kogan (1987)
ROHDE, ERWIN
Revised Bibliography
Willem A. Bijlefeld (1987)
Revised Bibliography
S´AIVISM: KA
¯ PA¯LIKAS
Revised Bibliography
SABAZIOS
David N. Lorenzen (1987)
RÓHEIM, GÉZA
Ioan Petru Culianu (1987)
S´AIVISM: KRAMA S´AIVISM
John Morton (2005)
Cicerone Poghirc (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Alexis Sanderson (1987)
ROMAN CATHOLICISM [FIRST EDITION]
S´AIVISM: NA
¯ YA¯NA¯RS
Richard P. McBrien (1987)
SACRAMENT: AN OVERVIEW
¯
Theodore W. Jennings, Jr. (1987)
Indira Viswanathan Peterson
ROMAN CATHOLICISM [FURTHER
Revised Bibliography
(1987)
CONSIDERATIONS]
Revised Bibliography
Michael J. Schuck (2005)
SACRAMENT: CHRISTIAN SACRAMENTS
Monika K. Hellwig (1987)
S´AIVISM: PA
¯ S´UPATAS
ROMAN RELIGION: THE EARLY PERIOD
David N. Lorenzen (1987)
Robert Schilling (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Jörg Rüpke (2005)
SACRED AND THE PROFANE, THE
Carsten Colpe (1987)
S´AIVISM: PRATYABHIJÑA
¯
ROMAN RELIGION: THE IMPERIAL
Revised Bibliography
André Padoux (1987)
PERIOD
Arnaldo Momigliano (1987)
SACRED SPACE
S´AIVISM: S´AIVA SIDDHA
¯ NTA
Simon Price (2005)
Joel P. Brereton (1987)
Mariasusai Dhavamony (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ROSENZWEIG, FRANZ
Revised Bibliography
Steven S. Schwarzschild (1987)
SACRED TIME
S´AIVISM: S´AIVISM IN KASHMIR
Revised Bibliography
Hillel Schwartz (2005)
Alexis Sanderson (1987)
Revised Bibliography
RODSH HA-SHANAH AND YOM KIPPUR
SACRIFICE [FIRST EDITION]
Louis Jacobs (1987)
Joseph Henninger (1987)
S´AIVISM: TRIKA S´AIVISM
Alexis Sanderson (1987)
ROSICRUCIANS
SACRIFICE [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Harry Wells Fogarty (1987)
Davíd Carrasco (2005)
S´AIVISM: VI¯RAS´AIVAS
Revised Bibliography
André Padoux (1987)
SACRILEGE
ROUSSEAU, JEAN-JACQUES
Revised Bibliography
Ioan Petru Culianu (1987)
William Leon McBride (1987)
Craig A. Burgdoff (2005)
SAKYA PAN
. D
. ITA (SA SKYA PAN
. D
. ITA)
ROY, RAM MOHAN
Matthew T. Kapstein (2005)
David L. Haberman (1987)
SADDUCEES
SALANTER, YISRADEL
Revised Bibliography
Lawrence H. Schiffman (2005)
Gershon C. Bacon (1987 and
SA
¯ DHUS AND SA¯DHVI¯S
R.TA
2005)
William K. Mahony (1987)
Matthew Clark (2005)
S.ALA¯T
RUDRA
SAEDI¯
Muzammil H. Siddiqi (1987)
Sukumari Bhattacharji (1987)
G. M. Wickens (1987)
Tazim R. Kassam (2005)
Revised Bibliography
RU
¯ MI¯, JALA¯L AL-DI¯N
SALT
Annemarie Schimmel (1987)
SAGAS
James E. Latham (1987)
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
RUNES [FIRST EDITION]
Revised Bibliography
Erik Wahlgren (1987)
SAHAK PARTHEV
SALUTATIONS
Krikor H. Maksoudian (1987)
RUNES [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
George Alfred James (1987 and
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
SAI BABA MOVEMENT
2005)
Smriti Srinivas (2005)
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH
SALVATION ARMY
Thomas Hopko (1987)
SAICHO
¯
Edward H. McKinley (1987 and
Hilarion Alfeyev (2005)
Paul Groner (1987 and 2005)
2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lxxv
SAMA
¯ E
SAOSHYANT
SCHELER, MAX
Khaliq Ah.mad Nizami (1987)
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
Manfred S. Frings (1987)
Revised Bibliography
S´A
¯ RA¯DA DEVI¯
SCHELLING, FRIEDRICH
SAMA
¯ DHI
Neelima Shukla-Bhatt (2005)
Thomas F. O’Meara (1987 and
Georg Feuerstein (1987)
2005)
SARAH
Revised Bibliography
Frederick E. Greenspahn (2005)
SCHENIRER, SARAH
SAMARITANS
Blu Greenberg (1987)
SARASVATI¯
Reinhard Pummer (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Donna Marie Wulff (1987)
SAM
. GHA: AN OVERVIEW
SCHIMMEL, ANNEMARIE
SARMATIAN RELIGION
Heinz Bechert (1987 and 2005)
Peter Antes (2005)
D. S. Raevskii (1987)
SAM
Revised Bibliography
SCHISM: AN OVERVIEW
. GHA: SAM
. GHA AND SOCIETY IN
SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA
Nancy T. Ammerman (1987)
SARTRE, JEAN-PAUL
H. L. Seneviratne (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Maurice Natanson (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SAM
SCHISM: CHRISTIAN SCHISM
. GHA: SAM
. GHA AND SOCIETY IN
John Lawrence Boojamra (1987)
TIBET
SARVA
¯ STIVA¯DA
Georges Dreyfus (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Luis O. Gómez (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SCHLEGEL, FRIEDRICH
SAMI RELIGION
Louise Bäckman (1987)
Hans J. Klimkeit (1987)
S´A
¯ STRA LITERATURE
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Ludo Rocher (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SCHLEIERMACHER, FRIEDRICH
SA
¯ M.KHYA
Edeltraud Harzer (1987 and 2005)
B. A. Gerrish (1987)
SATAN
Sergio Sorrentino (2005)
Arvind Sharma (1987 and 2005)
SAM
. NYA
¯ SA
Patrick Olivelle (1987 and 2005)
SCHMIDT, WILHELM
SATANISM
Joseph Henninger (1987)
David G. Bromley (2005)
SAMOYED RELIGION
Alessandra Ciattini (2005)
Robert Austerlitz (1987)
SATI
SCHNEERSON, MENACHEM M.
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
Julia Leslie (2005)
Naftali Loewenthal (2005)
SAM
. SA
¯ RA
SAUL
SCHOLARIOS, GENNADIOS
Brian K. Smith (1987)
John Van Seters (1987)
Nomikos Michael Vaporis (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
SCHOLASTICISM
SAMSON
SAULE
James A. Weisheipl (1987)
Edward L. Greenstein (1987 and
Vaira Vı¯k¸e-Freiberga (2005)
Revised Bibliography
2005)
SAURA HINDUISM
SCHOLEM, GERSHOM
SAMUEL
Thomas J. Hopkins (1987)
David Biale (1987)
John Van Seters (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
SAUTRA
¯ NTIKA
SCHWEITZER, ALBERT
SANCTUARY
Tadeusz Skorupski (1987)
Martin E. Marty (1987)
Gregory D. Alles (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
SAVONAROLA, GIROLAMO
SCIENCE AND RELIGION
SANHEDRIN
Donald Weinstein (1987)
Ted Peters (2005)
David Goodblatt (1987)
S.AWM
Revised Bibliography
SCIENTOLOGY
Zafar Ishaq Ansari (1987)
J. Gordon Melton (2005)
S´AN
˙ KARA
SAXO GRAMMATICUS
David N. Lorenzen (1987)
SCRIPTURE
John Weinstock (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
William A. Graham (1987 and
SAYERS, DOROTHY L.
2005)
S´A
¯ NTARAKS.ITA
Ann Loades (2005)
Sara L. McClintock (2005)
SCYTHIAN RELIGION
SCAPEGOAT
D. S. Raevskii (1987)
SANTERÍA
Jan N. Bremmer (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Joseph M. Murphy (1987)
SCHECHTER, SOLOMON
SEASONAL CEREMONIES
S´A
¯ NTIDEVA
Ismar Schorsch (1987)
Theodor H. Gaster (1987)
Susanne Mrozik (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxxvi
LIST OF ARTICLES
SECRET SOCIETIES
SEXUALITY: AN OVERVIEW [FURTHER
SHANGDI
George Weckman (1987 and
CONSIDERATIONS]
John S. Major (1987)
2005)
Jeffrey J. Kripal (2005)
SHAPE SHIFTING
SECULARIZATION
SEXUALITY: SEXUAL RITES IN EUROPE
James P. Carse (1987)
Bryan R. Wilson (1987)
Ioan Petru Culianu (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Hans Thomas Hakl (2005)
SHARPE, ERIC J.
SEDNA
SEYMOUR, WILLIAM
Garry W. Trompf (2005)
Inge Kleivan (1987)
James Anthony Noel (2005)
SHAVUEOT
SEFER YETSIRAH
SGAM PO PA (GAMPOPA)
Louis Jacobs (1987)
Moshe Idel (1987)
Roger R. Jackson (2005)
SHAYKH AL-ISLA
¯ M
Madeline C. Zilfi (1987)
SEIDEL, ANNA KATHARINA
SHABBAT [FIRST EDITION]
Jennifer Oldstone-Moore (2005)
Louis Jacobs (1987)
SHAYKHI¯YAH
Revised Bibliography
Steven Scholl (1987)
SELKDNAM RELIGION
Anne Chapman (1987)
SHABBETAI TSEVI [FIRST EDITION]
Sajjad H. Rizvi (2005)
Revised Bibliography
R. J. Zwi Werblowsky (1987)
SHEEP AND GOATS
B. A. Litvinskii (1987)
SEMANTICS
SHABBETAI TSEVI [FURTHER
Revised Bibliography
R. M. Martin (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS]
Revised Bibliography
Matt Goldish (2005)
SHEKHINAH
SHABISTARI¯, AL-
Elliot R. Wolfson (2005)
SEN, KESHAB CHANDRA
Ainslie T. Embree (1987 and
Gerhard Böwering (1987)
SHEMBE, ISAIAH
2005)
SHA
¯ FIEI¯, AL-
Bengt Sundkler (1987)
Majid Khadduri (1987)
SENGZHAO
SHEMUDEL THE AMORA
Aaron K. Koseki (1987)
SHAHA
¯ DAH
Baruch M. Bokser (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Kenneth Cragg (1987)
SHENOUTE
Stephen Emmel (2005)
SERAFIM OF SAROV
SHAHRASTA
¯ NI¯, AL-
Theodore Stylianopoulos (1987)
Bruce B. Lawrence (1987)
SHERIRAD GAON
Gerald J. Blidstein (1987)
SERGII
SHAKERS
James W. Cunningham (1987)
Lawrence Foster (1987)
SHIISM: AN OVERVIEW
Revised Bibliography
Wilfred Madelung (1987)
SERGII OF RADONEZH
Revised Bibliography
Sergei Hackel (1987)
SHAMANISM: AN OVERVIEW [FIRST
EDITION]
SHIISM: ISMA
¯ EI¯LI¯YAH
SERRA, JUNIPERO
Mircea Eliade (1987)
Wilfred Madelung (1987)
Antoine Tibesar (1987)
SHAMANISM: AN OVERVIEW [FURTHER
SHIISM: ITHNA
¯ EASHARI¯YAH
SERVETUS, MICHAEL
CONSIDERATIONS]
Seyyed Hossein Nasr (1987 and
John C. Godbey (1987)
Michael Winkelman (2005)
2005)
Mary Wellemeyer (2005)
SHAMANISM: NEOSHAMANISM
SHIMEON BAR YOH.DAI
SETH
Galina Lindquist (2005)
Tzvee Zahavy (1987)
Leonard H. Lesko (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SHAMANISM: NORTH AMERICAN
SETON, ELIZABETH
SHAMANISM
SHIMEON BEN GAMLIDEL II
Annabelle M. Melville (1987)
Sam D. Gill (1987)
Tzvee Zahavy (1987)
SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTISM
Revised Bibliography
SHAMANISM: SIBERIAN AND INNER ASIAN
Jonathan M. Butler (1987)
SHAMANISM
SHIMEON BEN LAQISH
Ronald L. Numbers (1987)
Anna-Leena Siikala (1987)
Robert Goldenberg (1987)
Gary G. Land (2005)
Revised Bibliography
SHAMANISM: SOUTH AMERICAN
SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH
SHAMANISM
SHINGONSHU
¯
Theodore Zissis (1987)
Peter T. Furst (1987 and 2005)
Richard K. Payne (2005)
SEXUALITY: AN OVERVIEW [FIRST
SHANDAO
SHINRAN
EDITION]
Fujiwara Ryo¯setsu (1987)
Alfred Bloom (1987)
Mircea Eliade (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lxxvii
SHINTO
¯
S´IVA [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
SOCIOBIOLOGY AND EVOLUTIONARY
Brian Bocking (2005)
Karen Pechilis (2005)
PSYCHOLOGY: DARWINISM AND
RELIGION
SHNEDUR ZALMAN OF LYADY
SKEPTICS AND SKEPTICISM
Arthur Green (1987)
Mikael Stenmark (2005)
Richard H. Popkin (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
SOCIOLOGY: SOCIOLOGY AND RELIGION
[FIRST EDITION]
SHONA RELIGION
SKOBTSOVA, MARIA
M. F. C. Bourdillon (1987)
Robert Nisbet (1987)
Sergei Hackel (2005)
SOCIOLOGY: SOCIOLOGY AND RELIGION
SHOTOKU TAISHI
SKY: THE HEAVENS AS HIEROPHANY
Miyamoto Youtaro (2005)
Ioan Petru Culianu (1987)
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Robert A. Segal (2005)
Revised Bibliography
SHRINES
Paul B. Courtright (1987 and
SOCIOLOGY: SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION
SKY: MYTHS AND SYMBOLISM
2005)
Anthony F. Aveni (2005)
[FIRST EDITION]
Winston Davis (1987)
SHUGENDO
¯
SLAVIC RELIGION
H. Byron Earhart (1987)
Marija Gimbutas (1987)
SOCIOLOGY: SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Robert A. Segal (2005)
SHUGS LDAN (SHUGDEN)
SLEEP
Georges Dreyfus (2005)
SOCRATES
Jonathan Z. Smith (1987)
Alessandro Stavru (2005)
SIBYLLINE ORACLES
SMART, NINIAN
Arnaldo Momigliano (1987)
SÖDERBLOM, NATHAN
Ursula King (2005)
Emilio Suárez de la Torre (2005)
Charles J. Adams (1987)
SMITH, HANNAH WHITALL
Revised Bibliography
SIDDUR AND MAH
. ZOR
Melvin E. Dieter (2005)
Lawrence A. Hoffman (1987)
SOFER, MOSHEH
Revised Bibliography
SMITH, JOSEPH
Steven M. Lowenstein (1987)
Klaus J. Hansen (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
SÍDH
Proinsias Mac Cana (1987 and
SMITH, MORTON
SOHM, RUDOLF
2005)
Joseph Sievers (2005)
James Luther Adams (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SIKHISM
SMITH, WILFRED CANTWELL
Nikky-Guninder Kaur Singh
Peter Slater (2005)
SO
¯ KA GAKKAI
(2005)
Shimazono Susumu (2005)
SMITH, W. ROBERTSON
S´I¯LABHADRA
T. O. Beidelman (1987)
SO
˘ KYO
˘ NGDO
˘ K
Mimaki Katsumi (1987)
Robert A. Segal (2005)
Michael C. Kalton (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SIMA CHENGZHEN
SMOKING
Franciscus Verellen (2005)
Francis Robicsek (1987)
SOL INVICTUS
J. Rufus Fears (1987)
SIMONS, MENNO
SNAKES
Cornelius J. Dyck (1987)
Manfred Lurker (1987)
SÖLLE, DOROTHEE
Revised Bibliography
Nancy C. Ring (2005)
SIN AND GUILT
André LaCocque (1987)
SNORRI STURLUSON
SOLOMON
Revised Bibliography
John Weinstock (1987 and 2005)
John Van Seters (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SINGH, GOBIND
SNOUCK HURGRONJE, CHRISTIAAN
Khushwant Singh (1987)
Dale F. Eickelman (1987)
SOLOMON ISLANDS RELIGIONS
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Roger M. Keesing (1987)
Pierre Maranda (2005)
SINHALA RELIGION
SOCIETY AND RELIGION [FIRST EDITION]
Gananath Obeyesekere (1987)
Walter H. Capps (1987)
SOLOVEITCHIK, JOSEPH BAER
Revised Bibliography
Moshe Sokol (2005)
SOCIETY AND RELIGION [FURTHER
SIRHINDI¯, AH
. MAD
CONSIDERATIONS]
SOLOVDEV, VLADIMIR
Yohanan Friedmann (1987 and
Wade Clark Roof (2005)
Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal (1987
2005)
and 2005)
SOCIOBIOLOGY AND EVOLUTIONARY
S´IVA [FIRST EDITION]
PSYCHOLOGY: AN OVERVIEW
SOMA
Stella Kramrisch (1987)
Holmes Rolston III (2005)
Joel P. Brereton (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxxviii
LIST OF ARTICLES
SOPHIA
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
SPENCER, HERBERT
Gilles Quispel (1987)
THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN AMAZON
Garry W. Trompf (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Robin M. Wright (2005)
Revised Bibliography
SOROKIN, PITIRIM ALEKSANDROVICH
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
SPENER, PHILIPP JAKOB
Stephen G. Post (2005)
THE COLONIAL ANDES
F. Ernest Stoeffler (1987)
Kenneth Mills (2005)
SORSKII, NIL
SPINOZA, BARUCH
Sergei Hackel (1987)
David Winston (2005)
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
SOTERIOLOGY
THE GRAN CHACO
SPIRIT POSSESSION: AN OVERVIEW
Ninian Smart (1987)
Mario Califano (1987)
Vincent Crapanzano (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
SPIRIT POSSESSION: WOMEN AND
SOUL: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
POSSESSION
CONCEPTS
THE MODERN ANDES
Pietro Mander (2005)
Joseph W. Bastien (1987)
Mary L. Keller (2005)
Revised Bibliography
SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE
SOUL: BUDDHIST CONCEPTS
William K. Mahony (1987)
Steven Collins (1987)
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
Revised Bibliography
THE NORTHWEST AMAZON
SPIRITUAL GUIDE
Robin M. Wright (2005)
Stuart W. Smithers (1987)
SOUL: CHINESE CONCEPTS
Tu Wei-ming (1987)
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY
SPIRITUALISM
OF STUDY
John B. Buescher (2005)
SOUL: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
Mark R. Woodward (2005)
Geddes MacGregor (1987)
SPIRITUALITY
Revised Bibliography
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: INSULAR
Mary N. MacDonald (2005)
CULTURES
SOUL: CONCEPTS IN INDIGENOUS
SPITTLE AND SPITTING
James J. Fox (1987)
Annmari Ronnberg (1987)
RELIGIONS
Revised Bibliography
Claude Rivière (1987 and 2005)
SPORTS AND RELIGION
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS:
Mari Womack (2005)
SOUL: GREEK AND HELLENISTIC
MAINLAND CULTURES
CONCEPTS
SPURGEON, CHARLES HADDON
Jan N. Bremmer (1987)
Charles F. Keyes (1987)
Darrel W. Amundsen (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
S´RI¯ VAIS.N.AVAS
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: NEW
SOUL: INDIAN CONCEPTS
John B. Carman (1987)
Karen Pechilis (2005)
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN INSULAR
Revised Bibliography
CULTURES
SOUL: ISLAMIC CONCEPTS
James L. Peacock (1987 and 2005)
STANNER, W. E. H.
Michael E. Marmura (1987)
Melinda Hinkson (2005)
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN
SOUL: JEWISH CONCEPT
STANTON, ELIZABETH CADY
OVERVIEW
Jack Bemporad (1987)
Jennifer Rycenga (2005)
Monica Wilson (1987)
Revised Bibliography
STARBUCK, E. D.
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS:
Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi (1987)
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS:
SOUTHERN BANTU RELIGIONS
Revised Bibliography
AN OVERVIEW
Luc de Heusch (1987)
Otto Zerries (1987)
Revised Bibliography
STARS
Serinity Young (1987)
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS:
SOUTHERN SIBERIAN RELIGIONS
Revised Bibliography
HISTORY OF STUDY
Roberte Hamayon (1987)
Deborah A. Poole (1987 and
STCHERBATSKY, THEODORE
Revised Bibliography
2005)
Bruce Cameron Hall (1987)
SOZZINI, FAUSTO PAVOLO
Revised Bibliography
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN RELIGIONS:
John C. Godbey (1987)
MYTHIC THEMES
STEINER, RUDOLF
Juan Adolfo Vázquez (1987)
SPEKTOR, YITSH
. AQ ELH
. ANAN
Robert A. McDermott (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
David Ellenson (1987)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
STHIRAMATI
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS OF
Cuong Tu Nguyen (2005)
THE ANDES IN THE PRE-INCA PERIOD
SPELLS
Federico Kauffmann Doig (1987)
Beatriz Barba de Piña Chán (1987)
STOICISM
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Aldo Magris (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lxxix
STONES
S.UH.BAH
SUZUKI SHO
¯ SAN
Carl-Martin Edsman (1987)
Khaliq Ah.mad Nizami (1987)
Winston L. King (1987)
Revised Bibliography
STRAUSS, DAVID FRIEDRICH
SUHRAWARDI¯, SHIHA
¯ B AL-DI¯N YAH.YA¯
Van A. Harvey (1987 and 2005)
Mehdi Aminrazavi (2005)
SVENTOVIT
Marija Gimbutas (1987)
STRUCTURALISM [FIRST EDITION]
SUICIDE
Edmund Leach (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Marilyn J. Harran (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SWAMINARAYAN MOVEMENT
STRUCTURALISM [FURTHER
Hanna H. Kim (2005)
CONSIDERATIONS]
SUKKOT
Jeppe Sinding Jensen (2005)
Louis Jacobs (1987)
SWANS
Ann Dunnigan (1987)
STUDY OF RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
Revised Bibliography
Gregory D. Alles (2005)
SUN
SWAZI RELIGION
Hilda Kuper (1987)
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
Jean Rhys Bram (1987)
STUDY OF RELIGION IN AUSTRALIA
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
AND OCEANIA
SUN DANCE [FIRST EDITION]
SWEDENBORG, EMANUEL
Garry W. Trompf (2005)
Joseph Epes Brown (1987)
Jane Williams-Hogan (2005)
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
SUN DANCE [FURTHER
SWEDENBORGIANISM
STUDY OF RELIGION IN EASTERN
CONSIDERATIONS]
Jane Williams-Hogan (2005)
EUROPE AND RUSSIA
Tink Tinker (2005)
Bretislav Horyna (2005)
SYMBOL AND SYMBOLISM
SUNDANESE RELIGION
Peter T. Struck (2005)
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
Robert Wessing (1987)
STUDY OF RELIGION IN JAPAN
SYMBOLIC TIME
Revised Bibliography
Sakoto Fujiwara (2005)
Dario Zadra (1987)
SUNDÉN, HJALMAR
Revised Bibliography
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
René Gothóni (2005)
STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH AFRICA
SYMEON THE NEW THEOLOGIAN
AND THE MIDDLE EAST
SUNNAH
George A. Maloney (1987)
Brannon Wheeler (2005)
Marilyn Robinson Waldman
SYNAGOGUE
(1987)
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
Joseph Gutmann (1987)
STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH
S´U
¯ NYAM AND S´U¯NYATA¯
Steven Fine (2005)
AMERICA
Frederick J. Streng (1987)
SYNCRETISM [FIRST EDITION]
Jeffrey C. Ruff (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Carsten Colpe (1987)
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
SUPERNATURAL, THE
SYNCRETISM [FURTHER
STUDY OF RELIGION IN SOUTH ASIA
Michel Despland (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS]
Abrahim H. Khan (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Fritz Graf (2005)
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
SUPERSTITION
SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH OF
STUDY OF RELIGION IN SUB-SAHARAN
Mary R. O’Neil (1987)
ANTIOCH
AFRICA
Revised Bibliography
Ronald G. Roberson (2005)
Ezra Chitando (2005)
SUPREME BEINGS
SZOLD, HENRIETTA
STUPA WORSHIP
Lawrence E. Sullivan (1987)
Jonathan D. Sarna (1987)
Hirakawa Akira (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
SUÁREZ, FRANCISCO
SU
¯ RDA¯S
Marvin R. O’Connell (1987)
T
Karine Schomer (1987)
SUBALTERN STUDIES
John Stratton Hawley (2005)
T.ABARI¯, AL-
Laurie Louise Patton (2005)
Andrew Rippin (2005)
SUSANO-O NO MIKOTO
S´UBHA
¯ KARASM.HA
Kakubayashi Fumio (1987 and
T.ABA¯T.A.BA¯DI¯, EALLA¯MA
Charles D. Orzech (1987)
2005)
Mohammad Jafar Elmi (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Reza Shah-Kazemi (2005)
SU
¯ TRA LITERATURE
SUFFERING
Ludo Rocher (1987)
TABOO
Jack Bemporad (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Roy Wagner (1987)
SUFISM
SUZUKI, D. T.
TAFSI¯R
Peter J. Awn (1987)
Robert H. Sharf (2005)
Andrew Rippin (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxxx
LIST OF ARTICLES
TAFTA
¯ ZA¯NI¯, AL-
TAQI¯YAH
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE
Wadi Z. Haddad (1987)
James Winston Morris (1987)
COMPOUNDS IN SOUTH ASIA
Michael W. Meister (2005)
TAGORE, RABINDRANATH
TA
¯ RA¯
Hugh B. Urban (2005)
Leslie S. Kawamura (1987 and
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE
2005)
COMPOUNDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
TAIJI
Hiram Woodward (2005)
Tu Wei-ming (1987)
TARASCAN RELIGION
Paul Friedrich (1987 and 2005)
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE
TÁIN BÓ CUAILNGE
COMPOUNDS IN TIBET
Proinsias Mac Cana (1987 and
TARASIOS
Philip Denwood (2005)
2005)
Demetrios J. Constantelos (1987)
TEMPLE: CONFUCIAN TEMPLE
TAIPING
T.ARFON
COMPOUNDS
Anna Seidel (1987)
Tzvee Zahavy (1987)
Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt (1987
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
and 2005)
TAIWANESE RELIGIONS
T.ARI¯QAH
TEMPLE: DAOIST TEMPLE COMPOUNDS
Paul R. Katz (2005)
A. H. Johns (1987)
Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt (1987
F. D. Lewis (2005)
and 2005)
TAIXU
Jan Yün-hua (1987)
TATHA
¯ GATA
TEMPLE: HINDU TEMPLES
Revised Bibliography
John Makransky (2005)
Michael W. Meister (1987)
TATHA
¯ GATA-GARBHA
Revised Bibliography
TALIESIN
Brynley F. Roberts (1987 and
Robert A. F. Thurman (1987)
TEMPLE: MESOAMERICAN TEMPLES
2005)
Revised Bibliography
Paul Gendrop (1987)
TATHATA
¯
TALMUD
TEMPLE SOLAIRE
Robert Goldenberg (1987 and
Tadeusz Skorupski (1987)
Massimo Introvigne (2005)
Revised Bibliography
2005)
TEMPTATION
TAUBES, JAKOB
TAM, YA!AQOV BEN ME’IR
Bernhard Häring (1987)
Elettra Stimilli (2005)
Shalom Albeck (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
TAULER, JOHANNES
TEN COMMANDMENTS
Claire Champollion (1987)
Walter Harrelson (1987)
TAMIL RELIGIONS
Fred W. Clothey (1987)
TA!ZIYAH
TENDAISHU
¯
Peter Chelkowski (1987)
Paul Groner (2005)
TANGAROA
Sachiko Hatanaka (1987)
TEARS
TENGRI
Gary L. Ebersole (2005)
Jean-Paul Roux (1987)
TANG YONGTONG
Revised Bibliography
Ren Jiyu (1987 and 2005)
TECUMSEH
Joel W. Martin (2005)
TENRIKYO
¯
TANLUAN
Uehara Toyoaki (1987)
Roger J. Corless (1987)
TEHUELCHE RELIGION
Alejandra Siffredi (1987)
Revised Bibliography
TANNAIM
Revised Bibliography
TERESA OF ÁVILA
David Kraemer (1987)
Peter T. Rohrbach (1987)
Revised Bibliography
TEILHARD DE CHARDIN, PIERRE
Ursula King (2005)
TERTULLIAN
TANTRISM: AN OVERVIEW
E. Glenn Hinson (1987)
David Gordon White (2005)
TEKAKWITHA, KATERI
Henry Warner Bowden (1987 and
TESHUB
TANTRISM: HINDU TANTRISM
2005)
Harry A. Hoffner, Jr. (1987)
Brian K. Smith (2005)
Revised Bibliography
TEKHINES
TANYAO
Chava Weissler (2005)
TEXTILES
Miyakawa Hisayuki (1987)
John E. Vollmer (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
TEMPLE: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN AND
MEDITERRANEAN TEMPLES
TEZCATLIPOCA
TAO HONGJING
R. A. Tomlinson (1987)
Davíd Carrasco (1987)
T. C. Russell (2005)
Clemente Marconi (2005)
Revised Bibliography
TAPAS
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE
THAI RELIGION
David M. Knipe (1987)
COMPOUNDS IN EAST ASIA
Charles F. Keyes (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt (2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxxxi
THEALOGY
THOMAS AQUINAS
TIV RELIGION
Melissa Raphael (2005)
James A. Weisheipl (1987)
Paul Bohannan (1987)
Revised Bibliography
THECLA
THOR
Stephen J. Davis (2005)
Edgar C. Polomé (1987)
TJURUNGAS
Joseph Harris (2005)
John E. Stanton (1987)
THEISM
Peter A. Bertocci (1987)
THOTH
TLALOC
Revised Bibliography
Leonard H. Lesko (1987)
Philip P. Arnold (2005)
THEOCRACY
THRACIAN RELIGION
TLAXCALAN RELIGION
Dewey D. Wallace, Jr. (1987 and
Ioan Petru Culianu (1987)
Hugo G. Nutini (1987 and 2005)
2005)
Cicerone Poghirc (1987)
Revised Bibliography
TOBACCO
THEODICY
Peter T. Furst (2005)
Ronald M. Green (1987)
THRACIAN RIDER
TOLSTOY, LEO
Revised Bibliography
Ioan Petru Culianu (1987)
Cicerone Poghirc (1987)
Sylvia Juran (1987)
THEODORE OF MOPSUESTIA
Revised Bibliography
TOLTEC RELIGION
Panagiotis C. Christou (1987)
Hanns J. Prem (1987)
TIAN
THEODORE OF STUDIOS
Laurence G. Thompson (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Demetrios J. Constantelos (1987)
TOMBS
TIANTAI
Revised Bibliography
Leo M. Pruden (1987)
Peter Metcalf (2005)
THEODORET OF CYRRHUS
TOMOL
TIBETAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
Theodore Zissis (1987)
Per Kvaerne (1987 and 2005)
Dennis F. Kelley (2005)
THEODOSIUS
TIBETAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
TÖNNIES, FERDINAND
Noel Q. King (1987 and 2005)
Michael L. Walter (1987)
James Luther Adams (1987)
Revised Bibliography
THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY
Françoise Pommaret (2005)
Yves Congar (1987)
TIELE, C. P.
TORAH
Revised Bibliography
Jacques Waardenburg (1987)
Martin S. Jaffee (2005)
THEOLOGY: COMPARATIVE THEOLOGY
Revised Bibliography
TORAJA RELIGION
David Tracy (1987)
TIKHON
Hetty Nooy-Palm (1987)
Revised Bibliography
James W. Cunningham (1987)
Revised Bibliography
THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY
TIKHON OF ZADONSK
TORQUEMADA, TOMÁS DE
John Algeo (2005)
Thomas Hopko (1987)
Marvin R. O’Connell (1987)
THERAVA
¯ DA
TIKOPIA RELIGION
TOSAFOT [FIRST EDITION]
Frank E. Reynolds (1987)
Raymond Firth (1987)
E. E. Urbach (1987)
Regina T. Clifford (1987)
Judith Macdonald (2005)
TOSAFOT [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Revised Bibliography
TILAK, BAL GANGADHAR
Ephraim Kanarfogel (2005)
THÉRÈSE OF LISIEUX
Ainslie T. Embree (1987 and
TOTEMISM
Peter T. Rohrbach (1987)
2005)
Roy Wagner (1987)
THERIANTHROPISM
TILA
¯ WAH
Revised Bibliography
Stanley Walens (1987)
Richard C. Martin (1987)
TOTONAC RELIGION
THESMOPHORIA
TILLICH, PAUL JOHANNES
Roberto Williams-Garcia (1987)
M. L. West (1987)
Robert P. Scharlemann (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
2005)
TOUCHING
Geoffrey Parrinder (1987)
THEURGY
TIMOTHY AILUROS
Richard A. Norris (1987)
Demetrios J. Constantelos (1987)
TOURISM AND RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
TINGLEY, KATHERINE
Thomas S. Bremer (2005)
W. Michael Ashcraft (2005)
THIASOI
TOWERS
Klaus-Peter Köpping (1987)
TI¯RTHAM
. KARAS
Jeffrey F. Meyer (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Colette Caillat (1987 and 2005)
J. Daniel White (2005)
THOMAS À KEMPIS
TITHES
TRADITION
Howard G. Hageman (1987)
Walter Harrelson (1987 and 2005)
Paul Valliere (1987 and 2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
TRANSCENDENCE AND IMMANENCE
TRICKSTERS: NORTH AMERICAN
TURTLES AND TORTOISES
Charles Hartshorne (1987)
TRICKSTERS [FIRST EDITION]
Manabu Waida (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Mac Linscott Ricketts (1987)
Revised Bibliography
TRANSCENDENTAL MEDITATION
TRICKSTERS: NORTH AMERICAN
T.U¯SI¯, NAS.I¯R AL-DI¯N
Carl Olson (2005)
TRICKSTERS [FURTHER
S. J. Badakhchani (2005)
CONSIDERATIONS]
TRANSCULTURATION AND RELIGION: AN
Bernard C. Perley (2005)
TWELVE TRIBES
OVERVIEW
Susan J. Palmer (2005)
Charles H. Long (2005)
TRIGLAV
Marija Gimbutas (1987)
TWINS: AN OVERVIEW
TRANSCULTURATION AND RELIGION:
Revised Bibliography
Ugo Bianchi (1987)
RELIGION IN THE FORMATION OF
Revised Bibliography
MODERN CANADA
TRINITY
Jennifer I. M. Reid (2005)
Catherine Mowry LaCugna (1987)
TWINS: BALTIC TWIN DEITIES
Revised Bibliography
Janı¯na Kursı¯te (2005)
TRANSCULTURATION AND RELIGION:
TROELTSCH, ERNST
TWO BOOKS, THE
RELIGION IN THE FORMATION OF
Friedrich Wilhelm Graf (1987)
Peter M. J. Hess (2005)
MODERN INDIA
David Kopf (2005)
TRUBETSKOI, EVGENII
TYLOR, E. B.
Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak
Eric J. Sharpe (1987)
TRANSCULTURATION AND RELIGION:
(1987)
Revised Bibliography
RELIGION IN THE FORMATION OF
MODERN JAPAN
TRUBETSKOI, SERGEI
TYNDALE, WILLIAM
Michio Araki (2005)
Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak
David Daniell (2005)
(1987)
TRANSCULTURATION AND RELIGION:
TY´R
RELIGION IN THE FORMATION OF
TRUTH
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe (2005)
MODERN OCEANIA
Frederick J. Streng (1987)
TYRRELL, GEORGE
Garry W. Trompf (2005)
Revised Bibliography
David G. Schultenover (1987)
TRANSCULTURATION AND RELIGION:
TSADDIQ
RELIGION IN THE FORMATION OF THE
Menachem Kallus (2005)
U
MODERN CARIBBEAN
TSONG KHA PA
UCHIMURA KANZO
¯
Paul Christopher Johnson (2005)
José Ignacio Cabezón (2005)
John F. Howes (1987)
TRANSMIGRATION
TSWANA RELIGION
UFO RELIGIONS
R. J. Zwi Werblowsky (1987)
Aidan Southall (1987)
John A. Saliba (2005)
Jan N. Bremmer (2005)
Revised Bibliography
U
˘ ICH’O
˘ N
TREASURE TRADITION
TUATHA DÉ DANANN
Robert Evans Buswell, Jr. (1987
Janet Gyatso (2005)
Elizabeth A. Gray (2005)
and 2005)
TREES
TUCCI, GIUSEPPE
U
˘ ISANG
Pamela R. Frese (1987)
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
Robert Evans Buswell, Jr (1987
S. J. M. Gray (1987)
TULSI¯DA
¯ S
and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Velcheru Narayana Rao (1987)
UKKO
TRENT, COUNCIL OF
Revised Bibliography
Anna-Leena Siikala (1987)
Marvin R. O’Connell (1987)
TUNGUZ RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
TRIADS
Boris Chichlo (1987 and 2005)
EULAMA¯D
Geoffrey Parrinder (1987)
TUONELA
Hamid Algar (1987)
TRICKSTERS: AFRICAN TRICKSTERS
Felix J. Oinas (1987)
ÜLGEN
Robert D. Pelton (1987)
Juha Pentikäinen (2005)
Klaus Sagaster (1987)
Revised Bibliography
TURKIC RELIGIONS
Revised Bibliography
Jean-Paul Roux (1987)
TRICKSTERS: AN OVERVIEW
Lawrence E. Sullivan (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ULTRAMONTANISM
Josef L. Altholz (1987)
Revised Bibliography
TURNER, HENRY MCNEAL
James Anthony Noel (2005)
UMAI
TRICKSTERS: MESOAMERICAN AND
Denis Sinor (1987)
SOUTH AMERICAN TRICKSTERS
TURNER, VICTOR
Lawrence E. Sullivan (1987)
Benjamin C. Ray (1987)
UMA
¯ PATI S´IVA¯CA¯RYA
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Glenn E. Yocum (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lxxxiii
EUMAR IBN AL-KHAT.T.A¯B
V
VEDA¯N
˙ GAS
David Waines (1987)
Brian K. Smith (2005)
VAIKHA
¯ NASAS
EUMAR TA¯L
G. R. Welbon (1987 and 2005)
VEDA
¯ NTA
David Robinson (1987)
R. N. Dandekar (1987)
Revised Bibliography
VÄINÄMÖINEN
Revised Bibliography
Matti Kuusi (1987)
UMMAH
VEDAS
Brannon Wheeler (2005)
VAIS´ES.IKA
R. N. Dandekar (1987)
Kisor K. Chakrabarti (1987)
Revised Bibliography
UNARIUS ACADEMY OF SCIENCE
Diana G. Tumminia (2005)
VAIS.N.AVISM: AN OVERVIEW
VEDISM AND BRAHMANISM
R. N. Dandekar (1987)
Jan C. Heesterman (1987)
UNDERHILL, EVELYN
Revised Bibliography
Gregory F. Porter (1987)
VAIS.N.AVISM: BHA¯GAVATAS
Revised Bibliography
G. R. Welbon (1987 and 2005)
VEGETATION
Peter C. Chemery (1987)
UNDERWORLD
VAIS.N.AVISM: PA¯ÑCARA¯TRAS
Revised Bibliography
J. Bruce Long (1987)
G. R. Welbon (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
VAJRABODHI
VELES-VOLOS
Charles D. Orzech (1987)
Marija Gimbutas (1987)
UNGARINYIN RELIGION
Anthony Redmond (2005)
VAJRADHARA
VENUS
Isabelle Onians (2005)
Robert Schilling (1987)
UNIATE CHURCHES
Revised Bibliography
Thomas F. Sable (1987 and 2005)
VAJRAPA
¯ N.I
Isabelle Onians (2005)
VERGIL
UNIFICATION CHURCH
Patricia A. Johnston (2005)
Eileen Barker (1987 and 2005)
VAJRASATTVA
Bryan J. Cuevas (2005)
VESTA
UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST ASSOCIATION
Robert Schilling (1987)
John C. Godbey (1987)
VALHO
˛ LL
Charles Guittard (2005)
Revised Bibliography
John Lindow (1987 and 2005)
VIA NEGATIVA
UNITY
VALKYRIES
Veselin Kesich (1987)
Gail M. Harley (2005)
John Lindow (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
Dell deChant (2005)
VALLABHA
VICO, GIOVANNI BATTISTA
UNKULUNKULU
R. K. Barz (1987)
Donald Phillip Verene (1987)
James S. Thayer (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
VIERKANDT, ALFRED
VA
¯ LMI¯KI
Wallace B. Clift (1987)
UNTOUCHABLES, RELIGIONS OF
Velcheru Narayana Rao (1987)
Saurabh Dube (2005)
VIETNAMESE RELIGION
VANUATU RELIGIONS
Georges Condominas (1987)
U NU
Michael Allen (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Juliane Schober (2005)
Revised Bibliography
VIJÑA
¯ NABHIKS.U
UPANIS.ADS
VARN
. A AND JA
¯ TI
Bimal Krishna Matilal (1987)
William K. Mahony (1987)
Brian K. Smith (2005)
VIOLENCE
UPA
¯ YA
VARUN
. A
Fritz Graf (2005)
Michael Pye (1987)
Sukumari Bhattacharji (1987)
Revised Bibliography
VIRACOCHA
VASUBANDHU
Elizabeth P. Benson (1987)
USENER, HERMANN
Nagao Gadjin (1987 and 2005)
Burton Feldman (1987)
VIRGIN GODDESS
VATICAN COUNCILS: VATICAN I
Revised Bibliography
Julia Iwersen (2005)
Roger Aubert (1987)
US.U¯L AL-FIQH
Revised Bibliography
VIRGINITY
Bernard G. Weiss (1987)
Han J. W. Drijvers (1987)
VATICAN COUNCILS: VATICAN II [FIRST
Revised Bibliography
UTOPIA
EDITION]
Garry W. Trompf (1987)
Karl Rahner (1987)
VISION QUEST
Revised Bibliography
Adolf Darlap (1987)
Tink Tinker (2005)
UTU
VATICAN COUNCILS: VATICAN II
VISIONS
Tikva Frymer-Kensky (1987)
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Felicitas D. Goodman (1987)
Pietro Mander (2005)
Nancy C. Ring (2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxxxiv
LIST OF ARTICLES
VIS.N.U
WALKER, JAMES R.
WELLHAUSEN, JULIUS
Jan Gonda (1987)
Raymond J. DeMallie (2005)
Kurt Rudolph (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
WANDJINA
VISUAL CULTURE AND RELIGION: AN
I. M. Crawford (1987)
WENSINCK, A. J.
OVERVIEW
WANG BI
Jacques Waardenburg (1987)
David Morgan (2005)
Rudolf G. Wagner (1987 and
WESLEY BROTHERS
VISUAL CULTURE AND RELIGION:
2005)
Frank Baker (1987)
OUTSIDER ART
Norman J. Girardot (2005)
WANG CHONG
WEST AFRICAN RELIGIONS
Yü Ying-shih (1987)
Dominique Zahan (1987)
VITAL, H
. AYYIM
Revised Bibliography
Lawrence Fine (1987)
WANG FUZHI
Ian McMorran (1987)
Revised Bibliography
WHEATLEY, PAUL
WANG YANGMING
Davíd Carrasco (2005)
VIVEKANANDA
Thomas J. Hopkins (1987)
Tu Wei-Ming (1987)
WHITE, ELLEN GOULD
Brian A. Hatcher (2005)
Revised Bibliography
Ronald L. Numbers (1987)
WANG ZHE
VLADIMIR I
WHITE BUFFALO CALF WOMAN
Thomas Hopko (1987)
Kubo Noritada (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Mary C. Churchill (2005)
VOCATION
WHITEFIELD, GEORGE
Han J. W. Drijvers (1987)
WAQF
Edwin S. Gaustad (1987 and
Revised Bibliography
Miriam Hoexter (2005)
2005)
WAR AND WARRIORS: AN OVERVIEW
VODOU
WHITEHEAD, ALFRED NORTH
Karen McCarthy Brown (1987 and
Bruce Lincoln (1987)
John B. Cobb, Jr. (1987)
2005)
Revised Bibliography
WAR AND WARRIORS: INDO-EUROPEAN
WICCA
VOWS AND OATHS
Elmar Klinger (1987)
BELIEFS AND PRACTICES
Joanne E. Pearson (2005)
Revised Bibliography
C. Scott Littleton (1987 and 2005)
WIDENGREN, GEO
Eugen Ciurtin (2005)
VRIES, JAN DE
WARAO RELIGION
Kees W. Bolle (1987)
Andrés Alejandro Pérez Diez
(1987)
WIKANDER, STIG
VR
Mihaela Timus (2005)
. NDA
¯ VANA
Revised Bibliography
David L. Haberman (1987)
WILLIAM OF OCKHAM
Revised Bibliography
WARBURG, ABY
Ina Wunn (2005)
Gordon Leff (1987 and 2005)
VR.TRA
WILLIAMS, ROGER
Wendy Doniger (1987)
WARD, MARY
Susan O’Brien (2005)
Robert T. Handy (1987)
W
WARLPIRI RELIGION
WILLIBRORD
Stephen C. Neill (1987)
WACH, JOACHIM [FIRST EDITION]
Françoise Dussart (2005)
Joseph M. Kitagawa (1987)
WATER
WINTER SOLSTICE SONGS
WACH, JOACHIM [FURTHER
Jean Rudhardt (1987)
Monica Bra˘tulescu (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS]
Revised Bibliography
WISDOM
Eric Ziolkowski (2005)
WAWALAG
Kurt Rudolph (1987)
WAHHA
¯ BI¯YAH
Catherine H. Berndt (1987)
Revised Bibliography
John O. Voll (1987 and 2005)
WEALTH
WISDOM LITERATURE: BIBLICAL BOOKS
WALA
¯ YAH
Winston Davis (1987)
[FIRST EDITION]
Hermann Landolt (1987)
Revised Bibliography
James L. Crenshaw (1987)
WALDENSIANS
WEBER, MAX
WISDOM LITERATURE: BIBLICAL BOOKS
Gordon Leff (1987 and 2005)
Norman Birnbaum (1987)
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Tawny L. Holm (2005)
WALDMAN, MARILYN ROBINSON
WEBS AND NETS
WISDOM LITERATURE: THEORETICAL
Mügé Galin (2005)
J. Bruce Long (1987)
PERSPECTIVES
WALI¯ ALLA
¯ H, SHA¯H
WEIL, SIMONE
Alexandra R. Brown (1987 and
Sajida S. Alvi (2005)
William D. Miller (1987)
2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF ARTICLES
lxxxv
WISE, ISAAC M.
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
Y
S. D. Temkin (1987)
CHRISTIAN WORSHIP
Revised Bibliography
Thomas J. Talley (1987)
YA!AQOV BEN ASHER
Bernard Septimus (1987)
WISE, JOHN
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
Edwin S. Gaustad (1987 and
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
2005)
YAKUT RELIGION
DAOIST DEVOTIONAL LIFE
Laurence Delaby (1987)
WISE, STEPHEN S.
John Lagerwey (1987 and 2005)
Abraham J. Karp (1987)
YAMA
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
Sukumari Bhattacharji (1987)
Revised Bibliography
HINDU DEVOTIONAL LIFE
Revised Bibliography
WISSOWA, GEORG
Paul B. Courtright (1987)
YAMAGA SOKO
¯
Henry Jay Watkin (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Samuel Hideo Yamashita (1987)
Revised Bibliography
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
YAMATO TAKERU
WITCHCRAFT: AFRICAN WITCHCRAFT
JEWISH WORSHIP
Isomae Jun’ichi (2005)
Maxwell Gay Marwick (1987)
Ruth Langer (2005)
Revised Bibliography
YAMAZAKI ANSAI
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
Kate Wildman Nakai (1987 and
WITCHCRAFT: CONCEPTS OF
2005)
MUSLIM WORSHIP
WITCHCRAFT
Jeffrey Burton Russell (1987)
Vernon James Schubel (2005)
YA
¯ MUNA
Sabina Magliocco (2005)
Walter G. Neevel, Jr. (1987 and
WOVOKA
2005)
WITTGENSTEIN, LUDWIG
John A. Grim (1987)
Henry Le Roy Finch (1987)
YANTRA
WUNDT, WILHELM
Madhu Khanna (1987)
WOLFF, CHRISTIAN
Wallace B. Clift (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Charles A. Corr (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
YAO AND SHUN
WOLVES
WYCLIF, JOHN
Sarah Allan (1987 and 2005)
Ann Dunnigan (1987)
Massey H. Shepherd, Jr. (1987)
YATES, FRANCES AMELIA
Revised Bibliography
J. B. Trapp (2005)
X
WOMEN’S STUDIES IN RELIGION
YAZATAS
Julie Clague (2005)
XAVIER, FRANCIS
Gherardo Gnoli (1987)
WO
˘ NHYO
John F. Broderick (1987)
YEHOSHU!A BEN H.ANANYAH
Robert Evans Buswell, Jr. (1987
XENOPHANES
Tzvee Zahavy (1987)
and 2005)
Giovanni Casadio (2005)
Revised Bibliography
WORK
XIAN
YEHOSHU!A BEN LEVI
Karen Ready (1987)
John Lagerwey (2005)
Robert Goldenberg (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
XIAO
WORLD RELIGIONS
YEHUDAH BAR ILEAI
Tomoko Masuzawa (2005)
Keith N. Knapp (2005)
Tzvee Zahavy (1987)
Revised Bibliography
WORLD’S PARLIAMENT OF RELIGIONS
XIAO BAOZHEN
Robert S. Ellwood (1987 and
Kubo Noritada (1987)
YEHUDAH BAR YEH
. EZQE’L
2005)
Revised Bibliography
Baruch M. Bokser (1987)
Revised Bibliography
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
XINXING
BUDDHIST DEVOTIONAL LIFE IN EAST
Miyakawa Hisayuki (1987)
YEHUDAH HA-LEVI
ASIA
Revised Bibliography
Barry S. Kogan (1987)
Richard K. Payne (2005)
Revised Bibliography
XI WANG MU
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
Michael Loewe (1987)
YEHUDAH HA-NASID
BUDDHIST DEVOTIONAL LIFE IN
Gary G. Porton (1987 and 2005)
SOUTHEAST ASIA
XUANZANG
YE SHES MTSHO RGYAL (YESHE TSOGYAL)
Peter Skilling (2005)
Alan Sponberg (1987)
Janet Gyatso (2005)
Revised Bibliography
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
YESHIVAH
BUDDHIST DEVOTIONAL LIFE IN TIBET
XUNZI
Shaul Stampfer (1987)
Françoise Pommaret (2005)
Aaron Stalnaker (2005)
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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lxxxvi
LIST OF ARTICLES
YIJING
YURUPARY
ZHENREN
Jan Yün-hua (1987)
Stephen Hugh-Jones (1987)
John Lagerwey (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
YINYANG WUXING
ZHENYAN
Aihe Wang (2005)
Z
Charles D. Orzech (1987)
YISHMAEE’L BEN ELISHAE
Revised Bibliography
ZAEHNER, R. C.
Gary G. Porton (1987)
G. R. Welbon (1987)
ZHIYAN
Revised Bibliography
Kimura Kiyotaka (1987)
ZAKA
¯ T
YI T’OEGYE
Azim Nanji (2005)
ZHIYI
JaHyun Kim Haboush (1987)
Neal Donner (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ZALMOXIS
Ioan Petru Culianu (1987)
Revised Bibliography
YI YULGOK
Cicerone Poghirc (1987)
ZHOU DUNYI
JaHyun Kim Haboush (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Rodney L. Taylor (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
ZAMAKHSHARI¯, AL-
ZHUANGZI
YOGA
Andrew Rippin (1987)
Mircea Eliade (1987)
Harold D. Roth (2005)
Revised Bibliography
ZAPATISMO AND INDIGENOUS
ZHUHONG
RESISTANCE
Chun-fang Yü (1987)
YOGA
¯ CA¯RA
Amado J. Láscar (2005)
Hattori Masaaki (1987 and 2005)
Amanda Nolacea Harris (2005)
ZHU XI
YOGANANDA
Conrad Schirokauer (1987 and
ZARATHUSHTRA
Catherine Wessinger (2005)
Albert de Jong (2005)
2005)
YOH
. ANAN BAR NAPPAH
. A’
ZAYNAB BINT EALI¯
ZIMMER, HEINRICH ROBERT
Robert Goldenberg (1987)
B. Tahera Qutbuddin (2005)
G. R. Welbon (1987 and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
ZEALOTS
ZINZENDORF, NIKOLAUS
YOH
. ANAN BEN ZAKK’AI
David M. Rhoads (1987 and
David A. Schattschneider (1987
Jacob Neusner (1987)
2005)
and 2005)
Revised Bibliography
ZEKHUT AVOT
ZIONISM
YONI
Shalom Carmy (2005)
David Biale (1987 and 2005)
Frédérique Apffel-Marglin (1987
ZEME
and 2005)
ZOHAR
Haralds Biezais (1987)
Moshe Idel (1987)
YORUBA RELIGION
Revised Bibliography
John Pemberton III (1987)
ZOLLA, ELÉMIRE
ZEN
Revised Bibliography
Grazia Marchianò (2005)
Steven Heine (2005)
YOSE BEN H
. ALAFTA’
ZONGMI
ZEUS
Tzvee Zahavy (1987)
Fritz Graf (2005)
Peter N. Gregory (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Revised Bibliography
ZHANG DAOLING
YOUNG, BRIGHAM
Isabelle Robinet (1987)
ZOROASTRIANISM
Jan Shipps (1987)
Jamsheed K. Choksy (2005)
ZHANG JUE
YU
Isabelle Robinet (1987)
ZULU RELIGION
Anna Seidel (1987)
Eleanor M. Preston-Whyte (1987)
ZHANG LU
Revised Bibliography
YUHUANG
Isabelle Robinet (1987)
Anna Seidel (1987)
ZHANG XUECHENG
ZURVANISM
YULUNGGUL SNAKE
David S. Nivison (1987)
Jamsheed K. Choksy (2005)
Catherine H. Berndt (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ZWINGLI, HULDRYCH
YUNUS EMRE
ZHANG ZAI
David E. Demson (1987 and
Fahır I˙z (1987)
Rodney L. Taylor (1987 and 2005)
2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
eorel_fmv1 3/2/05 10:13 AM Page lxxxvii
L I S T O F C O N T R I B U T O R S
Contributors to the Encyclopedia are listed below in alphabetic order followed by their academic affiliations and the arti-
cle(s) they contributed. Articles reprinted from the first edition are indicated by (1987) following the article name.
Affiliations provided for these authors are their 1987 affiliations. New or updated articles are indicated by (2005) and
include current affiliations for the authors.
Robert Ackerman
FREE WILL AND PREDESTINATION:
Shalom Albeck
Montclair, New Jersey
ISLAMIC CONCEPTS (2005)
Bar Ilan University
FRAZER, JAMES G. (1987)
Kamran Scot Aghaie
TAM, YA!AQOV BEN ME’IR (1987)
Joyce Ackroyd
University of Texas at Austin
Ezio Albrile
University of Queensland
MESSIANISM: MESSIANISM IN THE
Torino, Italy
BUSHIDO
¯ (1987)
MUSLIM TRADITION (2005)
GNOSTICISM: HISTORY OF STUDY
Charles J. Adams
Akintunde E. Akinade
(2005)
Institute of Islamic Studies,
High Point University
MANDAEAN RELIGION (2005)
McGill University
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN SUB-
Gerardo Aldana
CORBIN, HENRY (1987)
SAHARAN AFRICA [FURTHER
University of California, Santa
JAMA¯EAT-I ISLA¯MI¯ (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Barbara
SÖDERBLOM, NATHAN (1987)
Shirin Akiner
COSMOLOGY: INDIGENOUS
James Luther Adams
University of London
NORTH AND MESOAMERICAN
Harvard University
ISLAM: ISLAM IN CENTRAL ASIA (2005)
COSMOLOGIES (2005)
LEGITIMATION (1987)
SOHM, RUDOLF (1987)
Hirakawa Akira
Bobby C. Alexander
TÖNNIES, FERDINAND (1987)
Waseda University
University of Texas at Dallas
William Y. Adams
CEREMONY (1987 AND 2005)
STUPA WORSHIP (1987)
University of Kentucky
Kurt Aland
Hilarion Alfeyev
AKSUMITE RELIGION (1987)
Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität
Bishop of Vienna and Austria, Russian
KUSHITE RELIGION (1987)
Münster
Orthodox Church
A. W. H. Adkins
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH (2005)
MONTANISM (1987)
University of Chicago
MONTANUS (1987)
Hamid Algar
EVANS, ARTHUR (1987)
University of California, Berkeley
HARRISON, JANE E. (1987)
Azra Alavi
EULAMA¯D (1987)
Joseph A. Adler
Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh,
Kenyon College
India
John Algeo
CHINESE RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
NIZ.A¯M AL-DI¯N AWLIYA¯D (2005)
University of Georgia (emeritus)
(2005)
Catherine L. Albanese
THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY (2005)
Asma Afsaruddin
Wright State University
M. Athar Ali
University of Notre Dame
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN
Aligarh Muslim University
FA¯T.IMAH BINT MUH.AMMAD (2005)
NORTH AMERICA (1987)
HUJWI¯RI¯, AL- (1987)
lxxxvii
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lxxxviii
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Sarah Allan
Mehdi Aminrazavi
Zafar Ishaq Ansari
Dartmouth College
University of Mary Washington
International Islamic University,
YAO AND SHUN (1987 AND 2005)
SUHRAWARDI¯, SHIHA¯B AL-DI¯N YAH
. YA¯
Islamabad
Douglas Allen
(2005)
ABU
¯ H.ANI¯FAH (1987)
University of Maine
Nancy T. Ammerman
S.AWM (1987)
HUSSERL, EDMUND (1987 AND 2005)
Emory University
Peter Antes
PHENOMENOLOGY OF RELIGION
SCHISM: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
University of Hannover
(1987 AND 2005)
Albert Ampe
NEW YEAR FESTIVALS (2005)
James P. Allen
SCHIMMEL, ANNEMARIE (2005)
Universiteit Antwerpen
Metropolitan Museum of Art
RUUSBROEC, JAN VAN (1987)
Veikko Anttonen
AKHENATON (2005)
School of Cultural Research,
Darrel W. Amundsen
Michael Allen
University of Turku, Finland
Western Washington University
University of Sydney
HARVA, UNO (2005)
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
VANUATU RELIGIONS (1987)
AND MEDICINE IN CHRISTIANITY
Michiko Yamaguchi Aoki
Gregory D. Alles
(2005)
Roger Williams College
McDaniel College
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
O
¯ KUNINUSHI NO MIKOTO (1987)
AND MEDICINE IN GREECE AND
DYNAMISM (1987)
Frédérique Apffel-Marglin
ROME (2005)
HOMO RELIGIOSUS (1987)
Smith College
SPURGEON, CHARLES HADDON (1987)
OTTO, RUDOLF (2005)
HIERODOULEIA (1987 AND 2005)
RELIGION [FURTHER
Georges C. Anawati
YONI (1987 AND 2005)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Institut Dominicain d’Etudes
Diane Apostolos-Cappadona
SANCTUARY (1987)
Orientales, Cairo
Center for Muslim-Christian
STUDY OF RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
ATTRIBUTES OF GOD: ISLAMIC
Understanding, Georgetown
(2005)
CONCEPTS (1987)
University
C. Fitzsimons Allison
KALA¯M (1987)
ART AND RELIGION (2005)
Episcopal Diocese of South Carolina
Carol S. Anderson
DANCE: POPULAR AND FOLK DANCE
PUSEY, EDWARD BOUVERIE (1987)
Kalamazoo College
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Dale C. Allison, Jr.
LESBIANISM (2005)
DANCE: THEATRICAL AND
Pittsburgh Theological Seminary
LITURGICAL DANCE [FURTHER
Pamela Sue Anderson
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
BIBLICAL LITERATURE: NEW
University of Oxford
HUMAN BODY: HUMAN BODIES,
TESTAMENT (2005)
BEAUTY (2005)
RELIGION, AND ART (2005)
JESUS (2005)
Robert Mapes Anderson
ICONOCLASM: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
Adel Allouche
Wagner College
ICONOGRAPHY: ICONOGRAPHY AS
Yale University
MCPHERSON, AIMEE SEMPLE (1987)
VISIBLE RELIGION [FURTHER
ARABIAN RELIGIONS (1987 AND 2005)
PENTECOSTAL AND CHARISMATIC
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Rebecca T. Alpert
CHRISTIANITY (1987 AND 2005)
Arjun Appadurai
Temple University
Ionna Andreesco-Miereanu
University of Pennsylvania
RECONSTRUCTIONIST JUDAISM (2005)
Centre National de la Recherche
INDIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
Martha S. Alt
Scientifique, Paris
STUDY (1987)
Ohio State University
MAGIC: MAGIC IN EASTERN EUROPE
Nozir Arabzoda
REFERENCE WORKS (2005)
(1987)
(deceased)
Josef L. Altholz
Allan A. Andrews
NA¯S.IR-I KHUSRAW (2005)
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
University of Vermont
Francis A. Arinze
ULTRAMONTANISM (1987)
GENSHIN (1987)
Secretariat for Non-Christians,
HO
¯ NEN (1987)
David Altshuler
Vatican City
IGBO RELIGION (1987)
George Washington University
Pietro Angelini
JOSEPHUS FLAVIUS (1987)
L’Università Orientale di Napoli
Brian G. Armstrong
Sajida S. Alvi
DE MARTINO, ERNESTO (2005)
Georgia State University (emeritus)
CALVIN, JOHN (1987)
McGill University
Sigma Ankrava
LA¯HORI¯, MUH
. AMMAD EALI¯ (1987 AND
University of Latvia
Karen Armstrong
2005)
BALTIC RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
London, England
WALI¯ ALLA¯H, SHA¯H (2005)
(2005)
MUH
. AMMAD (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
eorel_fmv1 3/2/05 10:13 AM Page lxxxix
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
lxxxix
Roger Arnaldez
Roger Aubert
M. A. Zaki Badawi
Université de Paris IV (Paris-
Université Catholique de Louvain-la-
Muslim College, London
Sorbonne) (emeritus)
Neuve
ABU
¯ BAKR (2005)
IBN H
. AZM (1987)
PIUS IX (1987)
Michael A. Baenen
VATICAN COUNCILS: VATICAN I (1987)
Rudolf Arnheim
Somerville, Massachusetts
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
David E. Aune
MALINOWSKI, BRONISLAW (1987)
University of Notre Dame
AESTHETICS: VISUAL AESTHETICS
CIRCLE (2005)
Marc David Baer
(1987)
ORACLES (1987)
Tulane University
Philip P. Arnold
REPENTANCE (1987)
DÖNMEH (2005)
Syracuse University
Robert Austerlitz
Serge Bahuchet
COLORS (2005)
Columbia University
Centre National de la Recherche
TLALOC (2005)
NUM (1987)
Scientifique, Paris
Linda B. Arthur
SAMOYED RELIGION (1987)
PYGMY RELIGIONS (1987)
Washington State University
Harry Aveling
Constantina Bailly
CLOTHING: DRESS AND RELIGION
La Trobe University
IN AMERICA’S SECTARIAN
New York, New York
FICTION: SOUTHEAST ASIAN FICTION
COMMUNITIES (2005)
PATAÑJALI THE GRAMMARIAN (1987)
AND RELIGION (2005)
Avak Asadourian
Anthony F. Aveni
William Sims Bainbridge
Armenian Diocese of Iraq
Colgate University
National Science Foundation
GREGORY OF DATEV (1987)
CALENDARS: MESOAMERICAN
FAMILY, THE (2005)
GREGORY OF NAREK (1987)
CALENDARS (2005)
Frank Baker
NERSE¯S OF CLA (1987)
SKY: MYTHS AND SYMBOLISM (2005)
Duke University
Ali S. Asani
Peter J. Awn
ASBURY, FRANCIS (1987)
Harvard University
Columbia University
COKE, THOMAS (1987)
AGA KHAN (1987)
SUFISM (1987)
METHODIST CHURCHES (1987)
GINA
¯ N (1987)
Mahmoud M. Ayoub
WESLEY BROTHERS (1987)
ISLAM: ISLAM IN SOUTH ASIA (2005)
University of Toronto
David L. Balás
POETRY: ISLAMIC POETRY (2005)
EA¯SHU¯RA¯D (1987)
University of Dallas
W. Michael Ashcraft
H
. ILLI¯, AL- (1987)
BASIL OF CAESAREA (1987)
QURDA¯N: ITS ROLE IN MUSLIM
Truman State University
PRACTICE AND LIFE (1987)
Nalini Balbir
POINT LOMA THEOSOPHICAL
University of Paris
COMMUNITY (2005)
Th. P. van Baaren
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
TINGLEY, KATHERINE (2005)
Rijksuniversiteit te Groningen
AFTERLIFE: GEOGRAPHIES OF DEATH
AND JAINISM (2005)
Jes P. Asmussen
(1987)
Robert W. Balch
Københavns Universitet
Barbara A. Babcock
University of Montana
CHRISTENSEN, ARTHUR (1987)
University of Arizona
HEAVEN’S GATE (2005)
LEHMANN, EDVARD (1987)
REFLEXIVITY (1987)
Prapod Assavavirulhakarn
John F. Baldovin
Louise Bäckman
Chulalongkorn University
Jesuit School of Theology, Berkeley
Stockholms Universitet
BLESSING (2005)
CHRISTMAS (1987)
NUM-TU
¯ REM (1987)
EASTER (1987)
Aziz Suryal Atiya
SAMI RELIGION (1987)
EPIPHANY (1987)
University of Utah
Gershon C. Bacon
Bando Sho¯jun
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN
Bar-Ilan University
NORTH AFRICA (1987)
Otani University
AGUDAT YISRADEL (1987 AND 2005)
COPTIC CHURCH (1987)
BENCHO
¯ (1987)
MUSAR MOVEMENT (1987 AND 2005)
Christopher P. Atwood
SALANTER, YISRADEL (1987 AND 2005)
Carl Bangs
Indiana University
S. J. Badakhchani
Saint Paul School of Theology,
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN
Institute of Ismaili Studies, London
Kansas City
MONGOLIA (2005)
T.U¯SI¯, NAS.I¯R AL-DI¯N (2005)
ARMINIUS, JACOBUS (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
eorel_fmv1 3/2/05 10:13 AM Page xc
xc
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Moshe Barasch
GE HONG (1987)
FEMINIST THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
LI SHAOJUN (1987)
FEMINIST THEOLOGY (2005)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
ICONOGRAPHY: JEWISH
Anne Llewellyn Barstow
AND CHRISTIANITY (2005)
ICONOGRAPHY [FIRST EDITION]
State University of New York, College
MARY: FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES (2005)
(1987)
at Old Westbury
JOAN OF ARC (1987)
George S. Bebis
Beatriz Barba de Piña Chán
Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of
Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e
J. Robert Barth
Theology, Brookline, Massachusetts
Historia, Mexico City
Boston College
APOLLINARIS OF LAODICEA (1987)
COLERIDGE, SAMUEL TAYLOR (1987
SPELLS (1987)
GREGORY OF SINAI (1987)
AND 2005)
IGNATIUS OF ANTIOCH (1987)
Charles Barber
R. K. Barz
NIKODIMOS OF THE HOLY
University of Notre Dame
Australian National University
MOUNTAIN (1987)
ICONOCLASM: ICONOCLASM IN THE
VALLABHA (1987)
Heinz Bechert
BYZANTINE TRADITION (2005)
Jacques Barzun
Georg-August-Universitat zu
Hugh Barbour
Columbia University (emeritus)
Gottingen
Earlham College
JAMES, WILLIAM (1987)
SAM
. GHA: AN OVERVIEW (1987 AND
FOX, GEORGE (1987)
2005)
A. L. Basham
QUAKERS (1987)
(deceased)
Brenda E. F. Beck
John D. Barbour
A¯JI¯VIKAS (1987)
University of British Columbia
DOMESTIC OBSERVANCES: HINDU
St. Olaf College
Judith R. Baskin
PRACTICES (1987)
AUTOBIOGRAPHY (2005)
University of Oregon
Guy L. Beck
André Bareau
MIQVEH (2005)
Tulane University
Collège de France
Joseph W. Bastien
FREEMASONS (2005)
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: EARLY
University of Texas at Arlington
Mary Farrell Bednarowski
DOCTRINAL SCHOOLS OF
ATAHUALLPA (1987 AND 2005)
United Theological Seminary of the
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
BUDDHISM (1987)
OF THE MODERN ANDES (1987)
Twin Cities
Eileen Barker
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
Martine Batchelor
London School of Economics
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND
La Sauve, France
WOMEN (2005)
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
NUNS: BUDDHIST NUNS (2005)
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE
Susan Fitzpatrick Behrens
Emery J. Battis
(1987 AND 2005)
California State University,
Washington, D.C.
UNIFICATION CHURCH (1987 AND
Northridge
HUTCHINSON, ANNE (1987)
2005)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER AND
Robert M. Baum
SOUTH AMERICAN RELIGIONS (2005)
John Barker
Iowa State University
T. O. Beidelman
University of British Columbia
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
New York University
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS
STUDY (2005)
CIRCUMCISION (1987 AND 2005)
AND OCEANIC RELIGIONS (2005)
ALINESITOUE (2005)
SMITH, W. ROBERTSON (1987)
Michael Barkun
DIOLA RELIGION (1987)
Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi
PROPHECY: AFRICAN PROPHETISM
Maxwell School, Syracuse University
Haifa University
(2005)
CHRISTIAN IDENTITY MOVEMENT
LEUBA, JAMES H. (1987)
Martin Baumann
(2005)
STARBUCK, E. D. (1987)
University of Lucerne, Switzerland
James Barr
Nicole Belayche
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN THE WEST
Christ Church, University of Oxford
École Pratique des Hautes-Études,
(2005)
Paris, France
DELITZSCH, FRIEDRICH (1987)
John Beattie
IUPITER DOLICHENUS (2005)
T. H. Barrett
Linacre College, University of Oxford
Catherine M. Bell
School of Oriental and African
INTERLACUSTRINE BANTU RELIGIONS
Santa Clara University
Studies, University of London
(1987)
LU XIUJING (1987)
DAOISM: HISTORY OF STUDY (1987
Tina Beattie
RITUAL [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
AND 2005)
Roehampton University
(2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
xci
Diane Bell
GU YANWU (1987)
ALKALAI, YEHUDAH BEN SHELOMOH
George Washington University
ORTHOPRAXY (1987)
(1987)
BERNDT, CATHERINE H. (2005)
John Bern
BAR-ILAN, MEDIR (1987)
DREAMING, THE (2005)
MOHILEVER, SHEMUDEL (1987)
University of Newcastle, Australia
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
REINES, YITSH
. AQ YAEAQOV (1987)
NGUKURR RELIGION (1987)
AND AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS
SCHOLEM, GERSHOM (1987)
RELIGIONS (2005)
Alberto Bernabé
ZIONISM (1987 AND 2005)
Universidad Complutense, Madrid,
Nicole Belmont
Ugo Bianchi
Spain
Collège de France
Università degli Studi, Rome
HURRIAN RELIGION (2005)
GENNEP, ARNOLD VAN (1987)
BRELICH, ANGELO (1987)
ORPHEUS (2005)
CONFESSION OF SINS (1987)
Jack Bemporad
Paul Bernabeo
DEMIURGE (1987)
Temple Sinai of Bergen County,
New York, New York
DUALISM (1987)
Tenafly, New Jersey
APOLOGETICS (1987)
HISTORY OF RELIGIONS (1987)
SOUL: JEWISH CONCEPT (1987)
TWINS: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
SUFFERING (1987)
Catherine H. Berndt
University of Western Australia
Daniel P. Biebuyck
Paula Ben-Amos
University of Delaware
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS
Indiana University, Bloomington
RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
DRAMA: AFRICAN RELIGIOUS DRAMA
EDO RELIGION (1987)
(1987)
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Dagmar Benner
RAINBOW SNAKE (1987)
Haralds Biezais
Cambridge University
WAWALAG (1987)
Uppsala Universitet
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
YULUNGGUL SNAKE (1987)
BALTIC RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
AND MEDICINE IN A¯YURVEDA AND
Ronald M. Berndt
(1987)
SOUTH ASIA (2005)
University of Western Australia
DAINAS (1987)
Alexandre Bennigsen
LAIMA (1987)
DJAN’KAWU (1987)
École Pratique des Hautes Études,
PE¯RKONS (1987)
GADJERI (1987)
ZEME (1987)
Collège de France
Peter A. Bertocci
ISLAM: ISLAM IN THE CAUCASUS AND
Willem A. Bijlefeld
Boston University (emeritus)
THE MIDDLE VOLGA (1987)
Hartford Seminary
THEISM (1987)
Elizabeth P. Benson
BETH, KARL (1987)
Eberhard Bethge
KRAEMER, HENDRIK (1987)
Institute of Andean Studies, Los
Wachtberg-Villiprott, West Germany
NILSSON, MARTIN P. (1987)
Angeles
BONHOEFFER, DIETRICH (1987)
REINACH, SALOMON (1987)
BOCHICA (1987)
ROHDE, ERWIN (1987)
INTI (1987)
Anne H. Betteridge
MANCO CAPAC AND MAMA OCLLO
University of Arizona
Purushottama Bilimoria
(1987)
DOMESTIC OBSERVANCES: MUSLIM
Deakin University of Melbourne,
VIRACOCHA (1987)
PRACTICES (1987)
Stony Brook
David Berger
Hans Dieter Betz
AVIDYA¯ (2005)
Brooklyn College, City University of
University of Chicago
Jon-Christian Billigmeier
New York
APOSTLES (1987)
California State University,
POLEMICS: JEWISH-CHRISTIAN
LIBATION (1987)
Northridge
POLEMICS (1987)
MAGIC: MAGIC IN GRECO-ROMAN
ALPHABETS (1987 AND 2005)
NAHMANIDES, MOSES (1987)
ANTIQUITY (1987)
Norman Birnbaum
Stephen E. Berk
Peter Beyer
Georgetown University
California State University,
University of Ottawa
WEBER, MAX (1987)
Long Beach
GLOBALIZATION AND RELIGION
Raoul Birnbaum
DWIGHT, TIMOTHY (1987)
(2005)
Harvard University
Niyazi Berkes
Sukumari Bhattacharji
AVALOKITES´VARA (1987)
McGill University (emeritus)
Jadavpur University
BHAIS.AJYAGURU (1987)
GÖKALP, ZI˙YAM [FIRST EDITION]
RUDRA (1987)
MAÑJUS´RI¯ (1987)
(1987)
VARUN
. A (1987)
Barbara Bishop
YAMA (1987)
Judith A. Berling
Schola Contemplationis, Pfafftown,
Indiana University, Bloomington
David Biale
North Carolina
DAI ZHEN (1987)
University of California, Davis
JULIAN OF NORWICH (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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xcii
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Joseph L. Blau
AMORAIM (1987)
Arnd Adje Both
Columbia University (emeritus)
ASHI (1987)
International Study Group on Music
REFORM (1987)
HUNAD (1987)
Archaeology
RABBAH BAR NAHMANI (1987)
Gerald J. Blidstein
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
RAV (1987)
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev
MESOAMERICA (2005)
RAVAD (1987)
ALFASI, YITSH
. AQ BEN YAEAQOV (1987)
Larry D. Bouchard
SHEMUDEL THE AMORA (1987)
GERSHOM BEN YEHUDAH (1987)
University of Virginia
YEHUDAH BAR YEH
. EZQE’L (1987)
H’AI GAON (1987)
LITERATURE: LITERATURE AND
HALAKHAH: HISTORY OF HALAKHAH
Kees W. Bolle
RELIGION (2005)
(1987)
University of California, Los Angeles
Issa J. Boullata
MEDIR BEN BARUKH OF ROTHENBURG
(emeritus)
Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill
(1987)
ANIMISM AND ANIMATISM (1987)
University
SHERIRADGAON (1987)
COSMOLOGY: AN OVERVIEW (1987
IBN AL-FA¯RID
. (1987 AND 2005)
Raymond Bloch
AND 2005)
IEJA¯Z (1987)
Académie des Inscriptions et Belles
EUHEMERUS AND EUHEMERISM (2005)
M. F. C. Bourdillon
Lettres, Paris
FATE (1987 AND 2005)
University of Zimbabwe
PORTENTS AND PRODIGIES (1987)
HIEROS GAMOS (1987)
SHONA RELIGION (1987)
Alfred Bloom
MYTH: AN OVERVIEW (1987 AND 2005)
Erika Bourguignon
University of Hawaii, Manoa
VRIES, JAN DE (1987)
Ohio State University
SHINRAN (1987)
Judith Magee Boltz
GEOMANCY (1987)
Lowell W. Bloss
University of Washington
NECROMANCY (1987 AND 2005)
Hobart and William Smith Colleges
DAOISM: DAOIST LITERATURE (1987
Henry Warner Bowden
NA¯GAS AND YAKS
AND 2005)
.AS (1987 AND 2005)
Rutgers University
LAOZI (1987)
Brian Bocking
TEKAKWITHA, KATERI (1987 AND 2005)
School of Oriental and African
George Clement Bond
Gerhard Böwering
Studies, University of London
Teachers College, Columbia University
Fairfield University
SHINTO
¯ (2005)
LENSHINA, ALICE (1987)
KALA¯BA¯DHI¯, AL- (1987)
William M. Bodiford
George D. Bond
MIERA¯J (1987)
University of California, Los Angeles
Northwestern University
SHABISTARI¯, AL- (1987)
DO
¯ GEN (2005)
DEVA¯NAM
. PIYATISSA (1987)
Faubion Bowers
KEIZAN (2005)
MOGGALIPUTTATISSA (1987)
New York, New York
Herbert L. Bodman, Jr.
PERFECTIBILITY (1987 AND 2005)
CALLIGRAPHY: CHINESE AND
University of North Carolina at
Corinne Bonnet
JAPANESE CALLIGRAPHY (1987)
Chapel Hill
Universite de Toulouse II - Le Mirail
Fiona Bowie
CALIPHATE (1987)
CUMONT, FRANZ (2005)
University of Bristol
Martha Bohachevsky-Chomiak
ESHMUN (2005)
GENDER ROLES (2005)
Manhattanville College
MELQART (2005)
HILDEGARD OF BINGEN (2005)
TRUBETSKOI, EVGENII (1987)
John Lawrence Boojamra
John J. Bradley
TRUBETSKOI, SERGEI (1987)
Saint Vladimir’s Orthodox
University of Queensland
Paul Bohannan
Theological Seminary, Crestwood,
AFTERLIFE: AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS
University of Southern California
New York
CONCEPTS (2005)
COSMOLOGY: AUSTRALIAN
TIV RELIGION (1987)
SCHISM: CHRISTIAN SCHISM (1987)
INDIGENOUS COSMOLOGY (2005)
Philip V. Bohlman
James A. Boon
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
University of Chicago
Princeton University
INDIGENOUS AUSTRALIA (2005)
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
ANTHROPOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY, AND
David Brakke
INDIA (2005)
RELIGION (1987 AND 2005)
Indiana University
Stephen R. Bokenkamp
DRAMA: BALINESE DANCE AND
NAG HAMMADI (2005)
Indiana University
DANCE DRAMA (1987)
Jean Rhys Bram
DAOISM: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
Phillipe Borgeaud
Hunter College, City University of
Baruch M. Bokser
Université de Genève
New York
Jewish Theological Seminary of America
MEMORIZATION (1987 AND 2005)
MOON (1987)
ABBAYE (1987)
PAN (1987 AND 2005)
SUN (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
xciii
James R. Brandon
JESUITS (1987)
Robert McAfee Brown
University of Hawaii, Manoa
XAVIER, FRANCIS (1987)
Pacific School of Religion, Berkeley
DRAMA: EAST ASIAN DANCE AND
Raymond Brodeur
ECUMENICAL MOVEMENT (1987)
THEATER (1987)
Université Laval, Québec
Christopher R. Browning
Monica Bra˘tulescu
MARIE DE L’INCARNATION (2005)
University of North Carolina at
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
David G. Bromley
Chapel Hill
WINTER SOLSTICE SONGS (1987)
Virginia Commonwealth University
HOLOCAUST, THE: HISTORY
Ernst Breisach
BRAINWASHING (DEBATE) (2005)
(1987 AND 2005)
Western Michigan University
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
Fanny E. Bryan
HISTORIOGRAPHY: AN OVERVIEW
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND
Urbana, Illinois
(1987)
VIOLENCE (2005)
ISLAM: ISLAM IN THE CAUCASUS AND
SATANISM (2005)
Francis J. Bremer
THE MIDDLE VOLGA (1987)
Millersville State College
Olive J. Brose
Raymond J. Bucher
PURITANISM (1987)
Westbrook, Connecticut
MAURICE, FREDERICK DENISON (1987)
Curia Generalizia dei Frati Minori,
Thomas S. Bremer
Rome
Rhodes College, Memphis, Tennessee
Alexandra R. Brown
FRANCIS OF ASSISI (1987)
TOURISM AND RELIGION (2005)
Washington and Lee University
WISDOM LITERATURE: THEORETICAL
John Buckler
Jan N. Bremmer
PERSPECTIVES (1987 AND 2005)
University of Illinois, Urbana-
Rijksuniversiteit Groningen,
Champaign
The Netherlands
Colin Brown
University of Canterbury (emeritus)
JEROME (1987)
AGO
¯ GE¯ (1987 AND 2005)
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN
Jorunn Jacobsen Buckley
DELPHI (1987 AND 2005)
AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND
GREEK RELIGION [FURTHER
University of North Carolina at
(1987 AND 2005)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Greensboro
HADES (2005)
Delmer M. Brown
GINZA (1987)
HERA (2005)
Inter-University Center for Japanese
MANDA D’HIIA (1987)
POSEIDON (1987 AND 2005)
Language Studies, Tokyo
MANDAEAN RELIGION (1987)
SCAPEGOAT (2005)
JIEN (1987)
Thomas Buckley
SOUL: GREEK AND HELLENISTIC
University of Massachusetts, Boston
CONCEPTS (1987)
Frank Burch Brown
TRANSMIGRATION (2005)
Christian Theological Seminary,
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
Indianapolis, Indiana
OF CALIFORNIA AND THE
Frederick E. Brenk
MUSIC: RELIGIOUS MUSIC IN THE
INTERMOUNTAIN REGION (1987)
Pontifical Biblical Institute, Rome
WEST (2005)
John B. Buescher
PLUTARCH (2005)
POETRY: POETRY AND RELIGION
Tibetan Broadcast Service of the Voice
Michael Brenner
(2005)
of America, Washington, D.C.
University of Munich
John Pairman Brown
SPIRITUALISM (2005)
JEWISH STUDIES: JEWISH STUDIES
Northern California Ecumenical
SINCE 1919 (2005)
Katia Buffetrille
Council, Berkeley
Joel P. Brereton
École Pratique des Hautes-Études,
KINGDOM OF GOD (1987)
University of Texas at Austin
Paris, France
Joseph Epes Brown
PILGRIMAGE: TIBETAN PILGRIMAGE
LOTUS (1987)
University of Montana
(2005)
SACRED SPACE (1987)
BLACK ELK (1987)
SOMA (2005)
Gudrun Bühnemann
SUN DANCE [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Dominique Briquel
University of Wisconsin—Madison
Karen McCarthy Brown
Université de Paris-Sorbonne, France
MAN
. D
. ALAS: BUDDHIST MAN
. D
. ALAS
Drew University
ETRUSCAN RELIGION (2005)
(2005)
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
QUIRINUS (2005)
AND MEDICINE IN THE AFRICAN
Richard W. Bulliet
Luc Brisson
DIASPORA (2005)
Columbia University
CNRS, Paris
VODOU (1987 AND 2005)
MADRASAH (1987)
PLATO (2005)
Paula Brown
Donald A. Bullough
John F. Broderick
State University of New York at Stony
University of Saint Andrews
Campion Center, Weston, Massachusetts
Brook
ALCUIN (1987)
IGNATIUS LOYOLA (1987)
CANNIBALISM (1987)
CHARLEMAGNE (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Grace G. Burford
Geneviève Calame-Griaule
Robert S. Carlsen
Prescott College, Prescott, Arizona
Centre National de la Recherche
University of Colorado at Denver
HORNER, I. B. (2005)
Scientifique, Paris
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS:
PALI TEXT SOCIETY (2005)
DOGON RELIGION (1987)
CONTEMPORARY CULTURES (2005)
Craig A. Burgdoff
Carnegie Samuel Calian
P. Allan Carlsson
Capital University, Columbus, Ohio
Pittsburgh Theological Seminary
Virginia Military Institute
BUTLER, JOSEPH (1987)
SACRILEGE (2005)
BERDIAEV, NIKOLAI (1987)
John B. Carman
Ronald Burke
Mario Califano
Harvard University
University of Nebraska at Omaha
Centro Argentino de Etnológia
Americana, Buenos Aires
BHAKTI (1987)
DÖLLINGER, JOHANN (1987)
KRISTENSEN, W. BREDE (1987)
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
Walter Burkert
RA
¯ MA¯NUJA (1987)
OF THE GRAN CHACO (1987)
Universitat Zurich
S´RI¯ VAIS.N.AVAS (1987)
J. Baird Callicott
OMOPHAGIA (1987)
Shalom Carmy
Yale University
Pamela J. Burnham
Yeshiva University
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION:
BIBLICAL EXEGESIS: JEWISH VIEWS
Santa Cruz, California
ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS, WORLD
(1987)
ALPHABETS (2005)
RELIGIONS, AND ECOLOGY (2005)
ZEKHUT AVOT (2005)
Kenelm Burridge
Acácio Tadeu de Camargo Piedade
David Carpenter
University of British Colombia
Universidade do Estado de Santa
St. Joseph’s University
Catarina
REVIVAL AND RENEWAL (1987)
GOLD AND SILVER (1987)
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
John P. Burris
INSPIRATION (1987)
SOUTH AMERICA (2005)
JADE (1987)
Rollins College
Linda A. Camino
MONEY (1987)
COMPARATIVE-HISTORICAL METHOD
University of Virginia
Davíd Carrasco
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
RITES OF PASSAGE: AN OVERVIEW
Harvard University
Robert Evans Buswell, Jr.
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
AZTEC RELIGION (1987)
University of California, Los Angeles
Claudia V. Camp
COATLICUE (1987)
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN KOREA
Texas Christian University
HUITZILOPOCHTLI (1987)
(1987 AND 2005)
H
HUMAN SACRIFICE: AZTEC RITES (1987
. OKHMAH (2005)
CHINUL (1987 AND 2005)
AND 2005)
Alberto Camplani
U
˘ ICH’O
˘ N (1987 AND 2005)
KINGSHIP: KINGSHIP IN
University of Rome “La Sapienza”
U
˘ ISANG (1987 AND 2005)
MESOAMERICA AND SOUTH
BARDAISAN (2005)
AMERICA (1987 AND 2005)
WO
˘ NHYO (1987 AND 2005)
Virgil Cândea
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC
Jonathan M. Butler
THEMES (2005)
Asociat¸ia “România,” Bucharest
University of California, Riverside
QUETZALCOATL (1987)
ICONS (1987)
SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTISM (1987)
SACRIFICE [FURTHER
Walter H. Capps
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
José Ignacio Cabezón
University of California, Santa
TEZCATLIPOCA (1987)
University of California, Santa
Barbara
WHEATLEY, PAUL (2005)
Barbara
SOCIETY AND RELIGION [FIRST
E. Gerhard Carroll
TSONG KHA PA (2005)
EDITION] (1987)
University of Notre Dame
Nancy Caciola
John D. Caputo
FÉNELON, FRANÇOIS (1987)
University of California, San Diego
Villanova University
James P. Carse
EXORCISM (2005)
DECONSTRUCTION (2005)
New York University
Colette Caillat
Francine Cardman
SHAPE SHIFTING (1987)
Membre de l’Académie des Inscriptions
Weston Jesuit School of Theology
John Ross Carter
et Belles-Lettres, Institut de France,
PRIESTHOOD: CHRISTIAN
Colgate University
Paris
PRIESTHOOD (2005)
BUDDHAGHOSA (1987)
AHIM
FOUR NOBLE TRUTHS (1987)
. SA
¯ (1987 AND 2005)
Jeannie Carlier
GOS´A
¯ LA (1987 AND 2005)
École des Hautes Études en Sciences
Giovanni Casadio
MAHA¯VI¯RA (1987)
Sociales, Collège de France
Università degli Studi di Salerno
TI¯RTHAM
. KARAS (1987 AND 2005)
MUSES (1987)
AION (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
xcv
BIANCHI, UGO (2005)
Stuart Chandler
Boris Chichlo
HISTORIOGRAPHY: WESTERN STUDIES
Indiana University of Pennsylvania
Centre National de la Recherche
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS ] (2005)
FOGUANGSHAN (2005)
Scientifique, Paris
XENOPHANES (2005)
Hao Chang
DOLGAN RELIGION (1987 AND 2005)
Phillip Cash Cash
Hong Kong University of Science and
TUNGUZ RELIGION (1987 AND 2005)
University of Arizona
Technology
David Chidester
NEZ PERCE (NIIMÍIPUU) RELIGIOUS
KANG YUWEI (1987 AND 2005)
University of Cape Town
TRADITIONS (2005)
Anne Chapman
CAPPS, WALTER (2005)
Victoria Cass
Centre National de la Recherche
COLONIALISM AND
POSTCOLONIALISM (2005)
University of Colorado at Boulder
Scientifique, Paris
JONESTOWN AND PEOPLES TEMPLE
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
SELKDNAM RELIGION (1987)
(2005)
AND CHINESE RELIGIONS (2005)
David W. Chappell
Julia Ching
Maria Catalina
University of Hawaii (emeritus)
Victoria College, University of Toronto
Global Unified Earth Systems Science
DAOCHUO (1987 AND 2005)
CONFUCIUS (1987)
JINGTU (1987 AND 2005)
NATIVE AMERICAN SCIENCE (2005)
RICCI, MATTEO (1987)
Christopher Key Chapple
Eleonora Cavallini
Loyola Marymount University
Silvia Maria Chiodi
University of Bologna
Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY
EROS (2005)
AND JAINISM (2005)
(CNR), Roma, Italy
Paola Ceccarelli
AN (2005)
James H. Charlesworth
Università dell’Aquila
Princeton Theological Seminary
Ezra Chitando
ATHENA (2005)
BIBLICAL LITERATURE: APOCRYPHA
University of Zimbabwe
Ursula-Angelika Cedzich
AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHA (1987)
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
STUDY OF RELIGION IN SUB-
DePaul University
Leon Chartrand
SAHARAN AFRICA (2005)
ICONOGRAPHY: DAOIST
University of Toronto
ICONOGRAPHY (2005)
BEARS (2005)
William C. Chittick
State University of New York at Stony
Bruno Centrone
Ximena Chávez Balderas
Brook
Università di Pisa, Italy
Templo Mayor Museum, Mexico City
DHIKR (1987)
PYTHAGORAS (2005)
AFTERLIFE: MESOAMERICAN
CONCEPTS (2005)
Francisca Cho
Giovanni Cerri
FUNERAL RITES: MESOAMERICAN
Georgetown University
Rome, Italy
FUNERAL RITES (2005)
KOREAN RELIGION (2005)
PARMENIDES (2005)
Robert Chazan
Jamsheed K. Choksy
J. H. Chajes
New York University
Indiana University
University of Haifa
ANTI-SEMITISM (2005)
ATESHGAH (2005)
DYBBUK (2005)
PERSECUTION: JEWISH EXPERIENCE
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
(1987 AND 2005)
Kisor K. Chakrabarti
AND ZOROASTRIANISM (2005)
PARSIS (2005)
Calcutta, India
Peter Chelkowski
ZOROASTRIANISM (2005)
VAIS´ES
New York University
.IKA (1987)
RA
¯ WZAH-KHVA¯NI¯ (1987)
ZURVANISM (2005)
Duane Champagne
¨
TA!ZIYAH (1987)
Youssef M. Choueiri
University of California, Los Angeles
Peter C. Chemery
University of Exeter
NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN
Chicago, Illinois
QUTB, SAYYID (2005)
RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS
METEOROLOGICAL BEINGS (1987)
Ann Chowning
MOVEMENTS (2005)
VEGETATION (1987)
Victoria University of Wellington
Claire Champollion
Jack W. Chen
MELANESIAN RELIGIONS: AN
Université de Haute Bretagne
Wellesley College
OVERVIEW (1987)
TAULER, JOHANNES (1987)
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS
Carol P. Christ
Abdin Chande
AND CHINESE RELIGION (2005)
Ariadne Institute for the Study of
Adelphi University
Richard S. Y. Chi
Myth and Ritual
ISLAM: ISLAM IN SUB-SAHARAN
(deceased)
LADY OF THE ANIMALS (1987 AND
AFRICA (2005)
DHARMAPA¯LA (1987)
2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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xcvi
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
William A. Christian, Jr.
Anne Clarke
Martin Collcutt
Hamden, Connecticut
New York, New York
Princeton University
FOLK RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW (1987
GROTIUS, HUGO (1987)
EISAI (1987)
AND 2005)
L. Clarke
GOZAN ZEN (1987)
MUSO
¯ SO¯SEKI (1987)
Panagiotis C. Christou
Concordia University, Montreal
Patriarchal Institute for Patristic
EIS.MAH (2005)
John J. Collins
Studies, Thessaloniki
Yale University
Peter B. Clarke
APOCALYPSE: AN OVERVIEW (1987 AND
CABASILAS, NICHOLAS (1987)
Oxford University
2005)
CASSIAN, JOHN (1987)
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS
APOCALYPSE: JEWISH
CYPRIAN (1987)
MOVEMENTS (2005)
APOCALYPTICISM TO THE RABBINIC
CYRIL OF JERUSALEM (1987)
Thomas Cleary
PERIOD
MARK OF EPHESUS (1987)
Kyoto, Japan
(2005)
THEODORE OF MOPSUESTIA (1987)
LINJI (1987)
Raymond F. Collins
Malcolm Na¯ea Chun
James Clifford
Katholieke Universiteit Leuven
University of Hawaii, Manoa
University of California, Santa Cruz
GOSPEL (1987)
HAWAIIAN RELIGION (2005)
LEENHARDT, MAURICE (1987)
Steven Collins
Mary C. Churchill
Michael D. Clifford
Bristol University
University of Iowa
New York, New York
SOUL: BUDDHIST CONCEPTS (1987)
WHITE BUFFALO CALF WOMAN (2005)
PSYCHOLOGY: PSYCHOTHERAPY AND
Louise Collis
Alessandra Ciattini
RELIGION (1987 AND 2005)
London, England
University of Rome
Regina T. Clifford
KEMPE, MARGERY (1987)
JENSEN, ADOLF E. (2005)
Chicago, Illinois
Dominique Collon
KULTURKREISELEHRE (2005)
THERAVA¯DA (1987)
British Museum, London
SCHMIDT, WILHELM (2005)
Wallace B. Clift
ICONOGRAPHY: MESOPOTAMIAN
Eugen Ciurtin
University of Denver
ICONOGRAPHY (1987)
University of Bucharest
CHILD (1987)
Carsten Colpe
REJUVENATION (1987)
CULIANU, IOAN PETRU (2005)
Freie Universität Berlin
VIERKANDT, ALFRED (1987)
WIDENGREN, GEO (2005)
SACRED AND THE PROFANE, THE
WUNDT, WILHELM (1987)
(1987)
Beverley Clack
Fred W. Clothey
SYNCRETISM [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Oxford Brookes University
University of Pittsburgh
Elizabeth Colson
HUMAN BODY: HUMAN BODIES,
MURUKAN (1987 AND 2005)
RELIGION, AND GENDER (2005)
¯
University of California, Berkeley
TAMIL RELIGIONS (1987)
CENTRAL BANTU RELIGIONS (1987)
Julie Clague
John B. Cobb, Jr.
W. Richard Comstock
University of Glasgow
Claremont School of Theology (emeri-
University of California, Santa
WOMEN’S STUDIES IN RELIGION
tus)
Barbara
(2005)
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY
DOCTRINE (1987)
Elizabeth A. Clark
AND CHRISTIANITY (2005)
Georges Condominas
Duke University
GOD: GOD IN POSTBIBLICAL
CHRISTIANITY (1987)
École des Hautes Études en Sciences
CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA (1987 AND
WHITEHEAD, ALFRED NORTH (1987)
Sociales, Collège de France
2005)
Mark R. Cohen
LAO RELIGION (1987)
Lynn Schofield Clark
VIETNAMESE RELIGION (1987)
Princeton University
University of Colorado
JUDAISM: JUDAISM IN THE MIDDLE
Yves Congar
POPULAR CULTURE (2005)
EAST AND NORTH AFRICA TO 1492
Couvent Saint-Jacques, Paris
Mary T. Clark
(1987)
THEOLOGY: CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY
Manhattanville College (emeritus)
Robert L. Cohn
(1987)
NEOPLATONISM (1987 AND 2005)
Northwestern University
Beth A. Conklin
PLOTINUS (1987 AND 2005)
SAINTHOOD (1987)
Vanderbilt University
Matthew Clark
CANNIBALISM (2005)
Douglas Cole
East Sussex, United Kingdom
Simon Fraser University
Demetrios J. Constantelos
SA¯DHUS AND SA¯DHVI¯S (2005)
BOAS, FRANZ (1987)
Stockton State College
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
xcvii
CHARITY (1987 AND 2005)
Allison Coudert
Frederick E. Crowe
EVAGRIOS OF PONTUS (1987)
State University of New York, College
Lonergan Research Institute of Regis
JULIAN OF HALICARNASSUS (1987)
at Oneonta
College, Toronto
NIKEPHOROS KALLISTOS (1987)
ALCHEMY: RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY
LONERGAN, BERNARD (1987 AND 2005)
TARASIOS (1987)
(1987)
THEODORE OF STUDIOS (1987)
Mark Csikszentmihalyi
ELIXIR (1987)
TIMOTHY AILUROS (1987)
FAUST (1987)
University of Wisconsin—Madison
Michael D. Coogan
HORNS (1987)
CONFUCIANISM: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
Stonehill College
PARACELSUS (1987)
CONFUCIANISM: THE CLASSICAL
CANON (2005)
CANAANITE RELIGION: THE
Paul B. Courtright
LITERATURE (1987 AND 2005)
Emory University
Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi
John W. Cook
GA
¯ N.APATYAS (1987)
University of Chicago
GAN
Yale University (emeritus) and Henry
. ES´A (1987)
FLOW EXPERIENCE (1987)
SHRINES (1987 AND 2005)
Luce Foundation, President Emeritus
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
Bryan J. Cuevas
ICONOGRAPHY: CHRISTIAN
HINDU DEVOTIONAL LIFE (1987)
Florida State University
ICONOGRAPHY (1987 AND 2005)
James L. Cox
VAJRASATTVA (2005)
Scott Cook
University of Edinburgh
Philip Culbertson
Grinnell College
RITES OF PASSAGE: AFRICAN RITES
Auckland University
HAN FEI ZI (2005)
(2005)
MEN’S STUDIES IN RELIGION (2005)
Alan M. Cooper
Kenneth Cragg
Ioan Petru Culianu
Hebrew Union College–Jewish
Anglican Diocese of Oxford
Rijksuniversiteit te Groningen
Institute of Religion, Cincinnati
SHAHA
¯ DAH (1987)
ASTROLOGY (1987)
CANAANITE RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
Vincent Crapanzano
BENDIS (1987)
(1987)
Queens College, City University of
DACIAN RIDERS (1987)
PHOENICIAN RELIGION [FIRST
New York
GETO-DACIAN RELIGION (1987)
EDITION] (1987)
FRENZY (1987)
SABAZIOS (1987)
Kate Cooper
SPIRIT POSSESSION: AN OVERVIEW
SACRILEGE (1987)
University of Manchester
(1987)
SEXUALITY: SEXUAL RITES IN EUROPE
CHASTITY (2005)
I. M. Crawford
(1987)
Roger J. Corless
Western Australian Museum, Perth
SKY: THE HEAVENS AS HIEROPHANY
Duke University (emeritus)
WANDJINA (1987)
(1987)
TANLUAN (1987)
THRACIAN RELIGION (1987)
Suzanne J. Crawford
THRACIAN RIDER (1987)
Vincent J. Cornell
Pacific Lutheran University, Tacoma,
ZALMOXIS (1987)
University of Arkansas
Washington
GOD: GOD IN ISLAM (2005)
BLACK ELK (2005)
Mark D. Cummings
QURDA¯N: ITS ROLE IN MUSLIM
James L. Crenshaw
New York, New York
PRACTICE AND LIFE (2005)
Vanderbilt University
DAO’AN (1987)
Catherine Cornille
DAOSHENG (1987)
WISDOM LITERATURE: BIBLICAL
Boston College
BOOKS [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
James W. Cunningham
GURU¯ (2005)
Donald A. Crosby
College of Saint Catherine, Saint
Charles A. Corr
Colorado State University (emeritus)
Paul, Minnesota
Southern Illinois University,
BUSHNELL, HORACE (1987 AND 2005)
POBEDONOSTSEV, KONSTANTIN (1987)
Edwardsville (emeritus)
Richard Crouter
PROKOPOVICH, FEOFAN (1987)
WOLFF, CHRISTIAN (1987 AND 2005)
Carleton College
SERGII (1987)
TIKHON (1987)
John E. Cort
AMBROSE (1987)
Denison University
Henri Crouzel
Lawrence S. Cunningham
IMAGES: IMAGES, ICONS, AND IDOLS
Institut Catholique de Toulouse
Florida State University
(2005)
ORIGEN (1987)
ANTHONY OF PADUA (1987)
Dario M. Cosi
Douglas S. Crow
Charles E. Curran
University of Bologna, Italy
Fordham University, Bronx
Southern Methodist University
CASTRATION (1987 AND 2005)
GHAYBAH (1987)
CHRISTIAN ETHICS (1987 AND 2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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xcviii
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Brian E. Daley
Alan Davies
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS
Weston School of Theology,
Victoria College, University of Toronto
AND NATIVE AMERICAN RELIGIOUS
Cambridge, Massachusetts
ANTI-SEMITISM (1987)
TRADITIONS (2005)
COUNCILS: CHRISTIAN COUNCILS
J. G. Davies
Raymond J. DeMallie
(1987)
University of Birmingham
Indiana University
Marie W. Dallam
ARCHITECTURE (1987)
DELORIA, ELLA CARA (2005)
Temple University
BASILICA, CATHEDRAL, AND CHURCH
WALKER, JAMES R. (2005)
DADDY GRACE (2005)
(1987)
Arthur Andrew Demarest
Joseph Dan
Oliver Davies
Vanderbilt University
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
King’s College London
ARCHAEOLOGY AND RELIGION (1987)
BAEAL SHEM TOV (1987 AND 2005)
HILDEGARD OF BINGEN (2005)
William A. Dembski
HASIDISM: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
JEWISH THOUGHT AND PHILOSOPHY:
Robertson Davies
Baylor University
JEWISH ETHICAL LITERATURE (1987)
Massey College, University of Toronto
INTELLIGENT DESIGN (2005)
FICTION: THE WESTERN NOVEL AND
R. N. Dandekar
David E. Demson
RELIGION (1987)
Bhandarkar Oriental Research
Emmanuel College, University of
Institute, Poona
Richard H. Davis
Toronto (emeritus)
VAIS.N.AVISM: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
Bard College
ZWINGLI, HULDRYCH (1987 AND 2005)
VEDA
¯ NTA (1987)
IMAGES: VENERATION OF IMAGES
Robert D. Denham
VEDAS (1987)
(2005)
Roanoke College
Norman Daniel
Scott Davis
FRYE, NORTHROP (2005)
Institute Dominicain d’Études
Miyazaki International College
Johannes Deninger
Orientales, Cairo
HUMOR AND RELIGION: HUMOR AND
Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität
POLEMICS: CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM
RELIGION IN EAST ASIAN CONTEXTS
POLEMICS [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
(2005)
Frankfurt
REVELATION (1987)
David Daniell
Stephen J. Davis
University College, London
Yale University
Mark Dennis
TYNDALE, WILLIAM (2005)
THECLA (2005)
St. Peter, Minnesota
Victor Danner
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: EAST ASIAN
Winston Davis
BUDDHISM (2005)
Indiana University, Bloomington
Southwestern University, Georgetown,
IBN EAT.A¯D ALLA¯H (1987)
Texas
Frederick Mathewson Denny
Eugene G. d’Aquili
SOCIOLOGY: SOCIOLOGY OF
University of Colorado at Boulder
University of Pennsylvania
RELIGION [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
DAEWAH (1987)
NEUROSCIENCE AND RELIGION:
WEALTH (1987)
HANDS (1987)
NEUROEPISTEMOLOGY (1987)
KNEES (1987)
Dell deChant
NAMES AND NAMING (1987)
Adolf Darlap
University of South Florida
POSTURES AND GESTURES (1987)
Leopold-Franzens Universität
FILLMORE, CHARLES AND MYRTLE
Innsbruck
(2005)
Philip Denwood
DOGMA (1987)
NEW THOUGHT MOVEMENT (2005)
School of Oriental and African
VATICAN COUNCILS: VATICAN II
UNITY (2005)
Studies, University of London
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE
Hubert Decleer
William R. Darrow
COMPOUNDS IN TIBET (2005)
School for International Training
Williams College
MAR PA (2005)
Karen Derris
PRATT, JAMES B. (2005)
University of Redlands
Laurence Delaby
Clifford Davidson
BUDDHAS AND BODHISATTVAS:
Musée de l’Homme, Paris
Western Michigan University
ETHICAL PRACTICES ASSOCIATED
YAKUT RELIGION (1987)
DRAMA: EUROPEAN RELIGIOUS
WITH BUDDHAS AND
Roland A. Delattre
DRAMA [FURTHER
BODHISATTVAS (2005)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
Shlomo Deshen
DESIRE (1987)
Hilda R. Ellis Davidson
Bar-Ilan University
University of Cambridge
Vine Deloria, Jr.
DOMESTIC OBSERVANCES: JEWISH
GRIMM BROTHERS (1987)
University of Colorado (emeritus)
PRACTICES (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
xcix
Leslie G. Desmangles
Michael Dillon
Georges Dreyfus
Trinity College
University of Durham
Williams College
CREOLIZATION (2005)
ISLAM: ISLAM IN CHINA (2005)
SAM
. GHA: SAM
. GHA AND SOCIETY IN
TIBET (2005)
Michel Despland
Devorah Dimant
SHUGS LDAN (SHUGDEN) (2005)
Concordia University
University of Haifa
Han J. W. Drijvers
CONSCIENCE (1987)
PESHER (2005)
Rijksuniversiteit te Groningen
SUPERNATURAL, THE (1987)
Jay Dobbin
ABLUTIONS (1987)
Ali E. Hillal Dessouki
Colonia, Yap
VIRGINITY (1987)
University of Cairo
MICRONESIAN RELIGIONS: AN
VOCATION (1987)
EABDUH, MUH.AMMAD (1987)
OVERVIEW (2005)
Tom F. Driver
Marcel Detienne
James C. Dobbins
Union Theological Seminary,
École Pratique des Hautes Études,
Oberlin College
New York
Collège de France
GANJIN (1987)
DRAMA: MODERN WESTERN THEATER
(1987)
DIONYSOS (1987)
Federico Kauffmann Doig
ORPHEUS (1987)
Lima, Peru
Saurabh Dube
Eliot Deutsch
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
El Colegio de México
UNTOUCHABLES, RELIGIONS OF (2005)
University of Hawaii, Manoa
OF THE ANDES IN THE PRE-INCA
PERIOD (1987)
BHAGAVADGI¯TA¯ (1987)
Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin
Wendy Doniger
Université de Liège (emeritus)
Rex Deverell
University of Chicago
CUMONT, FRANZ (1987)
McMaster Divinity College, Ontario,
ANDROGYNES (1987)
GOBLET D’ALVIELLA, EUGÈNE (1987)
Canada
BRAHMA¯ (1987)
KNOWLEDGE AND IGNORANCE (1987)
DRAMA: MODERN WESTERN THEATER
HORSES (1987)
Donald F. Duclow
(2005)
INDIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
Gwynedd-Mercy College
Alnoor Dhanani
(1987)
DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE (1987)
Harvard University
INDRA (1987)
NICHOLAS OF CUSA (1987 AND 2005)
EABD AL-JABBA¯R (2005)
PRALAYA (1987)
Kathleen Dugan
VR.TRA (1987)
Mariasusai Dhavamony
University of San Diego
Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana
Neal Donner
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
Los Angeles, California
AND NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN
S´AIVISM: S´AIVA SIDDHA
¯ NTA (1987)
ZHIYI (1987)
RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS (2005)
Stanley Diamond
Maureen H. Donovan
Avery Dulles
New School for Social Research,
Ohio State University
Catholic University of America
New York
JAPANESE RELIGIONS: RELIGIOUS
CHURCH (1987 AND 2005)
RADIN, PAUL (1987)
DOCUMENTS (2005)
Paul Dundas
Manuel C. Díaz y Díaz
Margaret Anne Doody
University of Edinburgh
Universidad de Compostela (emeritus)
University of Notre Dame
COSMOLOGY: JAIN COSMOLOGY
ISIDORE OF SEVILLE (1987 AND 2005)
(2005)
FICTION: HISTORY OF THE NOVEL
Richard A. Diehl
JAINISM (2005)
(2005)
University of Missouri, Columbia
James D. G. Dunn
Nelly van Doorn-Harder
OLMEC RELIGION (1987)
University of Durham
Valparaiso University
ENTHUSIASM (1987)
Melvin E. Dieter
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
Asbury Theological Seminary,
AND ISLAM (2005)
John D. Dunne
University of Wisconsin—Madison
Wilmore, Kentucky
Christine Downing
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF:
HOLINESS MOVEMENT (2005)
San Diego State University
MAHA¯YA¯NA PHILOSOPHICAL
SMITH, HANNAH WHITALL (2005)
ATHENA (1987)
SCHOOLS OF BUDDHISM (2005)
Francisco Diez de Velasco
HESTIA (1987)
NA¯GA¯RJUNA (2005)
Universidad de La Laguna, Canary
A. Stanley Dreyfus
Ann Dunnigan
Islands, Spain
Hebrew Union College–Jewish
New York, New York
DESCENT INTO THE UNDERWORLD
Institute of Religion, New York
FISH (1987)
(2005)
MALBIM (1987)
OWLS (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
eorel_fmv1 3/15/05 3:29 PM Page c
c
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
RAIN (1987)
Diana L. Eck
ORIENTATION (1987)
SWANS (1987)
Harvard University
SEXUALITY: AN OVERVIEW [FIRST
WOLVES (1987)
BANARAS (1987)
EDITION] (1987)
Madeline Duntley
CIRCUMAMBULATION (1987)
SHAMANISM: AN OVERVIEW [FIRST
EDITION] (1987)
The College of Wooster
MOUNTAINS (1987)
RIVERS (1987)
YOGA (1987)
RITUAL STUDIES (2005)
Malcolm David Eckel
David Ellenson
Louis Dupré
Boston University
Hebrew Union College–Jewish
Yale University
BUDDHIST PHILOSOPHY (2005)
Institute of Religion, Los Angeles
MARX, KARL (1987)
GEIGER, ABRAHAM (1987)
MYSTICISM [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Carl-Martin Edsman
Uppsala Universitet
HILDESHEIMER, ESRIEL (1987)
Hubert Durt
ALTAR (1987)
HIRSCH, SAMSON RAPHAEL (1987)
École Française d’Extrême-Orient, Kyoto
BOATS (1987)
HOFFMANN, DAVID (1987)
FOUCHER, ALFRED (1987)
BRIDGES (1987)
HOLDHEIM, SAMUEL (1987)
LAMOTTE, ÉTIENNE (1987 AND 2005)
STONES (1987)
SPEKTOR, YITSH
. AQ ELH
. ANAN (1987)
LA VALLÉE POUSSIN, LOUIS DE (1987)
Mary Edwardsen
Ter Ellingson
Françoise Dussart
New York, New York
University of Washington
University of Connecticut
EVOLUTION: EVOLUTIONISM (1987)
DRUMS (1987)
WARLPIRI RELIGION (2005)
PREHISTORIC RELIGIONS: AN
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION (1987)
OVERVIEW (1987)
Brian M. du Toit
Robert S. Ellwood
University of Florida (emeritus)
Franz-Karl Ehrhard
University of Southern California
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
University of Munich
BLAVATSKY, H. P. (2005)
AND MEDICINE IN AFRICA (2005)
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF:
CAO DAI (1987 AND 2005)
HIMALAYAN BUDDHISM (2005)
Pierre Duviols
CAYCE, EDGAR (2005)
Universite d’Aix-Marseille I
Ute Eickelkamp
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
Charles Darwin University and
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN JAPAN
INCA RELIGION (1987)
Macquarie University
(1987)
Cornelius J. Dyck
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS
WORLD’S PARLIAMENT OF RELIGIONS
Associated Mennonite Biblical
RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
(1987 AND 2005)
Seminary, Elkhart, Indiana
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Mohammad Jafar Elmi
ANABAPTISM (1987)
Dale F. Eickelman
Islamic College for Advanced Studies,
MENNONITES (1987)
New York University
London
SIMONS, MENNO (1987)
MAWLID (1987)
T.ABA¯T.ABA¯DI¯, EALLA¯MA (2005)
John W. Eadie
RITES OF PASSAGE: MUSLIM RITES (1987)
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
SNOUCK HURGRONJE, CHRISTIAAN
Christoph Elsas
Freie Universität Berlin
CONSTANTINE (1987)
(1987)
CLEMEN, CARL (1987)
H. Byron Earhart
Shmuel N. Eisenstadt
Western Michigan University (emeritus)
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Constance W. Elsberg
RELIGIOUS DIVERSITY (1987)
KITAGAWA, JOSEPH M. (2005)
Northern Virginia Community
SHUGENDO
¯ (1987)
George R. Elder
College
Hunter College, City University of
HEALTHY, HAPPY, HOLY
Christine Eber
New York
ORGANIZATION (3HO) (2005)
New Mexico State University
CROSSROADS (1987)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
Ainslie T. Embree
QUATERNITY (1987)
AND MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS
Columbia University
(2005)
Mircea Eliade
AKBAR (1987 AND 2005)
(deceased)
SEN, KESHAB CHANDRA (1987 AND
Gary L. Ebersole
ALCHEMY: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
2005)
University of Missouri—Kansas City
ANDROGYNES (1987)
TILAK, BAL GANGADHAR (1987 AND
DEATH (2005)
CENTER OF THE WORLD (1987)
2005)
JAPANESE RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
DEUS OTIOSUS (1987)
(2005)
Stephen Emmel
EARTH (1987)
POETRY: JAPANESE RELIGIOUS POETRY
HIEROPHANY (1987)
Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität
(2005)
INITIATION: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
Münster
TEARS (2005)
METALS AND METALLURGY (1987)
SHENOUTE (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
ci
Kirk Endicott
Majid Fakhry
Sirarpi Feredjian-Aivazian
Dartmouth College
American University of Beirut;
Fairlawn, New Jersey
NEGRITO RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
Georgetown University
PILGRIMAGE: EASTERN CHRISTIAN
(1987 AND 2005)
IBN RUSHD (2005)
PILGRIMAGE (1987)
NEGRITO RELIGIONS: NEGRITOS OF
OCCASIONALISM (1987)
Deane Fergie
THE MALAY PENINSULA (1987)
Nancy Auer Falk
Adelaide University
Melvin B. Endy, Jr.
Western Michigan University
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS
Hamilton College
FEMININE SACRALITY (1987 AND 2005)
RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
PU
¯ JA¯: HINDU PU¯JA¯ (1987 AND 2005)
PENN, WILLIAM (1987)
Gary B. Ferngren
Paul Lawrence Farber
Shifra Epstein
Oregon State University
Oregon State University
Israel Museum, Jerusalem
GALEN (1987)
EVOLUTION: EVOLUTIONARY ETHICS
PURIM PLAYS (1987)
(2005)
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
AND MEDICINE IN CHRISTIANITY
Peter C. Erb
Charles E. Farhadian
(2005)
Wilfrid Laurier University
Westmont College
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
BOEHME, JAKOB (1987)
CONVERSION (2005)
AND MEDICINE IN GREECE AND
Carl W. Ernst
Roberto Farneti
ROME (2005)
Pomona College
University of Bologna
HIPPOCRATES (1987 AND 2005)
BLASPHEMY: ISLAMIC CONCEPT (1987)
HOBBES, THOMAS (2005)
Franco Ferrari
A. M. Esnoul
Phyllis Ann Fast
University of Salerno
University of Alaska Fairbanks
Paris, France
ARISTOTLE (2005)
ATHAPASKAN RELIGIOUS
MOKS.A (1987)
TRADITIONS: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
Frederick Ferré
OM
. (1987)
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
University of Georgia
John L. Esposito
OF THE FAR NORTH (2005)
ANALYTIC PHILOSOPHY (1987)
Georgetown University
Bernard Faure
LOGICAL POSITIVISM (1987)
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS
Cornell University
Georg Feuerstein
AND ISLAM (2005)
BODHIDHARMA (1987)
Johannine Daist Communion,
Josef van Ess
J. Rufus Fears
Clearlake, California
Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen
Indiana University, Bloomington
PRA
¯ N.A (1987)
I
¯JI¯, EAD
AUGUSTUS (1987)
SAMA
¯ DHI (1987)
. UD AL-DI¯N AL- (1987)
MUETAZILAH (1987)
DEA DIA (1987)
Maribel Fierro
EMPEROR’S CULT (1987)
David B. Evans
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones
SOL INVICTUS (1987)
Saint John’s University, Jamaica,
Científicas
Anne Feldhaus
New York
ISLAM: ISLAM IN ANDALUSIA (2005)
Arizona State University
LEONTIUS OF BYZANTIUM (1987)
MARATHI RELIGIONS (1987 AND 2005)
Robert E. Fierstien
George Every
Burton Feldman
Temple Beth Or, Brick, New Jersey
Oscott College, Sutton Coldfield,
University of Denver
RABBINATE: THE RABBINATE IN
England
MODERN JUDAISM (2005)
CREUZER, G. F. (1987)
JUSTINIAN I (1987)
GÖRRES, JOSEPH VON (1987)
Abdou Filali-Ansary
MÜLLER, KARL O. (1987)
Toufic Fahd
Aga Khan University
USENER, HERMANN (1987)
ISLAM: AN OVERVIEW [FURTHER
Université de Strasbourg II
Seymour Feldman
CONSIDERATIONS](2005)
MAGIC: MAGIC IN ISLAM (1987)
Rutgers, The State University of New
Henry Le Roy Finch
Antoine Faivre
Jersey, New Brunswick Campus
Hunter College, City University of
Sorbonne
ARISTOTELIANISM (1987)
New York
ESOTERICISM (1987 AND 2005)
ARISTOTLE (1987)
EPISTEMOLOGY (1987)
HERMETISM (1987 AND 2005)
JEWISH THOUGHT AND PHILOSOPHY:
WITTGENSTEIN, LUDWIG (1987)
NATURE: RELIGIOUS AND
PREMODERN PHILOSOPHY (1987)
PHILOSOPHICAL SPECULATIONS
Paul B. Fenton
James F. Findlay
(1987 AND 2005)
Paris, France
University of Rhode Island
OCCULTISM (1987 AND 2005)
MAIMONIDES, ABRAHAM (2005)
MOODY, DWIGHT L. (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Ellison Banks Findly
Raymond D. Fogelson
Lima de Freitas
Trinity College
University of Chicago
Instituto de Arte, Lisbon
AGNI (1987 AND 2005)
LOWIE, ROBERT H. (1987)
LABYRINTH (1987)
BREATH AND BREATHING (1987 AND
NORTH AMERICAN [INDIAN]
Rebecca R. French
2005)
RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
State University of New York at
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Lawrence Fine
Buffalo
Indiana University, Bloomington
Richard C. Foltz
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND
APOCALYPSE: MEDIEVAL JEWISH
University of Florida
RELIGION IN BUDDHISM (2005)
APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE (1987)
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY
W. H. C. Frend
CORDOVERO, MOSHEH (1987)
AND ISLAM (2005)
University of Glasgow (emeritus)
LURIA, ISAAC (1987)
Charlotte Elisheva Fonrobert
DONATISM (1987)
VITAL, H
. AYYIM (1987)
Stanford University
MONOPHYSITISM (1987)
Steven Fine
PURIFICATION: PURIFICATION IN
PERSECUTION: CHRISTIAN
University of Cincinnati
JUDAISM (2005)
EXPERIENCE (1987)
ICONOGRAPHY: JEWISH
Charles W. Forman
Pamela R. Frese
ICONOGRAPHY [FURTHER
Yale University
College of Wooster
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN THE
FLOWERS (1987)
MOORE, GEORGE FOOT (2005)
PACIFIC ISLANDS [FIRST EDITION]
MARRIAGE (1987)
SYNAGOGUE (2005)
(1987)
TREES (1987)
Reuven Firestone
Douglas A. Foster
Gérard Freyburger
Hebrew Union College–Jewish
Abilene Christian University
Université de Haute Alsace
Institute of Religion, Los Angeles
CHURCHES OF CHRIST (2005)
FIDES (1987)
JERUSALEM: JERUSALEM IN JUDAISM,
Lawrence Foster
LeeEllen Friedland
CHRISTIANITY, AND ISLAM (2005)
Georgia Institute of Technology
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Raymond Firth
LEE, ANN (1987 AND 2005)
DANCE: POPULAR AND FOLK DANCE
University of London (emeritus)
NOYES, JOHN HUMPHREY (1987 AND
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
TIKOPIA RELIGION (1987)
2005)
Yohanan Friedmann
Michael Fishbane
SHAKERS (1987)
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Brandeis University
Marcel Fournier
AH
. MADIYAH (2005)
ADAM (1987)
Université de Montréal
SIRHINDI¯, AH
. MAD (1987 AND 2005)
CAIN AND ABEL (1987)
MAUSS, MARCEL (2005)
Paul Friedrich
DANIEL (1987)
James J. Fox
University of Chicago
ESTHER (1987)
Australian National University
TARASCAN RELIGION (1987 AND 2005)
EVE (1987)
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS:
Manfred S. Frings
JONAH (1987)
INSULAR CULTURES (1987)
DePaul University
NOAH (1987)
Steven D. Fraade
SCHELER, MAX (1987)
Joseph Fitzer
Yale University
Karlfried Froehlich
St. John’s University, Jamaica,
ENOCH (1987)
Princeton Theological Seminary
New York
Daniel Frank
CRUSADES: CHRISTIAN PERSPECTIVE
MÖHLER, JOHANN ADAM (1987)
Ohio State University
(1987)
Thomas E. FitzGerald
KARAITES (2005)
Tikva Frymer-Kensky
Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of
R. M. Frank
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
Theology, Brookline, Massachusetts
Catholic University of America
ASHUR (1987)
EASTERN CHRISTIANITY (2005)
ENUMA ELISH (1987)
ABU
¯ AL-HUDHAYL AL-EALL A¯F (1987)
James H. Foard
ISRAELITE LAW: PERSONAL STATUS
ASHEARI¯ AL- (1987)
Arizona State University
AND FAMILY LAW (1987)
ASHEARI¯YAH (1987)
ISRAELITE LAW: STATE AND JUDICIARY
IPPEN (1987 AND 2005)
David L. Freeman
LAW (1987)
Harry Wells Fogarty
Temple Israel, Boston
MARDUK (1987)
New York, New York
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
NABU (1987)
ROSICRUCIANS (1987)
AND MEDICINE IN JUDAISM (2005)
UTU (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
ciii
Bruce Fudge
Eugene V. Gallagher
MONSTERS (1987)
New York University
Connecticut College
SEASONAL CEREMONIES (1987)
BUKHA¯RI¯, AL- (2005)
BRANCH DAVIDIANS (2005)
Albertine Gaur
Fujita Ko¯tatsu
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS:
British Library (retired)
SCRIPTURES OF NEW RELIGIOUS
Hokkaido University
CALLIGRAPHY: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
MOVEMENTS (2005)
PURE AND IMPURE LANDS (1987)
Edwin S. Gaustad
Nancy Gallagher
Fujiwara Ryo¯setsu
University of California, Riverside
University of California, Santa
Ryukoku University (emeritus)
BAPTIST CHURCHES (1987)
Barbara
WHITEFIELD, GEORGE (1987 AND 2005)
NIANFO (1987)
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
WISE, JOHN (1987 AND 2005)
SHANDAO (1987)
AND MEDICINE IN ISLAMIC TEXTS
Sakoto Fujiwara
Liam Gearon
AND TRADITIONS (2005)
Taisho University
Centre for Research in Human Rights,
Mario Gandini
Roehampton University
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
Biblioteca comunale “G.C. Croce”
HUMAN RIGHTS AND RELIGION (2005)
STUDY OF RELIGION IN JAPAN (2005)
San Giovanni in Persiceto (Bologna,
Fujiyoshi Jikai
Patrick J. Geary
Italy)
Kyoto, Japan
University of Florida
PETTAZZONI, RAFFAELE (2005)
CULT OF SAINTS (1987)
JO
¯ DOSHU¯ (1987)
Pranab Ganguly
William J. Fulco
Armin W. Geertz
Anthropological Survey of India,
Jesuits at Loyola University, Los Angeles
Aarhus Universitet
Calcutta
ICONOGRAPHY: NATIVE NORTH
HURRIAN RELIGION (1987)
NEGRITO RELIGIONS: NEGRITOS OF
AMERICAN ICONOGRAPHY (1987)
Reginald H. Fuller
THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS (1987)
Jay Geller
Protestants Episcopal Theological
Peter Gardella
Vanderbilt Divinity School
Seminary in Virginia (emeritus)
Manhattanville College
FETISHISM (2005)
GOD: GOD IN THE NEW TESTAMENT
FOOD (2005)
(1987 AND 2005)
Paul Gendrop
Iain Gardner
Mexico City
Robert C. Fuller
University of Sydney
PYRAMIDS: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
Bradley University
DOCETISM (2005)
TEMPLE: MESOAMERICAN TEMPLES
HEALING AND MEDICINE:
(1987)
ALTERNATIVE MEDICINE IN THE
Richard A. Gardner
NEW AGE (2005)
Sophia University
Joachim Gentz
University of Goettingen
Peter T. Furst
HUMOR AND RELIGION: AN
OVERVIEW (2005)
DONG ZHONGSHU (2005)
University of Pennsylvania Museum of
HUMOR AND RELIGION: HUMOR AND
Archaeology and Anthropology, and
Jane S. Gerber
RELIGION IN EAST ASIAN CONTEXTS
Museum of Indian Arts & Culture
Graduate School and University
(2005)
HUICHOL RELIGION (1987 AND 2005)
Center, City University of New York
SHAMANISM: SOUTH AMERICAN
James Garrett
JUDAISM: JUDAISM IN THE MIDDLE
SHAMANISM (1987 AND 2005)
Colorado State University, Fort Collins
EAST AND NORTH AFRICA SINCE
TOBACCO (2005)
LAKOTA RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
1492 (1987 AND 2005)
(2005)
Nagao Gadjin
David Germano
Otani University
Giulia Sfameni Gasparro
University of Virginia
VASUBANDHU (1987 AND 2005)
University of Messina
BUDDHIST MEDITATION: TIBETAN
DEMETER AND PERSEPHONE (2005)
BUDDHIST MEDITATION (2005)
Peter Gaeffke
GODDESS WORSHIP: GODDESS
DZOGCHEN (2005)
University of Pennsylvania
WORSHIP IN THE HELLENISTIC
KLONG CHEN RAB ‘BYAMS PA
MAN
. D
. ALAS: HINDU MAN
. D
. ALAS (1987)
WORLD (2005)
(LONGCHENPA) (2005)
Mügé Galin
Theodor H. Gaster
Edwn Gerow
Ohio State University
Barnard College, Columbia University
University of Chicago
WALDMAN, MARILYN ROBINSON
(emeritus)
BA¯DARA¯YAN
. A (1987)
(2005)
AMULETS AND TALISMANS (1987)
B. A. Gerrish
Jacques Galinier
DRAMA: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN
University of Chicago
Université de Bordeaux III
RITUAL DRAMA [FIRST EDITION]
BAUR, F. C. (1987)
OTOMÍ RELIGION (1987)
(1987)
CREEDS: CHRISTIAN CREEDS (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
ERASMUS, DESIDERIUS (1987)
Yehoshua Gitay
John D. Godsey
SCHLEIERMACHER, FRIEDRICH (1987)
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev
Wesley Theological Seminary,
Alan Gewirth
AMOS (1987)
Washington, D.C.
University of Chicago
HOSEA (1987)
NEOORTHODOXY (1987)
MARSILIUS OF PADUA (1987)
ISAIAH (1987)
Gregor T. Goethals
MICAH (1987)
Philip Gibbs
Rhode Island School of Design
Melanesian Institute, Papua New
Stephen D. Glazier
RELIGIOUS BROADCASTING (1987)
Guinea
Westmont College
William E. Gohlman
OCEANIC RELIGIONS: NEW
CARIBBEAN RELIGIONS: PRE-
State University of New York, College
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS (2005)
COLUMBIAN RELIGIONS (1987)
at Genesco
RITES OF PASSAGE: OCEANIC RITES
Elisabeth G. Gleason
IBN SI¯NA¯ (1987 AND 2005)
(2005)
University of San Francisco
Daniel Gold
Michelle Gilbert
CONTARINI, GASPARO (1987)
Cornell University
Peabody Museum of Natural History,
Rod M. Glogower
CELIBACY (1987 AND 2005)
New Haven
Georgetown Synagogue,
CONSECRATION (1987 AND 2005)
AKAN RELIGION (1987)
Washington, D.C.
Harvey E. Goldberg
FON AND EWE RELIGION (1987)
FEINSTEIN, MOSHE (1987)
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Sam D. Gill
RITES OF PASSAGE: JEWISH RITES
University of Colorado at Boulder
Ariel Glucklich
(2005)
PRAYER (1987)
Georgetown University
Robert Goldenberg
SHAMANISM: NORTH AMERICAN
DHARMA: HINDU DHARMA (2005)
SHAMANISM (1987)
MAGIC: MAGIC IN SOUTH ASIA (2005)
State University of New York at Stony
PAIN (2005)
Brook
Marija Gimbutas
ABBAHU (1987)
University of California, Los Angeles
Gherardo Gnoli
ELEAZAR BEN PEDAT (1987)
BABA YAGA (1987)
Instituto Italiano per il Medio ed
SHIMEON BEN LAQISH (1987)
DAZHBOG (1987)
Estremo Oriente, Rome
TALMUD (1987 AND 2005)
DOUBLENESS (1987)
AHURAS (1987)
YEHOSHU!A BEN LEVI (1987)
MEGALITHIC RELIGION: PREHISTORIC
AIRYANA VAE¯JAH (1987)
YOH
. ANAN BAR NAPPAH
. A’ (1987)
EVIDENCE (1987)
AMESHA SPENTAS (1987)
Judah Goldin
MOKOSH (1987)
ANA¯HITA¯ (1987)
PERUN (1987)
University of Pennsylvania
AVESTA (1987)
PREHISTORIC RELIGIONS: OLD
MIDRASH AND AGGADAH [FIRST
CHINVAT BRIDGE (1987)
EUROPE (1987)
EDITION] (1987)
DAIVAS (1987)
SLAVIC RELIGION (1987)
DAKHMA (1987)
Matt Goldish
SVENTOVIT (1987)
FRASHO
¯ KERETI (1987)
Ohio State University
TRIGLAV (1987)
FRAVASHIS (1987)
SHABBETAI TSEVI [FURTHER
VELES-VOLOS (1987)
HAOMA (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Robert M. Gimello
IRANIAN RELIGIONS (1987)
Irving Goldman
University of Arizona
KHVARENAH (1987)
New School for Social Research,
HUAYAN (1987)
MANICHAEISM: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
New York
Jean-Louis Girard
MITHRA (1987)
GENEALOGY (1987)
Université de Strasbourg II
SAOSHYANT (1987)
TUCCI, GIUSEPPE (1987)
Marion S. Goldman
MINERVA (1987)
YAZATAS (1987)
University of Oregon
Norman J. Girardot
RAJNEESH (2005)
John C. Godbey
Lehigh University
Meadville/Lombard Theological
Maria Julia Goldwasser
CHAOS (1987)
Museu Historico da Circade do Rio de
CHINESE RELIGION: HISTORY OF
Seminary, Chicago
Janeiro
STUDY (1987)
CHANNING, WILLIAM ELLERY, (1987)
CARNIVAL (1987)
CHINESE RELIGION: MYTHIC THEMES
HUS, JAN (1987)
(1987)
SERVETUS, MICHAEL (1987)
Luis O. Gómez
GRANET, MARCEL (1987)
SOZZINI, FAUSTO PAVOLO (1987)
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
VISUAL CULTURE AND RELIGION:
UNITARIAN UNIVERSALIST
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN INDIA
OUTSIDER ART (2005)
ASSOCIATION (1987)
(1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cv
BUDDHIST BOOKS AND TEXTS:
Richard Gordon
Elizabeth A. Gray
EXEGESIS AND HERMENEUTICS
Ilmmünster, Germany
Harvard University
(1987 AND 2005)
MITHRAISM (2005)
FOMHOIRE (2005)
LANGUAGE: BUDDHIST VIEWS OF
René Gothóni
LUGH (2005)
LANGUAGE (1987)
University of Helsinki
TUATHA DÉ DANANN (2005)
MAHA¯SA¯M
. GHIKA (1987)
CONFESSION OF SINS (2005)
S. J. M. Gray
SARVA
¯ STIVA¯DA (1987)
SUNDÉN, HJALMAR (2005)
College of Wooster
Jan Gonda
Stephen Gottschalk
EAGLES AND HAWKS (1987)
Rijksuniversiteit te Utrecht
Wellesley, Massachusetts
TREES (1987)
INDIAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE (1987)
Richard L. Greaves
(1987)
Florida State University
VIS.N.U (1987)
Teun Goudriaan
Rijksuniversiteit te Utrecht
BUNYAN, JOHN (1987)
Michelle A. Gonzalez
MA
¯ YA¯ (1987)
Loyola Marymount University,
Arthur Green
Los Angeles
Friedrich Wilhelm Graf
Reconstructionist Rabbinical College
Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität
DOV BER OF MEZHIRICH (1987)
JUANA INÉS DE LA CRUZ DE ASBAJE Y
ELIMELEKH OF LIZHENSK (1987)
RAMIREZ (2005)
München
TROELTSCH, ERNST (1987)
HASIDISM: HABAD HASIDISM (1987)
Yolotl González Torres
HASIDISM: SATMAR HASIDISM (1987)
Instituto Nacional de Antropología e
Fritz Graf
LEVI YITSH
. AQ OF BERDICHEV (1987)
Ohio State University
Historia
NAH
. MAN OF BRATSLAV (1987)
APOLLO (2005)
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY
SHNEDUR ZALMAN OF LYADY (1987)
ARTEMIS (2005)
OF STUDY (1987 AND 2005)
ELEUSINIAN MYSTERIES (1987)
Garrett Green
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC
EMPEDOCLES (2005)
Connecticut College
THEMES (2005)
HERAKLES (2005)
FICHTE, JOHANN GOTTLIEB (1987)
David Goodblatt
HOMER (2005)
Ronald M. Green
University of Maryland at College
SYNCRETISM [FURTHER
Dartmouth College
Park
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
MORALITY AND RELIGION (1987)
VIOLENCE (2005)
SANHEDRIN (1987)
ZEUS (2005)
THEODICY (1987)
Felicitas D. Goodman
William A. Graham
Tamara M. Green
Cuyamungue Institute, Columbus,
Harvard University
Hunter College, City University of
Ohio
SCRIPTURE (1987 AND 2005)
New York
GLOSSOLALIA (1987)
ICONOGRAPHY: GRECO-ROMAN
VISIONS (1987)
Patrick Granfield
ICONOGRAPHY (1987)
Catholic University of America
L. E. Goodman
PAPACY (1987 AND 2005)
Blu Greenberg
University of Hawaii, Manoa
Riverdale, New York
Robert M. Grant
IBN BA
¯ JJAH (1987)
SCHENIRER, SARAH (1987)
University of Chicago
H. McKennie Goodpasture
EUSEBIUS (1987)
Moshe Greenberg
Union Theological Seminary,
GOODENOUGH, ERWIN R. (1987)
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Richmond, Virginia
NOCK, ARTHUR DARBY (1987)
EZEKIEL (1987)
AUGUSTINE OF CANTERBURY (1987)
Allan G. Grapard
Samuel Greengus
CLOTILDA (1987)
East-West Center, Honolulu, Hawaii
Hebrew Union College-Jewish
CYRIL AND METHODIUS (1987)
ENCHIN (1987)
Institute of Religion, Cincinnati
PATRICK (1987)
HONJISUIJAKU (1987)
ISRAELITE LAW: CRIMINAL LAW (1987)
Peter Goodrich
William Grassie
Cardozo School of Law, New York
Frederick E. Greenspahn
Metanexus Institute, Philadelphia
Florida Atlantic University
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW, RELIGION,
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: SCIENCE,
ISAAC (1987 AND 2005)
AND CRITICAL THEORY (2005)
RELIGION, AND ECOLOGY (2005)
ISHMAEL (1987 AND 2005)
Vincent Goossaert
David B. Gray
JACOB (1987 AND 2005)
Centre National de la Recherche
Rice University
JOSEPH (1987 AND 2005)
Scientifique, Paris
CAKRASAMVARA (2005)
RACHEL AND LEAH (1987 AND 2005)
CHINESE RELIGION: POPULAR
GUHYASAMA¯JA (2005)
REBECCA (1987 AND 2005)
RELIGION (2005)
HEVAJRA (2005)
SARAH (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Edward L. Greenstein
Rita M. Gross
Christian-J. Guyonvarc’h
Tel Aviv University
University of Wisconsin—Eau Claire
Université de Haute Bretagne
AARON (1987)
BIRTH (1987 AND 2005)
EPONA (1987)
CYRUS II (1987 AND 2005)
COUVADE (1987)
MAPONOS (1987)
JOSHUA (1987 AND 2005)
FEMINIST THEOLOGY: AN OVERVIEW
MATRES (1987)
MIRIAM (1987 AND 2005)
(2005)
Janet Gyatso
PSALMS (1987 AND 2005)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
Harvard University
SAMSON (1987 AND 2005)
AND BUDDHISM (2005)
MA GCIG LAB SGRON (MACHIG
Peter N. Gregory
LABDRON) (2005)
Cristiano Grottanelli
TREASURE TRADITION (2005)
University of Illinois, Urbana-
Università degli studi, Rome
YE SHES MTSHO RGYAL (YESHE
Champaign
AGRICULTURE (1987)
TSOGYAL) (2005)
ZONGMI (1987)
DRAGONS (1987)
David L. Haberman
J. Gwyn Griffiths
KINGSHIP: KINGSHIP IN THE ANCIENT
University of Arizona
University College of Swansea
MEDITERRANEAN WORLD (1987)
ROY, RAM MOHAN (1987)
HELLENISTIC RELIGIONS (1987)
Vinigi Grottanelli
VR.NDA¯VANA (1987)
Laura S. Grillo
Università degli Studi, Rome
JaHyun Kim Haboush
Pacifica Graduate Institute,
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
University of Illinois, Urbana-
Carpinteria, California
STUDY (1987)
Champaign
GRIAULE, MARCEL (2005)
Jean Guiart
CONFUCIANISM IN KOREA (1987)
DIETERLEN, GERMAINE (2005)
Musée de l’Homme, Paris
YI T’OEGYE (1987)
YI YULGOK (1987)
John A. Grim
NEW CALEDONIA RELIGION (1987)
Bucknell University
OCEANIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
Sergei Hackel
(2005)
University of Sussex
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: AN
OCEANIC RELIGIONS: MISSIONARY
AKSAKOV, IVAN (1987)
OVERVIEW (2005)
AVVAKUM (1987)
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY
MOVEMENTS (1987 AND 2005)
DOSTOEVSKY, FYODOR (1987)
AND INDIGENOUS TRADITIONS
Charles Guittard
FILARET OF MOSCOW (1987)
(2005)
University of Paris X-Nanterre
JOSEPH OF VOLOKOLAMSK (1987)
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
FORTUNA (2005)
KHOMIAKOV, ALEKSEI (1987)
OF THE NORTHEAST WOODLANDS
JUPITER (2005)
KIREEVSKII, IVAN (1987)
(1987 AND 2005)
MARS (2005)
NIKON (1987)
WOVOKA (1987)
VESTA (2005)
SERGII OF RADONEZH (1987)
Ronald L. Grimes
SKOBTSOVA, MARIA (2005)
Natalie Gummer
Wilfrid Laurier University
SORSKII, NIL (1987)
Beloit College
PORTALS (1987)
Rosalind I. J. Hackett
BUDDHIST BOOKS AND TEXTS:
PROCESSION (1987)
University of Tennessee, Knoxville
RITUAL USES OF BOOKS (2005)
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW, RELIGION,
Eric W. Gritsch
BUDDHIST BOOKS AND TEXTS:
AND HUMAN RIGHTS (2005)
Lutheran Theological Seminary,
TRANSLATION (2005)
Gettysburg, Pennsylvania
Wadi Z. Haddad
Sanjukta Gupta
Hartford Seminary
LUTHERANISM (1987)
Oxford University
TAFTA¯ZA¯NI¯, AL- (1987)
MÜNTZER, THOMAS (1987)
HINDU TANTRIC LITERATURE (1987
Haga Noboru
Paul Groner
AND 2005)
University of Tsukuba
University of Virginia
JI¯VANMUKTI (1987)
ISHIDA BAIGAN (1987)
SAICHO
¯ (1987 AND 2005)
MUDRA¯ (2005)
KAMO NO MABUCHI (1987)
TENDAISHU
¯ (2005)
Veronica Gutiérrez
Howard G. Hageman
Claudia Gross
University of California, Los Angeles
New Brunswick Theological Seminary,
University of Auckland
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS:
New Brunswick, New Jersey
KINSHIP (2005)
COLONIAL CULTURES (2005)
THOMAS À KEMPIS (1987)
Lawrence W. Gross
Joseph Gutmann
Syed Gulzar Haider
Iowa State University
Wayne State University
Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada
ANISHINAABE RELIGIOUS
MAGEN DAVID (1987)
MOSQUE: HISTORY AND TRADITION
TRADITIONS (2005)
SYNAGOGUE (1987)
(2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cvii
Getatchew Haile
Feras Q. Hamza
Helen Hardacre
Saint John’s University, Collegeville,
Institute of Ismaili Studies, London
Princeton University
Minnesota
AFTERLIFE: ISLAMIC CONCEPTS (2005)
ANCESTORS: ANCESTOR WORSHIP
ETHIOPIAN CHURCH (1987)
RA¯ZI¯, FAKHR AL-DI¯N AL- (2005)
(1987)
KONKO
¯ KYO¯ (1987)
Hamid Haji
William L. Hanaway, Jr.
REIYU
¯ KAI KYO¯DAN (1987)
Institute of Ismaili Studies, London
University of Pennsylvania
DRAMA: MIDDLE EASTERN
Rachel E. Harding
QA¯D
. I¯ AL-NUEMA¯N (2005)
NARRATIVE TRADITIONS (1987)
Iliff School of Theology, Denver,
Hans Thomas Hakl
Don Handelman
Colorado
Graz, Austria
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
AFRO-BRAZILIAN RELIGIONS (2005)
EVOLA, JULIUS (2005)
CLOWNS (1987 AND 2005)
O. B. Hardison, Jr.
SEXUALITY: SEXUAL RITES IN EUROPE
PLAY (1987 AND 2005)
Folger Shakespeare Library,
(2005)
Robert T. Handy
Washington, D.C.
Wilhelm Halbfass
Union Theological Seminary, New
DRAMA: EUROPEAN RELIGIOUS
University of Pennsylvania
York (emeritus)
DRAMA [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
INDIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
WILLIAMS, ROGER (1987)
Charlotte E. Hardman
STUDY (1987)
Wouter J. Hanegraaff
University of Durham
Bruce Cameron Hall
University of Amsterdam
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND
NEW AGE MOVEMENT (2005)
STCHERBATSKY, THEODORE (1987)
CHILDREN (2005)
Thomas O’Brien Hanley
Nathan J. Hallanger
Friedhelm E. Hardy
Loyola College in Maryland
Graduate Theological Union, Berkeley
King’s College, University of London
CARROLL, JOHN (1987)
EUGENICS (2005)
A¯LVA¯RS (1987)
Judith Lynne Hanna
¯
KR.S.N.AISM (1987)
Barry Hallen
University of Maryland, College Park
Morehouse College and Du Bois
Bernhard Häring
DANCE: DANCE AND RELIGION (1987
Pontificia Universitas Lateranensis
Institute, Harvard University
AND 2005)
TEMPTATION (1987)
COSMOLOGY: AFRICAN
Anne Hansen
COSMOLOGIES (2005)
Gail M. Harley
University of Wisconsin—Milwaukee
University of South Florida, Tampa
Charles Hallisey
KHMER RELIGION (2005)
FILLMORE, CHARLES AND MYRTLE
University of Wisconsin—Madison
Klaus J. Hansen
(2005)
BUDDHA (1987)
Queen’s University, Canada
HOPKINS, EMMA CURTIS (2005)
BUDDHISM: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
MORMONISM (1987 AND 2005)
UNITY (2005)
DUT.T.HAGA¯MAN.I¯ (1987)
SMITH, JOSEPH (1987 AND 2005)
David Harnish
PA¯RAMITA¯S (1987)
F. Allan Hanson
Bowling Green State University
Christopher R. Hallpike
University of Kansas
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
Dalhousie University
MAORI RELIGION [FIRST EDITION]
SOUTHEAST ASIA (2005)
HAIR (1987)
(1987)
Donald Harper
J. Mark Halstead
POLYNESIAN RELIGIONS: AN
Stanford University
OVERVIEW (1987)
University of Plymouth, United
MAGIC: MAGIC IN EAST ASIA (1987)
Kingdom
S. Nomanul Haq
Marilyn J. Harran
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION (2005)
University of Pennsylvania
Chapman College
FA¯RA¯BI¯, AL- (2005)
Roberte Hamayon
SUICIDE (1987)
École Pratique des Hautes Études,
Stanley Samuel Harakas
Stevan Harrell
Collège de France
Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of
University of Washington
Theology, Brookline, Massachusetts
BURIAT RELIGION (1987)
DOMESTIC OBSERVANCES: CHINESE
(emeritus)
ONGON (1987)
PRACTICES (1987)
BULGAKOV, SERGEI (1987)
SOUTHERN SIBERIAN RELIGIONS (1987)
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN
David Edwin Harrell, Jr.
Charles H. Hambrick
EASTERN EUROPE (1987 AND 2005)
University of Arkansas
Vanderbilt University
GREEK ORTHODOX CHURCH (1987)
CAMPBELL, ALEXANDER (1987)
OKINAWAN RELIGION (1987)
JOHN OF DAMASCUS (1987)
DISCIPLES OF CHRIST (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cviii
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Walter Harrelson
Adrian Hastings
Thomas N. Headland
Vanderbilt University (emeritus)
University of Leeds
University of Hawaii, Manoa
MYTH AND RITUAL SCHOOL (1987
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN SUB-
NEGRITO RELIGIONS: NEGRITOS OF
AND 2005)
SAHARAN AFRICA [FIRST EDITION]
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS (1987)
TEN COMMANDMENTS (1987)
(1987)
John F. Healey
TITHES (1987 AND 2005)
Sachiko Hatanaka
University of Manchester
Amanda Nolacea Harris
Chubu University
NABATEAN RELIGION (2005)
University of Illinois, Urbana-
TANGAROA (1987)
John J. Heaney
Champaign
Brian A. Hatcher
Fordham University, Bronx (emeritus)
ZAPATISMO AND INDIGENOUS
Illinois Wesleyan University
HÜGEL, FRIEDRICH VON (1987 AND
RESISTANCE (2005)
RAMAKRISHNA (2005)
2005)
Ishwar C. Harris
VIVEKANANDA (2005)
College of Wooster
Jan C. Heesterman
Hattori Masaaki
Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden
BHAVE, VINOBA (1987)
Professor Emeritus, Kyoto University
BRAHMAN (1987)
Joseph Harris
ASAN
˙ GA (1987)
BRA¯HMAN
. AS AND A¯RAN
. YAKAS (1987)
Harvard University
DIGNA¯GA (1987)
VEDISM AND BRAHMANISM (1987)
THOR (2005)
YOGA¯CA¯RA (1987 AND 2005)
Synnøve Heggem
Kevin Hart
Hanna Havnevik
University of Oslo
University of Notre Dame
University of Oslo
GRUNDTVIG, NIKOLAI FREDERIK
FICTION: OCEANIC FICTION AND
ANI LOCHEN (2005)
SEVERIN (2005)
RELIGION (2005)
Peter S. Hawkins
LITERATURE: RELIGIOUS DIMENSIONS
Samuel C. Heilman
Yale University
OF MODERN WESTERN LITERATURE
Queens College City University of
DANTE ALIGHIERI (1987)
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
POETRY: CHRISTIAN POETRY (1987)
New York
Jens-Uwe Hartmann
ORTHODOX JUDAISM: FURTHER
John Stratton Hawley
CONSIDERATIONS (2005)
Institut für Indologie und Iranistik,
Barnard College, Columbia University
Munich
HINDI RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS (1987
Maria Heim
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN CENTRAL
AND 2005)
Amherst College
ASIA (2005)
KRS.N.A (1987 AND 2005)
ALMSGIVING (2005)
Charles Hartshorne
SU
¯ RDA¯S (2005)
BUDDHIST ETHICS (2005)
University of Texas at Austin
Sîan Hawthorne
Norvin Hein
(emeritus)
School of Oriental and African
Yale University
PANTHEISM AND PANENTHEISM (1987)
Studies, University of London
LI¯LA¯ (1987)
TRANSCENDENCE AND IMMANENCE
FEMINISM: FEMINISM, GENDER
Steven Heine
(1987)
STUDIES, AND RELIGION (2005)
Florida International University
Van A. Harvey
GENDER AND RELIGION: HISTORY OF
ZEN (2005)
Stanford University
STUDY (2005)
GYNOCENTRISM (2005)
Walther Heissig
BAUER, BRUNO (1987 AND 2005)
Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-
FEUERBACH, LUDWIG (1987 AND 2005)
Perwaiz Hayat
HERMENEUTICS (1987 AND 2005)
Concordia University, Montreal
Universität Bonn
STRAUSS, DAVID FRIEDRICH (1987
DA¯RA¯ SHIKO
¯ H, MUH
MONGOL RELIGIONS (1987)
. AMMAD (2005)
AND 2005)
Zachary Hayes
James Heitzman
Warren Zev Harvey
Catholic Theological Union, Chicago,
Georgia State University
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Illinois
CITIES (2005)
CRESCAS, H
. ASDAI (1987 AND 2005)
BONAVENTURE (1987)
Natasha Heller
Edeltraud Harzer
Charles C. Haynes
Harvard University
University of Texas at Austin
First Amendment Center
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS
PRAKR.TI (1987 AND 2005)
MEHER BABA (1987 AND 2005)
AND CHINESE RELIGION (2005)
PURUS.A (1987 AND 2005)
Jeffrey Haynes
Monika K. Hellwig
SA¯M
. KHYA (1987 AND 2005)
London Metropolitan University
Georgetown University
Hase Sho¯to¯
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS
EUCHARIST (1987)
Kyoto University
AND AFRICAN RELIGIOUS
SACRAMENT: CHRISTIAN
JO
¯ DO SHINSHU¯ (1987)
TRADITIONS (2005)
SACRAMENTS (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cix
Ronald S. Hendel
Doris Heyden
E. Glenn Hinson
University of California, Berkeley
Instituto Nacional de Antropología e
Southern Baptist Theological
ISRAELITE RELIGION (2005)
Historia, Mexico City
Seminary
Joseph Henninger
CAVES (1987)
CONSTANTINIANISM (1987)
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS: CLASSIC
Anthropos-Institut, Sankt Augustin,
IRENAEUS (1987)
CULTURES (1987)
West Germany
JUSTIN MARTYR (1987)
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC
GRAEBNER, FRITZ (1987)
TERTULLIAN (1987)
THEMES (1987)
NEW YEAR FESTIVALS (1987)
Almut Hintze
SACRIFICE [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
John C. Higgins-Biddle
School of Oriental and African
SCHMIDT, WILHELM (1987)
University of Connecticut Health
Center
Studies, University of London
Robert G. Henricks
AHURA MAZDA¯ AND ANGRA MAINYU
LOCKE, JOHN (1987 AND 2005)
Dartmouth College
(2005)
DEMIÉVILLE, PAUL (1987)
Donald R. Hill
Hiroshi Obayashi
GROOT, J. J. M. DE (1987)
State University of New York, College
at Oneonta
Rutgers University
William E. Herbrechtsmeier
MAGIC: MAGIC IN INDIGENOUS
AFTERLIFE: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
Los Angeles, California
SOCIETIES (1987)
(2005)
PROPHECY: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
William J. Hill
Dennis Hirota
Gilbert Herdt
Catholic University of America
Ryukoku University
University of Chicago
ATTRIBUTES OF GOD: CHRISTIAN
KARMAN: BUDDHIST CONCEPTS
HOMOSEXUALITY (1987)
CONCEPTS (1987)
(2005)
Nimachia Hernandez
PROOFS FOR THE EXISTENCE OF GOD
Hirota Masaki
University of California, Berkeley
(1987)
Okayama University
BLACKFEET RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
Hans J. Hillerbrand
KUROZUMIKYO
¯ (1987)
(2005)
Southern Methodist University
Stephen Hirtenstein
Noreen L. Herzfeld
LUTHER, MARTIN (1987)
Muhyiddin Ibn EArabi Society
St. John’s University, Collegeville,
REFORMATION (1987)
IBN AL-EARABI¯ (2005)
Minnesota
Gregory A. Hillis
ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE (2005)
University of California, Santa
Mervyn Hiskett
CYBERNETICS (2005)
Barbara
Kent, England
Linda Hess
BUDDHIST MEDITATION: TIBETAN
DAN FODIO, USUMAN (1987)
BUDDHIST MEDITATION (2005)
Radcliffe College
Miriam Hoexter
KLONG CHEN RAB ‘BYAMS PA
POETRY: INDIAN RELIGIOUS POETRY
(LONGCHENPA) (2005)
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
(1987)
WAQF (2005)
Alf Hiltebeitel
Peter M. J. Hess
George Washington University
Lawrence A. Hoffman
Berkeley, California
ARJUNA (1987)
Hebrew Union College–Jewish
COPERNICUS, NICOLAUS (2005)
GAMBLING (1987)
Institute of Religion, New York
TWO BOOKS, THE (2005)
HINDUISM (1987)
LITURGY (2005)
Luc de Heusch
INDUS VALLEY RELIGION (1987)
SIDDUR AND MAH
. ZOR (1987)
Université Libre de Bruxelles
KURUKS.ETRA (1987)
Harry A. Hoffner, Jr.
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS:
MAHA¯BHA¯RATA (1987)
University of Chicago
SOUTHERN BANTU RELIGIONS (1987)
Teresia Mbari Hinga
HITTITE RELIGION (1987)
Julia Cuervo Hewitt
DePaul University
TESHUB (1987)
Pennsylvania State University
AFTERLIFE: AFRICAN CONCEPTS (2005)
W. Hofstee
FICTION: LATIN AMERICAN FICTION
Melinda Hinkson
AND RELIGION (2005)
Australian National University
Leiden University
BAAL, JAN VAN (2005)
Martinez Hewlett
STANNER, W. E. H. (2005)
University of Arizona (emeritus)
TJ Hinrichs
Eugene W. Holland
EVOLUTION: EVOLUTIONISM (2005)
Boston College
Ohio State University
EVOLUTION: THE CONTROVERSY
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
PSYCHOLOGY: SCHIZOANALYSIS AND
WITH CREATIONISM (2005)
AND MEDICINE IN CHINA (2005)
RELIGION (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cx
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Tawny L. Holm
Bretislav Horyna
S. C. Humphreys
Indiana University of Pennsylvania
Masaryk University
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
ASTARTE (2005)
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
FUSTEL DE COULANGES, N. D. (1987)
DAVID [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
STUDY OF RELIGION IN EASTERN
John O. Hunwick
(2005)
EUROPE AND RUSSIA (2005)
MOABITE RELIGION (2005)
Northwestern University
PHOENICIAN RELIGION [FURTHER
Hoshino Eiki
MUH
. AMMAD AH
. MAD (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Taisho University
Manfred Hutter
WISDOM LITERATURE: BIBLICAL
PILGRIMAGE: BUDDHIST PILGRIMAGE
University of Bonn
BOOKS [FURTHER
IN EAST ASIA (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
BA¯BI¯S (2005)
Albert Hourani
BAHA¯DI¯S (2005)
John Clifford Holt
University of Oxford (emeritus)
MANICHAEISM: MANICHAEISM IN
Bowdoin College
AFGHA¯NI¯, JAMA¯L AL-DI¯N AL- (1987)
IRAN (2005)
PRIESTHOOD: BUDDHIST
RASHI¯D RID
. A¯, MUH
. AMMAD (1987)
PRIESTHOOD (1987 AND 2005)
Kathryn Hutton
John F. Howes
Peter Homans
New York, New York
University of British Columbia
University of Chicago
LIONS (1987)
KAGAWA TOYOHIKO (1987)
FREUD, SIGMUND (1987 AND 2005)
UCHIMURA KANZO
¯ (1987)
Syed Akbar Hyder
JUNG, C. G. (1987)
University of Texas at Austin
Lauri Honko
C. Julia Huang
KARBALA (2005)
Turun Yliopisto
National Tsing Hua University
Ibrahim I. Ibrahim
FINNO-UGRIC RELIGIONS: AN
CIJI (2005)
Georgetown University
OVERVIEW (1987)
Tracey E. Hucks
EABD AL-RA¯ZIQ, EALI¯ (1987)
Walter Hooper
Haverford College
Oxford, England
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS:
Moshe Idel
LEWIS, C. S. (1987)
HISTORY OF STUDY (2005)
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Stewart M. Hoover
Clarke Hudson
QABBALAH (1987)
University of Colorado at Boulder
SEFER YETSIRAH (1987)
Indiana University
MEDIA AND RELIGION (2005)
ZOHAR (1987)
BUDDHIST MEDITATION: EAST ASIAN
Paul Jeffrey Hopkins
BUDDHIST MEDITATION (2005)
John M. Ingham
University of Virginia
D. Dennis Hudson
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
DGE LUGS PA (1987 AND 2005)
Smith College
NAHUATL RELIGION (1987)
Thomas J. Hopkins
PIL.L.AI LOKA¯CA¯RYA (1987)
Marcia C. Inhorn
Franklin and Marshall College
Winthrop S. Hudson
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
A¯RYA SAMA¯J (1987)
University of North Carolina at
HEALING AND MEDICINE: POPULAR
BRA¯HMO SAMA¯J (1987)
HEALING PRACTICES IN MIDDLE
DAYANANDA SARASVATI (1987)
Chapel Hill
EASTERN CULTURES (2005)
INDUS VALLEY RELIGION (1987)
DENOMINATIONALISM (1987)
SAURA HINDUISM (1987)
R. I. G. Hughes
Massimo Introvigne
VIVEKANANDA (1987)
Yale University
Center for Studies on New Religions,
Thomas Hopko
BACON, FRANCIS (1987)
Torino, Italy
Saint Vladimir’s Orthodox
CULTS AND SECTS (2005)
Stephen Hugh-Jones
Theological Seminary, Crestwood,
MOVEMENT FOR THE RESTORATION
University of Cambridge
New York
OF THE TEN COMMANDMENTS OF
YURUPARY (1987)
FLORENSKII, PAVEL (1987)
GOD (2005)
IOANN OF KRONSTADT (1987)
Åke Hultkrantz
TEMPLE SOLAIRE (2005)
RUSSIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH (1987)
Stockholms Universitet
Ishida Ichiro¯
TIKHON OF ZADONSK (1987)
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
Tohoku University
VLADIMIR I (1987)
(1987)
AME NO KOYANE (1987)
Mihály Hoppál
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
KOKUGAKU (1987)
Magyar Tudományos Akadémia,
STUDY (1987)
Budapest
GHOST DANCE (1987)
Benjamin Ish-Shalom
FINNO-UGRIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY
NORTH AMERICAN [INDIAN]
Bar Ilan University
OF STUDY (1987)
RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
KOOK, AVRAHAM YITSH
. AQ (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxi
Isomae Jun’ichi
Martin S. Jaffee
Robert Jewett
Japan Women’s University
University of Washington
Garrett-Evangelical Theological
ANESAKI MASAHARU (2005)
DISCIPLESHIP (2005)
Seminary, Evanston, Illinois
JAPANESE RELIGIONS: THE STUDY OF
ORAL TORAH (2005)
PAUL THE APOSTLE (1987)
MYTHS (2005)
TORAH (2005)
Ren Jiyu
YAMATO TAKERU (2005)
George Alfred James
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
Philip J. Ivanhoe
University of North Texas
TANG YONGTONG (1987 AND 2005)
Boston University
ATHEISM (1987 AND 2005)
Darrell Jodock
MENGZI (2005)
SALUTATIONS (1987 AND 2005)
Gustavus Adolphus College
Julia Iwersen
John M. Janzen
BERGSON, HENRI (1987 AND 2005)
Hamburg, Germany
University of Kansas
A. H. Johns
GIMBUTAS, MARIJA (2005)
AFFLICTION: AFRICAN CULTS OF
Australian National University
GNOSTICISM: GNOSTICISM FROM
AFFLICTION (1987 AND 2005)
ISLAM: ISLAM IN SOUTHEAST
THE MIDDLE AGES TO THE PRESENT
KONGO RELIGION (1987)
(2005)
ASIA (1987 AND 2005)
LIGHT AND DARKNESS (2005)
E. H. Rick Jarow
T.ARI¯QAH (1987)
VIRGIN GODDESS (2005)
Vassar College
Greg Johnson
Fahir I˙z
PURA¯N
. AS (2005)
Franklin and Marshall College
Bogˇaziçi Üniversitesi
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND
David Jasper
YUNUS EMRE (1987)
RELIGION IN INDIGENOUS
University of Glasgow
CULTURES (2005)
Toshihiko Izutsu
LITERATURE: CRITICAL THEORY AND
Keio University
RELIGIOUS STUDIES (2005)
Paul Christopher Johnson
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
ISHRA¯QI¯YAH (1987)
Pupul Jayakar
GARIFUNA RELIGION (2005)
Roger R. Jackson
Government of India, Department of
TRANSCULTURATION AND RELIGION:
Carleton College
Culture, New Delhi
RELIGION IN THE FORMATION OF
MAHA¯MUDRA¯ (2005)
INDIAN RELIGIONS: RURAL
THE MODERN CARIBBEAN (2005)
SGAM PO PA (GAMPOPA) (2005)
TRADITIONS (1987)
Matthew V. Johnson, Sr.
Louis Jacobs
N. A. Jayawickrama
Wake Forest University
Leo Baeck College, London (emeritus)
Buddhist and Pali University of Sri
BLACK THEOLOGY (2005)
ATTRIBUTES OF GOD: JEWISH
Lanka
Patricia A. Johnston
CONCEPTS (1987)
MALALASEKERA, G. P. (1987)
GOD: GOD IN POSTBIBLICAL JUDAISM
Brandeis University
(1987 AND 2005)
James B. Jeffries
VERGIL (2005)
H
. ANUKKAH (1987)
Colgate University
Sarah Iles Johnston
JEWISH RELIGIOUS YEAR (1987)
MANITOU (2005)
Ohio State University
PASSOVER (1987)
Daniel Jenkins
AFTERLIFE: GREEK AND ROMAN
PURIM (1987)
CONCEPTS (2005)
RODSH HA-SHANAH AND YOM KIPPUR
London, England
HEKATE (2005)
(1987)
BROWNE, ROBERT (1987)
DIVINATION: GREEK AND ROMAN
SHABBAT (1987)
CONGREGATIONALISM (1987)
DIVINATION (2005)
SHAVUEOT (1987)
Theodore W. Jennings, Jr.
ORPHIC GOLD TABLETS (2005)
SUKKOT (1987)
Seminario Metodista de México,
Alan Jones
Thorkild Jacobsen
Mexico City
University of Oxford
Harvard University (emeritus)
SACRAMENT: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
IBA¯D
. IYYA (2005)
FRANKFORT, HENRI (1987)
Jeppe Sinding Jensen
MESOPOTAMIAN RELIGIONS: AN
Albert de Jong
OVERVIEW [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
University of Aarhus
Leiden University
MESOPOTAMIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY
STRUCTURALISM [FURTHER
MAGI (2005)
OF STUDY (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
ZARATHUSHTRA (2005)
NINHURSAGA (1987)
Lionel M. Jensen
Albert R. Jonsen
David C. Jacobson
University of Notre Dame
University of California, San
Brown University
CONFUCIANISM: HISTORY OF STUDY
Francisco
AGNON, SHEMUDEL YOSEF (2005)
(2005)
CASUISTRY (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxii
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Dan W. Jorgensen
Kakubayashi Fumio
ATHENAGORAS (1987)
University of Western Ontario
Massey University
CYRIL OF ALEXANDRIA (1987)
OCEANIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
AMATERASU O
¯ MIKAMI (1987 AND 2005)
Flora Edouwaye S. Kaplan
JIMMU (1987 AND 2005)
STUDY [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
New York University
SUSANO-O NO MIKOTO (1987 AND
EDO RELIGION (2005)
George Joseph
2005)
Hobart and William Smith Colleges
Martha Kaplan
Ibrahim Kalin
Vassar College
FICTION: AFRICAN FICTION AND
College of the Holy Cross
CARGO CULTS [FURTHER
RELIGION (2005)
MA¯TURI¯DI¯, AL- (2005)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Mark Juergensmeyer
Menachem Kallus
Steven Kaplan
University of California, Santa
Bar Ilan University
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Barbara
TSADDIQ (2005)
JUDAISM: JUDAISM IN NORTHEAST
GANDHI, MOHANDAS (1987 AND 2005)
Michael C. Kalton
AFRICA (2005)
NONVIOLENCE (1987 AND 2005)
Kansas State University
Matthew T. Kapstein
CHO
˘ NG YAGYONG (1987)
Bennetta Jules-Rosette
University of Chicago and École
SO
˘ KYO
˘ NGDO
˘ K (1987)
University of California, San Diego
Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris
Ogbu Kalu
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN TIBET (2005)
KIMBANGU, SIMON (1987)
McCormick Theological Seminary
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: TANTRIC
MARANKE, JOHN (1987)
IGBO RELIGION (2005)
RITUAL SCHOOLS OF BUDDHISM
Sylvia Juran
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
David J. Kalupahana
New York, New York
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: TIBETAN
University of Hawaii, Manoa
AND MONGOLIAN BUDDHISM (2005)
TOLSTOY, LEO (1987)
PRATI¯TYA-SAMUTPA¯DA (1987)
PADMASAMBHAVA (2005)
Lutz Kaelber
Janet Kalven
RNYING MA PA (NYINGMAPA) SCHOOL
University of Vermont
Union Institute of Cincinnati
(2005)
MONASTICISM: CHRISTIAN
GRAIL MOVEMENT (2005)
SAKYA PAN
. D
. ITA (SA SKYA PAN
. D
. ITA)
(2005)
MONASTICISM (2005)
Mohammad Hashim Kamali
George Karahalios
Walter O. Kaelber
International Islamic University,
Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of
Wagner College
Malaysia
H
Theology, Brookline, Massachusetts
. ADI¯TH (2005)
ASCETICISM (1987)
ISLAMIC LAW: PERSONAL LAW (1987)
PSELLUS, MICHAEL (1987)
INITIATION: MEN’S INITIATION (1987)
MADHHAB (1987)
Nicholas Karazafiris
Adrienne L. Kaeppler
QIYA
¯ S (1987)
Thessaloniki, Greece
Smithsonian Institution
Edward Kamens
MAXIMOS THE CONFESSOR (1987)
POLYNESIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC
Yale University
Abraham J. Karp
THEMES (1987 AND 2005)
KU
¯ YA (1987 AND 2005)
University of Rochester
ONMYO
¯ DO¯ (1987)
Henry Kahane
LEESER, ISAAC (1987)
University of Illinois, Urbana-
J. H. Kamstra
WISE, STEPHEN S. (1987)
Universiteit van Amsterdam
Champaign
Tazim R. Kassam
EN NO GYO
¯ JA (1987)
ALCHEMY: HELLENISTIC AND
Syracuse University
GYO
¯ GI (1987)
S
MEDIEVAL ALCHEMY (1987)
.ALA¯T (2005)
HIJIRI (1987)
GRAIL, THE (1987)
JINGO
¯ (1987)
Thomas P. Kasulis
Northland College, Ashland,
Renée Kahane
Ephraim Kanarfogel
Wisconsin
University of Illinois, Urbana-
Yeshiva University
NIRVA
¯ N.A (1987)
Champaign
RABBINATE: THE RABBINATE IN PRE-
MODERN JUDAISM (2005)
Nathan Katz
ALCHEMY: HELLENISTIC AND
TOSAFOT [FURTHER
Florida International University
MEDIEVAL ALCHEMY (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
BHA¯VAVIVEKA (1987)
GRAIL, THE (1987)
Charles Kannengiesser
JUDAISM: JUDAISM IN ASIA (2005)
Kajiyama Yu¯ichi
University of Notre Dame
Paul R. Katz
Kyoto University
ARIANISM (1987)
Academia Sinica
MA¯DHYAMIKA (1987)
ATHANASIUS (1987)
TAIWANESE RELIGIONS (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxiii
Steven T. Katz
Michael A. Kerze
Noel Q. King
Cornell University
California State University,
University of California, Santa Cruz
HOLOCAUST, THE: JEWISH
Northridge
and Guru Nanak Dev University,
THEOLOGICAL RESPONSES (1987)
EUCLID (1987)
Amritsar, India
Kawahashi Noriko
NUMBERS: BINARY SYMBOLISM (1987)
THEODOSIUS (1987 AND 2005)
Nagoya Institute of Technology
PTOLEMY (1987)
Ursula King
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
Veselin Kesich
University of Bristol
AND JAPANESE RELIGIONS (2005)
Saint Vladimir’s Orthodox
GENDER AND RELIGION: AN
Leslie S. Kawamura
Theological Seminary, Crestwood,
OVERVIEW (2005)
University of Calgary
New York
NUNS: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
ATI¯S´A (1987)
VIA NEGATIVA (1987)
PETRE, MAUDE DOMINICA (2005)
TA¯RA¯ (1987 AND 2005)
Michael Kessler
SMART, NINIAN (2005)
Eileen F. Kearney
University of Chicago
TEILHARD DE CHARDIN, PIERRE (2005)
University of Notre Dame
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW, RELIGION,
Winston L. King
ABELARD, PETER (1987)
AND MORALITY (2005)
Vanderbilt University (emeritus)
PETER LOMBARD (1987)
Charles F. Keyes
RELIGION [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Ian Keen
University of Washington
SUZUKI SHO
¯ SAN (1987)
Australian National University
THAI RELIGION (1987)
Karen Kingsley
DJAN’KAWU (2005)
PILGRIMAGE: BUDDHIST PILGRIMAGE
Tulane University
Roger M. Keesing
IN SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA
MONASTERY (1987)
Australian National University
(1987)
Jacob N. Kinnard
SOLOMON ISLANDS RELIGIONS (1987)
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS:
Iliff School of Theology
Charles W. Kegley
MAINLAND CULTURES (1987)
ICONOGRAPHY: BUDDHIST
California State College, Bakersfield
Majid Khadduri
ICONOGRAPHY (2005)
BRUNNER, EMIL (1987)
Johns Hopkins University
David Kinsley
Pita Kelekna
SHA
¯ FIEI¯, AL- (1987)
McMaster University
Fordham University, Lincoln Center
Abrahim H. Khan
AVATA¯RA (1987)
MUISCA RELIGION (1987)
Trinity College, University of Toronto
DEVOTION (1987)
Mary L. Keller
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
Hans Kippenberg
University of Wyoming
STUDY OF RELIGION IN SOUTH ASIA
University of Erfurt
SPIRIT POSSESSION: WOMEN AND
(2005)
APOSTASY (1987 AND 2005)
POSSESSION (2005)
Hasan-Uddin Khan
CODES AND CODIFICATION (1987)
Dennis F. Kelley
Roger Williams University
ICONOGRAPHY: ICONOGRAPHY AS
University of Missouri, Columbia
MOSQUE: ARCHITECTURAL ASPECTS
VISIBLE RELIGION [FIRST EDITION]
NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN
(2005)
(1987)
RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES (2005)
Madhu Khanna
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND
TOMOL (2005)
Wolfson College, University of Oxford
RELIGION IN THE ANCIENT
Morton Kelsey
YANTRA (1987)
MEDITERRANEAN WORLD (2005)
University of Notre Dame
Saleem Kidwai
Kishibe Shigeo
MIRACLES: MODERN PERSPECTIVES
Aligarh Muslim University
Tokyo
(1987)
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
OTHERWORLD (1987)
KHUSRAW, AMI¯R (1987)
JAPAN (1987)
Carolyn Bereznak Kenny
Richard Kieckhefer
University of California, Santa
Northwestern University
Joseph M. Kitagawa
Barbara
MAGIC: MAGIC IN MEDIEVAL AND
University of Chicago (emeritus)
HAIDA RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS (2005)
RENAISSANCE EUROPE (2005)
ELIADE, MIRCEA [FIRST EDITION]
(1987)
Lori Kenschaft
Hanna H. Kim
JAPANESE RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
Arlington, Massachusetts
New York University
(1987)
CHILD, LYDIA MARIA (2005)
SWAMINARAYAN MOVEMENT (2005)
RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES: RELIGION,
William M. Kephart
Yong-choon Kim
COMMUNITY, AND SOCIETY (1987)
University of Pennsylvania
University of Rhode Island
WACH, JOACHIM [FIRST EDITION]
HUTTERIAN BRETHREN (1987)
CH’O
˘ NDOGYO (1987)
(1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxiv
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
James M. Kittelson
Harold G. Koenig
Klaus-Peter Köpping
Ohio State University
Duke University Medical Center
University of Heidelberg
BUCER, MARTIN (1987)
HEALTH AND RELIGION (2005)
ANAMNESIS (1987)
Kimura Kiyotaka
John Koenig
BULL-ROARERS (1987)
University of Tokyo
General Theological Seminary, New
PANATHENAIA (1987)
DUSHUN (1987 AND 2005)
PROMETHEUS (1987 AND 2005)
York, New York
FAZANG (1987)
THIASOI (1987)
HOSPITALITY (1987 AND 2005)
ZHIYAN (1987)
Aaron K. Koseki
R. M. Koentjaraningrat
M. H. Klaiman
University of Illinois, Urbana-
Universitas Indonesia
Maplewood, Minnesota
Champaign
JAVANESE RELIGION (1987)
MASCULINE SACRALITY (1987)
JIZANG (1987)
Barry S. Kogan
Samuel Z. Klausner
SENGZHAO (1987)
Hebrew Union College–Jewish
University of Pennsylvania
Christine Kovic
Institute of Religion, Cincinnati
MARTYRDOM (1987)
University of Houston—Clear Lake
SAEADYAH GAON (1987)
Terry F. Kleeman
YEHUDAH HA-LEVI (1987)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
University of Colorado at Boulder
AND MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS
Etan Kohlberg
CHINESE RELIGION: HISTORY OF
(2005)
STUDY (2005)
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Martin Kraatz
IBN BA
¯ BAWAYHI (1987)
Inge Kleivan
MAJLISI¯, AL- (1987)
Philipps-Universität Marburg
Københavns Universitet
(retired)
INUIT RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS (1987)
Surindar Singh Kohli
FRICK, HEINRICH (1987 AND 2005)
SEDNA (1987)
Panjab University (emeritus)
David Kraemer
Hans J. Klimkeit
A¯DI GRANTH (1987)
Jewish Theological Seminary of
Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-
Livia Kohn
America
Universität Bonn
Boston University
ELEAZAR BEN EAZARYAH (1987)
SCHLEGEL, FRIEDRICH (1987)
DAO AND DE (2005)
ELIEEZER BEN HYRCANUS (1987)
Elmar Klinger
PRIESTHOOD: DAOIST PRIESTHOOD
GAMLIDEL OF YAVNEH (1987)
Bayerische-Julius-Maximilians-
(2005)
TANNAIM (1987)
Universität Würzburg
Leszek Kolakowski
Stella Kramrisch
REVENGE AND RETRIBUTION (1987)
All Souls College, University of
VOWS AND OATHS (1987)
Oxford, and University of Chicago
Philadelphia Museum of Art
ICONOGRAPHY: HINDU
W. Randolph Kloetzli
DESCARTES, RENÉ (1987)
ICONOGRAPHY (1987)
Washington, D.C.
GOOD, THE (1987)
S´IVA [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
COSMOLOGY: BUDDHIST
JASPERS, KARL (1987)
COSMOLOGY (1987)
PASCAL, BLAISE (1987)
Benny Kraut
COSMOLOGY: HINDU COSMOLOGY
QUIETISM (1987)
University of Cincinnati
(1987)
Robert Kolb
ADLER, FELIX (1987)
Keith N. Knapp
Concordia College, Saint Paul,
ETHICAL CULTURE (1987)
The Citadel
Minnesota
KOHLER, KAUFMANN (1987)
XIAO (2005)
FLACIUS, MATTHIAS (1987)
Howard Kreisel
David M. Knipe
Nikolai Konakov
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev
University of Wisconsin—Madison
Russian Academy of Science
PROPHECY: PROPHECY IN POST-
(emeritus)
KOMI RELIGION (2005)
BIBLICAL JUDAISM (2005)
EPICS (1987)
David Konstan
Angèle Kremer-Marietti
FIRE (2005)
Rosny-sous-Bois, France
PRAJA¯PATI (1987)
Wesleyan University
COMTE, AUGUSTE (1987)
PRIESTHOOD: HINDU PRIESTHOOD
OCEANS (1987)
POSITIVISM (1987)
(1987)
David Kopf
TAPAS (1987)
Minneapolis, Minnesota
Edgar Krentz
Alexander Knysh
TRANSCULTURATION AND RELIGION:
Lutheran School of Theology at
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
RELIGION IN THE FORMATION OF
Chicago
JUNAYD, AL- (2005)
MODERN INDIA (2005)
REFERENCE WORKS (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxv
Jeffrey J. Kripal
John Lagerwey
AbdAlla¯h Laroui
Rice University
École Pratique des Hautes Études,
Université Mohammed V, Rabat
PHALLUS AND VAGINA (2005)
Paris
ISLAM: ISLAM IN NORTH AFRICA (1987)
SEXUALITY: AN OVERVIEW [FURTHER
DAOISM: THE DAOIST RELIGIOUS
Amado J. Láscar
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
COMMUNITY (1987)
Ohio University
PRIESTHOOD: DAOIST PRIESTHOOD
Björn Krondorfer
ZAPATISMO AND INDIGENOUS
(1987)
St. Mary’s College of Maryland
RESISTANCE (2005)
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
MEN’S STUDIES IN RELIGION (2005)
DAOIST DEVOTIONAL LIFE (1987
Daniel J. Lasker
AND 2005)
John D. Krugler
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev
XIAN (2005)
Marquette University
ALBO, YOSEF (1987)
ZHENREN (1987 AND 2005)
BLASPHEMY: JEWISH CONCEPT (2005)
CALVERT, GEORGE (1987)
Arzina R. Lalani
James E. Latham
Kubo Noritada
Institute of Ismaili Studies, London
American College in Paris
Rikkyo University
JAEFAR AL-S.A¯DIQ (2005)
BREAD (1987)
LIU DEREN [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Louise Lamphere
FOOD (1987)
WANG ZHE (1987)
Brown University
LEAVEN (1987)
XIAO BAOZHEN (1987)
NAVAJO RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
SALT (1987)
Hilda Kuper
(1987)
Quentin Lauer
University of California, Los Angeles
Lewis R. Lancaster
Fordham University, Bronx
(emeritus)
University of California, Berkeley
HEGEL, G. W. F. (1987)
SWAZI RELIGION (1987)
(emeritus); President, University of the
Jean-Pierre Laurant
Janı¯na Kursı¯te
West
Centre National de la Recherche
BUDDHIST BOOKS AND TEXTS:
University of Latvia
Scientifique, Paris
CANON AND CANONIZATION (1987
BALTIC RELIGION: HISTORY OF STUDY
AND 2005)
BURCKHARDT, TITUS (2005)
(2005)
MAITREYA (1987)
Bruce B. Lawrence
BALTIC SANCTUARIES (2005)
Günter Lanczkowski
Duke University
MA¯RA (AND GREAT MOTHERS) (2005)
Ruprecht-Karl-Universität Heidelberg
BI¯RU
¯ NI¯, AL- (1987)
TWINS: BALTIC TWIN DEITIES (2005)
BERTHOLET, ALFRED (1987)
KHA
¯ NAGA¯H (1987)
Kenshi Kusano
NUBU
¯ WAH (2005)
Gary G. Land
Otani University
SHAHRASTA
¯ NI¯, AL- (1987)
Andrews University
RENNYO (2005)
SHAHRASTA
¯ NI¯, AL- (1987)
SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTISM (2005)
Matti Kuusi
Frederick G. Lawrence
Hermann Landolt
Helsingin Yliopisto
Boston College
Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill
POLITICAL THEOLOGY (1987)
ILMARINEN (1987)
University
LEMMINKÄINEN (1987)
WALA¯YAH (1987)
Peter Lawrence
VÄINÄMÖINEN (1987)
David Christopher Lane
University of Sydney
Per Kvaerne
Mount San Antonio College
CARGO CULTS [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
NEW GUINEA RELIGIONS [FIRST
Universiteit i Oslo
ECKANKAR (2005)
EDITION] (1987)
BON (1987 AND 2005)
Ruth Langer
TIBETAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
Edmund Leach
Boston College
(1987 AND 2005)
University of Cambridge (emeritus)
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
STRUCTURALISM [FIRST EDITION]
André LaCocque
JEWISH WORSHIP (2005)
(1987)
Chicago Theological Seminary
J. Stephen Lansing
Gary Lease
SIN AND GUILT (1987)
University of Southern California
BALINESE RELIGION (1987)
University of California, Santa Cruz
Catherine Mowry LaCugna
MEGALITHIC RELIGION: HISTORICAL
MERCIER, DÉSIRÉ JOSEPH (1987)
University of Notre Dame
CULTURES (1987)
Miguel C. Leatham
TRINITY (1987)
Richard W. Lariviere
Texas Christian University
William R. LaFleur
University of Texas at Austin
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
University of California, Los Angeles
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN LATIN
BIOGRAPHY (1987)
RELIGION IN HINDUISM (2005)
AMERICA (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxvi
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Jean Leclercq
Leonard H. Lesko
Guenter Lewy
Abbaye Saint-Maurice, Clervaux
Brown University
University of Massachusetts, Amherst
BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX (1987)
AMUN (1987)
REVOLUTION (1987)
ATUM (1987)
David Adams Leeming
Richard L. Libowitz
EGYPTIAN RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
University of Connecticut, Storrs
Saint Joseph’s University
(1987)
QUESTS (1987 AND 2005)
HATHOR (1987)
KAPLAN, MORDECAI (1987 AND 2005)
Gordon Leff
HORUS (1987)
Murray H. Lichtenstein
University of York
OSIRIS (1987)
Hunter College, City University of
CATHARI (1987)
PTAH (1987)
New York
WALDENSIANS (1987 AND 2005)
RE (1987)
H
. OKHMAH (1987)
WILLIAM OF OCKHAM (1987 AND 2005)
SETH (1987)
THOTH (1987)
Charles S. Liebman
Frederic K. Lehman (Chit Hlaing)
Julia Leslie
Bar-Ilan University
University of Illinois, Urbana-
(deceased)
ORTHODOX JUDAISM [FIRST
Champaign
EDITION] (1987)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
BURMESE RELIGION (1987)
AND HINDUISM (2005)
Samuel N. C. Lieu
Lisa Soleymani Lehmann
SATI (2005)
Macquarie University, Sydney
Harvard Medical School and Brigham
William A. Lessa
MANICHAEISM: MANICHAEISM IN
and Women’s Hospital
University of California, Los Angeles
CENTRAL ASIA AND CHINA (2005)
MEDICAL ETHICS (2005)
(emeritus)
MANICHAEISM: MANICHAEISM IN
John H. Leith
THE ROMAN EMPIRE (2005)
MICRONESIAN RELIGIONS: AN
Union Theological Seminary,
OVERVIEW (1987)
Bruce Lincoln
Richmond
Rebecca M. Lesses
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
FAREL, GUILLAUME (1987)
Ithaca College
BEVERAGES (1987)
KNOX, JOHN (1987)
LILITH (2005)
CATTLE (1987)
PRESBYTERIANISM, REFORMED (1987)
DISMEMBERMENT (1987)
Miriam Levering
Mary Joan Winn Leith
HUMAN BODY: MYTHS AND
University of Tennessee, Knoxville
SYMBOLISM (1987)
Stonehill College
KS.ITIGARBHA (1987)
INDO-EUROPEAN RELIGIONS: AN
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
Baruch A. Levine
OVERVIEW (1987)
AND ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN
New York University
INITIATION: WOMEN’S INITIATION
RELIGIONS (2005)
BIBLICAL TEMPLE (1987)
(1987)
David Lelyveld
LEVITES (1987)
WAR AND WARRIORS: AN OVERVIEW
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
PRIESTHOOD: JEWISH PRIESTHOOD
(1987)
AMEER ALI, SYED (1987)
(1987)
David C. Lindberg
Harris Lenowitz
Lee I. Levine
University of Wisconsin—Madison
University of Utah
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
PECHAM, JOHN (1987)
DÖNMEH (2005)
PATRIARCHATE (2005)
John Lindow
FRANK, JACOB (2005)
Nehemia Levtzion
University of California, Berkeley
Bill Leonard
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
BALDR (2005)
Wake Forest University
ISLAM: ISLAM IN SUB-SAHARAN
BERSERKERS (1987 AND 2005)
BAPTIST CHURCHES (2005)
AFRICA (1987)
FYLGJUR (1987 AND 2005)
Miguel Léon-Portilla
Leonard W. Levy
LANDVÆTTIR (1987 AND 2005)
LOKI (2005)
Institute of Historical Research,
Claremont Graduate School
VALHO
˛ LL (1987 AND 2005)
National University of Mexico
BLASPHEMY: CHRISTIAN CONCEPT
(1987)
VALKYRIES (1987 AND 2005)
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS: PRE-
COLUMBIAN RELIGIONS (1987 AND
F. D. Lewis
Galina Lindquist
2005)
Emory University
University of Stockholm
Françoise Le Roux
T.ARI¯QAH (2005)
SHAMANISM: NEOSHAMANISM (2005)
Université de Haute Bretagne
Leonard Lewisohn
Elaine Lindsay
EPONA (1987)
Institute of Ismaili Studies, London
Sydney, Australia
MAPONOS (1987)
EAT.T.A¯R, FARI¯D AL-DI¯N (2005)
FICTION: AUSTRALIAN FICTION AND
MATRES (1987)
BIST.A¯MI¯, ABU¯ YAZI¯D AL- (2005)
RELIGION (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxvii
Gillian Lindt
Naftali Loewenthal
Phillip Charles Lucas
Columbia University
University College London
Stetson University
LEADERSHIP (1987)
SCHNEERSON, MENACHEM M. (2005)
ASSOCIATION FOR RESEARCH AND
Edward Lipin´ski
ENLIGHTENMENT (2005)
Roger Ivar Lohmann
CHURCH UNIVERSAL AND
Catholic University of Leuven,
Trent University
TRIUMPHANT (2005)
Belgium
CULTURE (2005)
HOLY ORDER OF MANS (2005)
ADAD (2005)
Charles H. Long
PROPHET, MARK AND ELIZABETH
ADONIS (2005)
CLARE (2005)
ATHIRAT (2005)
University of California, Santa
RELIGIOUS BROADCASTING (2005)
RESHEF (2005)
Barbara (emeritus)
Rodney Lucas
John Lippitt
ANCESTORS: MYTHIC ANCESTORS
Adelaide University
University of Hertfordshire
(1987)
COSMOGONY (1987)
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS
HUMOR AND RELIGION: HUMOR,
RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
POPULAR RELIGION (1987)
IRONY, AND THE COMIC IN
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
TRANSCULTURATION AND RELIGION:
WESTERN THEOLOGY AND
Theodore M. Ludwig
PHILOSOPHY (2005)
AN OVERVIEW (2005)
Valparaiso University
Roger Lipsey
J. Bruce Long
GODS AND GODDESSES (1987 AND
New York, New York
Claremont Graduate School
2005)
COOMARASWAMY, ANANDA (1987)
LIFE (1987)
INCANTATION (1987)
REINCARNATION (1987)
Donald P. Little
MONOTHEISM (1987 AND 2005)
UNDERWORLD (1987)
Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill
ORDINATION (1987 AND 2005)
WEBS AND NETS (1987)
University
Katharine Luomala
CRUSADES: MUSLIM PERSPECTIVE
Jerome H. Long
University of Hawaii, Manoa
(1987)
Wesleyan University
(emeritus)
MA¯WARDI¯, AL- (1987)
CULTURE HEROES (1987)
HAWAIIAN RELIGION (1987)
C. Scott Littleton
Donald S. Lopez, Jr.
MICRONESIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC
Occidental College
THEMES (1987)
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
MA¯UI (1987)
DUMÉZIL, GEORGES (2005)
BUDDHIST STUDIES (2005)
INDO-EUROPEAN RELIGIONS:
Manfred Lurker
HISTORY OF STUDY (1987 AND 2005)
David N. Lorenzen
Forschungskreis für Symbolik,
WAR AND WARRIORS: INDO-
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de
Salzburg
EUROPEAN BELIEFS AND PRACTICES
México
SNAKES (1987)
(1987 AND 2005)
DURGA¯ HINDUISM (1987)
F. Stanley Lusby
B. A. Litvinskii
GORA
¯ KHNA¯TH (1987)
University of Tennessee, Knoxville
Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R.,
HAT.HAYOGA (1987)
HASTINGS, JAMES (1987)
Moscow
S´AIVISM: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
HAYDON, A. EUSTACE (1987)
S´AIVISM: KA
¯ PA¯LIKAS (1987)
PREHISTORIC RELIGIONS: THE
HEAVEN AND HELL (1987)
EURASIAN STEPPES AND INNER ASIA
S´AIVISM: PA
¯ S´UPATAS (1987)
LAITY (1987)
(1987)
S´AN
˙ KARA (1987)
MOORE, GEORGE FOOT (1987)
SHEEP AND GOATS (1987)
David W. Lotz
Philip Lutgendorf
James J. Y. Liu
Union Theological Seminary,
University of Iowa
Stanford University
New York
MONKEYS (2005)
POETRY: CHINESE RELIGIOUS POETRY
HARNACK, ADOLF VON (1987)
John E. Lynch
(1987)
PAUCK, WILHELM (1987)
Catholic University of America
James C. Livingston
RICHARDSON, CYRIL C. (1987)
CHURCH: CHURCH POLITY (1987 AND
College of William and Mary
RITSCHL, ALBRECHT (1987)
2005)
MARITAIN, JACQUES (1987)
Steven M. Lowenstein
Arabella Lyon
Ann Loades
University of Judaism, Los Angeles
State University of New York at
University of Durham (emeritus)
SOFER, MOSHEH (1987)
Buffalo
SAYERS, DOROTHY L. (2005)
Juan Manuel Lozano
LANGER, SUSANNE (2005)
Michael Loewe
Claret House, Chicago
John J. MacAloon
University of Cambridge
EREMITISM (1987)
University of Chicago
XI WANG MU (1987)
RETREAT (1987)
GAMES (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxviii
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Proinsias Mac Cana
Kenneth Maddock
KARMAN: HINDU AND JAIN
(deceased)
Macquarie University
CONCEPTS (1987)
CELTIC RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
ALL-FATHER (1987)
R.TA (1987)
(1987 AND 2005)
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS
SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE (1987)
CONALL CERNACH (1987 AND 2005)
RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
UPANIS.ADS (1987)
FERGHUS MAC ROICH (1987 AND 2005)
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Bernhard Maier
HEAD: THE CELTIC HEAD CULT (1987
HARTLAND, E. SIDNEY (1987)
University of Bonn
AND 2005)
HOWITT, A. W. (1987)
DRUIDS (2005)
SÍDH (1987 AND 2005)
Wilfred Madelung
John S. Major
TÁIN BÓ CUAILNGE (1987 AND 2005)
Oriental Institute, University of
Asia Society, New York
Carol P. MacCormack
Oxford
QI (1987)
London School of Hygiene and
IMAMATE (1987)
SHANGDI (1987)
Tropical Medicine, University of
SHIISM: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
George Makdisi
London
SHIISM: ISMA
¯ EI¯LI¯YAH (1987)
University of Pennsylvania
CLITORIDECTOMY (1987)
Enrique Maestas
H
. ANA
¯ BILAH (1987)
Judith Macdonald
Cuelgahen Nde Lipan Apache of Texas
IBN TAYMI¯YAH (1987)
University of Waikato, New Zealand
APACHE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
John Makeham
(2005)
ATUA (2005)
University of Adelaide
FIRTH, RAYMOND (2005)
Michel Maffesoli
MOZI (2005)
TIKOPIA RELIGION (2005)
Université Sorbonne Paris V
John Makransky
Mary N. MacDonald
ORGY: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
Boston College
Le Moyne College, Syracuse, New York
Elaine Magalis
TATHA¯GATA (2005)
GARDENS: GARDENS IN INDIGENOUS
New York, New York
Krikor H. Maksoudian
TRADITIONS (2005)
ANCHOR (1987)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
CROWN (1987)
Arlington, Massachusetts
AND OCEANIC RELIGIONS (2005)
DIAMOND (1987)
GREGORY THE ILLUMINATOR (1987)
LAWRENCE, PETER (2005)
FEET (1987)
MASHTOTSE, MESROP (1987)
NEW GUINEA RELIGIONS [FURTHER
KEYS (1987)
NERSE¯S THE GREAT (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
NIMBUS (1987)
SAHAK PARTHEV (1987)
SPIRITUALITY (2005)
Shaul Magid
Michael Maliszewski
Wyatt MacGaffey
Indiana University
University of Chicago
Haverford College
HASIDISM: HABAD HASIDISM (2005)
MARTIAL ARTS: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
KINGSHIP: KINGSHIP IN SUB-SAHARAN
JEWISH RENEWAL MOVEMENT (2005)
George A. Maloney
AFRICA (1987 AND 2005)
Sabina Magliocco
Saint Patrick’s Novitiate, Midway
Geddes MacGregor
California State University,
City, California
University of Southern California
Northridge
SYMEON THE NEW THEOLOGIAN (1987)
DOUBT AND BELIEF (1987)
WITCHCRAFT: CONCEPTS OF
Lawrence H. Mamiya
SOUL: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS (1987)
WITCHCRAFT (2005)
Vassar College
Elizabeth Mackinlay
Aldo Magris
ELIJAH MUHAMMAD (1987 AND 2005)
University of Queensland
University of Trieste
MALCOLM X (1987)
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
GNOSTICISM: GNOSTICISM FROM ITS
Peter Manchester
INDIGENOUS AUSTRALIA (2005)
ORIGINS TO THE MIDDLE AGES
State University of New York at Stony
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Sam Mackintosh
Brook
KERÉNYI, KÁROLY (2005)
Saint Joseph’s University
ETERNITY (1987)
STOICISM (2005)
DOMESTIC OBSERVANCES: CHRISTIAN
Pietro Mander
Jean-Pierre Mahé
PRACTICES (1987)
Universita’ di Napoli “L’Orientale,”
Université de Paris III (Sorbonne-
John Macquarrie
Italy
Nouvelle)
Christ Church, University of Oxford
ASHUR (2005)
HERMES TRISMEGISTOS (1987)
DUMUZI (2005)
EXISTENTIALISM (1987)
William K. Mahony
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
Mark W. MacWilliams
Davidson College
AND MEDICINE IN THE ANCIENT
St. Lawrence University
CAKRAVARTIN (1987)
NEAR EAST (2005)
CAMPBELL, JOSEPH (2005)
ENLIGHTENMENT (1987 AND 2005)
KINGSHIP: KINGSHIP IN THE ANCIENT
NAKAYAMA MIKI (2005)
FLIGHT (1987)
MEDITERRANEAN WORLD (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxix
MESOPOTAMIAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY
Michael E. Marmura
Martin E. Marty
OF STUDY (2005)
University of Toronto
University of Chicago
SOUL: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN
FALSAFAH (1987)
PAUL VI (1987)
CONCEPTS (2005)
SOUL: ISLAMIC CONCEPTS (1987)
PROTESTANTISM (1987)
UTU (2005)
SCHWEITZER, ALBERT (1987)
George M. Marsden
Clyde L. Manschreck
University of Notre Dame
Maxwell Gay Marwick
Rice University
EVANGELICAL AND FUNDAMENTAL
Chipping Norton, England
MELANCHTHON, PHILIPP (1987)
CHRISTIANITY (1987 AND 2005)
WITCHCRAFT: AFRICAN WITCHCRAFT
Georgios I. Mantzaridis
(1987)
Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyud Marsot
Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki
University of California, Los Angeles
Attilio Mastrocinque
GREGORY PALAMAS (1987)
University of Verona
MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD (1987)
HERMES (2005)
Pierre Maranda
Dale B. Martin
LARES (2005)
Université Laval, Québec
Yale University
OSIRIS (2005)
SOLOMON ISLANDS RELIGIONS (2005)
ANGLICANISM (2005)
Tomoko Masuzawa
Grazia Marchianò
Joel W. Martin
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
University of Siena, Arezzo
University of California, Riverside
WORLD RELIGIONS (2005)
ZOLLA, ELÉMIRE (2005)
TECUMSEH (2005)
Richard B. Mather
Francisco Marco Simón
James Alfred Martin, Jr.
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
Universidad de Zaragoza
Wake Forest University (emeritus);
KOU QIANZHI (1987)
FLAMEN (2005)
Columbia University (emeritus)
Bimal Krishna Matilal
IBERIAN RELIGION (2005)
AESTHETICS: PHILOSOPHICAL
All Souls College, University of Oxford
Clemente Marconi
AESTHETICS (1987 AND 2005)
CA¯RVA¯KA (1987)
Columbia University
Judith G. Martin
GAUD
. APA
¯ DA (1987)
TEMPLE: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN
JÑA¯NA (1987)
University of Dayton
AND MEDITERRANEAN TEMPLES
MI¯MA¯M
. SA¯ (1987)
ASHRAM (2005)
(2005)
NIMBA¯RKA (1987)
Kathleen J. Martin
VIJÑA
¯ NABHIKS
Ileana Marcoulesco
.U (1987)
California Polytechnic State
International Circle for Research in
Matsumae Takeshi
University
Philosophy, Houston
Ritsumeikan University
LAKOTA RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
FREE WILL AND DETERMINISM (1987)
IZANAGI AND IZANAMI (1987)
(2005)
INTUITION (1987)
Bruce Matthews
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
REDEMPTION (1987)
Acadia University
OF THE PLAINS (2005)
David Marcus
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS
Nancy M. Martin
Jewish Theological Seminary of
AND BUDDHISM (2005)
Chapman University
America
Walter Harding Maurer
MIRABAI (2005)
ENLIL (1987)
University of Hawaii, Manoa
ISRAELITE LAW: PROPERTY LAW (1987)
R. M. Martin
PAÑCATANTRA (1987)
NANNA (1987)
(deceased)
Laurent Mayali
NERGAL (1987)
LOGIC (1987)
University of California, Berkeley
SEMANTICS (1987)
Ivan G. Marcus
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND
Jewish Theological Seminary of
Richard C. Martin
RELIGION IN MEDIEVAL EUROPE
America
Arizona State University
(2005)
ASHKENAZIC HASIDISM (1987)
LEFT AND RIGHT (1987)
Mayeda Sengaku
JUDAISM: JUDAISM IN NORTHERN
PILGRIMAGE: MUSLIM PILGRIMAGE
University of Tokyo
AND EASTERN EUROPE TO 1500
(1987)
NANJO
¯ BUNYU¯ (1987)
(1987)
TILA¯WAH (1987)
Ann Elizabeth Mayer
RASHI (1987)
Paul V. Martinson
Wharton School of the University of
Nanno Marinatos
Lutheran Northwestern Seminary,
Pennsylvania
University of Illinois
Saint Paul, Minnesota
ISLAMIC LAW: SHARI¯EAH (1987 AND
AEGEAN RELIGIONS (2005)
MORRISON, ROBERT (1987)
2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxx
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Michel M. Mazzaoui
Ian A. McFarland
William H. McNeill
University of Utah
University of Aberdeen
Colebrook, Connecticut
EALAWI¯YU¯N (1987)
JUSTIFICATION (2005)
MIGRATION AND RELIGION (1987)
Jane Dammen McAuliffe
Bernard McGinn
James Kale McNeley
Emory University
University of Chicago Divinity School
Diné College
EA¯DISHAH BINT ABI¯ BAKR (1987)
ANTICHRIST (1987 AND 2005)
ATHAPASKAN RELIGIOUS
TRADITIONS: ATHAPASKAN
William Leon McBride
MYSTICAL UNION IN JUDAISM,
CHRISTIANITY, AND ISLAM (2005)
CONCEPTS OF WIND AND POWER
Purdue University
(2005)
ROUSSEAU, JEAN-JACQUES (1987)
Thomas McGonigle
Dominican Motherhouse, Sinsinawa,
John R. McRae
Richard P. McBrien
Wisconsin
Indiana University
University of Notre Dame
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: CHINESE
DOMINIC (1987)
ROMAN CATHOLICISM [FIRST
BUDDHISM (2005)
DOMINICANS (1987)
EDITION] (1987)
CHAN (2005)
William McGuire
Ernest G. McClain
HUINENG (2005)
Princeton University Press
Brooklyn College, City University of
Joseph M. McShane
KERÉNYI, KÁROLY (1987)
New York (emeritus)
Le Moyne College
NEUMANN, ERICH (1987)
GEOMETRY (1987)
GIBBONS, JAMES (1987)
C. T. McIntire
LEO XIII (1987)
Sara L. McClintock
University of Toronto
University of Wisconsin—Madison
C. A. Meier
FREE WILL AND PREDESTINATION:
KAMALAS´I¯LA (2005)
Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule,
CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS (1987 AND
S´A¯NTARAKS.ITA (2005)
Zurich
2005)
ASKLEPIOS (1987)
Aminah Beverly McCloud
HISTORY: CHRISTIAN VIEWS (1987
DePaul University
AND 2005)
Michael W. Meister
ISLAM: ISLAM IN THE AMERICAS (2005)
University of Pennsylvania
Catherine McKenna
KRAMRISCH, STELLA (2005)
James F. McCue
Queens College and the Graduate
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE
University of Iowa
Center, City University of New York
COMPOUNDS IN SOUTH ASIA (2005)
CLEMENT OF ROME (1987)
BRIGHID (2005)
TEMPLE: HINDU TEMPLES (1987)
PETER THE APOSTLE (1987)
Alyce M. McKenzie
Renée Levine Melammed
Rachel Fell McDermott
Southern Methodist University
Schechter Institute of Jewish Studies,
Barnard College
PARABLES AND PROVERBS (2005)
Jerusalem
BENGALI RELIGIONS (2005)
Edward H. McKinley
MARRANOS (2005)
GODDESS WORSHIP: THE HINDU
Asbury College
Sabine Melchior-Bonnet
GODDESS (2005)
BOOTH, WILLIAM (1987 AND 2005)
Collège de France
Robert A. McDermott
SALVATION ARMY (1987 AND 2005)
MIRRORS (2005)
California Institute of Integral Studies
Ian McMorran
J. Gordon Melton
ANTHROPOSOPHY (1987 AND 2005)
Oriental Institute, University of
Institute for the Study of American
MONISM (1987)
Oxford
Religion
RADHAKRISHNAN, SARVEPALLI (1987)
WANG FUZHI (1987)
HUBBARD, L. RON (2005)
STEINER, RUDOLF (1987 AND 2005)
I AM (2005)
I. J. McMullen
Heather McDonald
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS:
Oriental Institute, University of
Australian Institute of Aboriginal and
HISTORY OF STUDY (2005)
Oxford
Torres Strait Islander Studies
NUWAUBIANS (2005)
KUMAZAWA BANZAN (1987)
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS
SCIENTOLOGY (2005)
RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS
Ernan McMullin
Annabelle M. Melville
MOVEMENTS (2005)
University of Notre Dame
Bridgewater, Massachusetts
Sheila McDonough
MATERIALISM (1987)
SETON, ELIZABETH (1987)
Concordia University
Michael D. McNally
Paul R. Mendes-Flohr
MAWDU
¯ DI¯, SAYYID ABU¯ AL-AELA¯ (1987)
Carleton College
Hewbrew University of Jerusalem
ORTHODOXY AND HETERODOXY
NATIVE AMERICAN CHRISTIANITIES
JEWISH THOUGHT AND PHILOSOPHY:
(1987)
(2005)
MODERN THOUGHT (1987 AND 2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxxi
Ruth I. Meserve
EVANS-PRITCHARD, E. E. (1987)
CANDRAKI¯RTI (1987)
Indiana University, Bloomington
LUGBARA RELIGION (1987)
S´I¯LABHADRA (1987)
INNER ASIAN RELIGIONS (1987)
MAGIC: THEORIES OF MAGIC (1987
Paul M. Minus
AND 2005)
Michel Meslin
Methodist Theological School in Ohio
NUER AND DINKA RELIGION (1987)
Université de Paris IV (Paris-
(retired)
Sorbonne)
Thomas Mikelson
RAUSCHENBUSCH, WALTER (1987 AND
BAPTISM (1987)
Cambridge, Massachusetts
2005)
EYE (1987)
LEGITIMATION (1987)
Nathan D. Mitchell
HEAD: SYMBOLISM AND RITUAL USE
Silvia Milanezi
Dallas, Texas
(1987)
École des Hautes Études en Sciences
RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES:
HEART (1987)
Sociales, Collège de France
CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS ORDERS (1987)
Ellen Messer
MUSES (1987)
Ogi Mitsuo
George Washington University
Alan L. Miller
Niigata University
RAPPAPORT, ROY A. (2005)
Miami University, Oxford, Ohio
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
Peter Metcalf
(emeritus)
JAPAN (2005)
University of Virginia
JAPANESE RELIGIONS: POPULAR
Miyakawa Hisayuki
BORNEAN RELIGIONS (1987)
RELIGION (1987 AND 2005)
Kanagawa, Japan
TOMBS (2005)
POWER (1987 AND 2005)
LIANG WUDI (1987)
Jeffrey F. Meyer
Barbara Stoler Miller
PARAMA¯RTHA (1987)
University of North Carolina at
Barnard College, Columbia University
TANYAO (1987)
Charlotte
JAYADEVA (1987)
XINXING (1987)
TOWERS (2005)
James Miller
Miyamoto Youtaro
Michael A. Meyer
Queen’s University
Kansai University
Hebrew Union College–Jewish
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY
SHOTOKU TAISHI (2005)
Institute of Religion, Cincinnati
AND DAOISM (2005)
Judith S. Modell
REFORM JUDAISM (1987 AND 2005)
Stuart S. Miller
Carnegie-Mellon University
Paul Meyvaert
University of Connecticut
BENEDICT, RUTH (1987)
Medieval Academy of America,
BEIT HILLEL AND BEIT SHAMMAI
A. George Molland
Cambridge, Massachusetts
(1987)
University of Aberdeen
BEDE (1987)
GAMLI’EL THE ELDER (1987 AND 2005)
BACON, ROGER (1987)
GREGORY I (1987)
HILLEL (1987 AND 2005)
HINCMAR (1987)
Arnaldo Momigliano
Timothy Miller
INNOCENT I (1987)
(deceased)
University of Kansas
FORTUNA (1987)
Susan O. Michelman
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
HISTORIOGRAPHY: WESTERN STUDIES
University of Kentucky
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN THE
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
CLOTHING: CLOTHING AND
UNITED STATES (2005)
PENATES (1987)
RELIGION IN THE WEST (2005)
William D. Miller
ROMAN RELIGION: THE IMPERIAL
Michio Araki
Lloyd, Florida
PERIOD (1987)
University of Tsukuba
SIBYLLINE ORACLES (1987)
DAY, DOROTHY (1987)
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: JAPANESE
WEIL, SIMONE (1987)
Bruce W. Monserud
BUDDHISM (1987)
University of Florida
KAMI (2005)
Kenneth Mills
BENNETT, JOHN G. (2005)
TRANSCULTURATION AND RELIGION:
University of Toronto
RELIGION IN THE FORMATION OF
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
William Monter
MODERN JAPAN (2005)
OF THE COLONIAL ANDES (2005)
Northwestern University (emeritus)
Robert Middlekauff
Margaret A. Mills
INQUISITION, THE: THE INQUISITION
IN THE OLD WORLD (2005)
Huntington Library, San Marino,
Ohio State University
California
FOLK RELIGION: FOLK ISLAM (2005)
Dominic V. Monti
MATHER FAMILY (1987)
ORAL TRADITION (1987)
St. Bonaventure University
John Middleton
Mimaki Katsumi
FRANCISCANS (1987 AND 2005)
Yale University
Kyoto University
Joseph N. Moody
EAST AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN
A
¯ RYADEVA (1987)
Boston College, Saint John’s Seminary
OVERVIEW (1987)
BUDDHAPA¯LITA (1987)
GALLICANISM (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxxii
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Beverly Moon
John Morton
Francis X. Murphy
New York, New York
La Trobe University
Holy Redeemer College, Washington
ARCHETYPES (1987)
GILLEN, FRANCIS JAMES, AND
D.C.
PEARL (1987)
BALDWIN SPENCER (2005)
JOHN XXIII (1987)
Catherine M. Mooney
RÓHEIM, GÉZA (2005)
Joseph M. Murphy
Weston Jesuit School of Theology
Lotte Motz
Georgetown University
NUNS: CHRISTIAN NUNS AND SISTERS
Hunter College, City University of
SANTERÍA (1987)
(2005)
New York
Barbara G. Myerhoff
Alexander Moore
DVERGAR (1987)
(deceased)
University of California, Los Angeles
Richard M. Moyle
RITES OF PASSAGE: AN OVERVIEW
CUNA RELIGION (1987)
University of Auckland
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Peter Moore
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
Jody Elizabeth Myers
University of Kent
OCEANIA (2005)
California State University,
MYSTICISM [FURTHER
Susanne Mrozik
Northridge
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Mount Holyoke College
KALISCHER, TSEVI HIRSCH (1987 AND
Rebecca Moore
S´A¯NTIDEVA (2005)
2005)
San Diego State University
Karol Mysliwiec
JONES, JIM (2005)
Lewis S. Mudge
San Francisco Theological Seminary
Polska Akademia Nauk, Warsaw
Walter L. Moore
CHURCH: ECCLESIOLOGY (2005)
ICONOGRAPHY: EGYPTIAN
Florida State University
ICONOGRAPHY (1987)
ECK, JOHANN (1987)
Ru¯ta Muktupa¯vela
Eden Naby
Matti Moosa
Latvian Academy of Culture
Harvard University
Gannon University
ANCESTORS: BALTIC CULT OF
EALI¯ SHI¯R NAVA¯DI¯ (1987)
NESTORIAN CHURCH (1987)
ANCESTORS (2005)
Pamela S. Nadell
Claudio Moreschini
Valdis Muktupa¯vels
American University
University of Pisa
University of Latvia
CONSERVATIVE JUDAISM (2005)
PLATONISM (2005)
BALTIC RELIGION: NEW RELIGIOUS
MOVEMENTS (2005)
Joseph F. Nagy
David Morgan
University of California, Los Angeles
Valparaiso University
Patrick B. Mullen
CELTIC RELIGION: HISTORY OF STUDY
VISUAL CULTURE AND RELIGION: AN
Ohio State University
(2005)
OVERVIEW (2005)
FOLKLORE (2005)
Kate Wildman Nakai
Michael L. Morgan
Werner Muller
Indiana University
Sophia University
Eberhard-Karls-Universität Tübingen
FUJIWARA SEIKA (1987)
FACKENHEIM, EMIL (2005)
(emeritus)
HAYASHI RAZAN (1987 AND 2005)
Morioka Kiyomi
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
YAMAZAKI ANSAI (1987 AND 2005)
Seijo University
OF THE FAR NORTH (1987)
Azim Nanji
RISSHO
¯ KO¯SEIKAI (1987)
Mark R. Mullins
Institute of Ismaili Studies, London
Howard Morphy
Sophia University
ASSASSINS (1987)
Centre for Cross-Cultural Research,
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN ASIA
GARDENS: ISLAMIC GARDENS (2005)
Australian National University
(2005)
ISLAM: AN OVERVIEW [FURTHER
ICONOGRAPHY: AUSTRALIAN
Hasan Qasim Murad
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
ABORIGINAL ICONOGRAPHY (1987
University of Karachi
ISLAMIC STUDIES [FURTHER
AND 2005)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
H
. ASAN AL-BAS.RI¯ (1987)
James Winston Morris
ZAKA¯T (2005)
Institute of Ismaili Studies, Paris
Murakami Shigeyoshi
Vasudha Narayanan
TAQI¯YAH (1987)
Tokyo
University of Florida
O
¯ MOTOKYO¯ (1987)
Lawrence P. Morris
DEVOTION (2005)
Fitzwilliam College
Murano Senchu
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY
AFTERLIFE: GERMANIC CONCEPTS
Nichiren Sect Mission of Hawaii
AND HINDUISM (2005)
(2005)
NIKKO
¯ (1987)
HINDUISM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxxiii
Karl J. Narr
Jacob Neusner
Robert Nisbet
Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität
Brown University
Columbia University
Münster
MISHNAH AND TOSEFTA (1987)
SOCIOLOGY: SOCIOLOGY AND
PALEOLITHIC RELIGION (1987)
RABBINIC JUDAISM IN LATE
RELIGION [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
ANTIQUITY (1987)
Kathleen S. Nash
David S. Nivison
YOH
. ANAN BEN ZAKK’AI (1987)
Le Moyne College, Syracuse, New York
Stanford University
KENYON, KATHLEEN (2005)
Venetia Newall
CHINESE PHILOSOPHY (1987 AND
University College, University of
Manning Nash
2005)
London
University of Chicago
LI (1987)
EGG (1987)
NATS (1987)
ZHANG XUECHENG (1987)
FAIRIES (1987)
Seyyed Hossein Nasr
Khaliq Ah.mad Nizami
Andrew B. Newberg
George Washington University
Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh,
University of Pennsylvania Health
DARWI¯SH (1987 AND 2005)
India
System
GUÉNON, RENÉ (1987 AND 2005)
SAMA¯E (1987)
NEUROSCIENCE AND RELIGION:
SHIISM: ITHNA¯ EASHARI¯YAH (1987 AND
S
NEUROEPISTEMOLOGY (2005)
.UH
. BAH (1987)
2005)
NEUROSCIENCE AND RELIGION:
J. H. Kwabena Nketia
Maurice Natanson
NEUROTHEOLOGY (2005)
University of Pittsburgh
Yale University
Gordon D. Newby
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN SUB-
SARTRE, JEAN-PAUL (1987)
Emory University
SAHARAN AFRICA (1987)
Walter G. Neevel, Jr.
KAEBAH (2005)
James Anthony Noel
University of Wisconsin—Madison
John W. Newman
San Francisco Theological Seminary
RAMAKRISHNA (1987)
Earlham College
AFRICAN-AMERICAN RELIGIONS: AN
YA¯MUNA (1987 AND 2005)
HALL, G. STANLEY (1987)
OVERVIEW (2005)
Lisias Noguera Negra¯o
Carol A. Newsom
ALLEN, RICHARD (2005)
Universidade de São Paulo
Emory University
CRUMMELL, ALEXANDER (2005)
KARDECISM (1987)
GARVEY, MARCUS (2005)
ECCLESIASTES (2005)
Stephen C. Neill
JOB (2005)
JONES, ABSALOM (2005)
(deceased)
LIELE, GEORGE (2005)
On-cho Ng
BONIFACE (1987)
SEYMOUR, WILLIAM (2005)
Pennsylvania State University
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN ASIA
TURNER, HENRY MCNEAL (2005)
LU XIANGSHAN (2005)
(1987)
Suzanne Noffke
MISSIONS: CHRISTIAN MISSIONS (1987)
Cuong Tu Nguyen
Sisters of Saint Dominic, Middleton,
WILLIBRORD (1987)
George Mason University
Wisconsin
John K. Nelson
STHIRAMATI (2005)
CATHERINE OF SIENA (1987)
University of San Francisco
H. B. Nicholson
Mary Lee Nolan
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS
University of California, Los Angeles
AND JAPANESE RELIGIONS (2005)
(emeritus)
Oregon State University
PILGRIMAGE: ROMAN CATHOLIC
Leon Nemoy
ICONOGRAPHY: MESOAMERICAN
PILGRIMAGE IN THE NEW WORLD
Annenberg Research Institute,
ICONOGRAPHY (1987)
(1987)
Philadelphia
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS:
E
POSTCLASSIC CULTURES (1987 AND
ANAN BEN DAVID (1987)
Hetty Nooy-Palm
2005)
KARAITES (1987)
Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen,
Tiran Nersoyan
Jørgen S. Nielsen
Amsterdam
New York, New York
University of Birmingham
TORAJA RELIGION (1987)
ISLAM: ISLAM IN MODERN EUROPE
ARMENIAN CHURCH (1987)
Richard A. Norris
(2005)
Eleanor Nesbitt
Union Theological Seminary, New York
Paul K. Nietupski
Cheylesmore, United Kingdom
GREGORY OF NYSSA (1987)
John Carroll University
GURU
¯ GRANTH SA¯HIB (2005)
ONTOLOGY (1987)
BUDDHIST BOOKS AND TEXTS:
THEURGY (1987)
Arnaldo Nesti
CANON AND CANONIZATION—
International Center for Studies on
VINAYA (2005)
Richard North
Contemporary Religions, Siena
MONASTICISM: BUDDHIST
University College London
IMPLICIT RELIGION (2005)
MONASTICISM (2005)
PAGANISM, ANGLO-SAXON (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxxiv
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Peter Nosco
Leo J. O’Donovan
John J. O’Meara
University of British Columbia
Society of Jesus, Maryland Province
University College, Dublin, National
CONFUCIANISM IN JAPAN (1987 AND
RAHNER, KARL (1987)
University of Ireland
2005)
ERIUGENA, JOHN SCOTTUS (1987)
Schubert M. Ogden
KOKUGAKU (2005)
Southern Methodist University
Thomas F. O’Meara
David Novak
BULTMANN, RUDOLF (1987)
University of Notre Dame
University of Toronto
ECKHART, JOHANNES (1987)
David Ògúngbilé
HALAKHAH: STRUCTURE OF
GRACE (1987)
Obafemi Awolowo University
HALAKHAH (1987)
SCHELLING, FRIEDRICH (1987 AND
KASHRUT (1987 AND 2005)
GOD: AFRICAN SUPREME BEINGS
2005)
(2005)
Philip Novak
Mary R. O’Neil
Dominican University of California
Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney
University of Washington
ATTENTION (1987 AND 2005)
University of Wisconsin—Madison
SUPERSTITION (1987)
AINU RELIGION (1987)
Ronald L. Numbers
Isabelle Onians
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
University of Wisconsin—Madison
University of Oxford
AND MEDICINE IN JAPAN (2005)
VAJRADHARA (2005)
SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTISM (1987)
VAJRAPA¯N
WHITE, ELLEN GOULD (1987)
Felix J. Oinas
. I (2005)
Indiana University, Bloomington
Johannes van Oort
Hugo G. Nutini
LÖNNROT, ELIAS (1987)
University of Utrecht / University of
University of Pittsburgh
TUONELA (1987)
Nijmegen
DAY OF THE DEAD (2005)
MANICHAEISM: MANICHAEISM AND
TLAXCALAN RELIGION (1987 AND
Oyeronke Olajubu
CHRISTIANITY (2005)
2005)
University of Ilorin
Eric M. Orlin
Guy Oakes
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
AND AFRICAN RELIGIOUS
University of Puget Sound
Monmouth College, West Long
TRADITIONS (2005)
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS
Branch, New Jersey
AND ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN
DILTHEY, WILHELM (1987)
Jennifer Oldstone-Moore
RELIGIONS (2005)
Wittenberg University
Francis Oakley
Heather S. Orr
SEIDEL, ANNA KATHARINA (2005)
Williams College
Western State College of Colorado
BONIFACE VIII (1987)
Maurice Olender
BALLGAMES: MESOAMERICAN
Gananath Obeyesekere
École Pratique des Hautes Études,
BALLGAMES (2005)
Princeton University
Collège de France
Charles D. Orzech
BAUBO (1987)
SINHALA RELIGION (1987)
University of North Carolina at
PRIAPUS (1987)
Susan O’Brien
Greensboro
Margaret Beaufort Institute of
Deise Lucy Oliveira Montardo
AMOGHAVAJRA (1987)
MAHA¯VAIROCANA (1987)
Theology, Cambridge, United
Anthropology Museum of the Federal
S´UBHA
¯ KARASM.HA (1987)
Kingdom
University of Santa Catarina
VAJRABODHI (1987)
WARD, MARY (2005)
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
ZHENYAN (1987)
SOUTH AMERICA (2005)
Joseph T. O’Connell
Juan M. Ossio
University of Toronto
Patrick Olivelle
Pontificia Universidad Católica del
CAITANYA (2005)
University of Texas at Austin
Perú
RITES OF PASSAGE: HINDU RITES (1987
Marvin R. O’Connell
MESSIANISM: SOUTH AMERICAN
AND 2005)
University of Notre Dame
MESSIANISM (2005)
SAM
. NYA
¯ SA (1987 AND 2005)
BELLARMINO, ROBERTO (1987)
Eckart Otto
BORROMEO, CARLO (1987)
Miguel Angel Olivera
University of Munich
SUÁREZ, FRANCISCO (1987)
Buenos Aires
COVENANT (2005)
TORQUEMADA, TOMÁS DE (1987)
MAPUCHE RELIGION (1987)
ISRAELITE LAW: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
TRENT, COUNCIL OF (1987)
Carl Olson
Daniel L. Overmyer
June O’Connor
Allegheny College
University of British Columbia
University of California, Riverside
TRANSCENDENTAL MEDITATION
CHINESE RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
AUROBINDO GHOSE (1987)
(2005)
(1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxxv
David Ownby
Raphael Patai
Olivier Pelon
Université de Montréal
Forest Hills, New York
Université Lyon II
FALUN GONG (2005)
FOLK RELIGION: FOLK JUDAISM (1987)
AEGEAN RELIGIONS (1987)
Willard G. Oxtoby
Anne Pattel-Gray
Christian Pelras
Trinity College, University of Toronto
Tauondi Incorporated
Centre National de la Recherche
HOLY, IDEA OF THE (1987)
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS
Scientifique, Paris
PRIESTHOOD: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
RELIGIONS: ABORIGINAL
BUGIS RELIGION (1987)
Andrea Pacini
CHRISTIANITY (2005)
Robert D. Pelton
Edoardo Agnelli Centre for
Laurie Louise Patton
Madonna House, Combemere,
Comparative Religious Studies, Turin,
Emory University
Canada
Italy
COSMOLOGY: HINDU COSMOLOGY
TRICKSTERS: AFRICAN TRICKSTERS
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN THE
(2005)
(1987)
MIDDLE EAST (2005)
LIFE (2005)
John Pemberton III
William E. Paden
SUBALTERN STUDIES (2005)
Amherst College
University of Vermont
Robert S. Paul
ICONOGRAPHY: TRADITIONAL
COMPARATIVE RELIGION (2005)
Austin Presbyterian Theological
AFRICAN ICONOGRAPHY (1987 AND
André Padoux
Seminary
2005)
Centre National de la Recherche
MINISTRY (1987)
YORUBA RELIGION (1987)
Scientifique, Paris
Richard K. Payne
Kenneth Pennington
CAKRAS (1987)
Institute of Buddhist Studies,
Syracuse University
S´AIVISM: PRATYABHIJN
˜ A¯ (1987)
Graduate Theological Union, Berkeley
INNOCENT III (1987)
S´AIVISM: VI¯RAS´AIVAS (1987)
FUDO
¯ (2005)
M. Basil Pennington
Anthony Padovano
SHINGONSHU
¯ (2005)
Ramapo College of New Jersey
St. Joseph’s Abbey, Spencer,
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
Massachusetts
MERTON, THOMAS (1987)
BUDDHIST DEVOTIONAL LIFE IN
EAST ASIA (2005)
CISTERCIANS (1987)
Crispin Paine
University College Chichester
James L. Peacock
Juha Pentikäinen
MUSEUMS AND RELIGION (2005)
University of North Carolina at
Helsingin Yliopisto (University of
Helsinki)
Susan J. Palmer
Chapel Hill
BATHS (2005)
Dawson College
DRAMA: JAVANESE WAYANG (1987 AND
2005)
CASTRÉN, MATTHIAS ALEXANDER
RAËLIANS (2005)
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS: NEW
(2005)
TWELVE TRIBES (2005)
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN
DONNER, KAI (2005)
Raimundo Panikkar
INSULAR CULTURES (1987 AND 2005)
FINNISH RELIGIONS (2005)
University of California, Santa
FINNO-UGRIC RELIGIONS: AN
Birger A. Pearson
Barbara (emeritus)
OVERVIEW (2005)
University of California, Santa
DEITY (1987)
FINNO-UGRIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY
Barbara
Geoffrey Parrinder
OF STUDY (2005)
HYPOSTASIS (1987)
HAAVIO, MARTTI (2005)
University of London
Joanne E. Pearson
HONKO, LAURI (2005)
GHOSTS (1987)
KARELIAN RELIGION (2005)
PEACE (1987)
Cardiff University
LAESTADIUS, LARS LEVI (2005)
TOUCHING (1987)
WICCA (2005)
MARI AND MORDVIN RELIGION (1987)
TRIADS (1987)
Karen Pechilis
SAMI RELIGION (2005)
William B. Parsons
Drew University
SAMOYED RELIGION (2005)
Rice University
S´IVA [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
TUONELA (2005)
PSYCHOLOGY: PSYCHOLOGY OF
(2005)
Jean Pépin
RELIGION (2005)
SOUL: INDIAN CONCEPTS (2005)
Centre National de la Recherche
Harry B. Partin
Jaroslav Pelikan
Scientifique, Paris
Duke University
Yale University
LOGOS (1987)
CLASSIFICATION OF RELIGIONS (1987)
CHRISTIANITY: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
PARADISE (1987)
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN
Sabino Perea Yébenes
PINARD DE LA BOULLAYE, HENRI
WESTERN EUROPE (1987)
Universidad de Murcia, Spain
(1987)
FAITH (1987)
DIANA (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxxvi
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Andrés Alejandro Pérez Diez
Giovanni Pettinato
S. Brent Plate
Centro Argentino de Etnológia
Università degli Studi di Roma “La
Texas Christian University
Americana, Buenos Aires
Sapienza”
FILM AND RELIGION (2005)
WARAO RELIGION (1987)
AKITU (2005)
Cicerone Poghirc
ATRAHASIS (2005)
Pheme Perkins
Centre Roumain de Recherches, Paris
EBLAITE RELIGION (2005)
Boston College
BENDIS (1987)
ENKI (2005)
GNOSTICISM: GNOSTICISM AS A
DACIAN RIDERS (1987)
ENLIL (2005)
CHRISTIAN HERESY (1987)
GETO-DACIAN RELIGION (1987)
ENUMA ELISH (2005)
SABAZIOS (1987)
James W. Perkinson
GILGAMESH (2005)
INANNA (2005)
THRACIAN RELIGION (1987)
Marygrove College and Ecumenical
MESOPOTAMIAN RELIGIONS: AN
THRACIAN RIDER (1987)
Theological Seminary
OVERVIEW [FURTHER
ZALMOXIS (1987)
PERCUSSION AND NOISE (2005)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
John Polkinghorne
Bernard C. Perley
NERGAL (2005)
Queens’ College, Cambridge
University of Wisconsin—Milwaukee
NINHURSAGA (2005)
CHAOS THEORY (2005)
NINURTA (2005)
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
COSMOLOGY: SCIENTIFIC
OF THE NORTHWEST COAST
Lloyd W. Pflueger
COSMOLOGIES (2005)
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Truman State University
Edgar C. Polomé
TRICKSTERS: NORTH AMERICAN
I
¯S´VARA (2005)
University of Texas at Austin
TRICKSTERS [FURTHER
Giulia Piccaluga
FREYJA (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Università degli Studi, Rome
FREYR (1987)
Moshe Perlmann
BINDING (1987)
GERMANIC RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
University of California, Los Angeles
CALENDARS: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
(1987)
CHRONOLOGY (1987)
POLEMICS: MUSLIM-JEWISH
HEIMDALLR (1987)
KNOTS (1987)
NJO
¸ RD
POLEMICS (1987)
¯ R (1987)
Nelson Pike
THOR (1987)
Henry Pernet
University of California, Irvine
Françoise Pommaret
Carpinteria, California
EMPIRICISM (1987)
Centre National de la Recherche
MASKS (2005)
HUME, DAVID (1987)
Scientifique, Paris
Michelene E. Pesantubbee
Sarah M. Pike
TIBETAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
University of Iowa
California State University, Chico
STUDY (2005)
CHEROKEE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
NEOPAGANISM (2005)
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
(2005)
RITES OF PASSAGE: NEOPAGAN RITES
BUDDHIST DEVOTIONAL LIFE IN
(2005)
F. E. Peters
TIBET (2005)
New York University
Anthony B. Pinn
Mu-chou Poo
JERUSALEM: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
Rice University
Institute of History and Philology,
NATION OF ISLAM (2005)
Academia Sinica
Rudolph Peters
AFTERLIFE: CHINESE CONCEPTS (2005)
Nederlands Instituut voor Archaeologie
Andrea Piras
University of Bologna
en Arabische Studien, Cairo
Deborah A. Poole
ANGELS (2005)
JIHA
¯ D (1987)
Johns Hopkins University
MANI (2005)
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN
Ted Peters
Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge
RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
Pacific Lutheran Theological Seminary
Université de Liège
(1987 AND 2005)
SCIENCE AND RELIGION (2005)
APHRODITE (2005)
Fitz John Porter Poole
Gregory R. Peterson
Andrew H. Plaks
University of California, San Diego
South Dakota State University
Princeton University; Hebrew
MELANESIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC
NEUROSCIENCE AND RELIGION: AN
University of Jerusalem
THEMES (1987)
OVERVIEW (2005)
GOLDEN RULE (2005)
Ismail K. Poonawala
Indira Viswanathan Peterson
Xavier De Planhol
University of California, Los Angeles
Mount Holyoke College
Université de Paris IV (Paris-
AL-AZHAR (2005)
GANGES RIVER (1987)
Sorbonne)
IKHWA¯N AL-S.AFA¯D (1987)
S´AIVISM: NA
¯ YA¯N.A¯RS (1987)
DESERTS (1987)
QARA
¯ MIT.AH (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxxvii
Richard H. Popkin
Hanns J. Prem
Reinhard Pummer
Washington University, Saint Louis
Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität
University of Ottawa
RELATIVISM (1987)
München
SAMARITANS (2005)
SKEPTICS AND SKEPTICISM (1987)
TOLTEC RELIGION (1987)
Michael Pye
Gregory F. Porter
John Prest
Philipps-Universität Marburg
San Francisco, California
Balliol College, University of Oxford
MERIT: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
UNDERHILL, EVELYN (1987)
GARDENS: AN OVERVIEW (1987 AND
MERIT: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS (1987)
2005)
UPA¯YA (1987)
Gary G. Porton
University of Illinois, Urbana-
James J. Preston
Christopher S. Queen
Champaign
State University of New York, College
Harvard University
EAQIVAD BEN YOSEF (1987)
at Oneonta
ENGAGED BUDDHISM (2005)
ELISHAE BEN AVUYAH (1987 AND 2005)
GODDESS WORSHIP: AN OVERVIEW
Andrew Quintman
YEHUDAH HA-NASID (1987 AND 2005)
(1987)
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
YISHMAEE’L BEN ELISHAE (1987)
GODDESS WORSHIP: THEORETICAL
MI LA RAS PA (2005)
PERSPECTIVES (1987)
Stephen G. Post
PURIFICATION: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
Gilles Quispel
Case Western Reserve University
Eleanor M. Preston-Whyte
Rijksuniversiteit te Utrecht
SOROKIN, PITIRIM ALEKSANDROVICH
GNOSTICISM: GNOSTICISM FROM ITS
(2005)
University of Natal
ORIGINS TO THE MIDDLE AGES
ZULU RELIGION (1987)
Karl H. Potter
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Universtiy of Washington
Richard Price
SOPHIA (1987)
Johns Hopkins University
GUN
. AS (1987)
B. Tahera Qutbuddin
MADHVA (1987)
AFRO-SURINAMESE RELIGIONS (1987)
University of Chicago
Robert Potter
Simon Price
ZAYNAB BINT EALI¯ (2005)
University of California, Santa
University of Oxford
Albert J. Raboteau
Barbara
ROMAN RELIGION: THE IMPERIAL
Princeton University
PERIOD (2005)
HROTSVIT (2005)
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS:
Anne Primavesi
William K. Powers
MUSLIM MOVEMENTS (1987)
University of London
Rutgers, The State University of New
KING, MARTIN LUTHER, JR. (1987)
GAIA (2005)
Jersey, New Brunswick Campus
Kathryn Allen Rabuzzi
DRAMA: NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN
Leonard Norman Primiano
Syracuse University
DANCE AND DRAMA (1987)
University of Pennsylvania
FAMILY (1987)
LAKOTA RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
ALL FOOLS’ DAY (1987)
HOME (1987)
(1987)
HALLOWEEN (1987)
Friedhelm K. Radandt
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
Stephen Prothero
The King’s College, New York
OF THE PLAINS (1987)
Boston University
HERDER, JOHANN GOTTFRIED (1987
Judith L. Poxon
OLCOTT, HENRY STEEL (2005)
AND 2005)
California State University,
Wayne Proudfoot
Rosemary Rader
Sacramento
Columbia University
St. Paul’s Priory, Saint Paul,
FEMINISM: FRENCH FEMINISTS ON
PHILOSOPHY: PHILOSOPHY OF
Minnesota
RELIGION (2005)
RELIGION (1987)
FASTING (1987)
Carlo Prandi
James H. Provost
MENDICANCY (1987)
University of Parma
Catholic University of America
D. S. Raevskii
INVISIBLE RELIGION (2005)
EXCOMMUNICATION (1987)
Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R.,
Charles S. Prebish
Leo M. Pruden
Moscow
Pennsylvania State University
American University of Oriental
SARMATIAN RELIGION (1987)
COUNCILS: BUDDHIST COUNCILS
Studies, Los Angeles
SCYTHIAN RELIGION (1987)
(1987)
KO
¯ BEN (1987)
Habibeh Rahim
Riv-Ellen Prell
TIANTAI (1987)
Hunter College, City University of
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
Michael J. Puett
New York
MYERHOFF, BARBARA G. (1987 AND
Harvard University
ALCHEMY: ISLAMIC ALCHEMY (1987)
2005)
BONES (2005)
INCENSE (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxxviii
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Fazlur Rahman
EAST AFRICAN RELIGIONS:
Bryan S. Rennie
University of Chicago
NORTHEAST BANTU RELIGIONS
Westminster College
IQBAL, MUHAMMAD (1987)
(1987)
ELIADE, MIRCEA [FURTHER
LANG, ANDREW (1987)
ISLAM: AN OVERVIEW [FIRST
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
TURNER, VICTOR (1987)
EDITION] (1987)
Marie-Simone Renou
MULLA¯ S.ADRA¯ (1987)
J. D. Ray
Paris, France
Karl Rahner
University of Cambridge
RENOU, LOUIS (1987)
PYRAMIDS: EGYPTIAN PYRAMIDS (1987)
(deceased)
Richard J. Resch
DOGMA (1987)
Reginald Ray
Loras College
VATICAN COUNCILS: VATICAN II
The Naropa Institute, Boulder
LOISY, ALFRED (1987)
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
MAHA¯SIDDHAS (1987)
RENAN, ERNEST (1987)
NA¯ RO PA (1987)
Jill Raitt
Matthew Restall
University of Missouri, Columbia
Kay A. Read
Pennsylvania State University
BEZA, THEODORE (1987)
DePaul University
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS:
CANISIUS, PETER (1987)
HUMAN SACRIFICE: AN OVERVIEW
COLONIAL CULTURES (2005)
POLITICS AND RELIGION: POLITICS
(1987 AND 2005)
John Reumann
AND CHRISTIANITY (2005)
RITES OF PASSAGE: MESOAMERICAN
RITES (2005)
Lutheran Theological Seminary at
Aaron Rakeffet-Rothkoff
Karen Ready
Philadelphia (emeritus)
Michlala, Jerusalem
New York, New York
MARY: AN OVERVIEW (1987 AND 2005)
REVEL, BERNARD (1987)
WORK (1987)
Frank E. Reynolds
Lewis R. Rambo
Bernard M. G. Reardon
University of Chicago
San Francisco Theological Seminary
University of Newcastle upon Tyne
BUDDHA (1987)
CONVERSION (1987 AND 2005)
BUDDHISM: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
MODERNISM: CHRISTIAN
Velcheru Narayana Rao
DUT
MODERNISM (1987 AND 2005)
. T.HAGA¯MAN
. I¯ (1987)
MONGKUT (1987)
University of Wisconsin—Madison
Donald B. Redford
THERAVA
¯ DA (1987)
BALARA¯MA (1987)
University of Toronto
HANUMA
¯ N (1987)
David M. Rhoads
EGYPTIAN RELIGION: THE
RA
¯ MA (1987)
Lutheran School of Theology at
LITERATURE (1987)
RA
¯ MA¯YAN.A (1987)
Chicago
Anthony Redmond
TULSI¯DA
¯ S (1987)
ZEALOTS (1987 AND 2005)
Australian National University
VA
¯ LMI¯KI (1987)
Alfred Ribi
UNGARINYIN RELIGION (2005)
Melissa Raphael
C. G. Jung-Institut Küsnacht/Zürich
Marjorie E. Reeves
University of Gloucestershire
DEMONS: PSYCHOLOGICAL
Oxford, England
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
PERSPECTIVES (1987)
JOACHIM OF FIORE (1987)
AND JUDAISM (2005)
Gaetano Riccardo
MENSTRUATION (2005)
Janice Reid
Istituto Universitario Orientale,
PATRIARCHY AND MATRIARCHY (2005)
University of Western Sydney
Naples, Italy
THEALOGY (2005)
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
KINGSHIP: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
AND MEDICINE IN INDIGENOUS
Ada Rapoport-Albert
AUSTRALIA (2005)
Audrey I. Richards
University College London
(deceased)
MAID OF LUDMIR (2005)
Jennifer I. M. Reid
BEMBA RELIGION (1987)
University of Maine at Farmington
Ravi Ravindra
TRANSCULTURATION AND RELIGION:
James T. Richardson
Dalhousie University
RELIGION IN THE FORMATION OF
University of Nevada, Reno
EINSTEIN, ALBERT (1987)
MODERN CANADA (2005)
JESUS MOVEMENT (2005)
GALILEO GALILEI (1987)
Marie-Louise Reiniche
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND NEW
KEPLER, JOHANNES (1987)
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS (2005)
École des Hautes Études en Sciences
NEWTON, ISAAC (1987)
Sociales, Collège de France
Mac Linscott Ricketts
Benjamin C. Ray
DI¯VA¯LI¯ (1987)
Louisburg College (emeritus)
University of Virginia
HINDU RELIGIOUS YEAR (1987)
LEACH, EDMUND (2005)
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
HOLI¯ (1987)
TRICKSTERS: NORTH AMERICAN
(1987)
NAVARA¯TRI (1987)
TRICKSTERS [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxxix
Paul Ricoeur
MERLIN (1987 AND 2005)
Holmes Rolston III
Université de Paris IV (Paris-
TALIESIN (1987 AND 2005)
Colorado State University
Sorbonne) and University of Chicago
Noel Robertson
SOCIOBIOLOGY AND EVOLUTIONARY
(emeritus)
Brock University
PSYCHOLOGY: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
EVIL (1987)
ANTHESTERIA (2005)
András Róna-Tas
MYTH: MYTH AND HISTORY (1987)
Roland Robertson
Budapest
Julien Ries
University of Pittsburgh
CHUVASH RELIGION (1987)
Université Catholique de Louvain-la-
ECONOMICS AND RELIGION (1987)
Neuve
Annmari Ronnberg
FUNCTIONALISM (1987)
FALL, THE (1987)
Archive for Research in Archetypal
RADCLIFFE-BROWN, A. R. (1987)
IDOLATRY (1987)
Symbolism, New York
Francis Robicsek
Nancy C. Ring
SPITTLE AND SPITTING (1987)
Sanger Clinic, P.A., Charlotte, North
Le Moyne College, Syracuse, New York
Carolina
Wayne R. Rood
SÖLLE, DOROTHEE (2005)
SMOKING (1987)
Pacific School of Religion, Berkeley
VATICAN COUNCILS: VATICAN II
COMENIUS, JOHANNES AMOS (1987)
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Françoise Robin
Institut National des Langues et
Wade Clark Roof
Helmer Ringgren
Civilisations Orientales, Paris
University of California, Santa
Uppsala Universitet
GESAR (2005)
Barbara
COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY (1987)
SOCIETY AND RELIGION [FURTHER
JUDGMENT OF THE DEAD (1987)
Isabelle Robinet
MESSIANISM: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
Institut des Langues Orientales,
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
RESURRECTION (1987)
Valpuiseaux, France
Sidney H. Rooy
Marlene Dobkin de Rios
GUO XIANG (1987)
Educación Teológica, Buenos Aires
University of California, Irvine;
ZHANG DAOLING (1987)
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN
emerita, California State University,
ZHANG JUE (1987)
LATIN AMERICA (1987)
Fullerton
ZHANG LU (1987)
LAS CASAS, BARTOLOMÉ DE (1987)
PSYCHEDELIC DRUGS (2005)
David Robinson
Miriam Rosen
Andrew Rippin
Michigan State University
New York, New York
University of Victoria
FULBE RELIGION (1987)
CALLIGRAPHY: HEBREW
EUMAR TA¯L (1987)
BAYD
. A¯WI¯, AL- (1987)
MICROGRAPHY (1987)
T.ABARI¯, AL- (2005)
Thomas A. Robinson
Jean E. Rosenfeld
TAFSI¯R (1987)
University of Lethbridge
ZAMAKHSHARI¯, AL- (1987)
University of California, Los Angeles
HERESY: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS (2005)
MAORI RELIGION [FURTHER
Claude Rivière
Ludo Rocher
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Université de Paris V, Sorbonne
University of Pennsylvania
LÉVY-BRUHL, LUCIEN (1987)
Richard A. Rosengarten
MANU (1987)
SOUL: CONCEPTS IN INDIGENOUS
S´A
¯ STRA LITERATURE (1987)
University of Chicago
RELIGIONS (1987 AND 2005)
SU
¯ TRA LITERATURE (1987)
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW, RELIGION,
Sajjad H. Rizvi
AND LITERATURE (2005)
E. Burke Rochford, Jr.
University of Bristol
Middlebury College
Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal
H
. USAYN IBN EALI¯, AL- (2005)
PRABHUPADA, A. C. BHAKTIVEDANTA
Fordham University
SHAYKHI¯YAH (2005)
(2005)
MEREZHKOVSKII, DMITRII (1987 AND
Ronald G. Roberson
Susan Rodgers
2005)
United States Conference of Catholic
Ohio University
SOLOVDEV, VLADIMIR (1987 AND 2005)
Bishops, Washington, D.C.
BATAK RELIGION (1987)
Franz Rosenthal
SYRIAC ORTHODOX CHURCH OF
Yale University (emeritus)
ANTIOCH (2005)
Peter T. Rohrbach
Potomac, Maryland
IBN KHALDU
¯ N (1987)
Brynley F. Roberts
TERESA OF ÁVILA (1987)
Cardiff University (Honorary
Harold D. Roth
THÉRÈSE OF LISIEUX (1987)
Professor)
Brown University
ANNWN (1987 AND 2005)
Lynn E. Roller
FANGSHI (1987 AND 2005)
ARTHUR (1987 AND 2005)
University of California, Davis
LIU AN (1987 AND 2005)
MABINOGION (1987 AND 2005)
CYBELE (2005)
ZHUANGZI (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxxx
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Fritz A. Rothschild
MYSTERY RELIGIONS (1987)
Dario Sabbatucci
Jewish Theological Seminary of
RELIGIONSGESCHICHTLICHE SCHULE
Università degli Studi, Rome
America
(1987)
MORTIFICATION (1987)
HESCHEL, ABRAHAM JOSHUA (1987)
WELLHAUSEN, JULIUS (1987)
ORDEAL (1987)
WISDOM (1987)
Leroy S. Rouner
Thomas F. Sable
Boston University
Rosemary Radford Ruether
University of Scranton
HOCKING, WILLIAM ERNEST (1987)
Garrett-Evangelical Theological
UNIATE CHURCHES (1987 AND 2005)
IDEALISM (1987)
Seminary, Evanston, Illinois
Abdullah Saeed
Jean-Paul Roux
ANDROCENTRISM (1987)
University of Melbourne
École du Louvre, Paris
Jeffrey C. Ruff
QURDA¯N: TRADITION OF
BLOOD (1987)
Marshall University
SCHOLARSHIP AND
TENGRI (1987)
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
INTERPRETATION (2005)
TURKIC RELIGIONS (1987)
STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH
Omid Safi
Elizabeth Ashman Rowe
AMERICA (2005)
Colgate University
Somerville, Massachusetts
Frithiof Rundgren
MODERNISM: ISLAMIC MODERNISM
ÁLFAR (2005)
(2005)
DVERGAR (2005)
Uppsala Universitet
EDDAS (2005)
NYBERG, H. S. (1987)
Klaus Sagaster
FREYJA (2005)
Jörg Rüpke
Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-
FREYR (2005)
University of Erfurt
Universität Bonn
GERMANIC RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
CHINGGIS KHAN (1987)
FASTI (2005)
(2005)
ERLIK (1987)
GERMANIC RELIGION: HISTORY OF
ROMAN RELIGION: THE EARLY
ÜLGEN (1987)
STUDY (2005)
PERIOD (2005)
HEIMDALLR (2005)
Donald P. St. John
Brian O. Ruppert
JÖTNAR (2005)
Moravian College
University of Illinois, Urbana-
NJO
¸ RD
¯ R (2005)
HANDSOME LAKE (1987)
Champaign
ÓD
¯ INN (2005)
IROQUOIS RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
RUNES [FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS]
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN JAPAN
(1987)
(2005)
(2005)
NEOLIN (1987 AND 2005)
SAGAS (2005)
J. R. Russell
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
TY´R (2005)
Columbia University
OF THE NORTHEAST WOODLANDS
Christopher Rowland
ARMENIAN RELIGION (1987)
(1987 AND 2005)
University of Oxford
Jeffrey Burton Russell
John A. Saliba
BIBLICAL EXEGESIS: CHRISTIAN VIEWS
University of California, Santa
University of Detroit Mercy
(2005)
UFO RELIGIONS (2005)
Barbara
Gonzalo Rubio
WITCHCRAFT: CONCEPTS OF
Richard C. Salter
Pennsylvania State University
WITCHCRAFT (1987)
Hobart and William Smith Colleges
DAGAN (2005)
RASTAFARIANISM (2005)
DRAMA: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN
T. C. Russell
RITUAL DRAMA [FURTHER
University of Manitoba
Judy D. Saltzman
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
TAO HONGJING (2005)
California Polytechnic State
PHILISTINE RELIGION (2005)
University
J. Joseph Ryan
Jean Rudhardt
GURDJIEFF, G. I. (2005)
(deceased)
Université de Genève
JUDGE, WILLIAM Q. (2005)
DAMIAN, PETER (1987)
FLOOD, THE (1987)
OUSPENSKY, P. D. (2005)
WATER (1987)
Jennifer Rycenga
Geoffrey Samuel
Erwin P. Rudolph
San Jose State University
Cardiff University
Wheaton College, Illinois
STANTON, ELIZABETH CADY (2005)
HEALING AND MEDICINE: HEALING
LAW, WILLIAM (1987)
Michael A. Rynkiewich
AND MEDICINE IN TIBET (2005)
Kurt Rudolph
Asbury Theological Seminary,
Norbert M. Samuelson
Phillipps-Universität Marburg
Wilmore, Kentucky
Arizona State University
HERESY: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
MICRONESIAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC
ABRAVANEL, ISAAC (1987)
KULTURKREISELEHRE (1987)
THEMES (2005)
GERSONIDES (1987 AND 2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxxxi
IBN DAUD, AVRAHAM (1987)
Richard Schacht
MARS (1987)
IBN GABIROL, SHELOMOH (1987 AND
University of Illinois, Urbana-
NUMEN (1987)
2005)
Champaign
PARENTALIA (1987)
PONTIFEX (1987)
Alexis Sanderson
NIETZSCHE, FRIEDRICH (1987)
ROMAN RELIGION: THE EARLY
Oriental Institute, University of
Kurtis R. Schaeffer
PERIOD (1987)
Oxford
University of Alabama
VENUS (1987)
ABHINAVAGUPTA (1987)
KARMA PAS (2005)
VESTA (1987)
S´AIVISM: KRAMA S´AIVISM (1987)
Robert P. Scharlemann
Annemarie Schimmel
S´AIVISM: S´AIVISM IN KASHMIR (1987)
University of Virginia (retired)
Harvard University
S´AIVISM: TRIKA S´AIVISM (1987)
TILLICH, PAUL JOHANNES (1987 AND
2005)
ANDRAE, TOR (1987)
James Hugh Sanford
CALLIGRAPHY: ISLAMIC CALLIGRAPHY
University of North Carolina at
David A. Schattschneider
(1987)
Chapel Hill
Moravian Theological Seminary
CATS (1987)
MORAVIANS (1987)
IKKYU
¯ SO¯JUN (1987)
H
. ALLA
¯ J, AL- (1987)
ZINZENDORF, NIKOLAUS (1987 AND
Marc Saperstein
HEILER, FRIEDRICH (1987)
2005)
ICONOGRAPHY: ISLAMIC
George Washington University
Richard Schechner
ICONOGRAPHY (1987)
ADRET, SHELOMOH BEN AVRAHAM
New York University
ISLAMIC RELIGIOUS YEAR (1987)
(1987)
PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL (1987
LULL, RAMÓN (1987)
ASHER BEN YEH
. IDEL (1987)
AND 2005)
NUMBERS: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
IBN EEZRAD, AVRAHAM (1987 AND 2005)
Bernhard Scheid
NU
¯ R MUH.AMMAD (1987)
Jonathan D. Sarna
Austrian Academy of Sciences
QURRAT AL-EAYN T.A¯HIRAH (1987)
Hebrew Union College–Jewish
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY
RA
¯ BIEAH AL-EADAWI¯YAH (1987)
Institute of Religion, Cincinnati
AND SHINTO
¯ (2005)
RU
¯ MI¯, JALA¯L AL-DI¯N (1987)
SZOLD, HENRIETTA (1987)
John Scheid
Robert S. Schine
Nahum M. Sarna
Collège de France
Middlebury College
ARVAL BROTHERS (1987 AND 2005)
Brandeis University
COHEN, HERMANN (2005)
DEA DIA (2005)
BIBLICAL LITERATURE: HEBREW
Conrad Schirokauer
FASTI (1987)
SCRIPTURES (1987)
LUDI SAECULARES (1987)
City College, City University of New
David Sassian
LUSTRATIO (1987)
York
New York, New York
Raymond P. Scheindlin
ZHU XI (1987 AND 2005)
EMERSON, RALPH WALDO (1987)
Jewish Theological Seminary of
Eva Schmidt
Nicholas J. Saunders
America
Magyar Tudományos Akadémia,
BAH
. YE IBN PAQUDA (1987 AND 2005)
Budapest
University College London
KHANTY AND MANSI RELIGION (1987)
JAGUARS (2005)
George L. Scheper
Johns Hopkins University
Sandra M. Schneiders
Deborah F. Sawyer
CHARISMA (2005)
Jesuit School of Theology, Berkeley
Lancaster University
CURSING (2005)
JOHN OF THE CROSS (1987 AND 2005)
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
Lawrence H. Schiffman
AND ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN
Juliane Schober
New York University
RELIGIONS (2005)
Arizona State University
ESSENES (1987)
U NU (2005)
William S. Sax
DEAD SEA SCROLLS (1987)
South Asia Institute, University of
SADDUCEES (2005)
J. Matthew Schoffeleers
Heidelberg
Robert Schilling
Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam
KUMBHA MELA
¯ (1987)
École Pratique des Hautes Études,
MBONA (1987)
PILGRIMAGE: HINDU PILGRIMAGE
Collège de France, and Université de
Steven Scholl
(2005)
Strasbourg II
Kalimat Press, Los Angeles
DIANA (1987)
Roberta A. Schaafsma
SHAYKHI¯YAH (1987)
JANUS (1987)
Duke University Divinity School
JUNO (1987)
Karine Schomer
Library
JUPITER (1987)
University of California, Berkeley
REFERENCE WORKS (2005)
LUPERCALIA (1987)
SU
¯ RDA¯S (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxxxii
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Ismar Schorsch
Anna Seidel
Paul Shankman
Jewish Theological Seminary of
École Française d’Extrême-Orient,
University of Colorado at Boulder
America
Kyoto
MEAD, MARGARET (2005)
FRANKEL, ZACHARIAS (1987)
HUANGDI (1987)
Thomas A. Shannon
JEWISH STUDIES: JEWISH STUDIES
MASPERO, HENRI (1987)
Worcester Polytechnic Institute
FROM 1818 TO 1919 (1987)
TAIPING (1987)
BIOETHICS (2005)
SCHECHTER, SOLOMON (1987)
YU (1987)
Vernon James Schubel
YUHUANG (1987)
Robert H. Sharf
Kenyon College
Robert M. Seltzer
University of California, Berkeley
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
Hunter College and the Graduate
SUZUKI, D. T. (2005)
MUSLIM WORSHIP (2005)
School, City University of New York
Arvind Sharma
Michael J. Schuck
HISTORY: JEWISH VIEWS (1987)
McGill University
Loyola University Chicago
JEWISH PEOPLE (1987 AND 2005)
DEVILS (1987)
KROCHMAL, NAH
. MAN (1987)
ROMAN CATHOLICISM [FURTHER
ECSTASY (1987)
MENDELSSOHN, MOSES (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
OBEDIENCE (1987 AND 2005)
David G. Schultenover
H. L. Seneviratne
SATAN (1987 AND 2005)
Creighton University
University of Virginia
Eric J. Sharpe
SAM
. GHA: SAM
. GHA AND SOCIETY IN
TYRRELL, GEORGE (1987)
University of Sydney
SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA (1987)
Hillel Schwartz
BRANDON, S. G. F. (1987)
Bernard Septimus
University of California, San Diego
DIALOGUE OF RELIGIONS (1987)
Harvard University
MILLENARIANISM: AN OVERVIEW
JAMES, E. O. (1987)
ABULAFIA, MEDIR (1987)
(1987)
MANISM (1987)
YA!AQOV BEN ASHER (1987)
SACRED TIME (2005)
MANNHARDT, WILHELM (1987)
MARETT, R. R. (1987)
Steven S. Schwarzschild
Susan Sered
PREANIMISM (1987)
Washington University, Saint Louis
Harvard University
HEALING AND MEDICINE: AN
TYLOR, E. B. (1987)
COHEN, HERMANN (1987)
OVERVIEW (2005)
ROSENZWEIG, FRANZ (1987)
Richard Shek
California State University,
Nathan A. Scott, Jr.
R. B. Serjeant
Sacramento
University of Virginia
University of Saint Andrews
H
. ARAM AND H
. AWT.AH (1987)
MILLENARIANISM: CHINESE
LITERATURE: RELIGIOUS DIMENSIONS
MILLENARIAN MOVEMENTS (1987
OF MODERN WESTERN LITERATURE
Scott Sessions
AND 2005)
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Amherst College
R. Kevin Seasoltz
INQUISITION, THE: THE INQUISITION
Massey H. Shepherd, Jr.
Saint Anselm’s Abbey, Washington,
IN THE NEW WORLD (2005)
Church Divinity School of the Pacific,
D.C.
T. K. Seung
Berkeley
BENEDICTINES (1987)
University of Texas at Austin
ANGLICANISM (1987)
BENEDICT OF NURSIA (1987)
KANT, IMMANUEL (1987 AND 2005)
CRANMER, THOMAS (1987)
HOOKER, RICHARD (1987)
Anthony Seeger
William A. Shack
WYCLIF, JOHN (1987)
Indiana University, Bloomington
University of California, Berkeley
GE MYTHOLOGY (1987)
EAST AFRICAN RELIGIONS:
Gerald T. Sheppard
Robert A. Segal
ETHIOPIAN RELIGIONS (1987)
Emmanuel College, University of
University of Lancaster, United
Meir Shahar
Toronto
Kingdom
Tel Aviv University
CANON (1987)
PROPHECY: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
GASTER, THEODOR H. (2005)
MARTIAL ARTS: CHINESE MARTIAL
HEROES (2005)
ARTS (2005)
Byron L. Sherwin
JUNG, C. G. (2005)
Reza Shah-Kazemi
Spertus College of Judaica
SMITH, W. ROBERTSON (2005)
Institute of Ismaili Studies, London
LÖW, YEHUDAH BEN BETSALDEL OF
SOCIOLOGY: SOCIOLOGY AND
EALI¯ IBN ABI¯ T.A¯LIB (2005)
PRAGUE (1987)
RELIGION [FURTHER
T.ABA¯T.ABA¯D I¯, EALLA¯MA (2005)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Amnon Shiloah
SOCIOLOGY: SOCIOLOGY OF
Muhammad Kazem Shaker
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
RELIGION [FURTHER
Qom University
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN THE
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
HAWZAH (2005)
MIDDLE EAST (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxxxiii
Edward Shils
Joseph Sievers
Tadeusz Skorupski
University of Chicago
Pontifical Biblical Institute
School of Oriental and African
INTELLECTUALS (1987)
SMITH, MORTON (2005)
Studies, University of London
Shimazono Susumu
Alejandra Siffredi
PRAJÑA¯ (1987)
University of Tokyo
Universidad de Buenos Aires
DHARMA: BUDDHIST DHARMA AND
DHARMAS (1987)
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
TEHUELCHE RELIGION (1987)
SAUTRA
¯ NTIKA (1987)
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS IN JAPAN
Pierre André Sigal
TATHATA¯ (1987)
(2005)
Université de Montpellier III (Paul
O
¯ MOTOKYO¯ (2005)
Laura A. Skosey
Valéry)
SO
¯ KA GAKKAI (2005)
University of Chicago
PILGRIMAGE: ROMAN CATHOLIC
Larry D. Shinn
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW AND
PILGRIMAGE IN EUROPE (1987)
Berea College
RELIGION IN CHINESE RELIGIONS
Anna-Leena Siikala
(2005)
INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY FOR
Helsingin Yliopisto
KRISHNA CONSCIOUSNESS (1987
Vieda Skultans
DESCENT INTO THE UNDERWORLD
AND 2005)
University of Bristol
(1987)
Roger Lincoln Shinn
SHAMANISM: SIBERIAN AND INNER
AFFLICTION: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
University of Chicago
ASIAN SHAMANISM (1987)
Peter Slater
NIEBUHR, REINHOLD (1987 AND 2005)
UKKO (1987)
Trinity College, University of Toronto
Jan Shipps
Laurence J. Silberstein
BAKHTIN, M. M. (2005)
Purdue University
Lehigh University
HOPE (1987)
SMITH, WILFRED CANTWELL (2005)
YOUNG, BRIGHAM (1987)
BUBER, MARTIN (1987 AND 2005)
KAUFMANN, YEH
. EZKEL (1987)
R. C. Sleigh, Jr.
Moshe Shokeid
University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Tel-Aviv University
George Eaton Simpson
Oberlin College
LEIBNIZ, GOTTFRIED WILHELM (1987)
PILGRIMAGE: CONTEMPORARY
CARIBBEAN RELIGIONS: AFRO-
JEWISH PILGRIMAGE (1987 AND 2005)
Ninian Smart
CARIBBEAN RELIGIONS (1987)
Frank Shuffelton
University of Lancaster, United
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN THE
University of Rochester
Kingdom and University of
CARIBBEAN REGION (1987)
California, Santa Barbara
HOOKER, THOMAS (1987)
Khushwant Singh
COMPARATIVE-HISTORICAL METHOD
Neelima Shukla-Bhatt
Bombay, India
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Le Moyne College, Syracuse, New York
SINGH, GOBIND (1987)
SOTERIOLOGY (1987)
A¯NANDAMAYI¯ MA¯ (2005)
Nikky-Guninder Kaur Singh
Brian K. Smith
S´A¯RA¯DA DEVI¯ (2005)
Colby College
University of California, Riverside
Kwong-loi Shun
DASAM GRANTH (2005)
SAM
. SA
¯ RA (1987)
University of Toronto
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
TANTRISM: HINDU TANTRISM (2005)
REN AND YI (2005)
AND SIKHISM (2005)
VARN
. A AND JA¯TI (2005)
NA¯NAK (2005)
Anson Shupe
VEDA¯N
˙ GAS (2005)
SIKHISM (2005)
Indiana University–Purdue University
D. Moody Smith
Fort Wayne
Denis Sinor
Duke University
ANTICULT MOVEMENTS (2005)
Indiana University
JOHN THE EVANGELIST (1987 AND
DEPROGRAMMING (2005)
HUN RELIGION (1987)
2005)
UMAI (1987)
Muzammil H. Siddiqi
LUKE THE EVANGELIST (1987 AND
Islamic Society, Garden Grove,
Nathan Sivin
2005)
MARK THE EVANGELIST (1987 AND
California
University of Pennsylvania
ALCHEMY: CHINESE ALCHEMY (1987
2005)
S.ALA¯T (1987)
AND 2005)
MATTHEW THE EVANGELIST (1987
James T. Siegel
AND 2005)
Peter Skilling
Cornell University
Lumbini International Research
E. Gene Smith
ACEHNESE RELIGION (1987)
Institute
Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center,
Lee Siegel
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
New York
University of Hawaii, Manoa
BUDDHIST DEVOTIONAL LIFE IN
KONG SPRUL BLO GROS MTHA’ YAS
BHAGAVADGI¯TA¯ (1987)
SOUTHEAST ASIA (2005)
(KONGTRUL LODRO TAYE) (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxxxiv
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Frederick M. Smith
Aidan Southall
Aaron Stalnaker
University of Iowa
University of Wisconsin—Madison
Indiana University
MANTRA (2005)
TSWANA RELIGION (1987)
XUNZI (2005)
Jane I. Smith
Susanna W. Southard
Joan Stambaugh
Harvard University
Vanderbilt University
Hunter College, City University of
AFTERLIFE: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
RUTH AND NAOMI (2005)
New York
I
¯MA¯N AND ISLA¯M (1987)
Joseph J. Spae
PHILOSOPHY: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
John E. Smith
Oud-Heverlee, Belgium
James J. Stamoolis
Yale University
ITO
¯ JINSAI (1987)
International Fellowship of Evangelical
PHILOSOPHY: PHILOSOPHY AND
Johanna Spector
Students, Jeannette, Pennsylvania
RELIGION (1987)
Jewish Theological Seminary of
INNOKENTII VENIAMINOV (1987)
Jonathan Z. Smith
America
Shaul Stampfer
University of Chicago
CHANTING (1987)
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
AGES OF THE WORLD (1987)
Susan A. Spectorsky
KAGAN, YISRADEL MEDIR (1987)
DYING AND RISING GODS (1987)
Queens College, City University of
KOTLER, AHARON (1987)
GOLDEN AGE (1987)
New York
YESHIVAH (1987)
SLEEP (1987)
MA¯LIK IBN ANAS (1987)
Robert J. Smith
Michael Stanislawski
MAS.LAH.AH (1987)
Cornell University
Columbia University
R. Marston Speight
DOMESTIC OBSERVANCES: JAPANESE
ELIYYAHU BEN SHELOMOH ZALMAN
Hartford Seminary
PRACTICES (1987)
(1987)
CREEDS: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
ISSERLES, MOSHEH (1987)
Warren Thomas Smith
MA¯TURI¯DI¯, AL- (1987)
LURIA, SHELOMOH (1987)
Interdenominational Theological
S. David Sperling
Center, Atlanta
John E. Stanton
Hebrew Union College–Jewish
AUGUSTINE OF HIPPO (1987)
University of Western Australia
Institute of Religion, New York
BERNDT, RONALD (2005)
Stuart W. Smithers
GOD: GOD IN THE HEBREW
TJURUNGAS (1987)
San Francisco, California
SCRIPTURES (1987 AND 2005)
JEREMIAH (1987)
SPIRITUAL GUIDE (1987)
Vincent Stanzione
Moses Mesoamerican Archive, Peabody
David L. Snellgrove
Lewis W. Spitz
Museum
School of Oriental and African
Stanford University
BRUNO, GIORDANO (1987)
MAXIMÓN (2005)
Studies, University of London
FICINO, MARSILIO (1987)
(emeritus)
Michael Stausberg
HUMANISM (1987)
BUDDHAS AND BODHISATTVAS:
University of Bergen
PICO DELLA MIRANDOLA, GIOVANNI
CELESTIAL BUDDHAS AND
KLIMKEIT, HANS-JOACHIM (2005)
(1987)
BODHISATTVAS (1987)
Alan Sponberg
Alessandro Stavru
Moshe Sokol
Princeton University
Università degli Studi di Napoli
Lander College for Men, Touro College
KUIJI (1987)
“L’Orientale”
SOLOVEITCHIK, JOSEPH BAER (2005)
XUANZANG (1987)
BACHOFEN, J. J. (2005)
Robert Somerville
OTTO, WALTER F. (2005)
Dragoslav Srejovic´
Columbia University
SOCRATES (2005)
Univerzitet u Beogradu
GREGORY VII (1987 AND 2005)
NEOLITHIC RELIGION (1987)
Stephen J. Stein
LEO I (1987)
Smriti Srinivas
Indiana University, Bloomington
Deborah Sommer
University of California, Davis
EDWARDS, JONATHAN (1987)
Gettysburg College
CITIES (2005)
Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt
CHENG HAO (1987 AND 2005)
SAI BABA MOVEMENT (2005)
University of Pennsylvania
CHENG YI (1987 AND 2005)
Max L. Stackhouse
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE
ICONOGRAPHY: CONFUCIAN
Princeton Theological Seminary
COMPOUNDS IN EAST ASIA (2005)
ICONOGRAPHY (2005)
CHRISTIAN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS (1987
TEMPLE: CONFUCIAN TEMPLE
Sergio Sorrentino
AND 2005)
COMPOUNDS (1987 AND 2005)
University of Salerno
MISSIONS: MISSIONARY ACTIVITY
TEMPLE: DAOIST TEMPLE
SCHLEIERMACHER, FRIEDRICH (2005)
(1987 AND 2005)
COMPOUNDS (1987 AND 2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxxxv
Ernst Steinkellner
Jon R. Stone
HEALING AND MEDICINE: AN
Universität Wien
California State University, Long
OVERVIEW (2005)
DHARMAKI¯RTI (1987)
Beach
HIEROPHANY (1987)
NATURE: WORSHIP OF NATURE (1987)
William H. Stemper, Jr.
MÜLLER, F. MAX (2005)
ORIENTATION (1987)
Forum for Corporate Responsibility,
Jeffrey Stout
SUPREME BEINGS (1987)
New York
Princeton University
TRICKSTERS: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
FREEMASONS (1987)
NATURALISM (1987)
TRICKSTERS: MESOAMERICAN AND
Mikael Stenmark
Yuri Stoyanov
SOUTH AMERICAN TRICKSTERS
Uppsala University
University of London
(1987)
SOCIOBIOLOGY AND EVOLUTIONARY
DUALISM (2005)
Winnifred Fallers Sullivan
PSYCHOLOGY: DARWINISM AND
Frederick J. Streng
University of Chicago
RELIGION (2005)
Southern Methodist University
LAW AND RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
Walter Stephens
S´U
¯ NYAM AND S´U¯NYATA¯ (1987)
(2005)
Johns Hopkins University
TRUTH (1987)
Sunao Taira
DEMONS: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
Ivan Strenski
Tsukuba University
Barry Stephenson
University of California, Riverside
OKINAWAN RELIGION (2005)
University of Calgary
DURKHEIM, ÉMILE (2005)
Bengt Sundkler
RITES OF PASSAGE: AN OVERVIEW
John S. Strong
Uppsala Universitet
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Bates College
SHEMBE, ISAIAH (1987)
David Stern
MA¯RA (2005)
University of Pennsylvania
MERIT: BUDDHIST CONCEPTS (1987)
Kenneth Surin
Duke University
AFTERLIFE: JEWISH CONCEPTS (1987)
PRZYLUSKI, JEAN (2005)
COHEN, ARTHUR A. (2005)
RELICS (1987 AND 2005)
LIBERATION (2005)
Carole Lynn Stewart
Peter T. Struck
A. Rand Sutherland
University of Calgary
University of Pennsylvania
Florida Southern College
CIVIL RELIGION (2005)
SYMBOL AND SYMBOLISM (2005)
BOETHIUS (1987)
Devin J. Stewart
David Stuart
William L. Svelmoe
Emory University
Harvard University
St. Mary’s College, Notre Dame
MA¯LIK IBN ANAS (2005)
MAYA RELIGION (2005)
EVANGELICAL AND FUNDAMENTAL
CHRISTIANITY (2005)
Dianne M. Stewart
Kocku von Stuckrad
Emory University
University of Amsterdam
Mark N. Swanson
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS:
ENCYCLOPEDIAS (2005)
Luther Seminary, St. Paul, Minnesota
HISTORY OF STUDY (2005)
FESTSCHRIFTEN (2005)
COPTIC CHURCH (2005)
Norman A. Stillman
Theodore Stylianopoulos
Paul L. Swanson
State University of New York at
Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of
Nanzan Institute of Religion and
Binghamton
Theology, Brookline, Massachusetts
Culture, Nagoya, Japan
BERBER RELIGION (1987)
EPHRAEM OF SYRIA (1987)
ENNIN (1987)
ISAAC THE SYRIAN (1987)
Elettra Stimilli
SERAFIM OF SAROV (1987)
Michael Swartz
University of Salerno
Emilio Suárez de la Torre
Ohio State University
TAUBES, JAKOB (2005)
University of Valladolid
JUDAISM: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
George W. Stocking, Jr.
PINDAR (2005)
Samy Swayd
University of Chicago
SIBYLLINE ORACLES (2005)
San Diego State University
CODRINGTON, R. H. (1987 AND 2005)
Sharada Sugirtharajah
DRUZE (2005)
F. Ernest Stoeffler
University of Birmingham
Donald K. Swearer
Temple University
RAMABAI, PANDITA (2005)
Swarthmore College (emeritus);
FRANCKE, AUGUST HERMANN (1987)
Lawrence E. Sullivan
Harvard Divinity School
PIETISM (1987)
University of Notre Dame
ARHAT (1987)
SPENER, PHILIPP JAKOB (1987)
AXIS MUNDI (1987)
BUDDHADA¯SA (2005)
Jacqueline I. Stone
CENTER OF THE WORLD (1987)
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN
Princeton University
DEUS OTIOSUS (1987)
SOUTHEAST ASIA (1987)
NICHIRENSHU
¯ (2005)
EARTH (1987)
BUDDHIST RELIGIOUS YEAR (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxxxvi
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY
Karl Taube
J. A. Theuws
AND BUDDHISM (2005)
University of California, Riverside
Vaalbeck, Belgium
FOLK RELIGION: FOLK BUDDHISM
DRAMA: MESOAMERICAN DANCE AND
LUBA RELIGION (1987)
(1987)
DRAMA (2005)
Jacqueline M. C. Thomas
Daniel M. Swetschinski
JADE (2005)
Centre National de la Recherche
University of Arizona
Rhonda Taube
Scientifique, Paris
MARRANOS (1987)
University of California, San Diego
PYGMY RELIGIONS (1987)
DRAMA: MESOAMERICAN DANCE AND
Laura Furlan Szanto
DRAMA (2005)
Louis-Vincent Thomas
University of California, Santa
Universite de Paris V (Rene Descartes)
Barbara
Ann Taves
FUNERAL RITES: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
FICTION: NATIVE AMERICAN FICTION
Claremont School of Theology and
AND RELIGION (2005)
Claremont Graduate University
Laurence G. Thompson
POETRY: NATIVE AMERICAN POETRY
JAMES, WILLIAM (2005)
University of Southern California
AND RELIGION (2005)
RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE (2005)
CHINESE RELIGIOUS YEAR (1987)
JIAO (1987)
James D. Tabor
Bron Taylor
TIAN (1987)
University of North Carolina at
University of Florida
EARTH FIRST! (2005)
Chapel Hill
Linus J. Thro
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY
KORESH, DAVID (2005)
Saint Louis University
AND NATURE RELIGIONS (2005)
GILSON, ÉTIENNE (1987)
Ikael Tafari
Eugene Taylor
University of the West Indies
Robert A. F. Thurman
Harvard University
RASTAFARIANISM (2005)
Amherst College
CONSCIOUSNESS, STATES OF (2005)
TATHA¯GATA-GARBHA (1987)
Suha Taji-Farouki
Mark C. Taylor
University of Exeter
Richard W. Thurn
Williams College
QUTB, SAYYID (2005)
New York, New York
KIERKEGAARD, SØREN (1987)
ASHES (1987)
Sarolta A. Takács
Rodney L. Taylor
BLADES (1987)
Rutgers, the State University of
University of Colorado at Boulder
CARDS (1987)
New Jersey
ZHANG ZAI (1987 AND 2005)
FOUNTAIN (1987)
ISIS (2005)
ZHOU DUNYI (1987 AND 2005)
Antoine Tibesar
Charles H. Talbert
Barbara Tedlock
Academy of American Franciscan
Wake Forest University
State University of New York at
History, West Bethesda, Maryland
REIMARUS, HERMANN SAMUEL (1987)
Buffalo
SERRA, JUNIPERO (1987)
DREAMS (1987 AND 2005)
Thomas J. Talley
Mihaela Timus
General Theological Seminary, New
Stephen F. Teiser
Center for the History of Religions,
York
Princeton University
BUDDHISM: BUDDHISM IN CHINA
University of Bucharest
CHRISTIAN LITURGICAL YEAR (1987)
(2005)
WIKANDER, STIG (2005)
WORSHIP AND DEVOTIONAL LIFE:
CHRISTIAN WORSHIP (1987)
Javier Teixidor
Tink Tinker
Centre National de la Recherche
Iliff School of Theology, Denver,
Frank Talmage
Scientifique, Paris
Colorado
University of Toronto
ARAMEAN RELIGION (1987)
OSAGE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS (2005)
KIMH
. I, DAVID (1987)
S. D. Temkin
SUN DANCE [FURTHER
Elsa Tamez
University of Miami
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Universidad Bíblica Latinoamericana,
VISION QUEST (2005)
WISE, ISAAC M. (1987)
Costa Rica
Thanissaro Bhikkhu
Hava Tirosh-Samuelson
LIBERATION THEOLOGY (2005)
Metta Forest Monastery, Valley Center,
Arizona State University
Kenneth Tanaka
California
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY
Albany, California
EIGHTFOLD PATH (2005)
AND JUDAISM (2005)
HUIYUAN (1987)
James S. Thayer
Francis V. Tiso
Gary Michael Tartakov
Oklahoma State University
Institute of Noetic Sciences, Petaluma,
Iowa State University
MAWU-LISA (1987)
California
MU
¯ RTI (1987)
UNKULUNKULU (1987)
ORGY: ORGY IN ASIA (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxxxvii
Linda M. Tober
Diane Treacy-Cole
Edith Turner
University of Tennessee, Knoxville
University of Bristol
University of Virginia
HEAVEN AND HELL (1987)
EDDY, MARY BAKER (2005)
BODILY MARKS (2005)
MARY MAGDALENE (2005)
Dale Todaro
LIMINALITY (2005)
New York, New York
Lucio Troiani
MARRIAGE (1987)
NDEMBU RELIGION (1987)
KUMA¯RAJI¯VA (1987)
Università di Pavia
CICERO (2005)
PILGRIMAGE: AN OVERVIEW (1987
Toki Masanori
AND 2005)
Kokugakuin University
Christian W. Troll
RITES OF PASSAGE: AN OVERVIEW
PRIESTHOOD: SHINTO
¯ PRIESTHOOD
Vidyajyoti Institute, Delhi
[FIRST EDITION] (2005)
(1987)
AHMAD KHAN, SAYYID (1987)
Karen Turner
R. A. Tomlinson
Garry W. Trompf
Holy Cross College
University of Birmingham
University of Sydney
LEGALISM (2005)
TEMPLE: ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN
CHRISTIANITY: CHRISTIANITY IN THE
AND MEDITERRANEAN TEMPLES
PACIFIC ISLANDS [FURTHER
Victor Turner
(1987)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
(deceased)
COSMOLOGY: OCEANIC
Chiara Ombretta Tommasi
BODILY MARKS (1987)
COSMOLOGIES (2005)
Università degli Studi di Pisa
Thomas A. Tweed
JEVONS, F. B. (1987)
APOTHEOSIS (2005)
OCEANIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
University of North Carolina at
ASCENSION (2005)
STUDY [FURTHER
Chapel Hill
ORGY: ORGY IN MEDIEVAL AND
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
ADAMS, HANNAH (2005)
MODERN EUROPE (2005)
SHARPE, ERIC J. (2005)
Isadore Twersky
ORGY: ORGY IN THE ANCIENT
SPENCER, HERBERT (1987)
MEDITERRANEAN WORLD (2005)
Harvard University
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
AVRAHAM BEN DAVID OF POSQUIÈRES
Robert Tonkinson
STUDY OF RELIGION IN AUSTRALIA
(1987)
University of Western Australia
AND OCEANIA (2005)
TRANSCULTURATION AND RELIGION:
MAIMONIDES, MOSES (1987)
MARDU RELIGION (1987 AND 2005)
RELIGION IN THE FORMATION OF
Ruel W. Tyson, Jr.
James B. Torrance
MODERN OCEANIA (2005)
University of North Carolina at
University of Aberdeen
UTOPIA (1987)
Chapel Hill
BARTH, KARL (1987)
Mary Evelyn Tucker
JOURNALISM AND RELIGION (1987)
Sandy Toussaint
Bucknell University
Ueda Kenji
University of Western Australia
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: AN
Kokugakuin University
KABERRY, PHYLLIS M. (2005)
OVERVIEW (2005)
ECOLOGY AND RELIGION: ECOLOGY
HIRATA ATSUTANE (1987)
Richard F. Townsend
AND CONFUCIANISM (2005)
MOTOORI NORINAGA (1987)
Art Institute of Chicago
KAIBARA EKKEN (1987)
NORITO (1987)
GEOGRAPHY (1987)
NAKAE TO
¯ JU (1987)
Uehara Toyoaki
LAKES (1987)
William Tuladhar-Douglas
Indiana University, Bloomington
David Tracy
Oxford Centre for Buddhist Studies
TENRIKYO
¯ (1987)
University of Chicago
PU
¯ JA¯: BUDDHIST PU¯JA¯ (2005)
THEOLOGY: COMPARATIVE
Ellen M. Umansky
Diana G. Tumminia
THEOLOGY (1987)
Fairfield University
California State University,
ELECTION (1987)
J. B. Trapp
Sacramento
EXILE (1987 AND 2005)
Warburg Institute, University of
UNARIUS ACADEMY OF SCIENCE (2005)
MONTAGU, LILY (1987)
London
Robert Turcan
YATES, FRANCES AMELIA (2005)
Frederic B. Underwood
Université Lyon III (Jean Moulin)
Upperco, Maryland
John Travis
AGNO
¯ STOS THEOS (1987 AND 2005)
MEDITATION (1987)
Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of
APOCATASTASIS (1987)
Theology, Brookline, Massachusetts
APOTHEOSIS (1987)
Taitetsu Unno
CERULARIOS, MICHAEL (1987)
CATHARSIS (1987 AND 2005)
Smith College
GREGORY OF CYPRUS (1987)
DEIFICATION (1987)
KARUN
. A¯ (1987)
NIKEPHOROS (1987)
DIETERICH, ALBRECHT (1987)
MAPPO
¯ (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxxxviii
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
E. E. Urbach
Charlotte Vaudeville
DÖMÖTÖR, TEKLA (2005)
Israel Academy of Sciences and
Université de Paris III (Sorbonne-
HUNGARIAN RELIGION (2005)
Humanities, Jerusalem
Nouvelle) and École Pratique des
REGULY, ANTAL (2005)
TOSAFOT [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Hautes Études, Collège de France
John O. Voll
KABI¯R (1987)
Hugh B. Urban
Georgetown University
Ohio State University
Juan Adolfo Vázquez
IBN EABD AL-WAHHA¯B, MUH.AMMAD
(1987 AND 2005)
CAKRAS (2005)
University of Pittsburgh
WAHHA
¯ BI¯YAH (1987 AND 2005)
CROWLEY, ALEISTER (2005)
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN
KUN
RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES (1987)
. D
. ALINI¯ (2005)
John E. Vollmer
POLITICS AND RELIGION: AN
Anuradha Veeravalli
New York, New York
OVERVIEW (2005)
Delhi University
CLOTHING: CLOTHING AND
TAGORE, RABINDRANATH (2005)
INDIAN PHILOSOPHIES (2005)
RELIGION IN THE EAST (2005)
TEXTILES (1987 AND 2005)
Gary Urton
NYA¯YA (2005)
Harvard University
Franciscus Verellen
M. Heerma van Voss
ETHNOASTRONOMY (1987 AND 2005)
Institute of Chinese Studies, Chinese
University of Amsterdam (emeritus)
ANUBIS (1987 AND 2005)
Paul Valliere
University of Hong Kong
DU GUANGTING (2005)
BLEEKER, C. JOUCO (1987)
Butler University
SIMA CHENGZHEN (2005)
Hent de Vries
TRADITION (1987 AND 2005)
Donald Phillip Verene
Johns Hopkins University
F. Van Ommeslaeghe
Emory University
ORIENTALISM (2005)
Société des Bollandistes, Brussels
CASSIRER, ERNST (1987)
Jacques Waardenburg
CHRYSOSTOM (1987)
VICO, GIOVANNI BATTISTA (1987)
Rijksuniversiteit te Utrecht
John Van Seters
Jean-Pierre Vernant
BREUIL, HENRI (1987)
University of North Carolina at
Collège de France
CHANTEPIE DE LA SAUSSAYE, P. D.
Chapel Hill
GREEK RELIGION [FIRST EDITION]
(1987)
ABRAHAM (1987)
(1987)
GOLDZIHER, IGNÁCZ (1987)
DAVID [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
Marilyn Notah Verney
ISLAMIC STUDIES [FIRST EDITION]
ELIJAH (1987)
University of California, Santa
(1987)
ELISHA (1987)
LEEUW, GERARDUS VAN DER (1987)
Barbara
EZRA (1987)
MASSIGNON, LOUIS (1987)
NAVAJO RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
JOSIAH (1987)
TIELE, C. P. (1987)
(2005)
MOSES (1987)
WENSINCK, A. J. (1987)
Alec Vidler
NATHAN (1987)
Roy Wagner
NEHEMIAH (1987)
Friars of the Sack, Rye, England
University of Virginia
SAMUEL (1987)
BLONDEL, MAURICE (1987)
AFTERLIFE: OCEANIC CONCEPTS
SAUL (1987)
Vaira Vı¯k¸e-Freiberga
(2005)
SOLOMON (1987)
President of the Republic of Latvia
GOLDENWEISER, ALEXANDER A. (1987)
Nomikos Michael Vaporis
SAULE (2005)
MANA (2005)
Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of
Shafique N. Virani
TABOO (1987)
Theology, Brookline, Massachusetts
Harvard University
TOTEMISM (1987)
KOSMAS AITOLOS (1987)
AHL AL-BAYT (2005)
Rudolf G. Wagner
SCHOLARIOS, GENNADIOS (1987)
David R. Vishanoff
University of Heidelberg
H. Paul Varley
Emory University
WANG BI (1987 AND 2005)
Columbia University
NAZ.Z.A¯M, AL- (2005)
Sally Roesch Wagner
JAPANESE RELIGIONS: RELIGIOUS
Burton L. Visotzky
Matilda Joslyn Gage Foundation,
DOCUMENTS (1987)
Jewish Theological Seminary
Fayetteville, New York
Kapila Vatsyayan
MIDRASH AND AGGADAH [FURTHER
GAGE, MATILDA JOSLYN (2005)
Government of India, Department of
CONSIDERATONS] (2005)
Erik Wahlgren
Culture, New Delhi
Vilmos Voigt
University of California, Los Angeles
DRAMA: INDIAN DANCE AND DANCE
Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem,
(emeritus)
DRAMA (1987)
Budapest (Institute of Ethnography)
RUNES [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxxxix
Manabu Waida
Sheila S. Walker
Manabu Watanabe
University of Alberta
University of California, Berkeley
Nanzan University
AUTHORITY (1987)
HARRIS, WILLIAM WADE (1987)
AUM SHINRIKYO
¯ (2005)
BIRDS (1987)
Vesna A. Wallace
Henry Jay Watkin
COCKS (1987)
University of California, Santa
New York, New York
ELEPHANTS (1987)
Barbara
FOXES (1987)
WISSOWA, GEORG (1987)
FROGS AND TOADS (1987)
KA¯LACAKRA (2005)
W. Montgomery Watt
HEDGEHOGS (1987)
Dewey D. Wallace, Jr.
University of Edinburgh
INCARNATION (1987)
Professor of Religion, George
CREEDS: ISLAMIC CREEDS (1987)
INSECTS (1987)
Washington University
FREE WILL AND PREDESTINATION:
KINGSHIP: KINGSHIP IN EAST ASIA
FREE WILL AND PREDESTINATION: AN
ISLAMIC CONCEPTS (1987)
(1987)
OVERVIEW (1987 AND 2005)
GHAZA
¯ LI, ABU¯ H.A¯MID AL- (1987)
MIRACLES: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
THEOCRACY (1987 AND 2005)
PIGS (1987)
Alex Wayman
RABBITS (1987)
James Waller
Columbia University
TURTLES AND TORTOISES (1987)
New York, New York
BUDDHISM, SCHOOLS OF: TANTRIC
EVOLUTION: EVOLUTIONISM (1987)
David Waines
RITUAL SCHOOLS OF BUDDHISM
PREHISTORIC RELIGIONS: AN
University of Lancaster, United
[FIRST EDITION] (1987)
OVERVIEW (1987)
Kingdom
R. K. Webb
EUMAR IBN AL-KHAT
Glenn Wallis
. T.A¯B (1987)
University of Maryland, Baltimore
University of Georgia
Geoffrey Wainwright
County
GLASENAPP, HELMUTH VON (2005)
Duke University
MARTINEAU, JAMES (1987)
BERENGAR OF TOURS (1987 AND 2005)
Neal H. Walls
Val Webb
LORD’S PRAYER (1987 AND 2005)
Wake Forest University Divinity
Augsburg College
Jeanette A. Wakin
School
NIGHTINGALE, FLORENCE (2005)
Columbia University
ANAT (2005)
Sabra J. Webber
BAAL (2005)
ABU
¯ YU¯SUF (1987)
EL (2005)
Ohio State University
Paul Waldau
HUMOR AND RELIGION: HUMOR AND
Michael L. Walter
Tufts University
ISLAM (2005)
Indiana University Libraries,
ANIMALS (2005)
Bloomington
Timothy P. Weber
Marilyn Robinson Waldman
TIBETAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
Denver Conservative Baptist Seminary
Ohio State University
STUDY (1987)
IRVING, EDWARD (1987)
ESCHATOLOGY: ISLAMIC
Jonathan S. Walters
George Weckman
ESCHATOLOGY (1987)
Whitman College
Ohio University
NUBU
¯ WAH (1987)
COMMUNITY (1987)
SUNNAH (1987)
AS´OKA (2005)
MISSIONS: BUDDHIST MISSIONS (2005)
MONASTICISM: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
William S. Waldron
SECRET SOCIETIES (1987 AND 2005)
Middlebury College
Aihe Wang
David L. Weddle
A¯LAYA-VIJÑA¯NA (2005)
University of Hong Kong
YINYANG WUXING (2005)
Colorado College
Stanley Walens
JEHOVAH’S WITNESSES (2005)
University of California, San Diego
Richard G. Wang
Kirk Wegter-McNelly
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
University of Florida
OF THE NORTHWEST COAST [FIRST
FICTION: CHINESE FICTION AND
Boston University
EDITION] (1987)
RELIGION (2005)
PHYSICS AND RELIGION (2005)
POTLATCH (1987)
Kallistos Ware
Tu Wei-ming
THERIANTHROPISM (1987)
Pembroke College, University of
Harvard University
Muhammad Isa Waley
Oxford
SOUL: CHINESE CONCEPTS (1987)
The British Library
CYRIL I (1987)
TAIJI (1987)
KUBRA¯, NAJM AL-DI¯N (2005)
PETR MOGHILA (1987)
WANG YANGMING (1987)
J. H. Walgrave
Watanabe Ho¯yo¯
Donald Weinstein
(deceased)
Rissho University
University of Arizona
NEWMAN, JOHN HENRY (1987)
NICHIREN (1987)
SAVONAROLA, GIROLAMO (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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cxl
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
John Weinstock
KARO, YOSEF (1987)
Brannon Wheeler
University of Texas at Austin
LIGHT AND DARKNESS (1987)
University of Washington
OLAF THE HOLY (1987)
MESSIANISM: JEWISH MESSIANISM
STUDY OF RELIGION: THE ACADEMIC
SAXO GRAMMATICUS (1987 AND 2005)
(1987)
STUDY OF RELIGION IN NORTH
SNORRI STURLUSON (1987 AND 2005)
POLYTHEISM (1987)
AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE EAST
Robert Weisbrot
SHABBETAI TSEVI [FIRST EDITION]
(2005)
Colby College
(1987)
UMMAH (2005)
FATHER DIVINE (2005)
TRANSMIGRATION (1987)
Wade T. Wheelock
James A. Weisheipl
Eric Werner
James Madison University
(deceased)
New York, New York
LANGUAGE: SACRED LANGUAGE (1987)
ALBERTUS MAGNUS (1987)
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
Charles S. J. White
ANSELM (1987)
GREECE, ROME, AND BYZANTIUM
American University, Washington,
NOMINALISM (1987)
(1987)
D.C.
SCHOLASTICISM (1987)
THOMAS AQUINAS (1987)
Jack Wertheimer
ELIXIR (2005)
Jewish Theological Seminary of
GIFT GIVING (1987 AND 2005)
Bernard G. Weiss
KRISHNAMURTI, JIDDU (1987 AND
University of Utah
America
2005)
IJMA
¯ E (1987)
BAECK, LEO (1987)
IJTIH A
¯ D (1987)
David Gordon White
L. P. Wessell, Jr.
QA¯D
. I¯ (1987)
University of California, Santa
University of Colorado
US.U¯L AL-FIQH (1987)
Barbara
LESSING, G. E. (1987)
Mitchell G. Weiss
ALCHEMY: INDIAN ALCHEMY (1987
Robert Wessing
Harvard University
AND 2005)
Nothern Illinois University
DOGS (2005)
A¯YURVEDA (1987)
SUNDANESE RELIGION (1987)
TANTRISM: AN OVERVIEW (2005)
Chava Weissler
Lehigh University
Catherine Wessinger
J. Daniel White
TEKHINES (2005)
Loyola University New Orleans
University of North Carolina at
Charlotte
G. R. Welbon
BESANT, ANNIE (2005)
TOWERS (2005)
University of Pennsylvania
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: AN
OVERVIEW (2005)
BURNOUF, EUGÈNE (1987 AND 2005)
Peter M. Whiteley
LÉVI, SYLVAIN (1987 AND 2005)
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS: NEW
Sarah Lawrence College
OLDENBERG, HERMANN (1987 AND
RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS AND
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
2005)
MILLENNIALISM (2005)
OF THE SOUTHWEST (1987)
VAIKHA¯NASAS (1987 AND 2005)
YOGANANDA (2005)
Norman E. Whitten, Jr.
VAS.N.AVISM: BHA¯GAVATAS (1987 AND
Cornel West
2005)
University of Illinois, Urbana-
Yale University
VAS.N.AVISM: PA¯ÑCARA¯TRAS (1987 AND
Champaign
2005)
METAPHYSICS (1987)
AMAZONIAN QUECHUA RELIGIONS
ZAEHNER, R. C. (1987)
M. L. West
(1987)
ZIMMER, HEINRICH ROBERT (1987
Royal Holloway College and Bedford
G. M. Wickens
AND 2005)
College, University of London
University of Toronto
Mary Wellemeyer
EROS (1987)
H
. A
¯ FIZ. SHI¯RA¯ZI¯ (1987)
Unitarian Universalist Church,
HESIOD (1987)
SAEDI¯ (1987)
Manchester, New Hampshire
THESMOPHORIA (1987)
Kathleen O’Brien Wicker
SERVETUS, MICHAEL (2005)
Joan Goodnick Westenholz
Scripps College
Willeke Wendrich
Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem
MAMI WATA (2005)
University of California, Los Angeles
GODDESS WORSHIP: GODDESS
Christian Wiese
EGYPTIAN RELIGION: HISTORY OF
WORSHIP IN THE ANCIENT NEAR
STUDY (2005)
University of Erfurt
EAST (2005)
JONAS, HANS (2005)
R. J. Zwi Werblowsky
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
E. J. Westlake
James B. Wiggins
ANTHROPOMORPHISM (1987)
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
Syracuse University
ESCHATOLOGY: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
DRAMA: DRAMA AND RELIGION (2005)
EXPULSION (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
eorel_fmv1 3/15/05 3:29 PM Page cxli
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
cxli
Robert L. Wilken
Michael Winkelman
Mark R. Woodward
University of Notre Dame
Arizona State University
Arizona State University
EBIONITES (1987)
SHAMANISM: AN OVERVIEW
SOUTHEAST ASIAN RELIGIONS:
MARCION (1987)
[FURTHER CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
HISTORY OF STUDY (2005)
MARCIONISM (1987)
Hasso von Winning
Marcia Wright
NESTORIANISM (1987)
Southwest Museum, Los Angeles,
Columbia University
NESTORIUS (1987)
KINJIKITILE (1987)
PELAGIANISM (1987)
California
PELAGIUS (1987)
MESOAMERICAN RELIGIONS:
Robin M. Wright
FORMATIVE CULTURES (1987)
John Alden Williams
State University of Campinas
University of Texas at Austin
Donald F. Winslow
COSMOLOGY: SOUTH AMERICAN
COSMOLOGIES (2005)
KHA
¯ RIJI¯S (1987)
Episcopal Divinity School, Cambridge,
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
Paul Williams
Massachusetts
OF THE CENTRAL AND EASTERN
University of Bristol
GREGORY OF NAZIANZUS (1987)
AMAZON (2005)
BODHISATTVA PATH (2005)
David Winston
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
Roberto Williams-Garcia
Graduate Theological Union, Berkeley
OF THE NORTHWEST AMAZON
(2005)
Universidad Veracruzana
(emeritus)
TOTONAC RELIGION (1987)
PHILO JUDAEUS (1987 AND 2005)
Donna Marie Wulff
SPINOZA, BARUCH (2005)
Brown University
Jane Williams-Hogan
RA
¯ DHA¯ (1987)
Bryn Athyn College
William J. Wolf
SARASVATI¯ (1987)
SWEDENBORG, EMANUEL (2005)
Episcopal Divinity School, Cambridge,
SWEDENBORGIANISM (2005)
Massachusetts (emeritus)
Ina Wunn
University of Hannover
Janice D. Willis
ATONEMENT: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
(1987)
ETHOLOGY OF RELIGION (2005)
Wesleyan University
WARBURG, ABY (2005)
BU STON (1987)
Elliot R. Wolfson
Walter S. Wurzburger
Edwin N. Wilmsen
New York University
Congregation Shaaray Tefila,
Boston University
SHEKHINAH (2005)
Lawrence, New York
KHOI AND SAN RELIGION (1987)
Allan B. Wolter
ATONEMENT: JEWISH CONCEPTS
Bryan R. Wilson
Catholic University of America
(1987)
All Souls College, University of Oxford
(emeritus)
Turrell V. Wylie
SECULARIZATION (1987)
DUNS SCOTUS, JOHN (1987)
(deceased)
John F. Wilson
Mari Womack
DALAI LAMA (1987)
Princeton University
San Pedro, California
Teri Shaffer Yamada
MODERNITY (1987)
SPORTS AND RELIGION (2005)
California State University, Long
Liz Wilson
Isabel Wong
Beach
Miami University
University of Illinois, Urbana-
FICTION: SOUTHEAST ASIAN FICTION
NUDITY (2005)
Champaign
AND RELIGION (2005)
Monica Wilson
MUSIC: MUSIC AND RELIGION IN
Samuel Hideo Yamashita
(deceased)
CHINA, KOREA, AND TIBET (1987)
Pomona College
NYAKYUSA RELIGION (1987)
Allen W. Wood
OGYU
¯ SORAI (1987)
SOUTHERN AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN
Cornell University
YAMAGA SOKO
¯ O¯ (1987)
OVERVIEW (1987)
DEISM (1987)
Philip Yampolsky
Robert R. Wilson
ENLIGHTENMENT, THE (1987)
Columbia University
Yale University
Juliette Wood
HAKUIN (1987)
PROPHECY: BIBLICAL PROPHECY (1987)
Cardiff University
HUINENG (1987)
Thomas A. Wilson
GENDER AND RELIGION: GENDER
Ehsan Yarshater
Hamilton College
AND CELTIC RELIGIONS (2005)
Columbia University
CONFUCIANISM: THE IMPERIAL CULT
Hiram Woodward
MAZDAKISM (2005)
(2005)
Walters Art Museum
NOWRU
¯ Z (1987 AND 2005)
Walter Wink
TEMPLE: BUDDHIST TEMPLE
Neguin Yavari
Auburn Theological Seminary
COMPOUNDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
Columbia University
JOHN THE BAPTIST (1987)
(2005)
NIZ.A¯M AL-MULK (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
eorel_fmv1 3/15/05 3:29 PM Page cxlii
cxlii
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Robert A. Yelle
HENOTHEISM (1987 AND 2005)
Grover A. Zinn, Jr.
University of Toronto
NISHIDA KITARO
¯ (2005)
Oberlin College
LAW AND RELIGION: AN OVERVIEW
PARADOX AND RIDDLES (1987 AND
HUGH OF SAINT-VICTOR (1987)
(2005)
2005)
Eric Ziolkowski
LAW AND RELIGION: LAW, RELIGION,
Dario Zadra
Lafayette College
AND PUNISHMENT (2005)
Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana
FICTION: THE WESTERN NOVEL AND
Vasileios Yioultsis
SYMBOLIC TIME (1987)
RELIGION (2005)
Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki
Dominique Zahan
WACH, JOACHIM [FURTHER
PHOTIOS (1987)
CONSIDERATIONS] (2005)
Université de Paris V (René Descartes)
Angela Yiu
BAMBARA RELIGION (1987)
Steven J. Zipperstein
Sophia University
WEST AFRICAN RELIGIONS (1987)
Stanford University
FICTION: JAPANESE FICTION AND
GINZBERG, ASHER (2005)
Tzvee Zahavy
RELIGION (2005)
JUDAISM: JUDAISM IN NORTHERN
University of Minnesota, Twin Cities
Glenn E. Yocum
AND EASTERN EUROPE SINCE 1500
BERURYAH (1987)
Whittier College
(1987)
MEDIR (1987)
MA¯N
. IKKAVA¯CAKAR (1987)
Theodore Zissis
SHIMEON BAR YOH.DAI (1987)
MEYKAN
. T.A¯R (1987)
Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki
SHIMEON BEN GAMLIDEL II (1987)
UMA
¯ PATI S´IVA¯CA¯RYA (1987)
BARLAAM OF CALABRIA (1987)
T.ARFON (1987)
Serinity Young
EUTYCHES (1987)
YEHOSHU!A BEN H.ANANYAH (1987)
Hunter College, City University of
JEREMIAS II (1987)
YEHUDAH BAR ILEAI (1987)
MAKARIOS OF EGYPT (1987)
New York
YOSE BEN H
. ALAFTA’ (1987)
PACHOMIUS (1987)
STARS (1987)
Shamoon Zamir
SEVERUS OF ANTIOCH (1987)
Suzanne Youngerman
King’s College London
THEODORET OF CYRRHUS (1987)
Laban-Bartenieff Institute of
SAID, EDWARD W. (2005)
Michael J. Zogry
Movement Studies, New York,
Edwin Zehner
University of Kansas
New York
DeKalb, Illinois
BALLGAMES: NORTH AMERICAN
DANCE: THEATRICAL AND
DHAMMAKA¯YA MOVEMENT (2005)
INDIAN BALLGAMES (2005)
LITURGICAL DANCE [FIRST
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS: INDIANS
EDITION] (1987)
Eleanor Zelliot
OF THE SOUTHEAST WOODLANDS
Anthony C. Yu
Carleton College
(2005)
University of Chicago
AMBEDKAR, B. R. (1987 AND 2005)
Laurie Zoloth
LITERATURE: LITERATURE AND
MARATHI RELIGIONS (1987 AND 2005)
Northwestern University
RELIGION (1987)
Otto Zerries
GENETICS AND RELIGION (2005)
Chun-fang Yü
Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität
Evan M. Zuesse
Rutgers, The State University of New
München
South Australian College of Advanced
Jersey, New Brunswick Campus
FROBENIUS, LEO (1987)
Education
ZHUHONG (1987)
JENSEN, ADOLF E. (1987)
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC
Yü Ying-shih
LORD OF THE ANIMALS (1987)
THEMES (1987)
Yale University
PREUSS, KONRAD T. (1987)
DIVINATION: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIAN
WANG CHONG (1987)
RITUAL [FIRST EDITION] (1987)
RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW (1987)
Jan Yün-hua
R. Tom Zuidema
McMaster University
Madeline C. Zilfi
University of Illinois, Urbana-
University of Maryland at College
FAXIAN (1987)
Champaign
TAIXU (1987)
Park
CALENDARS: SOUTH AMERICAN
YIJING (1987)
SHAYKH AL-ISLA¯M (1987)
CALENDARS (1987)
Michiko Yusa
Michael E. Zimmerman
Erik Zürcher
Western Washington University
Tulane University
Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden
CHANCE (1987 AND 2005)
HEIDEGGER, MARTIN (1987)
AMITA¯BHA (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
eorel_fmv1 3/15/05 3:29 PM Page cxliii
A B B R E V I A T I O N S A N D S Y M B O L S
U S E D I N T H I S W O R K
abbr. abbreviated; abbreviation
3 Bar. 3 Baruch
2 Chr. 2 Chronicles
abr. abridged; abridgment
4 Bar. 4 Baruch
Ch. Slav. Church Slavic
AD anno Domini, in the year of the
B.B. BavaD batraD
cm centimeters
(our) Lord
BBC British Broadcasting
col. column (pl., cols.)
Afrik. Afrikaans
Corporation
Col. Colossians
AH anno Hegirae, in the year of the
BC before Christ
Colo. Colorado
Hijrah
BCE before the common era
comp. compiler (pl., comps.)
Akk. Akkadian
B.D. Bachelor of Divinity
Conn. Connecticut
Ala. Alabama
Beits. Beitsah
cont. continued
Alb. Albanian
Bekh. Bekhorot
Copt. Coptic
Am. Amos
Beng. Bengali
1 Cor. 1 Corinthians
AM ante meridiem, before noon
Ber. Berakhot
2 Cor. 2 Corinthians
amend. amended; amendment
Berb. Berber
corr. corrected
annot. annotated; annotation
Bik. Bikkurim
C.S.P. Congregatio Sancti Pauli,
Ap. Apocalypse
bk. book (pl., bks.)
Congregation of Saint Paul
Apn. Apocryphon
B.M. BavaD metsiEaD
(Paulists)
app. appendix
BP before the present
d. died
Arab. Arabic
B.Q. BavaD qammaD
D Deuteronomic (source of the
EArakh. EArakhin
Bra¯h. Bra¯hman.a
Pentateuch)
Aram. Aramaic
Bret. Breton
Dan. Danish
Ariz. Arizona
B.T. Babylonian Talmud
D.B. Divinitatis Baccalaureus,
Ark. Arkansas
Bulg. Bulgarian
Bachelor of Divinity
Arm. Armenian
Burm. Burmese
D.C. District of Columbia
art. article (pl., arts.)
c. circa, about, approximately
D.D. Divinitatis Doctor, Doctor of
AS Anglo-Saxon
Calif. California
Divinity
Asm. Mos. Assumption of Moses
Can. Canaanite
Del. Delaware
Assyr. Assyrian
Catal. Catalan
Dem. DemaDi
A.S.S.R. Autonomous Soviet Socialist
CE of the common era
dim. diminutive
Republic
Celt. Celtic
diss. dissertation
Av. Avestan
cf. confer, compare
Dn. Daniel
EA.Z. EAvodah zarah
Chald. Chaldean
D.Phil. Doctor of Philosophy
b. born
chap. chapter (pl., chaps.)
Dt. Deuteronomy
Bab. Babylonian
Chin. Chinese
Du. Dutch
Ban. Bantu
C.H.M. Community of the Holy
E Elohist (source of the Pentateuch)
1 Bar. 1 Baruch
Myrrhbearers
Eccl. Ecclesiastes
2 Bar. 2 Baruch
1 Chr. 1 Chronicles
ed. editor (pl., eds.); edition; edited by
cxliii
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cxliv
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
EEduy. EEduyyot
Hung. Hungarian
Lith. Lithuanian
e.g. exempli gratia, for example
ibid. ibidem, in the same place (as the
Lk. Luke
Egyp. Egyptian
one immediately preceding)
LL Late Latin
1 En. 1 Enoch
Icel. Icelandic
LL.D. Legum Doctor, Doctor of Laws
2 En. 2 Enoch
i.e. id est, that is
Lv. Leviticus
3 En. 3 Enoch
IE Indo-European
m meters
Eng. English
Ill. Illinois
m. masculine
enl. enlarged
Ind. Indiana
M.A. Master of Arts
Eph. Ephesians
intro. introduction
Ma Eas. MaEaserot
EEruv. EEruvin
Ir. Gael. Irish Gaelic
Ma Eas. Sh. MaE aser sheni
1 Esd. 1 Esdras
Iran. Iranian
Mak. Makkot
2 Esd. 2 Esdras
Is. Isaiah
Makh. Makhshirin
3 Esd. 3 Esdras
Ital. Italian
Mal. Malachi
4 Esd. 4 Esdras
J Yahvist (source of the Pentateuch)
Mar. Marathi
esp. especially
Jas. James
Mass. Massachusetts
Est. Estonian
Jav. Javanese
1 Mc. 1 Maccabees
Est. Esther
Jb. Job
2 Mc. 2 Maccabees
et al. et alii, and others
Jdt. Judith
3 Mc. 3 Maccabees
etc. et cetera, and so forth
Jer. Jeremiah
4 Mc. 4 Maccabees
Eth. Ethiopic
Jgs. Judges
Md. Maryland
EV English version
Jl. Joel
M.D. Medicinae Doctor, Doctor of
Ex. Exodus
Jn. John
Medicine
exp. expanded
1 Jn. 1 John
ME Middle English
Ez. Ezekiel
2 Jn. 2 John
Meg. Megillah
Ezr. Ezra
3 Jn. 3 John
Me Eil. MeEilah
2 Ezr. 2 Ezra
Jon. Jonah
Men. Menah.ot
4 Ezr. 4 Ezra
Jos. Joshua
MHG Middle High German
f. feminine; and following (pl., ff.)
Jpn. Japanese
mi. miles
fasc. fascicle (pl., fascs.)
JPS Jewish Publication Society trans-
Mi. Micah
fig. figure (pl., figs.)
lation (1985) of the Hebrew Bible
Mich. Michigan
Finn. Finnish
J.T. Jerusalem Talmud
Mid. Middot
fl. floruit, flourished
Jub. Jubilees
Minn. Minnesota
Fla. Florida
Kans. Kansas
Miq. MiqvaDot
Fr. French
Kel. Kelim
MIran. Middle Iranian
frag. fragment
Ker. Keritot
Miss. Mississippi
ft. feet
Ket. Ketubbot
Mk. Mark
Ga. Georgia
1 Kgs. 1 Kings
Mo. Missouri
Gal. Galatians
2 Kgs. 2 Kings
MoEed Q. MoEed qat.an
Gaul. Gaulish
Khois. Khoisan
Mont. Montana
Ger. German
Kil. Kil Dayim
MPers. Middle Persian
Git.. Git.t.in
km kilometers
MS. manuscriptum, manuscript (pl.,
Gn. Genesis
Kor. Korean
MSS)
Gr. Greek
Ky. Kentucky
Mt. Matthew
H
. ag. H
. agigah
l. line (pl., ll.)
MT Masoretic text
H
. al. H
. allah
La. Louisiana
n. note
Hau. Hausa
Lam. Lamentations
Na. Nahum
Hb. Habakkuk
Lat. Latin
Nah. Nahuatl
Heb. Hebrew
Latv. Latvian
Naz. Nazir
Heb. Hebrews
L. en Th. Licencié en Théologie,
N.B. nota bene, take careful note
Hg. Haggai
Licentiate in Theology
N.C. North Carolina
Hitt. Hittite
L. ès L. Licencié ès Lettres, Licentiate
n.d. no date
Hor. Horayot
in Literature
N.Dak. North Dakota
Hos. Hosea
Let. Jer. Letter of Jeremiah
NEB New English Bible
H
. ul. H
. ullin
lit. literally
Nebr. Nebraska
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
eorel_fmv1 3/15/05 3:29 PM Page cxlv
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
cxlv
Ned. Nedarim
pop. population
sp. species (pl., spp.)
Neg. Nega Eim
Port. Portuguese
Span. Spanish
Neh. Nehemiah
Prv. Proverbs
sq. square
Nev. Nevada
Ps. Psalms
S.S.R. Soviet Socialist Republic
N.H. New Hampshire
Ps. 151 Psalm 151
st. stanza (pl., ss.)
Nid. Niddah
Ps. Sol. Psalms of Solomon
S.T.M. Sacrae Theologiae Magister,
N.J. New Jersey
pt. part (pl., pts.)
Master of Sacred Theology
Nm. Numbers
1Pt. 1 Peter
Suk. Sukkah
N.Mex. New Mexico
2 Pt. 2 Peter
Sum. Sumerian
no. number (pl., nos.)
Pth. Parthian
supp. supplement; supplementary
Nor. Norwegian
Q hypothetical source of the synoptic
Sus. Susanna
n.p. no place
Gospels
s.v. sub verbo, under the word (pl.,
n.s. new series
Qid. Qiddushin
s.v.v.)
N.Y. New York
Qin. Qinnim
Swed. Swedish
Ob. Obadiah
r. reigned; ruled
Syr. Syriac
O.Cist. Ordo Cisterciencium, Order
Rab. Rabbah
Syr. Men. Syriac Menander
of Cîteaux (Cistercians)
rev. revised
TaE an. TaEanit
OCS Old Church Slavonic
R. ha-Sh. RoDsh ha-shanah
Tam. Tamil
OE Old English
R.I. Rhode Island
Tam. Tamid
O.F.M. Ordo Fratrum Minorum,
Rom. Romanian
Tb. Tobit
Order of Friars Minor
Rom. Romans
T.D. Taisho¯ shinshu¯ daizo¯kyo¯, edited
(Franciscans)
R.S.C.J. Societas Sacratissimi Cordis
by Takakusu Junjiro¯ et al.
OFr. Old French
Jesu, Religious of the Sacred Heart
(Tokyo,1922–1934)
Ohal. Ohalot
RSV Revised Standard Version of the
Tem. Temurah
OHG Old High German
Bible
Tenn. Tennessee
OIr. Old Irish
Ru. Ruth
Ter. Terumot
OIran. Old Iranian
Rus. Russian
T
. ev. Y. T
. evul yom
Okla. Oklahoma
Rv. Revelation
Tex. Texas
ON Old Norse
Rv. Ezr. Revelation of Ezra
Th.D. Theologicae Doctor, Doctor of
O.P. Ordo Praedicatorum, Order of
San. Sanhedrin
Theology
Preachers (Dominicans)
S.C. South Carolina
1 Thes. 1 Thessalonians
OPers. Old Persian
Scot. Gael. Scottish Gaelic
2 Thes. 2 Thessalonians
op. cit. opere citato, in the work cited
S.Dak. South Dakota
Thrac. Thracian
OPrus. Old Prussian
sec. section (pl., secs.)
Ti. Titus
Oreg. Oregon
Sem. Semitic
Tib. Tibetan
EOrl. EOrlah
ser. series
1 Tm. 1 Timothy
O.S.B. Ordo Sancti Benedicti, Order
sg. singular
2 Tm. 2 Timothy
of Saint Benedict (Benedictines)
Sg. Song of Songs
T. of 12 Testaments of the Twelve
p. page (pl., pp.)
Sg. of 3 Prayer of Azariah and the
Patriarchs
P Priestly (source of the Pentateuch)
Song of the Three Young Men
T
. oh. t.ohorot
Pa. Pennsylvania
Shab. Shabbat
Tong. Tongan
Pahl. Pahlavi
Shav. ShavuEot
trans. translator, translators; translated
Par. Parah
Sheq. Sheqalim
by; translation
para. paragraph (pl., paras.)
Sib. Or. Sibylline Oracles
Turk. Turkish
Pers. Persian
Sind. Sindhi
Ukr. Ukrainian
Pes. Pesahim
Sinh. Sinhala
Upan. Upanis.ad
Ph.D. Philosophiae Doctor, Doctor
Sir. Ben Sira
U.S. United States
of Philosophy
S.J. Societas Jesu, Society of Jesus
U.S.S.R. Union of Soviet Socialist
Phil. Philippians
(Jesuits)
Republics
Phlm. Philemon
Skt. Sanskrit
Uqts. Uqtsin
Phoen. Phoenician
1 Sm. 1 Samuel
v. verse (pl., vv.)
pl. plural; plate (pl., pls.)
2 Sm. 2 Samuel
Va. Virginia
PM post meridiem, after noon
Sogd. Sogdian
var. variant; variation
Pol. Polish
Sot.. Sot.ah
Viet. Vietnamese
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
eorel_fmv1 3/15/05 3:29 PM Page cxlvi
cxlvi
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
viz. videlicet, namely
Yad. Yadayim
* hypothetical
vol. volume (pl., vols.)
Yev. Yevamot
? uncertain; possibly; perhaps
Vt. Vermont
Yi. Yiddish
° degrees
Wash. Washington
Yor. Yoruba
+ plus
Wel. Welsh
Zav. Zavim
– minus
Wis. Wisconsin
Zec. Zechariah
= equals; is equivalent to
Wis. Wisdom of Solomon
Zep. Zephaniah
× by; multiplied by
W.Va. West Virginia
Zev. Zevah.im
→ yields
Wyo. Wyoming
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N


v o l u m e o n e
a c r e d t i m
s
S A C e
R E D T I M E
Time takes many different forms, and one of the primary tasks
of visual culture in religious life is to articulate and maintain
particular forms of time. Tracing the descent of one’s people, customs, or teachers is
common. The portrait of a Tibetan lama
or teacher shown here (a) is surrounded
by a long lineage of Indian and Tibetan
gurūs. These figures include in the center,
perched above the large figure, the histori-
cal Buddha himself, the source of knowl-
edge and spiritual authority that extends
through the generations of Buddhist sages
to the large figure who now assumes the
pose of a buddha. The royal court of the
Luba people of southeastern Democratic
Republic of the Congo relies on lukasa,
or the memory board (b), to remember
the stories of heroes, clan migrations, king
lists, and genealogies. This item is used on
ritual occasions, often to install new rulers,
inscribing them into the narrative of the
court and people, as well as the cosmos. By
making them part of the sacred time that
envelopes a people and universe, the lukasa
and its interpreters ensure the legitimacy
of the king and consecrate his reign.
Other groups rely on ritual observa-
tions to secure the collective memory of
their people. Jews annually celebrate the
(a) Tibeten thang ka depicting Stag lung pa
(Taglung Thangpa) and arhats, c. 1300 ce, dis-
temper on canvas. [©Réunion des Musées Nation-
aux/Art Resource, N.Y.]
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SACRED TIME
Passover with a ceremonial meal or Seder (c), using the
occasion to retell the sacred story of Israel’s deliverance
from bondage, as in the case of the rabbi shown here,
who ritually poses historical and theological questions to
a boy. Jews who came to the United States in the early
twentieth century often purchased postcards, such as the
one shown here (d), in order to demonstrate visually the
preservation of their rites to those who had remained in
Eastern Europe. This visual mediation of the ritual keep-
ing of the liturgical calendar or sacred time (the rite of
Tashlikh, a prayer service held on the first day of Ro’sh
(b) LEFT. Luba chief with a memory board (lukasa) and staff,
1989, Democratic Republic of the Congo. [Photograph by Mary
N. Roberts and Allen F. Roberts] (c) B OTTOM. A rabbi poses histori-
cal and theological questions to a Jewish boy during the Seder.
[©Roger Ressmeyer/Corbis]
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SACRED TIME
ha-Shanah) established a link that persisted in spite of
distance. Other immigrants to the United States, Swedish
Lutherans, invented certificates for display in the home
(e) to commemorate such important events as marriage
or confirmation in the faith. Memory is especially impor-
tant for immigrants or displaced populations as a way of
maintaining identity in spite of significant, even violent,
change.

Another kind of reminder is the memento mori, or a
reminder of human mortality, which may be older even
(d) RIGHT. A postcard depicting a Jewish Tashlikh service
near the Brooklyn Bridge in New York, c. 1915. [©Snark/Art
Resource, N.Y.] (e) B OTTOM. Swedish-American Lutheran
confirmation certificate, designed by John Gast, 1902. [Photo
by Michel Raguin/Courtesy of Virginia Raguin]
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SACRED TIME
than Christianity, but was used by Christians from the
Middle Ages to the modern age, as in the Dutch paint-
ing by Willem Claesz Heda (f ). The artist embeds in
this modest still life a number of reminders of the mortal
nature of human existence. The open pocket watch recalls
the passing moments of life, the need for vigilance, and
a dutiful attending to what is needful. The momentary
freshness of the food and its frugal presentation signals the
urgency and propriety of a mindful, ordered life. Remem-
bering the transience of human existence and the caution
to live in light of the inevitable end is often a message
conveyed by those who construct roadside shrines like
the one reproduced here (g). These mark the site where
(f ) TOP. Willem Claesz Heda, Breakfast Still Life, 1629, oil on
canvas. [©Scala/Art Resource, N.Y.] (g) LEFT. A roadside shrine for
a man who was killed in an automobile accident on Highway 20
in northwest Indiana. [Photograph by David Morgan]
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SACRED TIME
a loved one or friend died, but also warn passersby to be
(h) Aboriginal rock painting of a Wanjana figure, from Nour-
careful and reflective.
langie, Kakadu National Park, Northern Territory, Australia.
[©Archivo Iconografico, S.A./Corbis]

Images may also evoke the experience of a primor-
dial time, one before, or outside of, or encompassing the
present world. Australian Aboriginals refer to this time as
dreamtime, which is the ancestral past and primordial age
when the physical world was created as it now appears.
The two most common forms of imagery associated with
the portrayal of dreamtime are rock paintings and engrav-
ings, and bark painting. The rock painting (h) from the
Australia Northern Territory shows a splayed, transparent
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SACRED TIME
male figure that displays its skeletal structure and promi-
nent sexual organs in what is called x-ray style. The bark
painting (i), also from northern Australia, features dream-
time figures. Originally created on the portions of bark
used as covering for shelters during the rainy season, bark
paintings are now made by Aboriginals as fine art. Other
cultures visualize the link between present time and the
transcendent by capturing the shaman’s transformation
into totemic animals, such as in the Mochican earthen-
ware figure from the northern coast of Peru, a deer-headed
anthromorph that may represent a shaman undergoing
metamorphosis (j).
(i) TOP. Australian Aboriginal dreamtime figures painted on
bark. [©Penny Tweedie/Corbis] (j) LEFT. Mochican earthenware
figure from Peru depicting a deer-headed anthromorph that may
represent a shaman undergoing metamorphosis. [©Werner
Forman/Art Resource, N.Y.]
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SACRED TIME

In Christian, Jewish, and Muslim religious tradi-
(k) Twelfth-century carving of the Last Judgement adorning a
tions images have often visualized the future arrival of an
tympanum above the western portal of the Church of Saint Foy
apocalyptic figure who brings with him the end of the
in Conques, France. [©Vanni Archive/Corbis]
world. Rather than looking back to primordial moments,
these images anticipate the end, as in the carving of the
Last Judgment (k) from a twelfth-century church in
France, in which the enthroned figure of Christ oversees
the blessing of those chosen to enter heaven and the
damnation of those (seen below) who enter the realm of
eternal suffering and doom. For Shīcī Muslims, images of
a mounted Shīcī rider portray the “hidden imām” or the
mahdī (the well guided), a ninth-century leader of the
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Imamite Shīcah, Abul Qaim Muh.ammad, who vanished
in the tenth century and will return at the end of time
to usher in justice. Such mass-produced images have a
modern, Christian counterpart in two printed items from
the United States (l and m), which offer a meticulous
diagramming of time from biblical prophecies as millen-
nialist Christians interpreted them in the Hebrew Bible to
the second coming of Christ.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Caruana, Wally. Aboriginal Art. New York, 1993; rev. ed., 2003.
Coe, Michael D., et al. The Olmec World: Ritual and Rulership.
Princeton, 1995.
Flood, Josephine. Rock Art of the Dreamtime: Images of Ancient
Australia. Sydney, 1997.
Pal, Pratapaditya. Himalayas: An Aesthetic Adventure. Chicago,
2003.
Roberts, Mary Nooter, and Allen F. Roberts, eds. Memory: Luba
Art and the Making of History. New York and Munich, 1996.
David Morgan ()
(l) LEFT. A Chronological Chart of the Visions of Daniel and
John, 1482, hand-tinted lithograph on cloth after an original
design by Charles Fitch and Apollos Hale. [Courtesy of James R.
Nix] (m) BELOW. Clarence Larkin, Dispensationalist diagram
titled The Mountain Peaks of Prophecy, 1920. [Used with permission
of the Rev. Clarence Larkin Estate, P. O. Box 334, Glenside, Pa. 19038,
U.S.A.; 215-576-5590.]
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A
AARON, or, in Hebrew, Aharon; Israelite leader and priest who flourished, according
to tradition, in the thirteenth century BCE. In its redacted form, the Pentateuch provides
a fairly complete biography of Aaron, the first priest in the biblical tradition. Born to
Amram and Jochebed of the Levite tribe when the Israelites were slaves in Egypt, he was
the elder brother by three years of the great prophet-leader Moses, and he assisted Moses
in liberating the Israelites and leading them through the Sinai wilderness to the Promised
Land of Israel. Israel’s God, YHVH, instructed Moses to appoint Aaron and his sons as
the exclusive priests of the people, and Aaron ministered in the capacity of chief priest
until he died, in the last year of the journey.
Most Bible scholars, however, regard this unified picture of the life and role of Aaron
as a relatively late invention of the so-called Priestly school (the P source). Biblical tradi-
tions concerning Aaron present diverse views. In addition to the Priestly representation,
in which the functions of Aaron and his sons establish precedents for the official priests
of all succeeding generations (see, for example, Exodus 30:10, 40:15, and Leviticus 6:11),
Aaron is remembered as a military-political leader who acts as a lieutenant of Moses in
the Israelites’ battle against the Amalekites (Ex. 17:12) and who serves as a magistrate in
Moses’ absence (Ex. 24:14). Aaron is cited as a leader of the Exodus in Micah 6:4 and
in Psalms 77:21.
Aaron also fulfills an apparently prophetic role. He serves as Moses’ spokesman to
the Israelites and to the pharaoh of Egypt, performing magical feats by the power of
YHVH. In Numbers 12, Aaron and his sister Miriam challenge Moses’ unique prophetic
status, claiming revelation for themselves as well, but YHVH rebukes them.
Two Pentateuchal narratives revolve around the legitimacy of Aaron’s priesthood.
In Numbers 17:16ff. Moses vindicates Aaron: he inscribes the names of the tribes on
twelve poles, but only the pole of the Levite tribe, bearing Aaron’s name, sprouts blos-
soms. In Exodus 32 Aaron succumbs to the people’s plea to construct a physical image
of God and makes a golden calf. The Pentateuch (Ex. 32:35, Dt. 9:20) condemns Aaron
C LOCKWISE FROM TOP LEFT CORNER. Fourteenth-century BCE terra-cotta hedgehog of Aegean Rhyton,
from Ugarit, Syria. Louvre, Paris. [©Erich Lessing/Art Resource, N.Y.]; Facsimile of prehistoric
paintings in Lascaux Cave in southwestern France. Musée des Antiquites Nationales, France.
[©Réunion des Musées Nationaux/Art Resource, N.Y.]; Ancient Egyptian underworld god Anubis.
Cairo Museum. [©Roger Wood/Corbis]; Pyramid of the Sun at Teotihuacan, Mexico.
[©Charles & Josette Lenars/Corbis]; Late-nineteenth-century brass Altar of the Hand shrine from
Benin. British Museum, London. [©HIP/Scala/Art Resource, N.Y.].
1
2
ABBAHU
for this apostasy and appears to favor those Levites associated
and a remark ascribed to Abbahu to the effect that “if a man
with Moses over the priests represented by Aaron.
tells you ‘I am God’ he is lying” (J.T., Ta Ean. 2.1, 65b). Ab-
Aaron’s golden calf is generally associated with the
bahu is also said to have brought about a change in the legal
calves set up centuries later by King Jeroboam I (r. 928–907
status of the Samaritans in the Jewish community so that
now they were to be considered Gentiles in all respects (J.T.,
BCE) in the far northern town of Dan and in the central town
E
of Bethel after the northern tribes of Israel seceded from the
A. Z. 5.4, 44d).
Israelite empire circa 920 BCE. On the basis of this, and of
Abbahu engaged in secular studies and, to his col-
the connection of Aaronite priests to Bethel mentioned in
leagues’ consternation, taught his daughter Greek (J.T.,
Judges 20:26–28, some scholars have concluded that Aaron
Shab. 6.1, 7d). His familiarity with the surrounding culture
was the founder of the northern priesthood, which was later
gave him relatively easy access to the Roman authorities, a
assimilated into the Jerusalem priesthood. Others believe
privilege that he used to intercede for his brethren when the
that the Aaronites originated in the south and because of
occasion demanded (B.T., Ket. 17a). This combination of
their traditional legitimacy were appointed to positions in
openness to the surrounding culture and willingness to com-
the northern cult.
bat rival religious movements made Abbahu an effective ad-
As the various traditions were combined in the Penta-
vocate of the rabbinic viewpoint. He was able to insist on the
teuch, Aaron became the paradigm of the priest and Moses
exclusive legitimacy of rabbinic teachings without seeming
of the prophet, but Aaron’s role was clearly subordinated to
to demand that Jews live in isolation from their surroundings
that of his younger brother.
or that they abjure any interest in the activities of their
neighbors.
SEE ALSO Levites; Priesthood, article on Jewish Priesthood.
Some of Abbahu’s ritual enactments, most notably con-
cerning the sounding of the ram’s horn on RoDsh ha-Shanah,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the New Year festival (B.T., R. ha-Sh. 34a), became norma-
The most commonly held reconstruction of the history of the Isra-
tive practice in Jewish life. Despite his polemical activities,
elite priesthood and the place of Aaron and the Aaronites in
he was remembered within his own community as a peace-
it is Aelred Cody’s A History of Old Testament Priesthood
maker and a man of modesty (B.T., Sot. 40a). He was said
(Rome, 1969), which also contains a comprehensive bibliog-
to have been a man of wealth and good looks. His disciples
raphy. An important revision of the common theory is Frank
included leading scholars of the next generation.
Moore Cross’s Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic: Essays in the
History of the Religion of Israel (Cambridge, Mass., 1973),
pp. 195–215. For the view that Aaron was the founder of the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
northern Israelite priesthood, see Theophile J. Meek’s He-
Hyman, Aaron. Toledot tanna Dim ve-amoraDim (1910). Reprint,
brew Origins (1936; reprint, New York, 1960), pp. 31–33,
Jerusalem, 1964.
119–147. Extensive analyses of the Aaron passages in the
Levine, Lee I. “R. Abbahu of Caesarea.” In Christianity, Judaism
Pentateuch can be found in Hugo Gressmann’s Mose und
and Other Greco-Roman Cults, edited by Jacob Neusner, vol.
seine Zeit: Ein Kommentar zu den Mose-sagen (Göttingen,
4, pp. 56–76. Leiden, 1975.
1913), pp. 199–218, 264–283, 338–344. The most compre-
hensive history of the scholarly debate, with a detailed liter-
New Sources
Lachs, Samuel Tobias. “Rabbi Abbahu and the Minim.” Jewish
ary-historical analysis of the pertinent biblical passages, is
Quarterly Review 60 (1970): 197–212.
Heinrich Valentin’s Aaron: Eine Studie zur vor-
priesterschriftlichen Aaron-Überlieferung (Göttingen, 1978).
ROBERT GOLDENBERG (1987)
Revised Bibliography
EDWARD L. GREENSTEIN (1987)
ABBAYE (d. c. 338), a leading fourth-generation Babylo-
ABBAHU (fl. toward the turn of the fourth century CE),
nian amora. Abbaye, who studied with his uncle Rabbah bar
Palestinian amora. Abbahu was the younger contemporary
Nahmani and with Yosef bar H:iyyaD of Pumbedita, drew on
of both ShimEon ben Laqish (“Resh Laqish”) and ElEazar ben
teachings both from Babylonia and, indirectly, from Pales-
Pedat, with whom he studied, but his main teacher was
tine; his teachings relay his erudition and subtle analytic abil-
Yoh:anan bar Nappah:aD. Abbahu eventually settled in Caesa-
ity. At Yosef’s death (c. 323), Abbaye became the leading
rea, where he became head of the rabbinic academy. Because
teacher in Pumbedita, where he taught legal, aggadic, and ex-
of the cosmopolitan nature of that city he had frequent con-
egetical subjects to students individually and, in pirqa D gath-
tacts with Christians, Samaritans, and other “heretics”; sur-
erings held on sabbaths and special occasions, to the public
viving reports suggest that Abbahu engaged in frequent po-
at large. He applied rabbinic law in his role as judge of the
lemics against these rivals.
local Jewish court and supervisor of the market’s weights and
Among the reports of these polemics are an exegesis at-
measures.
tributed to Abbahu in which Isaiah 44:6 is taken to be God’s
With an independent mind, he evaluated both sides of
explicit denial of a father or a brother or a son (Ex. Rab. 29.4)
issues and reportedly even resorted to curses to support or
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EABD AL-JABBA¯R
3
oppose a given opinion (B.T., Ber. 29a). Like RavaD, Yosef’s
New Sources
son, he used terminology to conceptualize the Mishnah’s lit-
Schwartz, Howard. Reimagining the Bible: The Storytelling of the
erary characteristics and taught baraitot, his own versions of
Rabbis. New York, 1998.
formulated law that might dispute the Mishnah. RavaD and
BARUCH M. BOKSER (1987)
Abbaye compared earlier teachings and assayed their under-
Revised Bibliography
lying logic and relation to the Mishnah. The Talmud’s re-
cords of these discussions may, however, have been shaped
by postamoraic authorities. Because Abbaye refused to har-
monize disparities between the Mishnah and other sources,
EABD AL-JABBA¯R. Beginning his discussion of the
he limited the Mishnah, saying its ruling did not apply to
eleventh generation of the Mu’tazilah, the biographer of
all cases, or admitted the inconsistency between the sources.
al-Jusham¯ı al-Bayhaq¯ı (d. 494/1100) states:
This sensitivity to the text is likewise seen in his interest in
Belonging to this generation, and in fact the foremost
assessing what are appropriate interpretations of scripture
of them and the leader of them with regards to his excel-
(B.T., H:ul. 133a).
lence, is Chief Judge Abu¯ al-H:asan EAbd al-Jabba¯r ibn
Ah:mad ibn EAbd Alla¯h
EAbd al-Jabba¯r
Stories about Abbaye portray him as humble; dedicated
al-Hamadha¯n¯ı. . . . I cannot conceive of any expres-
to Torah study, even when poor (B.T., Git. 60b); solicitous
sion which will convey his status regarding his excel-
of students (B.T., Shab. 118b–119a), the elderly, and gen-
lence or his elevated rank in [this] discipline [namely
tiles (B.T., Ber. 17a); and a doer of good works (B.T., R. ha-
kala¯m]. He is the one who tore kala¯m open and spread
Sh. 18a). This reputation is reflected in his dictum that “to
it out, producing its major works as a result of which
love the Lord your God” requires a person to make God’s
kala¯m spread far and wide reaching the East and the
name become beloved by others, for people will attribute
West. In these works, he put down the detailed argu-
one’s good deeds to one’s devotion to God (B.T., Yoma D
ments (daq¯ıq) as well as the major theses (jal¯ıl) of kala¯m
in an entirely novel manner. (Sharh: al-’uyu¯n, 365)
86a). Related teachings of Abbaye assert that whoever follows
the sages’ teaching is called a saint, and Torah study and
LIFE. EAbd al-Jabba¯r (Abu¯ al-H:asan EAbd al-Jabba¯r ibn
good deeds bring divine blessings and protection against evil.
Ah:mad al-Hamadha¯n¯ı, Qa¯d:¯ı al-Qud:a¯t) was born in the
Reportedly exhibiting an awareness of God from his youth
town of Asada¯ba¯d in the district of Hamadha¯n around 320/
(B.T., Ber. 48a), he lectured on creation and the manifesta-
932. He began his study of the h:ad¯ıth (traditions of the
tion of the divine in the world as well as on sin and redemp-
Prophet), fiqh (religious law) and other religious sciences
tion, and taught that the divine presence is found in syna-
with local scholars in Asada¯ba¯d and Qazw¯ın. In 340/951 he
gogues, though he elevated the piety of Torah study over that
departed for Hamadha¯n and five years later went to Isfahan
to study there. Soon afterwards he moved to the intellectual
of prayer.
center of Basra, where he participated in debates and study-
More supernatural stories circulated about Abbaye and
circles as an Ash’ar¯ı mutakallim and adherent of the Sha¯fi’¯ı
RavaD than about others in their generation, and in them he
legal school. According to al-Jusham¯ı, he subsequently “rec-
has contact with the divine realm even more frequently than
ognized the truth and was guided,” that is to say, he aban-
RavaD. People believed that Abbaye was protected from de-
doned Ash’ar¯ı kala¯m and embraced Mu’tazil¯ı kala¯m, becom-
mons, a recipient of divine communications, a source of
ing a student of Abu¯ Ish:a¯q ibn EAyya¯sh (his dates are not
practical good advice, and, like some other ancient holy indi-
known). He later moved to Baghdad to study under Abu¯
viduals, a juggler (B.T., Suk. 53a). On the other hand, later
EAbd Alla¯h al-Bas:r¯ı (d. 369/979) who, like Abu¯ Ish:a¯q ibn
circles declared that the law follows RavaD and not Abbaye
EAyya¯sh had studied under the famous Mu’tazil¯ı master, Abu¯
in all but six cases (B.T., B.M. 22b).
Ha¯shim al-Jubba¯’¯ı (d. 321/933), the leader of the
Bahsham¯ıya (namely the Mu’tazil¯ıs who inclined towards
SEE ALSO Amoraim; RavaD.
the views of Abu¯ Ha¯shim). After several years of study during
which he also taught and compiled several works, EAbd
al-Jabba¯r took leave of Abu¯ EAbd Alla¯h al-Bas:r¯ı in 360/970,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
departing for Ra¯mhurmuz where he began to teach and to
A comprehensive treatment and bibliography of Abbaye and his
dictate his magnum opus—al-Mughn¯ı f¯ı us:u¯l al-d¯ın. Soon
teachings may be found in Jacob Neusner’s A History of the
after, he joined the retinue of the Mu’tazil¯ı-leaning Bu¯yid
Jews in Babylonia, 5 vols. (Leiden, 1966–1970), esp. vol. 4,
official al-S:a¯h:ib ibn al-’Abba¯d. In 367/977, al-S:a¯h:ib ibn
passim. Note in particular Jacob N. Epstein’s Mavo D le-nusah
al-’Abba¯d became vizier to the Bu¯yid ruler Mu’ayyad al-
ha-Mishnah, 2 vols. (1948; reprint, Jerusalem, 1964),
Dawla and then appointed his protégé, EAbd al-Jabba¯r, to the
pp. 369–381, on Abbaye’s attitude to the Mishnah; and Ra-
phael Loewe’s “The ‘Plain’ Meaning of Scripture in Early
position of Chief Judge (qa¯d:¯ı al-qud:a¯t) of Rayy and its envi-
Jewish Exegesis,” Papers of the Institute of Jewish Studies (Lon-
rons. Intellectually curious, and himself a poet and scholar,
don) 1 (1964): 160–165, on his attitude to scripture. See also
al-S:a¯h:ib ibn al-’Abba¯d had collected a vast library and gath-
David M. Goodblatt’s Rabbinic Instruction in Sasanian Baby-
ered a distinguished group of philosophers, theologians, and
lonia (Leiden, 1975).
literatteurs to his court in Rayy. EAbd al-Jabba¯r implies at the
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4
EABD AL-JABBA¯R
end of al-Mughn¯ı that he profited from his participation at
differences of earlier generations, most significantly Abu¯ EAl¯ı
al-S:a¯h:ib ibn al-’Abba¯d’s court gatherings. EAbd al-Jabba¯r
al-Jubba¯’¯ı and his son Abu¯ Ha¯shim al-Jubba¯’¯ı. The work is
held the position of Chief Judge until the death of his patron
divided into two sections: the first discusses God’s unicity
in 385/995. Subsequently, the Bu¯yid ruler Fakhr al-Dawla
(tawh:¯ıd), namely, a detailed presentation of the argument
seized al-S:a¯h:ib’s property, dismissed his appointees, and con-
that the world is temporally created by an eternal Creator-
fiscated their properties. Fakhr al-Dawla had EAbd al- Jabba¯r
God, the attributes of this Deity, and a refutation of the
arrested, allegedly because of his refusal to recite the funeral
views of non-monotheists.
prayer for al-S:a¯h:ib ibn EAbba¯d. It is likely that EAbd al-Jabba¯r
The second section treats God’s justice ( Eadl), explain-
was released shortly afterwards. After the death of Fakhr al-
ing that God’s acts cannot be evil; that the QurDa¯n is God’s
Dawla in 387/997, Rayy was nominally ruled by his minor
created speech; that persons of sound mind have free will and
son Majd al-Dawla (actual control was wielded by his regent
are under obligation (takl¯ıf) to God to fulfill duties that can
mother al-Sayyida). EAbd al-Jabba¯r was on good terms with
generally be known by reason and that, as acts of kindness
Majd al-Dawla and wrote his Kita¯b al-Majd for him. In 389/
(lut:f), God has specified in the guidance He has provided to
999 he went to Mecca on pilgrimage and was greeted with
human beings in revelation through the institution of proph-
honor during his passage through Baghdad. This was due not
ecy and teachings of prophets; that this guidance, as well as
only to his prestige as judge and author but also because EAbd
the endowment of reason and free will are necessary in order
al-Jabba¯r was considered the leader of the Bahsham¯ıya
for God to be just; that by fulfilling these obligations human
Mu’tazilah after the death of his teacher Abu¯ EAbdalla¯h
beings have the opportunity to earn a reward, namely Para-
al-Bas:r¯ı in 369/979. On his return, he taught in Baghdad
dise, or by rejecting them to be condemned to Hell; that pain
for some time and also in Qazw¯ın. During his later years in
and suffering in the world which is not the result of human
Rayy, EAbd al-Jabba¯r may have had the opportunity to meet
action is created purposefully by God in order to remind
Ibn S¯ına¯ during the philosopher’s stay there in 403–405/
human beings of their obligations and thereby prevent the
1013–1015. The majority of historical sources state that
E
extreme harm of being condemned to Hell—in this sense
Abd al- Jabba¯r died in 415/1024.
they also constitute acts of kindness; and, that God will com-
As a result of his longevity, EAbd al-Jabba¯r was a teacher
pensate minors and mentally incompetent individuals, and
to many students in Rayy and other locations. Some students
generally any person who is incapable of fulfilling obligations
were Ima¯m¯ı or Zayd¯ı Sh¯ıEah, indicative of the spread of
placed on them.
Mu’tazilism among these Muslim denominations. Among
In the Mughn¯ı, the section on God’s justice also in-
the more prominent of his students were Abu¯ Rash¯ıd
cludes the remainder of the “five principles of the Mu’tazila,”
al-Nisa¯bu¯r¯ı (his death year is not known), who studied with
including, “the promise and the threat,” “the intermediate
him in Rayy and assumed the leadership of the Bahsham¯ıya
position,” and the “command to enjoin established and com-
on EAbd al-Jabba¯r’s death; the Sh¯ıE¯ı Ima¯m¯ı scholar al-Shar¯ıf
monly-known virtuous action and to prohibit reprehensible
al-Murtad:a¯ (d. 436/1044), who studied EAbd al-Jabba¯r dur-
action” which is the basis of the institution of post-prophetic
ing his stay in Baghda¯d in 389/999; Abu¯ Muh:ammad
leadership and political authority (ima¯ma).
al-H:usayn ibn Ah:mad ibn Mattawayh (dates unknown),
Abu¯ al-H:usayn al-Bas:rı (d. 432/1040), the Zayd¯ı scholar
Ah:mad Abu¯ Ha¯shim al-H:usayn¯ı also known as Ma¯nakd¯ım
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Shishdev (d. 425/1034), and the Zayd¯ı ima¯m al-Mu’ayyad
The only comprehensive biography of EAbd al-Jabba¯r is EAbd
billa¯h Ah:mad ibn al-H:usayn al-A¯mil¯ı (d. 411/1020)
al-Kar¯ım EUthma¯n’s Qa¯d:¯ı l-Qud:a¯t EAbd al-Jabba¯r b. Ah:mad
al-Hama¯dha¯n¯ı. Beirut, 1968. Al-Jusham¯ı’s Sharh: al-’uyu¯n,
WRITINGS. EAbd al-Jabba¯r scholarship extends over several
a biographical dictionary of the Mu’tazila, is an important
of the Islamic religious sciences: QurDa¯n commentary (tafs¯ır),
source of information about EAbd al-Jabba¯r and his students.
prophetic tradition (h:ad¯ıth), biography, theology (kala¯m),
Al-Jusham¯ı’s text is published in al-Balkh¯ı, Abu¯ l-Qa¯sim;
principles of jurisprudence (us:ul al-fiqh), and law. Most of
EAbd al-Jabba¯r, Qa¯d:¯ı; al-Jusham¯ı, al-H:a¯kim’s Fad:l al-i’tiza¯l
his works have not survived. As a result of the Zayd¯ı embrace
wa t:aba¯qa¯t al-mu’tazila, edited by Fu’a¯d Sayyid, Tunis,
of Mu’tazilism, Mu’tazil¯ı texts continued to be studied in
1974. The intellectual and social environment at the Bu¯yid
court is the subject of Joel L. Kraemer’s Humanism in the Re-
Yemen, where they held sway, resulting in the preservation
naissance of Islam: The Cultural Revival during the Buyid Age,
of some of the works of EAbd al-Jabba¯r and his students.
Leiden, 1992. EAbd al-Jabba¯r’s short treatise on the five prin-
These works were rediscovered in the late 1950s and many
ciples of the Mu’tazila (Kita¯b us:ul al-khamsa) is available in
of them have been published.
English translation in Richard C. Martin, Mark R. Wood-
ward, and Dwi S. Atmaja’s Defenders of Reason in Islam:
The most significant of these is EAbd al-Jabba¯r’s
Mu’tazilism from Medieval School to Modern Symbol, Oxford,
al-Mughn¯ı f¯ı abwa¯b al-tawh:¯ıd wa l-’adl, which may be trans-
1978. For a general overview of the Basrian Mu’tazilı world-
lated as “What one needs to know regarding God’s unity and
view see Richard M. Frank’s “Several Fundamental Assump-
justice.” Fourteen of the twenty volumes of al-Mughn¯ı have
tions of the Bas:ra School of the Mu’tazila,” Studia Islamica
been recovered. It is the most comprehensive text on classical
33 (1971): 5–18. EAbd al-Jabba¯r’s rationalist ethics is the
Mu’tazil¯ı kala¯m and preserves the doctrines, discussions, and
subject of George F. Hourani’s Islamic Rationalism: the Ethics
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
EABDUH, MUH:AMMAD
5
of EAbd al-Jabba¯r, Oxford, 1971. EAbd al-Jabba¯r’s views on
nevertheless accepted by the ruling elites in Egypt and later
the nature of the QurDa¯n, namely the Mu’tazil¯ı perspective
in most Arab countries. Western-modeled constitutions were
that it is created rather than eternal, is discussed in J.R.T.M.
inaugurated, and the secular nation-state finally emerged in
Peters’sGod’s Created Speech: A Study in the Speculative Theol-
the world of Islam.
ogy of the Mu’tazil¯ı Qa¯d:¯ı l-Qud:a¯t Abu¯ 1-H:asan EAbd al-
Jabba¯r ibn Ah:mad al-Hamadha¯n¯ı, Leiden, 1976. EAbd al-
B
Jabba¯r’s epistemology is the subject of Marie Bernard’s Le
IBLIOGRAPHY
EAbd al-Ra¯z¯ıq, EAl¯ı. Al-Isla¯m wa-us:u¯l al-h:ukm. Cairo, 1925. A
problème de la connaissance d’après le Mugnı du cadi EAbd
French translation by Léon Bercher, “L’Islam et les bases du
al-Jabba¯r. Algiers, 1982. EAbd al-Jabba¯r’s views on man’s ob-
pouvoir,” appeared in the Revue des études islamiques 7
ligation, suffering, God’s kindness, reward, and compensa-
(1933): 353–390 and 8 (1934): 163–222.
tion are discussed in Margaretha Heemskerk’s Suffering in the
Mu’tazilite Theology: EAbd al-Jabba¯r’s Teaching on Pain and
Adams, Charles C. Islam and Modernism in Egypt (1933). Reprint,
Divine Justice, Leiden, 2000.
New York, 1968. This book remains a valuable study of the
Islamic reform movement in Egypt’s history. Chapter 10 is
ALNOOR DHANANI (2005)
particularly important for the emergence of nonorthodox
ideas.
Hourani, Albert. Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798–1939.
EABD AL-RA¯Z¯IQ, EAL¯I
2d ed. Cambridge U.K., 1983. The best single work on Ara-
(1888–1966), Muslim jurist
bic thought in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
and author. Born in a village of Middle Egypt, EAbd al-Ra¯z¯ıq
Chapter 7, “Abduh’s Egyptian Disciples: Islam and Modern
studied Islamic law at al-Azhar in Cairo, from which he was
Civilization,” is an excellent study of EAbd al-Ra¯z¯ıq’s work
graduated in 1911. In 1912, he went to Oxford to study pol-
in particular and other Muslim reformers in general.
itics and economics, remaining there until the outbreak of
Rosenthal, E. I. J. Islam in the Modern National State. Cambridge
World War I. In 1915, he was appointed a judge in the
U.K., 1965. A general work on the crisis of Islam and the
shar¯ı Eah courts in Alexandria and other provincial towns.
emergence of the secular nation-state in the Islamic world.
The publication of his book Al-Isla¯m wa-us:u¯l al-h:ukm (Islam
Chapter 4, “For and against the Caliphate,” is a comprehen-
and the fundamentals of authority) in 1925 aroused violent
sive review of the debate that took place in the 1920s.
uproar. EAbd al-Ra¯z¯ıq was formally condemned by a council
IBRAHIM I. IBRAHIM (1987)
of twenty-four leading Eulama¯D (Muslim scholars) of al-
Azhar, with the rector at their head. Dismissed from his ap-
pointment and declared unfit to hold public office, he lived
E
the rest of his life privately.
ABD AL-WAHHA¯B SEE IBN EABD AL-WAHHA¯B,
MUH:AMMAD
Al-Isla¯m wa-us:u¯l al-h:ukm, published only one year after
Atatürk’s abolition of the caliphate, is a treatise on the theory
of government and the source of authority in Islam. EAbd
al-Ra¯z¯ıq’s main argument is that there is no such thing as
EABDUH, MUH:AMMAD (AH 1266–1322/1849–
an Islamic system of government. Neither the QurDa¯n nor
1905 CE), Egyptian intellectual regarded as the architect of
h:ad¯ıth (tradition) stipulates the existence of the caliphate or
Islamic modernism and one of the most prominent Islamic
the combination of temporal and religious powers. Ijma¯ E (Is-
reformers of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. He was
lamic consensus) also provides no basis for the caliphate’s le-
born into a well-to-do family in a village of the Nile Delta.
gitimacy. In fact, historically the caliphate was based on
At the age of thirteen he went to study at the Ah:mad¯ı
power and coercion and is not, therefore, a necessary part of
Mosque in T:ant:a and continued his education at al-Azhar,
the religion of Islam.
the renowned university in Cairo, where he studied logic,
E
philosophy, and mysticism. For a time he came under the
Abd al-Ra¯z¯ıq’s most radical theory had to do with the
influence of the pan-Islamic reformer Jama¯l al-D¯ın
prophecy of Muh:ammad. His view was that, like other
al-Afgha¯n¯ı and became involved in the EUra¯b¯ı revolt against
prophets, Muh:ammad had a spiritual mission: he was sent
the British (1881–1882). Exiled for six years after the revolt
to reveal a truth about God and to guide men to a virtuous
was put down, he worked in Lebanon to establish an Islamic
life; he was not sent to exercise political authority. Thus,
E
school system and collaborated with al-Afgha¯n¯ı in Paris on
Abd al-Ra¯z¯ıq denied any constitutional implications in
a number of activities, including the publication of a popular
shar¯ı Eah (Islamic law). Herein lies his revolutionary depar-
journal, Al- Eurwah al-wuthqa¯ (The firmest bond). The tone
ture from the orthodox position on Muh:ammad’s prophecy
of the paper was radical and agitational, reflecting the revolu-
and the shar¯ı Eah, and hence the violent opposition of the
E
tionary spirit of Afgha¯n¯ı rather than the reformist one of
ulama¯ D.
EAbduh. Although it was naturally banned in Islamic coun-
Muslim theologians had always taught that Islam was
tries under British occupation, its eighteen issues were smug-
unique because it was at once a religious and political com-
gled in and widely followed by Muslim intellectuals. The two
munity. EAbd al-Ra¯z¯ıq disclaimed any political foundation
men also established an association under the same name
in the shar¯ı Eah. Condemned by the Eulama¯D, his ideas were
working for Muslim unity and social reform. In the course
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
6
ABEL
of these activities, EAbduh traveled to Britain and Tunis and
Concrete reform and social change were EAbduh’s pri-
reportedly entered Egypt in disguise.
mary concerns. Like other reformers of his time, he ad-
dressed himself primarily to political issues rather than the
During his career EAbduh held a number of important
rethinking of basic religious positions. He believed that the
positions. In 1880, he became the editor of Al-waqa¯ D¯ı
legal system was a crucial factor in the prosperity of countries
al-misr¯ıyah, the official gazette. In 1889 he was appointed
and that laws should change according to circumstances. The
judge and ten years later, he became the mufti of Egypt, the
reform of Islamic law requires that the principle of mas:lah:ah
highest authority on the interpretation of Muslim law. As
be upheld and that jurists exercise talf¯ıq (“piecing together”)
mufti he initiated reform of the religious courts and the ad-
to synthesize judgments from the four Sunn¯ı legal schools.
ministration of awqa¯f (religious endowments).
Stressing the need for social and political reform, he under-
EAbduh’s writings include Risa¯lat al-wa¯rida¯t (Treatise
lined the importance of education and attacked despotic rul-
consisting of mystical inspirations), Risa¯lat al-tawh:¯ıd (trans-
ers; for him the true Muslim leader was once bound by law
lated in English as The Theology of Unity), and the interpreta-
and obliged to consult with the people.
tion of QurDa¯n known as Tafs¯ır al-mana¯r. In these writings,
The essence of EAbduh’s legacy, then, is his attempt to
one finds traces of different Islamic influences: mysticism,
conduct a dialogue between Islam and the modern world; by
MuEtazil¯ı theology, activism, and orthodoxy. Risa¯lat
so doing, he, perhaps more than any other Muslim thinker,
al-tawh:¯ıd was intended to be a brief and simple statement
contributed to the development of modernist and reformist
on theological issues. Distinguishing between the essentials
trends in Islam, especially in the Arab countries and Indone-
and inessentials of religion, EAbduh argued that major source
sia. Ultimately EAbduh owes his prominence to his search for
of the Muslim decline was their inability to make this dis-
an indigenous Islamic philosophy for modern times. He de-
tinction. Revelation and reason are complementary ways to
veloped criteria by which the impact of Western civilization
reach truth, since reason is the power that enables the Mus-
could be differentiated and controlled and elaborated a syn-
lim to distinguish truth from falsehood. Freedom of will also
thesis of Islam and modernity with which Muslims could re-
depends on human knowledge or reason.
main committed to their religion while actively engaged in
E
modern society. His synthesis was subject to criticism, but
Abduh considered Islam the cornerstone of private and
the approach has left a marked impact on modern Islamic
public life. Yet he was struck by the decay of Islamic societies,
thought and society.
which he saw as the main problem that all Muslim thinkers
had to face. He sought to regenerate the religion and purify
BIBLIOGRAPHY
it of what he believed were alien accretions from the past.
The classic work on Muh:ammad EAbduh is Charles C. Adams’s
The aim of his life, as he defined it, was to free the minds
Islam and Modernism in Egypt (1933, reprint, New York,
of Muslims from the shackles of taql¯ıd (blind acceptance of
1968), which includes a detailed analysis of his career and
tradition) and to demonstrate the compatibility of Islam
views. Another important early contribution by an Egyptian
with modernity. For him, the cure for the ills of Muslim so-
professor of philosophy is Osman Amin’s Muhammad
cieties lay in a return to true Islam through the recovery of
Abduh, translated by Charles Wendell (Washington, D.C.,
its essentials in the QurDa¯n and sunnah (traditions of the
1953). A lengthy analysis of his political views appears in
Prophet) and the interpretation of these texts in the light of
Malcolm Kerr’s Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theo-
modern times.
ries of Muhammad Abduh and Rashid Rida (Berkeley, 1966).
Important analyses and evaluations of his view and influence
The best method to achieve these goals, EAbduh be-
are found in Albert Hourani’s Arabic Thought in the Liberal
lieved, was through ijtiha¯d (the exercise of individual judg-
Age, 1798–1939, 2d ed. (Cambridge U.K., 1983); Kenneth
Cragg’s Counsels in Contemporary Islam (Edinburgh, 1965);
ment) and the establishment of links between certain tradi-
and particularly, Zaki Badawi’s The Reformers of Egypt: A Cri-
tional concepts and the ideas of the modern age. Thus,
tique of Al-Afghani, Abduh and Ridha (London, 1978). For
mas:lah:ah, the public interest, became utility, and shu¯ra¯, the
critical evaluation, see Elie Kedourie’s Afghani and Abduh:
coliph’s council, became a consultative assembly. He main-
An Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Mod-
tained that there was no incompatibility between Islam and
ern Islam (London, 1966).
reason or between revelation and science. Islam encouraged
ALI E. HILLAL DESSOUKI (1987)
reason, condemned blind imitation, attacked fatalism, and
affirmed the exercise of free will. The influence of MuEtazil¯ı
ideas upon his thought is most evident at this point. He ar-
gued that Islam was in harmony with and tolerant of all ra-
ABEL SEE CAIN AND ABEL
tional inquiry and science. Thus, the scientific achievements
of the West, to which the Muslims had contributed in their
classical age, should be adopted without fear or hesitation.
Failure to do so would lead either to stagnation and further
ABELARD, PETER (1079–1142), logician and Chris-
underdevelopment or to the indiscriminate importation of
tian theologian. Peter Abelard was born at Le Pallet, outside
Western ideas, resulting in a loss of Islamic values.
of Nantes (Brittany). He chose to pursue the study and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ABELARD, PETER
7
teaching of logic and journeyed to hear the lectures of Ros-
it to the Paraclete. Within a short time, however, students
celin of Compiègne at Loches (Anjou); he later went to Paris
came to his retreat. In his teaching, he began to modify his
to attend classes with the renowned dialectician William of
approach in his discussion of the Trinity, and he composed
Champeaux. His celebrated controversy with William on the
the first draft of his second major theological treatise, Chris-
question of universals revealed the persuasiveness of Abe-
tian Theology. Abelard then accepted election as abbot of
lard’s quick mind and penetrating insight. Abelard’s own
Saint-Guildas, a monastery near Vannes (Brittany), and un-
teaching career began in Melun and Corbeil to the south of
successfully attempted monastic reform (c. 1127).
Paris, but he soon returned to Paris, teaching at Nôtre-Dame
and at Mont-Sainte-Geneviève, just across the Seine from
Little is known of Abelard’s public activities after this.
the capital.
But in 1129, Suger, then abbot of Saint-Denis, reclaimed the
lands of Argenteuil from Héloïse’s community. She turned
Abelard’s interest in applying twelfth-century methods
to Peter for assistance, and he gave them the oratory he had
of dialectical inquiry to Christian doctrine led him to study
built. When the foundation was confirmed by Innocent II
theology at Laon (c. 1113) with Anselm of Laon, who was
and the bishop of Troyes (1131), Héloïse became the first
recognized for his lectures on patristic teaching and for his
prioress. As cofounder with Héloïse, Abelard was considera-
role in the formation of a standardized biblical commentary
bly involved in the formation of the ideals that would shape
(Glossa ordinaria). Abelard’s return to Paris before he com-
the community’s life. Héloïse’s critique of the Benedictine
pleted the course of studies was influenced by several factors.
rule (letter 6 of the published correspondence of Héloïse and
He was indeed disenchanted with Anselm’s method, which,
Abelard), for example, elicited two doctrinal letters from Ab-
although it organized information in a systematic fashion, re-
elard: On the Origin of Nuns and Rule of Life (letters 7 and
lied more on repeating past authority than on any personal
8). Abelard also replied to forty-two questions on problemat-
critique. The work at Laon was a formidable accomplish-
ic scriptural texts sent by Héloïse (Problemata Heloissae) and
ment, but Peter wanted more. He was determined to bring
commented extensively on the opening chapters of Genesis
a fresh approach to theology.
(Expositio in Hexaemeron). He prepared a collection of ser-
mons, prayers, a breviary, and 143 hymns as well. His recom-
It was at this time that Abelard met Héloïse, the niece
mendations about the study of biblical languages (letter 9)
of Fulbert, a canon of Nôtre-Dame. Peter became her tutor,
and his instruction on reading scripture gave Héloïse extraor-
friend, and lover. Much of their early relationship—the love
dinary directives concerning the relationship of study to un-
affair, the birth of their son Astrolabe, a secret marriage fol-
derstanding the scriptures.
lowed by the punitive castration of Abelard ordered by Ful-
bert—is recorded by Peter in The Story of My Misfortunes.
This work with the Paraclete was, however, only one as-
After the tragedy and his loss of prestige as a teacher, Abelard
pect of Abelard’s achievement. From 1135 onward, he was
insisted that Héloïse enter religious life at the convent of Ar-
engaged in the composition of his Ethics, in expounding
genteuil (c. 1119) while he made profession at the royal
Paul’s Letter to the Romans, and in drafting a new study on
Abbey of Saint-Denis. Peter Abelard was officially affiliated
the Trinity (Theologia “Scholarium”). Several doctrinal letters
with Saint-Denis for almost four years. During this time he
and Dialogue of a Philosopher with a Jew and with a Christian
studied the sources of the Christian tradition. The brilliant
are also the work of these fruitful years. But the newness of
mind that had once captured the imagination of students of
Abelard’s ideas and the rigor with which he upheld the pri-
logic was now applied to sorting out a coherent presentation
macy of dialectics for a true theology threatened many. Wil-
of doctrine from a nearly unintelligible accretion of teach-
liam of Saint-Thierry and Bernard of Clairvaux were among
ings. The task was awesome. Abelard’s Sic et non (Yes and
Peter’s opponents, and through their efforts there was a sec-
No) faced the problem directly by arranging conflicting pa-
ond condemnation of Abelard by the Council of Sens
tristic opinions around key doctrinal issues. The work was
(1140). Peter insisted that his teaching was misunderstood
timely and challenging. Students, armed with the exegetical
and intended to appeal his case with the pope. Ill health
principles enunciated in the prologue, were eager to resolve
made a journey to Rome impossible, however, and Abelard
the 158 questions. Abelard’s second theological work from
retired to Cluny, where he was befriended by its abbot, Peter
this time was a discussion of the Trinity structured within
the Venerable. The final writings, Apology and Confession of
dialectical analysis (Theologia “Summi boni”) and was not fa-
Faith, reflect Abelard’s sincerity and doctrinal orthodoxy.
vorably received. The text was in fact condemned at a public
Abelard ultimately left Cluny for Saint-Marcel-sur-Saône, a
trial in Soissons (1121). His treatise was burned, and Peter
smaller priory, where he died, probably in 1142.
was temporarily confined to the nearby Abbey of Saint-
Medard. He returned to Saint-Denis but only briefly; in
Although Abelard’s initial fame rested on his success as
1122, Abelard was released from the obligation of residency
a teacher of logic, within a few decades his commentaries on
there.
logic (the Introductiones parvulum and the Logica ingredienti-
bus), as well as his own treatise, the Dialectica, were replaced
Humiliated at the turn of events in his life, Peter sought
by the metaphysics of Aristotle. In the theological arena, Ab-
solitude. When he was given land along the banks of the Ar-
elard exercised unusual leadership as a teacher during the
dusson at Quincy (Troyes), he built an oratory and dedicated
formative years in the developing theology of the schools.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
8
ABHINAVAGUPTA
His students were numerous, and a few school works, such
updated bibliography, a list of English translations of Abe-
as the Sentences of Hermann (Epitome theologiae Christianae)
lard’s works, a summary of the best scholarly articles, and a
or the considerable exposition of Pauline writings (Commen-
critique of the most significant studies on Abelard.
taria Cantabrigiensis), rely heavily on Abelard’s teaching.
Peppermüller, Rolf. Abaelards Auslegung des Römerbriefes. Beiträge
Several well-known masters also turned to Abelard as a sig-
zur Geschichte der Philosophie und der Theologie des Mitte-
nificant thinker. Perhaps the most important of these is Peter
lalters, n.s. no. 10. Münster, 1972.
Lombard, whose Book of Sentences, modeled on Abelard’s Sic
Weingart, Richard E. The Logic of Divine Love: A Critical Analysis
et non, contains many of Abelard’s opinions and became the
of the Soteriology of Peter Abailard. Oxford, 1970.
primary text for training theologians during the next four
Essay Collections
hundred years. However, the most lasting influence Peter
Peter Abelard. Edited by Eligius M. Buytaert. Proceedings of the
held was with the community of the Paraclete. Until its dis-
International Conference, Louvain, 10–12 May 1971.
solution during the French Revolution (1792), the monas-
Mediaevalia Lovanensia, series I, studia II. Louvain, 1974.
tery held its own as the special foundation of Héloïse and
Pierre Abélard, Pierre le Vénérable: Les courants philosophiques, lit-
Master Peter, preserving Abelardian manuscripts and con-
téraires et artistiques en occident au milieu du douzième siècle.
serving the finer points of his teachings.
Abbaye de Cluny, 2–9 July 1972. Colloques internationaux
The literary legacy of Abelard records the genius of a
du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, no. 546.
probing, mature, and experienced teacher. He expounded
Paris, 1975.
texts vigorously and forged seminal ideas for the develop-
Petrus Abaelardus (1079–1142): Person, Werk und Wirkung. Pro-
ment of Christian thought. He opposed Augustinian views
ceedings of the International Colloquium, Trier, 17–19
on several counts, denying for example that the guilt of
April 1979. Edited by Rudolph Thomas, David E. Luscom-
Adam was transmitted to humanity. Abelard created a more
be, et al. Trier theologische Studien, no. 18. Trier, Germany,
precise language to describe the interior character of sin and
1981.
moral culpability and considered consent as the single factor
EILEEN F. KEARNEY (1987)
that could render human behavior sinful. He also believed
that the redemption theories that expressed the notion of a
price or ransom imposed on God were unacceptable. Instead,
Abelard held that Christ’s redemptive work as the incarnate
ABHINAVAGUPTA (fl. c. 975–1025 CE), Kashmirian
Word, in life as in death, was the supreme expression and
S´aiva theologian. Descended from Atrigupta, a brahman
fulfillment of God’s creative love. Finally, Abelard’s ap-
scholar brought to Kashmir from the Doab by King
proach to theology was part of a new mode of thought that
Lalita¯ditya (c. 724–760 CE), Abhinavagupta was the son,
brought questions, debate, and systematization to the fore as
conceived in Kaula ritual, of Vimala¯ and Narasim:hagupta.
the science of sacred doctrine. Abelard did this with bravado,
He lost his mother in early childhood—a circumstance that
drawing upon the best in these procedures, creating a few
he saw as the start of his spiritual progress—and was trained
himself, and integrating both method and doctrine through
by his learned S´aiva father in grammar, logic and hermeneu-
the filter of his penetrating intelligence.
tics. Later, when immersed in the study of the poetic arts,
he became intoxicated with devotion to S´iva, and, giving up
BIBLIOGRAPHY
all thoughts of marriage and family, pursued the life of a stu-
In the nineteenth century, scholarly research on the twelfth centu-
dent in the homes of numerous exponents of the various
ry as a locus for monastic reform and the rise of the schools
S´aiva traditions and their opponents.
fostered a renaissance in Abelardian studies. The nineteenth-
century editions of Abelard’s theological writings remain in-
Abhinavagupta’s major works fall into four groups,
valuable: volume 178 of the Patrologia Latina, edited by J.-P.
treating the Trika, the Krama, the Pratyabhijña¯, and aesthet-
Migne (Paris, 1885), and Petri Abaelardi opera, 2 vols., ed-
ics. In the field of the Trika his main effort went into the
ited by Victor Cousin (Paris, 1849–1859). More recent criti-
exegesis of the Ma¯lin¯ıvijayottara Tantra, which he saw not
cal editions and major studies of Abelard’s works are listed
only as the fundamental scripture of the Trika but also as the
below, in chronological order.
essence of the entire S´aiva revelation in all its branches. In
Texts and Studies
the Ma¯lin¯ıvijayava¯rttika he elaborated this claim, arguing for
Buytaert, Eligius M., ed. Petri Abelardi opera theologica. 2 vols. In
a “supreme nondualism” (parama¯dvayava¯da) that attributed
Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, vols. 11 and
to the Absolute as autonomous consciousness the power to
12. Turnhout, 1969. Includes a comprehensive bibliography
contain both plurality and unity as the modes of its self-
up to 1967.
representation, and thereby demonstrated that the Trika, as
Jolivet, Jean. Arts du langage et théologie chez Abélard. Études de
the embodiment in revelation of this Absolute, transcends
philosophie mediévale, no. 57. Paris, 1969.
and contains the dichotomy between the orthodox (dualist)
Luscombe, David E. The School of Peter Abelard. Cambridge
and heterodox (nondualist) directions in Saivism then con-
Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, n.s. no. 14. Cam-
fronting each other.
bridge, 1969.
Luscombe, David E. Peter Abelard. The Historical Association,
The monumental Tantra¯loka, composed later, ex-
General Series, no. 95. London, 1979. Includes an excellent
pounded all aspects of the Trika, theoretical, yogic, and ritu-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ABLUTIONS
9
al, while seeking to integrate within the catholic authority of
anonymous ¯I´svarapratyabhijña¯vimar´sin¯ıvya¯khya¯, Mahe´s-
the Ma¯lin¯ıvijayottara Tantra later, more heterodox develop-
vara¯nanda’s Maha¯rthamañjar¯ıparimala, Teja¯nandana¯tha’s
ments, particularly the Krama-based cult of Ka¯l¯ı. Between
A¯nandakalpalatika¯, S´iva¯nanda’s
Nitya¯s:od:a´sika¯rn:avar:ju-
these two works he composed the Para¯trim:´sika¯vivaran:a, in
vimar´sini, Amr:ta¯nanda’s Yogin¯ıhr:-dayad¯ıpika¯, and S´r¯ıni-
which he focused on the elite Kaula practices of the Trika.
va¯sa’s Tripura¯rahasyajña¯nakhan:d:avya¯khya¯) maintained this
The Krama, strongly present in the Trika of Tantra¯loka, was
tradition from the eleventh to the nineteenth century. Out-
the object of independent study in his commentary on the
side the Tantric S´aiva milieu the works of Abhinavagupta
Kramastotra (Krama Hymn) of the lineage of
and Ks:emara¯ja provided the metaphysical infrastructure of
Jña¯nanetrana¯tha. This either has not survived or has not yet
the Ahirbudhnya Sam:hita¯ and Laks:m¯ı Tantra of the
come to light. Of Abhinavagupta’s work on the Krama we
Pañcara¯tra Vais:n:navas and inspired the S´aiva Veda¯nta of
have only his short Kramastotra and a quotation from an un-
S´r¯ıkan:t:ha, devotee of S´iva at Cidambaram.
named work in which he follows the Krama worship of the
Dev¯ıpañca´sataka.
SEE ALSO S´aivism, articles on Krama S´aivism, Pratyabhijña¯,
S´aivism in Kashmir, Trika S´aivism.
In the philosophical tradition of the Pratyabhijña¯ we
have two masterly commentaries, the ¯I´svarapratyab-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
hijña¯vimar´sini on the Pratyabhijña¯ka¯rika¯ of his teacher’s
Gnoli, Raniero, ed. The Aesthetic Experience according to Ab-
teacher Utpaladeva, and the ¯I´svarapratyabhijña¯vivr:ti-
hinavagupta. 2d rev. ed. Varanasi, 1968.
vimar´sin¯ı on that author’s lost auto-commentary on the
Pandey, Kanti Chandra. Abhinavagupta: An Historical and Philo-
same. Through the profound philosophical scholarship of
sophical Study. 2d ed., rev. & enl. Varanasi, 1963.
these works the nondualistic tradition was fully equipped to
New Sources
justify its rejection of the dualism of the S´aiva Siddha¯nta, the
Isaeva, N. V. From Early Vedanta to Kashmir Shaivism: Gaudapa-
illusionism of the Veda¯nta, and the lack of the concept of
da, Bhartrhari, and Abhinavagupta. Albany, 1995.
transcendental synthesis in the nondualistic idealism of the
Muller-Ortega, Paul Eduardo. The Triadic Heart of Siva: Kaula
Yoga¯ca¯ra Buddhists, while seeing these positions as approxi-
Tantricism of Abhinavagupta in the Non-dual Shaivism of
mations to its own.
Kashmir. Albany, 1989.
In the field of aesthetics Abhinavagupta achieved pan-
ALEXIS SANDERSON (1987)
Indian recognition for his commentaries on the Dhvanya¯loka
Revised Bibliography
of A¯nandavardhana, fortifying the latter’s doctrine of the pri-
macy of suggestion (dhvani) in poetry, and on the
Bharatana¯t:ya´sa¯stra. This second commentary, the Abhina-
ABLUTIONS are ceremonial washings of the human
vabha¯rat¯ı, exhibits vast learning in the arts of drama, dance,
body or particular parts of it; of objects that come into close
and music, and is justly famous for its subtle theory on the
contact with the human body, such as cooking utensils or
nature of aesthetic experience as a distinct mode of cognition
food; and sometimes of such special religious items as statues
between worldly, appetitive awareness and the blissful interi-
of deities or saints. Ablutions can be performed through
ority of enlightened consciousness. The study of aesthetics
washing with water, through immersion, or through sprin-
was traditional among the S´aivas of Kashmir, reflecting the
kling. And, instead of pure water, water mixed with salt, cow
importance of dance and music in their liturgies and the aes-
dung, sand, or urine can be used. Ablutions are symbolic ac-
theticism of the Kaula mystical cults, which saw enlighten-
tions meant not to create physical cleanness but to remove
ment not in withdrawal from extroverted cognition but in
ritual uncleanness or pollution. Therefore, they should be in-
its contemplation as the spontaneous radiance of the self.
terpreted not as forms of magical belief, manifestations of
Abhinavagupta profoundly influenced the subsequent
primitive hygiene, or expressions of savage psychology but
history of S´aivism in Kashmir, both directly and indirectly,
above all as ritual acts performed to create order and abolish
through the simpler and more formulaic works of popular-
disorder in social reality.
ization produced by his pupil Ks:emara¯ja. The nondualistic
Ablutions and related symbolic behaviors are carried out
doctrine which they expounded permanently colonized the
in societies that are characterized by well-defined and clearly
cult of Svacchandabhairava, which was the basic S´aivism of
marked distinctions between the phases of human life, rang-
the valley of Kashmir, and later it formed the basis of the
ing from birth through puberty and marriage to death. Ablu-
Kashmirian cult of the goddess Tripurasundar¯ı. This influ-
tions are performed as well in relation to the different social
ence was not confined to Kashmir: Abhinavagupta’s lineage
roles of the sexes and to the various roles that a person can
established this tradition in Tamil Nadu, particularly at the
play in society. Carried out at transitional stages, ablutions
great S´aiva center of Cidambaram, propagating the belief
are ritual and symbolic actions designed to avert the dangers
that Abhinavagupta was no mortal but an incarnation of S´iva
inherent in those particular stages, where social forms are
himself. Many Sanskrit works by Tamils on the Trika,
fluid. Ablutions mark transitions from one phase to another
Krama, Pratyabhijña¯, and S´r¯ıvidya¯ (e.g. Kr:s:n:ada¯sa’s
or from one area of society to another. They therefore be-
S´ivasu¯trava¯rttika and Para¯trim:´sika¯laghuvr:ttivimar´sin¯ı, the
long, at least in part, to the category of rites of passage.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
10
ABLUTIONS
Ablutions that mark the transition from the profane sec-
with water before they are presented to the gods. In ancient
tor of society to the sacred one are well known. The Babylo-
Egypt this was accomplished by pouring libations over them.
nian high priest performed ablutions in water from the Tigris
The Records of the Ritual and Music of the Holy Temple of Chi-
or the Euphrates before he carried out his daily functions.
nese Confucianism, the latest edition of which was published
For ablutions and ritual sprinklings a special building, the
in 1887, gives exact rules for purificatory rites in the Confu-
bit rimki (“washing house”) was constructed next to the
cian ceremonial. Fifteen days before the sacrificial ceremony,
priest’s house or the temple. There, the life-giving water from
the custodian of the temple and his assistants go to a park
apsu (the primeval deep of sweet waters) was used for all
in which animals are kept and select unblemished ones.
kinds of ablutions. Water, the creative element par excellence,
These animals are ceremonially washed with warm water that
was used to create order wherever and whenever this order
day and every day thereafter until the time for the sacrifice
was threatened, intentionally or not. In traditional Chinese
arrives. In all of the instances mentioned, ablution is not a
religion, preparation for a sacrificial ceremony occupied
removal of uncleanness or dirt but a symbolic action per-
three days and involved bathing and wearing of clean rai-
formed by man in order to prepare himself for and adapt
ment. Before the pharaoh in ancient Egypt could participate
himself to the crossing of a sociocultural frontier. The transi-
in any religious ceremony his body had to be purified by a
tion between two social forms in an ambiguous event, there-
sprinkling with water and natron. The water, called “water
fore, unclean and in need of purification.
of life and good fortune,” was brought from the sacred pool
Where social forms have been attacked, pollution
that belonged to every Egyptian temple. The priests of Israel
looms, and purification, often in the form of ablution, is req-
were subjected to very strict rules of purity (Lv. 21:22) and
uisite. Ablution is consequently often a set element in puber-
were not permitted to eat of the holy offerings unless they
ty rites, in which the transition from childhood to full adult
had washed their whole body with water (Lv. 22:6). Before
life is symbolically performed and marked. On the Fiji Is-
entering the temple to perform their duties, priests in Israel
lands, at the close of the ceremonies for entering adulthood
had to wash their hands and feet in the “laver of brass . . .
all the initiates went to the river and washed off the black
that they die not” (Ex. 30:17 ff.). Similar rites are observed
paint (the color of death!) with which they had been
in other religions.
smeared. Ablution is here the mark of entering a new phase
Islam, a religion without a true priesthood, requires
of life, a kind of death-and-renewal ritual. The Bathonga nu-
every believer to wash before the act of prayer (s:ala¯t, per-
bility customs for girls required a period of seclusion at the
formed five times a day facing toward Mecca) according to
appearance of the menses. Girls undergoing this transition
the prescriptions of the QurDa¯n: “O believers, when ye come
were covered each morning with a cloth and led to a pool
to fulfill the prayer, wash your faces, and your hands as far
in which they were immersed to the neck. Afterward they
as the elbows; and rub your heads, and your feet unto the
were imprisoned in a hut, where they received instruction
ankles, and if ye be polluted then purify yourselves” (5:9).
about the behavior and duties of a grown woman. Bathonga
Su¯rah 4:46 allows the use of sand instead of water: “Wash
boys likewise experienced a period of seclusion during which
yourselves; but if you be sick, or upon a journey, or one of
they received instruction and were smeared with white paint
you come from the privy or have touched a woman, and ye
or white clay as a sign that they had abandoned the darkness
find no water, then take pure earth and rub your faces and
of childhood. At the end of their period of seclusion, all the
hands therewith.” This ritual ablution is performed at a tank
paraphernalia of the school were destroyed, and the boys
were led to a stream, where they washed off the white, cut
or a reservoir provided with spouts that is to be found in or
their hair, and put on new clothes.
near the courtyard of every mosque. The water must be pure;
therefore, rainwater is preferred, although water from other
The initiation rite is a symbolic death and revival often
sources may be used. The rite is elaborately described in the
expressed through immersion in water. Jewish proselytes, for
h:ad¯ıth. Muh:ammad derived this purificatory rite, like other
example, had to undergo immersion before entering their
elements of Islam, from Jewish and Christian sources. In the
new life as believing Jews. In the same way, Christian bap-
latter religion the use of water for purificatory purposes, in
tism is an initiation rite incorporating all the symbolism of
particular by a person entering a church or by a priest before
death and resurrection to mark the transition from the world
the beginning of mass, is another example of a partial ablu-
to the church, from sin to grace, from the polluted earth to
tion in the transition from profane to sacred territory.
the pure kingdom of God.
As human beings undergo ablution before contact with
Childbirth and death, entrance to and departure from
the sacred, so the gods sometimes wash before exposure to
the world of the living, are fundamental transitory phases,
ordinary people. In the highly elaborate daily ritual of an
and therefore dangerous. In many cultures, the period after
Egyptian temple, the cult statue was purified with water, na-
childbirth is one of uncleanness for women, in which they
tron, and incense every morning. In Indian Jainism the stat-
may pollute those, particularly men, who come into contact
ues representing the gods are bathed every morning, and a
with them. Therefore, they must be ritually purified (i.e.,
man can worship in a temple only after he has taken a bath
must perform ablutions) before they regain their normal
and doned clean clothes. Even offerings are ritually purified
state and can return to their normal tasks. Among the Inuit
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ABLUTIONS
11
(Eskimo) a pregnant woman is separated from her husband
included the prescript that “every soul that eateth that which
and must leave her usual dwelling place since she may other-
died of itself, or that which was torn with beasts, whether it
wise pollute the food. Immediately after the birth she must
be one of your own country, or a stranger, he shall both wash
wash from head to foot, and after the first night following
his clothes, and bathe himself in water, and be unclean until
the birth she must make herself new clothes. Following this
the even” (Lv. 17:15).
she is readmitted into society. In ancient Egypt the same cus-
Among the Amba in East Africa the funeral almost al-
toms were followed. During and after childbirth, women
ways occurs on the same day a person dies and is usually not
usually remained secluded in a special house, called the
performed by close relatives of the dead. The first ceremony
“birthhouse” or “house of purification,” where for fourteen
after death is the most important mortuary rite. At dawn on
days they purified themselves through ablutions and fumiga-
the morning of the fourth day after the death all the men and
tion with incense. When this purification was complete, they
women of the residential group take a bath and, after bath-
could resume their household duties. Judaism still has very
ing, shave their heads. Following that, a long mortuary cere-
strict rules for the purification of women after childbirth, de-
mony starts. Ablution and shaving are necessary to undo the
tailed in Leviticus 12:1–8. The period of uncleanness varies
dangers and the pollution that are inherent in the sphere be-
according to whether a boy or a girl is born. After the birth
tween life and death.
of a boy the period of uncleanness is forty days; after that of
a girl this period is doubled. During these days “she [the
Marriage is another rite of passage and, therefore, ablu-
mother] shall touch no hallowed thing, nor come into the
tion rites often belong to its preliminaries. In Attica, in Clas-
sanctuary.” At the expiration of the period of uncleanness she
sical Greece, the bride was purified by ablution with water
has to offer a lamb and a young pigeon or turtledove.
from the sacred spring in preparation for the marriage cere-
mony. In the Southern Celebes the bridegroom bathes in
Contact with a corpse also requires purificatory ablu-
holy water, whereas the bride is fumigated. In all Muslim
tions, in particular for those persons who handle the body,
countries purifying the bride with water and painting her
prepare the grave, and take care of the burial. Their activities
with henna are the most important preliminaries to the wed-
are situated in the intermediary zone between death and life
ding rite. The bath usually takes place a day or two before
and are, therefore, especially dangerous and polluting.
the bride’s departure for the groom’s house.
Among Indian tribes of the Northwest Coast of North
Extensive ablutions remain an essential part of the high-
America, the duty of disposing of the body is performed by
ly ritualistic life of the Mandaeans, a Gnostic sect that dates
gravediggers (never members of the family) who thus become
back to antiquity and whose present adherents live in Bagh-
unclean and, in addition to following special restrictions re-
dad and in some regions in southern Iraq. Ablution undoes
garding food and sexual relations, must undergo ablutions.
the pollution that is considered to manifest itself in various
Among the Bathonga the men who dig the grave—again, a
marginal situations in Mandaean social life. As all powers
task not performed by relatives—must undergo a rite of ab-
that are part of a given social system express it, so powers of
lution after the burial and, with their wives, are subjected to
pollution are inherent in the structure of ideas. To under-
steam baths. These men and women use special spoons for
stand the function of ablutions in such societies a definition
five days and are not allowed to eat from the common plate.
of pollution is requisite. It is a punishment or “a symbolic
The purification is extended even to the hut in which a per-
breaking of that which should be joined or joining of that
son dies. Among the Thompson Indians the hut in which
which should be separate” (Douglas, 1966, p. 113). Con-
a death takes place is washed with water.
cepts of pollution and ablution rites occur, therefore, only
Often widows and widowers share in the pollution that
in cultures in which social and cosmic lines of structure are
death causes. Among the various tribes of the Dene and Sa-
clearly defined and strictly maintained.
lish, for example, widows are regarded as particularly un-
The Mandaeans are bearers of such a culture, which
clean. They must retire to the woods for a year, performing
they, as a minority group, try by all means to keep intact.
purificatory rites, bathing in streams, and taking sweat-baths.
Since the human body functions as a symbol of society, the
Participants in the worship of ancestors are often required
boundaries of the physical body symbolize those of the body
to undergo purification rites, since they can be regarded as
social. Especially among minorities, rituals give expression to
having had special contact with the dead. In China both hus-
a deep anxiety about the body’s refuse; this symbolizes a care
band and wife have to hold vigil, observe fasting regulations,
to protect the unity of the group and its well-defined con-
and wash their heads and bodies before bringing a sacrifice
fines. The same phenomenon can be detected in the many
to the ancestors. In ancient Egypt, frequent ablutions were
purificatory rules of the ancient Israelites, also a religious mi-
part of a ritual performed by the dead or by the gods to se-
nority. The Mandaeans follow an elaborate system of ablu-
cure entrance into a new life. In the “place of purification”
tions, in particular for birth, marriage, sexual contact, and
(i.e., the embalmer’s workshop), the dead body was washed
death, that is, aspects of human life in which the orifices of
with water and other liquids in order to preserve its integrity
the body are clearly important or bodily boundaries are
in the intermediary state between old and new life. The ex-
transgressed. Birth, death, marriage, and coition pollute
tensive and complicated purificatory rules of ancient Israel
those involved, who are then segregated from their fellows
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
12
ABLUTIONS
until they have been purified through ablution, in this case,
in which Mani, the founder of Manichaeism, grew up. This
by immersion in living water. When the time of her giving
ablution was a main point of controversy between Mani and
birth approaches, a woman washes herself and prepares a
other members of the sect, however, since Mani wished to
place apart from the household. As soon as the child has
emphasize not ritual cleaning but purity through asceticism.
come into the world, the midwife washes it, and the mother
Food, in particular, enters the body by being eaten, and,
has to immerse herself three times in the river. The woman
therefore, ritual cleanness of food is especially important
remains segregated for a time, and even pots and plates used
among minority groups, for whom the external borders of
by her receive ritual ablution. Mother and child have to un-
the social system are under constant pressure. The Israelites,
dergo several ablutions and immersions before they can reen-
the Mandaeans, and the Hindus provide examples of such
ter normal life. If during these rites, which take place in the
purity and ablution systems. Hindu society consists of a
open air and in the often cold water of the river, the child
range of castes, or cultural subunits, between which strict
soils or wets the clothing of the serving priest, the priest con-
borderlines are maintained through purity rules, since each
tinues the ceremony as though nothing has happened. How-
caste is like a minority group in relation to the whole. The
ever, he must afterward go through a complete ablution at
higher the caste, the purer it must be. The body social is,
the hands of another priest. It often happens that during this
therefore, like a human body: the high castes do the mental
rigorous ordeal the newborn baby dies. The ceremony is then
work; the lowest castes cut hair, carry away waste matter, and
continued with a dummy of dough in the place of the child
bury corpses. But the object of these purity rules is not one
in order to ensure the safe journey of the dead baby’s soul
of hygiene but to keep the social system clean. Because be-
to the world of light. The officiating priest, however, be-
longing to a certain caste and, consequently, to a certain
comes defiled through contact with the dead and must un-
place in the hierarchy of purity is biologically determined,
dergo triple immersion and be provided with new clothes
sexual purity, in particular of women, is strictly guarded.
and new priestly paraphernalia before he is allowed to resume
After sexual contact a woman has to perform ablutions. The
his duties. This illustrates the polluting power of the dead.
most effective ritual purification is a bath in the Ganges
A dying man is not permitted to die in his lay clothes. As
(though the Ganges is one of the dirtiest rivers in the world!)
death approaches, water is brought from the river, the sick
or in another t¯ırtha (“ford”). In this context ablutions and
man’s clothes are removed, and he is doused three times from
immersions are clearly not hygienic activities, rather, they are
head to foot. Then he is lifted, placed on clean bedding fac-
ritual manipulations of the human body that symbolize so-
ing the North Star, and clothed in new ceremonial dress. In
cial cleanness, which maintains the various social boundary
this way the dying man is given his place in the cosmic order
lines.
and crosses the border between life and death. Needless to
SEE ALSO Baptism; Birth; Death; Purification; Rites of Pas-
say, the actual funeral is accompanied by the elaborate ablu-
sage; Water.
tion of attendants and cult objects.
At marriage, the bride and bridegroom must undergo
BIBLIOGRAPHY
two immersions in water in the ceremonial cult hut, or
For a basic understanding of ritual washings and their socioreli-
mandi; they are then given new ceremonial dresses. The wed-
gious meanings, see Mary Douglas’s Purity and Danger: An
Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (New York, 1966)
ding ceremony has a clear cosmic symbolism that relates the
and her Natural Symbols: Explorations in Cosmology (New
social order to the cosmic one. Immersions and ablutions are
York, 1970). Much material can be found under the entry
an element of daily Mandaean practice that gives protection
“Purification” in the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ed-
and the promise of everlasting life, since water is the life-fluid
ited by James Hastings, vol. 10 (Edinburgh, 1918), although
par excellence. Immersions and ablutions are also purificato-
interpretations offered there should be treated with caution.
ry, undoing the pollution in marginal situations. The Man-
For ancient Greece, see Louis Moulinier’s Le pur et l’impur
daeans perform three kinds of ceremonial ablutions. The first
dans la pensée des Grecs d’Homère à Aristote, a special issue of
is enacted by each Mandaean individually and daily just be-
Études et commentaires, no. 11 (Paris, 1952). The Mandaean
fore sunrise, in other words, at the border between dark and
rituals have been described by Ethel S. Drower in The Man-
light. The second ablution is a triple immersion in the river,
daeans of Iraq and Iran: Their Cults, Customs, Magic, Legends
and Folklore (1937; reprint, Leiden, 1962). For Muslim prac-
done by a woman after menstruation and after childbirth,
tices, see A. J. Wensinck’s “Die Entstehung der muslimisc-
after touching a dead body, after coition, after nocturnal pol-
hen Reinheitsgesetzgebung,” Der Islam 5 (1914): 62–80, and
lution, or after contact with a defiled person, since impurity
the entry “Ablution” in the Dictionary of Islam, 2d ed. (Lon-
is contagious. The third ablution, called masbuta
don, 1896). For India, see M. N. Srinivas’s Religion and Soci-
(“baptism”), is performed by a priest and should take place
ety among the Coorgs of South India (Oxford, 1952) and Nur
every Sunday after major defilements. Not only the human
Yalman’s “On the Purity of Women in the Castes of Ceylon
body and its orifices but also vegetables and food need ablu-
and Malabar,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute
tion and are, therefore, three times immersed in the river be-
93 (January–June 1963): 25–58.
fore being eaten. Pots and pans must at certain times be bap-
New Sources
tized, too. The ritual cleaning of food by immersion was also
For ablutions in general see Bernhard Maier, “Reinheit. I: Reli-
practiced in the Christian community of Elcasaite baptists
gionsgeschichtlich,” in Theologische Realenziklopädie, vol. 28
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ABRAHAM
13
(1997), pp. 473–477, with bibliography. See also, as far as
ABRAHAM IN THE WORLD OF THE NEAR EAST. The ances-
the Greco-Roman world is concerned: René Ginouvés, Ba-
tors of Israel are portrayed in the Bible as living a nomadic
laneutike. Recherches sur le bain dans l’antiquité grecque (Paris,
or pastoral life among the older population of Palestine be-
1962); Eva Keuls, The Water Carriers in Hades. A Study of
fore the time of the Israelite settlement (c. thirteenth century
Catharsis through Toil in Classical Antiquity (Amsterdam,
BCE). With the great increase in knowledge about the ancient
1974); Robert Parker, Miasma. Pollution and Purification in
Near East during the past century, scholars have attempted
Egypt, Greece and Rome (Oxford, 1983); R. A. Wild, Water
in the Cultic Worship of Isis and Sarapis (Leiden, 1981);
to fit Abraham and his family into the background of Near
Georges Roux, “L’eau et la divination dans le sanctuaire de
Eastern culture in the second millennium BCE. Comparisons
Delphes,” in L’homme et l’eau en Méditerranée et au Proche
are made with the personal names of the ancestors; the names
Orient, I: Séminaire de recherche 1979–1980, pp. 155–159
of peoples and places; social customs having to do with mar-
(Lyon, 1981); Susan Cole-Guettel, “The Uses of Water in
riage, childbearing, and inheritance rights; and types of no-
Greek Sanctuaries,” in Early Greek Cult Practice. Proceedings
madism in the various stories in order to establish the back-
of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute
ground and social milieu out of which the ancestors came.
at Athens, 26–29 June 1986, edited by Robin Hägg, Nanno
The effort to place the patriarchs in the second millennium
Marinatos, and Gullög C. Nordquist, pp. 161–165 (Stock-
holm, 1988); Alan Peatfield, “Water, Fertility, and Purifica-
BCE has been unsuccessful, however, because all of the fea-
tion in Minoan Religion,” in Klados: Essays in Honour of
tures in the stories can be attested to in sources of the first
J. N. Coldstream, edited by Christine E. Morris,
millennium BCE, and some of the items in the stories, such
pp. 217–227 (London, 1995).
as the domestication of the camel or reference to Philistines,
Ablutions in connection with baptismal ceremonies in Gnostic
Arameans, and Arabs, belong to a much later time. The spe-
communities are investigated by Eric Segelberg, Masbuta:
cial effort to fit the war between Abraham and the kings of
Studies in the Ritual of the Mandean Baptism (Uppsala, 1958),
the east (Gn. 14) into the history of the second millennium
and Jorunn Jacobsen Buckley, The Mandeans (Oxford,
by trying to identify the various kings and nations involved
2002), pp. 59–86.
has failed to yield plausible proposals. The four eastern king-
For the various purificatory rituals in Islamism, besides the general
doms, Elam, Babylonia, Assyria, and that of the Hittites, re-
introduction by Andrew Rippin, Muslims: Their Religious Be-
ferred to cryptically in this text, never formed an alliance, nor
liefs and Practices (London, 2001), see G. H. Bousquet,
did they ever control Palestine either collectively or individu-
“Ghusl” (general ablution of the whole body, prescribed after
ally during the second millennium BCE. The whole account
any sexual intercourse, before the daily prayers and for the
corpses) in Encyclopédie de l’Islam, vol. 2, coll. 1130–1131
is historically impossible, and the story is very likely a late
(Leiden, 1965); E. Chaumont, “Wudu¯,” (minor or “simple”
addition to Genesis.
ablution of face, feet, and hands, obligatory before a ritual
ABRAHAM AND TRADITION-HISTORY. Another method of
act, such as prayer or handling the QurDa¯n) in Encyclopédie
approaching the Abraham stories is through tradition-
de l’Islam, vol. 11, coll. 237–238 (Leiden, 2004); A. J. Wen-
sinck and A. K. Reinhart, “Tayammum” (ablution with
history, which attempts to identify the individual stories as
sand) in Encyclopédie de l’Islam, vol. 10, coll. 428–429 (Lei-
legends (“sagas”) and to regard them as separate units of tra-
den, 2002); G. H. Bousquet, “La purité rituelle en Islam,”
dition with their original setting in the nomadic life of the
Revue de l’Histoire des Religions 138 (1950): 53–71; A. K. Re-
tribes during their earliest contacts with the indigenous pop-
inhart “Impurity/ No Danger,” History of Religions 30
ulation. The common concern of a number of the stories is
(1990): 1–24. For the ablutions prescribed to the shaihd (Is-
the quest for land and progeny, which reflects the urge of the
lamic martyr) before the suicide attack see the document
land-hungry nomads to gain a foothold in the land where
published by David Cook, “Suicide Attacks or Martyrdom
they had temporary pasturage. The stories thus portray a pro-
Operations in Contemporary Jihad Literature,” Nova Religio.
cess of gradual peaceful settlement by separate groups, each
The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religion 6, no. 1
represented by a different patriarch. The combination of the
(2002): 7–44.
traditions reflects the subsequent amalgamation of the
Ablution practice in Hinduism is investigated by Diana Eck, Ba-
naras: City of Light (New York, 1982).
groups with their traditions, which led to the creation of
the genealogical chain of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. This
HAN J. W. DRIJVERS (1987)
whole process of tradition development is viewed as taking
Revised Bibliography
place at the oral tradition stage, before it reached the written
form.
ABORIGINAL RELIGIONS SEE AUSTRALIAN
This approach has not gone unchallenged (Van Seters,
INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS, ARTICLE ON
1975). The degree to which the stories of Abraham reflect
ABORIGINAL CHRISTIANITY
a long process of oral tradition is debatable. For instance, the
tradition of Beersheba as a cult place cannot belong to the
premonarchy period because the excavations carried out
ABRAHAM, or, in Hebrew, Avraham; the ancestor of the
under the direction of Yohanan Aharoni show that the city
Hebrews through the line of Isaac and Jacob and of the Arabs
was a new foundation of the Judean monarchy. While some
through Ishmael.
of the individual stories may reflect traditions of varying de-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
14
ABRAHAM
grees of antiquity, the process of collecting and arranging the
sources. The doublets, however, are actually carefully com-
stories is still best explained as reflecting literary activity.
posed literary modifications of the earlier stories meant to
RELIGION OF ABRAHAM. The traditio-historical approach to
put forward the author’s own point of view and religious
the patriarchal stories has led to the view that the tradition
concerns.
reflects a nomadic form of personal religion in which the
The twice-told tales. There are two stories about how
“god of the fathers” is the patron god of the clan. He is asso-
the patriarch’s wife was passed off as his sister in order to pro-
ciated with a specific person, such as Abraham, who experi-
tect himself in a foreign land. The first one (Gn. 12:10–20)
ences a theophany and receives the divine promises of land
is simply an entertaining folktale whereby Abraham appears
and progeny. Also belonging to this “primitive” level of Isra-
to outsmart the Egyptians and come away with both wealth
elite religion are the references to sacred trees and stones and
and wife. The second version (chap. 20) seeks to exonerate
the setting up of numerous altars. The frequent references
the patriarch of any moral wrongdoing. Abraham did not lie,
to El in the patriarchal stories reflect either the encounter of
because Sarah actually was his half sister, and God was not
the nomadic religion with the Canaanite religion of the land,
unjust in his treatment of the king but actually recognized
with its high god El, or the original identity of the “god of
his innocence and provided him with a way out of his dilem-
the fathers.”
ma. The whole matter is resolved amicably. Yet a third ver-
The problem with these reconstructions of Israel’s early
sion of the story is found in the Isaac tradition (26:1–11),
religion is that the emphasis upon Yahveh as the God of
which makes use of elements from both of the earlier stories
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob and the identifying of Yahveh
but with the emphasis here on God’s guidance and provi-
with El are attested only in exilic sources. Furthermore, the
dence. The account of Hagar’s flight (chap. 16) and her later
themes of the divine promise of land and numerous progeny
expulsion with Ishmael (21:8–21) are also doublets. The first
cannot be shown in a single instance to belong to the oral
is an ethnographic etiology on the origin and nature of the
stage of the tradition’s development. One must conclude
Ishmaelites, while the second transforms this theme into an
therefore that the religion of Abraham is the religion of the
aspect of the divine promises to Abraham, since Ishmael is
authors of the present form of the tradition.
also his offspring.
ABRAHAM IN THE WRITTEN SOURCES. Scholars have long
In none of these cases does the later version constitute
recognized that the story of Abraham is not a unity but com-
an independent variant of the tradition. Instead, it is an at-
bines the works of more than one author. The literary analy-
tempt by a later author to modify the way one understands
sis of the Pentateuch, established by Julius Wellhausen and
the earlier story in terms of a later attitude on morals and
others in the nineteenth century, recognizes three indepen-
piety, as in the case of Genesis 20, or a later use of the Abra-
dent sources. The earliest of these, the Yahvist (J), is dated
ham tradition to emphasize ethnic identity and destiny.
to the united monarchy (c. 950 BCE) and is viewed as using
Abraham and Lot. The inclusion of Lot in the Abra-
the Abraham tradition to support the claims of the Davidic
ham tradition affords a contrast between the forefather of the
empire. The Elohist (E) in Genesis 20–22 is dated to the time
Ammonites and the Moabites and the forefather of the He-
of the prophets (c. eighth century BCE). The Priestly (P)
brews. When they go their separate ways (Gn. 13), Lot ap-
source is of postexilic date (c. 400 BCE) and is found only in
pears to gain the better territory by his choice of the fertile
the episodes of Genesis 17 and 23 and in a few chronological
valley in the region of Sodom, while Abraham is left with the
notices.
land of Canaan. But this merely anticipates the story of the
While this literary analysis has long held sway, some
destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (chaps. 18–19) and
scholars have begun to dispute the dates given to the sources
Lot’s ultimate location in the eastern highlands.
and to understand their relationship to each other in quite
The story of Sodom and Gomorrah follows a familiar
a different way. In this view some of the early J stories (Gn.
classical theme, as in the story of Baucis and Philemon
12:10–20, 16, 18:1, 18:10–14, 21:2, 21:6–7) and the so-
(Ovid, Metamorphoses 8.616ff.), in which the gods send em-
called E source were used by the J author along with his own
issaries in the guise of strangers to investigate violence and
material to shape the biblical story of Abraham as a major
corruption on earth. The strangers are ill treated by the pop-
national tradition in the exilic period. The P writer made a
ulation, except for an old couple who offer them hospitality
few additions to this tradition in the postexilic period, while
and are rewarded while the rest of the population is de-
the story about the kings of the east in Genesis 14 was the
stroyed. In the Bible, Abraham’s hospitality is rewarded by
latest addition in the Hellenistic period.
the promise of Isaac’s birth (18:1–15). Lot also entertains the
THE ABRAHAM TRADITION IN GENESIS. A distinctive feature
two angels and protects them from the cities’ inhabitants,
of the Abraham tradition is that it contains a number of short
who try to abuse them. This leads to the judgment on Sodom
stories that are not linked in a continuous narrative. This has
and Gomorrah, but Lot and his family are rescued, except
fostered the view that they reflect a stage of oral tradition be-
for Lot’s wife, who looks back and becomes a pillar of salt.
fore their collection into a literary work. Furthermore, the
The story also serves as the context for a discussion of the
fact that a number of stories appear as doublets has suggested
possible fate of the righteous along with sinners when God
that tradition variants found their way into separate literary
makes a judgment upon the wicked (18:16–33).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ABRAHAM
15
Abraham and Isaac. The account of Isaac’s birth (Gn.
Burial of Sarah. In the account of Sarah’s burial in
18:1, 18:10–14, 21:2, 21:6–7) was originally told as a single
chapter 23 (P), Abraham is portrayed as striking a bargain
story quite separate from the story of Sodom and Gomorrah
with the inhabitants of Hebron to purchase a piece of land
with which it is now combined. It emphasized the wonder
and a cave in which to bury his wife. This becomes the spe-
of the birth of the child to the aged couple and played upon
cial burial site for Abraham himself and for most of the other
the meaning of Isaac’s name, “laughter.” The Eaqedah, or
patriarchs. What is remarkable about the account is its lack
“binding,” of Isaac (chap. 22) became very important in the
of any religious treatment of the burial or of any reference
later development of the tradition. The frequent suggestion
to the deity in the story. The author’s intention may have
that the story arose as a protest against child sacrifice is specu-
been to frustrate any ancestral veneration by such a “secular”
lative and has little support in the present text. The author
account, but if so, it was not successful since the supposed
makes clear at the outset that the command to sacrifice Isaac
location of the burial site in Hebron is regarded as a holy
is a divine testing. While the sacrifice is stayed by divine in-
place by Jews, Christians, and Muslims down to the present
tervention and a ram substituted in Isaac’s place, Abraham’s
day.
obedience is commended and the divine promises renewed.
ABRAHAM IN OTHER BOOKS OF THE BIBLE. In the Penta-
The matchmaking of chapter 24 recounts how Abraham sent
teuch and the historical books mention is made of the prom-
his servant to Harran, the land of his kinsmen, to find a wife
ises to the patriarchs as the basis for God’s mercy toward Isra-
for Isaac, and how through divine guidance the servant was
el in his rescue of the people from Egypt, in his forgiveness
led to the house of Rebecca. The story stresses the providence
of their disobedience in the wilderness, in his gift to them
of God in the destiny of Abraham’s descendants. It also raises
of the land of Canaan, and finally in his rescue of Israel from
the theme of ethnic purity—a matter of some concern in the
Aramean domination. Abraham is not mentioned in preexil-
exilic period.
ic prophecy. It is only with the crisis of the exile that the fig-
Covenant of Abraham. The Yahvist who brought to-
ure of Abraham becomes a paradigm of hope for the restora-
gether the diverse elements of the Abraham tradition created
tion of nationhood and Israel’s return to the land of its
a sense of unity in the collection by means of the themes of
forefathers. It is especially in “Second Isaiah” (Is. 41:8–10,
the divine promises of numerous progeny and the gift of the
51:1–2) that Abraham is the focus of Israelite identity and
land of Canaan. J begins with God’s call to Abraham to leave
destiny. So too in the exilic Psalm 105 Israel’s identity is
his homeland for a new land and his promise of nationhood
based upon the election and covenant of Abraham. The Sinai
and divine blessing (Gn. 12:1–3). As soon as Abraham reach-
covenant is passed over in silence.
es the land of Canaan, God gives it to him as an inheritance
ABRAHAM IN POSTBIBLICAL JUDAISM. One use of the Abra-
(12:7). The promises are again repeated after Abraham’s sep-
ham tradition in postbiblical times can be seen in the anti-
aration from Lot (13:14–17). The promise theme reaches its
Hellenistic work of the Maccabean period known as Jubilees,
climax in chapter 15, in which God assures Abraham again
or the Little Genesis (chaps. 12–23). There Abraham becomes
of numerous descendants and makes a covenant with him ac-
the model of appropriate Jewish piety. The book tells how
cording to which he gives him the region from the river of
Abraham, while still in Chaldea, came to a knowledge of the
Egypt to the Euphrates. Thereafter the promises are again
true God, learned the divine language of Hebrew, and repu-
mentioned in a number of other stories about Abraham
diated the idolatry of his native land. After receiving the di-
(16:10, 18:18, 21:13, 21:18, 22:15–18, 24:7) as well as in
vine call he went to the land of Canaan. One significant am-
those of Isaac and Jacob. Unlike the covenant of Sinai, the
plification of the biblical tradition of Abraham is the
Abrahamic covenant is not conditioned by law since the
emphasis on Abraham’s observance of many of the Mosaic
promises have already been guaranteed by Abraham’s obedi-
laws and of his giving instruction in these laws to Isaac his
ence (22:15–18, 26:3–5).
son and even to his grandson Jacob. Special emphasis is also
given to the covenant of Abraham as the covenant of circum-
The Priestly writer’s treatment of the covenant (chap.
cision and a warning to those Jews who neglect this practice
17) builds directly upon J’s version but introduces a number
(see 15:9–14, 15:25–34, 16:14). The theme of Abraham’s
of modifications. First, God appears to Abraham as El Shad-
testing by God is more nearly paralleled to that of Job by in-
dai (17:1) instead of as Yahveh (15:7). This change is ex-
cluding in the Abraham story the figure of Mastema (Satan),
plained by P in Exodus 6:2–3 in the suggestion that the patri-
who becomes responsible for instigating the trials. Abraham
archs knew God only by the name El Shaddai, whereas the
endures ten trials, the climax of which is the divine com-
name Yahveh was first revealed to Moses. Second, the writer
mand to sacrifice Isaac (17:15–18, 18:1–13; see also Avot
marks the covenant by a change of names from Abram and
5.3, Judith 8:25f.).
Sarai to Abraham and Sarah and modifies the tradition ac-
cordingly. Third, the covenant with its promises includes the
Josephus Flavius, the Jewish historian of Roman times
sign of circumcision. Only through this rite may Israelites of
who was writing for a Gentile audience, presents Abraham
a later day be participants in the destiny of the covenant
in a much more apologetic tone—as a pious philosopher of
community. This is an ecclesial conception of identity most
great learning (Jewish Antiquities 1.7–17). He states that
appropriate to those living in the Diaspora communities.
Abraham was the first to reason to a knowledge of God, cre-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
16
ABRAHAM
ator of the universe, by his observations of the heavens. Abra-
special election of the Jews and so argues for their ultimate
ham was, however, forced to leave Babylonia because of reli-
salvation as well. In Galatians 3:6–9 and 3:15–18 Paul uses
gious persecution (see also Judith 5:8). He took with him the
a somewhat different argument by suggesting that salvation
Babylonian sciences of astronomy and mathematics, which
came to the Gentiles through Abraham’s blessing; this bless-
he taught to the Egyptians during his sojourn in their coun-
ing was transmitted through Abraham’s “seed,” which Paul
try, and in this way the knowledge of such sciences eventually
identifies with Jesus.
came to the Greeks. (See also the Hellenistic-Jewish frag-
The Letter to the Hebrews (11:8–12, 11:17–19) uses
ments in Eusebius’s Praeparatio evangelica, 9.17ff., where
Abraham as an example of faith, recounting his response to
Abraham teaches the Phoenicians as well.) Josephus places
God’s call to sojourn in the land of promise, his belief with
little emphasis upon the distinctively Jewish features of the
Sarah in the promise of offspring, and his testing through the
Abraham tradition. He even passes rather lightly over the ep-
sacrifice of Isaac. All of these are made to reflect faith in God
isode of his circumcision and defers to another place a discus-
beyond the limitations of this life, a heavenly abode, and the
sion of the law of circumcision.
belief in future resurrection of the dead. By contrast, James
Philo Judaeus of Alexandria devotes two treatises to
2:20–24 uses the sacrifice of Isaac as an example of Abra-
Abraham: On Abraham, part of his Exposition of the Law (di-
ham’s being justified by works and not just by faith alone.
rected to Gentiles), and On the Migration of Abraham, part
ABRAHAM IN ISLAM. Abraham is mentioned more frequently
of his Allegory of the Jewish Law (directed to Jewish readers).
in the QurDa¯n than is any other biblical figure. He is regarded
The first work is primarily a Hellenistic biography to demon-
as the first prophet because he was the first to convert to the
strate Abraham’s piety and wisdom and the Greek virtues of
true God and to preach against the idolatry of his people
justice, courage, and moderation, to which, in place of pru-
(su¯rahs 19:41ff., 21:51ff., 26:69ff., 37:83ff.). He was also the
dence, the author adds faith. Abraham also observes the law,
first Muslim because he practiced islam—submission to ab-
not, however, the Law of Moses (as in Jubilees) but the law
solute obedience to God—when he was tested by the com-
of nature. The life of Abraham is further interpreted allegori-
mand to sacrifice his son (2:124ff., 37:102ff.). Abraham,
cally, especially in the second work, as the mystical journey
with the aid of his son Ishmael, the father of the Arabs, was
of the sage who reaches perfection through education. From
responsible for the founding of the KaEbah in Mecca, the first
Chaldean idolatry, astrology, and sense perception the soul
sanctuary of God (2:125, 2:127). Muh:ammad viewed him-
progresses through reason and philosophy to a knowledge of
self as the reviver of this ancient faith, which he regarded as
God. The outlook here is a form of moral and mystical Greek
older than both Judaism and Christianity (3:65). Following
philosophy.
Jewish tradition, he also regarded Abraham as the first recipi-
ent of the divine revelation of the book (2:129).
The rabbinic aggadah on Abraham is well represented
by the midrash Genesis Rabbah, 39–62. For the rabbis, also,
Abraham was the first man to recognize the existence of God
BIBLIOGRAPHY
while in Chaldea amongst the idolatry there. Abraham’s call
It is difficult in a brief bibliography to do justice to the broad spec-
to go to an unknown land was the beginning of his trials of
trum of scholarly opinion about the Abraham tradition. On
faith, of which the binding of Isaac was the climax and by
matters of the history of the patriarchal age, John Bright’s A
History of Israel, 3d ed. (Philadelphia, 1981), may be said to
which his rewards, blessing, and merit on behalf of others
represent an American school of thought, while Siegfried
would be all the greater. The rabbinic tradition is very insis-
Herrmann’s Geschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit (Mu-
tent that Abraham kept all the Mosaic commandments, both
nich, 1973), translated by John Bowden as A History of Israel
the written and unwritten law (see also B.T., Yoma’ 28b;
in Old Testament Times, 2d ed. (Philadelphia, 1981), pres-
B.T., Qiddushin 82a; Midrash Tehillim 112; Numbers Rab-
ents an approach favored by many German biblical scholars.
bah 12). Abraham is also viewed as a prophet, primarily in
A mediating position is that found in Roland de Vaux’s His-
the sense that he received revelations from God about the fu-
toire ancienne d’Israël: Des origines à l’installation en Canaan
ture and the unseen world. And Abraham is a priest whose
(Paris, 1971), translated by David Smith as The Early History
priesthood is somehow linked with that of Melchizedek and
of Israel (Philadelphia, 1978).
whose sacrifice on Mount Moriah was at the site of the future
On the religion of Abraham, see Albrecht Alt’s Der Gott der Väter:
Temple.
Ein Beitrag zur Vorgeschichte der Israelitischen Religion (Stutt-
gart, 1929), translated by R. A. Wilson as “The God of the
ABRAHAM IN CHRISTIANITY. The figure of Abraham plays a
Fathers,” in Essays on Old Testament History and Religion
special role in the New Testament, especially in the thought
(Oxford, 1966), pp. 1–77; and Frank Moore Cross’s Ca-
of the apostle Paul. In Romans 4 Paul argues that Abraham
naanite Myth and Hebrew Epic: Essays in the History of the Re-
was justified by faith in God prior to his being circumcised
ligion of Israel (Cambridge, Mass., 1973), pp. 3–75.
and therefore prior to any works of the law, so the law is not
On the literary development of the tradition, see Hermann Gun-
necessary for justification—that is, for being considered righ-
kel’s Genesis (Göttingen, 1901). The introduction to this
teous before God. Abraham becomes the father of the faith-
work was translated and edited by William H. Carruth as
ful, and the election of Abraham is thus extended to all who
The Legends of Genesis (Chicago, 1901) and reissued with an
have faith. Nevertheless, Paul is not willing to give up God’s
introduction by William F. Albright (New York, 1964). See
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ABRAVANEL, ISAAC
17
also the commentary in Gerhard von Rad’s Das erste Buch
biblical commentator, theologian, and philosopher. Born in
Mose, Genesis, 3 vols. (Göttingen, 1949–1953), translated by
Lisbon into a wealthy Jewish family from Seville, Isaac ben
John H. Marks as Genesis: A Commentary, 3 vols. (Philadel-
Judah Abravanel succeeded his father as the treasurer to Al-
phia, 1961). A commentary that reflects the American school
fonso V, king of Aragon, but in 1483 for political reasons
is the one in Nahum M. Sarna’s Understanding Genesis (New
he had to flee to Castille, where he remained in the service
York, 1966).
of Ferdinand and Isabella until the expulsion of the Jews on
Critical reappraisals of the historicity of the Abraham tradition can
May 31, 1492. He then moved to Naples in the service of
be found in Thomas L. Thompson’s The Historicity of the Pa-
King Ferrante I until a French invasion forced him to flee
triarchal Narratives: The Quest for the Historical Abraham
with the king to Messina in 1494. Isaac resided in Corfu
(New York, 1974), and in my Abraham in History and Tradi-
tion (New Haven, Conn., 1975). The latter work also con-
until 1496; then moved to Monopoli (Apulia), and in 1503
tains a critical discussion of the literary tradition of Abraham.
settled in Venice, where he spent the last years of his life.
Recent surveys of the present state of scholarship on Abraham are
Isaac’s earliest work, composed when he was in his
represented by William G. Denver and W. Malcolm Clark
teens, was Tsurot ha-yesodot (Forms of the elements). His
in “The Patriarchal Traditions,” chapter 2 of Israelite and Ju-
next, completed around 1465, was EAteret zeqenim (Crown
daean History, edited by John H. Hayes and J. Maxwell Mil-
of the ancients). The first deals with ontology; the second
ler (Philadelphia, 1977), pp. 70–148; and Claus Wester-
mann’s Genesis, pt. 2, “Biblischer Kommentar Altes
covers divine providence and the nature of prophecy. Be-
Testament,” vol. 1, no. 2 (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1981). This
tween 1483 and 1505 Isaac wrote commentaries on the Pen-
latter work contains an extensive bibliography.
tateuch, Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Eze-
For a treatment of Abraham in later Jewish sources, see Samuel
kiel, and the twelve minor prophets. In 1496 he completed
Sandmel’s Philo’s Place in Judaism: A Study of Conceptions of
a commentary on Deuteronomy titled Mirkevet ha-mishneh
Abraham in Jewish Literature (Cincinnati, 1955). See also the
(The second chariot); another on the Passover Haggadah,
article “Abraham” in Theologische Realenzyklopädie, vol. 1
Zevah pesah (The sacrifice of Passover); and a third on the
(New York, 1977).
tractate Avot in the Mishnah, Nahalot avot (Paternal inheri-
New Sources
tance).
Brodsky, Harold. “Did Abram Wage a Just War?” Jewish Bible
Between 1496 and 1498 Isaac composed a set of three
Quarterly 31 (2003): 167–173.
books known as “The Tower of Salvation.” The first,
Cohen, Jeffrey M. “Displacement in the Matriarchal Home: A
Ma Eyenei ha-yeshu Eah (The fountains of salvation), is a com-
Psychological Study of the Abraham-Sarah Marriage.” Jewish
mentary on the Book of Daniel. The second, Yeshu Eot meshiho
Bible Quarterly 30 (2002): 90–96.
(The salvation of his anointed), is a study of midrashim and
Fleishman, Joseph. “On the Significance of a Name Change and
passages from the Talmud that deal with the Messiah and
Circumcision in Genesis 17.” Journal of the Ancient Near
Eastern Society 28 (2002): 19–32.
the messianic age. The third, Mashmi Ea yeshu Eah (Announc-
ing salvation), is a commentary on the messianic prophecies
Kahn, Pinchas. “The Mission of Abraham: Genesis 18:17–22:19.”
found in all of the books of the prophets.
Jewish Bible Quarterly 30 (2002): 155–163.
Kaltner, John. “Abraham’s Sons: How the Bible and QurDan See
Isaac wrote three books that deal specifically with the
the Same Story Differently.” Bible Review 18 (2002): 16–23,
philosophy of Maimonides (Mosheh ben Maimon, 1135/8–
45–46.
1204): Ro Dsh amanah (The principles of faith; 1494), a de-
Lee, Jung H. “Abraham in a Different Voice: Rereading ‘Fear and
tailed commentary (1505) on Maimonides’ Guide of the Per-
Trembling’ with Care.” Religious Studies 36 (2000):
plexed, and the Ma Damar qatser (Short treaties; 1505), which
377–400.
discusses at length what Isaac considered to be the most diffi-
Levenson, Jon Douglas. “The Conversion of Abraham to Judaism,
cult problems in the Guide. In 1505 Isaac also completed two
Christianity, and Islam.” In The Idea of Biblical Interpreta-
works on creation, Shamayim hadashim (The new heavens)
tion, edited by Hindy Najman and Judith H. Newman,
and Mif Ealot Elohim (The works of God).
pp. 3–40. Leiden and Boston, 2004.
Noegel, Scott B. “Abraham’s Ten Trials and a Biblical Numerical
Isaac’s last written works were answers to questions
Convention.” Jewish Bible Quarterly 31 (2003): 73–83.
raised by ShaDul ha-Kohen of Candia. These responsa refer to
J
two lost books: The Inheritance of the Prophets, an essay
OHN VAN SETERS (1987)
Revised Bibliography
against Maimonides’ theory of prophecy, and The Justice of
the Universe, which deals with divine providence.
The dominant theme of Isaac’s writings is his opposi-
ABRAHAM BEN DAVID OF POSQUIÈRES
tion to what he considered to be the excessive rationalism of
SEE AVRAHAM BEN DAVID OF POSQUIÈRES
the Jewish Aristotelians who followed Maimonides, particu-
larly Gersonides (Levi ben Gershom). Isaac was motivated
by the fear that this kind of sophisticated Jewish thought,
ABRAVANEL, ISAAC (1437–1508), known as
given the threats to Jewish survival present in the exile, would
Abravanel, Abrabanel, and Abarbanel; Spanish-Portuguese
undermine the faith of the simple Jew. Isaac rejected the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
18
ABSTINENCE
claims of both Hasdai Crescas and Yosef Albo that it is possi-
Netanyahu, Benzion. Don Isaac Abravanel. Philadelphia, 1953.
ble to single out fundamental principles of Judaism. Isaac ar-
Sarachek, Joseph. Don Isaac Abravanel. New York, 1938.
gued that Judaism has no conceptual axioms; every law and
Schmueli, Ephraim. Don Yitshaq Abarbanel ve-geirush Sefarad
every belief in the Torah is equally fundamental.
(Don Isaac Abravanel and the expulsion of the Jews from
Isaac opposed naturalistic interpretations of prophecy.
Spain). Jerusalem, 1963.
He argued that all prophecy is produced directly by God and
Trend, J. B., and Herbert Loewe. Isaac Abravanel: Six Lectures.
that the events reported in prophetic visions actually oc-
Cambridge, U.K., 1937.
curred in the physical world. Furthermore, prophetic knowl-
New Sources
edge differs qualitatively from natural knowledge. Natural
Attias, Jean-Christophe. “Isaac Abravanel: Between Ethnic Mem-
knowledge at best yields claims that are merely probable,
ory and National Memory.” Jewish Social Studies 2 (1996):
whereas revealed knowledge is necessarily true.
137–156.
Isaac drew his political theory from the political struc-
Feldman, Seymour. Philosophy in a Time of Crisis: Don Isaac
tures of ancient Rome, the Venice of his day, and the Torah.
Abravanel, Defender of the Faith. London and New York,
He claimed that a political state is required only because of
2003.
the human imperfection that resulted from the sin of Adam.
Gaon, Solomon. The Influence of the Catholic Theologian Alfonso
Consequently, no political state is perfect. The best political
Tostado on the Pentateuch Commentary of Isaac Abravanel. Li-
order is that of theocracy; the next best is a monarchy, limit-
brary of Sephardic History and Thought, vol. 2. New York,
ed by the national laws of a superior court or Sanhedrin and
1993.
the local laws of elected municipal lower courts.
NORBERT M. SAMUELSON (1987)
Two cosmological judgments underlie Isaac’s view of
Revised Bibliography
history. One is his rejection of the Aristotelian conception
of the spheres as living entities. The other is his affirmation
of a literal understanding of the doctrine of creation out of
nothing. What philosophers mistakenly believe to be natural
ABSTINENCE SEE ASCETICISM; CELIBACY;
law is God’s will made manifest through the actions of angels
FASTING; SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE
(God’s agents for rewarding human beings) and demons
(God’s agents for punishing human beings), and/or the
willed choices of human beings. Nothing occurs through im-
ABU
¯ AL-HUDHAYL AL-EALLA¯F (d. between AH
personal, natural forces.
227 and 235, 842 and 850 CE), more fully Abu¯ al-Hudhayl
Isaac pictured the course of human history as a circle
Muh:ammad ibn al-Hudhayl al-EAlla¯f al-EAbd¯ı; Muslim
that began when humanity separated from God and that will
theologian of the MuEtazil¯ı school. Little is known of the life
end when humanity returns to God. However, after Adam’s
of Abu¯ al-Hudhayl. He was a client (mawla¯) of the tribe EAbd
initial fall that began history, there was, is, and will be con-
al-Qays and is said to have studied with a certain Uthma¯n
tinuous disintegration until the messianic age. The penulti-
al-Taw¯ıl, an agent for the MuEtazil¯ı propaganda of Wa¯s:il ibn
mate state of history will begin when a revived Muslim em-
EAtaD (d. 748/9). About 819 he entered the court of the ca-
pire in alliance with the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel will
liph al-MaDmu¯n, where he was renowned for his skill in dis-
conquer the Christians and retake possession of Jerusalem.
putation and for his ability to quote poetry. Of his numerous
Next, the Messiah, who is not Jesus of Nazareth, will appear,
theological, philosophical, apologetic, and polemic writings,
and the Muslims will turn over Jerusalem to him. At that
none has survived. He is reported to have been more than
time all of the Jewish people will return to the Land of Israel,
a hundred years old at the time of his death.
and the Messiah will rule the world. Then a reign will follow
during which humanity will progressively improve until, in
The fragmentary and somewhat gnomic reports of Abu¯
the end, the physical, human world will give way to a spiritu-
al-Hudhayl’s doctrine supplied by later writers allow only a
al world of pure souls who eternally will contemplate God’s
superficial view of his teaching, nor is it possible to determine
essence. The two dates that Isaac cited for the coming of the
the significance of several apparent parallels to earlier Chris-
Messiah are 1503 and 1531.
tian writers. His teaching is based on a systematic analysis
of the predicates attached to things, where the primary asser-
SEE ALSO Messianism, article on Jewish Messianism.
tion is indicated by the noun subject used in the analytic
paraphrase. For example, “x moves” is analyzed as “a motion
BIBLIOGRAPHY
belongs to x,” and “y knows,” as “a cognition belongs to y.”
Guttmann, Jacob. Die religionsphilosophischen Lehren des Isaak
Since the subject term of the analysis is taken to designate
Abravanel. Breslau, 1916.
an entity, the method tended to posit many reified proper-
Heschel, Abraham Joshua. Don Jizchak Abravanel. Berlin, 1937.
ties, such as “location” (kawn), “conjunction,” or “lifeless-
Levy, Solomon. Isaac Abravanel as a Theologian. London, 1939.
ness.” Abu¯ al-Hudhayl’s conception of material beings was
Minkin, Jacob S. Abarbanel and the Expulsion of the Jews from
atomistic: bodies are composites of discrete atoms (sg., ja-
Spain. New York, 1938.
whar) in each of which subsists a set of various entitative
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ABU
¯ BAKR
19
properties (sg., ma Ena¯), categorically referred to as “acci-
His father was EUtha¯m of the clan of Taym of the tribe of
dents.” The atoms and some kinds of accidents perdure over
Quraysh. His mother was Salma bint Sakhr of the same clan.
many moments of time while other accidents exist only for
He was born around 572 CE. He married four times and had
a single instant. Because speech consists of accidents in a ma-
six children, including EA¯Dishah, who married the Prophet
terial substrate, the QurDa¯n as God’s speech is also created;
and played a significant role in some of the early events in
it exists originally in a celestial archetype, “The Cherished
Muslim history, and who also served as a transmitter of
Tablet,” of which there are quotations.
h:ad¯ıth.
Analyzing the descriptions of God given in the QurDa¯n,
Ibn Ish:a¯q, the author of an early biography of the
Abu¯ al-Hudhayl taught that God has cognition, power, life,
Prophet, describes Abu¯ Bakr as a kindly man popular among
eternity, grandeur, and so forth, but each of these attributes
his contemporaries and most knowledgeable about the gene-
is God himself, even though they are distinguishable as such
alogy of the Quraysh and the values and traditions of their
from each other. His volitions, however, come to exist tem-
ancestors. The people used to call upon him for his knowl-
porally “in no substrate,” simultaneously with his creation
edge, his experience as a merchant, and his good companion-
of their objects, as does his creative command, “Be,” the real-
ship. He lived in the same area of Mecca as Khad¯ıjah, the
ity of which is asserted by “creates.” He held also that the
wife of the Prophet, which may have brought about their
potential objects of God’s power are finite in number and
friendship and may have been the reason that Abu¯ Bakr was
that consequently there must come a time when even the ac-
among the first adult male Muslims. We know very little
tivity of the blessed in Paradise will terminate in an unalter-
about his life before the advent of Islam; the reports concern-
able state of bliss. This thesis he is said to have renounced
ing the details of his life are sometimes contradictory and
late in his life.
confusing. Nevertheless a reasonable picture of his life may
Whether or not Abu¯ al-Hudhayl first introduced atom-
be glimpsed through the different traditions and reports. As
ism and the analytic method into the MuEtazil¯ı kala¯m is un-
a relatively wealthy merchant, Abu¯ Bakr used his wealth and
certain; in any event, Abu¯ EAl¯ı al-Jubba¯D¯ı (d. 913) considers
resources to support the poor among the nascent Muslim
that it is Abu¯ al-Hudhayl “who initiated kala¯m.” His most
community. In particular he bought and freed Muslim
important direct disciple was Abu¯ YaEqu¯b al-Shah:h:a¯m, who
slaves, among whom was Bila¯l the Abyssinian, who later be-
was in turn the master of al-Jubba¯D¯ı. The latter basically re-
came well-known as a devout Muslim and as a muezzin (the
fined the system of Abu¯ al-Hudhayl so as to lay the immedi-
one who gives the call to prayer).
ate foundation of what later became the predominant tradi-
Abu¯ Bakr’s personal influence helped bring to Islam
tion of MuEtazil¯ı theology. Also through al-JubbaD¯ı, who was
some of the leading members of Meccan society. As a result
the teacher of al-AshEar¯ı (d. 935), the teaching of Abu¯ al-
he faced the hostility of other Meccans, but remained one
Hudhayl came to play a significant role in the formation of
of the Prophet’s closest companions. When the pressure on
classical AshEar¯ı doctrine.
the early Muslim community became intolerable, some of
them took refuge in Abyssinia, but Abu¯ Bakr remained with
SEE ALSO MuEtazilah.
the Prophet in Mecca. It is unlikely that his comparatively
minor clan was able to offer Abu¯ Bakr protection, even
BIBLIOGRAPHY
though he was its chief, but it might have been that his ex-
Frank, R. M. The Metaphysics of Created Being According to Abu¯
tended friendships and acknowledged gentle demeanor de-
al-Hudhayl al- EAlla¯f. Istanbul, 1966. Although dated, re-
terred the Meccans from being too harsh on him.
mains a useful summary.
After the Prophet had built connections among the peo-
Frank, R. M. “The Divine Attributes according to the Teaching
of Abu¯ l-Hudhayl al-EAlla¯f.” Le muséon 82 (1969): 451–506.
ple of Yathrib he advised those who feared Meccan hostility
Contains a general outline of his theology with attention to
to emigrate there. Abu¯ Bakr stayed behind because the
several patristic parallels.
Prophet wanted him as his companion on the journey to
Yathrib. Abu¯ Bakr’s family supplied the food and camels and
R. M. FRANK (1987)
helped to thwart the efforts of the Quraysh to capture the
Prophet. Later his family, except his father Abu¯ Kuhafa and
his son Abd al-Rah:ma¯n, followed him to Yathrib. Abd
ABU
¯ BAKR
al-Rah:ma¯n eventually converted to Islam, but earlier he had
(c. 572–634) was the first Caliph and close
engaged in fighting against Muslims in the major battles of
companion of the Prophet and founder of the Islamic Em-
Badr and Uh:ud.
pire. In the classical Arab tradition a person is given an ism
(name), kunyah (an agnomen consisting of Abu¯ [father] fol-
In Yathrib, which the Prophet renamed al-Mad¯ınah
lowed by the name of a son), and laqab (nickname or title
(Medina), Abu¯ Bakr had a special place within the commu-
usually of a favorable nature). Hence Abu¯ Bakr was so called,
nity. He was always at the side of the Prophet and took part
although his name was Abd Allah, and his laqab, Ati Atik
in all the campaigns led by the Prophet. Abu¯ Bakr’s counsel
(freed slave), was given to him by his mother because he was
was always sought and his closeness to the Prophet made him
spared from the death in infancy that befell all her other sons.
familiar with his ideas and intentions. It is said that among
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
20
ABU
¯ BAKR
the senior companions he never questioned the judgments
ing Medina exposed to attack by hostile tribes. This daring
of the Prophet. When at H:udaybiyah the Prophet decided
move must have impressed his enemies as a sign of self-
to make peace with the Meccans on conditions that were
confidence. During the absence of the army Abu¯ Bakr was
seen as humiliating by many other followers, Abu¯ Bakr stood
able to defeat the tribe who attacked Medina. Abu¯ Bakr came
by his leader, who was facing a serious rebellion. This agree-
to be known as Khalifat Rasu¯l Alla¯h, that is, the deputy or
ment was a prelude to the bloodless conquest of Mecca itself.
successor to the messenger of God (the Prophet).
Earlier in Mecca, when the Prophet proclaimed the ac-
Once the Muslim army returned after putting down an
count known in Muslim traditions as the “night journey”
early rebellion, Abu¯ Bakr appointed Kha¯lid ibn al-Walid
(isra¯ D) from Mecca to Jerusalem and back, some Meccans
commander of the main army to put down the other major
thought that such a claim would shake Abu¯ Bakr’s faith in
insurgencies. After subduing one of the rebels, Kha¯lid
the Prophet’s veracity; but he affirmed his faith in the Proph-
marched towards Yamana, where Musaylamah had gathered
et and was given the title of al-Siddiq (the firm and trustwor-
a large army that had resisted earlier attempts to subdue him.
thy believer). In Muslim literature he therefore is often re-
Kha¯lid defeated and killed Musaylamah at the Battle of
ferred to as al-Siddiq.
al-EAkrabaD. This was the bloodiest battle of the Riddah wars;
The death of the Prophet in 632 threatened the order
thousands lost their lives, and the place came to be called the
that he had established, and created a crisis regarding succes-
Garden of Death. This victory was crucial in restoring con-
sion. At the time of his death almost all of the Arabian Penin-
trol of the center of Arabia to Muslim rule. The Muslims lost
sula was under his control. Nevertheless there was a possible
a good number of reciters of the QurDa¯n in this battle. This
threat from the north by Byzantium, which encouraged the
prompted Abu¯ Bakr, according to Muslim sources, to ap-
northern tribes to defect. To ward off this threat the Prophet
point secretaries to collect the QurDa¯n, relying on the already
organized an army under the leadership of young Usa¯mah
recorded material and the memories of the surviving reciters.
ibn Zaid with orders to march to the borders of Syria, deter
He also sent other commanders to subdue the remaining
Byzantium, and subdue the northern tribes. As the army
rebel tribes and to secure other regions of the peninsula.
camped outside Medina awaiting the Prophet’s orders the
news of his death arrived.
While the Riddah campaigns were still raging, one of
the Muslim commanders had already taken control of Per-
There were rebellions among various tribes led by
sian-held centers and advanced to the Euphrates, opening up
“prophets” who modeled themselves on the Prophet, each
claiming to have received their own “QurDa¯n” through an
the possibility of conquering Iraq. On being advised that a
angel of revelation. They claimed equal status to his, and one
victory against the Persians was likely, Abu¯ Bakr recalled
of them, Musaylamah, referred to in history as the “Liar,”
Kha¯lid from Yamama and ordered him to march towards
demanded that Arabia should be divided between himself
Iraq. This marked the beginning of the conquest of Palestine
and the Prophet. In Yemen, a local leader took over from the
and Syria. Abu¯ Bakr sent three columns towards Palestine
Prophet’s appointed representative of Medina. Individuals
and Syria under Muslim commanders. After some initial suc-
claiming to be prophets and prophetesses cropped up among
cess, they were driven back by the superior forces of the By-
several tribes. Some groups who had given allegiance to Islam
zantine army. Abu¯ Bakr ordered Kha¯lid to leave Iraq and re-
reverted to their pre-Islamic religion, while others remained
inforce the army in Palestine. Their combined forces
faithful to Islam but refused to pay zaka¯t, which the QurDa¯n
defeated the Byzantines at the famous Battle of Ajnadayn in
had promulgated, to Medina on the grounds that the duty
July 634. Abu¯ Bakr died soon after on August 23.
to remit it ended with the death of the Prophet. Muslim his-
The caliphate of Abu¯ Bakr was characterized by the
torians have named this particular rebellion Riddah (aposta-
constant struggle to restore the authority of Medina and by
sy) and the struggle to subdue them as the wars of Riddah.
direct military action against rebellions in the Arabian Penin-
These were uncoordinated groups, and mostly local, without
sula and eventually against the Persian and Byzantine em-
any common leader; they were all eventually subdued under
pires. His rule marks the first major advances in Muslim rule
Abu¯ Bakr’s leadership.
over Byzantine and Sassanian controlled territories.
When the death of the Prophet was announced the
Ans:a¯r (the Muslim inhabitants of Medina) gathered in the
Abu¯ Bakr was noted for his simple and austere life. It
saqifa of Banu SaDidah to elect one of their own as successor
is said that on his deathbed, he gave back all that he had re-
to the Prophet. The ancient tribal rivalry between the Aws
ceived as salary to the Muslim treasury. During his short ten-
and Khazradj, the two tribes of Medina, delayed their deci-
ure as caliph, he sought to bring order at a turbulent time
sion to allow the Muha¯jiru¯n (the Muslim immigrants to Me-
in Muslim history after the death of the Prophet. He did not
dina) to join the meeting. According to historical accounts
attempt to alter dramatically the administrative organization
EUmar ibn al-Khat:t:a¯b and Abu¯ Akbr succeeded in persuad-
and arrangements in Medina or in the newly conquered ter-
ing the gathering to choose Abu¯ Bakr as the new leader. Abu¯
ritories. Before his death, he appointed EUmar bin al-Khat:t:a¯b
Bakr gathered his advisors to plan his first move. Against
to be his successor, believing that this choice would prevent
their advice he ordered the army to march to the north, leav-
possible strife.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ABU
¯ H:AN¯IFAH
21
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Because of his independent income, Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah nei-
al-Bala¯dhur¯ı. The Origins of the Islamic State. Translated by Phillip
ther needed nor cared for governmental patronage and was
Hitti. New York, 1968.
thus immune from governmental pressure, a situation that
Donner, Fred. The Early Islamic Conquests. Princeton, N.J., 1981.
helped Islamic law develop independently of political au-
Kennedy, Hugh. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates: Islamic
thority. Likewise, owing to his disposition and academic pre-
Near East from the Sixth to the Eleventh Century. London,
occupation, Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah did not involve himself in active
1986; 2d ed., Harlow, U.K., and New York, 2004.
power politics. At the same time, he was not entirely happy
Madelung, Wilferd. The Succession to Muh:ammad: A Study of the
with the dynasties under which he lived—the Umayyads and
Early Caliphate. Cambridge, U.K., 1997.
the Abbasids—and his sympathies lay, if at all, with the op-
position. It is probably for this reason, coupled with pietistic
al-T:abar¯ı, Abu Jahar Muh:ammad. Biographies of the Prophets,
Companions, and their Successors. Translated and annotated
precaution, that Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah was unwilling to be identified
by Ella Landau-Tasseron. Albany, N.Y., 1998.
with either of the two regimes; he repeatedly declined to ac-
cept governmental positions, especially judgeships, and pre-
M. A. ZAKI BADAWI (2005)
sumably even lent moral support to the EAlid revolt of
Muh:ammad, who was popularly known as al-Nafs
al-Zak¯ıyah (d. 762). These facts explain the harsh treatment
ABU
¯ H:AN¯IFAH (AH 80?–150/699?–767 CE), more
meted out to Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah under both dynasties, culminat-
fully Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah al-NuEma¯n ibn Tha¯bit ibn Zu¯t:a¯; theolo-
ing in imprisonment from the time of the revolt to his death
gian, jurist, and founder of the first of the four orthodox
five years later.
schools of law in Sunn¯ı Islam. As a theologian, he persuasive-
CONTRIBUTION TO THEOLOGY. Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s main theo-
ly argued against Kha¯rij¯ı extremism and espoused several po-
logical doctrines may be determined primarily from a small
sitions that became an integral part of the orthodox doctrine,
treatise, the Epistle to EUthma¯n al-Batt¯ı, which was doubt-
especially the idea that sin did not render one an unbeliever.
lessly written by the not-so-prolific Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah himself. A
As a jurist, he reviewed the then-existing body of legal doc-
few other brief treatises, especially those called Fiqh Akbar
trines, elaborated the law by formulating views on new ques-
I and Fiqh absat:, also represent his theological views, though
tions, and integrated these into a coherent system by anchor-
they may have been written by others.
ing them to an elaborate and basically consistent legal theory.
LIFE. Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah was born in Kufa, then the capital of Iraq
His foremost concern, as reflected in these documents,
and a major intellectual center of the Islamic world. He was
was to refute the extremist theological positions of the time,
of non-Arab origin: his grandfather was a freed slave from
especially those of the Kha¯rij¯ıs. Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah vigorously re-
Kabul who became a client (mawla¯) of an Arabian tribe,
futed the Kha¯rij¯ı doctrine that faith and good works were
Taym Alla¯h. His father, Tha¯bit, was certainly a Muslim, and
inalienable and that sins cast believers out of the fold of
presumably even his grandfather had converted to Islam.
Islam, dooming them to suffer eternally in hell. He empha-
The family was prosperous, and Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah himself be-
sized that faith, consisting essentially of verbal confession
came a successful manufacturer and merchant of silk. Re-
coupled with inner conviction, did not increase or decrease.
nowned for his honest dealings, he devoted a good part of
Thus by mere sinning one did not lose faith. By taking this
his income to charitable purposes, especially to helping
position Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah did not wish to demean moral up-
scholars in need.
rightness or to lower the quality of religious life. Rather, in
the context of the Kha¯rij¯ı denial to believing sinners the
Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah had a well-rounded education under a
rights of Muslims, including their lives and property, a doc-
number of able scholars. Drawn to theology in his youth, he
trine that had caused much bloodshed and seemed to threat-
soon made his mark as a theologian through participation in
en the orderly existence of the Muslim community, Abu¯
theological debates. For some reason his infatuation with
H:an¯ıfah’s main concern was the juridical and communal as-
theology did not last long, and he turned instead to law,
pect, of faith as the determinant of a person’s membership
which occupied him for the better part of his life. His princi-
in the Muslim ummah and the resulting entitlement to cer-
pal teacher in this realm was Hamma¯d ibn Ab¯ı Sulayma¯n
tain juridical rights and privileges.
(d. 737), then the foremost representative of the Iraqi school
of law. Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah remained his disciple for eighteen years
The main opponents of the Kha¯rij¯ıs at the time were
and after his mentor’s death was acknowledged as the head
the MurjiDah. Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s opposition to Kha¯rij¯ı doctrines
of the Iraqi school. He also learned from, and exchanged
understandably earned him the reputation of being a
views with, a host of other scholars, notably Abu¯ EAmr
MurjiD¯ı, a reputation that has been accepted rather uncriti-
al-ShaEb¯ı (d. 722), EAt:a¯D ibn Ab¯ı Raba¯h: (d. 732), and JaEfar
cally by most Western scholars. The MurjiDah, and especially
al-S:a¯diq (d. 765). Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah also benefited from constant
their extreme wing, held the view that if one had faith, sin
traveling, contacts with a wide variety of people, direct in-
would cause that person no harm. Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s position
volvement in business life, and exposure to the heteroge-
was significantly different. In the Epistle to EUthma¯n al-Batt¯ı
neous and dynamic society of Iraq and the materially ad-
he writes: “He who obeys God in all the laws, according to
vanced conditions there.
us, is of the people of paradise. He who leaves both faith and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
22
ABU
¯ H:AN¯IFAH
works is an infidel, of the people of the [hell] fire. But one
1, p. 82). Whether Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah actually made those state-
who believes but is guilty of some breach of the laws is a be-
ments or not, they do seem to express broadly certain essen-
lieving sinner, and God will do as He wishes about him: pun-
tials of his legal theory. Likewise, later works also indicate
ish him if he wills, and forgive him if he wills.”
that Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah had a set of fairly subtle and elaborate
rules for interpretation of the authoritative texts, designating
On the whole, Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s approach to theological
their relative authority and working out their legal signifi-
questions is characterized by the tendency to avoid extremes
cance.
and to adopt middle-of-the road positions, and by his con-
cern for the unity and solidarity of Muslims. His catholicity
On the whole, Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s legal doctrines evidence
is reflected in many of his doctrines, as in his rejection of the
a high degree of systematic consistency and seem to be the
schismatic positions of both the Sh¯ıEah (who opposed
work of a brilliant albeit speculative juristic mind. Again and
EUthman) and the Kharjis (who opposed both EUthma¯n and
again, he disregards established practice and considerations
EAl¯ı): “We disavow none of the companions of the apostle
of judicial and administrative convenience in favor of sys-
of God; nor do we adhere to any of them exclusively. We
tematic and technical legal issues. His legal acumen and juris-
leave the question of EUthma¯n and EAl¯ı to God, who knows
tic strictness were such that Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah reached the highest
the secret and hidden things.”
level of legal thought for his time. Compared with the work
of his contemporaries, such as the Kufan judge-jurist Ibn Ab¯ı
The kernel of Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s position on sin became the
Layla¯ (d. 756), the Syrian al-Awza¯E¯ı (d. 774), and the Me-
standard orthodox doctrine. Moreover, his approach initiat-
dinese Ma¯lik (d. 795), his doctrines are more carefully for-
ed a powerful theological movement that contributed to the
mulated and systematically consistent and his technical legal
final formulations of Sunn¯ı theological doctrines on impor-
thought more highly developed and refined.
tant questions relating to free will and predestination and the
attributes of God. The impact of his ideas is reflected in the
Legal doctrines before Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah had been formulat-
works of many major theologians, including al-T:ah:aw¯ı
ed mainly in response to actual problems; he attempted in-
(d. 933), al-Ma¯turid¯ı (d. 944), and al-Samarqand¯ı (d. 993).
stead to formulate doctrines relating to questions that might
arise sometime in the future. This method, which considera-
CONTRIBUTION TO LAW. Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s overriding interest
bly enlarged the scope of Islamic law, further refined the al-
for the greater part of his life, however, was law, and it is
ready advanced legal thinking which was required for its ap-
upon his contribution in this field that his fame mainly rests.
plication. It was also to lead, however, to extravagant use of
By Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s time interaction among the different
imagination, and much energy was devoted to solving ques-
centers of Islamic jurisprudence, notably Medina, Kufa, and
tions that would virtually never arise in actual life.
Syria, had led to a growing awareness of disagreements on
Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s excessive use of analogical reasoning
legal questions. As a result, there was a perceived need for
(qiya¯s), his wont to formulate doctrines in response to hypo-
an integrated code of legal doctrines that could be justified
thetical legal questions, and above all his tendency to set
by reference to a set of generally recognized principles and
aside isolated traditions (a¯h:a¯d) if they tended to impose a re-
thus be universally accepted by Muslims. Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah ad-
strictive interpretation on the legal import of QurDanic
dressed himself almost single-mindedly to this task. In col-
verses, earned him the reputation belonging to a group pejo-
laboration with a sizable number of his students, who were
ratively called ahl al-ra Dy (“people of independent opinion”),
specialists in Islamic law and its related fields, he thoroughly
as opposed to ahl al-h:ad¯ıth (“people of authoritative tradi-
surveyed the entire field of Islamic law, reviewed the existing
tion”). This, however, was a polemical allegation rather than
doctrines, and formulated new doctrines with a view to cover
an objective statement of Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s own standpoint or
all possible contingencies.
that of his school. More recent research has shown that there
Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah did not actually compose his legal corpus;
was scarcely any essential difference, in theory or practice, be-
instead, he dictated his doctrines to his students. The most
tween the attitude of Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah and that of other legal
reliable sources for these doctrines, therefore, are the works
schools regarding the use of a ra Dy (independent opinion) on
of his students, especially Abu¯ Yu¯suf (d. 799) and
questions of religious law. As for traditions, there is ample
al-Shayba¯n¯ı (d. 804). While their works abound with Abu¯
evidence to show that Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah accepted traditions from
H:an¯ıfah’s legal doctrines, statements about his legal theory
the Prophet as well as from companions, and that he even
are few and far between, and are of a fragmentary nature.
accepted isolated traditions. He tended to disregard isolated
Nonetheless, the assumption that he did not have a clear
traditions in cases involving a contradiction between those
legal theory is contradicted by the high degree of systematic
traditions and what he considered to be more authentic
consistency found in his doctrines. Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s legal theo-
sources, and he did so not arbitrarily but in the light of an
ry can be, and has been, deduced by a careful study of his
elaborate set of rules that he and his school had developed.
legal doctrines. In addition, works of a later period contain
INFLUENCE. The legal doctrines of Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah were fur-
a few statements ascribed to Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah regarding his legal
ther developed by his disciples, especially Abu¯ Yu¯suf and
theory (see, e.g., al-Khat:¯ıb al-Baghda¯d¯ı, TaDr¯ıkh Baghda¯d,
al-Sha¯yban¯ı. The resulting H:anaf¯ı school of law found favor
vol. 13, p. 368, and al-Makk¯ı and al-Kardar¯ı, Mana¯qib, vol.
with the Abbasid caliphs and a number of Muslim dynasties,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ABULAFIA, MEDIR
23
especially the Ottomans, who accorded it exclusive official
mentioned above, see A. J. Wensinck’s The Muslim Creed:
recognition. Today it enjoys more or less official status in
Its Genesis and Historical Development (1932; reprint, New
most of the Arab countries that were formerly under Otto-
York, 1965) and W. Montgomery Watt’s The Formative Pe-
man rule (e.g., Iraq, Jordan, Egypt, Sudan, Syria). Since large
riod of Islamic Thought (Edinburgh, 1973). See also Joseph
numbers of Muslims voluntarily accepted the H:anaf¯ı school,
Schacht’s “An Early MurciDite Treatise: The Kita¯b al-EA¯lim
its adherents have become more numerous than those of any
wal MutaEallim,” Oriens 17 (1974): 96–117. For an impor-
tant and authentic writing of Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah on theology, see
other school. They constitute a vast majority of the Muslim
“The Epistle of Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah to EUthma¯n al-Batt¯ı,” in Islam,
population of South Asia, Turkey, the Balkans, Cyprus,
edited by John Alden Williams (New York, 1962),
West and Central Asia, China, and Afghanistan and are well
pp. 176–179. For English translations of some writings of
represented in the Arab countries, especially Syria and Iraq.
Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah, including both authentic and questionable
writings, see Wensinck’s The Muslim Creed.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
For the original sources of Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s doctrines, see mainly
The best bibliographical source for Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah, which far super-
the works of his two disciples, Abu¯ Yu¯suf and al-Shayba¯n¯ı.
sedes earlier works of this genre, is Fuat Sezgin’s Geschichte
Only the works dealing with financial affairs, public law, and
des arabischen Schrifttums, vol. 1 (Leiden, 1967),
the law of nations are available in English translation. These
pp. 409–433. The only full-scale work on Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah
are Abu¯ Yu¯suf’s Kitab al-khara¯j, translated by A. Ben
available in any Western language is Muh:ammad Shibl¯ı
Shemesh, “Taxation in Islam,” vol. 3 (Leiden and London,
NuEmani’s Ima¯m Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah: Life and Work (1889–1890),
1969), and Muh:ammad ibn al-H:asan al-Shayba¯n¯ı’s The Is-
translated by M. Hadi Hussain (Lahore, 1972).
lamic Law of Nations, translated by Majid Khadduri (Balti-
For biographical information about Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah, see the stan-
more, 1966).
dard Muslim biographical dictionaries and also hagiographi-
cal and polemical writings relating to him. These, however,
For the process of codification of law by Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah, see
should be used critically. In the latter category, see particular-
Muh:ammad Hamidullah’s “Codification of Muslim Law by
ly Abu¯ al-MuDayyad al-Makk¯ı and Muh:ammad ibn
Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah,” in Zeki Velidi Togan Da armag˘an: Symbolae in
Muh:ammad al-Kardar¯ı’s Mana¯qib al-ima¯m al-a Ez:am (Hy-
honorem Z. V. Togan by Herbert Jansky and others (Istanbul,
derabad,
1950–1955).
AH 1321); Abu
¯ EAbd Alla¯h H:usayn al-S:aymar¯ı’s
Akhba¯r Ab¯ı H:an¯ıfah wa-as:ha¯b¯ıh (Hyderabad, 1974); and
ZAFAR ISHAQ ANSARI (1987)
Shams al-D¯ın Muh:ammad ibn Yu¯suf al-S:a¯lih:¯ı al-Dimashq¯ı
al-Sha¯fiE¯ı’s EUqu¯d al-juma¯n f¯ımana¯qib al-ima¯m al-a Ez:am Ab
¯ı H:an¯ıfah al-Nu¯ Ema¯n (Hyderabad, 1974). For a work that
has brought together much information, and especially a vast
ABULAFIA, MEDIR (c. 1165–1244), known by the ac-
body of negative hearsay opinion about Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah, see
al-Khat:¯ıb al-Baghda¯di’s Ta Dr¯ıkh Baghda¯d, vol. 13 (Cairo,
ronym RaMaH (Rabbi MeDir ha-Levi). Abulafia was the first
1931), pp. 323–454. Among later works, the most useful
major Talmudist to appear in Spain in the period following
study of Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s life and thought is Muh:ammad Abu¯
Spanish Jewry’s decisive transfer from Muslim to Christian
Zahrah’s Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah, 2d ed. (Cairo, 1960). See also Wahb¯ı
rule in the mid-twelfth century. He was born in Burgos but
Sulayma¯n al-Alba¯n¯ı’s Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah al-Nu Ema¯n, 2d ed. (Da-
moved early in his career to Toledo. His family included
mascus, 1973). For Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s political ideas and in-
prominent communal leaders, some of whom served the
volvement in politics, see Mana¯z:ir Ah:san G¯ıla¯n¯ı’s Ima¯m Abu¯
Castilian monarchy as diplomats and administrators. Abula-
H:an¯ıfah k¯ı siya¯s¯ı zindag¯ı, 2d ed. (Karachi, 1957).
fia was fluent in Arabic and steeped in the culture of Spanish
For the legal doctrines of Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah and his contribution to
Jewry’s “golden age”—its Hebrew linguistics and poetry,
Islamic law, especially its legal theory, in addition to the
biblical exegesis, and philosophy. He was among the leading
works of NuEma¯n¯ı and Abu¯ Zahrah, see Muh:ammad Yu¯suf
Hebrew poets of his generation, composing both secular and
Mu¯sa¯’s Ta Dr¯ıkh al-fiqh al-isla¯m¯ı, vol. 3 (Cairo, 1956);
sacred poetry. Despite his versatility and breadth, Abulafia’s
Muh:ammad ibn al-H:asan al-Fa¯s¯ı’s Al-fikr al-sa¯m¯ı f¯ı Ta Dr¯ıkh
religious sensibility was fundamentally conservative: his edu-
al-fiqh al-isla¯m¯ı, 2 vols. (Cairo, 1976–1977); and
cational ideal was anchored in classical texts and his theologi-
Muh:ammad Mukhta¯r al-Qa¯d:¯ı’s Al-ra¯ Dy f¯ı al-fiqh al-isla¯m¯ı
(Cairo, 1949). For writings in Western languages touching
cal stance in tradition.
on Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s contribution to Islamic law, see Ignácz
Abulafia’s primary vocation was Talmudic studies. His
Goldziher’s The Za¯h¯ıris: Their Doctrine and Their History,
detailed and highly original commentaries combine legal
translated and edited by Wolfgang Behn (Leiden, 1971); Jo-
conceptualization with pragmatism. They also reveal the ear-
seph Schacht’s The Origins of Muh:ammadan Jurisprudence
(Oxford, 1959) and An Introduction to Islamic Law (Oxford,
liest traces of the northern European influence that was to
1964); and Ahmad Hasan’s The Early Development of Islamic
transform Spanish halakhah. Only two of these commen-
Jurisprudence (Islamabad, 1970). See also my “The Early De-
taries (to the Babylonian Talmud tractates Bava D BatraD and
velopment of Fiqh in Ku¯fah: A Study of the Works of Abu¯
Sanhedrin) have survived intact, but quotations from others
Yu¯suf and Al-Shayba¯n¯ı” (Ph. D. diss., McGill University,
were preserved by later authors and influenced the subse-
1967).
quent development of Jewish law. Abulafia was widely con-
For Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah’s theological views and contribution to theolo-
sulted on halakhic questions, although only a fraction of his
gy, in addition to the works of Abu¯ Zahrah and NuEma¯n¯ı
responsa survive.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
24
ABU
¯ YU¯SUF
Abulafia also composed an important work of biblical
Septimus, Bernard. “Kings, Angels or Beggars: Tax Law and Spiri-
“text criticism,” Masoret seyag la-Torah. This study of defec-
tuality in a Hispano-Jewish Responsum.” In Studies in Medi-
tive and plene spellings in the Pentateuch has been credited
eval Jewish History and Literature, edited by Isadore Twersky,
with the establishment of a virtually definitive consonantal
vol.2, pp. 309–336. Cambridge, Mass., 1984. Studies Abula-
text for Torah scrolls throughout the world.
fia’s opposition to professionalized scholarship.
New Sources
Abulafia is remembered by modern historians mostly as
Abulafia, Meir.Yad Ramah ve-shitot kadmonim Eal Masekhet Git-
a critic of Maimonides (Mosheh ben Maimon, 1135/8–
tin. Edited by Avraham Zevulun Shoshanah. Jerusalem,
1204). In the first years of the thirteenth century, he attacked
1989.
Maimonides’ interpretation of Eolam ha-baD, “the world to
Forcano, Manuel. “Rabí Xeixet Benveniste versus Rabí Meir
come.” Maimonides interpreted Eolam ha-baD along the lines
Abulàfia (un episodi de la controvèrsia maimonidiana a Ca-
of the philosophical notion of immortality. Abulafia thought
talunya).” In Mossé ben Nahman i el seu temps: simposi com-
this reinterpretation tantamount to a denial of the rabbinic
memoratiu del vuitè centenari del seu naixement 1194–1994,
idea of bodily resurrection and protested loudly. The ensuing
edited by Joan Boadas i Raset and Sílvia Planas i Marcé,
controversy, which involved scholars in Catalonia, Provence,
pp. 257–266. Girona, Spain, 1994.
and northern France, was apparently brought to a close by
Novak, David. “Both Selective and Electic: [On] Bernard Septi-
the European publication of Maimonides’ Epistle on Resur-
mus, ‘Hispano-Jewish Culture in Tradition; the Career and
Controversies of Ramah,’ 1982.” Judaism 33 (1984):
rection.
364–365.
More wide-ranging and intense was the controversy that
BERNARD SEPTIMUS (1987)
engulfed Jewish communities throughout Europe during the
Revised Bibliography
1230s. Abulafia, along with Spanish colleagues like Yehudah
ibn Alfakhar and Moses Nahmanides, was aligned with
French traditionalists critical of Maimonidean rationalism.
ABU
¯ YU¯SUF (AH 113–182/731–798 CE), more fully
But unlike his French allies, Abulafia often interpreted agga-
YaEqu¯b ibn Ibra¯h¯ım al-Ans:a¯r¯ı al-Ku¯f¯ı; Islamic jurisconsult
dah (the nonlegal component of Talmudic literature) non-
and, with Muhammad ibn Hasan al-Sha¯yban¯ı (d. AH 189/
literally and engaged in extra-Talmudic scientific and philo-
805 CE), one of the founders of the H:anaf¯ı school of law.
sophical studies. Moreover, he admired much of
Abu¯ Yu¯suf flourished at a time of transition, when legal doc-
Maimonides’ intellectual achievement. His antirationalism
trine was still being formulated independently of the practice
focused, rather, on radical tendencies present in Spain: a
of the courts by groups of idealistic religious scholars in geo-
stringent and all-encompassing naturalism, as well as the
graphically determined schools. At the same time, individual
doctrine of salvation by philosophy and the attendant threat
scholars were appointed qa¯d:¯ıs, or judges, by the government,
of antinomianism. Against philosophical naturalism, Abula-
especially under the Abbasids, who fostered a policy of offi-
fia defended the primacy of God’s free will, and against a
cial support for the religious law. The period also coincided
philosophical soteriology, he defended the primacy of
with the beginning of the literary expression of technical
“Torah and good deeds.”
legal thought. Abu¯ Yu¯suf’s life and doctrines may be seen in
Abulafia’s mature years saw the emergence of Qabbalah
the context of all these developments.
as a vigorous competitor of Maimonidean rationalism for the
As a student and disciple of Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah, Abu¯ Yu¯suf
loyalty of Hispano-Jewish intellectuals. Some traditions
is identified primarily with the tradition of Kufa in religious
claim that Abulafia himself was a qabbalist. His writings do
law and traditions. Born in Kufa, he was of Medinese ances-
not, however, support this contention. They rather reflect a
try. He is known to have studied with Ma¯lik ibn Anas in Me-
militantly antimythic sensibility and a conscious renuncia-
dina and others, but tradition states that Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah recog-
tion of the grand quest for cosmic “secrets”—philosophical
nized the moral and intellectual excellence of the penniless
or mystical—which Abulafia considered beyond humanity’s
young man and took him under his wing. Abu¯ Yu¯suf lived
ken.
in Kufa as a practicing judge until he was appointed qa¯d:¯ı of
the capital (Baghdad), or chief judge, as his honorific (qa¯d:¯ı
B
al-qud:a¯t) indicates, by the Abbasid caliph, Ha¯ru¯n al-Rash¯ıd.
IBLIOGRAPHY
Albeck, Shalom. “The Principles of Government in the Jewish
The first to receive this title, Abu¯ Yu¯suf was not only consult-
Communities of Spain until the Thirteenth Century” (in
ed on the appointment and dismissal of the judiciary
Hebrew). Zion 25 (1960): 85–121.
throughout the empire but acted as counselor to the caliph
Carmi, T., ed. and trans. The Penguin Book of Hebrew Verse. New
on legal and administrative matters and on financial policy.
York, 1981. A brief sample of Abulafia’s poetry is on pages
His chief extant work, the Kita¯b al-khara¯j, a treatise on tax-
392–394.
ation, public finance, and penal law, was written at the
caliph’s request and contains a long introduction addressed
Septimus, Bernard. Hispano-Jewish Culture in Transition: The Ca-
to him.
reer and Controversies of Ramah. Cambridge, Mass., 1982.
Biographical information and an intellectual profile, with ex-
A number of works on religious law, most of which are
tensive references.
either reasoned polemics or comparative studies of the doc-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ACEHNESE RELIGION
25
trines of his contemporaries, are attributed to Abu¯ Yu¯suf, but
Aceh’s early history shows marked influences from the
few of these have survived. Abu¯ Yu¯suf’s own doctrine can be
Indian subcontinent. This, perhaps, is the source of the het-
seen within the framework of the developing technical legal
erodox mysticism expounded by H:amzah Fans:u¯r¯ı and his
thought of the Iraqi scholars, who lived in a more heteroge-
successor Shams al-D¯ın al-Samatra¯D (d. 1630). Shams al-D¯ın
neous milieu and were inspired by a freer method of inquiry
won the favor of Aceh’s greatest ruler, Iskandar Muda, whose
than that followed by the more tradition-bound Medinese.
posthumous name was Makota EA¯lam (r. 1607–1636). It has
However, Abu¯ Yu¯suf tended to rely more on h:ad¯ıth as the
been suggested that Shams al-D¯ın’s teachings may not have
basis for legal rulings than had Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah, probably be-
been as heterodox as they were made out to be by succeeding
cause a larger number of authoritative traditions from the
Islamic teachers. Whatever the case, under the next king, Is-
Prophet had come into existence by Abu¯ Yu¯suf’s time. Fur-
kandar Tha¯n¯ı (r. 1636–1641), the followers of these mystics
ther, where Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah could proceed along lines of theo-
were banished from the court and their books burned. This
retical speculation and systematic consistency, Abu¯ Yu¯suf’s
was done after the arrival at court of the Gujarati Islamic
experience as a practicing qa¯d:¯ı caused him to mitigate his
scholar Nu¯r al-D¯ın al-Ra¯n¯ır¯ı in 1637, presumably with the
master’s formalism, if often at the expense of his master’s su-
aid of another scholar, EAbd al-RaDu¯f al-Sinkil¯ı.
perior reasoning. In contrast to al-Shayba¯n¯ı, an academic
Since that time Acehnese Islam has remained in the or-
lawyer, prolific writer, and the systematizer of the school of
thodox tradition. Mystical movements have not been as
Kufa, Abu¯ Yu¯suf was a man of affairs who made his influence
strong there as in other parts of the Indonesian archipelago.
felt in court circles. Since Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah himself left no writ-
When they did arise, however, they frequently took unique
ings on law, it was through the activity of these two men that
forms rather than becoming part of the standard tarekat
the ancient school of Kufa was to become the H:anaf¯ı school
(Arab., t:a¯riqah) orders, despite the fact that, particularly in
of law.
the nineteenth century, many Acehnese in Mecca joined
such orders, most commonly the Qa¯dir¯ıyah or
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Naqshband¯ıyah.
Abu¯ Yu¯suf’s Kita¯b al-khara¯j has been translated into French by
Edmond Fagnan as Le livre de l’impôt foncier (Paris, 1927),
The Acehnese countryside was only nominally ruled by
and partially into English by Aharon Ben Shemesh as Abu¯
the court. Local nobility (uleebelangs) administered law with
Yu¯suf’s Kita¯b al-khara¯j (Leiden, 1969). Ben Shemesh’s trans-
and often without the help of kali (judges). Their adminis-
lation omits the sections dealing with history, criminal jus-
tration was frequently vigorously opposed by the Eulama¯D
tice, and administration and rearranges the order of the sec-
(religious scholars) who ran religious boarding schools
tions of the text on taxation; on the whole it is not so lucid
known as rangkangs.
a translation as Fagnan’s. A systematic study of Abu¯ Yu¯suf’s
thought and his role in the creation of Islamic law is given
In the villages there are two locations of religious prac-
by Joseph Schacht in his pathbreaking Origins of Muham-
tices. The first is the meunasah. Today, as in the nineteenth
madan Jurisprudence (Oxford, 1950). For the historical con-
century, the meunasah is a dormitory for adolescent boys and
text, see Schacht’s An Introduction to Islamic Law (Oxford,
often for some adult men as well. During the fasting month
1964).
it is the site of the recitation of the voluntary prayers known
JEANETTE A. WAKIN (1987)
as traweh and of the men’s recitation of the QurDa¯n. In the
nineteenth century the official in charge of the meunasah, the
teungku meunasah, collected the religious taxes (zaka¯t and
ACEHNESE RELIGION. Aceh, a province of Indo-
fitrah); currently a committee of village members does this.
nesia on the northern tip of Sumatra, is a predominantly
In 1906 Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje reported that the
Muslim region. More than 90 percent of the people are
tenungku meunasah lived off the zaka¯t and fitrah he collected
Acehnese speaking; other languages include Gayo, the lan-
as well as from the proceeds from arrangements of marriages
guage of people living in the central mountains, and Alas,
and burial fees. Today, the zaka¯t and fitrah are distributed
a Batak dialect spoken by a people living south of the Gayo.
to the village poor while the local branch of the National Of-
Most Acehnese are currently bilingual, also speaking Indone-
fice of Religious Affairs is in charge of the registration of mar-
sian, the national language. Malay was spoken by some in
riages. The meunasah is often the site of elementary instruc-
the coastal areas in the nineteenth century and was also the
tion in QurDanic recitation, though this also takes place in
language of the Acehnese court and of the literature pro-
the homes of teachers.
duced there. Acehnese, however, was both the everyday and
Curing rituals and rites of passage take place at the other
the literary language of the countryside; religious texts are
site of religious practice, the house. A series of rituals governs
found in both Acehnese and Malay.
the stages of life beginning with pregnancy. Snouck Hur-
Aceh was once an Islamic kingdom. When Ibn Bat:t:u¯t:ah
gronje described these as practiced in the late nineteenth cen-
visited Pasè, on the east coast, in 1345
tury; they persist today, but now as then the formalities of
CE he found Islam
well established. Aceh served as a source of Islamic conver-
the rituals are unexplicated.
sion for other parts of the Indonesian archipelago. It was also
Such rituals nonetheless serve important functions that
host to visiting Islamic scholars from India, Syria, and Egypt.
can best be seen by tracing the life patterns of men and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
26
ACEHNESE RELIGION
women. Born into the house owned by his mother, at adoles-
leadership of the Acehnese religious scholar Daud BeureuDeh,
cence a boy moves into the meunasah to sleep. In later adoles-
religious schools based on European models were estab-
cence he is likely to leave the village altogether, moving to
lished. These schools taught both religious and secular sub-
distant parts suitable for the growing of cash crops or offering
jects and produced the leaders of Aceh during the Japanese
opportunities for trade. Even after marriage he is unlikely to
and revolutionary periods. The other success of this reform
return home for any length of time. The house his family
movement was the institutionalization of Eibadah (religious
lives in is owned by his in-laws and later given to his wife,
ritual), particularly the daily prayers.
who is also likely to receive rice land for her maintenance.
As a result of the world economic depression during the
He is expected to provide money earned away from home
1930s, Acehnese men became unable to provide cash for
for the care of his children. This pattern is most rigorously
their households as was incumbent upon them to do. It was
followed in the region of Pidie on the east coast and perhaps
in that context that the reform movement took permanent
least prevalent on the west coast where cash crops are grown
hold. The movement promised the construction of a new so-
in the villages.
ciety if only men followed religious ritual. Prayer in particu-
For the male, rites of passage mark many transition
lar was thought to put men into a state of rationality (akal)
points of his movement out of his mother’s house and his
in which their passionate nature (hawa¯ nafsu) would be con-
uneasy return to his wife’s house. The negative quality of
tained and channeled into religiously sanctioned ends.
these rituals, by which is meant that they move men out of
Reform brought with it a new interpretation of the male
the households they are born into but never fully reestablish
life pattern, according to which movement out of the house-
them in new ones, is partly responsible for the lack of Aceh-
hold was associated with the proper channeling of hawa¯
nese exegesis of the rituals. The male self is defined through
nafsu. With that came an institutionalization of Islamic belief
them by movement away from women. The rituals sever
and practice that colored the everyday relationships of men
connections that are to be reestablished not through ritual
both with other men in the market and domestically with
but through economic means. A man becomes fully a hus-
their wives and mothers.
band and father only when he provides money for his family.
Even the wedding ceremony itself centers not on his relation
In the lives of women also, ritual served not to integrate
to his wife but on his parents’ relation to the parents of the
individuals into their roles so much as it did to separate them
bride. These ceremonies involve the negation of the signs
from influences that would prevent them from fulfilling their
that signify the boy’s past rather than being the opportunity
expected functions. In the nineteenth century, beliefs about
for their explication.
spirits similar to those found in Java were common in Aceh.
Spirits, particularly those called burong, which seemed to
The Islamization of Aceh can best be placed within this
represent unfulfilled desires, were thought to disrupt life.
context. Snouck Hurgronje described the religious schools
Like curing rites, women’s rites of passage prevented or ame-
ordinarily found away from the villages. The Eulama¯D, or
liorated the actions of these spirits.
teachers, who ran these schools were sometimes the leaders
of reform movements that stressed the need for observance
With the success of reformist Islam, belief in these spir-
of the daily prayers and the fasting month, and for the com-
its has become unimportant for men. Even for women belief
bating of immoral practices. Popular response to such move-
in spirits has been muted by the criticism of the reformers.
ments was enthusiastic but reform was never lasting. Para-
However, these beliefs still play an important role for women
doxically, the Acehnese adhered to Islam to the point, even,
in a somewhat disguised form. Spirits are believed to bring
of willingness to die for it, as was proven by the long-lasting
dreams. Women, remembering their dreams, remember too
Acehnese War (1873–1914?), but only sporadically observed
that they have been visited by spirits who have, however, left
its major tenets. However the avidity for dying in a war
them. Being free of spirits, they feel a certain competence
against unbelievers, so often attested to by the Dutch who
and authority in their domestic roles.
attempted to “pacify” the Acehnese, takes on a certain sense
in the context of their rites of passage. The constitution of
The Acehnese War gave the Eulama¯D an importance that
the self through the negation of its own history culminated
they had not previously attained. With the end of the war,
in death in the holy war.
their influence was confined to what the Dutch defined as
religious matters and they were presumably depoliticized.
Even after the end of organized hostilities against the
The greatest success of the Eulama¯D, however, came with the
Dutch, what might be called an individual form of the holy
popular acceptance of religious reform, which laid the basis
war continued. The Dutch named the sudden and often sui-
for further political activity. Youth groups composed of for-
cidal attack on Europeans that Acehnese believed would re-
mer students of the modernist schools were the leaders of the
sult in their immediate entry into paradise “Acehnese mur-
1945–1946 revolution, which resulted in the elimination of
der.” Such attacks occurred from the end of the Acehnese
the Acehnese nobility. Daud BeureuDeh himself became mili-
War through the 1930s. During the 1930s, however, they
tary governor of the province during the revolution and
became considerably less frequent, probably as a result of the
spent his time further consolidating modernist religious
popular success of the Islamic reform movement. Under the
achievements. From 1953 till 1961, however, he led a rebel-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ADAD
27
lion against the central government; one demand of that re-
ACHUAR RELIGION SEE AMAZONIAN
bellion was the acceptance of Islamic law as the law of the
QUECHUA RELIGIONS
province. That demand was not met, and attempts to institu-
tionalize Islamic law in the province continue as it seeks po-
litical independence from the Republic of Indonesia in a
conflict that has brought great suffering and hardship to the
ADAD is the Old Akkadian and Assyro-Babylonian name
region.
of the ancient Middle Eastern storm god, called Adda
(Addu) or Hadda (Haddu) in northwest Semitic areas and
Today Aceh is the site of an Islamic university, but the
known later as Hadad, especially among the Arameans. A
form that Islam should take continues to be a major concern.
shortened form, Dad, occurs in personal names. Since the
The success of the reformist movement itself has aroused op-
cuneiform sign for the “wind” (IM) was used regularly and
position. Mystical movements have sprung up in areas where
as early as the third millennium BCE to write the divine name
the tendency of men to leave their villages in pursuit of a liv-
Adad in Mesopotamia, this is likely to have been its original
ing was not so pronounced because of the possibility of rais-
meaning, just as ad:u, with a pharyngealized dental, means
ing market crops locally. The Naqshband¯ı tarekat, members
“wind” in Libyco-Berber, which is the Afro-Asiatic language
of which were mainly older villagers, had great popular suc-
closest to Semitic. The name is also related to Arabic hadda,
cess in the 1950s and 1960s on the west coast of Aceh and
“to tear down” or “to raze,” a verb originally referring to a
has spread to other areas. During the 1970s, numerous het-
violent storm.
erodox mystical sects arose that have been met with vigorous
opposition by the Eulama¯D.
EXTENSION OF ADAD’S CULT. As a personification of a
power of nature, Adad can bring havoc and destruction; on
S
the other hand, he brings the rain in due season, and he
EE ALSO Islam, article on Islam in Southeast Asia.
causes the land to become fertile. This is why his cult plays
an important role among sedentary populations in areas of
BIBLIOGRAPHY
rain-fed agriculture, such as northern Syria and Mesopota-
The best account of nineteenth-century Acehnese life remains
mia. He was not prominent in southern Babylonia, where
Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje’s The Achehnese, 2 vols., trans-
farming was based on irrigation, and no similar Egyptian
lated by A. W. S. O’Sullivan (Leiden, 1906). My own The
Rope of God (Berkeley, Calif., 1969) and Shadow and Sound:
deity was worshiped in the valley and delta of the Nile, where
The Historical Thought of a Sumatran People (Chicago, 1979)
agriculture depended on the flooding of the river. The cult
further trace the evolution of Acehnese religious life. M. Nur
of the Syrian storm god was nevertheless introduced in Egypt
El Ibrahimy’s Teungku Muhammad Daud Beureueh (Jakarta,
in the mid-second millennium BCE, and he was assimi-
1982) is the most important source for the reform move-
lated there with the Egyptian god Seth. The introduction of
ment. An account of Acehnese textual studies can be found
his worship in this region is probably related to the reign
in Petrus J. Voorhoeve’s Critical Survey of Studies on the Lan-
of the Hyksos dynasties, which were native to Canaan or
guages of Sumatra (The Hague, 1955).
Phoenicia.
New Sources
CHARACTERISTICS AND RELATIONSHIP TO OTHER DEITIES.
Andaya, Leonard. “The Seventeenth-Century Acehnese Model of
Adad is pictured on monuments and seal cylinders with
Malay Society.” In Reading Asia: New Research in Asian
lightning and the thunderbolt. In Assyro-Babylonian hymns,
Studies, edited by Frans Husken and Dick van der Meij,
literary texts such as the flood story, and magic and curse for-
pp. 83–109. Richmond, 2001.
mulas, the somber aspects of the god tend to predominate.
Kraus, Werner. “Transformations of a Religious Community:
For instance, the epilogue of the Laws of Hammurabi in-
The Shattariyya Sufi Brotherhood in Aceh.” In Nationalism
vokes Adad to bring want and hunger to the malefactor’s
and Cultural Revival in Southeast Asia: Perspectives from the
land by depriving it of rain, and to cast thunder over his city,
Centre and Region, edited by Sri Kuhnt-Saptodewo, Volker
causing flooding. Adad is also known as Ramman, “the
Grabowsky, and Martin Groheim, pp. 169–189. Wiesba-
Thunderer,” and his manifestations on mountain peaks and
den, 1997.
in the skies brought about his qualification as Baal of Heav-
Robinson, Kathryn. “Gender, Islam and Culture in Indonesia.”
ens (i.e., Lord of Heavens, or Baal Saphon, Lord of Djebel
In Love, Sex and Power: Women in Southeast Asia, edited by
el-Aqra) in northern Syria, thus blurring the distinction be-
Susan Blackburn, pp. 17–30. Clayton, Australia, 2001.
tween the storm god and the mountain god. Due to the im-
Smith, Holly. Aceh: Art and Culture. Kuala Lumpur and New
portance of his cult, he simply became Baal, “the Lord,” and
York, 1997.
this antonomasia often replaced his proper name in north-
Wieringa, Edwin. “The Drama of the King and the Holy War
west Semitic areas, at Ugarit and Emar, in Phoenicia, and in
against the Dutch: The Koteuah of the Acehnese Epic
Canaan. The biblical condemnation of the cult of Baal refers
Hikayat Prang Gompeuni.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental
likewise to the storm god.
& African Studies 61, no. 2 (1998): 298–308.
Adad/Hadad also plays a role in entrusting royal power
JAMES T. SIEGEL (1987)
to kings. Hadad’s prophets at Aleppo helped Zimri-Lim to
Revised Bibliography
regain the throne of Mari circa 1700 BCE. According to an
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
28
ADAD
inscription from Tel Dan from the mid-ninth century BCE,
northern border of the Holy Land according to Numbers
Hadad “made king” the ruler of Damascus, and in the eighth
34:7–8. Ras ash-Shaqqah is one of the northern summits of
century BCE he gave “the scepter of succession” to Panamuwa
the Lebanese range in the vicinity of the coast, between By-
II in the Aramean kingdom of Sam’al. Adad/Hadad appears
blos and Tripolis, and it was known to Greek writers as the
sometimes as a war god, especially in Assyria and in Damas-
hallowed Theouprosopon, “God’s face.” In the fourth centu-
cus, the Aramean capital city of which he was the chief deity.
ry BCE, Hadad of Mabbuk was worshiped in northern Syria,
in the town known later as Hierapolis, “holy city.” On the
Among his main cult centers were Aleppo and Sikkan/
obverse of a local coin, the god, horned and bearded, is repre-
Guzana, biblical Gozan, in northern Syria, where he has been
sented in a long Persian-style robe. His symbols, the sche-
identified with the Hurrian storm god Teshub, and the Hit-
matic head of a bull and a double-axe, accompany the figure.
tite and Luwian god Tarhunza or Tarhunt. In Anatolia, the
In Rome, at the time of the Empire, there was a Syrian sanc-
storm god usually stood at the head of the local pantheon.
tuary on Janiculum Hill, dedicated to, among others, Adad
His name is often concealed under the IM logogram, as it is
of the Lebanon.
in northern Mesopotamia and Syria. He was a heavenly god,
a personification of the storm and its accompanying phe-
ADAD AS VEGETATION GOD. A misinterpretation of the
nomena, such as thunder, lightning, and rain. His sacred ani-
“beating” of the breasts as a sign of mourning, compared in
mal was the bull.
Zechariah 12:11 with the loud rumbling of Hadad the Thun-
derer, led to the opinion that Adad was a dying god. The
In Syria, during the Old Babylonian period, Hadad’s
mourning alluded to by the prophet was not occasioned by
main sanctuary of Aleppo housed “the weapon with which
Hadad’s death, but by the fate of Jerusalem. As for Hadad’s
he smote the Sea,” regarded as a precious relic. This was a
thundering, it was not resounding “in the valley of Megid-
souvenir of Hadad’s fight against the Sea, called Yam in Uga-
do,” as commonly proposed in commentaries and transla-
ritic mythological texts, which deal at length with this cosmic
tions of the Bible, but “in the valley of splendor.” This appel-
battle. Later Hadad became the chief god of Damascus; his
lation is likely to refer to the fertile BeqaE Valley between the
temple stood at the site of the present-day Umayyad
Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon ranges, where the thunder of the
Mosque. Assyrian lexical texts identify him with Iluwer, a di-
storm god, probably Hadad of Lebanon, resounded loudly
vine name appearing on the Aramaic stele of Zakkur, king
in the mountains. The word mgdwn of the Hebrew text is
of Hamat and LuEash. This equation may reflect a particular
an Aramaic loanword (migda¯n), meaning “splendor,” and
syncretistic tendency of the late period and does not appear
its plural is used in Targum Onqelos to designate “splen-
again in northwest Semitic sources. As in Anatolia, Adad’s
did gifts,” for instance in Genesis 24:53 and Deuteronomy
sacred animal was the bull, which symbolized might and vi-
33:13–14.
tality. On North Syrian stelae he is represented standing on
the back of a bull, while a first-century CE stele from Dura-
Nonetheless, according to a mythological poem from
Europos on the Euphrates depicts him seated on a throne,
Ugarit, when the land suffers from lack of rain, Baal/Haddu
with bulls on both sides.
is supposed to be dead for seven years, and the prosperous
state is restored only after he returns to life. The mythical
Adad was usually accompanied by a consort, called
scheme of seven years of famine and of seven years of great
Shala in Mesopotamia, Anat at Ugarit, and Atargatis in later
plenty is echoed not only in the story of Joseph in Egypt in
periods. His father was Dagan, “the cloudy sky,” and a “son
Genesis 41 and 45:6, but also in the inscription of Idrimi,
of Adad,” Apladda, was worshiped on the Middle Euphrates.
king of Alalakh in the fifteenth century BCE. This inscription
In Greco-Roman times, Adad/Hadad was identified with
refers to the seven years that Idrimi spent in exile, comparing
Zeus, in particular at Damascus, and with Jupiter Heliopoli-
this period with the “seven years of the storm god.” This sep-
tanus. He seems to have been identified with Jupiter Doli-
tennial motive is interwoven at Ugarit with themes reflecting
chenus as well, since priests attached to the latter’s cult bore
a seasonal pattern. At any rate, the myth reflects a develop-
names such as “Son of (H)adad.” Macrobius could still write
ment that brought about the identification of the storm god
circa 400 CE that “the Syrians give the name Adad to the god,
with a vegetation god. A stele from Ugarit expresses this syn-
which they revere as first and greatest of all.” Of course, it
cretism in a plastic way, showing the storm god who pro-
should be made clear that we are dealing here not with a sin-
ceeds to the right above the mountains, brandishing a mace
gular god, but with a name used to designate either the chief
in his right hand, and holding in his left a lance with the
storm god of a country or a local corresponding deity, which
point resting on the ground and the upper part flourishing
generally had an additional qualification. The qualification
upward in the form of a plant.
usually indicated the mountain that was believed to be the
abode of the deity, or a city with an important shrine. For
The connection between rain and the storm god was so
instance, the neo-Assyrian inscription of Sargon II (r. 721–
deeply rooted that the poet could say in a mythological com-
705 BCE) engraved on a stele erected in 717 BCE at Citium
position from Ugarit that “Baal rains,” while Mishnaic and
on Cyprus mentions “the Baal of the Mount Hurri.” This
Talmudic texts could later call “field of Baal” or “property
is apparently the storm god of Mount Hor, present-day Ras
of Baal” a piece of ground sufficiently watered by rain and
ash-Shaqqah, which faces Cyprus and was situated on the
requiring no artificial irrigation. In addition, in Arabic baEl
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ADAM
29
is the name given to land or plants thriving on a natural
ADAM is the designation and name of the first human
water supply. The Aramaic inscription from Tell Fekherye,
creature in the creation narratives found in the Hebrew scrip-
dedicated in the mid-ninth century BCE to Hadad of Sikkan
tures (Old Testament). The word adam may refer to the fact
calls him “water controller of heaven and earth, who brings
that this being was an “earthling” formed from the red-hued
down prosperity, and provides pasture and watering place for
clay of the earth (in Hebrew, adom means “red,” adamah
all the lands, and provides water supply and jugs to all the
means “earth”). Significantly, this latter report is found only
gods, his brothers, water controller of all the rivers, who
in Genesis 2:7, where the creator god enlivens him by blow-
makes all the lands luxuriant, the merciful god to whom
ing into his nostrils the breath of life. Here the first being
praying is sweet.”
is clearly a lone male, since the female was not yet formed
from one of his ribs to be his helpmate ( Eezer ke-negdo; Gn.
SEE ALSO Aramean Religion; Baal; Teshub.
2:21–23). In the earlier textual account of Genesis 1:1–24a,
which is generally considered to be a later version than that
BIBLIOGRAPHY
found in Genesis 2:4b–25, God first consults with his divine
retinue and then makes an adam in his own “form and
Comprehensive studies of the Mesopotamian and North Syrian
storm god are provided by Daniel Schwemer, Die Wettergott-
image”: “in the form of God he created him; male and female
gestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keil-
he created them” (Gn. 1:27). If the second clause is not sim-
schriftkulturen (Berlin, 2001), and Alberto R. W. Green, The
ply a later qualification of a simultaneous creation of a male
Storm-God in the Ancient Near East (Winona Lake, Ind.,
and a female both known as adam (see also Gn. 5:1), then
2003). An excellent concise presentation of the god in West
we may have a trace of the creation of a primordial an-
Semitic areas is given by Jonas C. Greenfield, “Hadad” in
drogyne.
Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible, edited by Karel
van der Toorn, Bob Becking, and Pieter W. van der Horst,
Later ancient traditions responded to this version by
2d ed. (Leiden and Grand Rapids, Mich., 1999),
speculating that the original unity was subsequently separat-
pp. 377–382, with a bibliography. The Aramaic god Hadad
ed and that marriage is a social restitution of this polarity.
is presented by Edward Lipin´ski, The Aramaeans: Their An-
Medieval Jewish Qabbalah, which took the expression “in
cient History, Culture, Religion (Louvain, Belgium, 2000),
the image of God” with the utmost seriousness, projected a
pp. 626–636.
vision of an adam qadmon, or “primordial Adam,” as one of
The problem of Baal/Haddu as “dying and rising god” at Ugarit
the configurations by which the emanation of divine poten-
was reexamined in a convincing way by Tryggve N. D. Met-
cies that constituted the simultaneous self-revelation of God
tinger, The Riddle of Resurrection: “Dying and Rising Gods”
and his creation could be imagined. And because Adam is
in the Ancient Near East (Stockholm, 2001), pp. 55–81.
both male and female according to scriptural authority, the
Adad’s somber aspects in Mesopotamian curses are presented
qabbalists variously refer to a feminine aspect of the godhead
by Sebastian Grätz, Der strafende Wettergott: Erwägungen zur
that, like the feminine of the human world, must be reinte-
Traditionsgeschichte des Adad-Fluchs im Alten Orient und im
grated with its masculine counterpart through religious ac-
Alten Testament (Bodenheim, Germany, 1998). The iconog-
tion and contemplation. Such a straight anthropomorphic
raphy is reviewed and analyzed by A. Vanel, L’iconographie
reading of Genesis 1:27 was often rejected by religious philos-
du dieu de l’orage dans le Proche-Orient ancien jusqu’au VIIe
ophers especially (both Jewish and Christian), and the lan-
siècle avant J. C. (Paris, 1965), and A. Abou-Assaf, “Die
guage of scripture was interpreted to indicate that the quality
Ikonographie des altbabylonischen Wettergottes,” Baghdader
which makes the human similar to the divine is the intellect
Mitteilungen 14 (1983): 43–66. For later periods, see Michał
Gawlikowski, “Hadad” in Lexicon Iconographicum
or will. Various intermediate positions have been held, and
Mythologiae Classicae, vol. 4/1, pp. 365–367, and vol. 4/2,
even some modern Semiticists have preferred to understand
pp. 209–210 (Zurich and Munich, 1981–1997). The North
the phrase “image of God” metaphorically; that is, as refer-
Syrian god was studied by Horst Klengel, “Der Wettergott
ring to man as a divine “viceroy” (in the light of an Akkadian
von Halab,” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 19 (1965): 87–95,
expression), and this in disregard of clearly opposing testimo-
as well as Horst and Evelyn Klengel, “The Syrian Weather-
ny in both Mesopotamian creation texts (like Enuma elish)
God and Trade Relations,” Annales Archéologiques Arabes Sy-
and biblical language itself (cf. Gn. 5:1–3).
riennes 43 (1999): 169–177. For Anatolia, consult also Philo
H. J. Houwink ten Cate, “The Hittite Storm God: His Role
According to the first scriptural narrative, this adam was
and His Rule according to Hittite Cuneiform Sources” in
the crown of creation. Of his creation alone was the phrase
Natural Phenomena: Their Meaning, Depiction, and Descrip-
“very good” used by God (Gn. 1:30f.). Moreover, this being
tion in the Ancient Near East, edited by D. J. W. Meijer (Am-
was commissioned to rule over the nonhuman creations of
sterdam, 1992), pp. 83–148. For the iconography of Baal-
the earth as a faithful steward (Gn. 1:29–2:9). Out of regard
Seth in Egypt, see Izak Cornelius, The Iconography of the Ca-
for the life under his domain, this being was to be a vegetari-
naanite Gods Reshef and Ba’al: Late Bronze and Iron Age I
an. In the second version (where the specifying designation
Periods (c. 1500–1000 BCE) (Fribourg, Switzerland, and Göt-
tingen, Germany, 1994).
ha-adam, “the Adam,” predominates; cf. Gn. 2:7–4:1), the
creature is put into a divine garden as its caretaker and told
EDWARD LIPIN´SKI (2005)
not to eat of two trees—the tree of the knowledge of good
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
30
ADAMS, HANNAH
and evil and the tree of life, that is, the two sources of knowl-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
edge and being—under pain of death (Gn. 2:15–17). This
Fishbane, Michael. Text and Texture. New York, 1979. See pages
interdict is subsequently broken, with the result that death,
17–23.
pain of childbirth, and a blemished natural world were de-
Ginzberg, Louis. The Legends of the Jews (1909–1938). 7 vols.
creed for humankind (Gn. 3:14–19).
Translated by Henrietta Szold et al. Reprint, Philadelphia,
1937–1966. See volume 1, pages 49–102; volume 5, pages
This primordial fault, which furthermore resulted in the
63–131; and the index.
banishment of Adam and his companion from the garden
Le Bachelet, Xavier. “Adam.” In Dictionnaire de théologie
(Gn. 3:22–24), and the subsequent propagation of the
catholique, vol. 1, cols. 368–386. Paris, 1903.
human species as such (Gn. 4:1ff.), has been variously treat-
Sarna, Nahum M. Understanding Genesis. New York, 1972. See
ed. The dominant rabbinic tradition is that the sin of Adam
pages 12–18.
resulted in mortality for humankind and did not constitute
Speiser, E. A. Genesis. Anchor Bible, vol. 1. Garden City, N.Y.,
a qualitative change in the nature of the species—it was not
1964. See pages 3–28.
now set under the sign of sin as it was in the main Christian
tradition, beginning with Paul and exemplified in the theolo-
MICHAEL FISHBANE (1987)
gies of Augustine and John Calvin. For Christian theology,
the innate corruption of human nature that resulted from
Adam’s fall was restored by the atoning death of a new
ADAMS, HANNAH. Well known in New England
Adam, Jesus (cf. 1 Cor. 15:22). In one Christian tradition,
during her lifetime, Hannah Adams (1755–1831) has been
the redemptive blood of Christ flowed onto the grave of
remembered, if at all, as the first American-born woman to
Adam, who was buried under Calvary in the Holy Sepulcher.
earn her living by writing. However, she also has a preemi-
The typologizing of Adam in Jewish tradition often focused
nent place in the history of the study of religion. Adams
on him as the prototype of humankind, and so the episode
wrote three theological and didactic books: The Truth and
in Eden was read as exemplary or allegorical of the human
Excellence of the Christian Religion Exhibited (1804), which
condition and the propensity to sin. In this light, various
offered biographical sketches of “eminent” lay Christians;
spiritual, moral, or even legal consequences were also drawn,
Concise Account of the London Society for Promoting Christian-
particularly with respect to the unity of the human race de-
ity amongst the Jews (1816), which exhorted Americans to
riving from this “one father”—a race formed, according to
evangelize the “lost sheep of the house of Israel”; and Letters
one legend, from different colored clays found throughout
on the Gospels (1824), which aimed to help young people
the earth. In addition, mystics, philosophical contemplatives,
“read the New Testament with more pleasure and advan-
and Gnostics of all times saw in the life of Adam a pattern
tage.” As these texts indicate, Adams shared a great deal with
for their own religious quest of life—as, for example, the idea
other theological liberals during the Early National period.
that the world of the first Adam was one of heavenly lumi-
A Congregationalist who sided with the Unitarians, Adams
nosity, subsequently diminished; the idea that Adam was
favored a supernatural rationalism that endorsed both reason
originally a spiritual being, subsequently transformed into a
and revelation as sources of religious authority. She bubbled
being of flesh—his body became his “garments of shame”;
with a millennialist optimism that supported missionary out-
or even the idea that Adam in Eden was originally sunk in
reach, but also championed “religious liberty,” bemoaned
deep contemplation of the divine essence but that he subse-
sectarianism, and condemned intolerance.
quently became distracted, with the result that he became the
prisoner of the phenomenal world. For many of these tradi-
Impatience with intolerance—as well as poverty and cu-
tions, the spiritual ideal was to retrieve the lost spiritual or
riosity—prompted her first and most important contribu-
mystical harmony Adam originally had with God and all
tion to the study of religion. She started it after becoming
being.
“disgusted by the want of candor” in Thomas Broughton’s
Historical Dictionary of All Religions (1742). In 1778, Adams
Apocryphal books about Adam and his life were pro-
began researching and writing her Dictionary of All Religions
duced in late antiquity and in the Middle Ages, and the
and Religious Denominations, a survey of religions that first
theme was also quite popular in Jewish and Christian iconog-
appeared in 1784 (as Alphabetical Compendium of the Various
raphy, in medieval morality plays, and in Renaissance art and
Sects) and went through four American editions and several
literature. Well known among the latter is John Milton’s
British editions. Scholars of U.S. Judaism have taken note
Paradise Lost, illustrated by John Dryden. Michelangelo’s
of her two-volume History of the Jews (1812) because it drew
great Creation of Adam in the Sistine Chapel, the Edenic
on correspondence with Jewish leaders to offer an important
world in the imagination of the modern painter Marc Cha-
account of Judaism in the United States (Adams, 1812, vol.
gall, and the agonies of loss, guilt, and punishment seen in
2, pp. 204–220). However, it was Adams’s Dictionary, espe-
the works of Franz Kafka demonstrate the continuing power
cially the fourth edition of 1817, that secured her a preemi-
of the theme of Adam’s expulsion from Eden.
nent place in the history of the study of religion. Trying to
avoid Broughton’s pejorative accounts and dismissive labels,
SEE ALSO Eve; Fall, The; Paradise.
Adams not only offered a glimpse of the increasing religious
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ADAMS, HANNAH
31
diversity of Early National America, but she also provided
which obscured every part of the globe” (Adams, 1992,
an angle of vision on the wider religious world.
p. 11). In this passage from the introduction, and in some
entries, Adams revealed her theological commitments. She
The resourceful Adams used varied sources of informa-
sometimes recorded, almost word for word, misleading or
tion. She wrote to religious leaders, including the Catholic
negative descriptions. She sometimes seemed blind to the
bishop John Carroll, and visited some groups, including the
ways a borrowed phrase violated her commitment to fair rep-
Swedenborgians. She also mined depositories of official doc-
resentation. Yet, to her credit, Adams never treated a religion
uments, as she did when researching New England history.
or sect more negatively than her sources, and when a British
Adams had studied Latin and Greek, but she primarily relied
edition added denigrating labels and phrases she deleted
on secondary sources in English that she found in bookshops
them in the subsequent American edition. Most important,
and libraries, including the personal library of former presi-
she anticipated later developments by prescribing a critical
dent John Adams, a distant relative, and the collection at the
and judicious approach to the comparative study of religion.
Boston Athenaeum, where Chester Harding’s oil painting of
Louis Henry Jordan, who wrote an early history of the field,
her still hangs.
listed Adams as the only American included among the
Using the classification scheme that predominated at
“prophets and pioneers” (Jordan, 1986, pp. 146–150). Even
the time, Adams considered four broad categories of reli-
if most subsequent histories have overlooked Adams or mini-
gions: Jews, Muslims, heathens, and Christians. The latter
mized her contributions—and those of other women—
received disproportionate attention: 85 percent of the more
Jordan’s assessment still seems appropriate. If we consider
than seven hundred entries covered Christian ideas and
the historical context—not to mention the obstacles she
groups. However, she considered other religions more fully
faced as the first American woman to earn her living by writ-
and less dismissively than Broughton. The dictionary format
ing—Adams’s Dictionary seems to be “a really notable under-
itself—unlike Broughton’s thematic organization—
taking” (Jordan, 1986, p. 149).
conveyed to readers that all religions were on the same foot-
ing, and Adams included a number of entries on non-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Christian traditions, including eleven on Judaism, six on
Adams, Hannah. Alphabetical Compendium of the Various Sects
Islam, five on indigenous religions, and four on Zoroastrian-
Which Have Appeared from the Beginning of the Christian Era
ism. She also penned eleven entries on religions in East and
to the Present Day. Boston, 1784.
South Asia, including Hinduism, Sikhism, Buddhism, Con-
Adams, Hannah. The Truth and Excellence of the Christian Religion
fucianism, Daoism, and Shinto¯.
Exhibited. Boston, 1804.
However, it is Adams’s approach that seems most note-
Adams, Hannah. The History of the Jews from the Destruction of the
worthy. She set out four methodological “rules,” guidelines
Temple to the Nineteenth Century. 2 vols. Boston, 1812.
that anticipated those advocated by some later interpreters
Adams, Hannah. A Concise Account of the London Society for Pro-
of religion. First, she aimed “to avoid giving the least prefer-
moting Christianity amongst the Jews. Boston, 1816.
ence of one denomination above another.” That meant, for
Adams, Hannah. Letters on the Gospels. Cambridge, U.K., 1824.
Adams, omitting passages where authors “pass judgment”
Adams, Hannah. A Memoir of Miss Hannah Adams, Written by
and rejecting denigrating labels such as “Heretics, Schismat-
Herself with Additional Notices by a Friend. Boston, 1832.
ics, Enthusiasts, Fanatics,” and so on. Second, she resolved
Adams, Hannah. A Dictionary of All Religions and Religious De-
to let adherents speak for themselves, taking accounts of reli-
nominations, Jewish, Heathen, Mahometan, and Christian,
gions and sects “from their own authors.” Third, she aimed
Ancient and Modern (4th ed., 1817). Introduction by Thom-
to identify the “general collective sense” of each tradition,
as A. Tweed. Atlanta, 1992.
thereby avoiding descriptions that take a marginal group to
Broughton, Thomas. An Historical Dictionary of All Religions from
represent the larger tradition. Fourth, Adams announced
the Creation of the World to This Perfect Time. London, 1742.
that she would “take the utmost care not to misrepresent the
Jackson, Carl. Oriental Religions and American Thought: Nine-
ideas” of authors.
teenth Century Explorations. Westport, Conn., 1981. Jack-
son’s history of the American encounter with Asian thought
Adams was not able to “avoid giving the least prefer-
from the late eighteenth century to the Parliament of Reli-
ence.” As with all scholars of religion, her social location and
gions in 1893 includes a three-page account of Hannah
personal convictions shaped her interpretations. In the vol-
Adams’s work (pp. 16–19).
ume’s introduction, which described the religious world at
Jordan, Louis Henry. Comparative Religion: Its Genesis and
the time of Jesus, she noted that the “heathens” venerated
Growth. Reprint, Atlanta, 1986. Originally published in
many gods. To explain that diversity, Adams recounted nat-
Edinburgh in 1905, this was an early attempt to recount the
uralist and euhemerist theories of the origin of religion: the
“origin, progress, and aim of the science of Comparative Re-
gods originated in encounters with nature or in the propensi-
ligion.” The section on the field’s “prophets and pioneers”
ty to deify heroes. Yet none of the non-Christian faiths, in-
offers a brief account of the significance of Hannah Adams
cluding Judaism, were as lofty as the tradition initiated by
and her work (pp. 146–150).
Jesus. “Christianity broke forth from the east like a rising
King, Ursula. “A Question of Identity: Women Scholars and the
sun,” Adams suggested, “and dispelled the universal darkness
Study of Religion.” In Religion and Gender, edited by Ursula
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
32
A¯DI GRANTH
King, pp. 219–244. Oxford, 1995. An analysis of the place
poems with special subheadings, then the chhants and va¯rs
of women scholars in the history of the study of religion,
of the Sikh guru¯s in serial order. At the end of each ra¯ga or
King’s chapter also notes Adams’s significance for the field
ra¯gin¯ı appear the hymns of the various saints in turn, begin-
(pp. 222, 224).
ning with Kab¯ır and followed by Na¯mdev, Ravida¯s, and oth-
Tweed, Thomas A. “An American Pioneer in the Study of Reli-
ers. Various forms of versification, including folk song forms,
gion: Hannah Adams (1755–1831) and her Dictionary of All
are used.
Religions.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 40
(1992): 437–464. This article offers an overview of the life
Because the saints and guru¯s represented in the A¯di
and work of Hannah Adams as a scholar of religion.
Granth belong to different regions and social strata, the scrip-
Vella, Michael W. “Theology, Genre, and Gender: The Precari-
ture is a treasury of medieval Indian languages and dialects.
ous Place of Hannah Adams in American Literary History.”
Besides writings in the common language, called sant bha¯s:a¯
Early American Literature 28 (1993): 21–41. Vella’s article
(“saint language”), containing affixes and case terminations
assesses Adams’s place in American literary history.
of the language of the area of the saint concerned, the A¯di
T
Granth also contains poems composed in Braj Bha¯s:a¯, West-
HOMAS A. TWEED (2005)
ern Hindi, Eastern Punjabi, Lahndi, and Sindhi. The influ-
ence of Eastern, Western, and Southern Apabhramsas, San-
skrit, Persian, Arabic, and Marathi are discernible in various
A¯DI GRANTH (“first book”) is the earliest scripture of
poems and hymns. The saint-poets have clothed their spiri-
the Sikhs; the second scripture is the Dasam Granth (“tenth
tual experiences in the imagery derived from both the world
book”). The A¯di Granth is an anthology of medieval religious
of nature and the world of man. Because of the similarity of
poetry, relating to the radical school of the Bhaki Movement.
spiritual experience, there is undoubtedly a good deal of rep-
Those whose verses are included in it lived between the
etition in the content of these verses, but the diverse imagery
twelfth and the seventeenth century CE. The Granth was
used in the hymns makes the poetry appealing and always
compiled by Guru¯ Arjan Dev in 1604 at Amritsar, utilizing
fresh.
the material already collected by Guru¯ Na¯nak, the founder
of Sikhism, and Guru¯ Amar Da¯s, third guru¯ of the Sikhs,
The saint-poets and guru¯s represented in the A¯di Granth
who also made several of his own additions. Bha¯¯ı Gurda¯s was
speak of the prevailing degeneration of religious life. They
the scribe. The scripture was installed as the Guru¯ Granth
denounce formalism, ritualism, and symbolism. They con-
Sa¯heb in the Har¯ı Mandir (Golden Temple) by the guru¯
sider ethical greatness the basis for spiritual greatness. The
himself; the first high priest (granth¯ı) was Ba¯ba¯ Budha¯.
seekers must imbibe godly attributes and other qualities in
their lives and avoid sinful acts. Prominence is given to truth,
The original Granth Sa¯heb is known as Karta¯rpur d¯ı b¯ır:
but still greater prominence to the practice of truth. The ac-
(“the recension of Kartarpur”) because it came into the pos-
tive life of a householder is considered the best life, and the
session of Dh¯ır Mal, a grandson of Guru¯ Hargobind, the
division of humankind into castes and various stages is reject-
sixth guru¯, who lived at Kartarpur in Jullundur district.
While this recension was being taken for binding to Lahore,
ed. The hand and the mind both must act together to attain
the second recension was prepared by Banno and is hence
loftier ideals. There is a close connection in the A¯di Granth
known as Bha¯¯ı Banno d¯ı b¯ır:. His additions to the end of
between the doctrine of karman and that of grace. Although
Granth Sa¯heb were not approved by Guru¯ Arjan Dev. The
it holds that hukm (the will of God) reigns supreme, the A¯di
third and final recension was prepared in 1704 by Guru¯ Go-
Granth does not deny the freedom of the individual. The re-
bind Singh, the tenth guru¯, at Damdama¯, where he resided
ality of the world forms the basis of Sikh ethics. Though the
for some time after leaving Anandpur. The scribe was Bha¯¯ı
world is transient, its existence is real.
Man¯ı Singh. This recension is known as Damdame Wa¯l¯ı b¯ır:.
The A¯di Granth opposes all distinctions of caste and
The hymns of Guru¯ Tegh Bahadur, the ninth guru¯, were
color. It espouses universal brotherhood. Religious practices
added to it. The guruship was bestowed on this final recen-
and outward symbols create ego, which can be overcome by
sion by the tenth guru¯, thereby ending the line of personal
remembrance of the name of the Lord, in the company of
guruship.
the saints (sa¯dh sangat) and the grace of the true guru¯ and
Besides the hymns of the first five and the ninth Sikh
the Lord. We meet the true guru¯ by the grace of God and
guru¯s, the hymns of the pre-Na¯nak saints, including
realize God by the grace of the true guru¯. The ideal is the
Na¯mdev, Kab¯ır, and Ravida¯s, and the verses of some con-
realization of God, and for the attainment of this ideal the
temporary poets, mostly bards, are included in the A¯di
disciple must seek the guidance of the true guru¯, who has full
Granth. The poetry of the scripture is musical and metrical.
knowledge of brahman. With the tenth guru¯’s surrender of
Except for the japu of Guru¯ Na¯nak in the beginning and the
personal guruship to the Granth itself, the Word (Skt.,
sloks and swayya¯s at the end, all the other compositions are
´
sabda) henceforth is the guru¯. The lotus-feet of the Lord are
set in various ra¯gas and ra¯gin¯ıs. These compositions include
the only heaven for the true disciple. The state of realization
hymns of the guru¯s in serial order, in set patterns of stanza
is called sahj (“equipoise”). In this state the mind and intel-
forms and musical notations. These are followed by longer
lect become absolutely pure.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ADLER, FELIX
33
According to the A¯di Granth, God (brahman) is one
tual uniqueness of Judaism was undermined. Kant’s analysis
without a second. His name is Truth. He is the creator, de-
of ethical imperatives lent authority to Adler’s new faith in
void of fear and enmity. He is immortal, unborn, and self-
a moral law independent of a personal deity, and the German
existent. He is truth, consciousness, and bliss. He is omni-
industrial order, with its attendant socioeconomic problems
present, omnipotent, and omniscient. He is changeless and
for labor and society, along with Friedrich Lange’s proposed
flawless. When he wills to become many, he begins his sport
solutions, brought into focus the major ills of industrial soci-
like a juggler. Before the creation he is in abstract meditation
ety that Adler came to address in America throughout his
and without attributes, but after the creation, he, as ¯I´svara,
life.
manifests himself as the treasure house of all qualities. The
Upon his return home, it was expected that he would
soul (j¯ıva) is part and parcel of brahman. It has its own indi-
eventually succeed his father at Emanu-El, but his one ser-
viduality, but since it comes out of brahman it is also immor-
mon on October 11, 1873, alienated some of the established
tal. The physical body decays, but the j¯ıva continues forever.
members. Adler’s admirers, however, sponsored him as non-
Prakr:ti, or ma¯ya¯, is not a separate ultimate reality. It has been
resident professor of Hebrew and Oriental literature at Cor-
created by God. It leads the j¯ıva away from God and thus
nell between 1873 and 1876, and they then served as the nu-
toward transmigration. When the influence of ma¯ya¯ vanish-
cleus of a Sunday lecture movement that he inaugurated on
es, the j¯ıva realizes brahman. It is wrong to delimit the cre-
May 15, 1876. The following February this movement was
ation of the infinite Lord. The Truth is immanent in the uni-
incorporated as the New York Society for Ethical Culture.
verse. The human body is its repository and an epitome of
To Adler, this society represented a religious organiza-
the universe. It is a microcosm.
tion that transcended creeds and united people in ethical
SEE ALSO Guru Granth Sahib; Kab¯ır; Na¯nak; Singh, Go-
deeds; it was dedicated to the inherent worth of each individ-
bind.
ual, to personal and communal ethical growth, and to the
application of an ethical perspective to every social context.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Over the years, the society served as Adler’s platform not
Kohli, Surindar Singh. Sikh Ethics. New Delhi, 1975.
only for philosophical conceptualizations but also for con-
Kohli, Surindar Singh. A Critical Study of Adi Granth. 2d ed.
crete social reforms. In the late 1870s he established the first
Delhi, 1976.
free kindergarten in New York, the first district nursing pro-
gram, and a workingman’s lyceum; in 1880 he organized a
Kohli, Surindar Singh. Outlines of Sikh Thought. 2d ed. New
Delhi, 1978.
workingman’s school (later the Ethical Culture School), and
in 1891 he founded the Summer School of Applied Ethics.
Singh, Pandit Tara. Gurmat Nirn:ay Sa¯gar. Lahore, 1904.
Adler was also intimately involved in tenement housing re-
Singh, Sher Gyani. Philosophy of Sikhism. 2d ed. Delhi, 1966.
form and good-government clubs and served as chairman of
Singh, Taran. Sr¯ıi Guru¯ Grantha Sa¯hiba da¯ Sa¯hitika Itiha¯sa. Am-
the National Child Labor Committee from 1904 to 1921.
ritsar, 1963.
He launched the Fieldston School in 1928.
SURINDAR SINGH KOHLI (1987)
As an intellectual, Adler enjoyed the esteem of his peers
and accumulated impressive scholarly credentials: He
founded the International Journal of Ethics (1890), was ap-
pointed professor of political and social ethics at Columbia
ADLER, FELIX (1851–1933), social, educational, and
(1902), and delivered Oxford’s Hibbert Lectures (1923),
religious reformer; founder of the New York Society for Eth-
published as The Reconstruction of the Spiritual Ideal (1924).
ical Culture. Born in Alzey, Germany, Adler came to the
Nevertheless, the fundamental intellectual effort of his last
United States at the age of six when his father, Rabbi Samuel
years—the philosophical justification of his ethical ideal of
Adler, accepted the country’s most prestigious Reform pul-
a spiritual universe—had negligible impact. Where this was
pit, at Temple Emanu-El in New York. By example and in-
attempted, as in An Ethical Philosophy of Life (1918), it was
struction his parents fostered his passion for social justice, re-
dismissed as an example of Neo-Kantian religious idealism.
ligious sensibilities, and Jewish education. After graduation
Indeed, his earlier, less abstruse works—Creed and Deed
from Columbia College in 1870, he returned to Germany
(1877), Life and Destiny (1903), The Religion of Duty (1905),
to study at the Berlin Hochschule für die Wissenschaft des
The World Crisis and Its Meaning (1915)—were far better re-
Judentums with Abraham Geiger in order to prepare for a
ceived.
career in the Reform rabbinate. When the school’s opening
In his day, Adler was publicly lauded as prophet, social
was delayed for almost two years, Adler immersed himself in
visionary, and apostle of moral justice even by the Jewish
university studies, first at Berlin and then at Heidelberg,
community he had left. Yet toward the end of his life he was
where he received his doctorate in Semitics summa cum laude
intellectually alienated from his own organization, and in the
in 1873. His formative German experiences precipitated an
early twenty-first century most Ethical Culture members
intellectual break with Judaism: After his exposure to histori-
know him only as their movement’s founder.
cism, evolution, critical studies of the Bible, anthropology,
and Neo-Kantianism, Adler’s belief in theism and the spiri-
SEE ALSO Ethical Culture.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
34
ADONIS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
him as a deity of the netherworld, except his secondary as-
The fullest biography is Horace L. Friess’s Felix Adler and Ethical
similation to Osiris, the king of the dead, in the Alexandrian
Culture (New York, 1981). Friess (Adler’s son-in-law) pres-
ritual.
ents the full scope of Adler’s activities combined with person-
al memories of the man and an insightful analysis of Adler’s
MYTHS. Several mythical stories are related to Adonis. Ac-
intellectual evolution and his final ethical position. My own
cording to the myth that Apollodorus cites from Panyassis
study From Reform Judaism to Ethical Culture: The Religious
of Halicarnassus, active in the early fifth century BCE, Adonis
Evolution of Felix Adler (Cincinnati, 1979) analyzes Adler’s
was the son of the Assyrian/Syrian king Theias by his daugh-
religious departure from Judaism, its causes, and its repercus-
ter Smyrna, who by deceiving him as to her identity, con-
sions for both Adler and the American Jewish community.
ceived Adonis by him. When Theias discovered the truth he
It treats the Jewish reaction to Adler and to the Ethical Cul-
would have slain his daughter, but the gods in pity changed
ture Society and uses Adler as a model by which to under-
her into a myrrh tree. As the myrrh tree grows only in south-
stand new models of Jewish apostasy in modern Jewish histo-
ern Arabia and in Somaliland, it is unlikely that it belongs
ry. Robert S. Guttchen’s Felix Adler (New York, 1974)
to the original story. Smyrna must be a Graecized form of
presents a very useful analysis of Adler’s concept of human
worth and his educational philosophy. The book is prefaced
ˇsarm¯ına, the evergreen cypress, which perfectly fits the Ado-
with a perceptive biographical sketch of Adler by Howard B.
nis myth. After ten months, according to Apollodorus, the
Radest. The latter’s own book, Toward Common Ground:
tree burst, letting Adonis come forth. This epiphany charac-
The Story of the Ethical Societies in the United States (New
terizes him as a vegetation god. It is similar to the birth of
York, 1969), furnishes further information on Adler.
Malakbe¯l as represented on an altar from Rome, one side of
which shows the young god emerging from a cypress. This
BENNY KRAUT (1987)
kind of epiphany is well known in the Middle East and it
also occurs in Assyria. The Adonis myth uses the same theme
as the story of Judah and Tamar, “the Date Palm,” in Genesis
ADONIS
38. By deceiving her father-in-law as to her identity, Tamar
is a divine name coined in Greek from the
conceived two sons by him. When Judah discovered the
northwest Semitic exclamation Dado¯n¯ı, “my lord,” probably
truth he would have slain his daughter-in-law, but Tamar
shortened from the dirge ho¯y Dado¯n¯ı, “Woe, my lord,” which
made her justification by applying to the custom and duty
is echoed in Greek by aiai, Adonin.
of levirate marriage. Panyassis’s fable may reflect another in-
ORIGINS. The Greek tradition connects Adonis with Byblos.
stitution—the sacred marriage celebrated by the king with
Hence his worship must be of Byblian origin. It is unknown
a priestess, possibly a king’s daughter. Since Theias is appar-
whether the male deity thus invoked or mourned in the first
ently the same legendary character as Toi or Tai (TEy), king
millennium BCE was initially a city god or heroic eponym,
of Hamat (Syria), who entered the Bible in 2 Samuel 8:9–10,
a Baal of Byblos, or a god of the countryside, as suggested
the myth could be as old as the ninth century BCE, when the
by his assimilation with Tammuz and Dionysos in the Mid-
worship of Pahalatis, possibly the Mistress (BElt) of Byblos,
dle East, and by his characterization as a vegetation deity in
is attested at Hamat.
later Greco-Roman tradition. The latter view is supported
by Lucian’s notice that Byblian women performed their
Adonis’s agrarian nature of dying and rising god, like
mourning ritual for Adonis “through the whole country-
the Sumerian god Dumuzi and the Assyrian Tammuz, is im-
side,” and by a similar detail in the description of the Adonis
plied also by Panyassis’s complementary account of the sea-
festival at Seville circa 287 CE, as reported in the Martyrology
sonal split in Adonis’s life between Aphrodite and Persepho-
of Saints Justa and Rufina. The center of Adonis’s worship
ne, the queen of the netherworld. When Adonis was born,
was at Aphaca in Mount Lebanon, a single day’s journey
Aphrodite put the infant in a chest. This feature of the ac-
from Byblos. At the site of the famous spring, the main
count parallels the case of Dionysos venerated at Delphi in
source of the Adonis River or Nahr Ibrahim, stood a temple,
a fan, but also recalls the stories of Sargon of Akkad and of
where the cult of Adonis was maintained until the time of
Moses in Exodus 2:1–10. However, Aphrodite handed the
Emperor Constantine the Great, who ordered the destruc-
child in the chest to the care of Persephone, who afterward
tion of the shrine. Although it was partially rebuilt by Julian
refused to give him up. Zeus, an appeal being made to him,
the Apostate, little survives of the ancient buildings, except
decided that Adonis should spend a third of the year with
some Roman ruins.
Persephone and a third with Aphrodite, and the remaining
third at his own disposal.
Adonis’s Semitic name or epithet na Ema¯n, “the beauti-
ful” or “the lovely one,” was preserved by Isaiah 17:10 and
Aphrodite is obviously Astarte, the mythic queen of By-
by Greek authors, especially when comparing the anemone
blos according to Plutarch, but she is also Balthi, the great
to Adonis. NaEma¯n or Naaman is a West Semitic proper
goddess or Mistress of Byblos, according to the Syriac homily
name, attested from the second millennium BCE onward, and
of Pseudo-Meliton. As for Persephone, she probably corre-
the epithet occurs frequently in literary texts from Ugarit. It
sponds to SheDol, a chthonic goddess whose name in Hebrew
implies that Adonis was conceived as a youth of remarkable
designates the netherworld. Zeus’s verdict is a variant of a
beauty. Instead, he lacks any feature that would characterize
folktale, upon which Solomon’s arbitration in 1 Kings 3:16–
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ADONIS
35
28 is also based. The antiquity of this particular myth of
grow artificially, which rapidly faded. Egyptian origin is pos-
Adonis is confirmed by scenes engraved on Etruscan bronze
sible. They were similar, in fact, to the so-called beds of Osi-
mirrors from the fifth to third centuries BCE, showing Zeus’s
ris showing Osiris’s shape; these were planted with corn
arbitration, the sadness of Turan (the Etruscan Venus), and
seeds, the sprouting of which signified the god’s resurrection.
her happiness when her lover Atunis rejoins her. Love scenes
There was perhaps considerable variation in the content
of Venus and Adonis also appear on mosaics, in particular
of the Adonis festival and much of the original intent of the
at Lixus, the ancient Phoenician settlement on the Atlantic
rites appears to have been forgotten. Originally, rites and
coast of Morocco. An interesting variant of these myths is
mystery-plays reenacted dying and revival, disappearance
represented on a Roman cameo: Adonis sleeps naked at the
and return. The mourning of Adonis is well documented in
foot of a tree, guarded by his dog; two cupids try to wake
written sources, but his revival, return, or rebirth is not at-
him up, while Aphrodite waits amorously for his “awaking.”
tested directly before Lucianus’s De dea Syria, Origen, and
An important element in appreciating Adonis’s agrarian
Jerome. However, the “recovering of Adonis” by Venus,
connection is the story of the killing of Adonis by a “boar
often depicted in Rome according to Plautus’s comedy Men-
out of the wood,” an animal known for ravaging the vines,
aechmi 143–145 (dated tentatively from 194 BCE), Adonis’s
as Psalms 80:9–14 complains. The story related to Adonis
marvelous birth from the evergreen cypress, and the division
seems to be of Semitic origin as well, since Jerome’s allusion
of his life between Aphrodite and Persephone all have the
to the killing of Adonis “in the month of June” must be
idea of revival, rebirth, or awakening in common and are
based on Aramaic ha˘z¯ır, which in Syriac means both “boar”
concerned with vegetation. According to De dea Syria, sacred
and “June.” But its original protagonist may have been Attis,
prostitution was included in the ritual at Byblos, a sacred
slain by a boar according to Pausanias. Adonis fighting the
marriage with Aphrodite took place in the Alexandrian ritu-
boar is represented as a hunter on a mosaic from Carranque
al, and the cells of the temple of Adonis at Dura-Europos
near Toledo, dated to the fourth century CE.
may have served the same purpose. Its mythical aim was
probably the “rebirth” of Adonis.
Another version of the slaying of Adonis is preserved by
Pseudo-Meliton, who calls him Tammuz. Since Balthi was
According to De dea Syria, Adonis’s revival was celebrat-
in love with him, Hephaestus, her jealous husband, “slew
ed on the third day of the festival. The “third day” seems to
Tammuz in Mount Lebanon, while he was clearing the land”
have been a predestined moment for the revival, since the
(ˇsn¯ıra burza). Adonis was then buried at Aphaca, where
“finding of Osiris” by Isis took place on the third day accord-
Balthi also died.
ing to Plutarch, the revival of the nation takes place on the
third day according to Hosea 6:2, and Jesus’ resurrection
CULT. The cult of Adonis was especially popular with
is dated to “the third day” in 1 Corinthians 15:4. At any
women. Annual festivals, called Adonia, were held at Byblos
rate, the triduum has a larger application in cult and histori-
and also, at least from the seventh century BCE onward, in
ography.
Cyprus and at different places in Greece. Its earliest record
is a fragment of a poem by Sappho, who was native to Lesbos
It is difficult to answer the question whether Adonis was
in the Aegean. Her poem was apparently written in the form
initially a god of vegetation in general, a vine god, a tree spir-
of a dialogue between a woman, possibly representing Aph-
it, as is suggested by his birth from a tree, or a grain spirit.
rodite, and a chorus of young female attendants. It refers to
According to Ammianus Marcellinus, writing in the second
“the lovely Adonis,” using a Greek translation of Adonis’s Se-
half of the fourth century CE, the Adonis festival was “sym-
mitic name or epithet na Ema¯n, and invites the young maid-
bolic of the reaping of ripe fruits of the field.” Origen stated
ens to mourn for him by beating their breasts and rending
one century earlier that Adonis is “the symbol of the fruits
their tunics. The Semitic features of the ritual are confirmed
of the earth, mourned when they are sown, but causing joy
by Aristophanes’ references to the Adonia being celebrated
when they rise.” According to Jerome, the “slaying of Adonis
in Athens on the roof of a building by women shrieking
is shown by seeds dying in the earth, and his resurrection by
“Woe, woe, Adonis!” and beating their breasts.
the crops in which dead seeds are reborn.” These explana-
tions favor the conception of Adonis as a grain spirit, the
A very elaborate Alexandrian festival is described by
more so because a sentence from Pseudo-Meliton, usually
Theocritus in the third century BCE. The rites consisted of
emended and mistranslated, shows him laboring in the field.
a magnificent wedding pageant for Adonis and Aphrodite.
In this context Adonis’s appearance as a hunter in one of the
The next day women carried Adonis’s image to the seashore
myths might signify that he was protecting the fields against
amid lamentations and expressed the hope of witnessing his
wild boars.
return the following year. The Egyptian cult of Osiris most
likely had a bearing on the Ptolemaic ritual and its influence
SEE ALSO Dumuzi; Dying and Rising Gods; Eshmun.
could have reached Byblos, since the well-known legend of
Isis finding the body of Osiris murdered by Seth localizes the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
mythical event at Byblos. A special feature of the festival was
A comprehensive study of Adonis is provided by Tryggve N. D.
the “Adonis gardens,” first recorded by Plato and alluded to
Mettinger, The Riddle of Resurrection: “Dying and Rising
in Isaiah 17:10–11. These were small pots of seeds forced to
Gods” in the Ancient Near East (Stockholm, 2001), in partic-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
36
ADRET, SHELOMOH BEN AVRAHAM
ular pp. 113–154, 175–179, and 209–212, with former liter-
His most controversial foray into public affairs was in-
ature. See also G. Piccaluga, “Adonis, i cacciatori falliti e
stigated by complaints from southern France about the de-
l’avvento dell’agricoltura,” in Il mito greco: Atti del convegno
structive impact of philosophical learning upon young Jews.
internazionale, edited by Bruno Gentili and Giuseppe Paioni
In 1305, after a three-year correspondence, Adret promulgat-
(Rome, 1977), pp. 33–48; Sergio Ribichini, Adonis: Aspetti
ed a formal ban in his Barcelona synagogue, prohibiting
“Orientali” di un mito greco (Rome, 1981); and Edward
those less than twenty-five years old from studying books of
Lipin´ski, Dieux et déesses de l’univers phénicien et punique
(Louvain, Belgium, 1995), pp. 90–108. For Adonis in Greek
Greek natural science or metaphysics. The writings of Mai-
literature and arts, see Wahib Atallah, Adonis dans la littéra-
monides were not proscribed, and the study of medicine was
ture et l’art grecs (Paris, 1966). For the “Adonis gardens,” see
explicitly excluded from the prohibition.
the monograph by Gerhard J. Baudy, Adonisgärten: Studien
zur antiken Samensymbolik (Frankfurt am Main, 1986), and,
Because of his role in this conflict, Adret was frequently
with prudence, Marcel Detienne, The Gardens of Adonis:
depicted by nineteenth-century Jewish historians as part of
Spices in Greek Mythology, translated by Janet Lloyd (Atlanic
a group of narrow-minded, obstinate zealots. His own work,
Highlands, N.J., 1977). The iconography is presented by B.
however, especially his novellae on selected Talmudic agga-
Servais-Soyez, “Adonis,” in Lexicon Iconographicum
dot, reveals an openness to the use of philosophical literature
Mythologiae Classicae (Zurich and Munich, 1981–1997), vol.
for exegetical purposes, although he clearly repudiated the
1/1, pp. 222–229, and vol. 1/2, pp. 160–170.
extreme philosophical positions denying creation and indi-
EDWARD LIPIN´SKI (2005)
vidual providence. He also suggested qabbalistic interpreta-
tions of rabbinic statements. The fact that several of his disci-
ples wrote commentaries on the Torah or explications of
ADRET, SHELOMOH BEN AVRAHAM (c.
Nahmanides’ commentary in which the mystical element
1235–1310), known by the acronym RaSHBaD (Rabbi
was pronounced led Gershom Scholem to speak of the qab-
Shelomoh ben Avraham); Spanish rabbi and legal authority.
balistic “school” of Adret.
Born into a leading family of Aragon, Adret studied with
Yonah Gerondi and with the great Talmudist, biblical com-
Adret’s writings include answers to Christians who used
mentator, and qabbalist Moses Nahmanides (Mosheh ben
the aggadah to undermine the authority of the sages or to
Nah:man). During his four decades as rabbi of Barcelona,
support Christian theological positions; one source describes
Adret was considered by the Aragonese kings to be the domi-
an actual debate with a Christian thinker. Adret is also pre-
nant Jewish figure in the realm.
sumed to have written a Ma Damar Eal Yishma EeDl, published
by Perles, responding to the anti-Jewish tracts of the elev-
Adret’s scholarly reputation was established by his novel-
enth-century Spanish Muslim intellectual Ahmad ibn Hazm.
lae (Heb., h:iddushim) on many Talmudic tractates, and con-
This apologetical work defends the Torah against charges of
temporaries recognized him as an outstanding authority on
containing inconsistencies and describing repugnant behav-
Jewish law. Rabbis of Aragon and of many distant countries
ior; it answers the claim that the original Torah had been lost
submitted their formal legal inquiries to him, and his collect-
and that Judaism contained perversions and distortions of
ed responsa, numbering in the thousands, made him one of
God’s authentic teaching.
the most prolific and influential of all Jewish legal respon-
dents. An important source for the history of Jewish commu-
nal life, these responsa treat problems relating to communal
BIBLIOGRAPHY
self-government, fiscal administration, and institutions such
The biography by Joseph Perles, R. Salomo ben Abraham ben Ad-
as the synagogue, court, house of study, and voluntary
ereth: Sein Leben und seine Schriften (Breslau, 1963), remains
societies.
the only full-length treatment of this important figure. The
best discussion of his role as communal leader in historical
Occasionally Adret was confronted with formal ques-
context is in Yitzhak F. Baer’s History of the Jews in Christian
tions of a theological nature, usually flowing from problem-
Spain, vol. 1 (Philadelphia, 1961), pp. 278–305. Isidore Ep-
atic biblical passages or rabbinic pronouncements. Scattered
stein’s The Responsa of Rabbi Solomon Ben Adreth of Barcelona
through his responsa are significant statements on the proper
(1235–1310) as a Source of the History of Spain (London,
role of philosophical speculation in interpreting traditional
1925) is still a useful collection of passages dealing with com-
texts, the possibility of contemporary prophecy, astrology,
munal organization and administration, although it over-
dreams, magic and divine providence, the search for rational
looks some of the most important historical material. Louis
explanations of the commandments, the immutability of the
Jacobs summarizes the responsa pertaining to problems of
Torah, and eschatological doctrine.
Jewish religious thought in Theology in the Responsa (London,
1975), pp. 57–79. The most extensive account of Adret’s
Adret strongly denounced the messianic pretensions of
role in the conflict over the study of philosophy, in Joseph
the eccentric mystic Abraham Abulafia and later claimed that
Sarachek’s Faith and Reason (Williamsport, Pa., 1935), re-
without his firm opposition many Jews would have been de-
quires modification based on more recent studies in periodi-
ceived. He also warned Jewish communities against a Jew
cals, such as Joseph Shatzmiller’s “Bein AbbaD Mari le-
called the “prophet of Ávila,” who maintained that a mystical
RashbaD,” in Meh:qarim be-toledot Eam YisraDel ve-Erets
work had been revealed to him by an angel.
Yisra Del 3 (1974–1975): 121–137.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AEGEAN RELIGIONS
37
New Sources
Adang, Camilla. “A Jewish Reply to Ibn Hazm: Solomon b.
Adret’s Polemic against Islam.” In Judíos y musulmanes en al-
Andalus y el Magreb: contactos intelectuales. Actas reunidas y
presentadas por Maribel Fierro, pp. 179–209. Madrid, 2002.
Cohen, Jonathan. “Charitable Contributions, Communal Wel-
fare Organizations, and Allegiance to the Community ac-
cording to Rashba.” HUCA 72 (2001): 85–100.
Horwitz, David. “Rashba’s Attitude towards Science and Its Lim-
its” (in Hebrew). Torah U-Madda Journal 3 (1991–1992):
52–81.
MARC SAPERSTEIN (1987)
Revised Bibliography
AEGEAN RELIGIONS. The Aegean world is com-
posed of three distinctive regions, all located at the Eastern
edge of the Mediterranean: the island of Crete, the mainland
of Greece, and the islands between the mainland and the
coast of Anatolia. The people of the mainland, the Mycenae-
ans, were Greek-speaking. The inhabitants of the island of
F
Crete were the Minoans, who spoke an as yet undeciphered
I G U R E 1 . Snake goddess of Knossos (after Evans, 1921–1936,
v. 1, fig. 362a).
language. The islanders were apparently non-Greek, and fell
Illustration courtesy of Nanno Marinatos.
into the political and cultural orbit of the Minoans and later
the Mycenaeans in the second millennium BCE. The Aegeans
ries of matriarchy that were fashionable at the turn of the
shared many cultural traits with the Near East, but retained
century. His theories found fertile ground: one of the reasons
a distinctive regional character. The Minoans and My-
that the concept of the mother goddess is alive today is that
ceneans had palace cultures shortly after 2000 BCE, but for
it appeals to contemporary feminist movements. Yet there
the people of the islands, no such claim can be made.
are reasons to question the definition of matriarchy; all pal-
Little is known about the religion of the islands north
ace cultures of the Near East in the second millennium BCE
of Crete that are collectively called the Cyclades. Numerous
had potent female goddesses and mothers of gods, and none
marble figures and figurines have been found but most of
was a matriarchy. Evans’s matriarchal society is perhaps best
them are without context. It is uncertain whether or not they
viewed as a modern myth.
were used for worship. Dearth of data makes a reconstruc-
It is thus perhaps wiser to view Minoan religion in the
tion of Cycladic religion next to impossible.
context of other kingdoms of the Near Eastern Mediterra-
MINOAN RELIGION. The religious beliefs of the Minoans are
nean in the second millennium BCE, all of which were theoc-
more accessible despite the absence of decipherable texts.
racies with male kings and armies. All of them had young
The myth of the great goddess and matriarchy. If Mi-
male warrior gods: Reshep, Baal, El, Adad, Sin, Ningirsu,
noan religion is popular today, this is partly due to the great
and so on in the Mesopotamian and Levantine kingdoms.
mother goddess (see figure 1). This is the legacy of the exca-
Egypt had its own warrior gods: Amon, Seth, Horus. All of
vator of Knossos, Sir Arthur Evans (1851–1941), who may
these cultures also had powerful female deities. Some of these
be said to have invented Minoan culture at the beginning of
goddesses were even warrior-like and destructive: Anat, Ish-
the twentieth century. For his interpretations he relied on
tar, Sekhmet. Female deities could also have mother-goddess
images represented on wall paintings, rings, and seal stones.
qualities: Asherah (Atrt) in Ugarit is called mother of gods;
Most of all he was impressed by several faience statuettes of
Hathor and Isis in Egypt were also mother goddesses. Most
bare-breasted females handling snakes that he excavated in
goddesses had in addition a strong sexual appeal that could
the palace of Knossos.
be dangerous to males. The bare-breasted snake goddess of
Minoan Crete (figure 1) would have been regarded as sexual-
In his view, the snake goddess represented one aspect
ly alluring, but this dos not mean that she was the goddess.
of a “Great Mother Nature Goddess.” She was a patroness
The Near Eastern frame makes it likely that Minoan Crete
of kings and sailors alike; she embodied fertility and mother-
may have had a complex constellation of male and female de-
hood; and she ruled over sky, earth, and the underworld.
ities, although the distinctive regional identity of Crete
There was one male divinity, but he was a subordinate boy
should not be lost sight of.
god: the son or consort of the great mother goddess. Evans
underplayed the fact that the so-called boy god was an armed
Yet it is difficult to go beyond theories when discussing
mature young man. He was undoubtedly influenced by theo-
Minoan religious mythology. This is because we lack narra-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N

38
AEGEAN RELIGIONS
tive texts from the Minoan culture (Linear A is yet to be fully
deciphered). On the other hand, many images exist, and they
give information that is highly valuable, although it differs
from the information we get from texts. An attempt to sort
out the iconography and archaeological evidence was made
by Martin P. Nilsson (1874–1967) in the 1920s. Although
systematic, Nilsson fell into a methodological pitfall: he was
more interested in Minoan religion as a precursor of Greek
mythology than as a system in its own right. The striking
parallels to the Near East were ignored. Thus, he was more
eager to find the early forms of Athena, Rhea, and Artemis
than to penetrate the nature of the deities themselves. His
bias towards ancient Greek religion is evident in the title of
his book: The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival
in Greek Religion (2d ed., 1950). It is worth noting, however,
that he was unconvinced of Evans’s view of the great mother
goddess.
Theocracy, polytheism, and the character of Minoan
gods. Nilsson argued that the Minoans had polytheism
(1950, pp. 389–425), and he was proven right. Recent evi-
dence throws new light on the issue. A golden ring, excavated
in a grave at Poros near modern Herakleion on Crete shows
three gods together (Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis,
F IGURE 2 . Ring impression from Chania showing a male god
2000). The center is taken up by an impressive male god
over a town (after Hallager, 1985, p. 50, fig. 11). Illustration
holding a scepter. He faces an equally impressive seated god-
courtesy of Nanno Marintos.
dess who is flanked by large birds. A third goddess is ren-
dered as a minute figure descending from the air. There is
only one mortal worshiper in the scene at the left edge of the
The three rings discussed above show that there existed
ring’s field. He is shaking a tree invoking the gods. The ring
a multiplicity of divinities and that power was not centered
supplies firm evidence of polytheism: a divine gathering tak-
only around one dominant goddess; there was also a male
ing place in the vicinity of a tree. Such a congregation is ech-
god whose bodily vigor was evident in his standing posture.
oed in the Hittite text about the god Telepinu: “The gods
The Minoan pantheon was probably complex and must have
[were gathered] in assembly under the hatalkesnas tree. For
included one or several divine couples. Moreover, gods and
the hatalkesnas tree I have fixed long years” (Pritchard, 1969,
goddesses were associated with a multistory building that can
pp. 126–128).
be best defined as a divine palace. This association of god and
palace supports the view of Evans that Minoan Crete was a
The characterization of the gods is important. The fe-
theocracy.
male goddess is seated on an invisible throne in midair; her
power is expressed through enthronement. The male god, on
Patronage of Minoan gods and gender roles. The Mi-
the other hand, exudes bodily rigor by extending his arm in
noan gods probably had different spheres of power, such as
a gesture of command. A similar male god occurs on a ring
hunting, war, and fertility. Most likely they also had different
impression found at Chania (figure 2). He looms large over
domains: the sea, the underworld, or the sky (in which case
a cluster of buildings, which may be conceived as a palace
they would appear as stellar bodies). They also had social
or town, establishing himself as the patron of this town.
spheres: one of their functions must have been supervision
of the raising of young people. This gender-oriented patron-
Further information is supplied by another ring, the im-
age is illustrated in a scene from a stone chalice found at
pression of which has survived in several examples found by
Hagia Triada, Crete (figure 4).
Evans at Knossos (figure 3). Here the central figure is a god-
dess who stands on the top of a mountain.
A young male with a commanding gesture receives a
procession of young hunters (Evans, 1921–1936, vol. 2,
She is saluted by a male figure, who is usually interpret-
pp. 790–792). Although he is generally known as the “Chief-
ed as a human worshiper but who may well be a king because
tain” (thus named by Evans), his commanding gesture and
the vision of ordinary humans would not be recorded visually
posture rather suggest that he may be a god. Alternatively he
on a ring in a theocratic society. Behind the goddess is a
is a king having assumed the identical appearance of the god.
building, which can be identified as a palace because it has
The ambiguity is revealing: gods and rulers were shown in
many stories. Here we have a sacred landscape, which in-
a similar manner in Minoan art. At any rate, the god or his
cludes a palace and a mountain.
earthly representative acts as patron of the hunt.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AEGEAN RELIGIONS
39
F IGURE 3 . Goddess on mountain and male visionary (king?)
(after Evans, 1921–1936, vol. 3, fig. 323). Illustration courtesy of
F IGURE 4 . A god or king receiving a procession of hunters on a
Nanno Marinatos.
stone chalice from Hagia Triada (after Evans, 1921–1936, vol.
2, combination of figs. 476 and 517). Illustration courtesy of
Nanno Marinatos.
In the female sphere we find the same relationship: the
young female goddess supervises her protégées. On a paint-
ing from Thera (Santorini), a goddess is seated on a platform
The throne room in the palace of Knossos may have
and receives offerings from young women (Doumas, 1992,
been used in a similar way. The throne, flanked by griffins
fig. 122). The dress and hairstyles of the worshipers reflect
and palm trees, has been viewed by some scholars as the seat
the divine prototype. There are many other instances as well
of a female, a queen or a priestess, because only goddesses
where a goddess receives a female procession (Marinatos,
are flanked by griffins in Minoan art (Reusch, 1958; Hägg,
1993, pp. 147–165). This evidence suggests that there were
1986; Niemeier, 1986). It is less frequently noticed that
gender specific roles for the Minoan deities. It also implies
there was a kitchen in the adjacent complex; this kitchen
that the deities provided role models for the young. There
shows that ceremonial banqueting may be associated with
is therefore an educational aspect to Minoan religion.
the throne room.
Although Minoan goddesses and gods are never depict-
Animal sacrifice is a prerequisite for banqueting, but it
ed in the nude, the exposed breasts of the females (figure 1)
is also a rite of invocation: the gods are invited to participate
and the pronounced phallus sheaths of the males (figures 2
in the feast. This aspect of sacrificial ritual is depicted on a
and 4) suggest that sexuality was emphasized. The bare
terra-cotta coffin, known as the sarcophagus from Hagia
breasts of goddesses have a meaning equivalent to the com-
Triada. One of the long sides of this sarcophagus shows a sac-
plete nudity of Near Eastern goddesses. Female power is ap-
rificed bull tied on a table. A long-robed woman, who may
parently expressed as sexuality in both cultural regions
be the queen, presides over the ritual, while a male plays the
(Marinatos, 1993).
flute. To the right is a second separate scene involving a
Rituals of Minoan religion: Ceremonial banqueting,
priestess dressed in a hide skirt. She stands before an altar,
sacrifice, and invocation. There can be no religion without
over which are a pitcher and a basket of fruit, which are
rituals of offerings to the gods. As has been stressed by sociol-
bloodless offerings. The two panels show that the Minoans
ogists and historians of religion, the social dimension of of-
made a clear distinction between the two types of altars and
fering is feasting. Food is a way of exchange and redistribu-
the two types of offerings (compare with Exod. 25:2 and
tion of wealth, especially in highly stratified societies. There
27:1). This distinction between bloody and bloodless offer-
is plenty of evidence for Minoan feasting in extra-urban sanc-
ings is also made in Greek religion.
tuaries and cemeteries. But the open courts in front of the
palaces could also have accommodated a large number of
To whom are the offerings made on the Hagia Triada
banqueters. Most interesting evidence has been unearthed in
sarcophagus? The shrine in front of which the offerings are
the newly excavated palace of Galatas on Crete, which in-
made stands to the right of the priestess in the hide skirt. It
cluded a hearth and baking dishes (Rethemiotakis, 1999).
is a building with a gate surmounted by the so-called horns.
Hittite texts from the second millennium offer us detailed
Above the gate a sacred tree is protruding; it evidently was
descriptions of the role of the king and the queen during of-
the focus of the cult, taking the function of a cult statue. If
fering ceremonies. The royalty entered the temple and per-
the viewer walks around the sarcophagus and looks at the
formed elaborate rituals of offering. An interesting inscrip-
short side, the gods will be found as well: there are two fe-
tion mentions that the king and queen drank from the cup
male deities arriving in a griffin-drawn chariot. Noteworthy
of the storm god (Alp, 1983, p. 221). In this way the king
are two facts: (1) The tree shrine has a function equivalent
and queen shared a meal with the god.
to a temple; namely, it is the house of god and it is the locus
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
40
AEGEAN RELIGIONS
F IGURE 5 A. Horns of consecration or mountain peaks.
Illustration courtesy of Nanno Marinatos.
F IGURE 5 B. Egyptian mountain sign with solar disk. Illustration
courtesy of Nanno Marinatos.
of the epiphany; (2) The goddesses are arriving at their tree
shrine to partake in the sacrifice.
The sacred tree of the god or goddess was evidently also
The double axe (figure 6) is more elusive, and there is
used as a medium of invocation. On certain gold rings found
no equivalent sign in the Near East or Egypt. Evans thought
on both Crete and the Mycenaean mainland, we see male or
that it symbolized the great goddess (Evans, 1901, p. 106;
female worshipers shaking or bending a tree. It was perhaps
see also Pötscher, 1990, pp. 143–160).
thought that frenzied movement on the part of the worshiper
Nilsson, who was more practically minded, considered
mobilized the gods to come. Alternatively, the tree was imag-
it a simple sacrificial instrument (Nilsson, 1950, p. 226).
ined as the abode of the deity. The invocation of the gods
Evans was probably more correct however: the double axe
is depicted only on gold rings. It seems that this ritual was
appears in contexts that suggest that it played a role in the
associated with the monopolization of religion by the upper
cosmology of Minoan mythology. Noteworthy is its frequent
classes.
occurrence on coffins. It seems unlikely in view of this that
The symbols of Minoan religion: “horns” and dou-
it was a mere tool of cult, especially since it never occurs as
ble axes. The Minoans surely had aniconic cults, as Evans
a sacrificial instrument in imagery. A clue may be that the
had already surmised in a fundamental article written in
axe can be conceived as a tree with sprouting leaves or even
1901. Aniconic symbols, such as the double axe, loom large
flowers. Was it a regenerative symbol as has sometimes been
in Minoan imagery, but it is uncertain what they mean. At
argued (Dietrich, 1974)? A second clue is that it occurs be-
any rate, it is worth noting that cult standards with the sym-
tween the two tips of the mountain sign above (figure 5a,
bols of the gods they represent are common in religions of
the so-called horns). This suggests that the double axe was
the Near East, especially animal cult standards and standards
perceived as an object that belonged between the edges of the
with astral symbols.
two mountains of the horizon: is it a symbol of the sun or
moon? This possibility is speculative but may explain the
Also common is the sign of the “horns of consecration,”
ubiquity of the sign and its centrality in Minoan religion bet-
which occurs both as a graphic design and as a cult object
ter than the alternative theory that it is a sacrificial axe.
(figure 5a).
The designation “horns” is due to Evans, who saw a su-
The palaces as cult centers. Whatever interpretation
perficial resemblance to bull’s horns. But many scholars
we give to the Minoan deities and their symbols the archaeo-
observed that there is a striking resemblance between the Mi-
logical evidence is clear as to how society was organized. The
noan sign and the Egyptian symbol of the “two mountains
cult centers were undoubtedly the palaces. They contained
of the horizon,” the sun disk rising between twin peaks (fig-
central courts with a multiplicity of modest shrine rooms ar-
ure 5b).
ranged around them. Most palaces also had large west plazas
where the public could gather. The walls were decorated with
The similarity between the two symbols is too striking
paintings that depicted (among other subjects) processional
to be ignored. In addition, the Minoan sign is similar to its
and ritual scenes. There is thus little doubt that they were
Egyptian equivalent in its framing of an object: a tree or a
the major cult centers of the community. To date no separate
double axe, or sometimes other implements of cult, such as
temples have been found (Rutkowski, 1986). The complete
libation vessels. In view of this, it is likely that the so-called
fusion of secular and religious authority points to a theocratic
horns represent a stylized landscape of two mountains that
system.
define the east and west axis of the universe. If the horns are
mountains, this would explain why in real and represented
Outside the town there were nature sanctuaries in caves
architecture, the object is always placed on top of a building
or mountain peaks. These were the extra-urban sanctuaries
(figure 3). Its function in such a case would be to allude to
of which Mount Juktas and Kato Syme have yielded the
mountain ranges in an abstract manner.
most impressive finds (Peatfield 1990; overview in Jones,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AEGEAN RELIGIONS
41
vated on Mount Kinortion near classical Epidaurus, but
mountain sanctuaries are not as common as on Crete. There
were Minoan-type offerings there, including double axes and
figurines (Lambrinoudakis, 1981).
On the whole, the similarities between Minoan and
Mycenaean religion are striking. Both cultures had theocra-
cies with palaces as centers. The Mycenaean palace seems to
have played a major ceremonial role. Instead of an open cen-
tral court, however, we find a roofed hall or megaron with
a hearth. At Pylos, the wall paintings from the throne room
are similar to those of Knossos (Lang, 1966, pl. 124, no.
44aH6) depicting griffins and lions flanking the throne. In
addition, some of the Pylos throne room paintings show ban-
queting, which is compatible with the ritual inferred through
F IGURE 6 . Minoan double axe. Illustration courtesy of Nanno
the kitchen near the Knossos throne room.
Marinatos.
In both cultures, the religious role of the king and queen
is confirmed by the written records: in the Linear B tablets
1999; Lebessi, 1985 and 2002). There is little doubt that the
the word wa-na-ka (king) appears frequently. The queen
extra-urban sanctuaries were under palatial control in the
may have been designated as pot-ni-ja, namely “mistress”
middle of the second millennium BCE. Many, however, sur-
(Laffineur and Hägg, 2001). The takeover of Minoan royal
vived the end of the palatial system.
and religious symbols by the Mycenaean dynasts is here very
evident. We find in the Mycenaean kingdom double axes
The palaces were abandoned shortly after the middle of
and the mountain sign (figures 5a, 6).
the second millennium BCE, with the exception of Knossos
that survived for another seventy-five years. The reasons are
Small shrines existed in addition to the palatial megaron.
not yet completely understood, but they may have to do with
They had benches with statues on top, and hearths for offer-
social upheaval rather than a Mycenaean invasion. The end
ings. Some were incorporated into the palace; others were
of the palaces certainly also meant the end of the theocracy.
physically independent and spread throughout the town, as
in Tiryns (Kilian, 1988) and Methana (Konsolaki, 1999;
The new era, termed post-palatial, takes us to the end
Whittaker, 1997).
of the second millennium. In this period, a new type of
One shrine within the citadel of Mycenae is revealing
shrine was preferred: a modest room fitted with benches
because it included paintings above and around the bench
upon which were placed statues of goddesses, tables of offer-
(figure 7).
ings, and other cult implements. The type is common in the
late Bronze Age and can be found on the mainland of
Above the bench two goddesses were painted facing
Greece, as well as on the Levantine coast; we may speak of
each other. Between them hover two small sketchily rendered
an East Mediterranean type of shrine or small temple. Typi-
figures that probably represent souls of the dead (Marinatos,
cal of Crete are clay goddess statues with upraised arms and
1988). These may be two of the goddesses of Mycenaean reli-
elaborate headdresses. Religious syncretism with the Myce-
gion. Below, on the side of the bench, is probably the queen
naean religion of the mainland certainly took place in all pe-
identifiable by her tall headdress with a plume (or a minor
riods of Minoan Crete.
goddess accompanied by a griffin). Although the iconogra-
phy of this fresco is nowhere matched exactly on Crete, the
The end of the Minoan theocracy must have brought
visual vocabulary is familiar from the latter culture. The My-
with it many changes of the social and religious structure, but
cenaeans borrowed the visual vocabulary of the Minoan pal-
the main symbols and (probably) the main gods survived
ace culture to express their own theocratic institution.
into the end of the Bronze Age (c. 1200 BCE). The Greeks
of later times thought of the island as one of ninety lan-
Data from the tablets. The decipherment of the Linear
guages, multiple ethnic groups, and ninety cities (Homer,
B script in 1953 by Michael Ventris as a form of Greek threw
Odyssey 19.172–202).
a new light on Mycenaean religion by revealing a pantheon
that included many names of the later Greek gods.
MYCENAEAN RELIGION. Mycenaean religion is similar to Mi-
The tablets were made of unbaked clay and were used
noan in that it was also centered on the palaces and utilized
as scrapbooks. They were accidentally preserved because they
the same symbols as Minoan Crete.
were baked after a conflagration. They record lists and pro-
Places of worship. Mycenaean places of worship are
vide economic documents. Indications about religious rituals
different from those of Minoan Crete, however, the varia-
and gods are only incidental in the form of offering. Still, it
tions being detectable in the archaeological evidence (Hägg,
is clear that a multiplicity of male and female deities are pres-
1998). One extra-urban mountain peak sanctuary was exca-
ent, among whom is a male god who bears the name of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
42
AEGEAN RELIGIONS
wanax, which in the Homeric poems is usually applied to the
king.
THE MINOAN AND MYCENAEAN PANTHEON AND THE NEAR
EAST. Despite their differences it is a priori likely that Mino-
an and Mycenaean religions had many similarities in the my-
thologies and the personae of their gods. Both were palatial
cultures that maintained close contacts with each other and
with the Near East. The Mycenaean presence in Crete
(whether to be explained by dynastic links and intermar-
riages or by conquest) is securely attested by the presence of
tablets written in Linear B shortly after 1400 BCE. After that
time, there was a pool of common gods, such as Poseidon,
Zeus, Athena, Dionysos, Diwija, and Hermes, all of whom
are attested on both Crete and the Mycenaean mainland
(Palaima et al., 2001). A religious synthesis between Minoan
and Mycenaean religion in the fourteenth and thirteenth
centuries BCE is thus certain. It is perhaps not correct to speak
of a Mycenaean religion on Crete in the post-palatial period,
but rather of a synthesis of the two systems. This synthesis
may be pushed back into the sixteenth century BCE, however.
This is the time when Crete was at the peak of its power, and
spread its influence in the Aegean. The Mycenaeans (who
were developing their own palatial system) readily adopted
F IGURE 7 . Fresco within a Mycenaean shrine within the
Minoan symbols and images of gods. The adoption of such
citadel of Mycenaeas, reconstructed by Marinatos. Illustration
symbols as the double axes and the mountain signs (horns)
courtesy of Nanno Marinatos.
implies that there were already common elements in the two
religions, and it was this commonality that enabled the trans-
mission of the Minoan religious vocabulary to the Mycenae-
great god of the classical Greeks: Zeus. There was also a pan-
ans. The picture that emerges is a complex one, with influ-
theon that we recognize as the later Olympian Greek divini-
ences flowing in both directions at different times.
ties: Po-si-da-jo (Poseidon), He-ra (Hera), A-ta-na Po-ti-ni-
ja (Athena), Erma (Hermes), Enyalios (Ares), and Di-wo-nu-
We know, moreover, that such religious equivocations
so (Dionysos). Yet the hierarchy and articulation that define
between deities took place between cultural groups in the Ae-
the Greek divine family do not seem to characterize the My-
gean and the Near East: Akkadian Ishtar was likened to Uga-
cenaean gods. It is to be noted that Po-si-da-jo (Poseidon)
ritic Astarte and Sumerian Inanna; later on she was fused
played a preeminent role at Pylos, whereas A-ta-na (Athena)
with the Greek Aphrodite. The Egyptian Seth was likened
is attested only at Knossos. There are also gods unknown to
to Ugaritic Baal, both being young warrior gods. Anat and
the later Greek pantheon, such as Ma-ri-neu and Ma-ka
Baal, a famous couple in Ugaritic myth, resemble Isis and
(Palaima et al., 2001).
Osiris of Egypt. It is likely that the Minoan divine couple
had properties similar to its Egyptian and Near Eastern
The Mycenaean gods constituted a divine family, al-
counterparts. The religious translation of one god into an-
though relations between them were not necessarily the same
other in cultures of the Near East makes it a priori likely that
as those of later Greek religion. For example, one god, Di-ri-
the same happened between Minoan Crete and the mainland
mi-jo, is listed on a tablet from Pylos on the Greek mainland
Mycenaean religion. It is possible to go even further and sug-
as being the son of Zeus and Hera. This god dropped out
gest that the East Mediterranean was a melting pot of reli-
of the later Greek pantheon. But Di-wo-nu-so (Dionysos)
gious syncretism.
seems to have been a son of Zeus both in the Creto-
Mycenaean tablets (attested by a tablet found at Chania,
The following points may be established about the Mi-
Crete, KH. Gq 5) and in Greek times.
noan-Mycenaean pantheon. The prevalent idea that there
was a dominant mother goddess in Minoan Crete (figure 1)
The offerings listed were sent from the palace to the
must be revised. Both Minoan and Mycenaean religions had
sanctuaries. This proves that the religious organization was
important deities of both genders. Even the Mycenaeans,
interwoven with the palace administration. This is typical of
who are considered a typical patriarchal society, had female
theocracies. Offered were animals—cattle, sheep, and pigs—
deities that are referred to in the Linear B tablets as “mistress”
as well as objects of value.
(pot-ni-ja). This word undoubtedly represents a title (com-
One term has been variously interpreted: wa-na-ka. It
pare with the epithet “st lady” given to Anat or Ishtar in the
is undeniable that it constitutes the prototype of the word
Near East, the Akkadian “Belet-ili” given to the mother god-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AEGEAN RELIGIONS
43
dess in the Atramchasis epic, or the Ugaritic “ra-ba-tu” given
Hägg, Robin. “Ritual in Mycenaean Greece.” In Ansichten gr-
to the great goddess of the sun [Wyatt, 1998, 224]).
iechischer Rituale: Geburtstags-Symposium für Walter Burkert,
edited by Fritz Graf, pp. 99–113. Stuttgart, Germany, 1998.
The divine couple is attested iconographically in both
Minoan and Mycenaean art, and textually in the Linear B
Hägg, Robin. “Religious Processions in Mycenaean Greece.” In
tablets. It can be further established that the gods were con-
Contributions to the Archaeology and History of the Bronze and
Iron Ages in the Eastern Mediterranean, edited by Peter Fi-
ceived as members of a divine family. In a Linear B tablet
scher, pp. 143–147. Vienna, 2001.
from Pylos the triad Zeus, Hera, and Di-ri-mi-jo are attested
(Tn 316). At Chania, Di-wo-nu-so is associated with Zeus,
Hägg, Robin, and Nanno Marinatos, eds. Sanctuaries and Cults
in the Aegean Bronze Age. Stockholm, 1981.
who is presumably his father.
Hallager, Erik. The Master Impression: A Clay Sealing from the
The points above suggest that the Minoan and Myce-
Greek-Swedish Excavations at Kastelli, Khania. Göteborg,
naean pantheons were (1) similar (although not identical) to
Sweden, 1985.
one another and (2) similar to those of the Near East. It is
Jones, Donald W. Peak Sanctuaries and Sacred Caves in Minoan
tempting to postulate that myths that are common to the
Crete. Jonsered, Sweden, 1999.
Near East and Egypt may also have been shared by the Mino-
ans and Mycenaeans. There are many uncertainties about
Kaiser, Otto, ed. Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments
(TUAS). Gütersloh, Germany, 1993–1995.
Minoan and Mycenaean myths, but they obviously did exist
and they were more rich and complex than the Frazerian the-
Keel, Othmar, and C. Uehlinger. Göttinnen, Götter, und Gott-
ories of the dying god and the fertility goddess would
essymbole. Freiburg, Germany, 1992.
suggest.
Kilian, K. “Mycenaeans up to Date.” In Problems in Greek Prehis-
tory, edited by Elizabeth B. French and K. A. Wardle,
SEE ALSO Labyrinth.
pp. 115–152. Bristol, U.K., 1988.
Konsolaki, Eleni. “The Mycenaean Sanctuary on Methana.” Bul-
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For Plato (Philebus, 64e), the evaluation of poiesis re-
OLIVIER PELON (1987)
quires a sense of proper proportion of means and ends, of
NANNO MARINATOS (2005)
measure (summetrica). The concept of measure, or standard,
became central to his thought as he sought to identify the
standards of truth, justice, beauty, and goodness, which he
AESTHETICS
also called the Forms, or Ideas. The concept of measure sug-
This entry consists of the following articles:
gested the possibility of a Form of Forms, a prior source of
PHILOSOPHICAL AESTHETICS
reality and human beatitude, that could be termed “reli-
VISUAL AESTHETICS
gious” and was considered such by some successors.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AESTHETICS: PHILOSOPHICAL AESTHETICS
45
For Plato the highest form of art is that of the divine
Excellence or beauty in a work of art depends upon im-
maker (demiurgos) who composes the universe as an imita-
manent standards: perfection of form and felicity of method,
tion (mimesis) of ultimate and unchanging Forms. Practi-
which render a work both a satisfying whole in itself and
tioners of the fine arts, however, engage in imitations that
fruitful in its effects. A composition must exhibit symmetry,
are more complex and more problematic. In this poiesis,
harmony, and definiteness. Aristotle’s only surviving treat-
moral, psychological, and other factors color a more vivid
ment of aesthetic issues, the fragmentary Poetics, focuses on
rendering of reality through appearance. Plato therefore dis-
one form, tragic drama. Like Plato he saw literary and dra-
trusted artists’ claims to knowledge and was wary of the
matic poietik¯e as mimetic. Unlike Plato, however, he believed
moral and political effects of epic and drama. He advocated
that tragic drama may be a definitive means of knowing reali-
a form of censorship by philosopher-guardians of the state
ty through the presentation of philosophical truth and psy-
and distinguished between true imitation (eitastik¯e) and false
chological insight in character, plot, and action. Tragedy
semblance (phantastik¯e), or illusion.
arouses the emotions of fear and pity, but the well-made trag-
Plato also held that something in true art is not reduc-
edy effects both a therapeutic purgation of these from the
ible to know-how. The poet, it appears, is inspired, and his
soul of the spectator and a resolution in the drama itself that
achievement, insofar as it cannot be reduced to rules by the
is akin to ritual purification. Indeed it may be said that Aris-
normal, conscious intellect, appears to be a form of madness.
totle saw in the art of tragedy the natural development of reli-
The poet imitates the divine demiurgos (Plato, Phaedrus, 245;
gious media that seek to negotiate the ambiguities and para-
Ion, 523–525). Plato’s dialogue “Symposium” both describes
doxes of life, with their associated feelings of awe and guilt.
and exemplifies the ascent of the soul to the vision of the
For some who find traditional religious resolutions anachro-
Good through the allure of the Beautiful. The Beautiful is
nistic, irrelevant, or superficial, expressions of the tragic in
the chief propaedeutic to the Good, which is the Form of
art can serve important religious purposes, as the irrational
Forms, the end also of the religious quest.
or nonrational dimensions of life are represented and lived
through aesthetically.
Thus Plato includes concepts central to the relation of
aesthetics to religion. The conviction that aesthetic vision is
The Aristotelian insistence on the significance of the
also religious apprehension appears in Jewish wisdom litera-
material—the “of what” of anything that is to be explicated,
ture and in early Christian theology and is consonant with
what Aristotle himself called its “material cause”—is reflect-
some Hindu and Buddhist accounts of salvific knowledge.
ed in increased interest in material culture or subculture: the
Plato’s emphasis on the discernment of measure and fitting-
material objects and commodities prized in any culture or
ness is echoed in some forms of Confucian philosophy as
subculture. The seemingly spontaneous, natural, or transpar-
well. Poiesis is a metaphor for the relation of the divine to
ently motivated products of material culture can be decon-
the world in the cosmogonies of many religious traditions.
structed to reveal operations of power on behalf of dominant
In some Hindu speculation, all that is only penultimately
ideologies or constituencies (races, classes, genders, religions)
real is ma¯ya¯, or illusion, and is said to be the sport or play
or to express resistance to sublimated power. This approach
(l¯ıla¯) of the ultimately real (brahman). In many religions of
includes specific attention to aesthetic and religious elements
archaic societies, poetic or prophetic (shamanistic) inspira-
of culture. Thus even Aristotle’s “material cause” is subject
tion is a means to perception of the sacred, that which is
to a hermeneutic of suspicion in pursuit of truth that frees.
foundational to and constitutive of ordinary or profane space
A major representative of this critical approach was Michel
and time and which is articulated in accounts of events in
Foucault (1926–1984). Aristotle’s attention to the ritual na-
illo tempore.
ture and effect of tragic drama is reflected in increased inter-
Aristotle (384–322 BCE), like Plato, saw art as the capac-
est in “ritual studies” in the field of religious studies.
ity to “make,” to cause the coming into being of ends set by
Plotinus (205–270 CE), in The Enneads (1.6, 5.8, 6.7),
reason. The character of the envisioned end (telos) deter-
incorporates a Platonic vision of ascent into his understand-
mines the appropriate means for its realization. For Aristotle,
ing of contemplation as active and productive of a form of
however, the forms (patterns or essences of things) do not
knowledge. His Neoplatonism decisively influenced the for-
exist apart from the materials formed, except perhaps in the
mulation of Christian doctrine and shaped mystical expres-
case of those ultimate ends, or reasons why, that reason may
sion in Jewish, Christian, and Islamic traditions through the
contemplate. It is in the capacity for such contemplation, Ar-
Middle Ages. Elements of his metaphysics were subsequently
istotle says in Nichomachean Ethics, that human beings are
resurrected by Italian Renaissance humanists, by seven-
most godlike and, therefore, perhaps immortal. While some
teenth-century Platonists of the Cambridge school, and by
things in nature occur by reason of the material that consti-
nineteenth-century German Romantics.
tutes them—that is, by necessity—the primary causes of all
events are the ends to which they lead and for which they
For Latin Christianity, Augustine (354–430 CE) gave
appear to be designed. There is a sense therefore in which
the Neoplatonic tradition the form it would retain through
for Aristotle nature is best understood as imitating art. The
most of the Middle Ages. Augustine saw the arts not simply
source of all processes is an Unmoved Mover whose ultimacy
as an embellishment of explicitly religious materials but as
was taken by later theologians to be of religious significance.
a direct means of participation in the divine. Human art,
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46
AESTHETICS: PHILOSOPHICAL AESTHETICS
when guided by divine will, may reflect the art of the divine,
1804) was the first to develop a systematic theory of aesthet-
as in numerical proportion, rhythm, and harmony (Augus-
ics as an integral, if not foundational, part of a philosophical
tine, De musica; De ordine 11–16). In keeping with his exal-
system. Kant set himself the task of answering three ques-
tation of auditory art, he exemplified and fostered a charac-
tions: “What can I know?”; “What ought I to do?”; and “For
teristically Latin attention to rhetorical forms of expression.
what may I hope?” In Critique of Pure Reason (1781) he fo-
While Greek Christianity tended to prize visual representa-
cused on imagination, whose work he traced from basic intu-
tions and look to liturgical praxis for the development of
ition or awareness of bare sensation, localized in the forms
doctrine, Western theological reflection explored a multilevel
of space and time, to the reproduction of images schematized
textual hermeneutic in which metaphor, parable, and other
under “the categories of the understanding”: quantity, quali-
narrative forms are seen as vehicles of revelation. Augustine
ty, relation, and modality. These categories yield determinate
applied that tradition not only to Scripture, in On Christian
concepts, expressed in propositions, analytic and synthetic,
Doctrine (De doctrina Christiana; 3, 10.14, 15.23), but also,
in the context of the “transcendental unity of apperception”
in The Confessions, to the life of an individual seen as an oper-
or self-world consciousness. Such is all that the faculty of un-
ation of divine grace. John Cassian (c. 360–c. 435 CE) for-
derstanding can supply and all one can know in a sense war-
mulated a fourfold distinction between levels of scriptural
ranted by the regnant conception of science. Yet reason re-
meaning that became standard in the Middle Ages and influ-
quires the “transcendental ideas,” or “regulative ideals” not
enced the development of modern literary criticism.
only of self (or soul) and world but also of God as ground
of world and soul.
Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) also turned to Scripture
and Christian tradition for ultimate authority, relating them,
Turning from the data of nature to the datum of free-
however, to the newly recovered philosophical teachings of
dom, of persons as moral agents, the dictates of pure practical
Aristotle. Every being (ens), he said, is one (unum), true
reason (praxis) reveal a categorical imperative: never to make
(verum), and good (bonum), terms that apply to different be-
an exception of oneself to the demand of moral law; to treat
ings variously according to their natures. Religious language,
all persons as ends and never merely as means; to recognize
or talk of the divine being in terms of the finite, is possible
the moral dignity of persons as persons. In exploring the de-
by analogy, or proportion, as the created order displays the
mands of moral life in Critique of Practical Reason (1788),
character of its origin. Truth is the equation of thought and
Kant asks how disinterested moral virtue is to be related to
thing, and good is fulfillment of desire in the truly desirable
the quest for happiness, which is also a legitimate component
beauty. Contemplation of the good as beautiful renders
of the supreme good. A rational answer to this question, says
knowledge of the good, because in it the soul resonates with
Kant, demands the recognition of freedom in immortality.
the divine form. The beautiful is marked by integrity, pro-
A basic power assumed in the first two critiques, namely
portion, harmony, and clarity. Thomas’s doctrine of analogy
judgment, operates to subsume particulars in generals, parts
and his emphasis on the revelatory character of the created
in wholes, and so forth. Judgment is evidenced in acts, in-
order played major roles in subsequent theological develop-
cluding logical operations, and expressed in the propositions
ment and in Thomist and neo-Thomist accounts of the rela-
of theoretical reason and the moral determinations of practi-
tion of aesthetics to religion (cf. Thomas Aquinas, Summa
cal reason. In The Critique of Judgement (1790), however,
Theologiae, 1.13.5, 1.16.1, 1.5.4, 2.1.27.1).
Kant seeks to lay bare the general power of judgment as such.
ENLIGHTENMENT AND POST-ENLIGHTENMENT FORMULA-
Here its form is expressive of pure feeling, of pleasure or dis-
TIONS. Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century developments in
pleasure. The controlling aesthetic category, beauty, is expe-
“natural philosophy” undercut the authority not only of
rienced when the free play of imagination, articulated in aes-
Western religious traditions, identified as they were with a
thetic forms, results in a “delight in ordering” produced by
discredited cosmology, but also of Platonic idealism and Ar-
the creative artist and enjoyed by persons of aesthetic sensi-
istotelian scientific method. In the “enlightenment” that fol-
bility and informed taste. Feeling, however, is neither its
lowed, the sense-bound character of all experience became
cause nor its differentiating characteristic. Feeling merely sig-
problematic in a new way; definitions and criteria had to be
nals that aesthetic judgment is at work.
developed for subjective experiences that could not be quan-
Aesthetic judgment is characterized by four “moments”:
tified. Chief among these were experiences of the beautiful
and of the holy. The use of such terms as feeling and sensibili-
(1) In quality, the grounding experience is that of “disinter-
ty and attempts to articulate the variety of subject-object
ested interest.” The judging subject is fully engaged, but
transactions characterized this debate. The relation of feeling
the focus of engagement is neither the self nor the fasci-
or sensibility to the good and true was explored in terms of
nation of being engaged, but rather that whose worth
religious theory by some and in terms of aesthetic theory by
is not a function of the act of engagement.
others. Still others sought to bring both art and religion
under a comprehensive theory.
(2) In quantity, judgment of the beautiful is singular yet of
universal import. There is no class of which all beautiful
Although Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten (1714–1762)
objects are members; a specific work of art is judged to
coined the term aesthetics in 1750, Immanuel Kant (1724–
be beautiful. (Religious expressions of the unqualified
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AESTHETICS: PHILOSOPHICAL AESTHETICS
47
singularity of the divine display a similar resistance to
are least distinguishable. Coleridge’s theory of imagination
systematic formulation or classification.)
is central to his understanding of this basic apprehension.
Primary imagination, he says in Biographia Literaria (1817),
(3) In terms of relation, aesthetic judgment expresses “pur-
is the “living power and prime agent of all human percep-
posiveness without purpose” or “finality without use.”
tion, and a representation in the finite mind of the eternal
Parts are also wholes, and wholes are parts; means are
act of creation in the infinite I AM” (Coleridge, 1956,
also ends, and ends are means. This suggests analogies
p. 86). Secondary imagination differs from primary only in
with religious judgment concerning the integrity or
degree and mode of operation, but it is similarly creative,
wholeness of the holy.
seeking “to idealize and unify.” From this basic characteriza-
(4) In modality, aesthetic judgments are subjective and par-
tion spring Coleridge’s theories of poetry, symbol, and reli-
ticular, yet they are also necessary and universal. Here
gion. Religion, he says, “unites in its purposes the desiderata
the judgment bespeaks a universality and necessity that
of the speculative and practical being; its acts, including its
its logical form as analyzed in the first critique denies
events, are truths and objects of philosophical insight, and
to judgments of particulars. This “given” of aesthetic
vice versa the truths of which it consists are to be considered
judgment, Kant said, may suggest a sensus communis, a
the acts and manifestations of that Being who is at once
universal structure of intersubjectivity. Some theorists
Power and Truth” (p. 167).
of religion appear to designate a similar structure as the
G. W. F. Hegel (1770–1831) aspired to complete the
sensus numinous, a shared sense of the holy or sacred.
movement of modern philosophy toward a conception of re-
Kant also examined another category of aesthetic experience,
ality as Mind or Spirit. In his Philosophy of Fine Art (1807)
the sublime. While beauty is formal, limited, and related to
he treated art and religion as authentic expressions of Spirit,
discursive understanding, the sublime is experienced various-
whose concrete development, portrayed in his historical dia-
ly as the infinite or the overpowering. It arrests attention,
lectic, would finally be superseded in true philosophy. Art,
“performs an outrage on imagination,” and seems to draw
he said, is the sensuous appearance (Schein) of Idea, or the
us into a supraempirical or supernatural realm. For Kant, this
Real (Spirit). It seeks to give rich concreteness to unfolding
experience is not mystical intuition and affords no privileged
reality; in it, a concept shows itself for itself. Its earliest form,
access to what lies beyond the world of appearances. Some
Hegel thought, is the symbolic. In classical art, whose con-
successors, however, did associate the experience of sublimity
summate form is sculpture, the divine is expressed through
with the experience of the holy.
the perfection of the human form. Classical art, however, be-
trays its inadequacy for the expression of Spirit in the very
Friedrich Schelling (1775–1854), pursuing an aspect of
concreteness of its forms. In the Romantic arts of painting,
Kant’s thought as amended by J. G. Fichte (1762–1814),
music, and poetry, Spirit is exhibited in increasing purity; in
produced a philosophy of seminal influence on literary fig-
poetry, the art of sounded imaginative concepts, it achieves
ures such as Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772–1834) and
its most powerful artistic expression. This theme has been
theologians such as Paul Tillich (1886–1965). Schelling’s
elaborated by poet-critics like T. S. Eliot (1888–1965) and
philosophy of identity appropriated Kant’s notion of aesthet-
others. Religion, thought Hegel, is a historically parallel
ic purposiveness as that which makes scientific inquiry intel-
manifestation of the Real in that it vivifies the Real as God
ligible, but whereas this was only a regulative principle for
in myth, ritual, and theology. Indeed, the God of Romantic
Kant, it became for Schelling the objective determining prin-
art, he seems to suggest, is the God of Christianity. With full
ciple of reality. In System of Transcendental Idealism (1800)
disclosure of the way the Real as Spirit works in the dialectic
Schelling affirmed that “intellectual or rational intuition” re-
of history, the eclipse of art and religion in their historical
veals the ultimate identity of thought and being, real and
forms had, he thought, begun.
ideal. In art, he said, a fleeting glimpse of this harmony or
identity is made fully objective. Philosophy therefore should
So⁄ren Kierkegaard (1813–1855) reacted vigorously
ultimately pass over from reflection on art to become art it-
against Hegel’s views of the ultimate character of reality and
self. Even art, however, cannot fully express reality as under-
of the place of the aesthetic and religious in its perception.
stood in Schelling’s final “positive” philosophy and in his
Truth, he said, is not the objective working out of Idea, Rea-
philosophy of mythology and revelation. Positive philoso-
son, or Spirit; a logical system is possible, but there can be
phy, which asserts the primacy of will, is said to be verified
no logical system of personal life as it is actually lived, of exis-
in the actual history of religions, which points toward an “age
tence. Truth is a matter not of what but of how one thinks,
of the spirit” in which all is fulfilled. The function of art is
as displayed in the engaged conduct of a life. Truth is an exis-
thus replaced by the history of religions.
tential grasp of “essence” arrived at not by logical conclusion
but by life-committing choice.
For Coleridge, as for Schelling, philosophy begins in a
“realizing intuition,” an act of contemplation that is both
According to Kierkegaard, three major valuations of life
theoretical and practical, the coincidence of subject and ob-
are open to truth-seeking choice, or the quest for authentic
ject on which all knowledge rests and to which all knowledge
existence: the aesthetic, the ethical, and the religious. The
aspires. Here knowing, doing, and making, science and art,
grounding principle of the aesthetic, which may include all
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AESTHETICS: PHILOSOPHICAL AESTHETICS
forms of human making, is enjoyment. The aesthetic is basi-
cher and aspects of Kantian philosophy. Otto’s book calls at-
cally ahistorical because its fulfillments are only accidentally
tention to nonrational dimensions of the holy, which is
related to temporal and spatial situations. It involves less than
viewed as the distinctive religious category. Rational charac-
the whole person; its criterion is that of fittingness or defini-
terizations of the holy are expressed in conceptual superla-
tion. As life orientation, the aesthetic is ironic, because it ex-
tives (supreme being, supernatural) and other conceptual ab-
presses only the individual as he or she is, rather than posit-
solutes. A sense of its reality, however, must be evoked rather
ing a task for indefinite striving. Dependent for its
than rationally demonstrated, just as a sense of the aesthetic
satisfactions on the vagaries of fortune and taste, it leads, he
must be. The aesthetic realm thus provides for Otto the chief
said, to “the despair of not willing to be oneself.”
analogies for modes of apprehending the dimension of the
holy that he termed “the numinous,” the “mysterium tre-
In the ethical perspective, one experiences the dignity
mendum et fascinans.” This realm of mystery is both awe-
of the whole self and the equality of persons before the moral
somely overpowering and the source of that fascination that
law; the moral imperative does set a task for unending pur-
leads, through the history of religions, to beatitude. “Divina-
suit. Herein, however, lies the irony of the ethical: one can
tion” (Otto’s term for the discernment of the numinous),
always do more than is required by or consonant with moral
like aesthetic intuition, operates through the senses. The ex-
law, or one experiences the impossibility of complete obedi-
pressions of such discernments, like those of aesthetic intu-
ence to moral law as guilt, leading to “the despair of willing
ition, may be nonconceptual or idiosyncratically conceptual
to be oneself despairingly.”
(“ideograms”); they may issue directly in sound, light, dark-
It is within the religious perspective, Kierkegaard
ness, or holy silence or be conveyed indirectly through music,
thought, that authenticity is to be experienced. Christian
poetry, or other art forms. The closest analogue to that which
faith, in particular, entails the most inward and passionate—
is so expressed, said Otto, is the sublime as described by
and therefore the most complete—engagement of the self,
Kant, though without Kant’s critical restrictions.
because it is committed to an absurdity: that the infinite be-
Gerardus van der Leeuw (1890–1950), whose Religion
came finite, that God became a historical person. This com-
in Essence and Manifestation (1933) influenced many theo-
mitment, which is also openness to divine forgiveness and
rists of religion, describes the phenomenological stance in
grace, restores the individual to the realm of authentic fini-
terms strikingly similar to those employed by some in de-
tude. For Kierkegaard, the aesthetic, like the ethical, is not
scribing the aesthetic attitude. Phenomenology of religion,
abandoned or denied in the religious attitude; it is fully af-
he asserts, is not philosophy of religion, insofar as it brackets
firmed and enjoyed, but in its proper place and not as a way
questions of religion’s relation to reality and truth. It is not
of salvation. Other modern existentialists have found some-
poetry of religion, because it seeks to understand what is ex-
thing approaching religious significance in various aesthetic
pressed through its poetry. The phenomenologist of religion,
forms, even though for many the authenticity proclaimed
rather, seeks “lovingly to gaze” on that which is to be under-
therein is that of the tragic vision or of unredeemed and un-
stood and, through understanding, cherished. Schleierma-
redeeming absurdity.
cher had said that the historical forms of religion are to reli-
AESTHETIC AND RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE. Friedrich Schleier-
gion as the various forms of music are to music. Leeuw
macher (1768–1834) turned to the life of affections or feel-
sought to comprehend the temporal and cultural diversity of
ing to identify and celebrate the religious in his On Religion:
religious expressions through the exercise of “surrendering
Speeches to Its Cultured Despisers (1893). A brilliant preacher,
love,” a sympathetic mode of cognition “linking old and
hermeneut, translator of Plato, and teacher, Schleiermacher
new.”
was identified with the circle of German Romantic artists
whose attention to the affective dominated their work. Reli-
Mircea Eliade (1907–1986) frequently described his
gion, he affirmed, is not primarily a matter of beliefs or of
monumental work as history or science of religion, but the
divine undergirding of moral law; it is rooted in a distinctive
stance he commends is in part that of the phenomenologist.
feeling, which he variously designated “the feeling of abso-
However, it is not simply a matter of “gazing at” or resonat-
lute dependence,” “the sense of the Whole,” or in his later
ing with apparently alien religious forms. Homo religiosus is
work, The Christian Faith (1821–1822), the sense and taste
universal. Understanding the diversity of experience of the
for the Infinite (Schleiermacher, 1928, p. 55). Religious ap-
sacred requires trained sensitivity to the forms and functions
prehension is akin, he said, to the experience of the sublime
of the sacred, many of which are explicitly aesthetic in char-
as described by Kant. While for Kant, however, the experi-
acter. Whether there is or could be in modernity a complete
ence of the sublime bespeaks finally the dignity of man, for
loss of the sense of the sacred is for him problematic; if such
Schleiermacher it is a key to the experience of God. In the
a loss did occur, it would be comparable to, though more
figure of Jesus as the Christ, he said, one sees exemplary God
fundamental than, the loss of aesthetic sensitivity or orienta-
consciousness or complete transparency to the divine.
tion in relation to works of art.
Rudolf Otto (1869–1937), whose Idea of the Holy
Some modern philosophers, eschewing traditional for-
(1917) decisively influenced developments in the theory of
mulations of religious faith, have found an analogue in the
religion, was himself strongly influenced by both Schleierma-
aesthetic. George Santayana (1863–1952), poet, essayist, and
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AESTHETICS: PHILOSOPHICAL AESTHETICS
49
novelist as well as professional philosopher, keyed his under-
envisagement of ideals and religious commitment to their re-
standing of verifiable knowledge to a conception of science
alizations. Indeed, Dewey argues, one may use the term God
that, he believed, portrayed the world as an insensate, me-
to express the active relation of ideal to actual. The sense of
chanical arrangement of atoms, one existing prior to human
belonging to a whole, he says in Art as Experience (1934), is
consciousness and destined to continue after human con-
“the explanation of that feeling of exquisite intelligibility and
sciousness has disappeared. Spirit is unable to rearrange the
clarity which we have in the presence of an object experi-
forces of nature basically or permanently, or to eliminate the
enced with esthetic intensity . . . it explains the religious
exigencies of life. From within the perspective of spirit, how-
feeling that accompanies intense esthetic perception. We are,
ever, persons may perceive these exigencies as necessities of
as it were, introduced into a world beyond this world which
existence and experience a transmutation of them “under the
is nevertheless the deeper reality of the world in which we
aspect of eternity.” The gifts of the spirit entail more, howev-
live in ordinary experience. We are carried beyond ourselves
er, than the passive acquiescence in fortune. Imagination
to find ourselves” (Dewey, 1934, p. 195).
may envision and affirm ideal values that become goals of
highest human aspiration and sources of endless delight,
Between 1910 and 1913, Bertrand Russell (1872–1970)
even though (or perhaps because) they are never fully incar-
and Alfred North Whitehead (1861–1947) published their
nate in the realm of existence. Chief among these is beauty,
magisterial Principia Mathematica, foundational for later
which exemplifies the ideal harmony that is the good. A life
work in the logical structure of mathematics and symbolic
conducted in the presence of these ideals is eternal because
logic. Both thinkers went on to engage in philosophical in-
the ideals that thus constitute its essence are eternal. They
quiry and theory in a wide range of human concerns. White-
are not everlasting; they are timeless. Partially embodied in
head eventually sought to articulate a metaphysical-
aesthetic experience and vivified in the religious life, they
cosmological view authentic “for our cosmic era.” In the pro-
provide for human beings another world in which to live,
cess he created a special vocabulary needed for the exposition
one that celebrates the distinctively human dimension of the
of his thought. The basic ingredients of reality he called “ac-
real. Religion is poetry that guides life.
tual occasions,” “actual entities,” “events,” or “droplets of ex-
perience,” emphasizing ongoing relatedness in the process of
John Dewey (1859–1952) held a quite different under-
reality. In reality, each occasion incorporates a funding from
standing of scientific inquiry and its implications for life and
the past and an “ingression” from the future. Novelty is a fea-
society. Patterns of inquiry, beginning in doubt or problem
ture of all actual occasions, and freedom is a category. There
and moving through experiment to resolution, are not limit-
are three formative elements in the process that is reality:
ed to cognitively problematic situations in which we “do not
Creativity, God, and Eternal Objects. Creativity is a “given,”
know what to think.” They are also exhibited in morally
and it does not presuppose a Creator. Eternal Objects consti-
problematic situations, in which we “do not know what to
tute the timeless realm of infinite possibility. “God,” in
do.” The latter may be resolved through careful discrimina-
Whitehead’s term, in God’s Primordial Nature timelessly en-
tion between the temporal ends of courses of action and the
visions these Eternal Objects (cf. Santayana). Some logical
ends as goals of moral aspiration; that is, between the desired
possibilities are also ontological potentialities. God in God’s
and the desirable. We are justified, Dewey thought, in choos-
Consequent Nature is involved in the actualization of these
ing those ends that enlarge the range of possible fulfillments.
potentialities. God provides both “lure” and companionship.
The aesthetic in experience is that which makes any ex-
Whitehead entitled his major work on religion, Religion
perience an experience. In experience as aesthetic, exempli-
in the Making (1926). Religions celebrate in various ways the
fied in those experiential achievements called works of art,
mystery, awesomeness, and splendor of existence and its con-
the continuities of form and matter and of creative initiation
tinuous coming to be or realization of actual occasions in the
and aesthetic consummation are presented directly. Experi-
society of all other actual occasions in the cosmos. White-
ence as aesthetic is consummatory and a good in itself. In the
head’s frequently quoted statement that “religion is what an
creation and enjoyment of a work of art, one gains new per-
individual does with his own solitariness” (Whitehead, 1926,
spectives on and energy for the pursuit of all other forms of
p. 16) is sometimes construed to express an existentialist in-
experience. The sense of communion generated by a work
dividualism. Actually, it is his way of saying that all individu-
of art, says Dewey, may take on a definitely religious quality
als are individualizations of a reality that is inherently social,
in what one interpreter has called “the religion of shared ex-
and religion itself is always “in the making.” See below for
perience.” In aesthetic experience thus understood, nature
why Whitehead thought the future of world faiths may lie
achieves its human culmination.
between Christianity and Buddhism.
Dewey also understood the religious in experience in
Whitehead never wrote a book on aesthetics as such.
terms of adapting nature to human ends and accommodat-
Perhaps he felt that he was writing about aesthetics in nearly
ing human life to those aspects of it that cannot be changed.
everything he wrote. In his description of aesthetic experi-
In A Common Faith (1934) he describes the religious in expe-
ence he emphasized the transactional-transformative charac-
rience as expressing the deepest and most pervasive of accom-
ter and transfigurational effect of the experience. Beauty is
modations: faith as basic confidence, which may sustain the
the harmonious mutual adaptation of all of the elements of
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AESTHETICS: PHILOSOPHICAL AESTHETICS
aesthetic experience, and beauty is the one self-justifying
until these were incorporated in influential Western systems.
aim.
This does not mean, however, that profound reflection on
Martin Heidegger (1889–1976), like Whitehead,
aspects of aesthetic theory in relation to religious experience
stressed the primacy of temporality in reality. (His basic work
is not present in many classical Eastern texts. Ananda Coo-
is titled Being and Time [1927].) But for him it is simply the
maraswamy (1877–1947), a pioneer in introducing Eastern
“being-ness” of being that is foundational. He sought to re-
art and aesthetics to Western communities, incorporated
cover for philosophy that primordial sense of being that, he
many of these reflections in an original and influential theory
believed, characterized early Greek philosophy and had
that he described, in Christian and Oriental Philosophy of Art
been lost in Western philosophy by the attempt to dom-
(1956), as a “doctrine of art intrinsic to the Philosophia Per-
inate Being through the strategies of scientific inquiry and
ennis.” Its major themes, he thought, are expressed in Aristo-
various patterns of technological cultural and institutional
telian, Neoplatonic, and other philosophies foundational to
engagement.
medieval Christian thought and culture and also in Indian,
Buddhist, and Confucian classics. Central to his analysis is
Like Whitehead, he found that the articulation of his
the view that all true art is iconographic; authentic art forms
philosophy required a distinctive vocabulary. In the “tem-
and objects are to be understood as media for embodying
poralizing” of Being, Being “comes-to-light.” Dasein is
and transmitting “ideas” or spiritual meanings. Authentic ex-
“there-being,” which can question itself about its own being.
perience of a work of art requires appropriate preparation of
It is human being. But Dasein is also transparent to various
both artist and experiencer for the work and its appreciation,
modes of unconcealments, in subjectifying and objectifying
and it results in a transformation of the percipient. The su-
procedures. There are three “equiprimordial” elements in
preme achievement of individual consciousness is to lose (or
this unfolding. The first is Befindlichkeit—“feeling” or
find) itself in what is both its beginning and its end. The
“moodness.” The second is understanding—standing under
transformation of the artifact also effects the transformation
or within that which comes to light. All understanding is in-
of the artist and the percipient. The object-subject of appre-
terpretation. There is no bare uninterpreted engagement
hension is an imaged idea that moves the will and attracts
with Being. The third ingredient in Being’s coming to light
the intellect of the artist; the idea is the source of the forma-
is discursive reasoning. Dasein is both being in the world—
tion expressed in and through the work of art. Universal
being in the “worldhood” of things—and being with others.
themes and motifs or archetypes, he thought, are expressed
The “thinghood” of things is first of all the thinghood of
in varying ways in great art, whether literary, plastic, or per-
equipment—things at hand for use. Through abstraction,
formed.
use relations may become theoretical relations. Being with
others entails affirming and celebrating the otherness of oth-
Coomaraswamy’s articulation of the transactional na-
ers in their unique integrity. The ultimate future of all au-
ture of religious apprehension through aesthetic experience
thentic beings as Dasein is death. Authentic living unto death
foreshadows later interest in general “response theory.” A
courageously affirms death as finis and also death as telos—
useful and suggestive work in this area, drawing on neuropsy-
one affirms one’s completion of being in finitude. In authen-
chological and general theories of perception, is Michael Ste-
tic living, thinking is thanking.
phan’s A Transformational Theory of Aesthetics (1990). Ste-
What mode of being is a work of art? It is at one level
phan focuses on visual experience. He summarizes
a thing as equipment. Conservation is an essential element
neuropsychological-evolutionary data on the sites of sensory
of its being. But a work of art may also portray that form
information in lobes and modules of the brain and their
of being which is “thing” being. A work of art is also a kind
paths of intercommunication, and he emphasizes the princi-
of working—an artistic “creation.” The work of the artist in
pal sites of visual experience in nondiscursive areas. Icons as
all media is poiein—poetizing in a sense epitomized in Greek
unalloyed or uninterpreted visual experience are sui generis.
sensibility. In poetry Being comes to light most clearly, or
Foundational experience, however, includes affective import
as Heidegger would later say, is most clearly “heard.” Does
that gives rise to emotional response (cf. Heidegger’s Befin-
poiein, whether in linguistic or other form, have religious sig-
dlichkeit or moodness). Psychological “item response” theo-
nificance?
ries are discussed by Wim van der Linden and Ronald K.
Hambleton in Handbook of Modern Item Response Theory
If religion celebrates a sense of transcendence, there is
(1997). A principal advocate of “reader response” theory in
a sense in which others transcend self and Being transcends
literary criticism is Stanley Fish, author of Surprised by Sin:
all beings. But Being is not a being among beings, or tran-
The Reader in Paradise Lost (1998) and Is There a Text in This
scendent “Being-itself,” or a degree of being—“Higher,”
“Supreme,” or otherwise. For much of his career Heidegger
Class? (1980).
seemed to emphasize the Mystery of Being. Later he has
The ultimately Real is designated brahman in major
seemed to emphasize the mystery of Being. Many contempo-
schools of Hindu philosophy. Brahman is transspatial and
rary theologians seem to concur in this move.
transtemporal. The penultimately real is ma¯ya¯, frequently de-
EASTERN VIEWS. Eastern philosophers did not attend to the
fined as illusion, but it is as real as the realm of space and
systematic development of comprehensive aesthetic theories
time. The ultimate reality in that world is brahman as a¯tman,
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AESTHETICS: PHILOSOPHICAL AESTHETICS
51
usually defined as soul or self. The goal of human souls is
or “no ownership.” Another was the role of karma in attain-
moks:a or deliverance from the realm of ma¯ya¯ through realiza-
ing the ultimate goal of beatitude: nirva¯n:a.
tion of (making real) the identity of a¯tman and brahman.
As the Way spread, other concepts became important.
The world of ma¯ya¯ is governed by karma, the law of cause
One is that of the bodhisattva, one who has generated enough
and effect that regulates both physical and nonphysical
good karma to enter nirva¯n:a but will not do so before he or
reality.
she can be a means for all others to attain the goal. Much
In traditional Hindu culture the path to moksha leads,
of Buddhist devotional, meditational, and aesthetic practice
for souls that have been in human form for at least one life-
focuses on one of these or on enlightened masters who share
time, through four stages: studenthood, householderhood,
their teachings with disciples through various forms of disci-
forest-dweller (retreat to a life of meditation), and sam:nya¯sa,
pline.
(living in the world as one not of the world). In the house-
Major forms of such schools or sects developed in Tibet,
holder stage one should be guided by dharma (religious
China, Korea, and Japan. They range from manifestations
duty), artha (worldly welfare), and ka¯ma (sensory pleasure).
of faith to receive the grace of a bodhisattva to disciplined
The Ka¯ma-Su¯tra is the Hindu classic of forms of sexual plea-
study and practice under the guidance of a master that can
sure. Ka¯ma is an essential ingredient in the four-stage path
lead to satori or salvific enlightenment. The Chan school of
to moksha.
China, source of the Zen school of Japan, is of the latter type.
The ideal measure of ka¯ma is rasa, usually translated as
Zen practice has strongly influenced many of the arts in
“Beauty.” But rasa is an elusive concept. There are at least
China and Japan. This includes that freedom and spontane-
thirty definitions in standard Sanskrit dictionaries. It is a spe-
ity that follows release from the hegemony of “normal” con-
cific blend of specified feelings and emotions, with various
sciousness through ko¯ans whose verbal form opens the way
rasas assigned to various art forms. As in other theories dis-
to supradiscursive insight. The pursuit of such insight may
cussed above, the experience of rasa incorporates all of the
focus on complete concentration on the ingredients of a vo-
elements of aesthetic experience in a manner that is transac-
cational activity, like that of the warrior or athlete. Or em-
tional, transforming, and transfigural. May it also be a form
phasis may be on the highly ritualized restraint that should
of religious experience? The acme of experience as rasa is san-
characterize the work of the actor or other artist. The “spirit
tarasa. Santarasa, writes Eliot Deutsch, “is just that transcen-
of Zen” may be made manifest in many forms.
dental realization that is joy-ful and peaceful. It is grounded
In China, Buddhism encountered the indigenous Con-
in the Self and is realized as a kind of self-liberation”
fucian tradition, which espoused the goal of harmony be-
(Deutsch, 1975, p. 19). And ultimately “santa is silence
tween “Heaven,” humans, and earth, expressed aesthetically
. . . . The art-work in the fullness of its experience as san-
in poetry and landscape painting. The Daoist tradition em-
tarasa points to Reality and participates in it. In pure spiritu-
phasized spontaneity and paradox expressed in these media.
al experience there is only the Real. To the enlightened—but
only to the enlightened—all experience is santarasa”
In Japan, Buddhism was related in a variety of ways to
(Deutsch, 1975, p. 19).
Shinto¯, the indigenous religion of the islands, which in itself
exhibits many aesthetic elements in its practices. Donald
Whitehead said that “Buddhism is the most colossal ex-
Keene has noted several terms in shared Japanese aesthetic
ample in history of applied metaphysics . . . a metaphysics
vocabulary. Aware expresses a sense of wonder at the “give-
generating a religion,” in contrast with Christianity, which
ness” of things. It also means, he says, “a gentle sorrow, ad-
is “a religion seeking a metaphysic” (Whitehead, 1926,
ding not so much a meaning as a perfume to a sentence. It
p. 50). The metaphysics of Buddhism shares many affinities
bespoke the sensitive poet’s awareness of a sight or sound,
with the metaphysics of Whitehead. Siddha¯rtha Gautama (c.
of its beauty and its perishability” (Keene, 1958, p. 72). Mi-
563–483 BCE), known as “S´a¯kyamuni”—“sage of the S´a¯kya
yabi “was applied to the quiet pleasures which could be sa-
clan,”—inherited many of the basic Hindu beliefs of his cul-
vored by (those) whose tastes had been educated to them—a
ture, which were retained as basic in Buddhism. When, as
spray of plum blossoms, the elusive perfume of a rare wood,
a scion of a noble family, he experienced major confronta-
the delicate blending of colors in a robe” (Keene, 1958,
tions with the facts of old age, disease, and death, he moved
pp. 174–175). Yugen, says Keene, “was a word used to de-
on to the stage of withdrawal for intense meditation on a
scribe the profound, the remote, the mysterious” (Keene,
Way that would transcend these features of life in ma¯ya¯. He
1958, pp. 174–175). Sabi suggested not only “the old, but
found that Way in an experience of enlightenment that made
the taking of pleasure in that which was old” (Keene, 1958,
him the exemplary Buddha—Enlightened One—and that
p. 278). It is most profoundly felt in the tea ceremony and
he shared with others, who became carriers of the Buddhist
the tea hut. It is a quality, says Keene, that is captured in
enlightenment, first to Southeast Asia, then to Central and
many brief and allusive poems called haiku. Again attention
East Asia, and eventually to other continents. In the process
is drawn to the impermanence of things. This is not be-
several themes were constant. One was the transitoriness of
moaned. As in the Buddhist Way, it is noted simply as “the
life. Another was the transitoriness of all of those elements
way things are.” This sense is further expressed in ukiyo, the
that constitute a human self, leading to a doctrine of “no self”
“floating world” of wood-block prints and of the transient
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
52
AESTHETICS: PHILOSOPHICAL AESTHETICS
passions. Some followers of many religious traditions are ask-
Hegel, G. W. F. The Philosophy of Fine Art. 4 vols. Translated by
ing anew what is “floating” and what is permanent or endur-
Francis Plumptre Beresford Osmaston. London, 1920. Sets
ing in the realms of aesthetics and religion within the mul-
forth Hegel’s views of the relation of art to religion in his un-
ticultural world of globalization.
derstanding of the dialectic of Spirit.
Heidegger, Martin. Being and Time. Translated by John Macquar-
SEE ALSO Aristotle; Art and Religion; Beauty; Biblical Exe-
rie and Edward Robinson Jr. New York, 1962.
gesis, article on Christian Views; Icons; Images; Literature,
Heidegger, Martin. On the Way to Language. Translated by Peter
article on Literature and Religion; Plato; Platonism;
D. Hertz. New York, 1971.
Plotinus.
Heidegger, Martin. Poetry, Language, Thought. Translated by Al-
bert Hofstadter. New York, 1971.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aristotle. Works. Translated and edited by William D. Ross. Ox-
Kant, Immanuel. Critique of Pure Reason. Translated by Norman
ford, 1910–1937. The classic translation of the relevant Aris-
Kemp Smith. New York, 1929. Presents Kant’s view of theo-
totelian materials. See especially Nichomachean Ethics and
retical knowledge.
Poetics.
Kant, Immanuel. Critique of Practical Reason and Other Writings
Augustine. De doctrina Christiana. Translated by Thérèse Sulli-
in Moral Philosophy. Translated and edited by Lewis White
van. Washington, D.C., 1930.
Beck. Chicago, 1949. Discusses the nature and implications
of moral judgment.
Augustine. Divine Providence and the Problem of Evil. Translated
and edited by Robert P. Russell. New York, 1942. Transla-
Kant, Immanuel. The Critique of Judgement. Translated by James
tion of De ordine.
Creed Meredith. Oxford, 1964. Shows how the nature of
judgment as such is exemplified in aesthetic judgment; also
Augustine. De musica, a Synopsis. Translated by W. F. Jackson
contains Kant’s treatment of the sublime.
Knight. London, 1949.
Keene, Donald. “The Vocabulary of Japanese Aesthetics I.” In
Augustine. Later Works. Edited by John Burnaby. Library of
Sources of Japanese Tradition, edited by William Theodore de
Christian Classics, vol. 8. Philadelphia, 1955. Includes De
Bary, vol. 1. New York, 1958.
Trinitate. This and the three preceding works embody the
principal themes in Augustine’s treatment of the aesthetic in
Kierkegaard, So⁄ren. A Kierkegaard Anthology. Edited by Robert
relation to beatitude.
Bretall. New York, 1959. Contains the substance of those
Bernabeo, Paul. “With Blended Might: An Investigation into
works of Kierkegaard that set forth his understanding of the
Schleiermacher’s Aesthetics and the Family Resemblance be-
relation of the aesthetic to the ethical and religious. See espe-
tween Religion and Art.” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University,
cially “Stages on Life’s Way,” “Either/Or,” “Fear and Trem-
1981. The significance of Schleiermacher’s aesthetic theory
bling,” and “Concluding Unscientific Postscript.”
for his theology.
Leeuw, Gerardus van der. Phänomenologie der Religion. Tübingen,
Brown, Robert F. The Later Philosophy of Schelling. Lewisburg,
Germany, 1933. Translated by J. E. Turner as Religion in Es-
Pa., 1977.
sence and Manifestation (London, 1938; 2d ed., New York,
1963). Portrays a phenomenological approach to under-
Coleridge, Samuel Taylor. Biographia Literaria. Edited by George
standing religion that exhibits many similarities to aesthetic
Watson. London, 1956. Contains Coleridge’s statements of
attitudes.
the relation of imagination to religious and aesthetic insight.
Martin, James Alfred, Jr. Beauty and Holiness. Princeton, N.J.,
Coomaraswamy, Ananda K. The Transformation of Nature in Art.
1990. Includes extended discussions of several topics dis-
Cambridge, Mass., 1934; reprint New York, 1956.
cussed in this article.
Coomaraswamy, Ananda K. Christian and Oriental Philosophy of
Niebuhr, Richard R. Schleiermacher on Christ and Religion. New
Art. New York, 1956.
York, 1964. Schleiermacher’s aesthetic theory’s significance
Coomaraswamy, Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, vol. 1, Selected Pa-
for his theology.
pers. Edited by Roger Lipsey. Princeton, N.J. 1977. These
Coomaraswamy works are thoughtful analyses of aspects of
Otto, Rudolf. Das Heilige, 9th ed. Breslau, Poland, 1922. Trans-
Asian art in relation to classical Western philosophy and the-
lated by John W. Harvey as The Idea of the Holy (London
ology.
and New York, 1923; 2d ed., London and New York, 1950).
An influential theory of religion that draws heavily on analo-
Deutsch, Eliot. Studies in Comparative Aesthetics. Honolulu, 1975.
gies from aesthetics.
Dewey, John. Art as Experience. New York, 1934.
Plato. Dialogues of Plato. Translated by Benjamin Jowett. Oxford,
Dewey, John. A Common Faith. New Haven, Conn., 1934. These
1871. The classic translation of the dialogues, which set forth
two Dewey works offer a naturalistic and humanistic under-
Plato’s understanding of the role of the aesthetic in philo-
standing of the relation of the aesthetic to the religious in ex-
sophical and religious truth. See especially Philebus, Phae-
perience.
drus, Ion, and Symposium.
Fish, Stanley. Is There a Text in This Class? Cambridge, Mass.,
Plotinus. The Enneads. Translated by Stephen MacKenna and re-
1980.
vised by B. S. Page. New York, 1957. Contains the Neopla-
Fish, Stanley. Surprised by Sin: The Reader in Paradise Lost. Cam-
tonic formulation most influential in subsequent Jewish,
bridge, Mass., 1998.
Christian, and Muslim thought.
Foucault, Michel. The Archaeology of Knowledge. Translated by
Santayana, George. Interpretations of Poetry and Religion. New
A. M. Sheridan Smith. London, 1972.
York, 1911.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AESTHETICS: VISUAL AESTHETICS
53
Santayana, George. “Reason in Art.” In The Philosophy of Santaya-
characteristics are supplemented by all kinds of knowledge,
na, edited by Irwin Edman. New York, 1942.
but since such knowledge conveys only indirect information,
Santayana, George. “Reason in Religion.” In The Philosophy of
it is less immediately effective. Images act primarily not by
Santayana, edited by Irwin Edman. New York, 1942. These
what one knows but by what strikes the eyes. They speak
works contain major statements of Santayana’s humanistic
through the properties of shape, color, space, and sometimes
and naturalistic position on art and religion.
motion. These properties are the carriers of visual dynamics,
Saxena, Sushil Kumar. Aesthetical Essays: Studies in Aesthetic Theo-
directed forces whose configurations act as symbolical equiv-
ry, Hindustani Music, and Kathak Dance. Delhi, 1981. De-
alents of the dynamics that determine one’s own mental and
scribes the emergence of aesthetics in Indian thought and its
physical existence. The expressiveness of pure form enables
relation to philosophical and religious issues.
nonrepresentational art such as architecture and “abstract”
Schelling, Friedrich. The Ages of the World. Translated by Freder-
painting or sculpture to make effective statements about
ick de Wolfe Bolman Jr. New York, 1942.
human experience.
Schelling, Friedrich. System of Transcendental Idealism. Translated
RELIGIOUS ART AND REALITY. When put at the service of
by Peter Heath. Charlottesville, Va., 1978.
religion, art favors embodiment; that is, it favors objects of
Schleiermacher, Friedrich. On Religion: Speeches to Its Cultured
worship taking the shapes of physical existence, such as
Despisers. Translated by John Oman. London, 1893; abr. ed.,
human figures, animals and trees, buildings and mountains,
New York, 1955.
water and light. Not all visual images meet the conditions
Schleiermacher, Friedrich. The Christian Faith. Edited by H. R.
of art, but for reasons to be discussed later it is all but essen-
Mackintosh and J. S. Stewart. Edinburgh, 1928; reprint
tial for religious purposes that they do so. Some of the condi-
New York, 1963. These two works portray Schleiermacher’s
tions to which works of art are subject may create difficulties
aesthetic theory.
for their application toward religious ends. One such condi-
Stephan, Michael. A Transformational Theory of Aesthetics. Lon-
tion is that images, to be effective, must adhere to what may
don and New York, 1990.
be called a unitary reality status: they must share a common
“Theorists and Critics: Michel Foucault.” Available from http://
universe of discourse, whether physical or metaphysical. As
www.popcultures.com/theorists/foucault.html. A compre-
long as superhuman powers are represented as differing from
hensive survey of primary and secondary works, including
terrestrial life only by degree, there is no problem. The Ho-
digitally authored resources.
meric gods, for example, are stronger and more beautiful
Thomas Aquinas. Basic Writings of Saint Thomas Aquinas. 2 vols.
than mortals and are exempt from the laws of nature, but
Edited by Anton C. Pegis. New York, 1945. Contains the
otherwise interact with mortals at the same level. Therefore
major statements of Thomas on aesthetic themes in relation
to theology. See especially Summa Theologiae, 1.13.5, 1.16.1,
the nature and activity of these gods pose no difficulties for
1.5.4, 2.1.27.1.
the painter. The same is true for biblical subjects. Regardless
of how artist and viewer conceive the ontological status of
van der Linden, Wim J., and Ronald K. Hambleton, eds. Hand-
book of Modern Item Response Theory. New York, 1997.
God, Michelangelo’s frescoes in the Sistine Chapel can show
the creator only as a human figure, albeit one endowed with
Whitehead, Alfred North. Religion in the Making. New York,
1926.
superhuman powers.
Whitehead, Alfred North. Process and Reality. New York, 1929.
Even invisibility is no obstacle to the painter as long as
Whitehead, Alfred North. Alfred North Whitehead: A Primary-
it is represented as a phenomenon of the visible world; but
Secondary Bibliography. Edited by Barry A. Woodbridge.
if a supernatural power were to be shown as beyond the
Bowling Green, Ky., 1977.
sphere of visibility, namely as purely spiritual, the painter
J
could solve the task only by shifting the entire theme to the
AMES ALFRED MARTIN, JR. (1987 AND 2005)
spiritual realm, the qualities of which would be represented
symbolically. If, for example, the Pentecostal outpouring of
the Holy Spirit were depicted in the manner of the Italian
AESTHETICS: VISUAL AESTHETICS
futurists by stylized flames descending on a group of dark ab-
An article on the application of visual aesthetics to religion
stract shapes, this visually coherent image could work very
might be expected to concentrate on paintings and sculpture
well as a symbolical representation of an entirely spiritual
with religious subject matter as well as on architecture de-
event. A painter would be unable, however, to show the in-
signed for religious functions. Such an article, however,
teraction of a spiritual, immaterial power with a material
would duplicate a monograph on sacred art. The following
event. Marc Chagall’s Bible illustrations may be cited as an
discussion undertakes in a more general way to describe some
example of this limitation. Meyer Schapiro observes in his
basic perceptual and cognitive aspects of visual imagery and
Modern Art: Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (New York,
to examine their effects on religious art. Particularly relevant
1978): “Chagall feels awe before the divinity. How can he
to this discussion are forms of art and kinds of religion not
render God, who has forbidden all images? He has given the
bound to traditional legendary subject matter.
answer in [one of his illustrations] the Creation of Man.
Visual imagery defines the things and events of the
God’s name is inscribed here in Hebrew letters in a luminous
world by their perceptual appearance. To be sure, perceptual
circle in the dark sky” (p. 130). Here the qualitative differ-
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54
AESTHETICS: VISUAL AESTHETICS
ence between the immaterial and the material would seem
prevails regardless of how much or little an artist knows
to be indicated by the insertion of a diagrammatic sign,
about the actual appearance of his or her subject. Religious
which can be understood intellectually but does not express
images can be intended as such portraits or chronicles, that
visually the nature of the divine. This inherent break in aes-
is, as representations at the same level of truthfulness as his-
thetic expression is circumvented in certain images created
torical documentation or scientific illustration; but there is
in medieval Europe and the Far East, where heaven, earth,
no telling by mere inspection in which cases this is in fact
and underworld are represented as separate entities within a
the artist’s attitude. Certainly it would be a mistake to as-
continuous picture. Interaction is sacrificed, but the visual
sume that in religious imagery the more realistic representa-
concreteness of each realm is safeguarded.
tions are necessarily the more “literally” intended ones or
that, vice versa, the more stylized and abstract images are
One can make a similar point by stating that visual im-
meant to be more remote from actual fact. An artist of the
agery does not readily accommodate a worldview that suffers
high Renaissance, for instance, may have depicted the repen-
from the modern scission between what is considered accept-
tant Mary Magdalene very realistically for the purpose of sen-
ed knowledge, especially scientific knowledge, and what is
suous enjoyment, caring very little about the truth of the
merely believed on the basis of what was held to be true in
story the work was telling; whereas certain more abstract
the past. In a work of art, everything is equally true, and all
styles, which today look remote from nature, may have
truth is known by one and the same means of visual evi-
seemed quite lifelike to their originators and may have been
dence. The angel of the Annunciation is as real as the Virgin,
inspired by a deep belief in the truthfulness of their images.
and when, in a painting by Tintoretto, Christ walks on the
waters of the Sea of Gennesaret, the walk is as real as the
Universal. It is, however, in the nature of artistic per-
water and the boat. As far as aesthetic reality is concerned,
ception that an image is seen not simply as an individual ob-
no faith is needed where there is the certainty of sight. At
ject, person, or happening, but as the representative of a
the same time no picture offers scientific proof for the truth
whole class of things, the significance of which goes beyond
of anything it shows. A painted tree is no more real than a
that of the individual. One may know the name of a gentle-
winged dragon. As a work of art, a painting or sculpture per-
man portrayed by Rembrandt, but beyond the image of the
suades only by the power of its visual presence. Thus it can
individual is seen in the painting an expression of melan-
satisfy a viewer who accepts the story as literal truth and
choly and resignation, vigilance and thought. In fact, one of
equally one who considers it purely symbolical, but it balks
the principal virtues of a great artist is the ability to handle
at combining both views in the same image. Given its per-
shapes and colors in such a way that universal validity im-
ceptual nature, visual art favors a conception of religious ex-
poses itself through the individual instance. This symbolic
perience emerging from what is accepted as factually true.
quality of images is entirely compatible with the belief in
KINDS OF AESTHETIC TRUTH. Works of art, then, call for
their historical truth. When Dante Alighieri, in his letter to
the unitary reality status of everything they show and refer
Can Grande della Scala, explains that a biblical story, such
to. That reality status, however, is not always the same. One
as that of the departure of the children of Israel, can be un-
can distinguish the following kinds.
derstood “in more senses than one,” he distinguishes the lit-
eral from the allegorical meanings. The individual story may
Iconic. What is the ontological status of an icon that
or may not be intended or understood as historical truth.
is worshiped, offered gifts and sacrifices, asked for help or in-
When such truth is excluded, the human validity of the pre-
tercession? For believers it is clearly treated as a physically ex-
sentation may be nevertheless entirely preserved. The viewer
istent power residing in their world. At the same time, the
enters the aesthetic category of fiction.
admission of an image to the world of the living is rarely the
RELIGIOUS SUBJECT MATTER. In fiction the historical truth
result of an illusion. Typically, believers are not deceived
of the subject matter is commonly considered irrelevant, or
about the reality status of the icon’s body. They know that
even an obstacle to the creative freedom of the artist. Con-
they are in the presence of an object of wood, stone, or paint-
cerning religious art there is the question of whether such an
ed canvas. A naive psychology would see here a puzzling con-
attitude toward the subject matter is acceptable. For exam-
tradiction. What counts, however, is not the biological reali-
ple, can an artist who is not a believer create a convincing
ty of the iconic entity but the power attributed to it. As the
image? (The term believer may be defined for the moment
carrier of such power, the icon is taken neither for a living
in the limited sense of someone convinced of the historical
creature nor for a mere representation of something active
truth of the depicted facts.) A telling example of an enterprise
elsewhere in time and space. It is an immediately present
that has had considerable religious and artistic success but
source of active energy.
has also stirred up much protest is that of the Church of
Historical. When an Egyptian sculptor made a portrait
Nôtre-Dame-de-Toute-Grâce at Assy, France, commis-
of Queen Nefertiti, or when Diego Velázquez depicted the
sioned by the Dominican fathers during the early 1940s. The
surrender of the Dutch city of Breda to the Spanish conquer-
story of the church, to which William S. Rubin has devoted
or in 1625, the artist was convinced that he was offering a
an extensive monograph (Modern Sacred Art and the Church
likeness of someone who was actually living or had lived, or
of Assy, New York, 1961), is complex. It involves the more
of something that actually had taken place. This conviction
general issue of popular aversion to modern art, but also the
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AESTHETICS: VISUAL AESTHETICS
55
fact that prestigious painters and sculptors, known to be
um of Modern Art in New York. Significantly, he changed
atheists, communists, or religious Jews, were called upon to
the title of his lecture to “Art and Ultimate Reality,” arguing
design a mosaic for the facade, a tapestry for the apse, a cruci-
that the quest for ultimate reality was an indispensable aspect
fix, and other decorations. None of the artists testified to any
of religion and also the aim of all true art. He proceeded to
particular difficulty with the religious subject matter, nor did
describe five types of stylistic elements that he considered ex-
they feel that the task differed in principle from the secular
pressive of ultimate reality—a survey suggesting the general-
work to which they were accustomed. It seems safe to assume
ization that any artistic attitude whatever can meet the crite-
that the religious subject matter to which the artists commit-
rion, provided the work attains the depth that goes with
ted themselves, the Apocalypse, the Crucifixion, the Virgin
aesthetic excellence. In the discussion following his lecture
of the litany, and so forth, exerted upon them the evocative
Tillich was willing to conclude that “ultimate reality appears
power that inheres in any great subject, whatever its origin.
in what is usually called secular painting, and the difference
The impact of the universally human dimensions of the sub-
of what is usually called religious painting is real only insofar
jects upon the artists may account for the more specifically
as so-called religious painting deals with the traditional sub-
religious effectiveness of their contributions.
ject matters which have appeared in the different religious
traditions” (Cross Currents, 1960).
In a more general sense this episode raises the question
of whether visual images can ever be called religious when
Even when such a thesis is accepted in a general way,
they lack the traditional subject matter of any particular
it seems evident that certain kinds of secular subjects are
creed. One thinks immediately of representations of nature
more congenial to common forms of the religious attitude
that are intended to testify to the existence and qualities of
than others. Thus images of nature point more readily to su-
its creator. When Augustine in his Confessions (10.6) inquires
pernatural powers beyond the objects of physical appearance
about the nature of God, he reports:
than do images of the works of man. More generic views do
I asked the earth; and it answered, “I am not he”; and
better as religious images than those of specific things or epi-
whatsoever are therein made the same confession. I
sodes. Stylized presentations can more readily transcend in-
asked the sea and the deeps, and the creeping things
dividuality on the way to ultimate reality than realistic ones,
that lived, and they replied, “We are not thy God, seek
and this makes a Byzantine mosaic look more religious than
higher than we.” I asked the breezy air, and the univer-
a naturalistic photograph.
sal air with its inhabitants answered, “Anaximenes was
deceived, I am not God.” I asked the heavens, the sun,
The extreme case is that of nonfigurative art, where ab-
moon, and stars: “Neither,” say they, “are we the God
straction reaches a maximum. The predicament of abstract
whom thou seekest.” And I answered unto all these
art, however, has been, from the beginning, that although it
things which stand about the door of my flesh, “Ye have
may claim, as the painter Piet Mondrian did, that it repre-
told me concerning my God, that ye are not he; tell me
sents ultimate reality more directly than other kinds of art,
something about him.” And with a loud voice they ex-
its relation to concrete experience becomes so tenuous that
claimed, “He has made us.” My questioning was my ob-
it risks proclaiming everything and nothing. For example,
serving of them; and their beauty was their reply.
Fernand Léger, in 1952, decorated the side walls of the Unit-
The things of nature give their answer to Augustine’s ques-
ed Nations Assembly Hall in New York with large abstrac-
tion through their “beauty” (species). When one views a
tions; his two gigantic tentacled clusters might well convey
painted landscape by Altdorfer or Rubens or Sesshu¯, one may
the sense of consolidated forces, but this very generic mean-
note such qualities as power, inexhaustible abundance, vari-
ing can be channeled into a more specific application only
ety, order, ingenuity, and mystery. The greater the artist, the
with the help of the architectural setting and its known sig-
more compellingly does he or she present the objects of na-
nificance.
ture as embodiments of these virtues. What the artist cannot
The limitations of nonfigurative imagery are reinforced
do, however, is give them the voice by which Augustine
when the absence of narrative subject matter is combined
heard them answer: “He made us.” A landscape cannot do
with an ascetic parsimony of form. The grids of the late work
in a painting what it does in Augustine’s verbal invocation;
of Mondrian were threatened by a discrepancy between what
visually, cause and effect can be shown only as acting within
was intended and what was achieved. When the form is even
the realm of the forces of nature themselves, as when in a ro-
more severely reduced while the suggested subject becomes
mantic landscape a cataract smashes against boulders or
more specific. An extreme case is that of the fourteen Stations
when a blacksmith is seen striking the glowing iron. To be
of the Cross painted around 1960 by the American artist Bar-
sure, images can be used superbly to illustrate the belief in
nett Newman. These paintings, limited essentially to one or
a creator, as Augustine does with his enumeration of the
two vertical stripes on a plain background, tend to transcend
things of nature, but the belief must be brought to the images
the boundary between the pictorial and the diagrammat-
as an interpretation; it is not pronounced by the images
ic—a distinction of considerable relevance for the problems
themselves.
of religious imagery. A diagram is a visual symbol of an idea
In 1959 the Protestant theologian Paul Tillich was in-
or set of facts. It often reflects some essential property of its
vited to lecture on the topic “Art and Religion” at the Muse-
subject; but although it can evoke powerful emotions in the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
56
AFFLICTION: AN OVERVIEW
viewer—as when someone contemplates a chart depicting
SEE ALSO Architecture; Art and Religion; Human Body;
the increase of nuclear warheads—it does not create these ex-
Iconography.
periences through its own formal expression. It merely con-
veys information. Something similar is true for traditional
BIBLIOGRAPHY
signs, such as the national flag, the cross, or the star of David.
On the religious attitude of artists see, for example, Edgar Wind’s
They, too, can release powerful responses, which are based
article “Traditional Religion and Modern Art: Rouault and
on empirical association, not on the visual expression inher-
Matisse” in his The Eloquence of Symbols (Oxford, 1983).
ent in the image.
Vincent van Gogh in an often-cited letter of December 1889
to Émile Bernard discusses the use of religious subject mat-
AESTHETIC AND RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE. The distinction
ter, a topic interpreted in its broader context by Meyer
between mere factual information, as given for example in
Schapiro in a paper “On a Painting of van Gogh,” contained
scientific illustrations, and aesthetic expression points at the
in his Modern Art: Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (New
same time to one of two fundamental similarities between
York, 1978), pp. 87–99. Explicit references to “ultimate real-
aesthetic and religious experience. It is generally acknowl-
ity” occur in the writings of Piet Mondrian found in Plastic
edged that for a religious person it does not suffice to accept
Art and Pure Plastic Art (New York, 1945).
certain facts, such as the existence of God, but that the forces
For the more general aspects of visual symbolism see, for example,
asserted to exist must be sensed as reverberating in the believ-
Margaret Miles’s “Vision: The Eye of the Body and the Eye
er’s own mind, so that when, for example, in the Book of Job,
of the Mind in St. Augustine’s De Trinitate and Confessions,”
the Lord answers out of the whirlwind, the reader of the
Journal of Religion 63 (April 1983): 125–142. I have also ap-
Bible is to be overcome by the greatness of the creation. This
proached these issues in Visual Thinking (Berkeley, 1969),
heightening of information into religious experience, howev-
the chapters on “Art and Thought” and on “Models for The-
ory”; the essay “The Robin and the Saint,” in Toward a Psy-
er, is strongly aided by the poetry of the biblical language.
chology of Art (Berkeley, 1966); and the chapter “Symbols
It does not differ in principle from what distinguishes secular
through Dynamics,” in The Dynamics of Architectural Form
aesthetic experience from the mere conveyance of factual
(Berkeley, 1977).
knowledge. One may learn all there is to learn about Picas-
so’s response to the Spanish Civil War in his painting Guer-
RUDOLF ARNHEIM (1987)
nica and yet never experience the painting as a work of art,
unless the forces of suffering, brutality, resistance, and hope
come alive in the viewer’s own consciousness. For this reason
AFFLICTION
the purpose of religious art can be greatly enhanced when the
This entry consists of the following articles:
images are of high artistic quality and thereby carry intense
AN OVERVIEW
expression.
AFRICAN CULTS OF AFFLICTION
But is there really no difference between aesthetic and
religious experience? Is it not essential for religiosity that ex-
AFFLICTION: AN OVERVIEW
periencing the nature of the world into which one is born
Men, but more so women, have frequently viewed them-
leads to a corresponding conduct of worship, of living in
selves as the victims of unsolicited and malevolent attention
conformity with the demands revealed by that experience?
from the spirit world. Sometimes such affliction is thought
In comparison, aesthetic contemplation may seem to be
to come out of the blue or to result from some quite trivial
mere passive reception. Such a view of aesthetic behavior,
misdemeanor. More often it is thought to result from dis-
however, is too narrow. First of all, the very fact of artistic
putes or transgressions committed by the victim or by a rela-
creation is the artist’s way of placing his or her most impor-
tive. The outward signs of affliction are not uniform or obvi-
tant behavior, a life’s work, actively into the context of the
ous. They range from grossly stigmatizing conditions such
world he or she experiences. The art historian Kurt Badt, re-
as leprosy or madness, through trance, to a subjective malaise
calling Ruskin and Nietzsche, has defined the activity of the
or a feeling that one has not received one’s just deserts. The
artist as “Feiern durch Rühmung,” that is, as celebration
mechanics of attack vary. Some victims are able to describe
through praise (Kunsthistorische Versuche, Cologne, 1968).
the details of the method of attack with great precision. Oth-
Such a definition does not turn art into religion, but it high-
ers show no interest either in the reason for attack or in the
lights the affinity of the two.
method deployed. In the course of fieldwork in Maharashtra
In an even broader sense, no reception of a work of art
this author was told, “We are all laymen where witchcraft is
is complete unless the viewer feels impelled to live up to the
concerned.” In other words, no one likes to admit to a famil-
intensity, purity, and wisdom of outlook reflected in it. This
iarity with the techniques of witchcraft for fear of being sus-
demand to emulate the nobility of the work of art by one’s
pected a witch oneself.
own attitude toward the world was strikingly expressed by
Affliction is thought to be the result of human agency
the poet Rainer Maria Rilke when he celebrated the beautiful
in some cases, divine in others. Under the rubric of divine
forms of an Archaic marble torso of Apollo. He followed his
agency lies a whole gamut of gods and spirits who are
description abruptly with the admonition “Du musst dein
thought to take an interest in human affairs. The divine
Leben ändern” (“You must change your life”).
agents who interfere and cause damage in human lives have
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFFLICTION: AN OVERVIEW
57
been described as peripheral to the central religious concerns
ness and leprosy widely so. Other symptoms are not so easy
of the society in question. This nomenclature is more fully
to place. In some societies categorization is made easier by
discussed by I. M. Lewis in Ecstatic Religion (1971). Chil-
immediate recourse to a healer who makes the diagnosis on
dren’s ailments in particular tend to be attributed to posses-
behalf of the patient. In Nepal, for instance, the bulk of the
sion by a deity. In Nepal, for instance, there are three deities,
population initially consult a healer in order to determine the
Hartimata, Bhat Bhateni, and Swayambuth, whose special
causation of symptoms and to ascertain whether consultation
sphere of interest and activity is the diseases of children. In
with a medical doctor would be appropriate. The healer will
India smallpox is commonly attributed to the Hindu god-
determine whether or not the illness is likely to respond to
desses Sitala and (in some regions) Chechak. In such cases
Western medicine and, if so, when would be an auspicious
it is important to identify the deity responsible for illness or
time to consult the doctor. Failure to consult at a proper time
misfortune in order that he or she may be appeased and fur-
and day may jeopardize one’s chances of recovery. In prac-
ther damage averted. This is not the case where the afflicting
tice, once the healer is consulted, few patients are turned
agent is a spirit: in such instances victims and their families
away, as the healer’s province of practice is all-embracing.
express a relative indifference concerning the exact identity
Where the individual alone assesses the etiology of his or her
of their adversary.
illness, criteria for distinguishing spiritually caused from nat-
urally caused illness are less clear-cut. Spiritual affliction is
More often, however, affliction is thought to result from
suspected if Western medicine and treatment fail to make
the malevolent machinations of another human being. This
one better, or even make one worse. Sometimes the quality
involves either capturing a spirit and directing it to possess
of a pain has a distinctive and unusual flavor that raises in-
the victim or else attacking the victim less circuitously by
stant suspicions in the patient’s mind. Respondents are hard
magical means. In either event the afflicted feels circum-
put to describe the precise quality of this distinctiveness,
scribed by malice. Social anthropologists have often advocat-
however confident they themselves may be of identifying it
ed a distinction between sorcery and witchcraft. The basis
correctly. In other cases it may be the circumstances, such
for the alleged distinction is that sorcery involves some physi-
as an earlier dispute or envious comments, that alert the pa-
cal manipulations and its efficacy depends upon learning the
tient to the possibility of a nonnatural causation of his illness.
appropriate skills or techniques to achieve its ends, whereas
In Nepal, among people who make use of both traditional
witchcraft depends upon the possession of appropriate pow-
healers and of doctors, there is a tendency to take routine ail-
ers that transform malevolent desires into reality. (For a fuller
ments such as fevers and diarrhea to the doctor and more un-
discussion of this distinction see Middleton and Winter,
usual or serious complaints to healers. Quite how such treat-
1963.) In practice this distinction appears to be more impor-
ment choices are made remains to be studied.
tant to anthropologists than to those who bear the brunt of
attack by witchcraft or sorcery. Far more important in terms
It is widely held, but only partially true, that the spiritu-
of the severity of the illness, its prognosis, treatment options,
ally afflicted are predominantly women. Informants them-
and eventual outcome is the source of the affliction—in
selves, both women and men, readily acknowledge that
other words, whether it has been wrought by divine or
women are more vulnerable to spirit possession. Most often
human agency. It is widely held that where the afflicting
reference is made to women’s alleged lack of willpower and
power is of human origin the illness is of a more serious na-
alleged emotional liability. Frequently, mention is made of
ture and less amenable to treatment, whereas illnesses of di-
the greater risks run by women during menstruation. At such
vine origin on the whole respond more readily to treatment.
times women are held to be more vulnerable to attack by
The idea that humans are less tractable and less persuadable
spirits. Members of the spirit possession and healing cults of
than gods may seem strange from a Western perspective.
northeast Africa described by Lewis (1971) are, indeed, al-
However, whereas a dialogue can be initiated with a possess-
most exclusively female. Lewis has been most explicit and in-
ing spirit, witchcraft represents an irredeemable breakdown
fluential in his exposition of a specific epidemiology peculiar
of human relationships: One may plead with the gods but
to spirit possession. Briefly, he argues that deprived women
not with an angry relative. In Maharashtra women who have
in a harshly repressive masculine culture succumb to spirit
lost status through, for example, divorce or barrenness inter-
possession, particularly if they are embroiled in some person-
pret their plight in terms of attack by witchcraft. This obser-
al dispute with their husbands. However, there is danger in
vation appears to be borne out by literature from other parts
extrapolating from these zar cults of Muslim societies to
of the world: Where society fails to care for an individual in
healing cults in other parts of the world.
the sense of allocating him or her a proper place, there witch-
craft is held responsible for the stigmatized circumstances of
Much of the literature in this area has concerned itself
the individual.
with an interpretation of the healer’s art and an exegesis of
the symbolism of healing rituals. For example, Larry Peters’s
How is spiritual affliction identified and distinguished
Ecstasy and Healing in Nepal (1981) provides a uniquely liter-
from natural illness? In some societies certain conditions are
al interpretation of participant observation and is written
synonymous with spiritual affliction. For example, trance is
from the perspective of a shaman’s apprentice in the Kath-
well-nigh universally held to have a spiritual etiology, mad-
mandu Valley. As such it provides an extraordinary account
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
58
AFFLICTION: AN OVERVIEW
of shamanistic theory and practice but conveys predictably
of the sufferer’s affliction was witchcraft (karni) or possession
little information on the healer’s clientele. Bruce Kapferer’s
by a spirit (bhu¯t). This malevolent power was directed at the
study (1983) of demon possession in southern Sri Lanka
whole family because of some dispute, rivalry, or envy, and
likewise demonstrates through analysis of symbols why heal-
the son or husband was seen as happening to be its unfortu-
ing rituals may be therapeutically efficacious. A study by the
nate victim. It was thought that the original affliction might
Indian psychoanalyst Sudhir Kakar (1982) suggests that
be deflected away from the first victim if the mother or some
while most of the patients afflicted by bhu¯t (spirit) at a heal-
other person took over the burden of illness and that, since
ing temple in Rajasthan were young women, affliction tend-
the family was the target of attack, any one member could
ed to shift between different family members. In other
substitute for another. While this belief augured well for the
words, the original affliction may well have affected a male
prognosis of individual affliction, it meant also that the indi-
member of the family and may then have been transferred
vidual’s cure in no way signified an end to family distress.
to a woman in the course of her caring for the patient. Simi-
Informants cited patterns of family illness in support of this
larly, studies of illness behavior in England show that women
interpretation wherein affliction assumed a hydra-headed
take on the burden of care and support for the sick.This au-
quality striking different members of the family in different
thor’s study of a healing temple in Maharashtra (Skultans,
ways. Sometimes one person, most often a woman, would
1986) finds that women attended the temple in gratitude for
pray that the burden of family affliction be transferred to her.
past cures, in lieu of another family member, or to accompa-
If and when her prayers were thought to be answered she
ny an afflicted person. Some women who were themselves
would begin to experience trance regularly and to decline
afflicted came unaccompanied. All of these cases contributed
into chronic ill health. Thus female sacrifice plays a central
toward creating a female majority. Similarly, in an earlier
role in the maintenance of family health. A significant feature
study of Welsh spiritualists (Skultans, 1974), this author
of this theory of affliction is the shared concern and responsi-
found that although the spiritually afflicted were for the most
bility it generates for conditions that might otherwise be per-
part women, the problems that beset them were common to
ceived as extremely annoying. Typically a number of courses
the family. It seems, therefore, that the afflicted are giving
of action are open to the afflicted, which can be grouped
voice to wider problems that beset the entire family.
under the categories of community care and specialist care.
Affliction is most often a family affair or even a commu-
COMMUNITY CARE. The afflicted person may join a commu-
nity affair. Its social structure is superbly described in John
nity or cult of the afflicted. Here the emphasis is on learning
M. Janzen’s highly esteemed account The Quest for Therapy
to accommodate the affliction rather than removing it.
in Lower Zaire (1978). The family is important in managing
Where the affliction involves trance, this means regularizing
the patient and his affliction (Janzen uses the term therapy
the times of trancing. The affliction is thus transformed from
managing group) and is also implicated in the causation of
a sudden, unintelligible outburst into a routine and usually
the affliction. The affliction is thus seen as being in large part
mild handicap carrying with it a number of secondary bene-
the responsibility of family and community. While the onus
fits. Foremost among these is the companionship of the simi-
for making major treatment decisions lies with the kin thera-
larly afflicted. Such communities do not usually offer special-
py group, so does the obligation to resolve interpersonal con-
ist treatment, but they are run by veterans who have
themselves experienced and learned to live with the full spec-
flicts and rivalries within the group. It has become well-nigh
trum of affliction. Indeed, cults of affliction share many of
a truism that illness—spiritual affliction in particular—
the features of Western forms of group therapy.
provides an opportunity for demonstrating social solidarity
through a reassertion of mutual loyalties and common val-
SPECIALIST CARE. From a treatment perspective, healers can
ues, and most studies appear to bear this theory out. The very
be categorized according to the amount of time they are able
act of reintegrating the afflicted individual into his social
to devote to individual cases. Some healing rituals are lengthy
group serves as a reminder of the group’s identity.
affairs spanning several days. Social anthropologists have
demonstrated the therapeutic goal, if not the effect, of such
In the course of fieldwork for a Maharashtrian study the
rituals. An important ingredient of all such rituals is the sym-
author of this article uncovered a complex web of family in-
bolic representation of internal conflicts and the process of
volvement. Although initially one particular family member
their resolution; the rituals thus come to symbolize the newly
would be singled out as in need of help, it would soon be
reconstituted self. They are public and involve a large audi-
found that the entire family was afflicted. The typical pattern
ence. Such demonic healing rituals have been particularly
of affliction developed thus: Mothers, or sometimes wives,
well described by Kapferer in the study already cited.
would bring their psychotic or mentally handicapped sons
or husbands to the temple. A short while after arrival the pa-
Most often, however, the confrontation between healer
tient’s chief caretaker, usually the mother, would start going
and afflicted is of a more fleeting and less intense nature.
into a state of trance. Such trance was seen as a diagnostic
Healers who have acquired a reputation for the successful
tool whereby a dialogue could be initiated with the possess-
management of the afflicted attract a huge clientele. The
ing spirit that would provide information concerning the na-
more popular a healer becomes, the less time he is able to
ture of the illness. Trance invariably revealed that the source
devote to any one patient. This results in the paradoxical sit-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFFLICTION: AN OVERVIEW
59
uation that the elaborate healing rituals described in loving
SEE ALSO Exorcism; Healing and Medicine; Spirit Posses-
detail by social anthropologists are carried out by those heal-
sion; Witchcraft.
ers who have relatively few patients. Such time constraints
on treatment are evident in Arthur Kleinman’s description
BIBLIOGRAPHY
of the practice of a popular Taiwanese shaman (Kleinman
Frank, Jerome D. Persuasion and Healing: A Comparative Study of
and Sung, 1979). This shaman is described as spending an
Psychotherapy. Baltimore, 1961.
average of five minutes with each patient and only two min-
Henry, Edward O. “A North Indian Healer and the Source of His
utes on busy nights. No doubt such restrictions on consulta-
Power.” Social Science and Medicine 11 (1977): 309–317.
tion time inhibit the performance of healing rituals. Thus,
Hitchcock, John T., and Rex L. Jones, eds. Spirit Possession in the
it seems, the price one pays for consultation with a presti-
Nepal Himalayas. New Delhi, 1976.
gious healer is the whittling away of healing rituals. Howev-
Janzen, John M. The Quest for Therapy in Lower Zaire. Berkeley,
er, the abbreviation and attenuation of contact between heal-
Calif., 1978.
er and patient do not appear to diminish the popularity of
Kakar, Sudhir. Shamans, Mystics, and Doctors: A Psychological In-
the healers or, indeed, their reputation for success in curing
quiry into India and Its Healing Traditions. New York, 1982.
affliction. Perhaps, therefore, the power to alleviate the afflic-
Kapferer, Bruce. A Celebration of Demons: Exorcism and the Aes-
tion lies as much in the circumstances surrounding the con-
thetics of Healing in Sri Lanka. Bloomington, Ind., 1983.
sultation as in the actual consultation itself. Family support
Kleinman, Arthur, and Liliash Sung. “Why Do Indigenous Practi-
for the victim, as well as an explanation of the affliction that
tioners Successfully Heal?” Social Science and Medicine 13
lays the burden of responsibility on the family rather than
(1979): 7–26.
the individual, may play a part in the recovery of the patient.
Lévi-Strauss, Claude. Structural Anthropology. 2 vols. Translated
by Claire Jacobson and Brooke Grundfest Schoepf. New
Psychiatrists have suggested various explanations of
York, 1963.
trance (the most frequent manifestation of affliction), but
Lewis, I. M. Ecstatic Religion: An Anthropological Study of Spirit
none is entirely satisfactory. The most commonly held view,
Possession and Shamanism. Harmondsworth, U.K., 1971.
derived from Freud, is that trance is akin to hysteria, a view
Middleton, John, and E. H. Winter, eds. Witchcraft and Sorcery
that unwittingly reinforces the stereotype of trance as a fe-
in East Africa. London, 1963.
male affliction. Freud himself made the much-publicized
Obeyesekere, Gananath. “The Ritual Drama of the Sanni De-
claim that he had restored dignity to patients who would in
mons: Collective Representations of Disease in Ceylon.”
an earlier age have been branded as possessed by the devil.
Comparative Studies in Society and History 11 (1969):
Certainly, there are similarities between the clinical descrip-
174–216.
tion given of the convulsive attacks of hysterical patients and
Peters, Larry. Ecstasy and Healing in Nepal. Malibu, Calif., 1981.
the behavior of people in certain kinds of trance. The anes-
Skultans, Vieda. Intimacy and Ritual: A Study of Spiritualism, Me-
thesia of hysterics and the occurrence of anesthetic and non-
diums and Groups. London, 1974.
bleeding areas on alleged witches provide a further point of
Skultans, Vieda. “Psychiatric Community Care: A Maharasthrian
similarity. Jung views neuroses and possession states as shar-
Example.” Psychological Medicine 16 (1986): 499–502.
ing a common etiology, namely, moral conflict, which he
New Sources
claims derives from the impossibility of affirming the whole
Albl, Martin C. “‘Are Any among You Sick?’ The Health Care
of one’s nature. This state then gives rise either to symptoms
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a foreign being. Both conditions involve an inability to ex-
van Dijk, R. A., R. Reis, and M. Spierenburg. The Quest for Fru-
press an essential part of oneself, which is thereupon sup-
ition Through Ngoma: Political Aspects of Healing in Southern
pressed and which demands alternative expression. The rudi-
Africa. Athens, Ohio, 2000.
ments of this psychoanalytic approach to possession and
Dwyer, G. The Divine and the Demonic: Supernatural Affliction
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and Its Treatment in North India. New York, 2003.
However, while having considerable explanatory power, such
Hakuin Ekaku, and Norman Waddell. “Hakuin’s Yasenkanna.”
approaches fail to take into account the element of learning
Eastern Buddhist 34, no. 1 (2002): 79–119.
in trancing behavior. In many contexts trance is viewed in
Hatamilah, M. A. Al-Andalus: al-Tarikh wa-al-Hadarah wa-al-
a positive, beneficial light and is consciously sought after.
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Nichols, Terence L. “Miracles in Science and Theology.” Zygon
Affliction has a variety of meanings. It may signal the
37, no. 3 (2002): 703–715.
start of a career as a religious specialist. It may usher in an
Piper, J. “The Hidden Smile of God: The Fruit of Affliction in
entirely different lifestyle as a member of a cult of the afflict-
the Lives of John Bunyan, William Cowper, and David
ed. It may entail a round of consultations with various spe-
Brainerd.” In The Swans Are not Silent, edited by J. Piper,
cialists who may or may not be able to lift the affliction. Or
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VIEDA SKULTANS (1987)
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E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
60
AFFLICTION: AFRICAN CULTS OF AFFLICTION
AFFLICTION: AFRICAN CULTS OF
region, the historic state of Monomotapa; and more recently,
AFFLICTION
in the early nineteenth century, the Zulu empire and the
An important feature of African religions, both historically
Tswana chiefdoms, and the Sotho kingdom in the southern
and in the twenty-first century, has been the interpretation
Africa area, associated with the great disturbances known as
of adversity within the framework of cults, or specialized
the Mfecane.
therapeutic communities. Although cults concerned with af-
Cults of affliction have related dynamically to these
fliction and healing are widespread on the continent, the
states, either by having been brought under the tutelage of
technical term cults of affliction has been used in scholarship
government and serving to legitimate it as a sovereign power,
specifically to describe the healing cults found among the
or by serving to preserve segments of society not directly re-
Bantu-speaking peoples of central and southern Africa. The
lated to the state. In the absence of the state, cults of afflic-
two major criteria of such cults are spirit possession and the
tion have provided a format for the perpetuation of such
initiation of the afflicted person into the cult. These cults
marginalized or afflicted social groups as women, the handi-
have also been called “drums of affliction” because of the sig-
capped, and those struck with misfortune in economy-
nificance in their rituals of drums and rhythmic song danc-
related tasks such as hunting. They are also expressly con-
ing, both termed ngoma (“drum”), over a wide area. Also im-
cerned with women’s fertility and commerce. In some set-
portant in this context is the elongated ngoma-type single-
tings, the model of the cult has provided the basis for
membrane drum, which plays a central role in rituals
normative social authority, the definition and organization
throughout the region. The importance of the drum to these
of economic activity, social organization, and more esoteric
cults can be related to the fact that the drumming is consid-
religious and artistic activities.
ered to be the voice or influence of the ancestral shades and
other spirits who possess the sufferer and also provide
In colonial and postcolonial Africa, the use of affliction
treatment.
and adversity to organize social reproduction has contributed
SOCIETIES, HISTORY, AND THERAPEUTICS. Societies from
to the perpetuation (even the proliferation) of cults of afflic-
the equator down to the Drakensberg Mountains and the
tion, often in a way that has baffled governmental authorities
Kalahari Desert in the south use many of the same terms and
and outside observers. Cults have arisen in connection with
concepts to describe their cultural life (particularly in its reli-
epidemics, migration and trade routes, and shifts in modes
gious and therapeutic aspects), including terms for sickness,
of production. They have also emerged in response to
health, and disease etiologies (especially prevalent is the no-
changes in social organization and the deterioration of insti-
tion that “words” or an ill will may cause sickness and misfor-
tutions of justice. Colonialism itself generated many of the
tune). Equally common to these societies are various thera-
cults of affliction appearing in the twentieth-century litera-
peutic techniques and materials, terms for the ancestors, and
ture on the subject.
the concept of ngoma as it relates to song-dance communities
The cults of affliction have provided African societies
and therapies. These shared characteristics occur in spite of
with a far more pervasive concept of disease and health than
much local and regional adaptation to a broad range of cli-
that which has prevailed in the Western world. Before pre-
mates, widely divergent political and economic formations
senting examples of the distribution of cults of affliction in
and colonial experiences during the seventeenth to twentieth
several societies, it is necessary to further describe their un-
centuries, as well as diverse responses to various diseases and
derlying common features.
stressful environments.
COMMON FEATURES AND VARIATIONS. Beneath the diversity
Many of the societies of the subcontinent were lineage-
of cults of affliction there is a characteristic worldview re-
based agrarian communities, practicing some hunting and,
garding misfortune and how it can be classified and dealt
in regions where the sleeping-sickness-carrying tsetse fly is
with. Adversities that are regarded to be in the natural order
absent, livestock tending. Especially in coastal regions, com-
of things are handled through the use of straightforward,
mercial cities have emerged, linking the continent to overseas
often individual and private remedies, techniques, and inter-
mercantile centers. The region includes southern savanna
ventions. Extraordinary adversities, or those that are attribut-
matrilineal societies such as the Kongo, Lunda, Chokwe,
ed to human or spiritual forces, can only be dealt with by
Kimbundu, and Bemba of the Democratic Republic of the
placating these forces or by intervening in the spiritual realm.
Congo, Angola, Zambia, and Malawi; patrilineal societies
Rather than everyday problems, cults of affliction address
such as the Luba, Lozi, Nyamwezi, and others of the central
this second level of adversity. A hunter’s chronic failure to
region; and in the southern region, the Shona, Sotho, and
find game, an employee’s chronic loss of a job or failure to
Tswana and the nearby Nguni-speaking societies of the
find one, accidents that occur despite taking every precau-
Zulu, Swazi, and Xhosa. Numerous precolonial states and
tion, and misfortune juxtaposed with social conflict are all
empires existed in the subcontinent, including the cluster of
examples of extraordinary adversities.
states of the Luba, Lunda, Kimbundu, and Chokwe; on the
western coast, the Kongo, Loango, Kakongo, and Ngoyo
The worldview that inspires cults of affliction includes
states; the states of the eastern lakes, Kitara, Busoga, Buny-
as an axiom the idea that ancestral shades and spirits, ulti-
oro, Buganda, and, eastward, Nyamwezi; in the Zimbabwe
mately expressions of the power of God, may influence and
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AFFLICTION: AFRICAN CULTS OF AFFLICTION
61
intervene in human affairs. The shades may either be direct,
cially women, who carry the burden of being single-parent
identifiable lineal ancestors or more generic “human” spirits.
household heads.
Other spirits of the central and southern African pantheon
may include more distant nature spirits, hero spirits, or alien
The cults of affliction are concerned with problems and
spirits that affect human events in varying ways. Old as well
responses that go well beyond trying to provide an alternative
as new knowledge tends to be related to the shade and spirit
community when kin relations are in disarray. An important
forces, as events are interpreted and adversities dealt with.
function of all the cults is the intellectual, analytical, and di-
Thus, as common social problems increasingly occur outside
agnostic evaluation of the nature of life and the reasons for
the domestic community, there has been a tendency for lin-
misfortune. In this connection, distinction is often drawn be-
eal ancestors to be supplanted by more generalized spirit
tween divination, the intellectual analysis of a situation, and
forces in cults of affliction.
ritual therapy, the attempt to intervene in the situation to
change it. This distinction accounts for some of the diversity
Therapeutic attention to affliction, through the form of
of affliction cult types, for where social change is intense, the
cults, often entails the initiation of the afflicted individual
need for cognitive clarity increases. Thus, in eighteenth-
into membership in the cult, ideally resulting in his or her
century coastal Kongo, during the decline of the kingdoms
elevation to the status of priest or healer in the group.
of the area and with the increase of trade, including the slave
Whether or not this happens (there are many “dropouts” in
trade, divination cults—particularly those related to adjudi-
cults of affliction) depends on the novice’s progress through
cation and conflict resolution—were extremely abundant. In
early stages of therapy and counseling, on his or her econom-
southern Africa today, the term ngoma is often identified
ic means, and the extent to which the cult’s resources are
with divination because of the pressing need for analysis and
controlled by an elite (where they are controlled, access is re-
interpretation of life in a region adversely affected by apart-
stricted). Throughout the wider cult of affliction region, ini-
heid. Closer examination, however, shows that the functions
tiation is marked by two distinct stages: an initial therapeutic
of divination and network building are complementary, with
neutralization of the affliction, and, if the novice progresses
both usually present in varying degrees and ways.
through counseling and further therapy, a second stage, a
graduation to the status of fully qualified priest, healer, or
Divination, or diagnosis, always accompanies cults of af-
professional.
fliction, either independently of the healing role or as a part
of the specialized techniques and paraphernalia of a particu-
The efficacy of the therapy, regardless of its specific
lar cult. Divination must be thought of as a continual query-
techniques, is partly assured because of the support given by
ing of the whys, whos, and wherefores begun in the family
the community of the fellow afflicted, who may or may not
setting in the face of misfortune, but carried through by spe-
be the sufferer’s kin. In most instances of prolonged sickness
cialists with expert judgment and training. These specialists
in African societies the diagnosis and decisions relating to the
may have had their own profound individual dilemmas or
course of therapy—the “quest for therapy”—are in the hands
have been recruited to a particular mode of ritual life or been
of a lay managing group made up of kin. In the cases that
initiated and trained to deal with the spirit world. As a tech-
come into the orbit of cults of affliction, the support com-
nique, divination may be based on a mechanistic system of
munity broadens to include the cult members. The quality
signs and interpretations, such as the southern savanna ngom-
of support shifts from ad hoc aid from kin to a permanent
bo basket, which is filled with symbolic objects signifying
involvement with a network in the initiate-novice’s life, cor-
human life, the bone-throwing technique of southern Afri-
responding to the long-term involvement of the individual
can Nguni society, or the recital of scriptures from the Bible
with the affliction, or as a healer-priest over it.
or the QurDa¯n. Alternatively, divination involves direct re-
course to possession, in which the diviner, as medium, speaks
Some cults of affliction, such as Nkita among the Kongo
the words of the ancestral shade or spirit in answer to the
of the western portion of the Democratic Republic of the
query. Recent observers suggest that this form of divination
Congo, are situated within lineages. Nkita responds to the
is on the increase. Some diviners, however, use a combina-
unique circumstances and symptoms of lineage segmenta-
tion of both techniques. In any case, these divined diagnoses,
tion. Appropriately, when a generation of Nkita within a lin-
representing a type of analysis or interpretation of daily life,
eage fragment is afflicted, the cult provides the rationale and
are the basis for the more synthetic, ritualized follow-through
the setting for the regeneration of the lineage organization,
of the cults of affliction.
and the members are reaffiliated with the ancestral source of
their collective authority. Most cults of affliction, however,
Although they vary tremendously, the rituals of initia-
occur outside the kin setting. Functioning as a substitute for
tion, healing, and celebration have common features
kin relations, they give the individual lifelong ties with others
throughout the area. Everywhere song and dance are at the
along the lines of the new affliction- or occupation-specific
heart of the participation of the initiate or celebrant. The
community. This feature has led some to hypothesize that
ngoma (“song dance”) is the product of the initiate’s personal
the cults may proliferate where kin-based social units are in
pilgrimage, and its lyrics tell of dreams and visions, as well
disarray. In the urban setting of South Africa, for example,
as mundane experiences. These songs, and their rhythms,
recruitment to affliction cults is prevalent among those, espe-
create a framework of reality within which the affliction or
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
62
AFFLICTION: AFRICAN CULTS OF AFFLICTION
condition is defined and the remedy or mode of relating to
centered upon the mode of hunting (whether bow and arrow
it formulated. Thus, despite the collective setting, a great
or gun) and the type of animal (e.g., elephant, snake, porcu-
deal of individualized attention is available. The moving,
pine). The Sukuma snake-handling order was, and is, a
pulsating context of ritual celebration is conducive to cogni-
prime example of a cult devoted to the control and reproduc-
tive dissociation and restructuring, lending affliction cults a
tion of technical knowledge. Known for effective snakebite
psychotherapeutic, even conversion-like quality, although
treatments, the snake-dance society members possess anti-
they are not sectarian or exclusive in membership. The need
dotes to the numerous poisonous snake venoms of western
to define and redefine experience persists throughout the ca-
Tanzania.
reer of the initiate and priest-healer; seasoned elders continue
to deal with their own dilemmas and life transitions.
In coastal Kongo several cults dealt with trade and com-
merce, an appropriate focus, for these important economic
Beyond these core features, the content of affliction
activities brought divisive mercantile techniques and atti-
cults varies greatly depending on the scope of issues chan-
tudes into lineage-based societies, as well as several conta-
neled into the format. It may range, as has been seen, from
gious diseases. On the Kongo coast, where formerly central-
treating epidemic or chronic diseases and deformities to oc-
ized kingdoms had featured appeal courts, the cult of
cupational roles that require specialized knowledge or may
affliction format emerged in the eighteenth century as the ve-
be dangerous to the individuals yet necessary to society. In
hicle for judicial affairs and conflict resolutions. In nine-
one setting the range of issues may be placed into a single
teenth-century Sukumaland, antiwitchcraft medicine cults
ritual format; in others, issue-linked communities may grow
were introduced from the Kongo Basin in response to the ris-
into numerous named orders or dances. These communities
ing social disorder that characterized the early colonial peri-
may in turn be organized as a decentralized series of local
od. The Ndembu responded to early colonialism with cults
cells, or overlapping networks. Alternatively, the prevailing
of affliction focused on new illnesses, including fevers, “wast-
structure may become highly hierarchical, territorially cen-
ing,” and “disease of the paths,” and other suspiciously colo-
tered on a fixed shrine or central administration. Economic
nial contagious sicknesses such as malaria, tuberculosis, and
and political factors often play a role in shaping the structure
venereal diseases brought in by migrant labor. Everywhere,
of affliction cults. However, the taxonomy of issues ad-
the cults paid much attention to twin and breach births, and
dressed usually depends on the environmental conditions or
other dangerous or unusual conditions of reproduction.
on the cults’ leaders, who often express their visions of solu-
tions to human needs. The parameters of homogeneous and
The label “affliction cults,” understood in the narrow
diversified, decentralized and centralized structures in cults
sense often used in the post-Enlightenment West, does not
of affliction may best be described by sketching several his-
adequately fit the cults of central Africa. At the beginning of
torical and contemporary settings.
the twentieth century, in the setting of early colonialism, the
ngoma groups provided a means of buttressing and celebrat-
SETTINGS AND SAMPLES. The cults of affliction reveal the
ing social categories of economic pursuit (land, hunting,
greatest concentration of common features in the area where
trade), social order and justice, and the very fabric of society
linguistic homogeneity among Bantu-speaking societies is
(marriage, authority, women’s health, reproduction), as well
greatest—in a belt across the midcontinent that ranges from
as specified areas of sickness in the narrower sense. The cele-
Kikongo speakers in the west to Swahili speakers in the east.
brative, reflexive dimension of the ngoma needs to be empha-
A brief comparison follows of turn-of-the-twentieth-century
sized, as well. In some societies, notably those of East Africa,
accounts of cults of affliction among the coastal Kongo, the
the ngoma served as a means of entertainment and competi-
Ndembu of Zambia, the Lunda of Zaire, and the Sukuma
tion, as sport, a role that is increasingly prominent today. In-
of the Lake Victoria region of Tanzania, all decentralized so-
deed, in much of East Africa, the distinction is drawn be-
cieties.
tween therapeutic and entertaining types of ngoma. Perhaps
While they were associated with individual affliction in
the underlying characterization of the historical ngoma orders
the narrow sense, cults of affliction, or orders, in these socie-
would be that they ritualized key points of the social and cul-
ties also related to the sacralization and organization of tech-
tural fabric that were highly charged or highly threatened.
nical knowledge and its relationship to the legitimation and
Affliction or misfortune merely served as a mode of recruit-
reinforcement of the social order. Divination played a role,
ment to leadership and a means of reproducing specialized
either specific to each cult as among the Sukuma, or as a
knowledge.
more specialized set of techniques as among the Ndembu
The picture of cults of affliction within centralized states
and Kongo, both of whom practiced the ngombo basket tech-
contrasts markedly with the settings described above. In so-
nique.
cieties such as the Tswana, where historically there has been
Some cults related explicitly to the prevailing economic
a strong chieftainship providing social continuity and mate-
activity in each society, largely through the cultic techniques
rial support, cults of affliction are less influential or even en-
that were preferred and the types of people who became af-
tirely absent. Cults are known to have provided the impetus
flicted. Thus, in Ndembu and Sukuma society, hunting was
for the emergence of centralized polities, as in the case of the
the focus of several ngoma orders, with specific organization
Bunzi shrine of coastal Kongo. They have also emerged in
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFFLICTION: AFRICAN CULTS OF AFFLICTION
63
the wake of historical states, picking up the aura of royal au-
SEE ALSO Central Bantu Religions; Interlacustrine Bantu
thority and the trappings of sovereignty and transforming
Religions; Kongo Religion; Mbona; Ndembu Religion.
them into the source of mystical power. A prime example of
this was the Cwezi cult of the interlacustrine region of eastern
BIBLIOGRAPHY
central Africa, which is today a limited cult of affliction
The hallmark of scholarship on cults of affliction in central and
whose spirits are the royal dynasties of the ancient Cwezi
southern Africa remains the work of Victor Turner, who first
kingdom of the same region.
gave the subject scholarly identification, in The Drums of Af-
fliction: A Study of Religious Processes among the Ndembu of
This dynamic relationship of cults to centralized polities
Zambia (Oxford, 1968), and Revelation and Divination in
has been accompanied by changes in the way spirits and
Ndembu Ritual (Ithaca, N.Y., 1975). Studies of possession
shades are focused in consciousness and ritual. As the scale
cults in Africa outside the central and southern regions that
or function of a cult expands, narrowly defined ancestor
have influenced research on ngoma, and offer comparative
shades may give way to nature, alien, or hero spirits. In a few
perspectives, include Ian M. Lewis’s Ecstatic Religion: An An-
thropological Study of Spirit Possession and Shamanism (Har-
instances, centralized shrine cults have persisted over centu-
mondsworth, U.K., 1971), and Janice Boddy, Wombs and
ries, defining primary values and social patterns for genera-
Alien Spirits (Madison, Wis., 1989), concerning the Zar cult
tions of adepts. The Bunzi shrine cult of coastal Kongo, the
in Islamic Somalia and Sudan respectively; Vincent Crapa-
Mbona of Malawi, and the Korekore and Chikunda in Zim-
zano’s The Hamadsha: An Essay in Moroccan Ethnopsychiatry
babwe are examples of well-studied cults that, though centu-
(Berkeley, Calif., 1973); and Michael Lambek, Human Spir-
ries old, continue into the present. Some authors have distin-
its: A Cultural Account of Trance in Mayotte (Cambridge,
guished between these centralized, regional cults and the
1981).
topically focused cults of affliction. But the orders, taken in
Noteworthy works that have described examples of cults of afflic-
their entirety, suggest more of a continuum along several
tion in general ethnographies and histories, and have focused
axes: centralized and segmentary, inclusive and specialized,
on theoretical analysis, include the following: Regional Cults,
controlled by state sovereignty versus independent, or even
edited by Richard P. Werbner (New York, 1977), brings to-
opposed to state sovereignty. Cults have crystallized opposi-
gether studies on centralized “regional” cults in southern and
tion to states in both precolonial and colonial settings and,
eastern Africa, including work on Mbona in Malawi by J.
Matthew Schoffeleers, on southern Africa’s high-god cult by
to a lesser degree, in postcolonial times. Thus, the Cwezi cult
Werbner, on regional and nonregional cults of affliction in
channeled opposition to hierarchical structures in a number
Zambia by Wim van Binsbergen, on prophets and local
of interlacustrine states, especially Rwanda. Cult leaders or-
shrines in Zambia by Elizabeth Colson, and on disparate re-
ganized opposition to Rhodesian labor-recruitment practices
gional cults in Zimbabwe by Kingsley Garbet, as well as a
and inspired strikes in the mines in the late nineteenth centu-
theoretical introduction. John M. Janzen’s Lemba, 1650–
ry. There are other cases of tacit resistance to colonial govern-
1930: A Drum of Affliction in Africa and the New World
ments inspired by cult leadership.
(New York, 1981), details the emergence of this cult of afflic-
tion in the context of the coastal Congo trade and slavery.
Through the twentiety century and into the twenty-
Terence Ranger’s Dance and Society in Eastern Africa, 1890–
first, cults of affliction tended to be short-term movements
1970: The Beni Ngoma (London, 1975), describes the rise of
born out of desperation; trying to provide a panacea for soci-
an urban twentieth-century ngoma order. René Devisch, in
ety’s ills, they are an expression of the pains experienced by
Weaving the Threads of Life: The Khita Gyn-Eco-Logical Heal-
ing Cult among the Yaka (Chicago, 1993), offers a rich eth-
a large segment of the populace because of chronic social
nography of a widespread Western Bantu fertility cult. Marja
problems. There has been a great deal of interpenetration be-
Liisa Swantz describes ngoma orders on the Swahili coast in
tween these cults and independent Christian churches and
Ritual and Symbol in Transitional Zaramo Society (Uppsala,
with Islamic orders in some areas such as East Africa. New
1970). John M.Janzen, Ngoma, Discourses of Healing in Cen-
permanent cults have arisen around such characteristic ills as
tral and Southern Africa (Berkeley, Calif., 1992), undertakes
the nuclear family or the maintenance of a household in an
a broad comparative perspective of ngoma through regional
urban setting; epidemic diseases such as tuberculosis and
field studies in Western Equatorial Africa, East Africa, the
how to cope with the chronic problems related to it; the divi-
Nguni south, and the Western Cape, establishing historical
nation of problems such as unemployment in a proletarian
connections, common features, regional variations, and theo-
setting; and how to succeed in business or retain a job. Many
retical perspectives. The Social Basis of Health and Healing in
Africa (Berkeley, Calif., 1992), edited by Steven Feierman
cults also focus on the alienation and entrapment so com-
and John M. Janzen, includes cases by Gwyn Prins on the
mon in the African urban setting.
Nzila cult of Zambia, by Janzen on Lemba, and by Ellen
Affliction cults in central and southern Africa have thus
Corin on Zebola of urban Kinshasa and sangoma networks
of southern Africa by Harriet Ngubane. The Quest for Fru-
used the classic themes of marginality, adversity, risk, and
ition through Ngoma: Political Aspects of Healing in Southern
suffering in order to cope with the ever-necessary task of re-
Africa (Oxford, 2000), edited by Rijk van Dijk, Ria Reis, and
newing society in the face of the profound economic and
Marja Spierenburg, reviews and critiques Janzen’s 1992
social change that has occurred since the late nineteenth
monograph within the context of the contributors’ own re-
century.
search on ngoma, including those cases of its Christianization
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
64
AFGHA¯N¯I, JAMA¯L AL-D¯IN AL-
within African independent churches. Henny Blokland on
AFGHA¯N¯I, JAMA¯L AL-D¯IN AL- (1838/9–1897),
Unyamwezi, Annette Drews on ngoma in eastern Zambia,
Muslim thinker and politician. Born near Hamadhan in
Ria Reis on the ideology of the wounded healer in Swaziland,
Iran, al-Afgha¯n¯ı was Iranian, in spite of his later claim to be
Marja Spierenburg on the Mhondoro cult in Zimbabwe,
Afghan. His own version of his early life was not always accu-
Matthew Schoffeleers on a Malawian story of a scapegoat
rate, but it seems clear that he had a traditional education
king in healing, Cor Jonker on ngoma themes in Zionist
churches in urban Zambia, Rijk van Dijk on ngoma and
in Iran and then in the Sh¯ıE¯ı holy city of Najaf, Iraq. He
born-again fundamentalism in Malawi.
spent some early years in India, where he first learned of
modern Western ideas and observed British rule over a partly
Research on ngoma has seen the emergence of a number of special-
Muslim population. From then onward his life was one of
ized perspectives. On ngoma as protest, Iris Berger’s study of
movement and shifting fortunes: in Afghanistan, Istanbul,
the Cwezi cults, Religion and Resistance: East African King-
doms in the Precolonial Period (Tervuren, Belgium, 1981);
and Cairo, then India again, then Paris and London, then
Peter Fry, Spirits of Protest: Spirit Mediums and the Articula-
Iran, Russia, and Iran once more, and finally in Istanbul, the
tion of Consensus amongst the Zezuru of S. Rhodesia (Zimba-
capital of the Ottoman empire. Through all the changes
bwe) (Cambridge, U.K., 1976); and Charles Van Onselen’s
there is a recurrent pattern: everywhere he gathered around
Chibaro: African Mine Labour in Southern Rhodesia, 1900–
him groups of disciples; everywhere he tried to warn Mus-
1933 (London, 1976).
lims of the dangers of European, and particularly British, ex-
On the importance of putting ngoma into historical perspective:
pansion; and, although he won favor with Muslim rulers, he
David Schoenbrun, A Green Place, A Good Place: A Social
ended by attacking them for being weak or corrupt and was
History of the Great Lakes Region, Earliest Times to the 15th
several times expelled by them.
Century (Portsmouth, Maine, 1998), situates ngoma and re-
His writings are few: Al-radd Eala¯ al-dahr¯ıy¯ın (The refu-
lated healing in deep historical context provided by historical
linguistics. Boris Wastiau’s Mahamba: The Transforming Arts
tation of the materialists), an attack upon certain Indian
of Spirit Possession among the Luvale-Speaking People of the
Muslims who were willing to accept British rule, and a peri-
Upper Zambezi (Fribourg, 2000), shows the constant evolu-
odical, Al- Eurwah al-wuthqa¯ (The indissoluble link), written
tion and emergence of “paradigms of healing” and the rela-
with the Egyptian theologian Muh:ammad EAbduh and ad-
tionship of cults of affliction to states, epidemics, and broad-
dressed to the whole Muslim world. It is not always easy to
ranging societal changes such as long-distance trade.
discover what al-Afgha¯n¯ı really believed, for he wrote in dif-
Tapio Nisula, in Everyday Spirits and Medical Interventions: Ethno-
ferent ways for different audiences. His main theme is clear,
graphic and Historical Notes on Therapeutic Conventions in
however: Muslims cannot acquire the strength to resist Euro-
Zanzibar Town (Helsinki, 1999), situates ngoma in relation
pean expansion unless they understand their own religion
to the postcolonial state.
rightly and obey it.
Musical scholarship on ngoma—Lyn Schumaker on the Nzila cult
His understanding of Islam seems to have been that of
of Zambia, and by Steven Freidson on Tumbuka cult of Ma-
such Islamic philosophers as Ibn S¯ına¯ (Avicenna), reinforced
lawi, and by John Janzen on ngoma in South Africa—and
by what he learned from modern Western thinkers. Human
compared to musical healing in non-African settings, may be
reason properly enlightened can teach people that there is a
found in Penelope Gouk’s edited volume Musical Healing in
Cultural Contexts (Aldershot, U.K., 2000). Freidson’s Danc-
transcendent God and that they are responsible for acting in
ing Prophets: Musical Experience in Tumbuka Healing (Chica-
accordance with his will. Ordinary people cannot attain to
go and London, 1996), and John Blacking’s chapter “Move-
such knowledge or restrain their passions, and for them
ment, Dance, Music, and the Venda Girls’ Initiation Cycle”
prophets have embodied the truth in symbolic forms (it is
in Paul Spencer, ed., Society and the Dance (Cambridge,
not clear whether al-Afgha¯n¯ı believed that prophets were in-
U.K., 1985) offers a picture of ngoma in a typology of Venda
spired by God or were simply practicing a human craft). The
music.
QurDa¯n is one such symbolic embodiment of the truth. Prop-
Spirituality and by scholars become priests and healers: Roy Wil-
erly interpreted, its message is the same as that of reason;
lis, Some Spirits Heal, Others Only Dance: A Journey into
thus, as human knowledge advances, the QurDa¯n needs to be
Human Selfhood in an African Village (Oxford, 1999), on the
interpreted anew.
Ngulu cult of northern Zambia, Wim Van Binsbergen,
1991, “Becoming a Sangoma: Religious Anthropological
The QurDa¯n, rightly understood, teaches that Muslims
Field-work in Francistown, Botswana,” Journal of Religion in
should act virtuously and in a spirit of solidarity. If they do
Africa, 21, no. 4, pp. 309–344.
this, they will have the strength to survive in the modern
world. Al-Afgha¯n¯ı’s main endeavors were to stir Muslims to
Finally, recent wars have brought out the significance of ngoma
such activity and solidarity, yet his hopes of finding a Mus-
in the relationship of war’s victims and their survivors to the
perpetrators, the articulation of memory and the recovery of
lim ruler who would accept his advice were always disap-
society from war trauma. Richard Werbner, Tears of the Dead
pointed. In later life he appealed more to the rising pan-
(Washington, D.C., 1991) illustrates this in Kalanga com-
Islamic sentiment of the time, and his writing and activities
munities in society following the war of independence and
took on a more orthodox Islamic coloring.
the civil war in Southern Zimbabwe.
Al-Afgha¯n¯ı’s personality seems to have been powerful
JOHN M. JANZEN (1987 AND 2005)
and attractive, and wherever he went he found followers. At
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
65
times he had considerable influence, although less than he
curred between Africans, Europeans, and Native Americans
claimed. In his last years in Istanbul his fame declined, but
beginning in the sixteenth century via the mechanisms of the
it returned after his death, and he came to be regarded as the
colonization of the Americas and the slave trade. The reli-
precursor of a wide variety of Islamic movements.
gions of Africans and the religions of Europeans deeply and
profoundly affected these exchanges. African American reli-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
gions must be studied within the Atlantic World’s broad geo-
Nikki R. Keddie’s Sayyid Jama¯l ad-D¯ın “al-Afgha¯n¯ı”: A Political
historical context and through a comparison with its transat-
Biography (Berkeley, 1972) supersedes all previous works on
lantic counterparts. African American religions demonstrate
al-Afgha¯n¯ı’s life. Using a wide variety of sources, it corrects
certain distinguishing features related to typology as well as
inaccurate versions given by his followers and, so far as possi-
to the impact of the race of its proponents within the com-
ble, traces the course of his career and the development of
plex formation of a religious orientation. In this world, where
his ideas. Elie Kedourie’s Afghani and EAbduh: An Essay on
Africans, Europeans, and Native Americans came to inhabit
Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Modern Islam
(London, 1966) goes too far in its doubts about al-Afgha¯n¯ı’s
the same geographic and social space, the issue and experi-
belief in Islam and about his importance. Keddie’s An Islamic
ence of power appeared in entirely new modalities of nonre-
Response to Imperialism (Berkeley, 1966) gives a full transla-
ciprocity that were legitimated through ingenious social clas-
tion of The Refutation of the Materialists and some other writ-
sifications, customs, and mores created by those in power.
ings. The weekly periodical Al- Eurwah al-wuthqa¯, published
in Paris (March 13–October 17, 1884), has been reprinted
These new modalities gave rise to new religious mean-
several times in Cairo and Beirut.
ings and indeed new religions. Africans discerned and exer-
cised alternate meanings and practices that expressed their
ALBERT HOURANI (1987)
unique understanding of the world and their place in it. This
practice led to an African American identity with its religious
counterparts, originating in the Middle Passage and continu-
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS
ing through the period of slavery. These crucibles transmut-
This entry consists of the following articles:
ed disparate African peoples and religions into an African
AN OVERVIEW
American people endowed with a range of religious practices
MUSLIM MOVEMENTS
and beliefs that distinguished them from their European
HISTORY OF STUDY
American counterparts.
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: AN
AFRICAN BACKGROUND: CONTINUITY AND DISCONTINU-
OVERVIEW
ITY. A historical treatment of African American religions
African American religions can be studied analytically and
must begin in West Africa and the religions practiced there;
historically. Since American religion is a broad phenomenon,
the vast majority of Africans who arrived in the New World
the term African American religion must be defined. Al-
came from this region. While African American religions can
though Christianity is the predominant African American re-
be studied in terms of their continuity with West African
ligion in the New World and blacks have joined every major
forms of worship, they must simultaneously be studied as re-
Christian denomination, they also practice other faiths such
ligious responses to the radical discontinuity experienced by
as Islam, Judaism, vodoou, and Santeria. Moreover, histori-
the Africans who were forced to undergo the ordeal of the
cally and phenomenologically African Americans’ religion
Middle Passage. Moreover, these faiths also must be seen in
and identity often interact. The religious traditions Africans
dynamic terms, because African societies were undergoing a
brought to the New World have forged an African American
process of rapid change at the time of their first contact with
identity, but this identity has developed through a new reli-
Europeans. This contact not only intensified the speed of
gious experience shaped by the conditions Africans under-
that change but also transformed its nature.
went in the Americas.
Unlike most Europeans, Africans came to the Americas
Religion, as a discrete phenomenon that can be studied
involuntarily as chattel slaves; the involuntary nature of their
apart from the cultural, social, and political realms of human
journey provoked a severe crisis of meaning in the souls of
interaction, is a modern notion that was not held by most
the ten to fifteen million of them who survived the Middle
of the Africans who were brought to the Americas. Religion
Passage. Some of the dominant ethnic groups that comprised
encompasses the meanings, symbols, and rituals that inter-
the slave population brought to the Americas included the
pret and regulate human contacts and exchanges with other
Mandingo, Wolof, Fon, Fulani, Hausa, Yoruba, Akan, Ibo,
humans, the natural world, and the invisible world. Humans
and Kongo peoples; certain aspects of African American cul-
must conceptualize, ritualize, and determine the meaning
tural and religious life originated among these ethnic groups.
and value of the power they experience in these contacts and
A significant number of Africans who were brought to the
exchanges. This meaning applies to African American reli-
Americas from Upper Guinea had been converted to Islam,
gions within the historical and spatial context of the Atlantic
and some from the Kongo Kingdom had become Christian,
World in which it arose. Atlantic World describes the world
but the religions practiced by the vast majority of Africans
that was created through the contacts and exchanges that oc-
prior to enslavement are classified as traditional African reli-
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66
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
gions. This term, however, is almost a misnomer because re-
blended, and reinterpreted both African and non-African re-
ligion was inextricably interwoven with every other cultural
ligious traditions. This process occurred differently in the
aspect of life in most African societies. A person did not have
Caribbean and in South America, however, where Africans
a religious identification per se; rather, people’s sense of iden-
retained much more of their ethnicity than in North Ameri-
tity was most often connected to their village and clan.
ca. Nevertheless, creolization, in the broader sense of the
term, did happen. The first African American religious insti-
Traditional African religions were not static because Af-
tutions in North America grew out of benevolent and self-
rican societies have continually undergone a process of rapid
help groups previously organized among the Africans.
change through the contacts and exchanges resulting from
trade, migration, and warfare. Extensive trade networks con-
NORTH AMERICA: SLAVE RELIGION. In North America, Af-
nected the fishing villages on the coast with the agricultural
rican American slaves did not embrace Christianity in large
villages of the interior. When a dominant group settled in
numbers until the Great Awakening, beginning in 1740.
a host’s territory, either the host group or the dominant
The revivalists of this period, including the preachers George
group adopted the religion and sometimes language of the
Whitfield and William Tennent, noted that blacks were
other people. Among the Ibo around the Niger Delta region,
among the crowds who flocked to hear them. Despite the
for example, the Aro society functioned in two important ca-
positive response to the revivalists made by an increasing
pacities—they performed a religio-juristic role by operating
number of slaves, by the early 1800s the majority of blacks
the sacred oracle, and they controlled trade. The Ibo were
remained only minimally touched by Christianity. Scholars
a stateless society, and because the Aro did not belong to any
speculate that the religious practices of American slaves dur-
particular village, they were, at least theoretically, able to pro-
ing this period were eclectic adaptations of African retentions
nounce legal decisions through the oracle without partiality.
and borrowings from their contacts with Native Americans
The Aro’s pronouncements of penalties became much more
and European Americans. The task of reaching the rural
severe during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, how-
areas where the majority of the black population resided fell
ever, after its traders became middlemen in the slave trade.
to the plantation missions. The growing abolitionist move-
CREOLIZATION IN THE ATLANTIC WORLD. A “creole” is a
ment in the North put pressure on the slave owners to admit
person of French or Spanish descent who was born in a coun-
the missionaries. At the same time, however, the missions
try other than France or Spain, usually a tropical colonial ter-
were compelled to assure the slave owners that Christian in-
ritory. This definition was later extended to include the En-
struction would reconcile slaves to their condition. The
glish settlers in colonial lands; thus, the English colonists
slaves heard preaching on the Sabbath and, in many cases,
living in North America before the American Revolution can
at a second evening meeting during the week. Because most
also be called “creoles.” Creole is much more than an issue
states had antiliteracy laws for slaves, instruction was given
of place of birth, however. Creole culture is the result of con-
orally. Sermons instructed the slaves that serving their master
tact, subordination, and settlement of peoples and cultures
was synonymous with serving God and that they should be
within the Atlantic World. The term reflected this broader
content with their condition of bondage.
meaning when it was applied to persons of French and Afri-
Most plantation owners, however, were never really at
can parentage in Haiti and Louisiana. It has come to connote
ease with the missions’ rationale that Christianity would pac-
the result of biological as well as cultural contacts and ex-
ify the slaves and rightly so, because the slaves generated their
changes. Creolization in this sense was something that start-
own interpretation of the faith. Even at the risk of beatings,
ed even before Africans were transported across the Atlantic
there were always a few who taught themselves how to read
Ocean. It occurred on the islands off the coast of Africa and
out of an earnest passion to interpret the Scriptures directly.
on the Iberian Peninsula. Indeed, the first enslaved Africans
These interpretations were communicated by slave preachers
that were imported to the New World in the early sixteenth
in clandestine meetings—the invisible institution—where
century came from Spain and not directly from Africa. Some
the slaves met in secret to worship, pray, and sing. In these
of the religious and cultural manifestations of their creoliza-
meetings, they heard the preaching of such leaders as Nat
tion established patterns of religious life that were continued
Turner, Denmark Vessey, and Gabriel Prosser. If slaves were
by the slave population that arrived directly from Africa. En-
caught having secret meetings, they were severely punished.
slaved Africans in Spain’s urban areas formed their own reli-
Spirituals that contained coded messages announced such
gious confraternities and mutual aid societies to assist with
meetings as well as stories of escapes from bondage on the
burials, participate in numerous saint’s days associated with
Underground Railroad. At the secret “bush arbor” meetings,
Iberian Christianity, and help raise funds for their member’s
slaves could plan escapes and uprisings and contemplate the
manumission. Such organizations were replicated in the
eschatological message of freedom through their songs.
Americas and provided a structure through which Africans
organized various aspects of their religious and social life.
CATEGORIES: INVISIBILITY, OPACITY, AND DOUBLE-
These organizations—called cabildos—were noted for the
CONSCIOUSNESS. W. E. B. Du Bois’s The Souls of Black Folks
songs and dances they performed at fiestas and holidays ac-
was the first phenomenological study of African American
cording to their respective nations. Creolization is one way
religion. This compilation of essays was first published in
of understanding how African ethnic groups adapted,
1901, and it confines itself to the black religious experience
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AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
67
in the United States. What is evident in this classic is that
MODALITIES: THE HOLY SPIRIT, MOAN, AND SHOUT. In
African American religion must be approached through a
one of the spirituals, the singer exclaims: “Every time I feel
phenomenology of African American consciousness. Phe-
the Spirit moving in my heart I will pray.” The Holy Spirit
nomenology basically asks the question of how something
and spirits play prominent roles in African and African
appears.
American religions. Slaves experienced the spirit through an
Du Bois begins his book by describing how black people
ecstatic mode of religious perception as a power origination
appear, both to themselves and to others, by introducing the
from a divine source that transcended the mundane powers
concept of double-consciousness. The racial construct con-
that held them in degradation and bondage. This mode of
stituting an African American identity was seen by Du Bois
religious apprehension was not entirely new. Spirit posses-
in relational terms, but it was anything but ahistorical. He
sion had already been something that characterized the in-
situated the black religious experience in the context of the
digenous religions Africans practiced prior to enslavement.
Atlantic World. His doctoral dissertation, The Suppression of
When spirit possession takes place, the worshipper experi-
the African Slave Trade, provided early documentation for
ences being taken over by the entity that is invoked—a na-
the theme the scholar Eric Williams later developed more
ture spirit, deceased ancestor, or a god. In the Kongo King-
fully in Capitalism and Slavery. African American religion
dom during the late eighteenth century, a Christian convert
was situated at the core of the modern world’s political econ-
named Dona Beatrice Kimpa, who may have been a medium
omy—the slave was forced to undergo modernity and Afri-
prior to her conversion, claimed that she was possessed by
can American religion was a vital component of the struggle
Saint Anthony’s spirit and that the Holy Family was African.
to survive that ordeal. William Pietz has documented how,
This cultural heritage of participation or connection with the
during their initial economic exchanges with Africans, the
Creator through the intermediary of a spirit or power persist-
Portuguese misinterpreted African traditional religions
ed in North America where, under the influence of Chris-
under the category of “the fetish,” thus introducing the term
tianity, the African spirits were forgotten or abandoned.
into European discourse. African’s religions were being “feti-
Nevertheless, the modality participation and possession by
shized” at the same time that their bodies were being “com-
the object of religious devotion did persist in the New
modified.”
World. The example of Dona Beatrice Kimpa demonstrates
the involvement of women in the African American reli-
The experience of being powerless before the absolute
gion—as prophets, healers, mystics, and social activists—
power wielded over the slave by the master tended to deprive
although they could not serve as priestesses. Additionally, the
the slave of agency and self-definition. While undergoing
study of African and African American women’s history pro-
this experience, however, the slave was also intuiting a realm
vides innumerable examples that highlight the relationship
of power that transcended that of the master; by relating to
between mystical experience and social practice.
this realm, slaves could construct a collective identity inde-
pendent of the one imposed upon them by their oppressors.
As in Africa, Africans in America had no uniform way
Several African American thinkers, such as Howard Thur-
of experiencing the spirit in religion. In fact, as can be sur-
man (The Negro Speaks of Life and Death) and Benjamin
mised from Bishop Daniel Payne’s objection to what he re-
Mays (The Negro’s God), have noted how African American
garded as “the barbaric” practice of the ring shout, many dis-
religion functioned to help them survive the ordeal of slav-
agreed over what was appropriate conduct in Christian
ery. An African American identity emerged out of the en-
worship. While it is sometimes preceded by fasting, prayer,
counter and perception of a God who transcended the mas-
tarrying, and what Howard Thurman called the “deep hun-
ter and was for them and with them. Their experience of
ger” of the soul, receiving the spirit is not controlled by any
God’s transcendence can be discerned in the lyrics to one
prescribed technique or practice. The process depends on the
spiritual: “Over my head I hear music in the air, there must
temperament and conceptual tools of the person who has re-
be a God somewhere.”
ceived the gift. Thurman, for example, wrote: “As a child,
African American identity was connected with and in-
the boundaries of my life spilled over into the mystery of the
voked through this sort of revelatory experience. In Trabelin’
ocean and wonder of the dark nights and the wooing of the
On, Mechal Sobel argues that a distinctive worldview
wind until the breath of nature and my own breath seemed
emerged concomitant with the black religious experience.
to be one—it was resonant to the tonality of God. This was
The black religious experience is something to which white
a part of my cosmic religious experience as I grew up.” Some
people had no access, because the very nature of their power
viewed Life Spirit as a personal being, while others regarded
over their slaves prevented them from encountering the slave
it as an undifferentiated power. Regardless of the under-
as a subject. In his book Significations: Signs, Symbols, and
standing, however, the phenomenon of spirit is a prominent
Images in the Interpretation of Religion, Charles H. Long has
feature in African American religion. Two modalities
shown that because whites were so assured that their defini-
through which the experience of the spirit may be expressed
tions of those they enslaved and colonized corresponded with
are the moan and the shout. These modalities can also be dis-
reality, the true identity of these “empirical others” was ren-
cerned in other aspects of African American culture such as
dered opaque. In its “opacity,” black religious experience
the blues, gospel, jazz, black art, black oratory, and black
serves as the “critique of the critique,” according to Long.
dance.
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68
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
INSTITUTIONALIZATION. African Americans organized their
using the already established Free African Society as the cen-
own voluntary associations before they developed their own
ter of their religious activity. The new organization, Saint
churches or denominations. In 1776 Prince Hall and four-
Thomas’s Protestant Episcopal Church, named Absalom
teen other blacks founded the African Lodge No. 1 in Bos-
Jones as the first African American Episcopal priest in 1794.
ton, Massachusetts. The African Union Society was orga-
The Bethel Church, another outgrowth of the Free Society,
nized in Newport, Rhode Island, in 1780. This society
became the base for organizing the African Methodist Epis-
worshipped in its members’ homes and accepted women.
copal (AME) denomination. In 1816 a Philadelphia confer-
Hall and seventy-five other blacks petitioned the General
ence established the AME Church, with Allen replacing
Court for permission to immigrate to Africa. The plans in-
Daniel Coker as bishop. The AME Church adopted the
cluded forming “a religious society or Christian church” on
Methodist Episcopal Church’s Book of Discipline but with
the continent with “one or more blacks [to be] ordained as
more stringent antislavery strictures. AME membership grew
their pastors or bishops.” African American benevolent socie-
to eight thousand people by 1839. The AME spread the gos-
ties supported and reached out to one another across state
pel not only through the efforts of camp meetings and revival
lines. The Newport society sent a financial contribution to
services but also through printed materials generated from
Saint Thomas Church’s building project in Philadelphia,
its own publishing house. The Book Concern Department,
Pennsylvania, just one example of what Will B. Gravely de-
founded in 1818, was the first African American publishing
scribed as “the persistent symbiosis between churches and
house in the United States.
other voluntary associations in black life.” African American
African American Baptists also organized their own
ministers engaged in cooperative efforts aimed at social uplift
churches during these periods. The first African American
and freedom across denominational lines after forming their
Baptist churches were probably those organized in the 1750s
own churches. Black ministers also often worked in coopera-
on the Byrd plantation in Mecklenburg, Virginia, and in Sil-
tion with whites to oppose slavery. Black preachers who were
ver Bluff, South Carolina, by George Leiles. The Silver Bluff
prominent in the abolitionist movement were the African
congregation’s life was disrupted during the War of Indepen-
Methodist Daniel Payne; the African American Episcopal
dence; the church manager and others sought their freedom
Zionists J. W. Logan and Christopher Rush; the Episcopa-
with the British in Savannah, Georgia. This move resulted
lians Alexander Crummell, James Holly, and Peter Williams;
in the formation of the First African Church of Savannah,
the Congregationalists Amos Beman, J. W. C. Pennington,
which joined the Georgia Association of Baptist Churches
Charles Ray, and Samuel Ringgold Ward; and the Presbyte-
in 1790. Other African American Baptist congregations were
rians Samuel Cornish, Henry Highland Garnet, James
also organized during the revolutionary and postrevolution-
Gloucester, and Theodore Wright. During this period, Afri-
ary periods in Virginia (1774), Kentucky (1790), Massachu-
can American Catholics were small in number. In Baltimore
setts (1805), Pennsylvania (1809), New York (1808), and
and New Orleans, however, they managed to organize reli-
New Jersey (1812). By 1813 there were forty thousand Afri-
gious orders for black women—the Oblate Sisters of Provi-
can American Baptists; the majority them, however, be-
dence (1829) and the Holy Family Sisters (1842).
longed to the same churches as their owners.
During the colonial and pre–Revolutionary War peri-
The African Methodist Episcopal Zion (AMEZ) church
ods, the denominations most successful in attracting African
began around the same time as its AME counterpart and
Americans to their services were the Methodists and the Bap-
under similar circumstances. James Varick, Peter Williams,
tists. While discrimination caused blacks to form separate re-
William Brown, June Scott, and others petitioned and re-
ligious bodies, they also formed their own organizations to
ceived permission from Bishop Francis Asbury to hold their
enable them to exercise the power needed to define their des-
own services in New York City in 1796. This group did not
tinies and respond to their perception of God’s claim on
declare itself to be the AMEZ Church until 1799, however,
their life. As Gravely stated, “The sacred power that they felt,
and the church was not incorporated until 1801, when it was
shared, and mediated could not be contained or isolated
recognized by the General Conference of the Methodist
from more mundane forms of power.” The formation of Af-
Episcopal Church. The first conference was held at Zion
rican American congregations was motivated more by practi-
Church in New York City on June 21, 1821. The AMEZ
cal and theological concerns rather than ideological—that is,
Church was the first Methodist church to ordain women to
black nationalist—considerations. The Methodists often or-
perform all functions except ordination; notably, it was also
ganized their African American converts into separate con-
the first to officially oppose slavery and include its opposition
gregations that were supervised by a white minister. In other
in its Book of Discipline (1820). In 1821 the AMEZ Church
cases, equally objectionable to the African American wor-
had a total membership of fourteen hundred members under
shippers, the blacks were made to sit in segregated areas in
the leadership of twenty-two ministers.
the sanctuary; they could receive Communion only after the
whites had been served. In 1787 Richard Allen (a former
Most African American ministers did not exercise lead-
slave), Absalom Jones, and others protested the treatment
ership beyond the level of their local congregation because
they received at Saint George’s Methodist Episcopal Church
they lacked either the means or the ability. Carol V. R.
in Philadelphia by withdrawing from that congregation and
George points out that “while members of the clerical elite
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AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
69
traveled, wrote books, and addressed antislavery audiences
united into the National Baptist Convention of the U.S.A.
. . . their less distinguished brothers built Sunday schools,
Two underlying issues that triggered these bodies were the
raised money, and joined or sponsored local groups respon-
attempt of whites to exercise control over the black coreli-
sive to the community needs, all efforts that had the effects
gionists and the conflict between conservatives and progres-
of heightening the racial consciousness and collective identi-
sives in the denomination. For example, the refusal of the
ty of black people.” The majority of black clergy who served
American Baptist Publication Society to accept contribu-
individual congregations or traveled on the circuit lived a
tions from blacks necessitated the formation of the National
precarious economic existence. Few black congregations,
Baptist Publishing House under R. H. Boyd. Some black
whose members often consisted primarily of servants, could
Baptist congregations continued to use the Sunday school lit-
maintain a full-time pastor. To survive therefore black clergy
erature produced by the white publishing house, while others
had to rely on white patrons or also work as farmers, barbers,
used the material produced by the black publishing house.
or teachers. This predicament left many ministers and their
congregations with little time or energy to directly engage in
The type of piety practiced by slaves did not disappear
abolitionist activity, even though there was no difference be-
with the ending of slavery, because their social and material
tween their antislavery sentiments and those of their more
conditions did not change substantially with emancipation.
visible counterparts. In Black Religion and Black Radicalism,
Seventy-five percent of the African American population still
Gayraud Wilmore asserted that, after the Civil War, African
lived in the South as late as 1880, and most of them earned
American churches became deradicalized. This impression
their livelihood through some form of agriculture—often
might be justified when looking at the clergy elite, but the
tenant farming and sharecropping. As ex-Confederates re-
vast majority of clergy and churches continued to struggle
turned to power and survival became more difficult due to
to uplift their local congregations.
periodic economic depressions, African Americans began to
R
migrate to the North and West. In the West, a new form of
ELIGIOUS DIVERSIFICATION IN THE POSTEMANCIPATION
P
African American Christianity appeared: Pentecostalism. Af-
ERIOD. Following the Civil War, African Americans made
tremendous gains in the political arena during Reconstruc-
rican Americans remained segregated, however, regardless of
tion (1865–1877), when newly enfranchised blacks sent nu-
where they resided. The church served as the only institution
merous elected officials of their own race to state legislatures
that could provide group cohesion and self-help. Black
and the U.S. Congress. When Rutherford B. Hayes was
churches continued to promote education through the en-
elected president of the United States, the Republican Party
couragement of Bible reading and the formation of literary
withdrew its support of the black cause, abandoning African
societies. They also became social service agencies by estab-
Americans to the local white population that quickly disen-
lishing mission programs in poor black areas, jails, hospitals,
franchised blacks through intimidation, grandfather clauses,
and homes for orphans and the elderly. A Bible school, nur-
gerrymandering, poll taxes, and other devices. Approximate-
sery school, kindergarten, gymnasium, employment agency,
ly three thousand blacks were lynched between 1882 and
and school of music were organized in Atlanta, Georgia, by
1910. In 1883 the Supreme Court ruled that the public ac-
H. H. Proctor’s Congregational church. Another Congrega-
commodations section of the 1875 Civil Rights Act was un-
tional church, led by W. N. De Berry in Springfield, Massa-
constitutional. In 1896 the Supreme Court affirmed the na-
chusetts, organized an employment agency, a women’s wel-
tion’s separate-but-equal policy in the Plessy v. Ferguson
fare league, a home for working girls, a handicraft club for
decision.
boys and girls, and an evening school for domestic training.
These kinds of mission programs were duplicated in most
In this broad political environment, African Americans
urban areas. By the beginning of the twentieth century, how-
continued to organize religiously and socially. Emancipation
ever, the complexity and magnitude of the problems encoun-
provided greater latitude to their organizational efforts than
tered by urban African Americans were beginning to outstrip
what was experienced during slavery. Mobility among Afri-
the black church’s resources.
can Americans increased dramatically after the Civil War.
The black Methodist denominations increased in number
By the early twentieth century, African Americans had
and influence among African Americans. The Methodists,
ceased to be a monolithic entity and were experiencing great-
however, were never able to compete with the Baptists in
er social differentiation, although they still represented a dis-
winning African American converts to their fold. The Baptist
tinct caste in American society. Religious preferences diversi-
became the major religious force in African American life fol-
fied among African Americans, as some blacks became
lowing the Civil War. As early as 1867 the Consolidated
educated or urbanized. Some educated urban African Ameri-
American Baptist Convention was organized. This body last-
cans insisted on a dignified worship experience. On the other
ed until 1880. Baptists were organizing state conventions
hand, many black migrants found the formality of the urban
throughout the South by the 1870s. When the consolidated
African American churches stifling. Thus greater differentia-
body dissolved, three smaller bodies arose—the Foreign Mis-
tion in African American forms of piety developed starting
sion Baptist Convention of the U.S.A. (1880), the American
in the early twentieth century. Many storefront churches
National Baptist Convention (1880), and the American Na-
proliferated in black urban areas, and various religious fig-
tional Educational Baptist Convention (1893)—that later
ures, such as Father Divine (1887–1965) and Daddy Grace
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
70
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
(c. 1881–1960), started significant religious movements. Af-
pulse Wilmore and others have traced from the period of
rican Americans also joined non-Christian religions, such as
slavery through the Civil Rights movement led by Martin
the Nation of Islam—founded in the 1930s by Elijah Mu-
Luther King Jr., a Baptist preacher and theologian. Or
hammad—and various black Jewish bodies that they regard-
should Pentecostalism in its megachurch permutation be cri-
ed as being more compatible with their sense of black
tiqued as something that ultimately works against the quest
identity.
of African American religions for freedom? The Reverend
Martin Luther King Jr. led African American Christians in
Pentecostalism represented a new form of Christianity
a profound and intense theological reflection on the nature
that emerged among the African Americans who migrated
of power in the ultimate sense and in the way it manifests
to the western part of the United States. Its historical signifi-
itself in the lack of reciprocity in the global economy. Any
cance, according to David D. Daniels III, lies in the fact that
new religious movements that appear on the horizon of the
in this movement African Americans did not just adapt a
African American historical experience will have to come to
form of Christianity to fit their needs and circumstances—as
grips with this question; in fact the viability of existing Afri-
had the African American Methodists and Baptists—but in-
can American religious bodies will depend upon how effec-
stead created a new form of Christianity.
tively this issue is addressed.
Most historians agree that Pentecostalism has its roots
in the Holiness movement that started in the Methodist
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Church around the end of the Civil War. The roots of the
The problematic nature of engaging in the study of religion and
Holiness movement in turn can be traced to the heritage of
the notion of the opacity of African American religion is dis-
revivalism in American Christianity. A holiness impulse or
cussed in depth in Charles H. Long’s Significations: Signs,
stream seems to infuse African American Christianity. The
Symbols, and Images in the Interpretation of Religion (Philadel-
African American Nat Turner said in his Confession, “I
phia, 1986). W. E. B. Du Bois’s Souls of Black Folk (New
sought to obtain true holiness before the great day of judg-
York, 1999; 1st ed. 1903) is the first phenomenological-
ment should appear and then I began to receive the true
historical study of black consciousness and black religion; in
knowledge of faith.” In Topeka, Kansas, in the early 1900s
this classic, Du Bois introduces the notion of “double-
consciousness” as a relational term descriptive of blackness
the preacher Charles F. Parham (1873–1937) promulgated
in the United States. A detailed historical description of the
the Pentecostal doctrine of a third blessing of speaking in
way creolization began to occur on the African side of the At-
tongues to follow the second blessing of sanctification. The
lantic is in George E. Brooks’s Landlords and Strangers: Ecolo-
African American holiness Baptist preacher William J. Sey-
gy, Society, and Trade in Western Africa, 1000–1630 ( (San
mour took Parham’s doctrine of speaking in tongues to Los
Francisco, 1993). See also Richard A. Lobban Jr.’s Cape
Angeles in 1906, where he led a revival at 312 Azusa Street,
Verde: Crioulo Colony to Independent Nation (San Francisco,
the former sanctuary of the First African Methodist Episco-
1995). The complex issue of how the term “fetish” entered
pal Church. Within twelve months, the movement had
into European discourse through the fetishization of tradi-
spread internationally. Women played—and continue to
tional African religions is discussed in great detail by William
play—a very prominent role in Pentecostalism’s leadership.
Pietz in a three articles, “The Problem of the Fetish I,” Res
Perhaps the greater emphasis Pentecostalism places on prayer
9 (1985): 5–17; “The Problem of the Fetish II: The Origin
of the Fetish,” Res 13 (1987): 23–45; and “The Problem of
and healing helps account for this, since that office is more
the Fetish IIIa: Bosman’s Guinea and the Enlightenment
closely associated with a certain type of charisma.
Theory of Fetishism,” Res 16 (1988): 105–123. The way the
The emphasis on speaking in tongues, prayer, and heal-
Middle Passage and New World experiences transformed Af-
ing did not prevent a significant number of Pentecostal orga-
rican religion is explored in depth in John Thornton’s Africa
nizations from starting social programs, sending missionaries
and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400–1680
(New York, 1992).
to Africa, and involving themselves in the Marcus Garvey
movement and later in the Civil Rights movement. In the
For an overall view of the black church in the United States, see
early twenty-first century, Pentecostalism was the fastest-
Carter G. Woodson’s The History of the Negro Church
growing religious movement among African Americans. Due
(Washington, D. C., 1921). For an account of black religion
that describes a continuity of the protest element from the
to racial integration, social class differentiation, and the in-
slavery period through the twentieth century, see Gayraud S.
creased number of black immigrants from outside the Unit-
Wilmore’s Black Religion and Black Radicalism, 2d ed. (New
ed States, however, religious diversity among African Ameri-
York, 1983). For an in-depth historical and cultural analysis
cans has increased significantly. Apart from mainline
of the religion practiced by black slaves in the United States,
Christianity and Pentecostalism, African Americans have
see Albert Robateau’s Slave Religion: The Invisible Institution
also embraced Islam, Afro-Caribbean religions, Afro-
in the Antebellum South (Oxford, 1978). For a more phe-
Brazilian religions, Judaism, and Buddhism.
nomenological treatment of slave religion, see Howard Thur-
man’s Jesus and the Disinherited (New York, 1949) and The
Pentecostalism in particular and religious diversity in
Negro Spiritual Speaks of Life and Death (New York, 1947).
general challenge black theologians, feminist theologians,
The growth of the more visible independent black churches
and African American religious scholars to determine wheth-
in the North is described in Carol V. R. George’s Segregated
er these trends have any continuity with the liberationist im-
Sabbaths: Richard Allen and the Emergence of Independent
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: MUSLIM MOVEMENTS
71
Black Churches (New York, 1973). The relationship between
Lawrence H. Mamiya, eds., The Black Church in the African
black religion and African American consciousness is docu-
American Experience (Durham, N.C., 1990).
mented in Mechal Sobel’s Trabelin’ On: The Slave Journey to
JAMES ANTHONY NOEL (2005)
an Afro-Baptist Faith (Westport, Conn., 1979). See also Ster-
ling Stuckey’s Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory and the Foun-
dations of Black America (New York, 1987). Excellent studies
of the history of the black church in the nineteenth century
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: MUSLIM
and early twentieth century is in David W. Wills and Rich-
MOVEMENTS
ard Newman, eds., Black Apostles at Home and Abroad: Afro-
Americans and the Christian Mission from the Revolution to Re-
The organization of African Americans into movements that
construction (Boston, 1982); and Randall K. Burkett and
identified themselves as Muslim began in 1913, but the his-
Richard Newman, eds., Black Apostles: Afro-American Clergy
tory of Islam among black Americans is much older. Indeed,
Confront the Twentieth Century (Boston, 1978). Will B.
the case has been made that black Muslims, “Moors” in the
Gravely’s article “The Rise of African American Churches in
company of Spanish explorers, were the first to introduce
America (1786–1822): Re-Examining the Contexts,” in Afri-
Islam to America. Muslims from Islamized areas of Africa
can American Religion: Interpretive Essays in History and Cul-
were enslaved in British North America, and a few left narra-
ture, edited by Timothy E. Fulop and Albert J. Raboteau
tives of their experiences. Several of these, written in Arabic,
(New York, 1997), details the relationship between African
are still extant. Missionaries remarked that Muslim slaves in
American voluntary associations and their churches. In the
antebellum Georgia and South Carolina blended Islam and
same volume see Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham’s “The Black
Christianity by identifying God with Alla¯h and Jesus with
Church: A Gender Perspective,” an article that employs Du
Muh:ammad. In the 1930s descendants of these slaves still
Bois’s notion of double-consciousness to describe the reli-
remembered how their grandparents used to pray five times
gious experience of African American women in the United
daily, facing east toward Mecca. Islam was not widespread,
States in terms of “multiple consciousness.” For an overall
however, among slaves in the United States, the vast majority
historical treatment of African American women, see Jacque-
line Jones’s Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women,
of whom followed the traditional religions of Africa and
Work, and the Family, from Slavery to the Present (New York,
adopted some form of Christianity.
1985). Jualynne E. Dodson’s “Nineteenth-Century AME
Muslim emigration from the Middle East in the nine-
Preaching Women,” in Women in New Worlds: Historical
teenth century did not lead to extensive contact, much less
Perspectives on the Wesleyan Tradition, edited by Hilah
religious proselytizing, between Arab Muslims and African
Thomas and Rosemary Keller (Nashville, Tenn., 1981), doc-
Americans. The potential appeal of Islam for black Ameri-
uments the contribution of African American women to the
cans was enunciated most effectively by Edward Wilmot Bly-
AME denomination.
den (1832–1912), minister for the government of Liberia,
For a sociological description and analysis of the forms African
who lectured widely in the United States. In his book Chris-
American religion assumed in the urban environment, see
tianity, Islam, and the Negro Race (1888) Blyden compared
Arthur Huff Fauset’s Black Gods of the Metropolis (Philadel-
the racial attitudes of Christian and Muslim missionaries in
phia, 1944). See also St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton’s
Africa and came to the conclusion that Islam had a much
classic sociological study of Chicago, Black Metropolis: A
better record of racial equality than did Christianity.
Study of Negro Life in a Northern City (New York, 1945). Al-
M
though the scholarship pertaining to black Jews is wanting,
OORISH SCIENCE. In the late nineteenth century, black in-
a good place to begin is Howard Brotz’s The Black Jews of
tellectuals became increasingly critical of white Christians for
Harlem (New York, 1970). For a good history of the Nation
supporting racial segregation in America and colonialism in
of Islam, see E. U. Essien-Udom’s Black Nationalism: A
Africa. Europeans and Americans, they charged, were in dan-
Search for an Identity in America (Chicago, 1962). Vinson
ger of turning Christianity into a “white man’s religion.”
Synan’s The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement in the United
After the turn of the century, Timothy Drew (1886–1929),
States (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1971) is an excellent survey of
a black delivery man from North Carolina, began teaching
this movement’s historical development. See also the com-
that Christianity was a religion for whites. The true religion
prehensive and detailed article by David D. Daniels III,
of black people, he announced, was Islam. In 1913, the
“Pentecostalism,” in The Encyclopedia of African American
Noble Drew Ali, as his followers called him, founded the first
Religion, edited by Larry G. Murphy, J. Gordon Melton, and
Moorish Science Temple in Newark, New Jersey. Knowl-
Gary L. Ward (New York 1993). For Martin Luther King
edge of self was the key to salvation, according to Ali, and
Jr.’s thought, see James M. Washington, ed., Testament of
he claimed that he had been sent by Alla¯h to restore to Afri-
Hope: The Essential Writings of Martin Luther King, Jr. (San
can Americans the knowledge of their true identity, stolen
Francisco, 1986). The relationship between the Civil Rights
and Black Power movements and black theology can be dis-
from them by Christian Europeans. African Americans were
cerned in a collection of primary documents by Gayraud S.
not Negroes; they were “Asiatics.” Their original home was
Wilmore and James H. Cone, Black Theology: A Documenta-
Morocco and their true identity was Moorish-American.
ry History, 1966–1979 (New York, 1979). For a more con-
Possessed of their own identity and their own religion,
temporary sociological overview of the different black reli-
Moorish-Americans were empowered to overcome racial and
gious denomination affiliations, see C. Eric Lincoln and
economic oppression. The doctrines of Moorish Science
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
72
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: MUSLIM MOVEMENTS
were explained in The Holy Koran, a sixty-page booklet that
for African Americans in reparation for slavery. Black Mus-
bore no resemblance to the QurDa¯n of Islam. By 1925, Ali
lims refused to vote, to participate in the armed services, or
had founded several temples and moved his headquarters to
to salute the flag. The separate identity of members of the
Chicago. There he died under mysterious circumstances in
Nation of Islam was reinforced by a strict ethical code. Alco-
1929. His movement split into several factions, but it sur-
hol, drugs, tobacco, sports, movies, and cosmetics were for-
vived, as various groups claimed allegiance to several rivals
bidden, along with pork and other foods identified as un-
who claimed to be “reincarnations” of Noble Drew Ali.
clean or unhealthy.
Though heretical in the view of orthodox Muslims, the
Moorish Science Temple was the first organization to spread
In the 1950s, Malcolm Little (1925–1965), who had
awareness of Islam as an alternative to Christianity among
converted to the Nation of Islam in prison, rose to promi-
black Americans.
nence as chief spokesman for Elijah Muhammad. As Mal-
colm X he became one of the most articulate critics of racial
The first missionaries of worldwide Islam to attempt to
convert African Americans came from the Ah:madiyah move-
injustice in the country during the civil rights period. Reject-
ment which originated in India in 1889. The Ah:madiyah,
ing the nonviolent approach of Martin Luther King, Jr., he
who regarded their founder, Mirza Ghula¯m Ah:mad, as a re-
argued that separatism and self-determination were necessary
former of Islam, sent their first missionary to the United
if blacks were to achieve full equality. During his pilgrimage
States in 1920. During the next decade a significant propor-
to Mecca in 1964, however, he observed the racial cosmopol-
tion of his converts were black. The Ah:madiyah influence
itanism of Islam and concluded that the doctrine of the Na-
was far exceeded, however, by a second indigenous group of
tion of Islam was incompatible with his new understanding
black Muslims, known as the Nation of Islam.
of the religion. Breaking with Elijah Muhammad, he
N
founded his own organization, the Muslim Mosque, Inc., in
ATION OF ISLAM. In 1930, a peddler named Wallace D.
Fard (later known as Walli Farrad, Professor Ford, Farrad
New York City. Shortly thereafter, he was assassinated. The
Mohammed, and numerous other aliases) appeared in the
life and death of Malcolm X helped to increase interest in
black community of Detroit. Fard claimed that he had come
Islam among black Americans.
from Mecca to reveal to black Americans their true identity
In 1975, Elijah Muhammad died, and his son
as Muslims of the “lost-found tribe of Shabbazz.” Like the
Warithuddin (Wallace Deen) Muhammad succeeded to the
Noble Drew Ali, Fard taught that salvation for black people
leadership of the Nation of Islam. Rapidly, he began to move
lay in self-knowledge. Within a few years, he organized a
Temple of Islam, a “university” (actually an elementary and
the members of the Nation of Islam toward embracing or-
secondary school), a Muslim girls’ training class, and a
thodox Islam. He explained that the teachings of Wallace D.
paramilitary group, the Fruit of Islam. In 1934, Fard disap-
Fard and his father were to be understood allegorically, not
peared as mysteriously as he had come. The leadership of the
literally. He opened the Nation of Islam to white member-
Nation of Islam was taken up by Fard’s chief minister, Elijah
ship and encouraged his followers to participate in the civic
Poole (1897–1975), a black laborer from Georgia, whom
and political life of the country. These radical changes were
Fard had renamed Elijah Muhammad.
symbolized by changes in name, as the Nation of Islam be-
came the World Community of Islam in the West and then
Elijah Muhammad announced to the members of the
the American Muslim Mission. This last name signified the
Nation that Wallace D. Fard was actually the incarnation of
close connection that Imam Warithuddin Muhammad
Alla¯h and that he, Elijah, was his messenger. For the next
sought to develop between African American Muslims and
forty years, he was regarded as such by his followers, who
the worldwide community of Islam. These changes were re-
came to be known as the Black Muslims. According to the
jected by some Black Muslims. Under the leadership of Min-
teachings of Messenger Muhammad, as he was called, hu-
ister Louis Farrakhan, this faction has broken with the Amer-
mankind was originally black, until an evil scientist created
ican Muslim Mission, returned to the original teachings and
a race of white people through genetic engineering. The
ideals of Elijah Muhammad, and readopted the old name,
whites he created turned out to be devils. Their religion is
the Nation of Islam.
Christianity, while that of the original black people is Islam.
Alla¯h has allowed the race of white devils to rule the world
Although the Moorish Science Temple and the Nation
for six thousand years, a period about to end with the de-
of Islam have excited the most interest in the popular and
struction of the world, after which a new world will be ruled
the scholarly press, increasing numbers of black Americans
by a nation of righteous blacks. Instead of striving for inte-
have converted to Islam without having gone through the
gration, then, blacks should separate themselves from white
channels of these heterodox movements, as orthodox Mus-
society which is corrupt and doomed.
lim societies and associations have placed them in direct con-
Elijah Muhammad elaborated a detailed program for
tact with the QurDa¯n and with the history of Muslim culture
the Nation that included establishing Black Muslim busi-
and spirituality.
nesses in order to achieve economic independence and de-
manding that the federal government set aside separate land
SEE ALSO Elijah Muhammad; Malcolm X; Nation of Islam.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
73
BIBLIOGRAPHY
study of African American religion advanced with greater
Essien-Udom, E. U. Black Nationalism: A Search for an Identity
precision as early black thinkers employed the scholarly tools
in America. Chicago, 1962.
of historical, sociological, and ethnographic methods. At the
Fauset, Arthur Huff. Black Gods of the Metropolis: Negro Religious
forefront of these new interdisciplinary approaches was W.
Cults in the Urban North. Philadelphia, 1944.
E. B. Du Bois (1868–1963) and his 1903 publications The
Lincoln, Charles Eric. The Black Muslims in America. Boston,
Souls of Black Folk and The Negro Church. These ground-
1961.
breaking works insightfully placed the birth, evolution, and
Malcolm X, with Alex Haley. The Autobiography of Malcolm X.
institutionalization of black religion in direct conversation
New York, 1965.
with questions of primordial origins, religious evolution, and
Waugh, Earle H., Baha Abu-Laban, and Regula B. Qureshi, eds.
the sociological impact of race and urbanization. Du Bois’s
The Muslim Community in North America. Edmonton, 1983.
The Negro Church was the first to examine the institution of
New Sources
religion as a valid subject for sociological investigation.
Austin, Allan D., ed., African Muslims in Antebellum America:
Methodologically, Du Bois engaged in both qualitative and
Transatlantic Stories and Spiritual Struggles. New York, 1997.
quantitative research and conducted interviews, surveys,
Curtis, Edward D., IV. Islam in Black America: Identity, Liberation
questionnaires and participant observation. In both The
and Difference in African American Islamic Thought. Albany,
Negro Church and The Souls of Black Folk, Du Bois under-
N.Y., 2002.
took the empirical study of black religion as it related to the
Dannin, Robert. Black Pilgrimage to Islam. New York, 2002.
comprehensive constituents of black life—institutional, po-
Diouf, Sylviane A. Servants of Allah: African Muslims Enslaved in
litical, historical, economic, and aesthetic.
the Americas. New York, 1998.
Initially published as a separate essay in 1900, the chap-
McCloud, Aminah Beverly. African American Islam. New York,
1995.
ter “Of the Faith of the Fathers” in The Souls of Black Folk
proffered a nascent theorization of black religion. In this
Turner, Richard Brent. Islam in the African American Experience.
2d ed. Bloomington, Ind., 2003.
essay, Du Bois documented three salient characterizations of
African American religion— “the Preacher, the Music, and
ALBERT J. RABOTEAU (1987)
the Frenzy”—derived from the encounter between Africa
Revised Bibliography
and the American slave experience. Du Bois’s famous tri-
categorization of black religion explored the complex dimen-
sions of black religious leadership; the authenticity of black
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF
musical expression; and black somatic experiences with the
STUDY
transcendent. Du Bois positioned himself in these early
The theoretical and analytical foundation of African Ameri-
works as the modern progenitor of intellectual discourses on
can religious studies was initially laid by the prophetic voices
African retentions, origins, and survivals. Preceding the Mel-
of New World blacks such as Frederick Douglass (1817–
ville Herskovits–E. Franklin Frazier debate by several dec-
1895) and David Walker, who put forth critical proclama-
ades, it was Du Bois who first wrestled with scholarly ques-
tions that challenged the spiritual integrity of “Christian
tions of African primordialism and New World religious
Americans” while making qualitative distinctions between
transformation. For authoring some of the earliest systematic
the “Christianity of this land” and the “Christianity of
discussions of “voodooism,” “obeah,” and “hoodoo,” Du
Christ.” The writings of these early scholars reveal the diver-
Bois stands as the forerunner for what would later become
sity of the black religious experience, providing glimpses into
the study of African-derived religions in the United States
African religious practices (Olaudah Equiano, 1789); the
and the Caribbean. More specifically, he provided an etymo-
conversion power of the “Voodoo dance” (Alexander Payne,
logical explication of the practice of obi in the West Indies,
1886); the potency of rootwork and conjure (Frederick
arguing on behalf of its “African origin” and its possible con-
Douglass, 1845; Henry Bibb, 1849); the liberatory praxis of
nection to the Egyptian notion of ob, or divining serpent.
black religion (Nat Turner, 1831); the exigency of black reli-
Contemporary scholars of black religion often stress Du
gious institutions (Richard Allen, 1833; Jarena Lee, 1836;
Bois’s assertion that “the Negro church of to-day is the social
Christopher Rush, 1843; George Liele, 1790; Andrew
centre of Negro life in the United States,” while giving short
Bryan, 1800; Lucius Holsey, 1898); the efficacy of Islam
shrift to his equally important claim at the end of the same
(Job ben Solomon, Mohammed Ali ben Said, Abdul Rahah-
sentence, that it is also “the most characteristic expression of
man, Edward Blyden, 1888); and the religious revaluation
African character” (Du Bois, 1903). The cost of this over-
of Africa (Alexander Crummell, 1862; Henry McNeal Tur-
ner, 1895). These early leaders and thinkers and their writ-
sight to the field of black religion was that the church has
ings provided the scholastic rudiments for future studies and
been privileged as the totalizing symbol of African American
interrogations of the complexity, plurality, and vitality of Af-
religious life, and that issues of religious diversity and alterna-
rican American religious life.
tive religious meanings have been devalued.
W. E. B. DU BOIS AND THE STUDY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN
Du Bois posited cogent categories of black religiosity
RELIGION. At the beginning of the twentieth century the
that simultaneously oscillated from the African religious her-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
74
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
itage of the slaves to their transformative innovations in the
Church Culture in Marin City, California from the Migra-
black church. A close reading of The Negro Church and The
tion Period to the Present, 1942–1996” (1999), and Wallace
Souls of Black Folk reveals Du Bois’s dual conception of the
Best’s forthcoming book Passionately Human, No Less Di-
“Negro Church.” Led by a “Negro Preacher” descended
vine: Religion and Culture in Black Chicago, 1915–1952.
from African priests and medicine men, according to Du
Bois the Negro Church among the enslaved “was not at first
Published posthumously, and nearly twenty years after
by any means Christian . . . rather it was an adaptation and
Drake and Cayton, E. Franklin Frazier’s The Negro Church
mingling of heathen rites among the members of each plan-
in America (1964) continued the sociological study of the
tation, and roughly designated as Voodooism.” In his works
Negro Church in the northern United States, adding an ex-
Du Bois affirmed the intricate relationship between black re-
tensive discussion of the loss of both an “African cultural her-
ligious identity in the United States and its parent traditions
itage” and a structured “social cohesion,” which Frazier ar-
of Africa. Moreover, he ultimately critiqued the European
gued was eventually reconstituted in the institutional Negro
categorical construction of fetishism and argued in his later
Church. The roots of Frazier’s arguments were foreshadowed
works that it was “invented as a symbol of African religion”
in his earlier texts, The Negro Family in the United States
in order to reinforce the “idea of the ‘barbarous Negro’”
(1939) and The Negro in the United States (1949), and were
T
highly contested by Melville Herskovits. Often reduced to
HE NEGRO CHURCH. More monographs that dealt with
the Negro Church followed Du Bois’s, but many of them
a debate in the historiography, Herskovits and Frazier were
lacked the nuanced complexities and keen analytical insights
both arguing against natural and social scientific theories of
of the pioneering works. Still, crucially valid in their own
innate black inferiority and social deviance. However, their
right, historical and sociological studies of religion such as
responses were different. Frazier attributed black social ano-
Carter G. Woodson’s The History of the Negro Church (1921)
malies and cultural distance from Africa to the dehumaniza-
and The Rural Negro (1930) and Benjamin Elijah Mays and
tion caused by slavery and racism. Herskovits, on the other
Joseph Nicholson’s The Negro’s Church (1933) stand as pre-
hand, disputed notions of black racial inferiority with theo-
mier works in African American ecclesiology. An historian
ries of cultural continuity between African Americans and a
trained in social science method, Woodson provided an
sophisticated African heritage.
overview of the major denominations of the Negro Church
For many social scientists, including Frazier, the socio-
and analyzed their development in rural and urban contexts.
logical study of black religion centered largely around the
Along similar lines, Mays and Nicholson’s The Negro’s
University of Chicago and stressed the primacy of institu-
Church, which was commissioned by the Institute of Social
and Religious Research, was a comprehensive study of 794
tions, social structure, and social organization as the basis of
urban and rural churches in the early 1930s. The authors uti-
their analytical conceptions. However, as social scientists
lized ethnographic fieldwork and sociological method to ex-
rather than trained religionists, their conclusive findings
amine the internal dynamics of Negro church life as it related
were often drawn at the expense of religious fluidity, theolog-
to ministry, worship, economy, politics, and demography.
ical complexity, and religious meaning.
For the next thirty years, black religion and social demo-
THE BLACK CHURCH. After Frazier, studies of the Negro
graphic issues continued to be an important focus for schol-
Church continued as a viable area of inquiry, eventually be-
arly study. Heralded as one of the earliest studies in urban
coming black church studies. The works of C. Eric Lincoln
American ethnography, Arthur Huff Fauset’s Black Gods of
and others have made important strides in sustaining the
the Metropolis: Negro Religious Cults in the Urban North
broad analytical category of the “black church.” Some the
(1944) expanded the parameters of Negro Church studies to
these studies include Hart Nelson’s The Black Church in
include such religious movements as the Father Divine Peace
America (1971) and The Black Church in the Sixties (1975);
Mission, Bishop Grace’s United House of Prayer for All Peo-
Dolores Lefall’s The Black Church: An Annotated Bibliogra-
ple, and Ida Robinson’s Mount Sinai Holy Church of Amer-
phy (1973); C. Eric Lincoln’s The Black Since Frazier (1974);
ica, as well as Muslim and Jewish sects such as the Church
Lincoln and Lawrence Mamiya’s The Black Church in the Af-
of God and Noble Drew Ali’s Moorish Science Temple.
rican American Experience (1990); Ida Mukenge’s The Black
Published a year after Fauset’s work and funded by the
Church in Urban America (1983); William Montgomery’s
Works Progress Administration, Saint Clair Drake and Hor-
Under their Own Vine and Fig Tree: The African American
ace Cayton’s Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a
Church in the South, 1865–1900 (1993); Clarence Taylor’s
Northern City (1945) examined black churches in Chicago
The Black Churches of Brooklyn (1994); Andrew Billingsley’s
as they negotiated the social challenges of urbanization, lead-
Mighty Like a River: The Black Church and Social Reform
ership, criminal delinquency, racial discrimination, and so-
(1999); Janet Cornelius’s Slave Missions and the Black Church
cial class. More recent studies of religion and urbanization
(1999); Clyde McQueen’s Black Churches in Texas (2000);
include Milton Sernett’s Bound for the Promised Land: Afri-
Anthony Pinn’s The Black Church in the Post-Civil Rights Era
can American Religion and the Great Migration (1997), James
(2002); and R. Drew Smith’s New Day Begun: African Amer-
Anthony Noel’s dissertation “Search for Zion: A Social-
ican Churches and Civic Culture in Post-Civil Rights America
Historical Study of African American Religious Life and
(2003).
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AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
75
A major thematic strand that runs through much of
formation, they often run the risk of obfuscating black reli-
black church historiography is Ethiopianism. Ethiopianism
gious variety. Important essays that complicate and interro-
was largely predicated on identifying African Americans with
gate the denominational approach to the study of religion in-
the biblical prophecy of Psalms 68:31: “Princes shall come
clude Charles Long’s “The Question of Denominational
out of Egypt; Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands to
Histories in the United States: Dead End or Creative Begin-
God.” In much of the literature on Ethiopianism, Africa
ning?”; Nancy T. Ammerman’s, “Denominations: Who and
symbolizes for African Americans what Charles Long calls
What are We Studying?”; and Laurie Maffly-Kipp’s “De-
“the religious revalorization of the land,” the source of “his-
nominationalism and the Black Church,” all of which are in-
torical beginnings,” and the place of “authenticated” human-
cluded in Robert Bruce Mullin and Russell Richey’s Rei-
ity. For rich primary and secondary sources on Ethiopianism
magining Denominationalism: Interpretive Essays (1994).
see the multiple volumes of Marcus Garvey’s writings edited
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGION: A SOCIAL SCIENCE PER-
by Amy Jacques Garvey, John Henrick Clarke, Tony Martin,
SPECTIVE. Since the late 1920s social science scholars domi-
and Robert Hill. Also quite useful is Randall Burkett’s Gar-
nated the area of study currently known as African-derived
veyism as a Religious Movement (1978). In addition, see St.
traditions. At the forefront of these studies were noted an-
Clair Drake’s The Redemption of Africa and Black Religion
thropologist Melville J. Herskovits and affiliates of the
(1970); the excellent explications of Alexander Crummell
Northwestern School. As the first department chair in Afri-
and Edward Blyden in Josiah Young’s A Pan-African Theolo-
can Studies at a U.S. university, Herskovits, along with other
gy (1992); Wilson Jeremiah Moses’s The Golden Age of Black
well-known social scientists such as William Bascom, George
Nationalism (1978) and Black Messiahs and Uncle Toms
Eaton Simpson, Swiss scholar Alfred Metraux, and French
(1982); and Edwin Redkey’s Black Exodus: Black Nationalist
scholar Roger Bastide, devoted their scholarly careers to the
and Back to Africa Movements 1890–1910 (1969).
study of “syncretic cults” throughout the New World, simul-
An additional subcategory of black church studies has
taneously cultivating new theoretical paradigms of syncre-
been denominational histories that seek to shed light on the
tism. More importantly, among them were some of the first
diversity of black Christian religiosity. For examples of these
scholars to engage in ethnographic research on the continent
studies see Daniel Payne, History of the African Methodist
of Africa as a systematic way of exploring the African ante-
Episcopal Church (1891, 1922); J.W. Hood, One Hundred
cedents of the New World. This group of distinguished so-
Years of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (1895); David
cial science scholars produced an impressive collection of
Bradley, The History of the A.M.E. Zion Church (1956); Me-
works. Leading the way was the publication of Herskovits’s
chal Sobel, Trabelin’ On: The Slave Journey to an Afro-Baptist
life-long fieldwork throughout Africa, the Americas, and the
Faith (1979); David Wills and Richard Newman, Black
Caribbean, starting with his two-volume Dahomey: An An-
Apostles at Home and Abroad: Afro-Americans and the Chris-
cient West African Kingdom (1938) and continuing with Ac-
tian Mission from the Revolution to Reconstruction (1982);
culturation: The Study of Culture Contact (1938); Myth of the
Negro Past (1941); Rebel Destiny: Among the Bush Negroes of
Hans Baer, The Black Spiritual Movement (1984); Leroy
Dutch Guiana; Life in a Haitian Valley (1937); Trinidad Vil-
Fitts, A History of Black Baptists (1985); James Melvin Wash-
lage (1947); and Franz Boas: The Science of Man in the Mak-
ington, Frustrated Fellowship: The Black Baptist Quest for So-
ing (1953).
cial Power (1986); Cyprian Davis, The History of the Black
Catholics in the United States (1990); Claude Jacobs, The
Furthering the tradition of Herskovits were the works
Spiritual Churches of New Orleans (1991); Evelyn Brooks
of many of his prominent students, including, by William
Higginbotham, Righteous Discontent: The Women’s Move-
Bascom, The Sociological Role of the Yoruba-Cult Group
ment in the Black Baptist Church 1880–1920 (1993); Walter
(1944), The Yoruba of Southwestern Nigeria (1969), an early
F. Pitts, Old Ship of Zion: The Afro-Baptist Ritual in the Afri-
sound recording entitled Drums of the Yoruba of Nigeria
can Diaspora (1993); Cheryl Sanders, Saints in Exile: The Ho-
(1953), Continuity and Change in African Cultures (coedited
liness-Pentecostal Experience in African American Religion and
with Melville Herskovits, 1962), Ifa Divination (1969),
Culture (1996); Gardiner Shattuck, Episcopalians and Race:
Shango in the New World (1972), and Sixteen Cowries: Yoru-
Civil War to Civil Rights (2000); Cheryl Townsend Gilkes,
ba Divination from Africa to the New World (1980); and, by
“If It Wasn’t for the Women”: Black Women’s Experience and
Daniel Crowley, I Could Talk Old-Story Good: Creativity in
Womanist Culture in Church and Community (2001); Jualyn-
Bahamas Folklore (1966) and African Folklore in the New
ne Dodson, Engendering Church: Women, Power, and the
World; and Johnnetta Cole’s Traditional and Wage-Earning
AME Church (2002); and Raymond Sommerville, Jr., An Ex-
Labor Among Tribal Liberians (1967) and Race Toward
Colored Church: Social Activism in the C.M.E. Church 1870–
Equality: The End of Racial Discrimination in Cuba (1978).
1970 (2004).
While on a postdoctoral fellowship from the Social Sci-
Finally, although many scholars find the denomination-
ence Research Council, George Eaton Simpson studied with
al and “black church” approaches useful to the study of Afri-
Herskovits from 1936 to 1937. Simpson is cited as the first
can American religion, others contend that while these cate-
researcher to undertake the scholarly study of Jamaican
gories lead to important understandings of black Christian
Rastafari, “Pocomania,” and “Revival Zion,” which he de-
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AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
tailed in his “Personal Reflections on Rastafari in West
the botany, sociology, anthropology, geology, and politics of
Kingston in the Early 1950s.” In addition to Jamaica, Simp-
these nations” Moreover, in Tell My Horse Hurston provided
son conducted extensive fieldwork in Haiti, Trinidad, St.
a foundation for trance-possession theory as well as for a dis-
Lucia, and Nigeria, resulting in the following publications:
tinct gender analysis of Caribbean and American women. In
The Shango Cult in Trinidad (1965); Religious Cults of the
a similar vein, after acquiring special field training from Mel-
Caribbean: Trinidad, Jamaica, and Haiti (1970); Black Reli-
ville Herskovits and receiving a Rosenwald Fellowship to
gions in the New World (1978); and Melville J. Herskovits
study “primitive dance and ritual” in the West Indies and
(1973), which examined the theoretical and methodological
Brazil in 1936, renowned choreographer Katherine Dunham
contributions of the late anthropologist. Translated from
traveled to Haiti, Jamaica, Cuba, Trinidad, and Martinique,
French in the 1960s and 1970s, the works of Roger Bastide
documenting the sacred ritual dances of African diasporic
and Alfred Metraux have also made an enormous contribu-
communities. The fieldwork resulted in her seminal texts
tion to the study of African-derived traditions in the New
Journey to Accompong (1946), The Dances of Haiti (1947),
World. Originally published in Paris in 1960, Bastide’s The
and Island Possessed (1969). Like Hurston and Dunham,
African Religions of Brazil: Toward a Sociology of the Interpen-
Maya Deren is another of the early female contributors to
etration of Civilizations documented Afro-Brazilian religions
the scholarly study of Haitian vodou. Combining the meth-
such as Catimbo, Xango, Candomblé, Macumba, Umbanda,
odological tools of filmmaking and ethnography, Deren ex-
and Batuques. In addition, Bastide published Le Candomblé
plored the intricate world of Haitian vodou, documenting
de Bahia (1958) and African Civilizations in the New World,
its clandestine sacred rituals in more than 18,000 feet of film
translated in 1971. Also essential were Alfred Metraux’s Voo-
footage over the course of seven years. Her interest in Haitian
doo in Haiti, translated in 1959, and his collection of photos,
vodou was greatly inspired by her tours and travels with the
Haiti: Black Peasants and Voodoo, compiled with Pierre
Katherine Dunham Dance Company. In 1947 she received
Verger.
a Guggenheim Foundation Fellowship, which led to the
T
publication of Divine Horsemen: The Living Gods of Haiti
HE HIDDEN VOICES OF WOMEN: HURSTON, DUNHAM,
D
(1953). Her footage, produced under the same name, be-
EREN, AND THE STUDY OF AFRICAN DIASPORIC RELI-
came the first depiction of Haitian vodou ritual and posses-
GIONS. Neglected within most historiographical literature is
the fact that as early as the 1930s, women scholars have been
sion on film. Ultimately, the interdisciplinary work of
at the forefront of expanding the study of African American
Deren, Hurston, and Dunham forged the way for later fe-
religion. As trailblazers in the field of African-derived reli-
male theorists of trance-possession such as Sheila Walker
gions, Zora Neale Hurston, Katherine Dunham, and Maya
(Ceremonial Spirit Possession in Africa and Afro-America:
Deren excavated the historically maligned traditions of Afri-
Forms, Meanings and Functional Significance for Individual
ca practiced throughout the United States and the Caribbe-
and Social Groups, 1972) and Herskovits-trained Erika Bour-
an, and engaged them in their publications as legitimate sub-
guignon (Trance Dance, 1968 and Possession, 1976).
jects for scholarly reflection. Combining ethnography and
STUDIES IN “SLAVE RELIGION.” The study of African-
the arts, Hurston, Dunham, and Deren rescued the study of
derived syncretic cults throughout the Americas and the Ca-
vodou and hoodoo from the nefarious categories of African
ribbean by early male and female scholars helped in many
magic and sorcery, and instead represented them as sophisti-
ways to complicate and to advance future scholarly studies
cated religious and philosophical systems of thought with
of “slave religion.” Their archival legacies of film footage,
complex ritual integrity. Also informing their exceptional
photographs, sound recordings, crude musical scores, de-
studies were their unique positions as “scholar-practitioners”
tailed ritual documentation, ceremonial recordings, etymo-
who were able to engage their subject matter both as skilled
logical speculations, and comparative methods challenged
ethnographers and as initiates within their respective vodou
prospective scholars in the field to avoid reducing the com-
traditions. With strong support and encouragement from
plexities of slave religion to binary debates on retentions, and
her mentor Franz Boas at Columbia University, Hurston
to undertake instead careful studies of religious practice, eth-
embarked on ethnographic fieldwork throughout Alabama,
nicity, population distribution of enslaved Africans, linguis-
Louisiana, and Florida, collecting folklore, tales, idioms,
tics, ritual, culture, orientation, and meaning. Several schol-
songs, and vodou rituals, which culminated in the 1935 pub-
ars of the slave period who attempted this approach were
lication of Mules and Men. In 1936 Hurston received a Gug-
Melville Herskovits in The Myth of the Negro Past (1941);
genheim Foundation Fellowship to study West Indian prac-
Lorenzo Turner in Africanisms in the Gullah Dialect (1949);
tices which she called “Pocomania,” “African obeah,” and
Lawrence Levine in Black Culture and Black Consciousness
“voodoo.” Her Tell My Horse: Voodoo and Life in Jamaica
(1977); Albert Raboteau in Slave Religion (1978); Vincent
and Haiti (1938) is one of the earliest collections of photo-
Harding in There Is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom
graphic images, transcribed vodou songs, sacred drum
in America (1983); Sterling Stuckey in Slave Culture (1987);
rhythms, representations of spirit possession, and thick de-
Margaret Washington Creel in “A Peculiar People”: Slave Re-
scriptions of vodou ritual ceremonies. As Ishmael Reed
ligion and Community-Culture Among the Gullahs (1988);
points out in the foreword, Tell My Horse is “more than a
Mechal Sobel in Trabelin’ On (1988); Joseph Holloway in
Voodoo work” in that Hurston “writes intelligently about
Africanisms in American Culture (1990); and Sylvia Frey in
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AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
77
Water From the Rock (1991). Other useful monographs and
race, social power, and theological formation, including
theoretical perspectives on slavery include John Blassingame,
Black Religion: The Negro and Christianity in the United States
The Slave Community (1972); Eugene Genovese, Roll, Jor-
(1964), Black Sects and Cults (1972) and Jews in Black Per-
dan, Roll (1972); Peter Wood, Black Majority (1974); Leon
spective (1984). Both authors gave attention to black religion
Higginbotham, In the Matter of Color: Race and the American
as a sociopolitical phenomenon. Their studies also contested
Legal Process, The Colonial Period (1978); Orlando Patterson,
the categorical association of black religious cultures with ab-
Slavery and Social Death (1982); and William Piersen, Black
errancy, pathology, or social deviancy. Lincoln accomplished
Yankees: The Development of an Afro-American Subculture in
this by situating the Nation of Islam within its historical con-
Eighteenth-Century New England (1988). Recent scholars
text and by assessing its social influence and appeal through
have also given greater texture and specificity to the study of
the lenses of gender and class. Washington engaged in similar
slave religion by utilizing the primary resources of slave nar-
analysis with reference to his treatments of black Islamic and
ratives and testimonials. Voices of the formerly enslaved can
Jewish movements as well as marginalized traditions of
be found in collections such as B.A. Botkin, Lay My Burden
Christian persuasion, such as Holiness and Pentecostal
Down (1945); Frederick Ramsey, Jr., Been Here and Gone
churches, black Spiritualists, and the Shrine of the Black Ma-
(1960); Clifton Johnson, God Struck Me Dead (1969); John
donna. Washington’s most provocative text, Black Religion:
Blassingame, Slave Testimony (1977); John Gwaltney,
The Negro and Christianity in the United States, interpreted
Drylongso (1980); James Mellon, Bullwhip Days (1988);
black Christianity as a social protest movement lacking a so-
Donna Wyant Howell, I Was a Slave (1995); and Ira Berlin,
phisticated tradition of theological reflection, and he blamed
Remembering Slavery (1998).
white Christian institutions for this apparent deficiency.
Existing alongside studies of slave religion have been im-
Washington’s interpretation of black Christianity incited a
portant works that explore the intersecting boundaries of
considerable response from religious and theological
slavery, religion, and music. For further study in this area see
scholars.
W. E. B. Du Bois, “Of the Sorrow Songs” (1903); James
By the late 1960s African American theological scholars
Weldon Johnson, The Book of American Negro Spirituals
began to shape a new school of thought called black libera-
(1925) and The Second Book of Negro Spirituals (1926); Zora
tion theology. Among them were thinkers who wanted to
Neale Hurston, The Sanctified Church (1981); Miles Mark
discount Washington’s representation of black Christianity.
Fisher, Negro Slave Songs in the United States (1953); Eileen
They also elevated his argument against white Christianity
Southern, The Music of Black Americans (1971); John Lovell,
by exposing the racism in its theology and practice. James
Jr., Black Song: The Forge and the Crucible (1972); Morton
Cone, the most radical voice among them, pioneered this
Marks, “Uncovering Ritual Structures in Afro-American
scholarly project with his texts Black Theology and Black
Music,” (1974); Jon Michael Spencer, Black Hymnody: A
Power (1969) and A Black Theology of Liberation (1970). In
Hymnological History of the African American Church (1992);
these and subsequent works, Cone deconstructed the racist
Cheryl Kirk Duggan, African American Spirituals (1993);
ideological underpinnings of dominant European and white
James Abbington, Readings in African American Church
American theological traditions while proposing a contextual
Music and Culture (2001); and Bernice Johnson Reagon, If
rendering of theology informed by six major sources: (1)
You Don’t Go, Don’t Hinder Me: The African American Sacred
black experience, (2) black history, (3) black culture, (4)
Song Tradition (2001).
scripture, (5) revelation, and (6) tradition. J. Deotis Roberts,
EXPANDED STUDIES OF BLACK RELIGION AND THE INFLU-
Cecil Cone, Gayraud Wilmore, and Major Jones joined the
ENCE OF BLACK THEOLOGICAL DISCOURSE. As scholars out-
conversation, each offering a distinctly nuanced interpreta-
side of the field of religion expanded the corpus on African
tion of the connection between black religion and black the-
religious cultures in the diaspora, those within the fields of
ology. The conceptual shades of difference in their scholar-
religious and theological studies began to author texts that
ship would become apparent as black theologians and
gave genuine content to the term Black religion within the
scholars of religion engaged in forthright discussions about
boundaries of the United States. Within the context of black
theory and method.
male-dominated political movements of the 1950s and
During the 1970s a prolific debate generated compara-
1960s, new studies on black religious radicalism and militan-
ble scholarship concerning the appropriate aims, sources, ap-
cy emerged that complemented other scholarship within the
proaches, and interpretations of black liberation theology.
broader field of African American studies.
Three major concerns emerged as themes in solidifying the
Broadening the corpus to include research on non-
conceptual and prophetic tasks of black theology: (1) libera-
Christian traditions, C. Eric Lincoln and Joseph Washington
tion, reconciliation, and violence, (2) black theology, black
contributed significantly to studies of black “sects and cults.”
religion, and the African heritage, and (3) black theology and
C. Eric Lincoln’s dissertation on the Nation of Islam was
black suffering. The preoccupation with liberation, reconcili-
published as Black Muslims in America (1961). Joseph Wash-
ation, and violence derived primarily from a discussion be-
ington authored and edited several texts that compassed di-
tween Cone and J. Deotis Roberts. In Liberation and Recon-
versified permutations of black religion with attention to
ciliation: A Black Theology (1971), Roberts argued that black
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
78
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
theology, as a Christian theology, had to include a mature
merits of the entire theological project as one that ultimately
ethic of reconciliation that would account for the imperatives
belies authentic features and contents of black religion. Long
of liberation praxis. Cone was not convinced that this direc-
argued that the suppositional starting point of black theology
tive was possible before giving extensive attention to the rela-
could never equip scholars with the apposite tools for theo-
tionship between racial justice, social power, and liberation
rizing about the nature of black religion because many of its
for African Americans. Writing in the shadow of the assassi-
dimensions remain outside of the domain of established
nations of civil rights leaders and black social unrest in urban
Christianity (extrachurch). In several essays that were subse-
centers across the United States, Cone was uncompromising
quently published in Significations: Signs, Symbols, and Im-
in his willingness to entertain militant social resistance in Af-
ages in the Interpretation of Religion (1986), Long made the
rican American struggles for justice. As many white Ameri-
compelling case for interrogating African American religious
can religious thinkers and clergy solicited support from black
formation within the “terror of history,” suggesting three
colleagues in decrying the Black Power movement, Cone and
conceptual and methodological foci: (1) Africa as historical
other black theologians resisted such cooptation by identify-
reality and religious image; (2) the involuntary presence of
ing the imperatives of the Black Power movement with the
the black community in America; and (3) the experience and
gospel of Jesus Christ. Cone in particular anticipated that a
symbol of God and religious experience of blacks. Long’s dis-
black theology of nonviolence ran the risk of being appropri-
tinct contribution was a sophisticated analysis of attenuated
ated to conceal white racist theological hypocrisy and irre-
facets of African American religion in black cultural forms,
sponsibility during an era when brutal racial violence against
expressions, behaviors, modalities, and meanings such as
both nonviolent and militant black activists remained un-
black music, dance, culinary traditions, bodily memory, and
checked in white American theological discourse.
approaches to land and water. Long called on scholars to de-
Roberts’s scholarly contribution is not limited to his
code these and other dimensions of black experience as ger-
ethical imperative of liberation and reconciliation. His exten-
mane sites of religious significations.
sive corpus indicates a trajectory of scholarly reflection on
Black theologians were apt to talk about the justice of
philosophical theology prior to the formation of academic
the Christian God and the freedom guaranteed through Jesus
black theology. In addition, while we might be hard pressed
the Black Christ of liberation. Long, however, considered the
to find substantive data on African contributions to slave re-
motifs of justice and liberation within a more scrupulous ex-
ligion in Cone’s works, Roberts tangentially argued for the
ploration of how alternative symbols and experiences, such
import of African religious and philosophical concepts to
as Africa and the Atlantic, convey similar religious meanings
black theological discourse. This locates Roberts within the
of freedom, struggle, and divine Otherness in black experi-
conceptual vicinity of scholars such as Gayraud Wilmore,
ence. Black theological claims about justice and liberation
Cecil Cone, and Charles Long on the question of the rela-
proved especially unconvincing to the black humanist phi-
tionship between black religion and black theology.
losopher William Jones. In his text Is God a White Racist: A
The conversation about black religion emerged from a
Preamble to Black Theology (1973) Jones identified incongru-
larger discussion among black theologians and scholars of re-
ities in the theodicies of influential black theologians, and
ligion, where the parameters of black theological method
concluded that their arguments for a God of the oppressed
were tested against the data of black religious experience. In
were seriously flawed in the face of historical and collective
his seminal text Black Religion and Black Radicalism (1972)
experiential data concerning the racial subjugation and dehu-
Gayraud Wilmore argued for the expansion of black theolog-
manization of blacks in America. Taking this data seriously,
ical sources to incorporate black folk religion and classical Af-
Cornel West engaged in rigorous analyses of the systemic im-
rican religions. Wilmore traces the principle of black reli-
poverishment plaguing African American communities. His
gious radicalism across diverse black religious cultures and
article “Black Theology and Marxist Thought” distinctly ex-
social movements, arguing that when black radicalism waned
posed the superficial attention given to class stratification in
in the established black Christian churches, it was harnessed
black theology, and serves as a concise example of his ap-
in other religious and political institutions such as the Nation
proach to social criticism and liberation discourse.
of Islam, Marcus Garvey’s United Negro Improvement Asso-
Cone attempted responses to Jones, Long, Cecil Cone,
ciation, and Black Power organizations and initiatives. Wil-
Wilmore, Roberts, West, and other critics in subsequent
more further raised the question of whether black theology,
texts and articles. Nevertheless, the early debate in black
especially as articulated by James Cone, was ostensibly the
theological and religious studies is echoed in the arguments
“Blackenization” of white theology. In Identity Crisis in Black
and subjects of study embraced by succeeding generations of
Theology (1975) Cecil Cone answered that question in the
scholars. In A Pan African Theology: Providence and the Lega-
affirmative as he criticized his predecessors for premising
cies of the Ancestors (1992), Cone’s student Josiah Young
their works upon Western European doctrinal categories as
placed African religious cultures and political philosophy at
opposed to organic structures of black religious experience.
the center of his reflections on Black Nationalism. He also
Charles Long, the sole historian of religion to enter the
reconceived black religious radicalism and prophetic theolo-
dialogue, redefined the discussion when he questioned the
gy within a distilled analysis of the methodological and theo-
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AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
79
retical discrepancies between Cone’s and Long’s approaches
American Health Issues and a Womanist Ethic of Care, and
to black religion. Since Essien Udosen Essien-Udom’s,
Joan Martin, More than Chains and Toil: A Christian Work
Edwin Redkey’s and Gayraud Wilmore’s launching of the
Ethic of Enslaved Women, 2000); focused studies of intimate
study of black religious nationalism, Young and others such
violence and abuse (Traci West, Wounds of the Spirit: Black
as Wilson J. Moses, Edwin Redkey, Eddie Glaude, Elias
Women, Violence, and Resistance Ethics, 1999); expansion of
Farajaje-Jones, and Tracey Hucks have broadened our un-
womanist theology to include analyses of African-derived
derstanding of this phenomenon across diverse religious tra-
traditions (Dianne Stewart, Three Eyes for the Journey: African
ditions in the African diaspora. Although these works largely
Dimensions of the Jamaican Religious Experience, 2004); and
engage expressions of nationalism within black Christianity
collaborative texts on the motifs of suffering and hope (Emi-
and Islam, Hucks’s text Approaching the African God: History,
lie Townes, A Troubling in My Soul: Womanist Perspectives
Textuality, and the Re-Ownership of Africa in the African
on Evil and Suffering, 1993, and Embracing the Spirit: Wom-
American Yoruba Movement (2005) distinctly treats the con-
anist Perspectives on Hope, Salvation, and Transformation,
strual of black Nationalism within an African-derived reli-
1997). Indispensable contributions from Catholic womanist
gious context.
thinkers include Toinette Eugene, “Moral Values and Black
Womanists” (1988); M. Shawn Copeland, “Wading
Other scholars have revisited important themes and in-
Through Many Sorrows: Toward a Theology of Suffering in
troduced new theoretical treatments of black religion and
Womanist Perspective” (1993); and Diana Hayes, Hagar’s
black identity. Anthony Pinn’s black humanist texts Why
Daughters: Womanist Ways of Being in the World (1999).
Lord: Suffering and Evil in Black Theology (1995) and Moral
Scholars such as Cheryl Townsend Gilkes and Linda Thom-
Evil and Redemptive Suffering: A History of Theodicy in Afri-
as have also bridged theoretical and methodological gaps be-
can American Religious Thought (2002), and Victor Ander-
tween womanist religious thought and the social sciences.
son’s Beyond Ontological Blackness: An Essay on African Amer-
Collectively, womanist scholars have adopted and contribut-
ican Religious and Cultural Criticism (1995) forwarded closer
ed innovative feminist analytical strategies that challenge the
scrutiny of unsupported assumptions about theodicy and
erasure of black women in the intellectual canons across the
black suffering (Pinn) and the conceptual framing of “Black
disciplines and that also contest the trivialization of women’s
experience” (Anderson) in the black theological project.
studies research, its epistemological foundations, and theo-
WOMANIST RELIGIOUS THOUGHT. During the late 1980s
retical frameworks.
womanist scholars began introducing new methodological
SEMINAL ANTHOLOGIES AND DOCUMENTARY HISTORIES.
and theoretical priorities through their approaches to black
Since the last quarter of the twentieth century, African Amer-
women’s religious experience. Pioneer scholars Katie Can-
ican religious studies has reached a point of intellectual ma-
non (Black Womanist Ethics, 1988), Jacquelyn Grant (White
turity, marked by its ability to generate several seminal an-
Women’s Christ and Black Women’s Jesus: Feminist Christology
thologies in black religious and theological studies. Milton
and Womanist Response, 1989) and Renita Weems (Just a Sis-
Sernett’s Afro-American Religious History: A Documentary
ter Away: A Womanist Vision of Women’s Relationships in the
Witness (1985) was the first comprehensive volume to assem-
Bible, 1988) established criteria for research that would con-
ble original writings of pivotal black religious thinkers and
sider the multidimensional oppression of black women in
leaders in the United States from the 1790s to the 1970s. An-
theological, ethical, and biblical studies.
thony Pinn also edited By These Hands: A Documentary His-
tory of African American Humanism (2001), which gave visi-
Since the 1980s the womanist school of thought has
bility to black humanist perspectives as a category of religious
generated a prolific corpus of reflection around intersectional
thought.
analysis of race, gender, class, culture, and sexuality. This in-
cludes radical departures from theological doctrines and cate-
James Cone and Gayraud Wilmore’s widely referenced
gories of analysis (Delores Williams, Sisters in the Wilderness:
volumes of Black Theology: A Documentary History chronicle
The Challenge of Womanist God-Talk, 1993, Kelly Brown
the historical development of black theological studies from
Douglas, Sexuality and the Black Church: A Womanist Per-
its nascent articulation within theologically inspired political
spective, 1999, and JoAnne Terrell, Power in the Blood: The
organizations during the mid 1960s to scholarly treatments
Cross in the African American Experience, 1998); studies of
of black theology in academic discourse from the late 1960s
prominent black female leaders and black women’s praxis
to the early 1990s. Gayraud Wilmore’s African American Re-
traditions with attention to their religious, ethical, and theo-
ligious Studies: An Interdisciplinary Anthology (1989) address-
logical import (Marcia Riggs, Toward a Mediating Ethic for
es theological studies methods and subject areas across several
Black Liberation: Ethical Insights of Black Female Reformers of
domains of scholarship in black Christian studies, including
the Nineteenth Century, 1999, and Rosetta Ross, Witnessing
biblical studies, pastoral, historical and systematic theology,
and Testifying: Black Women, Religion, and Civil Rights,
and ethics. Albert Raboteau and Timothy Fulop’s African
2003); studies of literature, music, and folk traditions (Cher-
American Religion: Interpretive Essays in History and Culture
yl Kirk Duggan, Exorcising Evil: A Womanist Perspective on
(1997) and Cornel West and Eddie Glaude’s collection Afri-
the Spirituals, 1997); ethics, public policy, and social reform
can American Religious Thought (2003) cover broader inter-
(Emilie Townes, Breaking the Fine Rain of Death: African
disciplinary approaches and subjects in African American re-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
80
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
ligious studies. Marcia Riggs’s volume Can I Get a Witness?:
literature and the history of Christian thought (Begrimed and
Prophetic Religious Voices of African American Women, an An-
Black: Christian Traditions on Blacks and Blackness, 1994).
thology (1997) interrupts the conventional pattern of associ-
ating African American public leadership with the masculine
Vincent Wimbush’s concentration on the Bible in Afri-
persona.
can American religious cultures and his extensive edited vol-
ume African Americans and the Bible: Sacred Texts and Social
The history of African American religious studies also
Textures (2000) represent a new expansive current in African
encompasses authored and edited volumes on influential
American biblical studies. Wimbush’s project sponsors and
black religious personalities. This genre includes multidisci-
engages interdisciplinary research on biblical studies and cul-
plinary treatments of figures such as Martin Luther King, Jr.
tural studies as they relate to African American religious
(James Washington, A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writ-
communities. New studies hopefully will augur a broader
ings of Martin Luther King, Jr., 1986; Lewis Baldwin, To
conversation among scholars of sacred texts across diverse Af-
Make the Wounded Whole: The Cultural Legacy of Martin Lu-
rican American religions. This kind of initiative would in-
ther King, Jr., 1992; Michael Dyson, I May Not Get There
volve biblical scholars as well as scholars studying ancient Af-
With You: The True Martin Luther King, Jr., 2000); Howard
rican texts of relevance to African American religious
Thurman (Alton Pollard, Mysticism and Social Change: The
communities. Wande Abimbola’s Ifá: An Exposition of Ifá
Social Witness of Howard Thurman, 1992); Anna Julia Coo-
Literary Corpus (1976), already widely referenced among
per (Karen Baker-Fletcher, A Singing Something: Womanist
Yoruba religious practitioners, would be central to such a dis-
Reflections on Anna Julia Cooper, 1994); Amanda Berry
cussion. as would Maulana Karenga’s works on the Husia,
Smith (Adrienne Israel, Amanda Berry Smith: From Washer-
especially Selections from the Husia: Sacred Wisdom of Ancient
woman to Evangelist, 1998); Theophilus G. Steward (Albert
Egypt (1984) and his more recent interpretation of Yoruba
G. Miller, Elevating the Race: Theophilus G. Steward, Black
sacred texts, Odu Ifá: The Ethical Teachings (1999).
Theology, and the Making of an African American Civil Soci-
N
ety, 1865–1924, 2003); Reverdy Ransom (Anthony Pinn,
EW TRENDS AND CURRENTS IN AFRICAN AMERICAN RELI-
Making the Gospel Plain: The Writings of Bishop Reverdy C.
GIOUS STUDIES. Since the last two decades of the twentieth
century, scholars have been proposing new categories of re-
Ransom, 1998); and Malcolm X (Michael Dyson, Making
search and new approaches to established research areas. Two
Malcolm: The Myth and Meaning of Malcolm X, 1995).
growing rubrics of scholarship concern black religious diver-
Comparative studies of Malcolm X and Martin Luther
sity and black religion, aesthetics, and popular culture, and
King by James Cone (Martin and Malcolm and America: A
books and articles on black folk religion and African religious
Dream or a Nightmare, 1991) and of Howard Thurman and
cultures in the diaspora have been published at an increasing
James Cone by Carlyle Stewart (God, Being, and Liberation:
rate. These include contributions from Theophus Smith,
A Comparative Analysis of the Theologies and Ethics of James
Conjuring Culture: Biblical Formations of Black America
H. Cone and Howard Thurman, 1989) also address sites of
(1994); Donald Matthews, Honoring the Ancestors: An Afri-
intellectual correspondences among salient scholars and fig-
can Cultural Interpretation of Black Religion and Literature
ures. Collectively, these volumes elucidate the religious sig-
(1997); Peter Paris, The Spirituality of African People: The
nificance of these definitive personalities within U.S. society
Search for a Common Moral Discourse (1995); Joseph Mur-
and the import of their intellectual legacies to the study of
phy, Working the Spirit: Ceremonies of the African Diaspora
African American religion and to the wider academy.
(1994); George Brandon, Santeria from Africa to the New
World: The Dead Sell Memories (1993); Jacob Olupona, Afri-
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGION AND APPROACHES TO SA-
can Spirituality: Forms, Meanings, and Expressions (2000);
CRED TEXTS. The evolution of textual studies in black reli-
and Elias Farajaje-Jones and Kortright Davis, African Cre-
gion has mirrored the expansive trend in the broader field.
ative Expressions of the Divine (1991). Salim Faraji’s article
In the arena of Christian theological studies biblical scholars
“Walking Back to Go Forward” is particularly important be-
have worked collaboratively and independently on themes
cause it examines the Kemetic deity Heru (Horus) as an im-
including Africa and racial and ethnic identity, slavery, gen-
portant symbol of black religious pluralism and liberation
der, power, justice, and liberation. Formidable scholars have
praxis, and it is distinctive in connecting liberation theology
interrogated these and other motifs in critical articles and
to Egyptian-inspired African American religious movements.
texts that challenged established methods and theoretical as-
sumptions in the wider field of biblical studies. These in-
Women especially have advanced scholarly knowledge
clude contributions from thinkers such as Cain Hope Felder,
of the breadth and influence of these orientations through
Randall Bailey, Renita Weems, Vincent Wimbush, Clarice
archival and ethnographic studies as well as through interna-
Martin, Allen Callahan, Demetrius Williams, and Gay
tional research. Among their published findings are Yvonne
Byron. Robert Hood combined his training in New Testa-
Chireau, Black Magic: Religion and the African American
ment study with cultural criticism and theological inquiry to
Conjuring Tradition (2003); Rachel Harding, A Refuge in
conduct studies of early Christianity, especially the helleniza-
Thunder: Candomblé and Alternative Spaces of Blackness
tion of Christianity, in Must God Remain Greek?: Afro Cul-
(2000); Tracey Hucks, Approaching the African God: History,
ture and God-Talk (1974), and of anti-blackness in Christian
Textuality, and the Re-Ownership of Africa in the African
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
81
American Yoruba Movement (2005); Karen McCarthy
ding, There is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom in
Brown, Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn (1991);
America (New York, 1981). For a more concise version of the
Jualynne Dodson’s forthcoming book, Sacred Spaces: Reli-
religious history of African Americans see Albert Raboteau,
gious Traditions in Oriente Cuba (2005); Kamari Clarke,
A Fire in the Bones: Reflections on African American Religious
Mapping Yoruba Networks: Power and Agency in the Making
History (Boston, 1995). A discussion of the relationship be-
of Transnational Communities (2004); Elizabeth McAlister,
tween black enslavement and black music can be found in
Miles Mark Fisher, Negro Slave Songs in the United States
Rara!: Vodou, Power, and Performance in Haiti and Its Dias-
(New York, 1953) and in John Lovell, Black Song: The Forge
pora (2002); and Dianne Stewart, Three Eyes for the Journey:
and the Flame: The Story of How the Afro-American Spiritual
African Dimensions of the Jamaican Religious Experience
Was Hammered Out (New York, 1972). Two texts that at-
(2004).
tempt to explore the complexities of slave ethnicity and cul-
Studies of African American experiences with Islam and
ture are Lorenzo Dow Turner, Africanisms in the Gullah Dia-
lect (Chicago, 1949) and Margaret Washington Creel, “A
Judaism are also enhancing scholarly interpretations of black
Peculiar People”: Slave Religion and Community-Culture
religious formation from slavery to the present time. Al-
Among the Gullahs (New York, 1988). Important primary
though it could be argued that the nineteenth-century writ-
sources that document the experiences and narratives of for-
ings of Edward Wilmot Blyden inaugurated a serious discus-
mer slaves include John Blassingame, Slave Testimony: Two
sion of Islam within black religious thought, a constellation
Centuries of Letters, Speeches, Interviews, and Autobiographies
of interdisciplinary scholarly works are helping to contextu-
(Baton Rouge, La., 1977); Ira Berlin, Remembering Slavery:
alize African American Islamic traditions with greater clarity
African Americans Talk about their Personal Experiences of
and specification. Significant contributions include Allan
Slavery and Freedom (New York, 1998); and James Mellon,
Austin’s African Muslims in Antebellum America: A Source
Bullwhip Days: The Slave Remembers (New York, 1988). For
Book (1984); Richard Brent Turner’s Islam in the African
insight on the intellectual debates concerning African reten-
American Experience (1997); Michael Gomez’s Exchanging
tions and survivals during the slave period see Melville J.
Our Country Marks: The Transformation of African Identities
Herskovits, The Myth of the Negro Past (New York, 1941);
E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Church in America (New
in the Colonial and Antebellum South (1998); Aminah Bever-
York, 1974); “The Debate” in Albert Raboteau, Slave Reli-
ly McCloud’s African American Islam (1995); and Lawrence
gion: The “Invisible Institution” in the Antebellum South (New
Mamiya’s “Islam in America: Problems of Legacy, Identity,
York, 1978); and Joseph Holloway, Africanisms in American
Cooperation, and Conflict among African American and Im-
Culture (Bloomington, Ind., 1990).
migrant Muslims” (1993). Black Zion: African American Re-
ligious Encounters with Judaism (2000), edited by Yvonne
Three monographs of African American churches in the early
twentieth century remain classics: W. E. B. Du Bois, The
Chireau and Nathaniel Deutsch, is also an indispensable
Negro Church (Atlanta, 1903) and “Of the Faith of the Fa-
contribution to the scholarship on African American reli-
thers” in The Souls of Black Folk (New York, 1903); Carter
gious traditions.
G. Woodson, The History of the Negro Church (Washington,
Within the area of black religion, aesthetics, and popu-
D.C., 1921), and Benjamin E. Mays and Joseph W. Nichol-
lar culture, Michael Dyson has authored several texts, includ-
son, The Negro’s Church (New York, 1969). For more recent
studies of the black church, black Christian denominations,
ing Between God and Gangsta Rap: Bearing Witness to Black
and black membership in traditionally white denominations,
Culture (1996); Holler if You Hear Me: Searching for Tupac
see C. Eric Lincoln, The Black Church Since Frazier (New
Shakur (2001); and Mercy, Mercy Me: The Art, Loves and De-
York, 1974); C. Eric Lincoln and Lawrence H. Mamiya, The
mons of Marvin Gaye (2004). Other contributors to this
Black Church in the African American Experience (Durham,
emerging conversation among scholars of religion include
N.C., 1990); Alton Pollard III and Love Henry Whelchel,
Anthony Pinn (Noise and Spirit: The Religious and Spiritual
Jr., How Long this Road: The Legacy of C. Eric Lincoln (New
Sensibilities of Rap Music, 2003) and Judith Weisenfeld, who
York, 2003); James Walker Hood, One Hundred Years of the
has written several pieces on religion and black representa-
African Methodist Episcopal Church (New York, 1895); Bish-
tion in film, including “‘My Story Begins Before I was Born’:
op William J. Walls, The African Methodist Episcopal Zion
Myth, History, and Power in Julie Dash’s Daughters of the
Church (Charlotte, N.C., 1974); Mechal Sobel, Trabelin’
Dust” (2003) and “For Rent, ‘Cabin in the Sky’: Race, Reli-
On: The Slave Journey to an Afro-Baptist Faith (Westport,
gion, and Representational Quagmires in American Film”
Conn., 1979); James Washington, Frustrated Fellowship: The
Black Baptist Quest for Social Power (Macon, Ga., 1986);
(2003).
Sandy Martin, Black Baptist and African Missions: The Ori-
gins of a Movement, 1880–1915 (Macon, Ga., 1989); Cheryl
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Sanders, The Holiness-Pentecostal Experience in African Amer-
For a comprehensive overview of slave religion and slave culture
ican Religion and Culture (New York, 1996); Sylvia Frey and
see Albert Raboteau, Slave Religion: The “Invisible Institution”
Betty Wood, Shouting to Zion: African American Protestant-
in the Antebellum South (New York, 1978); Sterling Stuckey,
ism in the American South and the Caribbean (Chapel Hill,
Slave Culture: Nationalist Theory and the Foundation of Black
N.C., 1998); Cyprian Davis, The History of Black Catholics
America (New York, 1987); Eugene Genovese, “Book Two:
in the United States (New York, 1990); and Newell Bringhur-
The Rock and the Church” in his Roll, Jordan, Roll: The
st, Saints, Slaves, and Blacks: The Changing Place of Black Peo-
World the Slaves Made (New York, 1974); and Vincent Har-
ple within Mormonism (Westport, Conn., 1981). Texts on
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
82
AFRICAN AMERICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
women and gender within black Christian denominations
in the Interpretation of Religion (Philadelphia, 1986);
include Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, Righteous Discontent:
Theophus Smith, Conjuring Culture: Biblical Formations of
The Women’s Movement in the Black Baptist Church, 1880–
Black America (New York, 1994); and Donald Matthews,
1920 (Cambridge, Mass., 1993) and Jualynne E. Dodson,
Honoring the Ancestors: An African Cultural Interpretation of
Engendering Church: Women, Power, and the A.M.E. Church
Black Religion and Literature (New York, 1997).
(Lanham, Md., 2002).
The most comprehensive introduction to black theology, includ-
Several important texts in the study of black folklore and African-
ing discussion of womanist theology and the debate between
derived practices in the United States include Newbell Niles
black theologians and scholars of religion, is James Cone and
Puckett, Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro (Chapel Hill,
Gayraud Wilmore’s Black Theology: A Documentary History,
N.C., 1926); Zora Neale Hurston, Mules and Men (Philadel-
Volume One: 1966–1979 (Maryknoll, N.Y., 1993) and
phia, 1935); Harry Middleton Hyatt, Hoodoo, Conjuration,
Black Theology: A Documentary History, Volume Two: 1980–
Witchcraft, Rootwork: Beliefs Accepted by Many Negroes and
1992 (Maryknoll, N.Y., 1993). Mark Chapman’s extensive
White Persons, These Being Orally Recorded Among Blacks and
annotated bibliographies in both volumes contain many of
Whites (Hannibal, Mo., 1970–1975); Alan Dudnes, Mother
the references cited in this essay in addition to other works
Wit from the Laughing Barrell: Readings in the Interpretation
covering areas such as pastoral theology and liturgical studies.
of Afro-American Folklore (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1973);
For Cornel West’s early contributions to African American
and Yvonne Chireau’s well-documented text Black Magic:
religious studies see Prophesy Deliverance: An Afro-American
Religion and the African American Conjuring Tradition (Los
Revolutionary Christianity (Philadelphia, 1982) and Prophetic
Angeles, 2003).
Fragments (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1988).
Scholarship on diverse black religious traditions include C. Eric
In addition to the womanist texts and articles already cited in this
Lincoln, Black Muslims in America (Boston, 1961); Joseph
essay and the ones included and cited in Black Theology: A
Washington’s Black Religion: The Negro and Christianity in
Documentary History, see N. Lynn Westfield, Dear Sister: A
the United States (Boston, 1964), Black Sects and Cults (New
Womanist Practice of Hospitality (Cleveland, Ohio, 2001);
York, 1972), and Jews in Black Perspective (Cranbury, N.J.,
Linda Thomas, Under the Canopy: Ritual Process and Spiritu-
1984); Allan Austin’s African Muslims in Antebellum: A
al Resilience in South Africa (Columbia, S.C., 1999) and
Source Book (New York, 1984); Richard Brent Turner, Islam
“Womanist Theology, Epistemology, and a New Anthropo-
in the African American Experience (Bloomington, Ind.,
logical Paradigm,” Cross Currents 48, no. 4 (Winter 1998–
1997); Michael Gomez, Exchanging Our Country Marks: The
1999): 488–499; Cheryl Townsend Gilkes, If It Wasn’t For
Transformation of African Identities in the Colonial and Ante-
the Women (New York, 2001); Stephanie Mitchem, Intro-
bellum South (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1998); Aminah Beverly
ducing Womanist Theology (Maryknoll, N.Y., (2002).
McCloud, African American Islam (New York, 1995); and
Anthony Pinn, Varieties of African American Religious Experi-
See references listed in this essay regarding anthologies, documen-
ence (Minneapolis, 1998); Yvonne Chireau and Nathaniel
tary and biographical studies. Edited texts containing works
Deutsch, Black Zion: African American Religious Encounters
of pivotal scholars in biblical studies are Cain Hope Felder,
with Judaism (New York, 2000); Peter Paris, The Spirituality
ed., Stony the Road We Trod (Minneapolis, 1991) and Vin-
of African People: The Search for a Common Moral Discourse
cent Wimbush, ed., African Americans and the Bible: Sacred
(Minneapolis, 1995); Joseph Murphy, Working the Spirit:
Texts and Social Textures (New York, 2000). Also see Cain
Ceremonies of the African Diaspora (Boston, 1994); George
Hope Felder, Troubling Biblical Waters: Race, Class, and
Brandon, Santeria From Africa to the New World: The Dead
Family (Maryknoll, N.Y., 1989). On cultural approaches to
Sell Memories (Bloomington, Ind., 1993); Elias Farajaje-
sacred texts in African American religious studies see Gay
Jones and Kortright Davis, eds., African Creative Expressions
Byron, Symbolic Blackness and Ethnic Difference in Early
of the Divine (Washington, D.C., 2000); Elias Farajaje-
Christian Literature (New York, 2002); Robert Hood’s Must
Jones, In Search of Zion: The Spiritual Significance of Africa
God Remain Greek?: Afro Culture and God-Talk (Minneapo-
in Black Religious Movements (New York, 1990); Salim Fara-
lis, 1974) and his Begrimed and Black: Christian Traditions
ji’s “Walking Back to Go Forward,” in Garth Baker-Fletcher,
on Blacks and Blackness (Minneapolis, 1994); Wande Abim-
ed., Black Religion After the Million Man March (Maryknoll,
bola’s Ifa: An Exposition of Ifa Literary Corpus (Ibadan, Nige-
N.Y., 1998); Yvonne Chireau, Black Magic (Berkeley, Calif.,
ria, 1976); Maulana Karenga’s Selections from the Husia: Sa-
2003); Rachel Harding, A Refuge in Thunder: Candomblé and
cred Wisdom of Ancient Egypt (Los Angeles, 1984) and Odu
Alternative Spaces of Blackness, Bloomington, Ind., 2000);
Ifa: The Ethical Teachings (Los Angeles, 1999).
Karen McCarthy Brown, Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in
For treatments of black religion and popular culture see Michael
Brooklyn (Berkeley, Calif., 1991); Elizabeth McAlister, Rara!:
Dyson’s Between God and Gangsta Rap: Bearing Witness to
Vodou, Power, and Performance in Haiti and Its Diaspora
Black Culture (New York, 1996), Holler if You Hear Me:
(Berkeley, Calif., 2002); Kamari Clarke, Mapping Yoruba
Searching for Tupac Shakur (New York, 2001), and Mercy,
Networks: Power and Agency in the Making of Transnational
Mercy Me: The Art, Loves and Demons of Marvin Gaye (New
Communities (Durham, N.C., 2004); Dianne Stewart, Three
York, 2004); Anthony Pinn, Noise and Spirit: The Religious
Eyes for the Journey: African Dimensions of the Jamaican Reli-
and Spiritual Sensibilities of Rap Music (New York, 2003);
gious Experience (New York, 2004); and Josiah Young,
and Judith Weisenfeld, “My Story Begins Before I was Born:
Dogged Strength Within the Veil: Africana Spirituality and the
Myth, History, and Power in Julie Dash’s Daughters of the
Mysterious Love of God (Harrisburg, Pa., 2003).
Dust” in Representing Religion in World Cinema: Filmmaking,
For substantial theoretical treatments of African American religion
Mythmaking, Culture Making, edited by Brent Plate (New
see Charles Long, Significations: Signs, Symbols, and Images
York, 2003) and Weisenfeld’s “For Rent, ‘Cabin in the Sky’:
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
83
Race, Religion, and Representational Quagmires in Ameri-
Nevertheless, research has been able to bring to light im-
can Film,” in African American Religious Thought: An Anthol-
portant evidence concerning the early phases of religion in
ogy, edited by Cornel West and Eddie Glaude (Knoxville,
certain areas. The rock paintings of southern Africa, which
Tenn., 2003).
date mostly from the nineteenth century but also from 2000
TRACEY E. HUCKS (2005)
and 6000 and 26,000 BP, appear to represent a continuous
DIANNE M. STEWART (2005)
tradition of shamanism practiced by the San hunters and
their ancestors. Nineteenth-century and contemporary San
ethnography suggest that shamanistic trance states, induced
AFRICAN RELIGIONS
by dancing, are the subject matter of much southern African
This entry consists of the following articles:
rock art. In trance states, San men experience the presence
of a sacred power in their bodies, a power that also exists in
AN OVERVIEW
MYTHIC THEMES
certain animals, especially the eland, a large antelope. When
NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
this power enters the dancing men, they fall into a state of
HISTORY OF STUDY
deep trance, or “half-death,” as the !Kung San call it. Trance
enables the men to perform three kinds of acts: the luring
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
of large game animals to the hunters, the curing of illness,
Prior to the coming of Christianity and Islam to Africa, the
and the causing of rain by killing of special “rain animals.”
peoples south of the Sahara developed their own religious
The rock art painted by the San and their ancestors shows
systems, and these formed the basis of much of their social
men performing each of these tasks. The visual signs of
and cultural life. At present the indigenous religions, modi-
trance that appear in the art are bleeding from the nose, per-
fied by colonial and postcolonial experience, continue to
spiration, dancing, lines piercing (or extending from) the
exist alongside Christianity and Islam and to play an impor-
head, the wearing of caps with antelope ears, and the partial
tant role in daily existence.
transformation of men into animals, especially antelopes.
While manifesting these signs of trance, men are shown
African traditional religions are closely tied to ethnic
bending over people and drawing out illness, shooting rain
groups. Hence it may be said that there are as many different
animals, and luring game by ritual means. There is no indica-
“religions” as there are ethnic language groups, which num-
tion that the art itself was regarded as magical; instead, the
ber more than seven hundred south of the Sahara. There are,
paintings depict the ritual acts and visionary experiences by
however, many similarities among the religious ideas and
which the shamans governed the relationships between
practices of major cultural and linguistic areas (e.g., Guinea
human beings, animals, and the spirits of the dead. These
Coast, central Bantu, Nilotes), and certain fundamental fea-
relationships lay at the core of San society, and the rock
tures are common to almost all African religions. Although
paintings may well record practices that date from the earliest
these features are not unique to Africa, taken together they
times in southern Africa.
constitute a distinctively African pattern of religious thought
and action.
When agriculture began to spread south of the Sahara
around 1500 BCE, an important religious development ac-
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND. Except for the most recent colo-
companied the gradual change from hunting-gathering to
nial and precolonial past, there is little evidence concerning
agricultural economies. This was the emergence of territorial
the early history of African religions, especially from the re-
cults, organized around local shrines and priests related to
mote Paleolithic period. Because of the conditions of climate
the land, crop production, and rain. These autochthonous
and habitation, archaeological remains, such as pottery,
cults provided political and religious leadership at the local
stone implements, bronze and stone figures, earthworks, and
level and also at the clan and tribal level. In central Africa
rock paintings, have been discovered at only a few places in
the oral tradition and known history of some territorial cults
eastern, western, and southern Africa, and the cultural con-
date back five or six centuries and have been the key to his-
texts of these finds are largely unknown. It was once sup-
torical reconstruction of religion in this area.
posed that the various contemporary hunting-gathering, ag-
ricultural, and pastoral societies in Africa developed from a
When ironworking penetrated sub-Saharan Africa in
few basic cultural systems, or civilizations, each with its own
400–500 CE, it gave rise to a number of myths, rites, and
set of linguistic, racial, religious, economic, and material cul-
symbolic forms. Ironworking was said to have been brought
tural characteristics. Thus the early cultural and religious his-
by a mythic culture hero, blacksmiths were regarded as a spe-
tory of African societies was seen in terms of the interaction
cial caste subject to ritual prohibitions, and the blacksmith’s
and intermixture of these hypothetical cultural systems, pro-
forge was sometimes regarded as a sanctuary. Iron itself was
ducing the more complex cultural and religious patterns of
thought to have sacred properties. Throughout West Africa
today. But it is now recognized that elements of language,
ironmaking, hunting, and sometimes warfare formed a sa-
race, religion, economics, and material culture are not so
cred complex of rites and symbols under the tutelage of a cul-
closely related as was assumed and that the early cultural sys-
ture hero or deity.
tems were too speculatively defined. Hence historical recon-
In northern Nigeria more than 150 terra-cotta figures
struction on these grounds has been abandoned.
have been found dating from at least 500 BCE to 200 CE, the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
84
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
earliest known terra-cotta sculpture in sub-Saharan Africa.
some general similarities with sub-Saharan kingships, was in-
This sculpture, known as Nok sculpture after the site at
dependently invented in various places in the African conti-
which it was first found, consists of both human and animal
nent, not only in Egypt.
figures. Although it is likely that these pieces had religious
significance, either as grave goods or as ritual objects (or
From the seventeenth to early nineteenth centuries,
both), their meaning at present is entirely unknown.
there is evidence of two types of development: an increase
in spirit possession and healing cults, generally known as
The famous bronze heads of Ife, Nigeria, date from the
cults of affliction, and an emphasis upon the concept of the
twelfth to fifteenth centuries and may be distantly related to
supreme being. The emergence of popular healing cults
Nok sculpture. The sixteen naturalistic Ife heads were found
seems to have been linked to a breakdown in local political
in the ground near the royal palace at Ife. The heads have
institutions and to contact with outside forces and new dis-
holes to which beards and crowns were attached. Each head
eases. The well-documented Lemba cult in the western por-
may have represented one of the founders of the sixteen city-
tion of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which dates
states that owed allegiance to Ife, and each may have carried
from the seventeenth century to the early twentieth century,
one of the sixteen crowns. Among the Yoruba, the “head”
was but one of many ngoma (“drum”) therapies that were,
(ori) is the bearer of a person’s destiny, and the “head” or des-
and still are, characteristic of the religions of the Bantu-
tiny of a king was to wear the crown. The crown was the
speaking peoples of central and southern Africa. During the
symbol of the sacred as:e:, or power of the king, which the
same period, the growing importance of the concept of su-
crown or the head itself may have contained. Bronze heads
preme being appears to have been linked to the enlargement
were also made in the kingdom of Benin, an offshoot of Ife
of political scale and to the need to explain widespread social
located to the southeast, where they served as shrines for de-
and political changes at the most universal level.
ceased Bini kings.
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. Common to most African reli-
In southern Africa the wall ruins of Great Zimbabwe in
gions is the notion of the imperfect nature of the human con-
present-day Zimbabwe belong to a cultural complex that
dition. Almost every society has a creation myth that tells
evolved in the early twelfth century. Great Zimbabwe was
about the origins of human life and death. According to this
the political capital of the Shona kings for two hundred
myth, the first human beings were immortal; there was no
years, until 1450. The ancestors of the kingship seem to have
suffering, sickness, or death. This situation came to an end
been represented by large, eaglelike sculptures with human
because of an accident or act of disobedience. Whatever the
characteristics, and these are thought to have been the focus
cause, the myth explains why sickness, toil, suffering, and
of the royal ancestor cult.
death are fundamental to human existence.
Wherever kingship arose in Africa during the thirteenth
The counterpart to this idea is the notion that the prob-
to fifteenth centuries, it became a dominant part of the reli-
lems of human life may be alleviated through ritual action.
gious system. The rulers, whether sacred or secular, generally
African religions are systems of explanation and control of
attained total or partial control of the preexisting territorial
immediate experience. They do not promise personal salva-
cults above the local level. Oral tradition usually records the
tion in the afterlife or the salvation of the world at some fu-
encounter between the conquering kings and the autochtho-
ture time. The promise of African religions is the renewal of
nous cults, which sometimes put up resistance. This encoun-
human affairs here and now, a this-worldly form of salvation.
ter was often memorialized in the form of annual rites that
Through ritual action misfortunes may be overcome, sick-
recalled the initial conquest and subsequent accommodation
nesses removed, and death put off. In general, bad situations
between the king and the autochthonous cults whose powers
may be changed into good ones, at least temporarily. The as-
over the land were necessary fro the welfare of the state. For
sumption is that human beings are largely responsible for
example, at Ife there is an annual ceremonial enactment of
their own misfortunes and that they also possess the ritual
the defeat and return of the indigenous creator god O:batala
means to overcome them. The sources of suffering lie in peo-
(also known as Oris:a-nla), and the restoration of his cult in
ple’s misdeeds, or sins, which offend the gods and ancestors,
the city. In other cases, the local cults were taken over and
and in the social tensions and conflicts that can cause illness.
grafted onto the royal cult. Thus the Lundu kings took over
The remedy involves the consultation of a priest or priestess
the preroyal cults of the supreme being in Malawi, Zimba-
who discovers the sin or the social problem and prescribes
bwe, and Mozambique and incorporated their priests and
the solution, for example, an offering to appease an offended
prophets into the royal sphere.
deity or a ritual to settle social tensions. Belief in the perfect-
Most kings were regarded as gods or as the descendants
ibility of human beings is not a part of African traditional
of gods and were spiritually related to the fertility of the land
religions. Instead, such religions provide the means for cor-
and to the welfare of the people. Even in Buganda in central
recting certain social and spiritual relationships that are un-
Uganda, where they did not have such mystical powers, the
derstood to be the causes of misfortune and suffering, even
kings were regarded as sacred personages. It has become rec-
death. They assume that the traditional moral and social val-
ognized that the institution of sacred kingship, which was
ues, which the gods and ancestors uphold, are the guidelines
once thought to be derived from ancient Egypt because of
for the good life and emphasize these rules and values in ritu-
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
85
al performances in order to renew people’s commitment to
with the origin of social and ritual institutions. They explain
them.
both the structure of the world and the social and moral con-
At the theological level, African religions contain both
ditions of human life. Most creation myths posit an original
monotheistic and polytheistic principles. The concept of a
state of cosmic order and unity, and they tell of a separation
supreme God is widely known in tropical Africa and existed
or division that arose between divinity and humanity, sky
before the coming of Christianity and Islam. The idea of a
and earth, order and disorder, which resulted in human mor-
supreme God expresses the element of ultimacy, fate, and
tality. These myths explain why human beings are mortal by
destiny, which is part of most African religions. As the ulti-
telling how they became mortal. Thus they presuppose that
mate principle behind things, the supreme God usually has
humanity was originally immortal and passed into a state of
no cult, images, temples, or priesthood. These are unneces-
mortality. The myths usually say that mortality was the result
sary because he stands above reciprocal relationships with
of a deliberate or accidental misdeed committed by a human
human beings, on which the lesser gods depend.
being, often a woman, or an animal. Although questions of
human responsibility are sometimes involved, the underlying
In contrast to the invisibility and remoteness of the su-
meaning is generally that death was a necessary, indeed, a
preme God, the lesser gods and the ancestor spirits, which
natural, outcome; otherwise, human beings would not be
often serve as the supreme being’s intermediaries, are con-
truly human and humanity and divinity would not be prop-
stantly involved in daily affairs. Their many shrines, images,
erly separated.
and priesthoods make them highly visible and important fea-
tures of traditional life. They are sources of both protection
Some myths explain the origins and significance of
and harm, depending upon how faithfully they are served.
death by showing that it is essentially linked to the agents
People regularly attend their shrines to pray, receive advice,
of human fertility and reproduction: women, food, sexuality,
and make offerings, usually in the form of animal sacrifice.
and marriage. The Dinka of the southern Sudan say that the
Thus African religions are both polytheistic and monotheis-
first woman disobeyed the creator god who told her to plant
tic, depending upon the context. In matters concerning the
or pound only one grain of millet a day, lest she strike the
ultimate destiny and fate of individuals and groups, the su-
low-hanging sky with her hoe or tall pestle. When she lifted
preme God may be directly involved. In matters concerning
her pole to cultivate (or pound) more millet, she struck the
everyday affairs, the lesser gods and ancestors are more im-
sky, causing the sky and God to withdraw. Thenceforth,
mediately involved.
human beings suffered sickness and death and had to toil for
From the point of view of African religion, a human
their food. In this myth it is a woman’s desire for plenty
being consists of social, moral, spiritual, and physical compo-
(life), which the Dinka view indulgently, that overcame the
nents united together; the individual is viewed as a composite
original restrictive proximity between humanity and God.
totality. That is why social conflicts can make people physi-
The Nuer, who live near the Dinka, say that in the beginning
cally ill and why moral misdeeds can cause spiritual misfor-
a young girl descended from the sky with her companions
tunes. Rituals that are aimed at restoring social and spiritual
to get food and that she fell in love with a young man whom
relationships are therefore deemed to affect people’s physical
she met on earth. When she told her companions that she
health and well-being. A person’s life is also seen to pass
wished to stay on earth, they ascended to the sky and spite-
through several stages. One of the important tasks of tradi-
fully cut the rope leading to the ground, thus severing the
tional religion is to move people successfully through the
means for immortality. The myth reflects the choice that
major stages of life: birth, puberty, marriage, elderhood,
every Nuer woman must make in marriage when she leaves
death, ancestorhood. Each phase has its duties, and rites of
her childhood home and friends and goes to live with her
passage make sure that people know their responsibilities. In
husband. According to the Ganda of central Uganda, the
this way people’s lives are given shape and pattern. Important
first woman disobeyed her father, the sky god, which caused
traditional offices, such as kingship, chieftancy, and priest-
her brother Death to come into the world and kill some of
hood, are also maintained by rites of passage. Other rituals
her children. In Buganda a girl’s brother is the traditional
divide the year into seasons and give the annual cycle its form
agent of marriage and has a temporary claim to one of his
and rhythm.
sister’s children. The myth implies that death is viewed as a
necessary counterpart to life, as the mother’s brother is a nec-
Ritual authorities, such as diviners, prophets, priests,
essary counterpart to marriage and a claimant to one of his
and sacred kings, serve a common religious purpose: the
sister’s children.
communication between the human world and the sacred
world. Shrines and temples facilitate this process by linking
Another widely known myth among Bantu-speaking
together the two worlds around an altar. The priest’s job is
peoples explains the origin of death in terms of a message
to perform prayers and sacrifices that carry people’s desires
that failed. In the beginning the creator god gave the message
to the spiritual world; the priest, in turn, communicates the
of life to a slow-moving animal (e.g., chameleon, sheep).
will of the spiritual beings to the people.
Later, he grew impatient and gave the message of death to
MYTHOLOGY: CREATION, HEROES, AND TRICKSTERS. Afri-
a faster animal (e.g., lizard, goat). The faster animal arrived
can myths deal primarily with the origin of humankind and
first and delivered his message, and death became the lot of
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86
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
humanity. In this myth the natural slowness and quickness
both monotheistic and polytheistic aspects. Often there is
of the two animals determine the outcome, making death a
also the concept of an impersonal power, such as the Yoruba
natural and inevitable result. Other myths emphasize the
concept of as:e: by which all things have their being. In differ-
similarity between death and sleep and the inability of
ent contexts each of these principles may come to the fore
human beings to avoid either. According to this myth, the
as the primary focus of religious thought and action, al-
creator god told the people to stay awake until he returned.
though each is part of the larger whole.
When he came back they had fallen asleep and failed to hear
As ultimate principles, many supreme Gods are like Af-
his message of immortality. When they woke up he gave
rican sacred kings: they reign but do not rule. They occupy
them the message of death.
the structural center of the system but are rarely seen or
Hero myths tell how important cultural discoveries,
heard, and when they are it is only indirectly. For this reason
such as agriculture and ironmaking, originated and how
the supreme Gods belong more to the dimension of myth
major social and ritual institutions, such as marriage, village
than to that of ritual. However, the world would cease to
organization, kingship, priesthood, and cult groups, came
exist without them, as would a kingdom without the king.
into existence. Often the founding deeds of the hero are re-
Thus, in many instances the supreme God is the one, omni-
enacted in ritual with creative and transforming effect. The
scient, omnipotent, transcendent, creator, father, and judge.
hero may continue to live among the people in spiritual form
From the time of the first contact with Muslims and Chris-
through a priest or prophet and become manifest on impor-
tians, Africans recognized their supreme Gods to be the same
tant ritual occasions. Many African deities are said to have
as the God of Christianity and Islam. It is not known wheth-
been heroes who died and returned in spiritual form to serve
er African religions were more or less monotheistic than they
as guardians and protectors of the people. In Africa myth and
are today, although it is certain that African concepts of God
history often overlap, and together they form a unified expla-
have changed over time.
nation of the world since the time of the beginning.
DIVINITY AND EXPERIENCE. Unlike the supreme beings,
which remain in the background of religious life, the lesser
Another type of myth is the trickster story. Trickster
divinities and spirits are bound up with everyday experience.
stories range from fable-like satirical tales to accounts of
These powers are immanent, and their relation to human be-
world creation. The trickster may exist only as a character
ings is reciprocal and interdependent. Hence they require
in stories or as an active deity. Whatever the particular form,
many shrines, temples, priests, cult groups, images, rituals,
the trickster image expresses the fundamental ambiguities of
and offerings to facilitate their constant interactions with
human life. The trickster is both fooler and fooled, wily and
people.
stupid, maker and unmade. A seemingly misguided culture
The gods and spirits are known through personal en-
hero, the trickster introduces both order and disorder, confu-
counter as living agents who directly affect people’s lives.
sion and wisdom into the world. The trickster’s comic ad-
Often associated with elements of nature, such as lightning,
ventures convey a widely recognized African principle: Life
rain, rivers, wild animals, and forests, they may be under-
achieves its wholeness through the balance of opposites. The
stood as images or symbols of collective psychological and
trickster’s acts of disorder prepare the way for new order;
social realities that resemble these natural phenomena in
death gives way to birth. According to the Dogon of central
their powerful, dangerous, and beneficial aspects. The most
Mali, the trickster god Ogo destroyed the original perfection
common form of encounter between the human and the di-
of the creator god’s plan and could only partly restore it. Yet
vine is spirit possession, the temporary presence of a deity or
the trickster also helps human beings to discover the hidden
spirit in the consciousness of a person. Spirit possession may
dangers of life through divination. Among the Yoruba of
occur in a formal ritual context or in the normal course of
western Nigeria, the god Es:u is both the agent of social con-
everyday life. In Africa, as elsewhere, possession behavior is
flict and the peacekeeper of the marketplace, as well as the
culturally stylized and highly symbolic. It is neither extreme-
confuser of men and the messenger of the gods. His two-
ly pathological nor physiologically uncontrollable. It is an in-
sided nature brings together the gods and human beings in
tegral part of religion and has a well-defined role within it.
a cooperative manner through divination and sacrifice,
In some societies possession is regarded as an affliction, and
which he supervises. The Akan-Ashanti tales about Ananse
the aim is to expel the intruding god or spirit so that the suf-
the Spider in southern Ghana and the tales about the Hare
fering person may resume a normal life. Once the god or
in eastern and southern Africa express profound and ironic
spirit has made the reasons for its appearance known through
insights into the foibles and possibilities of human nature.
the voice of the afflicted person or through divination, offer-
In general, African trickster mythology expresses optimism
ings are made and the spirit departs. Usually the cause is
about the paradoxes and anomalies of life, showing that clev-
some misdeed or sin that must be redressed through ritual
erness and humor may prevail in a fundamentally imperfect
action. In other societies possession is a more desirable phe-
world.
nomenon. People may regularly seek to come closer to their
MONOTHEISM AND POLYTHEISM. African religions combine
gods, even to identify personally with them, through posses-
principles of unity and multiplicity, transcendence and im-
sion-inducing dances that have beneficial psychological and
manence, into a single system; thus they generally contain
social effects.
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
87
MEDIUMS, DIVINERS, AND PROPHETS. Sometimes a divinity
enced by the gods and ancestors in the past. Without telling
may wish to form a special relationship with an individual.
the diviner the problem, the client chooses the poem that
The god usually makes his desire known through an illness.
best fits the situation. The client then asks more questions
Indeed, sickness is sometimes seen as a sacred calling that is
of the diviner, who makes additional casts of the divination
manifested in the form of a possession. The cure will take
chain, until the client discovers all the potential dangers and
the form of apprenticeship and initiation into the service of
benefits destiny holds for the client, together with the ritual
the deity, and it will place the person in lasting debt to soci-
means of ensuring the best possible outcome. Like all systems
ety. Henceforth, the chosen man or woman becomes profes-
of divination, Ifa’s predictions are general and open to inter-
sionally established at a shrine and becomes the god’s medi-
pretation. The value of divination lies not in the precision
um, devoted to the healing of afflicted people. He or she
of prediction but in the decision-making processes that it of-
treats illnesses and social problems through mediumship sé-
fers to the client. Divination procedures require the client
ances. Treatment begins with a payment of money and with
(and often his or her family) to examine problems fully, to
the questioning of the client by the spirit speaking through
consider alternative courses of action, and to obtain profes-
the medium. The interrogation is skillful and focuses upon
sional guidance. The result is a course of action that is objec-
the client’s social situation. The remedy usually involves
tively based, divinely sanctioned, and socially acceptable.
moral advice, herbal prescriptions, ritual actions, and some-
times membership in a special cult group, as among the Cen-
Diviners and mediums employ methods of treatment
tral Bantu-speaking peoples. The client himself may already
that usually involve a mixture of psychological, social, medi-
have thought of the diagnosis and of the remedies that the
cal, and ritual means. Many illnesses are regarded as uniquely
medium proposes, or the séance may reveal new insights and
African in nature and hence as untreatable by Western meth-
procedures. In either case, the client departs from the consul-
ods. They include cases of infertility, stomach disorders, and
tation knowing that his problem has been expertly investigat-
a variety of ailments indicative of psychological stress and
ed and that he has received authoritative advice.
anxiety. The causes of such illnesses are generally attributed
to social, spiritual, or physiological factors, either separately
In Africa the distinction between mediums, diviners,
or in some combination. Typically, a person’s problems will
priests, and prophets is a fluid one, and transition from one
be attributed to his or her misdeeds or to the ill will of other
to the other is made easily. Generally, diviners and mediums
people because of the belief in the social source of illness and
are spiritual consultants, whereas prophets are leaders of hu-
misfortune. Equally fundamental is the notion that religion
mans. Prophets may go directly to the people with programs
concerns the total person, their physical as well as spiritual
for action and initiate religious and political movements. For
well-being.
this reason prophets are often sources of religious and politi-
cal change. In circumstances of widespread political unrest,
To the extent that European Christianity relates only to
priestly mediums may develop prophetic powers and initiate
spiritual matters, African societies have fashioned their own
socio-religious change. This occurred during colonial times
forms of Christianity whose rituals are aimed at both the
in East Africa: traditional prophets became leaders of politi-
physical and spiritual ills of society. These tend to be proph-
cal resistance in parts of Sudan, Uganda, Tanzania, and Zim-
et-led, independent churches that utilize the power of Chris-
babwe. In Kenya, the Mau Mau resistance movement was
tian prayer and ritual to heal physiological and psychological
also significantly implemented and sustained by traditional
maladies, much like the indigenous religions. Islam has been
ritual procedures.
adapted along similar lines. Although Western medicine is
recognized and sought after for the treatment of infectious
A more indirect form of spiritual communication in-
diseases and physical injuries, ritual techniques continue to
volves the use of divination equipment, such as cowrie shells,
be used in both rural and urban areas because of African ideas
leather tablets, animals entrails, palm nuts, a winnowing bas-
about the social and spiritual foundation of personal health
ket, small animal bones, and animal tracks. After careful in-
and well-being. Where the two systems are available, people
terrogation of the client, the diviner manipulates and inter-
often utilize both. Increased urbanization has tended to
prets his material in order to reach a diagnosis. Such systems
break down certain elements of traditional religions, for ex-
work according to a basic typology of human problems, aspi-
ample, rites for ancestor spirits and nature gods, but urban-
rations, and casual factors. The diviner applies this frame-
ization has created its own social, psychological, and spiritual
work to the client’s case by manipulating a divination appa-
problems for which diviners and mediums have developed
ratus.
methods of treatment.
The most complex system of divination in Africa is Ifa.
RITUAL: SACRIFICE AND RITES OF PASSAGE. Ritual is the
It is practiced by the Yoruba of southern Nigeria and in vari-
foundation of African religion. To become possessed by the
ous forms by the Igbo, Igala, and Nupe of Nigeria, the Ewe
gods, to speak ritual words, to perform offerings and sacri-
of Togo, and the Fon of Benin. It consists of a large number
fices, or to make children into adults is to shape experience
of poems that are related to a set of 256 divination patterns.
according to normative patterns of meaning and thereby to
When one of the patterns is cast, the diviner recites the ap-
control and renew the world. The ritual sphere is the sphere
propriate poems. The poems tell of real-life problems experi-
in which the everyday world and the spiritual world commu-
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88
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
nicate with each other and blend into one reality. Almost
cycles, new year), and in the accession of persons to high of-
every African ritual is therefore an occasion in which human
fice. Without these rites there would be no significant pat-
experience is morally and spiritually transformed. The two
tern to traditional life and no enduring social institutions.
most important forms of African ritual are animal sacrifice
and rites of passage. Both follow common patterns.
The important phase in these ceremonies is the middle,
or liminal, period of transition. In this phase people are mor-
The sacrifice of animals and the offering of vegetable
ally remade into “new” social beings. Newborn infants are
foods accomplish a two-way transaction between the realm
made into human persons, children are made into adults,
of divinity and the realm of humanity. The vegetable offer-
men and women are made into husbands and wives, adults
ings and animal victims are the mediating principles. They
are made into elders, princes are made into kings, deceased
are given to the gods and spirits in return for their favors.
persons are made into ancestor spirits. Seasonal transtions are
Animal sacrifice is especially prominent because the life of
also marked and celebrated in this way. Thus the old year
the victim and its blood are potent spiritual forces. By killing
is made into the new and the season of drought is made into
the victim, its life is released and offered to the gods for their
the season of rain.
sustenence in exchange for their blessings, especially in the
case of human life that is threatened. The act of sacrifice may
This remaking of persons and time involves the symbol-
also transfer the illness to the animal victim, which thus
ic destruction of the old and the creation of the new. It is
serves as a scapegoat. An animal may also be sacrificed so that
a dual process of death and rebirth, involving symbols of re-
its blood may act as a barrier against malevolent spiritual
versal, bisexuality, disguise, nakedness, death, humility, dirt,
forces. Fowl, sheep, and goats are the most common sacrifi-
intoxication, pain, and infantilism. These symbols of ritual
cial animals; cattle are frequently sacrificed among pastoralist
liminality have both negative and positive connotations rep-
peoples. Animal victims usually possess certain characteristics
resenting the paradoxical situation of the womb/tomb—the
of color, size, shape, and behavior that make them symboli-
betwixt and between period when people are neither what
cally appropriate for certain spiritual beings. Through invo-
they were nor what they will become. In the liminal stage,
cations, prayers, and songs, human desires are made known,
people are momentary anomalies, stripped of their former
sins are confessed, and spiritual powers attracted to the sacri-
selves, ready to become something new. Similarly, the time
ficial scene. Generally, the ritual word performs a dual func-
between the seasons and the time between the years belongs
tion: it says what is desired and helps to bring about the de-
neither to the old nor to the new but to both. The transition
sired through the power of ritual speech.
phase is a time out of time, when the usual order of things
is reversed or suspended, ready to become reestablished and
Sacrifices are performed on a variety of occasions in sea-
renewed. During the Apo new year’s ceremony of the Ashan-
sonal, curative, life-crisis, divinatory, and other kinds of ritu-
ti, people openly express their resentments against their
als, and always as isolable ritual sequences. Sacrifices that in-
neighbors, chiefs, and king in order to “cool” themselves and
volve the sharing of the victim’s flesh confirm the bond
rid society of its tensions, which may cause harm before order
between the people and the spiritual power, to which a por-
is restored and the new year begins.
tion is given. Purifications may also be performed so that the
participants may be cleansed of the potent sacred elements
The most fundamental rite of passage is that which initi-
of the sacrifice. Major sacrificial rites usually have the follow-
ates the young into adulthood. In this way a society not only
ing structure: consecration, invocation, immolation, com-
moves its young into new social roles but also transforms
munion, and purification. At the social level, sacrifices and
them inwardly by molding their moral and mental disposi-
offerings bring together individuals and groups and reinforce
tion toward the world. A period of instruction may or may
common moral bonds. Fundamentally, blood sacrifice is a
not be part of this process. A Nuer boy simply tells his father
reciprocal act, bringing gods and people together in a circuit
that he is ready to receive the marks of gar, six horizontal
of moral, spiritual, and social unity. In this way sacrifice re-
lines cut across the forehead. His socialization is already as-
stores moral and spiritual balance—the healthy equilibrium
sumed. In many West African societies the rite is held in the
between person and person, group and group, human beings
confines of initiation groves where the initiates are given in-
and spiritual powers—which permits the positive flow of life
tensified moral and religious instruction. These rites may
on earth. As a sacred gift of life to the gods, sacrifice atones
take place over a period of years and are organized into men’s
for human misdeeds and overcomes the human impediments
and women’s initiation societies, such as the Poro society
to the flow of life; thus it is one of the keystones of African
among the Senufo of the Ivory Coast, Mali, and Upper
religions.
Volta. By means of stories, proverbs, songs, dances, games,
masks, and sacred objects, the children and youths are taught
Rites of passage possess a threefold pattern consisting of
the mysteries of life and the values of the adult world. The
rites of separation, transition, and reincorporation. Their
rites define the position of the intiates in relation to God,
purpose is to create and maintain fixed and meaningful
to society, to themselves, and to the world. Some form of
transformations in the life cycle (birth, naming, puberty,
bodily marking is usually done, and circumcision and clitori-
marriage, death, ancestorhood), in the ecological and tempo-
dectomy are widely practiced. The significance of bodily
ral cycle (planting, harvest, seasonal change, lunar and solar
marking varies. Among the Gbaya of Mali, the initiates are
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
89
cut slightly on the stomach with a “mortal wound” to signify
Almost every family and village has its ancestor shrines,
their “death” to childhood. Generally, the marks indicate
and every town its heroes who founded and protected it.
that the transition to adulthood is permanent, personal, and
From the beginning, the ancestors helped to create the
often painful and that society has successfully imprinted it-
world; they gave birth to the people, led them to their present
self upon the individual.
homeland, created agriculture, established social rules,
founded kingdoms, and invented metalworking and the arts.
PERSONS, ANCESTORS, AND ETHICS. African concepts of the
Their deeds laid the foundations of African myth, history,
person, or self, share several characteristics. Generally, the
and culture. Whether the ancestors lived in the remote past
self is regarded as composite and dynamic; it consists of sev-
or in more recent times, they are regarded as immortal spirits
eral aspects, social, spiritual, and physical, and admits of de-
who transcend historical time. Through spirit possession and
grees of vitality. The self is also open to possession by divini-
mediumship rites, the ancestors continue to communicate
ty, and its life history may be predestined before birth. After
with their living descendants, who seek their help in the af-
death, the self becomes a ghost, and in the course of several
fairs of everyday life.
generations it becomes merged with the impersonal ances-
tors. Each of these aspects and potentialities of the person,
The carved images of the ancestors are not intended to
sometimes misleadingly described as multiple souls, is
be representational or abstract but conceptual and evocative.
important in different contexts and receives special ritual
By means of stylized form and symbolic details the image
attention.
conveys the characteristics of the ancestor and also helps to
make the spiritual reality of the ancestor present among the
In West African societies, the success or failure of a per-
people. Thus the carved ancestral icon enables the world of
son’s life is explained by reference to a personal destiny that
the living and the world of the living dead to come together
is given to the individual by the creator god before birth. A
for the benefit of human life.
person’s destiny stems from a family ancestor (usually a
The relationship between the community of the living
grandparent) who is partly reborn in the person at birth and
and the spirits of the dead, sometimes misleadingly called
serves as a spiritual guardian throughout life. Although desti-
“ancestor worship,” has powerful social and psychological di-
nies are largely predetermined, they are also somewhat alter-
mensions and plays a vital role in almost every African soci-
able for better or worse by the gods, witches, and guardian
ety. This is especially true in small-scale stateless societies in
ancestors. To realize the full potential of one’s destiny, fre-
which sociopolitical rules are almost entirely governed by a
quent recourse to divination is required to discover what des-
descent system. In such societies ancestors are the focus of
tiny has in store and to ensure the best outcome. Successes
ritual activity, not because of a special fear of the dead or be-
and failures in life are therefore attributed both to personal
cause of a strong belief in the afterlife, but because of the im-
initiative and to inherited destiny. After death, this immortal
portance of the descent system in defining social relation-
aspect of the personality returns to the creator god, ready to
ships. In larger polities the royal ancestors often become the
be reborn in the same lineage group. In societies where the
gods of the state. Superior to living kings and elders, the an-
concept of destiny is absent, the most important life-
cestors define and regulate social and political relations. It is
determining principle is the person’s inherited lineage com-
they who own the land and the livestock, and it is they who
ponent, and it is this that survives after death.
regulate the prosperity of the lineage groups, villages, and
The human personality is also permeable by divinity.
kingdoms. Typically, when misfortune strikes, the ancestors
On ritual occasions the consciousness of an individual may
are consulted through divination to discover what misdeeds
become temporarily replaced by the presence of a spiritual
have aroused their anger. The ancestors are also regularly
being. Often the personality of the god resembles that of the
thanked at ceremonial feasts for their watchful care, upon
individual, and professional mediums may have several gods
which the welfare of the community depends.
or spirits at their command. These are said to mount “on the
Not everyone may become an ancestor. Only those who
head” or “on the back” of the medium. Almost everyone is
led families and communities in the past as founders, elders,
susceptible to spirit possession of some sort, and when con-
chiefs, or kings may serve in the afterlife as the social and po-
trolled in a ritual manner it has therapeutic effect.
litical guides of the future. By contrast, ordinary people be-
come ghosts after death. Such spirits require ritual attention
At death, new problems of social and spiritual identity
at their graves, but they are finally sent away to “rest in
arise. When a family loses one of its members, especially a
peace,” while the more positive influence of the ancestors is
senior male or female, a significant moral and social gap oc-
invoked generation after generation. The more recent ances-
curs. The family, together with other kinsmen, must close
tors receive the most frequent attention, especially at family
this gap through funerary procedures. At the same time the
shrines. Such ancestors are not worshiped in either a devo-
deceased must undergo spiritual adjustment if he or she is
tional or idolatrous sense but are honored and prayed to as
to find a secure place in the afterlife and remain in contact
the senior leaders of the living community.
with the family left behind. This is accomplished by the con-
struction of an ancestor shrine and sometimes also by the
The sufferings and misfortunes brought by the gods and
making of an ancestor mask and costume.
ancestors are punishments aimed at correcting human behav-
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90
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
ior. By contrast, the sufferings and misfortunes caused by
who everyone has in the otherworld before being born into
witches and sorcerers are undeserved and socially destructive;
this one. The human-shaped figure becomes a shrine
they are unequivocally evil. The African concept of evil is
through which the spirit may be propitiated. The Dan-
that of perverse humanity: the human witch and sorcerer.
speaking peoples of Liberia and the Ivory Coast carve wood-
The African image of the witch and sorcerer is of humanity
en masks to represent and to embody forest spirits so that
turned against itself. Witches act only at night, they fly
they may appear before the people of the villages.
through the air, walk on their hands or heads, dance naked,
More generally, African ritual art, including masks,
feast on corpses, possess unsatiable and incestuous lusts (de-
headdresses, sacred staffs, and ceremonial implements, is
spite sexual impotence), murder their relatives, and live in
fashioned according to definite stylistic forms in order to ex-
the bush with wild animals. This symbolic imagery is consis-
press religious ideas and major social values. The carved chi
tent with the sociological characteristics of the witch: dis-
wara antelope headdress of the Bamana of Mali represents
agreeable, ambitious, lying, and envious.
the mythic farming animal, called Chi Wara, that originally
Accusations of witchcraft and sorcerery therefore func-
showed the people how to cultivate, and the antelope shape
tion as a means of social control. In the past accused witches
of the headdress expresses the qualities of the ideal farmer:
and sorcerers were forced to confess or were killed or expelled
strength, industriousness, and graceful form. Male and fe-
from society. Witchcraft accusations also enabled quarreling
male headdresses are danced together, while women sing
members of the same lineage to separate from each other and
songs to encourage the young men’s cultivation groups to
establish their own residences, thus restoring village order.
compete with each other for high agricultural achievements.
For the most part witchcraft accusations in Africa flourished
The Ge:le:de: masks of the Yoruba honor the spiritual power
in contexts where social interaction was intense but loosely
of women, collectively known as “our mothers.” This power
defined, as between members of the same extended family
is both creative (birth) and destructive (witchcraft). The
or lineage group. In such cases witchcraft was sometimes
Ge:le:de: mask depicts the calm and serene face of a woman
thought to be an inherited power of which the individual
and expresses the feminine virtue of patience. The face is
might be unaware until accused. In other instances it existed
often surmounted by elaborately carved scenes of daily activi-
in the form of deliberately practiced sorcery procedures, so-
ty, for the spiritual power of “the mothers” is involved in
called black magic, which was effective at long range and
every aspect of human life.
across lineage groups. Whether deliberate or not, the witch
African traditional art is primarily concerned with the
and the sorcerer were regarded as fundamentally antihuman
human figure because of the anthropocentric and anthropo-
and thus as principles of evil in a world governed by funda-
morphic character of African religions. As has been seen, reli-
mentally moral and social forces.
gion in Africa deals with the problems of human life, the
causes of which are seen to be fundamentally human in na-
SHRINES, TEMPLES, AND RELIGIOUS ART. Shrines and tem-
ture. Thus social conflict produces illness, human misdeeds
ples serve as channels of communication with the spiritual
cause the gods and ancestors to bring misfortune, and the
world, and they may also serve as dwelling places of gods and
gods themselves are essentially human in character. African
spirits. Shrines may exist in purely natural forms, such as for-
thought typically conceives of the unknown and invisible
est groves, large rocks, rivers, and trees, where gods and spir-
forces of life by analogy with human realities that are both
its dwell. Every African landscape has places of this kind that
knowable and controllable. Hence African sculpture repre-
are the focus of ritual activity. Human-made shrines vary in
sents the gods, spirits, and ancestors in a basically human
form. A simple tree branch stuck into the ground is a shrine
form.
for a family ghost among the Nuer. A large rectangular build-
ing serves as the ancestor stool chapel among the Ashanti.
SEE ALSO Affliction, article on African Cults of Affliction;
Whatever its form, an African shrine acts as a symbolic cross-
Central Bantu Religions; Drama, article on African Reli-
roads, a place where paths of communication between the
gious Drama; Iconography, article on Traditional African
human and spiritual worlds intersect. If the shrine serves as
Iconography; Khoi and San Religion; Kingship, article on
a temple, that is, as the dwelling place of a spiritual being,
Kingship in Sub-Saharan Africa; Music, article on Music
it is built in houselike fashion, like the “palaces” of the royal
and Religion in Sub-Saharan Africa; Nuer and Dinka Reli-
ancestors in Buganda. Such shrines usually have two parts:
gion; Tricksters, article on African Tricksters; Witchcraft,
the front section, where the priest and the people gather, and
article on African Witchcraft.
the rear section, where the god or spirit dwells. An altar
stands between the two and links them together.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abimbola, ’Wande. Ifá: An Exposition of Ifá Literary Corpus. Iba-
Shrines and temples often contain carved images of
dan, 1976.
gods, spirits, and ancestors; indeed, such images sometimes
Abrahamsson, Hans. The Origins of Death. Uppsala, 1951.
serve as shrines themselves. Carved figures may function as
Awolalu, J. Omosade. Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites. London,
altars for communication with spiritual beings and as physi-
1979.
cal embodiments of the spirits themselves. The Baule of the
Beattie, John, and John Middleton, eds. Spirit Mediumship and
Ivory Coast carve figures to represent the spiritual spouse
Society in Africa. New York, 1969.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
91
Booth, Newell S., Jr., ed. African Religions: A Symposium. New
evokes the living experience of realities that are controlled by
York, 1977.
ritual symbols shaped over many generations. Proverbs may
Dammann, Ernst. Die Religionen Afrikas. Stuttgart, 1963. Trans-
form the sole content of initiatic instruction, for although
lated into French as Les religions de l’Afrique (Paris, 1964).
perhaps trivial taken one by one, their cumulative impact
Evans-Pritchard, E. E. Nuer Religion. Oxford, 1956.
may transform one’s vision of life and teach a poise or stance
on life that may be said to be the chief fruit of religion. The
Fortes, Meyer, and Robin Horton. Oedipus and Job in West Afri-
more complex divinatory systems often embody a total classi-
can Religion. Cambridge, 1984.
fication of possible events in life and may ground it in a phi-
Griaule, Marcel. Dieu d’eau. Paris, 1948. Translated by Robert
losophy that is impersonal and elemental. The teachings of
Redfield as Conversations with Ogotemmêli (London, 1965).
such proverbial, ritual, or divinatory systems may not be du-
Janzen, John M. Lemba, 1650–1930: A Drum of Affliction in Afri-
plicated by myths. In fact, many African religions seem to
ca and New World. New York, 1982.
function without many myths.
Karp, Ivan, and Charles S. Bird, eds. Explorations in African Sys-
tems of Thought. Bloomington, Ind., 1980.
However, myths do provide us with a deep insight into
African religions. But this is only so if it is appreciated that
Lewis-Williams, David. The Rock Art of Southern Africa. Cam-
many, if not most, of the published myths from African cul-
bridge, U.K., 1983.
tures deal with the quasi-folkloric tales available to outsiders
Lienhardt, Godfrey. Divinity and Experience: The Religion of the
and children. The existence of esoteric levels of mythology
Dinka. Oxford, 1961.
in many cultures cannot be denied. Of course, one culture’s
Mbiti, John S. African Religions and Philosophy. New York, 1969.
initiatic myth is often, in fragmentary form, another culture’s
Parrinder, Geoffrey. West African Religion. 2d ed., rev. London,
childish tale, even though the narrative itself may remain the
1961.
same. What has changed is the context, the overall meaning,
Ranger, T. O., and Isaria N. Kimambo, eds. The Historical Study
and the integration of this story into a larger narrative vision.
of African Religion. Berkeley, 1972.
In interpreting African mythology, then, that larger context
Rattray, R. S. Ashanti. Oxford, 1923.
and meaning must be attended to if one is to discover the
vision of the sources of reality that alone defines true myth.
Ray, Benjamin C. African Religions: Symbol, Ritual, and Commu-
nity. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1976.
Not all myth directly justifies everyday cultic life or so-
Schoffeleers, J. Matthew, ed. Guardians of the Land: Essays on Cen-
cial structures. For example, the powers that are invoked in
tral African Territorial Cults. Gwelo, 1979.
the everyday cult of the LoDagaa of Ghana (the earth, ances-
Temples, Placide. La Philosophie bantoue. Elizabethville, 1945.
tors, and medicine spirits) are hardly even mentioned in the
Translated by Margaret Mead as Bantu Philosophy. Paris,
initiatic myth of Bagre (which centers on God and the bush
1959.
spirits). But this is because the Bagre myth concerns the more
Turner, Victor. The Forest of Symbols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual.
primordial realities that lie behind and permit the concerns
Ithaca, N.Y., 1967.
of the ordinary village cult and its associated spirits. In fact,
it articulates the basic vision of life that animates the LoDa-
Vogel, Susan M., ed. For Spirits and Kings: African Art from the
gaa, without which they could not exist at all.
Paul and Ruth Tishman Collection. New York, 1981.
Zahan, Dominque. Religion, spiritualité, et pensée africaines. Paris,
GENERAL THEMES. There exist four major sets of themes in
1970. Translated by Kate E. Martin and Lawrence W. Mar-
the rich variety of African mythologies. This classification is
tin as The Religion, Spirituality, and Thought of Traditional
naturally not meant to be exhaustive. The first set centers on
Africa (Chicago, 1979).
the primordial personal encounter of humanity with God,
Zuesse, Evan M. Ritual Cosmos: The Sanctification of Life in Afri-
in which human destiny—and especially the basic bounda-
can Religions. Athens, Ohio, 1979.
ries and limited conditions of life—is directly determined
forever. The second major set of myths centers on the process
BENJAMIN C. RAY (1987)
of mediation, change, and renewal in the universe, focusing
on the sometimes demiurgic figures who embodied this pro-
cess in the beginning of time: the trickster, the smith, the di-
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
viner, and the kingly culture hero. The third major set cen-
It is common to regard myth as the chief intellectual product
ters on the ways in which the present universe in all its
of cultures with strong oral traditions (in analogy to philo-
aspects is a creative equilibrium built up by such dynamic
sophical and theological texts in literate civilizations). How-
interacting opposites as male heaven and female earth (in the
ever, this would oversimplify the African situation. While Af-
first phase of creation), culture hero and chthonic earth mon-
rican myths, as the “true dramas” explaining how the
ster (or cruel ruler), sacral king and aboriginal peoples, and
fundamental realities came to be, do often embody profound
even competing brothers or wedded twins (in the next
reflections, other forms of African wisdom exist that can be
phase). Sexuality, battle, and sacrifice control the transforma-
equally insightful and systematic or religiously significant.
tions of this mythic history. The fourth set of major themes
Ritual, for example, can often do without myth because it
include highly philosophical esoteric myths found in many
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
Sudanic and West African religions; these theosophical syn-
ple grew old they would climb the rope, become young
theses, known only to the highest initiates, center on con-
again, then come down and begin life anew. But one day the
cepts of the cosmic egg or the primal word, and the inner
hyena (often the symbol or animal form of witches), which
mysteries of sacrifice.
had been exiled from heaven, cut the rope. Since then people
have not been able to renew their lives, and they die instead.
THE PERSONAL ENCOUNTER WITH GOD. Many African reli-
The Lozi, or Rotse (northwestern Zambia), say that the arro-
gions take the basic forms of the universe for granted, and
gant, disobedient, and murderous tendencies of the first hu-
their creation myths center instead on the development of
mans so irritated God that he finally sought to flee from
the human condition. In any case, God is usually the central
them. But they pursued him everywhere. At a loss for a hid-
actor in these myths. It must be stressed that African reli-
ing place, God consulted the divining bones, which referred
gions universally acknowledge a supreme being, and there is
him to the spider. At God’s order, the spider spun a thread
often a direct cult to this being, which may be personal
to heaven, and God and his family ascended into the sky.
(prayers to God morning and night) or communal (during
The myth goes on to relate that the first ancestors tried to
such crises as famine or drought). Such movements can even
reach God even then by building a tower of cut trees—but
be formal and enacted periodically by the group as a whole.
the tower crashed down.
A basic trait of the African supreme being is that he deter-
mines destiny, both personal and (in the creation myths)
The motif of the tower built to reach heaven is very
universal human destiny. These myths turn on that as-
common in the versions of the separation of heaven and
sumption.
earth myth found among central Bantu-speaking peoples.
The Luba say that humanity originally lived in the same vil-
One myth, found in the Sahelian savanna region (the
lage as God. But the creator wearied of the constant quarrel-
region of northern Africa between the Sahara and the rainy
ing in the village and exiled humanity to earth (village quar-
tropics that extends from the Atlantic to the Red Sea) and
reling is said to anger God, harm hunting and the crops, and
in coastal West Africa, explains that God once dwelt close
even prevent pregnancies and increase deaths). There hu-
to or on the earth (for heaven was near then) until an acci-
mans suffered hunger and cold and, for the first time, sick-
dental offense against him (or actual disobedience, usually
ness and death. Following the advice of a diviner, who told
by a woman wanting more or better food) compelled God
them to go back to heaven to regain immortality, the people
to remove the heavens far away and to break his direct link
began building an enormous wooden tower, which after
with humanity. The Ashanti (southern Ghana) say that God,
months of labor reached the sky. The workers at the top sig-
Nyame (also known as Onyankopon), withdrew heaven
naled their success by beating a drum and playing flutes, but
from the earth because he was annoyed when the low floor
God hated the noise and destroyed the tower, killing the mu-
of heaven was knocked from below by the pestle of an old
sicians. The Kaonde, Lwena, Lamba, Lala, Chokwe, and
woman who was pounding fufu (mashed yams). So he
other peoples date their dispersion from this event.
climbed up to heaven on a thread, like the Great Spider (An-
anse Kokroko) that he is. Mischievous still, the old woman
It is evidently dangerous to be too close to God; human-
ordered her children to build a tower of mortars, one atop
ity cannot endure such powerful fusions. The human condi-
another, right to the sky. Needing one more mortar, the chil-
tion is only possible when God mercifully veils himself be-
dren took it from the bottom—and the whole edifice col-
hind his creation and spirits. One example of this view is the
lapsed, killing many. The theme of the pestle knocking
attitude of the Bantu-speaking peoples to the rainbow being,
against heaven is surprisingly common in these myths. It
considered a serpent spirit that is dangerous even to see. It
would seem to link both eating and the major task of the cul-
links heaven and earth, or male and female life principles; its
ture, farming, to alienation from God. Among the Mbuti
appearance drives away the rains and brings drought. It is
Pygmies of the Ituri forest, a basically similar mythic struc-
considered a primary agent or, in some cases, as even a form
ture involves hunting instead, as the Mbuti do not farm. The
of God.
first Pygmy provided food for God by hunting, and the
Pygmy’s two wives cooked and served the deity’s meals, but
There are many kinds of myths that explain how death
were forbidden to look directly upon him. The youngest wife
entered the world. Among these is the myth of two messen-
stole a look, and so the Pygmies were banished from heaven
gers or the perverted message. According to this myth, God
to earth, to hard work and death.
sent two messengers to humanity, the first with the com-
mand that humans would never die, the second with the
The Dinka (southern Sudan) say that there used to be
command that they would. But the first messenger (usually
a rope that hung down from heaven, and people could climb
the chameleon, an animal with certain resemblances to the
it when they wished to speak to God. But when the woman
variegated rainbow) traveled too slowly, and the second
kept hitting the underside of heaven with her pestle, God
(often the lizard or hare) arrived first. The first declaration
withdrew the heavens and had the rope cut. A variant Dinka
to be given fixed human nature forever. On the other hand,
myth attributes the original split between humanity and di-
death may be blamed on the primordial exile from God’s
vinity to fratricidal clan conflicts. The Nuer, a neighboring
presence. Or it may be said that humanity was told to stay
ethnic group closely related to the Dinka, say that when peo-
awake to await God’s arrival with the declaration of human
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
93
immortality, but everyone fell asleep and missed it. There is
summarized by the blunt name given him by the Nkundo:
a complex irony in this story, for it turns on the view that
Itonde (death). Itonde has many traits linking him to the
sleep is a foretaste of death. Only if humans were already im-
typical culture hero. Born to the first human couple, Itonde
mortal would they have been able to banish sleep. Being
matured rapidly and soon became a ruler. However, he be-
mortal, they succumbed to sleep—and to death. The seem-
haved cruelly and rapaciously (giving us a stereotypic image
ing arbitrariness of all of these myths of personal interaction
of the bad king); for example, he slaughtered huge numbers
with God masks a deeper necessity; however, when examined
of the aboriginal Pygmies. But like so many African culture
more closely, this necessity merely affirms that what is, is,
heroes and archetypal kings, Itonde set himself to conquer
and so is again arbitrary. The real significance of such myths,
all aboriginal powers, including Indombe, the fiery (rain-
perhaps, is that finitude or arbitrary limitation is the very es-
bow?) serpent, ruler of the forest depths and of the Pygmies.
sence of life: only God escapes it, and he has ordained the
As the master of the serpent, Itonde gained possession of the
present order.
land, while the serpent obediently went down into the river
to control the waters and rain at Itonde’s bidding.
Throughout Africa, the distinctions between social
groups are explained by choices made before God in the be-
Among Itonde’s other achievements were the creation
ginning of time. The Nyoro (eastern Uganda) say that Kintu,
of the two staple agricultural crops, bananas and sugarcane.
the first human, asked God to assign the fates and names of
Sugarcane is the fruit of two murders. Indombe had killed
his three sons. God therefore placed six gifts in their path.
Itonde’s brother, so in revenge Itonde hunted down a surro-
The eldest immediately seized the bundle of food and began
gate of Indombe. This victim, an anonymous man of the for-
eating, carrying off what remained with the help of the head
est, tried to escape by turning into a sugarcane, but Itonde
ring, grabbing with his free hands the ax and the knife. And
seized him and killed and buried him. From his body sprang
so he showed himself to be the ancestral peasant (kairu),
sugarcane plants, indicating that sacrificial death is creative.
greedy and impulsive. The second son picked up the leather
Itonde’s own death, which released his power into the
thong, which was used to tie cattle, so his destiny was that
world permanently, came about through the disobedient and
of the herder (kahuma or huma). And the youngest son took
selfish desire of a wife for food. Pregnant and gnawed by
the ox’s head, a sign that he was the head, or ruler (kakama),
strange appetites, she demanded a certain rare fruit available
of all.
only in a dangerous region. When Itonde died seeking it, the
In the countless versions of this fateful gifts myth, found
waters oozing from his body formed the first marsh rivers
everywhere in sub-Saharan Africa, it is almost always the
(evidently, Itonde and the water serpent Indombe were
youngest brother who gets the best fate. God is shown as
strangely akin). From his corpse the first maggots emerged.
the determiner of destiny par excellence. And surprisingly,
His wife later gave birth to all the other insects, as well as
the foolish ancestor who chooses the wrong gift is often the
to the six ancestors of the Nkundo and related cultures and,
founder of the people who tell the story, an occurrence that
last of all, to Lianja, the ideal king. So from Itonde, the trick-
was perhaps especially prevalent during the colonial period.
ster Death, come the essentials of farming culture, including
In the common topical adaptations of the myth, White Man
the major food crops and the changing seasons, as well as the
was the youngest brother, African the eldest. Sometimes cul-
main lines of social organization and kingship, with all the
tural distinctions arise out of other kinds of events, however.
suffering and joy that they imply. Human life in its entirety
The Shilluk (southern Sudan) say that when God began to
comes from Death.
create humans, God made them from light-colored clays, so
The Banda (Central African Republic) say that God had
that the whites emerged. Later, when God’s hands were a bit
two sons, Ngakola, who breathed life into the first human,
soiled, the red Arabs and Turks were formed. But toward the
and Tere, the spirit of excess and confusion. Tere was as-
end, God’s hands were so dirty that the black-skinned Shil-
signed the task of taking all the animal species and the life-
luk were the result. The Fang of Gabon used to say that in
giving waters down from heaven in baskets. But, like the
the beginning God lived with his three sons, White Man,
Luba tower builders discussed above, Tere was overeager to
Black Man, and Gorilla. But Black Man and Gorilla dis-
announce his gifts to humanity and he beat his drum while
obeyed God, so he withdrew to the west coast with his white
still descending. The baskets slipped from his grasp and
son and gave all his wealth and power to him. Gorilla retreat-
crashed to earth, scattering all the species and waters. Tere
ed into the forest depths, while the unhappy black people fol-
tried to recapture the animals; those he caught became the
lowed the sun to the west. There they found the white peo-
domestic species and those that escaped changed their origi-
ple, who slowly poisoned them (with malaria). As a result of
nal nature and became wild. The same happened with the
this contact, they languish now, dying, and thinking of the
plants, creating the distinctions between wild and cultivated
time when they lived with God and were happy.
species. Throughout the Sudanic region figures much like
MEDIATORS BETWEEN ORDER AND DISORDER. Perhaps the
Tere crop up; in the eastern Sudan they sometimes even have
most surprising of the mythic mediators between the primor-
the same name. In the area where the central Sudanic savan-
dial flux and the eventual divine order is the trickster. Cer-
na merges into the forest of the Democratic Republic of the
tainly one part of the meaning of the African trickster is well
Congo, the Bandziri, Yakoma, and Azande call him Tule or
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
Tore; the Mangbetu speak of their trickster as Azapane and
Divination is one of the chief ways of dealing with disor-
the Babua as Mba; the Manja call him Bele while the Mbuti
der and generating order out of it. Often the trickster is the
Pygmies tell tales of Tore.
primordial diviner as well as the patron of diviners; in partic-
ular, the various spider tricksters, which exist in cultures
According to the Mbuti, Tore kept fire and sexuality for
ranging from Mali and Ghana through to the Democratic
himself in the primordial forest; his old mother would warm
Republic of the Congo, are almost always associated with
herself by the fire while he swung through the forest trees like
divination. The first diviner is a significant figure in many
a monkey. Meanwhile the first human couple shivered in the
myths. There are several different versions, for example, of
cold, wet undergrowth. Finally, the first man stole the em-
how the Ifa or Fa divinatory system (used by the Yoruba of
bers of fire from the side of the sleeping woman and raced
Nigeria and the Fon of Benin, Togo, and Ghana) came to
off into the forest; Tore chased him and recovered the fire
be. A common Yoruba account has it that the supreme being,
several times but at last failed. The old woman died of the
O:lo:run, or Olodumare, created two beings to rule the world
cold, transforming herself into the vengeful Mother of the
on his behalf, O:batala (also called Oris:a-nla), demiurge and
Forest, who ensnares solitary hunters, abducts small children,
royal archetype, and O:runmila (or Ifa), source of wisdom.
and rules the dead but who also occasionally blesses chosen
O:runmila signifies “only heaven can affect salvation” and
hunters with exceptional luck. But Tore, enraged at the theft
shows that O:runmila is, in effect, merely the mouthpiece of
and the death of his mother, cursed humanity with death.
God. O:batala was killed one day by an evil slave, but
He still roams the forest, especially in the form of the rain-
O:runmila collected his scattered remains together, ordered
bow serpent.
them, and deposited them throughout the world; from this
Stories of Tore found among Bantu-speaking peoples
have arisen the cults to the many orisha, the divinities.
may have been influenced by the Pygmy myths; the Azande
O:runmila moved constantly between heaven and earth in
say that Tore (whom they identify with the spider) gave peo-
those days, solving problems not only for humanity but even
ple water by stealing it from an old woman who had hidden
for the orisha, who also consulted him. His eight children
it. He gave them fire, too, although it was the accidental re-
founded the various Yoruba kingdoms. One day, insulted by
sult of a visit to the smith spirits: his loincloth caught fire,
one of his children, O:runmila withdrew to heaven, and the
and as he fled through the forest he begged the fire to leave
forces of life ceased to operate on earth: sterility and death
him and pass into the trees instead. The fire did so, which
affected the fields as well as humanity. (This works to remind
is why it emerges now when sticks are rubbed together.
that O:runmila’s constant companion is the trickster Es:u, a
tiny man with a huge phallus, the very image of procreative
In general, the trickster appears most distinct in West
powers.) The eight children of O:runmila came to him in a
African and Sudanic cultures, but he appears elsewhere, too:
delegation, begging him to return, but he refused, giving
in South Africa among the Sotho and Venda as Huveane, a
each of them sixteen palm nuts instead. These sixteen nuts
figure who is part god and part culture hero. Some of the
composed a person who could be consulted on all questions
San also call the creator of all life Huve; they pray to him
of life. O:runmila was thus present in them.
in the hunt, and he presides over initiations. Huve may have
been borrowed from their Bantu-speaking neighbors, but the
The Fon of Dahomey explain their Fa system with simi-
Kaggen, or Cagn, of the southern San is clearly their own cre-
lar myths. Around Porto Novo, it is said that Fa was a form-
ator-trickster figure and shows that the basic concepts are na-
less or round man without members or bones, so he could
tive to them. The Bantu Huveane (little Huve) is also the
not personally do anything. But all the powerful, including
hero of many trivial adventures. Growing up with startling
the vodoun (gods) revered him like a king. However, the ac-
speed, he plays many tricks on his parents and neighbors, but
cumulated resentments of those humans who did not like
his parents prosper wondrously and the other villagers are be-
Fa’s adherence to absolute truth—or, according to other ac-
side themselves with rage and jealousy. They conspire to kill
counts, the jealousy of Xevioso, the thunder god—led to Fa
him but are constantly made to look like fools. Finally, it is
being sliced to pieces. Those pieces produced a sixteen-
said, Huveane ascended to heaven, but he will return one day
branched palm tree or the sixteen palm nuts themselves,
to bring happiness and prosperity to humanity.
from which the immortal Fa still speaks.
The favorite trickster of the Bantu-speaking peoples,
The primordial smith is one of the chief mediatory fig-
however, has nothing to do with creation or with the primor-
ures in African mythology. The manipulation of creative fires
dial shaping of culture: he is the folkloric Hare (among some
(often associated with the sources of sexual generation) and
cultures, Jackal), prototype of Br’er Rabbit in the tales of
the working of earth substances into cultural products have
Uncle Remus. The primordial and creative roles of the trick-
often been regarded throughout Africa as a paradigm and
ster in most Bantu cultures seem to have been absorbed by
repetition of creation. From southern Africa to the western-
the general figure of the aboriginal ruler (often monstrous or
most Sudan, the smith is often the presiding elder at initia-
serpentine) who is defeated by the archetypal king, the sec-
tion ceremonies, the traditional healer called upon to find
ond, more refined culture hero, thus establishing human so-
witches and expel their influences, and the priestly repository
ciety.
of the deepest mysteries. In myths, he is often the chief agent
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
95
of God on earth, the demiurge who shapes the world and
mer, generative vibrations go forth that are like the first scat-
culture, and/or the trickster.
tering of the seeds of life; these are shaped by the smith into
the forms of culture. The smith is therefore the human em-
Among the Yoruba, Ogun, the god of iron and patron
bodiment of the demiurge.
of smiths, was the first to descend to the earth while it was
still a marshy wasteland. He cleared the way for the other
The smith, in these myths, has a peculiar link to disor-
gods. But he preferred the wastelands, for there he could
der and the wilderness as well as to culture. He joins both.
hunt, and there he still rules as the deity of hunters and war-
The Dogon smith is even thought to wander in the bush still,
riors as well as of all artisans. When O:batala had finished
in the form of the pale fox known as Yurugu, or Ogo, the
molding the physical form of the first ancestors, Ogun took
Dogon trickster and patron of divination. So it is not surpris-
over and made the final details, as he did to the whole of cre-
ing to find that in some cultures smithing is directly revealed
ation. He still presides over initiations, for the finishing
to humanity by the spirits of the bush. The LoDagaa
touches of culture, such as circumcision and the tribal mark-
(Ghana) teach their middle-level Bagre initiates that in the
ings of initiation, belong to him. Surgeons must worship
beginning there were two brothers who were troubled by
him, too, as must all those who make oaths or covenants or
God until Younger Brother set off to find a solution. Over-
undergo judicial ordeals.
coming several obstacles, including the crossing of an im-
The Fali (Cameroon) conceive of the primal ancestor as
passable river, he passed into a forest where he met with the
a smith who descended from heaven on a bean stalk with a
beings of the wild, the bush spirits who control hunting and
chest or box, which escaped from him (much as the baskets
fishing even today. They taught him how to be a farmer, to
escaped from the Banda trickster Tere) and fell to the earth,
clear the bush and plant grain, to harvest it and to cook it.
disintegrating into four triangles. These four divisions con-
They also taught him how to make fire, how to forge metal,
tained all the animal and plant species; the initiated know
and even what tools to make. Finally, they revealed how to
the classes still, although the fall scattered the creatures
make a smelter and how to be a smith. Following this, Youn-
throughout the earth. Each class has twelve subdivisions.
ger Brother, now the ancestral smith, had a vision of the pri-
Every aspect of Fali life is ruled by these correspondences and
mal essences of the universe engaged in generative inter-
harmonies, putting back into order what the primal smith
course: the rain mated with the earth. A tree was created by
disordered.
this intercourse, which lifted him to heaven. There God in-
structed him directly in the mysteries of sexuality and family
According to the Dogon (Mali), all of the primal spirits,
life.
or Nommo, were smiths, masters of creative fire. One of
these escaped from heaven and descended to earth on the
A major theme in the myths of mediatory figures is cre-
rainbow with the ark that he had stolen; it contained the fiery
ative sacrifice. Such sacrifice often marks the break between
essences of all species, ranged in their proper categories. The
the primal era of flux and the following heroic age when the
first ancestors were also in this ark (which is alternately de-
basic elements of the divine order are clearly established. Fit-
scribed as a basket, granary, anvil, or womb). The ark was
tingly, the foundation myths of kingship and other chiefly
a picture of the entire world system, which according to some
offices often include an account of how the king sacrificed
Dogon was akin to a living being, a female, mate to the
his main opponent (the aboriginal ruler) or a surrogate of
smith. The smith also bore with him his hammer, which rep-
him and thus began his kingly office. The sacrifice equates
resented the male element and contained the seeds of life.
to the determination of order out of disorder. A common
The descent of the smith was not an easy one: he had to fight
variant has the hero himself sacrificed, so that his spirit may
off the other heavenly spirits, who resented his theft. The de-
live on in those who possess his regal implements and who
scent became uncontrolled and ended with a crash, causing
fulfill his role (in a kind of eternal spirit possession). So it
the animals, plants, and human groups in the ark to scatter
is with the Dogon priest-chief, the hogon, whose career is
in the four directions, and even breaking the serpentine, flex-
modeled on the exemplary death and sacrifice of the first
ible limbs of the smith, so that henceforth human beings
hogon, Lébé (whose death, in turn, mirrors the sacrifice of
would have elbows, wrists, hips, knees, and ankles, permit-
the serpent opponent of the first smith). Human sacrifices
ting them to work.
therefore often marked the installation of kings, and the
royal candidate himself might have to go through a symbolic
It is said that another primal spirit, in the form of a ser-
death and resurrection, being killed as a natural human being
pent, immediately engaged the thief in battle but was killed.
or aboriginal ruler so that he can be revived as primordial
Its body was given to humanity to eat (or was used as the
king made flesh. Aged or blemished kings were actually sacri-
model for the first cultivated field), while the head was placed
ficed in some cultures so that the archetypal royal spirit in-
under the first smithy forge. Every smithy thereafter is sym-
habiting them might be released and be able to take over the
bolically situated on the head of the primal Nommo-serpent.
offered body of the candidate.
This serpent is the symbolic mate of the first smith, and the
smithing process is a kind of spiritual intercourse in which
The Shilluk say that their founding king, Nyikang, left
the beautiful things that are shaped are the symbolic off-
his home country and traveled to the Nile. The waters part-
spring. Every time the smith strikes the anvil with his ham-
ed, and he walked across on dry land, or, as it is more usually
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
said, a white albino slave bore him across the river (he could
There has been some controversy concerning the status
not touch the waters himself). The slave, tainted by this sacri-
of uNkulunkulu in Zulu religion, but it appears probable
legious contact, was sacrificed on the other side, and Nyikang
that he is merely a culture hero given demiurge status, while
walked between the two halves of his body, symbolically en-
the supreme being should be identified specifically with iN-
tering into and possessing the new land. He went on to con-
kosi yeZulu, “heavenly lord” (a title rather than a proper
quer the native inhabitants and to institute culture, marrying
name, for one ought not presume to name the great directly,
the daughter of the aboriginal chief and so becoming hus-
especially within its presence). Edwin W. Smith, in his Afri-
band to the land she embodied. Some myths claim that Ny-
can Ideas of God (1961), observed that while uNkulunkulu
ikang was the offspring of a waterspirit, the crocodile mother
was spoken of as creator, it is in terms of his making things
of water creatures; this is why he has control over the rains,
below as the agent and slave of God above (p. 108). A praise
the Nile floods, and the fertility of the land. However, when
name of iNkosi yeZulu indicates this priority, which, with
a king’s generative powers begin to slacken (his watery semen
the fate-determining power, is one of the chief characteristics
cease to flow, drought occur, famine or disease spread, etc.),
of the African supreme being: uZivelele (he who came of
he must disappear and allow the spirit of Nyikang to be
himself into being). Prayers used to be offered to iNkosi
passed on intact and unblemished. The ritualized installation
yeZulu for rain, and when storms were too frightening, rain
of the successor imitates the myth of Nyikang’s first conquest
doctors would pray to the celestial god as follows: “Move
of the land, even down to such details as the sacrifice of an
away, thou Lord of the Lord, move away, thou greatest of
albino slave.
friends, move away, thou . . . Irresistible One!” (Smith,
1961, p. 109). God is also too close in thunderstorms or
The Dinka, neighbors to the Shilluk who share many
when the mist veils the earth; then people should stay in-
of their cultural values, are led by spear masters (priests who
doors, for the lightning bird, sent by God, may strike down
own the land) and war leaders (metaphorically, younger
the guilty or unfortunate.
nephews of the spear masters, their maternal uncles). The
various accounts of how the spear masters first appeared
But if iNkosi yeZulu is self-created, he is also the first-
agree that in the beginning there was a spirit or ancestor
born of serpentine twins, and the earth is his female twin.
called Aiwel Longar (born, some say, after the river impreg-
The rain is likened to the semen of God (a widespread con-
nated a human woman). Aiwel Longar was powerful and
ception among Bantu-speaking peoples). Every spring the
mischievous even as a child, and he eventually fled hostile
Zulu nation celebrated the nuptials of Heaven and Earth, the
human society to live with the river spirit for a time. After
latter embodied in the ever-virginal uNomkhubulwana, or
he returned, his prosperity made people jealous, for their
iNkosazana. Sometimes also called the daughter of the first-
herds were perishing in a drought. Finally, Aiwel Longar of-
born, she is said to be everything: river on one side, forest
fered to lead all of them to paradisiacal pastures, but they re-
on the other, laden with all kinds of food, and surrounded
fused and set off on their own. The crucial event of the myth
by mist. The rainbow and the python are both identified
then follows, alike in all versions. Aiwel Longar laid in wait
with her and are forms of her or her servants; there is a giant
for them at a river, and as they tried to cross it, metaphorical-
python said to dwell in a sacred pool, surrounded by lesser
ly like fish, he speared them as Dinka fishermen spear fish.
snakes, the metamorphosed ancestral spirits. The python has
One leader (differing in name according to the subtribe tell-
a special relationship with the rainmaker doctor: when rain
ing the myth) placed an ox’s sacrum on his head as he crossed
is needed, the doctor goes out to a certain rock in the pool
through the reeds, and Longar’s spear was deflected. A sub-
in the dead of night. The snake emerges, licks off the fat from
stitutionary ox sacrifice was henceforth the basis of cultic rit-
sheep or goat skins covering the motionless doctor, and re-
ual. Longar confessed himself beaten and bestowed the pow-
charges the medicines lying about. They will be used the next
ers of the spear masters on the leader who had outwitted him;
day to bring rain. Similarly, diviners are initiated by entering
he also established other major features of culture. In one
the pool in trance and meeting the great python under water.
verison, Longar was speared by God in punishment; his head
They may find giant mating serpents ruling there.
and body pinned to the ground, Longar joined heaven and
The marriage of the mythic archetypes Heaven and
earth (just like the spear masters). Thus impaled, Longar
Earth provides the basic framework for such beliefs and can
promised his help to humanity and disappeared. Spear mas-
be symbolized by the mating of twin water serpents. From
ters, his embodiments since then, are actually buried alive
this all life originally comes. The ancestors return to dwell
when they grow too old, releasing their spirits to continue
with the python being, too. Among some central Bantu-
their cultic mediation.
speaking peoples, the entire creation is said to have begun
BINARY OPPOSITIONS AND INTERCHANGES. Almost univer-
with two mating serpents or from within a giant serpent
sal in African mythologies is a dialectical interchange be-
womb. In any case, the marriage of Heaven and Earth ex-
tween male and female elements to produce the various as-
plains the otherwise enigmatic Zulu myth of the origin of
pects of the world. A creation myth of the marriage of heaven
humanity: the first ancestral couple emerged from a reed
and earth often lays the groundwork. The Zulu (South Afri-
growing in swampland. Myths of the emergence of humanity
ca) may serve as an example for a closer look.
from underground, or the primeval swamp, usually via a sa-
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97
cred plant or tree, are very common. Initiates throughout Af-
married a refined stranger, Mbiti Kiluwe. Mbiti’s aristocratic
rica are often made to emerge from actual or symbolic under-
ways shamed Nkongolo, and Mbiti was finally driven away
ground tunnels and/or to lie gestating beneath certain trees
by the king. But the sister gave birth to Mbiti’s son, Kalala
for long periods of time. As Jacqueline Roumeguère-
Ilunga, whom Nkongolo hated almost from his birth; after
Eberhardt has also shown, the symbolisms of Venda and
various conflicts, the king was prevented from attacking his
other South African initiations, in which novices are said to
infant rival because the infant had managed to flee to the
lie within the womb of a great serpent, are precisely repeated
other side of a river that the king could not cross (many Afri-
in the initiatic symbolisms of such distant peoples as the
can sacred kings are prohibited from setting foot in water,
Fulbe of West Africa. The Dogon also conceptualize the
lest they fuse instantaneously with their true spiritual ele-
earth as a womb from which the first ancestors emerged via
ment, change into a water being, and leave the land and the
a bamboo. The first couple had been nurtured by serpentine
people without the fertilizing presence of their ruler). This
twin spirits, the Nommo, in their underground placental
Luba Herod was finally decapitated by Kalala Ilunga, his
chamber.
body placed in the river and his head in a termite mound
Following the mythic era in which Heaven and Earth
(termite mounds are generally regarded in central Africa as
generated the first forms of life comes the epoch of the cul-
residences of the dead) or in the king’s ritual hut. When the
ture hero and the founding of culture. Chieftaincy and king-
rainbow rises up and unites the body with the head, humani-
ship are legitimated by these myths, which installation rites
ty cannot endure: this is the time of annual summer drought.
may reenact. Here, too, the binary oppositions are repeated.
The Luba also picture the rainbow as mating serpents,
They may be represented by the struggle of the culture hero
Nkongolo committing incest with his sister or heaven unit-
with the forces of the primeval earth. The battle is often re-
ing with earth. Only when Kalala Ilunga decapitates the ser-
solved by a conquest that is symbolized by a sacrificial rite,
pent and separates the halves of the body can the mediated
and is stabilized by a sexual relationship. Conquest, sacrifice,
human order and culture arise, with the gentler fusions of
and sexuality are three powerful metaphors of transforma-
controlled rains aiding the growth of life instead of over-
tion. For example, the Korekore, a Shona people of Chako-
whelming it. So it is possible to sow and reap and depend
ma District (Zimbabwe), say that Nyanhehwe, the ancestral
on the seasonal recapitulation of archetypal myths. The Shil-
culture hero who settled this area for the Korekore, had to
luk concepts outlined earlier belong in the same framework.
fight the earth serpent Dzivaguru, who ruled the region and
This is why the death of a sacral king, embodiment of the
laid it to waste. It was a battle of forceful cunning against
culture hero, requires the reenactment of the basic symbol-
the magic of the earth, but Dzivaguru finally conceded defeat
isms of the hero myth and even of the primal creation to re-
and even offered to share his mystical powers and medicines
constitute the world and its distinct gradations.
before retiring into the mountain pool where his shrine is
These polar oppositions are repeated endlessly in every-
still located. He also taught Nyanhehwe the social laws and
day life and thought. The Ila (Zambia) believe that every
the proper cult for obtaining rain from him. (These events
human being is shaped in the fiery womb by two tiny serpen-
may be compared with the history of Itonde and Indombe
tine creatures (bapuka), an inert male and an active female
among the Nkundo, related earlier.) The culture hero hence-
who molds the semen and menstrual blood into the infant.
forth viewed the earth as his wife, although this is a recipro-
The Ila homestead is likened to a similar womb in which the
cally applicable symbolism, since chiefs have had to offer vir-
mother and father cooperate in procreating and then mold-
gins periodically to the spirit as its wives: some maintained
ing the children. The upper frame of each doorway has two
the shrine, and some were ritually drowned in the pool. The
breasts modeled on it and a symbol of fire placed below
rainmaker priests who preside over the shrine and its sacrifi-
them, all of which is enclosed in the figure of an undulating
cial cult protect the king mystically and are feminine to him.
serpent. Every granary has the same symbols modeled on it,
Luc de Heusch has shown that throughout the central
and a basically similar symbolism controls smithing and even
Bantu-speaking area and beyond, there is a complex mythic
the entire layout of villages.
pattern involving a culture hero’s conquest of a monstrous
Examples have thus far been taken primarily from
or uncouth opponent (an elder brother, a savage earlier ruler,
Bantu cultures, but as has been hinted already, similar oppo-
or even a magician who turns eventually into a water serpent
sitions appear in West African religions. According to the re-
and goes down to rule the dead and the rains from the depths
search of Percy Amaury Talbot in The Peoples of Southern Ni-
of a river or pool). The culture hero may be the Sun, who
geria (1926), the figures of a celestial, fertilizing supreme
conquers his elder or twin brother, the Moon, thus institut-
being and a chthonic generative earth mother are encoun-
ing the primacy of day over night and culture over nature.
tered throughout this region and in nearly every tribe. There
(Formerly the sun and moon were of equal brightness.)
is often a direct cult to the supreme being, but the earth
The Luba explain that the first king was an egalitarian
mother, as the nearest intermediary to God or, indeed, even
but savage ruler of Pygmies, given to coarse habits and im-
as God herself, is more emphasized. God may be addressed
pulsive violence. This king, Nkongolo, who now assumes the
as male in certain spheres and female in others. The people
form of a rainbow serpent, had two sisters, one of whom
of the Nike region among the Igbo hold Chukwu to be the
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maker of everything, the one who divided the cosmos into
tinct male and female, to counter the violent and clumsy sex-
two parts: the female Earth (Ani) and the male Sky (Igwe).
ual dualism created by Pemba. Pemba, seeking to rule over
Both reflect Chukwu. Each is in turn divided into two parts
all, had planted himself in the earth as the first tree and gen-
by the east-west travel of the (male) Sun and the south-north
erated from it a feminine being, the deformed woman Mous-
travel of the (female) Moon, creating not only the four direc-
so Koroni Koundyé. Thus Pemba wrenched from himself his
tions but also the four days of the Igbo week. So, as in many
female half and together with it in bloody and violent inter-
cultures of the region, a constantly redoubled binary opposi-
course generated all plants and animals. When Faro created
tion shapes all levels of life. Villages in the Nike region are
humans, Pemba sought to rule them too, especially lusting
spatially and socially divided into upper celestial indigenes
after the women. Mousso Koroni Koundyé went mad with
and lower earthly immigrants. Some villages extend this into
frustrated longing and jealousy and roamed the wastelands
a quadruple division. Even the most abstract expressions of
(as she still does), struggling to create life all by herself with
southern Nigerian thought, such as the Ifa divinatory system,
the first crude agriculture. She also circumcised and excised
are shaped out of the doubled and redoubled combinations
all humans she met so that they would share her mutilations
of male and female potencies, the father and mother creating
and pain, and to spite Pemba she told them his secrets. Thus
the four spirits of the cardinal points, and these children cre-
the initiation cults were founded.
ating the rest of the sixteen primal signs. These three genera-
tions, in their further interaction, generate the total of 256
When Mousso Koroni Koundyé was no longer preg-
signs, each of which represents some element of reality.
nant, she menstruated, thus bequeathing this to women as
well. She polluted the earth, creating the true wilderness
R. S. Rattray, in Tribes of the Ashanti Hinterland, a sur-
from this pollution, and then she died, thus introducing
vey of indigenous cultures in the interior of modern Ghana,
death into the world. Faro had to intervene and restore order
found the identification of the earth with a wife of the celes-
to the universe; he overcame Pemba and taught the proper
tial supreme being without exception in all ethnic groups of
ways of farming in order to purify the earth from Mousso
the area, and her cult is central to the religions there. Sacri-
Koroni Koundyé. He revealed true speech and culture and
fices to her at tree shrines (the forest and the earth being
reformed the cults. Blacksmiths continue to embody him in
identified) punctuate the seasonal calendar. The dead dwell
the world and, as such, they preside over initiations. Faro
with her. These ethnic groups also have earth priests as the
dwells in the terrestial and celestial waters, purifying and fer-
heads of their clans, appointed from the direct descendants
tilizing the earth. The purpose of farming and of human do-
of the aboriginal settlers of the region. The legitimacy of
mestic and cultural life is to cooperate with Faro in extending
kings who have invaded and conquered local peoples rests
purity and divine order throughout the world, regenerating
on their ritualized good relations with the earth priests.
and transforming it.
Often, however, chieftaincy and priesthood are merged in
the same person (as in the case of the Dogon hogon). There
An oddly similar answer to the problem of wilderness,
is also a very sharp distinction made between the spirits of
as it may be called (the African form of the problem of evil,
the cultivated fields and those of the bush. The Ashanti
in a way), is given by the Fali (Cameroon), a people who live
themselves, with their associated cultures, distinguish be-
far from the Bambara. They believe that the universe is the
tween Asase Afwa, earth mother of the cultivated fields, and
result of the energies spiraling from two cosmic eggs. One,
Asase Yaa, her jealous sister of the underworld.
of the female toad (a water creature, cold and wet), spun to
the west, like the sun; the other, of the male tortoise (a crea-
Many of the myths of these cultures deal with the ques-
ture of dry land) spun to the east. These were twins. Within
tion of how the wilderness emerged out of the garden of the
each egg, the contents turned in the opposite direction from
primal era and came to almost overwhelm the scattered
the shell, constituting a kind of intercourse of male seed and
human settlements of the present. For from the beginning
female moisture, the twins within each egg. When the eggs
God intended for the world to be a tilled garden without
touched, they shattered and projected outward two square
bloodshed, work, hunting, or sorrow.
earths (one black, the other red), each containing a half of
The Bambara (Mali), a Mande people of the western
all plant and animal life. The Tortoise aligned and joined the
Sudanic region who formerly ruled a vast empire, developed
two earths so that they stopped spinning and were still. The
their answer in astonishing detail and profundity. Only the
eastern sector was the human, domesticated world, but the
general outlines of their cosmogonic myth may be sketched
wilderness of the west was ruled by the black dog being, the
here because it is complex and exists in many versions. In the
smith. Descending from heaven the smith had touched
beginning, pure consciousness, or nothingness (yo), sought
down with the dawn in the east and planted the eight main
to know itself. Two mighty efforts at this task in succession
grains in the center of the world. In this he obeyed God, for
formed two androgynous demiurges. The first, Pemba, con-
hunting had been forbidden; but he loved to hunt and even-
tained all potentialities in still inchoate form, while the sec-
tually ignored God’s command. So a drought came, forcing
ond, Faro, brought these potentialities into clear harmony
the smith to ascend to heaven. God lowered a new ark con-
and realization. Faro designed and created the heavens and
taining the seeds of life to the earth, but the evil smith again
the earth and eventually created the first human couple, dis-
intervened, cutting the vine stalk and causing the ark to fall
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
99
into a sterile land where it shattered into four parts (as re-
A massive work by Viviana Pâques, L’arbre cosmique, has
counted in an earlier section). So the world now stands, with
not only given substance to Dieterlen’s claim but has also ex-
the wilderness surrounding the habitations of humanity ev-
tended it in surprising directions. The myths outlined by
erywhere.
Dieterlen are discovered in a multitude of forms extending
The task of the Fali is to re-create the original harmony
from the Niger into the Muslim world of North Africa, pre-
of the two eggs and the balances established in the ark. The
served as a kind of pagan mystery in secret black brother-
society is divided into two intermarrying clans—the Tortoise
hoods, among those brought as slaves into the Muslim
and Toad—and their interrelations must be in accord with
world. In the isolated oases of the Sahara, which have gone
the divine plan. Relations between husband and wife are also
through millennia of internal development and gradual cul-
shaped by this motive. Every house is built so as to duplicate
tural blending, these myths are held by nonblack societies as
the ark, every village is laid out with this in mind, and the
well, despite Muslim pressures. For example, on the Fezzan
slightest rules of social and political life are structured in
oasis, the pre-Muslim Garamantes lived from prehistoric
terms of the creation myth. Despite the false start given to
times, slowly absorbing other peoples (including black Afri-
culture by the evil smith (who continues to govern the wild),
cans from the entire Sudanic savanna) while maintaining
human life is directed by the desire to limit the disintegra-
their own culture; they were also deeply affected by Egyptian
tions of chaos.
influences and, perhaps shared common Saharan motifs with
prehistoric Egyptian societies. Their cosmogony was suggest-
A penetrating point made by these myths is that human
ed in the sacrifice of a ram divided into forty-eight parts
culture is not only shaped by a divine order or revelation but
(made up of two halves, each composed of four times six
is also the product of a divine misdirection and perversity.
pieces). This sacrifice, enacted at all personal and seasonal
The very cult that humanity celebrates is in part based on
rites, commemorated the primordial sacrifice of the ancestral
falsehood, a falsehood of the spirits. The myth of the Bagre
smith or serpentine water spirit who brought culture to
initiation cult, among the LoDagaa, actually stresses this
them. The reason for the multiples of four and six is that four
point explicitly several times: present life and even the cult
was considered male and three female, and the world is
is the product of the lies and tricks of God and the bush spir-
woven of the two together. This myth presented the key to
its. Nonetheless it remains a (generally) effective cult, and to
the rhythms of the heavenly bodies, the seasons of the year,
preserve the ancestral beauties of this pitiful human condi-
clothes, territorial structures, political and social divisions,
tion, it must continue. The culture hero and trickster myths
and much else.
are illuminated by such unsentimental and unflinching com-
ments.
Some Sudanic cultures in northern Ghana, Burkina
COSMIC EGG AND PRIMAL WORD: THEOSOPHICAL MYTHS.
Faso, and Mali have had the reputation of, in pre-colonial
As the above accounts indicate, many Sudanic and West Af-
times, offering human sacrifices at crucial times that required
rican religions contain astonishing speculations known only
enactments of the myth. Virginal girls were preferred, but al-
to the higher ranks of the initiated. These speculations must
binos were also acceptable. The name of the mythic sacrifi-
often be called theosophical, for they attempt to describe the
cial victim in southern Tunisia is Israel, suggesting the adap-
inner unfolding of the divine life itself, God’s internal histo-
tation of the myth by Berber tribes formerly converted to
ry, which is identified often enough with the universe’s own
Judaism. When sacrificed in heaven, Israel, also known as the
coming-to-be. In two long articles Germaine Dieterlen
angel EAzraDel, is reconstituted in the world below as the sa-
(1955 and 1959) tried to show that a common myth is found
cred community of the Twelve Tribes and also as the plan
throughout the western Sudan, among the peoples of the
of the cultivated field. More Muslim versions make Israel
Niger River and beyond (especially those influenced by the
into the bush-trickster figure, illustrating again the historical
Mande cultures). It involves the evolution of the world from
adaptations of what is apparently a fundamental Saharan
the cosmic egg made by God (this egg may also be likened
mythic structure. One of the most striking authentically sub-
to an infinitesimal seed of the most ritually important crop).
Saharan expressions of these conceptions is the mythology
The cosmic egg contains twins, one of which comes out of
of the Dogon.
the egg prematurely (thus making of itself an inauthentic
DOGON MYTHOLOGY. Of all cultures in Africa, it is of the
elder brother); this would-be creator makes a bad world in
Dogon of Mali on which exists the most voluminous and
which confusion and passion predominate. To regenerate the
profound data relating to mythic themes. In the first years
world, God sacrifices the younger (but authentically elder)
spent among them, Marcel Griaule and his students merely
twin, creating out of it an elaborately structured but perfectly
confirmed the impression of earlier observers that the Dogon
harmonious order. Humanity must duplicate this order in
possessed a rich ritual but only an impoverished mythology.
all things. These religions give prominence to water spirits
These alleged characteristics of the Dogon were consistent
and center on fishing and agriculture; hunting is viewed neg-
with other descriptions of African cultures made by Europe-
atively. Some of these cultures equate the cosmic egg to the
ans. The cult was pragmatic, directed to the clan ancestors
primal word or speech uttered by God, which progressively
(binu) and the nature spirits who resided especially in the
unfolds through various stages of vibration into this percep-
streams (Nommo). The regional priest who presided over
tual universe.
these cults, the hogon, was said to be the descendant of the
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100
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
first ancestral chief, Lébé, who led the people to Dogon terri-
family compound, the layout of a village, and the relations
tory. The hogon was, in particular, the high priest to Amma,
within the clan, all mirror the primal male and female. The
the supreme being, and he had the standing of a chief, gov-
female twin to the eighth Nommo still regularly visits the
erning the region together with the clan elders. In an early
hogon in the shrine, licking him all over in the dead of night
work, Dieterlen related one of the few myths collected: in
so as to regenerate his sacred energies before returning, in ser-
the beginning Amma dwelt with humans and they served
pentine form, to the river. Everything in life is controlled by
him. When a Muslim refused to get him a drink of water,
twinness, by male and female together. The hogon represents
Amma decided to withdraw to heaven; but because a Dogon
the interaction of both of these principles, and that is why
rushed to serve him, God revealed the present cult, by which
he is the chief and high priest.
he could be reached through his servant spirits, to the
Griaule and his students found in these astonishing
Dogon. (As known, myths of this sort, recalling the personal
myths a complete key to Dogon culture, governing even the
fateful encounters with God in the beginning, are perhaps
the most universal of African mythic themes and are
smallest details of everyday life. However, as it turned out,
shared even by hunter-gatherers such as the central African
there are grades of initiation in Dogon culture, and as the
Pygmies.)
years passed Griaule was introduced to deeper and deeper le-
vels. He discovered that the universe did not actually first
In 1947, however, after fifteen years of fieldwork,
emerge from the marriage of Heaven and Earth, as so many
Griaule was approached by Ogotemmêli, a blind elder of the
other African religions held, but that there was an evolution
Dogon, and rewarded for his many years of service to the
from a cosmic egg or seed, similar to the fonio seed, which
people by the revelation of a totally unexpected world of
is the center of so much of the agricultural ritual of the
myth, a world accessible only to initiated Dogon men.
Dogon. This egg contained four twinned couples, the quin-
Griaule recorded this revelation in Conversations with
tessential elements of creation. The distorted nature of
Ogotemmêli. The symbolic depth, complexity, and length of
Yurugu was due to his premature attempt to break out of the
this mythic narrative evoked irresistible parallels to ancient
cosmic egg before his brothers and sisters and to make of the
Egyptian mythology and to Christianity. Griaule discovered,
placental egg itself (the universal matrix) his female con-
for example, that the Muslim-caused withdrawal of God was
sort—in short, to rule the universe. To restore the disturbed
merely a childish fable; in fact, Amma created the earth in
harmony of the cosmos, God permitted it to be expanded
the beginning, in the form of a woman. He cohabited with
via the ark into this earth. Thus by building houses and vil-
her to produce the Nommo, who came forth as bisexual
lages and plowing their fields on the model of the cosmic egg
twins. Even today the rain and the watery copper rays of the
or ark, humanity regenerates the harmonies of creation. This
sun are like heaven’s semen, generating life throughout the
can only be done through knowledge of the initiatic truths;
earth. The Nommo, masters of life force and of all wisdom,
wisdom and serene insight are necessary to save or sanctify
continue to govern the fertility of the world from their wa-
the world properly. This alone is the proper service of God.
tery residences. Their eight seeds are carried by every human
being, shaping sexual procreativity. The first eight ancestors
In his last, posthumously published, magnum opus on
of humanity were produced by the marriage of heaven and
Dogon mythology (written with Dieterlen), Le renard pâle,
earth and nurtured underground by the twin Nommo. How-
Griaule revealed that the cosmic egg was not the deepest se-
ever, the first Nommo to be created, Yurugu, had no twin
cret of creation. Beyond that the wisest Dogon taught the
and was not bisexual but male; his frustrated passion for
mysteries of the primal word spoken by Amma, from which
completion (not stopping even at the theft of an ark, or
the entire universe emanated and which the universe repro-
womb of creation, and incest with Mother Earth) threatened
duces. The egg may be taken as a symbolism of this deeper
to disorder the whole of God’s creation. God therefore exiled
process. The primordial word or utterance is, in fact, Amma
him to the bush, where he roams still as a jackal, but, oddly,
(God). It has, when truly spoken, eight syllables or cosmic
he remains the patron of divination. To cleanse the earth of
vibrations, which became the twinned Nommo. All things
the pollution introduced by the jackal trickster, God took
echo these eight vibrations: there are eight kinds of insects,
the last of the eight created Nommo and sacrificed him in
plants, animals, parts of houses and of human bodies, musi-
heaven; his blood fell upon the earth as a sanctifying rain,
cal tones and modes, dialects of the Dogon language, and so
and cleansed it, permitting life to continue.
on. Language—and consciousness itself—is the pivot of the
universe. The wisest Dogon cultivate a meditative silence, at-
The first human, Lébé, reduplicated the cosmic sacrifice
tuning themselves to the divine utterance, which continues
here on earth, for he was swallowed and regurgitated by a
to be spoken and to generate the universe and all details in
Nommo serpent being. Lébé thus established the sacred role
it. Yurugu, whose true name is Ogo, whose true animal form
of chieftaincy and the cultic importance of sacrifice. Every-
is that of the pale fox (not the jackal)—and who is also linked
thing in human culture mirrors the primal form of Lébé and
to the spider—actually serves God in ceaselessly transform-
the dynamic of sacrifice, which through its transformations
ing things and introducing change; this brings the universe
restores the world to the ideal form of the ark and its
nearer to perfection. The primal sacrifice of the youngest
Nommo progenitor. The parts of houses, the sections of a
Nommo is part of the same process. In short, the myths of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: MYTHIC THEMES
101
lower levels of initiation are all taken up again in this most
Peoples, edited by Daryll Forde (London, 1954), give a good
esoteric version and subsumed under it as later, more materi-
insight into the role of myth in African worldviews.
alized stages in the cosmic history.
Interesting books devoted to the myths of particular cultures in-
Because the deepest wisdom centers on speech and its
clude Axel-Ivar Berglund’s Zulu Thought-Patterns and Sym-
bolism (London, 1976); Daniel P. Biebuyck’s studies of the
vibrations within the cosmic consciousness, Dogon sages de-
hero epics of the Nyanga of Zaire, The Mwindo Epic from the
veloped the essentials of a script. Each of the first eight
Banyanga (Congo Republic) (Berkeley, Calif., 1969) and Hero
Nommo vibrations, for example, could be represented by a
and Chief: Epic Literature from the Banyanga, Zaire Republic
shape, rather similar in form to the Arabic letters. Dogon el-
(Berkeley, Calif., 1978); Jack Goody’s The Myth of the Bagre
ders could show how these flowing shapes branched, diversi-
(Oxford, 1972); Marcel Griaule’s Conversations with
fied, and took material form as all the actual things of this
Ogotemmêli, translated by Robert Redfield (London, 1965),
world, stage by stage. In effect, this so-called illiterate culture
and Le renard pâle (Paris, 1965); Melville J. Herskovits’s Da-
had a form of writing. The priests would trace words into
homey: An Ancient West African Kingdom, 2 vols. (New York,
the foundations of altars and houses before building any fur-
1938); E. Bolaji Idowu’s Olódùmarè: God in Yoruba Belief
ther; the words contained the essence, of which the material
(London, 1962); Randall M. Packard’s Chiefship and Cos-
mology (Bloomington, Ind., 1981); R. S. Rattray’s Tribes of
things were the less perfect form.
the Ashanti Hinterland (London, 1932); Percy Amaury Tal-
Ironically, the most archaic and universally distributed
bot’s The Peoples of Southern Nigeria (London, 1926); and
types of mythic themes are preserved by the Dogon as child-
Roy Willis’s A State in the Making: Myth, History and Social
ish folk tales or exoteric, ad hoc, and topical tales (as in the
Transformation in Pre-Colonial Ufipa (Bloomington, Ind.,
story of the Muslim and God’s withdrawal). Each successive
1981).
level of esotericism concerns a more recent cultural synthesis.
Comparative and analytical studies of African mythology have
The most esoteric myths evidently represent a response to the
been pursued especially by French and German scholars. A
challenge of literate civilization, but unlike the topical and
brilliant structuralist analysis of the myths of central Bantu-
episodic response on the exoteric folk level, this response is
speaking peoples is Luc de Heusch’s The Drunken King, or
The Origin of the State (Bloomington, Ind., 1982); de
thoroughly thought through and integrated with the entirety
Heusch extends his analysis to political myths of Rwandan
of Dogon culture by its sages. Each challenge is treated as a
kings and to southern African myths and rites in Mythes et
kind of revelation of deeper metaphysical realities guiding
rites bantous, vol. 2, Rois nés d’un coeur de vache (Paris, 1982).
the universe, demanding a whole cultural response instead
Particularly valuable for an understanding of West African
of a fragmentary one. The Dogon elders have been in the
mythology is Germaine Dieterlen’s Les âmes des Dogon (Paris,
forefront of harmonious and constructive change, contrary
1941); her two articles in Journal de la Société des Africanistes
to the European view of them as unchanging conservatives.
concerning the common mythic structure found throughout
The deep functional and spiritual relevance of myth and
the western Sudanic region, “Mythe et organisation au Sou-
worldview could hardly be demonstrated more dramatically
dan Français,” vol. 25, nos. 1–2 (1955): 39–76, and “Mythe
than in this process.
et organisation sociale en Afrique occidentale,” vol. 29, nos.
1–2 (1959): 119–138, are also useful. Viviana Pâques’s work
S
L’arbre cosmique dans la pensée populaire et dans la vie quoti-
EE ALSO Bambara Religion; Dogon Religion; Nuer and
Dinka Religion; Southern African Religions, article on
dienne du Nord-ouest Africain (Paris, 1964), uses Dieterlen’s
Southern Bantu Religions; Tricksters, article on African
analysis and applies it in interesting ways to a wider geo-
graphical region.
Tricksters; Zulu Religion.
Somewhat outdated but still very informative historical and com-
parative analyses of African creation myths are two works by
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hermann Baumann, Schöpfung und Urzeit des Menschen im
Some good, if rather superficial, surveys of African mythology are
Mythus der afrikanischen Völker (Berlin, 1936) and Das Dop-
Alice Werner’s “African Mythology,” in volume 7 of The
pelte Geschlecht (Berlin, 1955); the latter work surveys my-
Mythology of All Races (Boston, 1925), pp. 105–359, and
thologies of other continents as well. Harry Tegnaeus’s Le
Geoffrey Parrinder’s African Mythology, 2d ed. (London,
Héros civilisateur (Stockholm, 1950) concerns African cul-
1982). Another survey to consider is Edwin W. Smith’s Afri-
ture heroes. Robert D. Pelton’s The Trickster in West Africa
can Ideas of God (London, 1961). Briefer, but reflecting more
(Berkeley, Calif., 1980) takes a phenomenological approach
current French scholarship, and arranged by culture areas
and primarily discusses the Ashanti, Yoruba Fon, and Dogon
rather than topically, and so, more contextual and historical,
tricksters. Jürgen Zwernemann’s Die Erde in Vorstellungswelt
is Roger Bastide’s “Africa: Magic and Symbolism,” in La-
und Kultpraktiken der sudanischen Völker (Berlin, 1968) deals
rousse World Mythology, edited by Pierre Grimal (New York,
with the image of the earth mother and the earth spirits in
1965), pp. 519–545.
Sudanic myth and cult, with a brief survey of other African
Excellent regional anthologies are Myths and Legends of the Congo,
cultures as well. Jacqueline Roumeguère-Eberhardt’s Pensée
edited by Jan Knappert (Nairobi, Kenya, 1971), and Myths
et société africaines (Paris, 1963) links Sudanic and southern
and Legends of the Bantu (1933; London, 1968) by Alice
African myths and cultures in a fascinating study of serpent
Werner, who also offers comments in topically arranged
myths, initiation rites, and cosmology. A good discussion of
chapters. The studies of nine cultures in African Worlds:
the role of the serpent, and of other symbolic creatures, in
Studies in the Cosmological Ideas and Social Values of African
African mythologies can be found in Bohumil Holas’s Les
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
102
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
dieux d’Afrique noire (Paris, 1968). Holas is also an authority
son’s typology is based on movements’ responses to the
on the esoteric myths of a number of the cultures of the Ivory
world and interpretations of the sources of evil and how it
Coast and Guinea, such as the Bété; these are discussed as
is to be overcome. From this perspective modern African reli-
well.
gious movements can be fit with one or a combination of
An elaborate analysis of African myths concerning the origin of
Wilson’s seven types of modern or new religious movements:
death, focusing on specific themes or traits and their geo-
These are: (1) the conversionist response, which insists that
graphical dispersion, is Hans Abrahamsson’s The Origin of
individual and collective salvation can only come about
Death (Uppsala, Sweden, 1951). Valuable discussions of
through a profound, supernaturally wrought transformation
hero myths and legends are contained in Isadore Okpewho’s
of the self; (2) the revolutionist response, which believes that
The Epic in Africa (New York, 1979) and Myth in Africa
(London, 1983). The latter work, graced with an excellent
evil can only be overcome and salvation assured by divine ac-
bibliography, is really a methodological study; despite its
tion, thus no subjective change however profound will affect
name it does not study the myths of Africa but instead re-
the state of the world for the better; (3) the introversionist
views modern theories of myth and African folklore, advanc-
response, which seeks salvation by withdrawing to a separate,
ing its own approach using examples from African mytholo-
purified community set apart from what is perceived to be
gy. It is particularly helpful in discussing the roles and uses
an irredeemably evil world; (4) the manipulationist or gnos-
of myth in modern African literature and general culture.
tic response, which seeks salvation and the conquest of evil
New Sources
though the acquisition of the right means and techniques to
Pemberton, John, III, and Funso Afolayan. Yoruba Sacred King-
deal with the problems of life; (5) the thaumaturgical re-
ship: A Power Like That of the Gods. Washington, D.C.,
sponse, which relies chiefly on miracles and oracles to attain
1996.
salvation, which is identified as something specific such as
Ray, Benjamin. Myth, Ritual and Kingship in Buganda. New York,
the relief from a particular illness; (6) the reformist response,
1991.
which aspires under divine guidance to overcome evil and
Verboven, Dirk. A Paxiological Approach to Ritual Analysis: The
save the world by transforming existing social structures and
Sigi of the Dogon. Ghent, Belgium, 1986.
arrangements; and (7) the utopian response, which aims to
E
reconstruct the world according to a set of divine principles
VAN M. ZUESSE (1987)
Revised Bibliography
that, if correctly applied, will result in the establishment of
a world without evil. The main limitations of Wilson’s typol-
ogy are its inability to capture the dynamics of religious
change and development movements undergo and their es-
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS
pousal of more than one orientation simultaneously.
MOVEMENTS
Modern African religious movements are best understood if
Harold Turner’s typology (1991), which is based on dif-
interpreted as creative and innovative responses to the histor-
ferent kinds of criteria (doctrinal, organizational, and histori-
ically unprecedented levels of upheaval and change in every
cal) uses the term neo-primal to refer to modern movements
area of life—cultural, economic, environmental, social, polit-
that seek to remain close to the traditional religion—albeit
ical, and religious—that followed the imposition of colonial
in a discriminating manner by rejecting certain elements
rule, beginning in the second half of the nineteenth century.
such as magic and, at the same time, making monotheism
The primary aim of these movements has not been to return
the core of their belief systems. Turner’s second category is
in fundamentalist fashion to the past and remain there but
the hebraist movement, so defined because members believe
rather to review critically the traditional cultural and reli-
themselves to be descendants of the ancient Israelites and
gious processes with a view to constructive engagement with
place great store by biblical prophecies. His label synthetist
the new.
covers those modern religious movements that developed
from a combination of traditional and Christian elements,
Although the focus here is on modern African move-
examples include the African Independent Churches or Afri-
ments of Christian, Muslim, and neotraditional derivation,
can Initiated Churches (AICs). The last of Turner’s catego-
or combinations thereof, to illustrate something of the range
ries is the deviationist, which he applies to churches and reli-
and variety of Africa’s modern religious tapestry, there is also
gious movements that give the appearance of being Christian
discussion of modern religious movements that have entered
or Islamic but deviate markedly from these religions in fun-
Africa from abroad including those created by African dias-
damentals. Turner’s system of classification has little applica-
pora communities, neo-Hindu movements, Buddhist-
tion to non-Christian movements, and this makes it increas-
Shinto¯ healing movements from Japan, and secular religions
from the West.
ingly less useful as the scope of religious innovation and
interaction expands to include not only increasing numbers
TYPOLOGIES. Modern African movements vary greatly doc-
of modern Muslim and neotraditional movements in Africa
trinally, structurally, and liturgically, and Bryan R. Wilson’s
but many new Asian religions as well.
(1973) system of classification is possibly the most suitable
for dealing with this variety, primarily because it is free of
Roy Wallis’s (1984) typology of modern or new reli-
theological, organizational, historical, and cultural bias. Wil-
gions into world-denying or world-rejecting, world-
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
103
indifferent, and world-affirming types, although widely used,
vals, which were turned into major liturgical innovations
requires considerable refinement. The world-indifferent cat-
both to deepen (as in the case of the Zulu) awareness of op-
egory is largely redundant, and the world-affirming category
pression and colonization and to promote greater awareness
would make a better fit with the response to the world of the
of their status as God’s chosen people. The realized eschatol-
modern religions of Africa and elsewhere if replaced by
ogy of the amaNazaretha emphasizes this last point by de-
world-transforming.
claring that the holy mountains of Inhlangakazi, eighty miles
from Durban, and Ekuphakameni (the elated place), nearer
AICS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA AND THE DEMOCRATIC REPUB-
Durban, are God’s most desirable earthly temples and the lo-
LIC OF THE CONGO. AICs were as much concerned with
cation of paradise on Earth.
transforming both mission church Christianity and tradi-
tional religion and culture as the preservation of the latter.
Despite the harassment and persecution from govern-
A brief account of a select number of southern AICs illus-
ments, several AICs developed into highly complex organiza-
trates this. However, first a word about Bengt Sundkler’s
tions with considerable assets. Among the largest and most
(1970, pp. 52ff.) terminology. He describes the AICs of
structurally complex is the Kimbanguist Church (Église de
southern Africa as either Ethiopian or Zionist. The former
Jesus Christ sur la Terre par Le Prophète Simon Kimbangu;
are AICs that seceded from white mission churches chiefly
EJCSK), founded in 1921 in what was at the time known
on racial grounds or those that, although sharing the same
as Belgian Congo, later Zaire, and finally the Democratic Re-
concern for African-led churches, are also keenly motivated
public of the Congo, by Simon Kimbangu (c. 1887–1951).
by the desire for African leadership. The term Zionist is ap-
Kimbangu, like Shembe, was selective in his approach to tra-
plied by Sundkler to those AICs of southern Africa that refer
dition and preaching (e.g., against the use of traditional ritu-
to themselves as ama-Ziyoni (Zionist; the meaning has noth-
als to combat evil forces). However, unlike Shembe, he
ing to do with the Jewish Zionist movement), pointing to
stressed the importance of monogamy and spoke of the duty
their origins in Zion City, Illinois, where the millenarian
to obey the government. Like AICs generally, the EJCSK
Christian Catholic Apostolic Church in Zion was founded
lays great store in purification rituals and the use of blessed
in 1896 by John Alexander Dowie. This church teaches di-
water for healing and protection. Like many churches of the
vine healing, baptism by triune immersion (preferably in a
western African Aladura movement (independent churches
river), and the imminence of the second coming of Jesus and
characterized by prayer, divine healing, and baptism in the
holds tenaciously to the flat Earth theory. As will be seen,
Holy Spirit), the EJCSK has become a huge enterprise with
Zionist and Ethiopian churches shared many common fea-
schools, hospitals, factories, and commercial companies.
tures. Both demanded greater autonomy and placed great
Although generally not overtly political, AICs often
stress on the veneration of ancestors and rituals of pur-
made colonial governments nervous by their wide appeal.
ification.
Kimbangu’s popularity and growing following were such
One of the earliest, largest, and most influential of
that the colonial government decided to have him court mar-
southern Africa’s AICs is the amaNazaretha (Nazareth or
shaled without any defense in 1921 on charges that included
Nazirite Baptist Church) founded in Zululand, South Africa,
sedition and hostility to whites. Found guilty, Kimbangu was
in 1913. The aims and ideology of this AIC are paradigmatic
sentenced to 120 lashes and death—a penalty that was com-
of AICs in general. Its founder Mdlimawafa Mloyisa Isaiah
muted to life in solitary confinement in Lumumbashi, two
Shembe (1867–1935), once a member of the African Native
thousand kilometers from his home in the village of Nkamba
Baptist Church, which had seceded from the white-led Bap-
in the western region of what is now known as the Demo-
tist Church, believed in the idea of continuous divine revela-
cratic Republic of the Congo. Kimbangu’s remains were re-
tion and guidance through dreams and visions. He interpret-
interred at Nkamba (then called Nkamba-Jerusalem), an im-
ed sacramental rites as essentially rites of purification (ashes
portant place of pilgrimage, in 1960. The EJCSK operated
were retained as purgative symbols), modeled his mission on
underground until 1959, six months before independence,
that of the prophet John the Baptist, and forbade the use of
when it received official recognition.
Western medicine, believing instead in healing through faith
AICs are to be found in great numbers elsewhere in
and blessed water.
southern, central and eastern Africa. In Kenya alone there are
The amaNazaretha and other AICs also introduced li-
over two hundred AICs with several million members be-
turgical changes. For example, the sacred wooden drum, seen
tween them; the largest of these is the African Independent
by mission churches as a separatist symbol, became the main
Pentecostal Church, founded in 1925 and composed mostly
instrument in worship. Also radically changed was the im-
of Gikuyu. Also predominantly Gikuyu is the African Or-
port of the hymn, which was transformed from a verse about
thodox Church, which is under the jurisdiction of the patri-
certain religious ideas into a sacred rhythm expressed
arch of Alexandria.
through the medium of sacred dance. AICs were not simply
AICS IN WEST AFRICA. As in southern Africa, the pursuit
bridge builders between the new religious culture and the old
of independence in church matters began in West Africa as
but sought to transform both. Just as the meaning of hymns
early as the late 1880s, the point in time when many of the
was changed so was the meaning of traditional dance festi-
historic or mission churches began to abandon their goal of
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104
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
establishing self-governing, self-supporting African churches.
William Egyanka Appiah, the founder of the Musamo Chris-
In the 1890s the decision to remove the Nigerian-born An-
to Disco Church (also known as Army of the Cross of Christ
glican bishop of the Niger Delta, Samuel Ajayi Crowther,
Church), a Ghanaian spiritist church, was dismissed as a sor-
from his post fueled the drive for ecclesiastical autonomy.
cerer by the Methodist Church in Ghana. Appiah preached
The investigation and subsequent dismissal by the London-
an apocalyptic message mostly derived from the Old Testa-
based Church Missionary Society of Crowther had the psy-
ment. Following the biblical account of Exodus, one of his
chological effect of putting on trial the capacity of a whole
first acts on constructing the Holy City of Mozano, where
race to govern itself.
he took the name Prophet Jemisimiham, was to smear the
entrances to the homes of his followers with the blood of a
By this time many African Christians were already ques-
sacrificed animal.
tioning the predominantly European leadership of the Chris-
tian churches—opposed at the outset by the Church Mis-
Nothing was predictable and permanent about the his-
sionary Society, the missionary wing of the Anglican
tory and development of AICs. Often they began not as sects
Church—and began to form their own denominations. In
but as movements within the mission churches only eventu-
1888 in Lagos, Nigeria, the African Baptist Church split off
ally to become independent. In some cases, movements that
from American Baptist Missionary Society over the question
became sectarian, such as the Native Baptist Church in Nige-
of leadership. African spiritual and cultural identity were also
ria, would later be reintegrated into the main body. The Al-
pressing issues. Opposition grew over the imposition of Eu-
adura movement in Nigeria began within the Anglican
ropean names at baptism, the wearing of European dress, the
Church at the end of World War I. Warned in a dream that
exclusive use of European musical instruments and the En-
the world would be ravaged by the influenza epidemic, the
glish language in worship, and to solely white icons of Christ.
Nigerian Anglican pastor Joseph Shadare from St. Saviour’s
The West Indian Edward Wilmot Blyden, an educator and
Church in the city of Ijebu Ode, joined with a young teacher,
Christian pastor in Nigeria at the time, implored mission
Sophia Adefobe Odunlami, to combat the epidemic through
church Christianity to take a lesson from Muslims on how
the means of blessed water and prayer. In 1920 they formed
to adapt Christianity to Africa by, for example, respecting (at
the Precious Stone-Faith Tabernacle prayer association,
least for the foreseeable future) such important social and
which marked the beginnings of the Aladura or prayer move-
economic institutions as polygamy.
ment in Yorubaland.
Also questioned was the missionary claim to be the sole
The Aladura stress on the power of prayer to heal reso-
guardians and defenders of immutable moral laws, including
nated with traditional ideas. Just as early Yoruba Christians,
those that imposed monogamous marriages, which were per-
known as Onigbagbo, believed that faith in Jesus bestowed
ceived to amount to foreign social arrangements. A Nigerian
on them “word power” that would affect what they prayed
founding member of the African Baptist Church, Mojola
for, traditionalists believed that the chanting of the invoca-
Agbebi (baptized David Vincent), expressed the anxieties
tions recommended by the babalawo (diviner) would resolve
over cultural and personal identity and the undermining of
problems of health, relationships, material distress, and so
African self-esteem in his attack on the foreign character of
on.
mission church Christianity: “Hymn books, harmonium,
The Aladura movement—in most respects indistin-
dedications, pew constructions, surpliced (sic) choir, the
guishable from the southern African AICs—changed the sit-
white man’s names, the white man’s dress, are so many non-
uation of believers from that of passive to engaged partici-
essentials, so many props and crutches affecting the religious
pants and soon became widely associated with
manhood of the Christian Africans” (cited in Clarke, 1986,
empowerment. The principal vehicles in the spreading of the
p. 160).
movement were local prophets, including Christianah Abi-
The most successful AIC in the early twentieth century
odun Emanuel (1907–198?), also known as Captain Abi-
in West Africa was led by the Liberian Grebo prophet Wil-
odun Emmanuel, who were hailed by followers as direct evi-
liam Wade Harris (c. 1850–1920). Harris’s this-worldly in-
dence of the Gospel’s authority. Like Kimbangu, these
terpretation of Christian baptism as the most effective reme-
prophets were perceived by the colonizers as potential threats
dy for both moral and social evil, his preaching of a gospel
to the stability of the colonial order. Some of these prophets,
of prosperity, and his allowing full participation to the polyg-
such as the founder of the Church of the Lord (Aladura), Jo-
amous, thereby alleviating the social and economic distress
siah Oshitelu (1902–?) were directly political and spoke out
of conversion, account for his success and made for a clear
against unlawful taxation by foreign rulers and against price
contrast with the more socially and economically disruptive
increases and issued warnings of the dire consequences to
approach of mission church Christianity, widely known as
come if whites continued to oppress blacks.
the “Church of children.”
The Aladura response to mission church Christianity
Mission church Christianity attempted to counter the
and traditional religion was selective. The Aladura Cherubim
success of Harris and other local prophets by labeling them
and Seraphim movement, for example, retained the Anglican
as charlatans and sorcerers. Although he could be strongly
Book of Common Prayer, Sunday worship, and several of the
critical of traditional customs and religious practices, Joseph
sacraments. Differences were obvious in worship, however.
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
105
Aladura churches encouraged the practice of hand clapping,
among the Luo, rising to an estimated 100,000 members
stamping on the ground—a way of obtaining spiritual
within two years, a development that the newly independent
power, prosperity and peace—drumming, and demonstra-
government did not welcome. Legio Maria’s success is in part
tions of the efficacy of sacred words through such exclama-
attributable to the wealth of ritual resources, both Catholic
tions as hallelujah, hosanna, and iye (life). Few, however,
and traditional, which were developed to discern and over-
went as far as the World Christian Soldiers Church, a Ke-
come the forces of evil, such as witchcraft and sorcery.
nyan (mainly Luo) movement, founded in 1942, which re-
quired all members to use musical instruments in worship.
A very different modern Catholic separatist movement
With regard to traditional religion, bans were imposed on
from the Congo (Brazzaville) is the Mouvement Croix-
the eating of pork, the meat of an animal that had not been
Koma (Nailed to the Cross), which was started in 1964 by
slaughtered, the ritual drinking of the blood of animals (a
the Catholic layman of the Lari tribe, Ta (Father) Malenda.
practice acceptable to traditionalists), and the use of alcohol
This movement opposed outright such traditional practices
and tobacco.
as witchcraft, sorcery, and magic and by 1970 had attracted
an estimated 20 percent of the population of the Congo, a
While colonialism, aided by mission church Christiani-
majority of these coming from the Congo, Lari, and Sundi
ty, was hastening the process of the decoupling of traditional
ethnic groups. At first a movement within Catholicism, this
beliefs from the traditional political, economic, and moral
church severed all ties with the Roman Catholic Church in
structures to which they had for so long lent plausibility, the
1976.
rise and rapid growth of the Aladura movement and AICs
Violence has been a feature of a minority of modern Af-
generally reveal—despite each one being composed mostly
rican religions as it has been with modern religions else-
of one ethnic group—a preoccupation on an Africa-wide
where. The most notorious example in the African context
basis with the cultural moral, social, and spiritual limitations
is the Movement for the Restoration of the Ten Command-
of imposed forms of religion in a colonial context.
ments of God (MRTCG), which grew out of a Marian appa-
POLITICAL INDEPENDENCE AND MODERN MOVEMENTS.
rition movement in Rwanda in the 1970s. Although visions
New religions and churches continued to emerge in Africa
of the Virgin Mary (many of them concerning the devasta-
as independence approached as well as since independence
tion being wrought by AIDS) were not uncommon in the
was achieved (between 1957 and 1973 for most countries).
Uganda and nearby Rwanda of the 1980s, two principal vi-
Started mostly by charismatic leaders or prophets, one of the
sionaries are closely associated with the origins and develop-
more striking characteristics of many of the modern move-
ment of the MRTCG. One was the dedicated and active
ments has been their stridently apocalyptic and millenarian
Catholic who was heavily involved in local politics, Joseph
preaching, which has brought them into conflict with the
Kibwetere (b. 1932), and the other was Credonia Mwerinde
newly independent governments. This was the history of the
(b. 1952), who claimed that she had been in contact with
Lumpa church in Zambia founded by the Bemba prophetess
the Virgin Mary since 1984. About this time, Kibwetere, a
Alice Lenshina (c. 1919–1978) in 1954. Claiming to have
father of sixteen, began to be considered by followers as the
been entrusted by God with the secret of success, which the
leader of the nascent MRTCG and allowed his farm to be
whites had hidden from Africans, and to have been raised up
used as its headquarters until in 1992 when it was moved to
to prepare the world for the second coming of Jesus, Len-
Kanungu where Mwerinde’s family lived and where relations
shina built the New Zion in the village of Kasomo. A nervous
with villagers, but not the civil authorities, were at times
government was suspicious of this burgeoning state within
tense. Even before this move, the MRTCG had begun to at-
the state, which opposed taxation and political authority,
tract a number of clergy including Father Dominic Kitari-
and confrontation led to the death of around one thousand
baabo, who had been a postgraduate student in religious
of her followers and the banning of the movement in 1964.
studies in the United States and had begun to reject some
Alice Lenshina died in 1978, claiming that the political di-
of the liturgical reforms of the Second Vatican Council while
mensions of her message had obscured their real content,
still recognizing the authority of the pope. As MRTCG dis-
which was spiritual wholeness and integrity.
tanced itself from mainstream Catholicism and the local
community, it increasingly came to resemble an introver-
Modern Catholic-derived churches and movements also
sionist movement. Moreover, this growing isolation, rein-
include the Legio Maria, a breakaway movement from the
forced by the apocalyptic messages emanating from the nu-
lay Catholic Legion of Mary association. Founded in 1963
merous Marian apparitions that had recently occurred,
in Kenya, the year of independence, Legio Maria’s teachings
reinforced the belief in the end of the world.
and rituals display the same concerns and preoccupations
present in the AICs, which are also evident in relation to tra-
The MRTCG came to depict itself as the ark of salva-
ditional belief and practice. The creation of the self-
tion, the vessel that would save those who repented from the
proclaimed prophets Simon Ondeto and Gaudencia Aoko,
coming apocalypse and carry them to a place that would be
the Legio Maria, while encouraging their followers to remain
like heaven on Earth. Its teachings, based principally on reve-
Catholics, offered a ministry of deliverance from the evils of
lations received by its leaders, were set out in the document,
witchcraft and spirit possession. Growth was rapid, especially
A Timely Message from Heaven: The End of the Present Times,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
106
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
which demanded, among other things, the renunciation of
Although long present in many African traditional reli-
material possessions, abstinence from sexual relations, and
gions including Yoruba traditional religion, what appears to
stressed the importance of silence. Sign language was to be
be an increasingly widespread trend in Africa as in the West
the main means of everyday communication between the
is the appeal of the notion of reincarnation. This is evident
members.
in, among other movements, the Brotherhood of the Cross
and Star, a millenarian movement founded in 1956 in Cala-
According to some scholars (Mayer, 2001), the end was
bar, Nigeria, by Olumba Olumba Obu. This new religion,
predicted to come in 2000; others (Levinson, 2001) gave
whose goal is the establishment of God’s kingdom on Earth
1999. However, on March 17, 2000, tragedy struck. The
by uniting “brothers” and “sisters” in bonds of love, attaches
newly built church at the movement’s headquarters at
great importance to reincarnation and the belief in the pres-
Kanugu served as the venue for the previous night’s all-night
ence at meetings of the “living dead” (a term used for the an-
vigil. The following morning, fire engulfed the nearby dining
cestors whose continued influence over this-worldly affairs
hall, formerly the old church, where the worshipers had gath-
is acknowledged), in the sacredness of the earth, and in the
ered, and then spread throughout the headquarters, killing
all-pervasive influence of sorcery.
and destroying everything in its wake and leaving no one
with any chance of escape. Different estimates have been
CONTEMPORARY FORMS OF CHARISMATIC CHRISTIANITY.
given of the number of those who died in this tragic event
In the 1970s a new wave of charismatic Christianity started
and in other instances. Subsequent investigations by the
from within the existing churches began to sweep across Afri-
Ugandan police in March and April 2000 uncovered graves
ca. Essentially composed of young, educated high school and
in various locations around the country that contained the
university students, this movement emphasizes baptism in
corpses of MRTCG members who had been murdered. Ac-
the Holy Spirit, the ready availability for Christians of the
cording to Jean-François Mayer (2001) the Ugandan police
gifts and fruits of the Spirit, and speaking in tongues (glosso-
estimated that there were 780 victims in all, whereas David
lalia). Among the attractions of this ecstatic, optimistic reli-
Levinson gives the total number of victims as 925 adding
gion is the contrast it makes with the despair generated by
“perhaps all were murdered” (Levinson, 2001, p. 198).
politics that, despite the pledges, seems to be incapable of
tackling radically such serious concerns as corruption in pub-
Also of Ugandan origin is the Lord’s Resistance Army,
lic life, managing efficiently and effectively public resources,
which operates largely among the Acholi in northern Ugan-
and guaranteeing safety and basic medical facilities.
da, under the direction of the self-proclaimed mystic Joseph
Charismatic renewal got under way at different times in
Kony, one-time mentor and cousin of Alice Lekwena but
different parts of the continent. In Kenya and Tanzania in
who, after a quarrel with the latter, symbolized the disconti-
East Africa, it took shape in and was spread through associa-
nuity between her movement and his by being possessed by
tions such as the Fellowship of Christian Unions (FOCUS),
new and different spirits. Lekwena brought together several
in the mid-1970s. Due to tighter control over students in
disparate antigovernment groups in 1987 under the banner
Ethiopia and Uganda, it was the 1980s before charismatic
of the Holy Spirit Movement. Defeated by Kony in a power
renewal came to occupy center stage of Christian life among
struggle, Lekwena fled to Kenya in 1987, and the former
the young. This was also the case in Zambia in central Africa,
took over the leadership of these religious rebels. Kony con-
most of French-speaking Africa, and Zimbabwe and South
tinued on with the complex initiation and cleansing rituals
Africa.
introduced by Lekwena and, like her, was determined to
stamp out witchcraft and to eradicate pagan spirit mediums.
Although distinctive, the charismatic renewal move-
Prior to engaging in battle, Kony’s soldiers are “armed” with
ment shares in common with the AICs the insistence on the
malaika (angel; Swahili) to protect them against the enemy.
need for Christianity to be enculturated. Charismatic renew-
For further spiritual protection, various spirits were placed
al, however, is more engaged with issues of growing impor-
in various positions of command whereas others, including
tance such as gender equality, the use of modern technology,
spirits from other than African nations such as Korea and
and modern medicine. Although it eschews direct political
China, are assigned other tasks, including the direction of
action, it is not a world-indifferent movement, nor is it an
government forces’ bullets.
apolitical movement as demonstrated by the response of
charismatics and evangelicals in the election of the “born
Methods of recruitment of soldiers adopted by Kony
again” President Chiluba in Zambia in 1991.
have included abducting and indoctrinating children who,
when trained for combat are encouraged to loot, pillage, and
Neo-Pentecostalism from abroad. Running parallel
rape with abandon in contrast with the strict moral discipline
to, and sometimes overlapping with, the charismatic renewal
imposed by Lakwena. The Lord’s Resistance Army battle
movement in Africa is a new wave of missionary activity in-
with the Uganda government—now an international con-
volving evangelicals from other parts of the world, including
flict involving neighboring countries such as the Sudan—has
Korea, Brazil, and the United States. The objective is to en-
led to the death of an estimated twenty-three thousand
gage in what is presented as the real, authentic conversion
people and to the creation of over one and a half million ref-
of Africa to Christianity, as opposed to that incomplete and
ugees.
harmful form accomplished by the historic churches. More-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
107
over, in contrast to the more ecumenical and conciliatory
in Ethiopia; elsewhere, only Muslims. Spirits (zaar) are be-
spirit of the historic churches to other non-Christian reli-
lieved to have the power to invade human bodies and to pos-
gions, the evangelical and charismatic religions are, paradoxi-
sess them. Those possessed are the marginal and the power-
cally, on the one hand denouncing all forms of belief and
less and, to be placated, the possessing spirits must be given
practice that diverge from their own and, on the other hand,
food of good quality, perfumes, and other luxuries: the spirits
reinforcing the traditional worldview by insisting on the
often articulate the concerns and grievances of those they
power and hold of the devil and evil spirits over those in-
possess.
volved in false religion and superstition.
The victims of the spirits—numerous categories exist
The Brazilian Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (Uni-
and are constantly being expanded and updated showing the
versal Church of the Kingdom of God) is but one of the new
link between religion and social change—are also obliged to
Pentecostal churches to enter Africa since the 1970s and is
dance in their honor at cult group rituals that take the form
growing rapidly not only in Lusophone or Portuguese-
of séances, which in Somalia are called “beating the zaar.”
speaking Africa but also in Anglophone and Francophone
Ioan M. Lewis (1996) suggests that this cult serves primarily
Africa, for example, in Nigeria and the Ivory Coast. Quick
to alleviate the conditions of the oppressed and, in particular,
to adapt and employ local ministers and ready to use the local
women for whom it functions as a mystical weapon in the
language, this church insists on the reality of the spiritual
war between the sexes. This perspective has been construc-
world and on its direct influence on success and failure. As
tively and interestingly critiqued by a number of scholars in-
is the case with many other new churches of its kind, the
cluding Janice Boddy (1989), who does not see participation
Universal Church gives priority in its practice to the rite of
in spirit possession such as zaar in the Sudan as primarily an
exorcism of evil spirits, which are said to block progress to
oblique strategy by means of which women bid for attention
the kingdom of God. This psychologically uncomfortable
but as expressing both the conflict between village women’s
theology is balanced by the prosperity doctrine, not unfamil-
experiences and their self-image as defined by the gender
iar to African traditional religion, which promises that turn-
ideals of their society and their historical consciousness of re-
ing to Jesus can lead from poverty and sickness to wealth and
lations with outsiders. Noting that mediums are often select-
well-being.
ed from the powerful and strong lineages, not from among
M
the weak and powerless, Jean-Paul Colleyn’s (1999) study of
ODERN ISLAM-DERIVED MOVEMENTS. Modern Muslim
movements vary greatly, and even within the same move-
the Nya cult in Mali also rejects Lewis’s narrow interpreta-
ment there are often what appear to be strongly opposed ten-
tion of the function of spirit possession as an oblique means
dencies. The Murid tariqa (brotherhood), founded in Sene-
by which the downtrodden seek to escape from humiliation.
gal in the late nineteenth century by the Wolof Muslim cleric
Whereas pacifism is a distinguishing feature of most
Ahmadu Bamba (1850/1–1927) who developed his own
modern Muslim movements in Africa, outbreaks of violence
Muslim version of prosperity theology, combined Sufism or
have also occurred, one involving the Maitatsine movement.
mysticism with an unrelenting commitment to hard and
Originating in northern Cameroon, this movement spread
continuous agricultural work. The work ethic instilled by
to northern Nigeria, where it ended in catastrophe in the
Bamba, similar in substance to Max Weber’s (1864–1920)
1980s when an estimated six thousand people lost their lives
notion of the Protestant work ethic, has produced a thriving
in riots in Kano City. This was a movement of the “lonely”
entrepreneurial movement with considerable assets and po-
poor, the displaced and marginalized (the street vendors,
litical influence in Senegal, the Gambia, and elsewhere in
water carriers, and so on) who had received no benefit what-
Francophone West Africa, and a trading diaspora that ex-
soever from the oil boom of the 1960s and 1970s and who
tends to Europe and the United States.
were without any protection against dire poverty.
Millenarianism, more commonly known among Mus-
Not unrelated to the rise of charismatic renewal, neo-
lims as mahdism, is also a feature of several modern African
evangelical, and neo-Pentecostal movements has been the
Muslim movements, including the eclectic Layenne move-
rise of Muslim reform and missionary-minded movements
ment, also of Senegal; the exclusive, scripturalist Bamidele
composed mainly of fervent young educated high school and
movement founded in Ibadan in the 1930s by a former
university students, guided by Muslim scholars of consider-
Christian, Abdul Salami Bamidele; and the Mahdiyya move-
able intellectual repute and sanctity. These movements are
ment, founded in the early 1940s in Ijebu-Ode, in south-
dedicated to the advancement of a more orthodox, more as-
western Nigeria, by Al-hajj Jumat Imam who, perhaps
sertive Islam and have been aided in this with spiritual and
uniquely, endeavored to develop a theology that would inte-
financial support from elsewhere in the Muslim world.
grate Muslims, Christians, and traditionalists.
Strong influences include the writings of the Indian
The zaar cult is a largely female, international, and
Muslim reformer Abu¯’l ADla Mawdu¯d¯ı (1903–1979), found-
modern Muslim movement that flourishes in Ethiopia (from
er of the Muslim revitalization movement the
where it gets its name), Somalia, Djibouti, and the Sudan,
Jama¯Eat-i-Isla¯m¯ı. Mawdu¯d¯ı encouraged Muslims to consider
and to a lesser extent in Egypt and the gulf states. In Ethio-
the vexed question of the relation between Islam and West-
pia, this worship cult involves both Muslims and Christians
ern culture and urged them to work for an Islamic state.
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108
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
Prominent activists such as Sayyid Qut:b (1906–1966), a
ism, and Sikhism have exercised little direct influence on Af-
leading member of the militant Al-Ikhwan al-Moslemoon
rican culture and spirituality. Until the late twentieth
(Muslim Brotherhood), were inspired by Mawdu¯d¯ı’s writ-
century, there were few African Hindus and even fewer Jains
ings, as they were by those of the Egyptian teacher and schol-
and Sikhs. This situation began to change with the arrival
ar Al-Imam Hassan al-Banna (1906–1949), who founded
of the neo-Hindu and other modern Asian movements that
the Ikhwa¯n al Muslimu¯n in 1928, which like so many mod-
demonstrate a desire for greater inclusiveness, a characteristic
ern or new Islamic movements, rather than rejecting older
also in greater evidence in twenty-first century Muslim
institutions, go beyond them. Al-Banna understood his mis-
movements, such as the Daudi Boharas and the various
sion to be the countering of the corruption of Islamic society
branches of the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıs, which are also present in East Afri-
and, in particular, the corruption caused by Western influ-
ca. The lay Baha¯’¯ı faith—founded in Iran in 1853 by Mirza
ence in the face of which the Muslim leaders, he believed,
Husayn-Ali (1817–1892; known as BahDuDllah) whose teach-
remained passive. Al-Banna, who rejected the use of force as
ings are summarized as the unity of God, the unity of reli-
a means of reform, stressed the comprehensive and inclusive
gion, and the unity of humankind—has innumerable spiri-
nature of Islam. The doctrine of the oneness of God
tual assemblies across Africa made up of African members.
(tawh:¯ıd), he believed, made Islam the reference point for all
aspects of life and was the prime religious reason for engaging
Many neo-Hindu movements are marked by their en-
in the transformation of society. He also rejected—and on
gaged, applied spirituality, inclusiveness, and insistence on
this point his influence is evident almost everywhere there
the need to give technology a spiritual underpinning. Among
are radical Muslim reformers—what he saw as blind tradi-
those active in South Africa is the Divine Life Society
tionalism, which meant essentially following the opinion of
founded by the South Indian medical doctor turned ascetic
medieval Muslim scholars. Instead he insisted on the need
S´iva¯ndanda Sa¯raswa¯ti Ma¯hara¯j (1887–1963). Although its
for informed independent judgment (ijtiha¯d) as the basic
philosophy is based on the Hindu bhakti (devotional) and
principle of action.
yogic traditions, this movement, like so many other neo-
Hindu movements and modern movements whatever their
Although Al-Banna was assassinated in 1949 and his
cultural and spiritual origin, generally seeks to promote a
movement suppressed by Egyptian President Gamel Abdul
practical, nonsectarian form of spirituality. To this end, its
Nasser in 1954, it continued clandestinely under Qut:b
teachings embrace material from the prophets of many dif-
whose treatise Ma Ealim fi al-Tariq (Milestones; 1965), writ-
ferent faiths, including Zoroaster, Moses, the Buddha,
ten in prison, called for Muslim opposition to Western deca-
Maha¯v¯ıra (Jainism), Jesus, Muh:ammad, and Na¯nak (1469–
dence—a Leninist approach to an Islamic revolution that
1539; Sikhism). The Sri Sathya Sai Baba movement, widely
would bring down non-Islamic regimes. Although executed
known for the extraordinary thaumaturgical gifts of its leader
by Nasser, Qut:b’s writings have become essential reading for
and present in Ghana among other places, is also eclectic and
the growing number of radical Muslims in North Africa, Af-
committed to educational and social development.
rica south of the Sahara, and beyond.
Although there is evidence of Buddhism, mainly in the
Thus, various Muslim associations—some of them the
form of Indian Buddhists but also some Chinese in South
mirror image of evangelical, neo-Pentecostal and charismatic
Africa in the early part of the twentieth century, a Buddhist
renewal movements—strongly influenced by Muslim reviv-
sam:gha (community) did not emerge until the 1970s. In
alism in the wider world, began to embark on a daw Da (mis-
1979 a Buddhist Retreat Centre and a Buddhist Institute
sion), ignoring the traditional boundaries between Christian
were opened in Natal, and from that point on various Bud-
and Muslims, an attitude that was implicitly encouraged by
dhist traditions—Zen, Therava¯da, Maha¯ya¯na, and Pure
the new context of nation-states in which, in principle, all
Land—started to open centers in all the main towns of South
regions were open to all faiths. In this new context, it was
Africa.
possible for Muslims to demand their constitutional rights,
including shar¯ı Eah law administered by shar¯ı Eah courts.
Since the 1970s modern forms of mainly lay Buddhism
of Japanese origin have been making an even greater impact
There are a number of Muslim missionary movements
than these older traditions on African culture and spirituali-
from outside Africa that are well established on the conti-
ty. These new movements include So¯ka Gakkai (Value Cre-
nent. The Ah:madiyah movement, founded in what is mod-
ation Society), present in Nigeria and South Africa, among
ern Pakistan by Ghula¯m Ah:mad (1835–1908) and regarded
other places. Philosophically Buddhist but ritually Shinto¯,
as heretical by mainstream Islam for its refusal to accept the
movements from Japan such as Sekai Kyusei Kyo¯ (Church
prophet Muh:ammad as the last of the prophets, is particular-
of World Messianity; SKK) entered Africa in the early 1990s
ly strong in West Africa. It is a pacific, modernizing move-
via Brazil. SKK started to disseminate its message of divine
ment that promotes a balanced school curriculum of Islamic
healing (johrei) in Lusophone Africa (Angola and Mozam-
and Western subjects and accepts Western dress and con-
bique) before moving into South Africa and the Democratic
ducts marriage ceremonies in the Western Christian style.
Republic of the Congo. Clear parallels exist at the level of
ASIAN, AFRICAN DIASPORA, AND MODERN SECULAR RELI-
belief and ritual between the African traditional religions,
GIONS. Although present for over 150 years, Hinduism, Jain-
modern African movements, and Japanese new religions.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
109
The Japanese movement SKK not only emphasizes the im-
economic domination, as seen in the case of the Maji-Maji
portance of dreams and visions as guides to action and the
and Mau-Mau uprisings and in the independence struggle
fundamental importance of pacifying the ancestors but also
in Zimbabwe. They continue to perform important cogni-
offers both a spiritual explanation of the causes of sickness
tive, explanatory, psychological, and healing functions. Also,
and faith healing as a remedy. Moreover, Japanese move-
as Dominique Zahan (1979) has shown, they contain a deep,
ments act, paradoxically, as pathways to African identity.
mystical, spiritual dimension that has great appeal but is
Through the SKK several African Brazilian missionaries have
often overlooked in explaining their persistence.
discovered their African roots in Angola, which Catholic
Christianity in Brazil was perceived to have destroyed.
It was widely thought, nevertheless, that they would be
quickly undermined by the advance of Christianity, Islam,
Although many of the new Japanese modern move-
and secularism. But the predictions of this kind have been
ments are unconcerned about how they are interpreted by
proved entirely wrong, including the prognosis of that land-
others—if seen as a philosophy rather than a religion, more
mark 1910 missionary conference in Edinburgh that de-
Catholic than Buddhist, it makes little difference to lead-
clared: “Most of the people will have lost their ancient faith
ers—there are some including the lay Nichirenist movement
within a generation, and will accept that culture-religion
So¯ka Gakkai and the Shinto¯-derived movement Tenrikyo¯
with which they first come into contact” (Groves, 1958,
(Religion of Heavenly Wisdom) who resist adaptation at all
p. 292). The reality is that these traditional religions have re-
costs. Interestingly, although So¯ka Gakkai’s growth appears
mained strong and vibrant in many parts of Africa, as else-
not to be affected by its exclusive position, Tenrikyo¯, whose
where, and have greatly influenced the form and, to a lesser
main activities are the provision of health care and spiritual
extent, the content and ethos of Christianity and Islam. Al-
healing, has made little headway. Active in the Congo since
though initially nonproselytizing and confined by their con-
1966, it has only attracted an estimated two hundred
tent and ritual to a specific ethnic group, in the twenty-first
adherents.
century they are becoming ever more diverse in their ethnic
composition and international in their outreach.
Several new Korean Pentecostal churches and new reli-
gious movements are also engaged in the new plan to evange-
Concern about the cultural, moral, and social conse-
lize Africa, including the Unification Church (formally the
quences of losing contact with the past explains the central
Holy Spirit Association for the Unification of World Chris-
importance attached to the veneration of the ancestors in
tianity, more popularly known as the Moonies). Founded in
many neotraditional movements, including the Dini Ya
1954 in Seoul, South Korea, by the Reverend Sun Myung
Msambwa (Religion of Ancestral Spirits) of Kenya founded
Moon (1920–), this millenarian movement, although dedi-
in 1944 by Elijah Masinde (1910–1987). The Karinga initia-
cated to mission, has attracted relatively few adherents in
tion guilds started in Kenya in the 1920s with the aim of pre-
Africa.
serving traditional rites of passage, including female circum-
Also unsuccessful in this respect have been the modern
cision, and although they have taken on the structure and
movements developed by African diaspora communities that
appearance of a church (there are now bishops and rural
have found their way back to Africa. These include the Rasta-
deans), these remain their distinguishing characteristics.
farian movement from the Caribbean, which has established
Neotraditional movements are often concerned with clarity,
a model of paradise at Shashamane in Ethiopia, and Can-
that is, with separating authentic tradition from its entangle-
domblé, originally from the Yoruba regions of western Nige-
ment with Christian missionary culture.
ria and the Republic of Benin, but now being carried back
This is the principal objective of the Mungiki (masses)
home by African Brazilian devotees on pilgrimage to the tra-
movement, also Kenyan, which began in the 1980s as the
ditional Yoruba homelands in southwestern Nigeria and the
Tent of the Living God movement for the purpose of extract-
Republic of Benin.
ing authentic Gikuyu culture from the ambiguity to which
Modern secular religions such as Scientology also re-
it had been reduced by Christianity. A youth movement with
main numerically small, despite the fact that Scientology,
a minimum of 300,000 members, most of whom are be-
which became engaged in a variety of educational and social
tween fifteen and twenty-five years old and disadvantaged,
projects in Zimbabwe and other places, shares much in com-
the Mungiki are greatly influenced by Mau-Mau ideology
mon with the scientific and empirical outlook of many tradi-
and, like the latter, proclaim that they are fighting for land,
tional African religions and spiritualities.
freedom, and religion.
NEOTRADITIONALIST MOVEMENTS. With hindsight African
In the 1930s a movement of Nigerian (Yoruba) Chris-
traditional religions have shown a remarkable capacity for
tians formed the neotraditional church of the Ijo Orunmila
survival under the impact of modernization and the spread
to ensure that core elements of their religious culture were
of the Christianity and Islam. Traditional philosophies, ritu-
not destroyed. Again in Nigeria in the 1960s the Arousa cult
als, and symbols—reconstructed or otherwise—have proved
(Edo National Church; a development from Bini traditional
an effective and efficient means of legitimizing the social
religion) merged with the neotraditional National Church of
order and of garnering resistance to political cultural and
Nigeria, to form Godianism, which focused on belief in a
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
110
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: NEW RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS
single God of Africa as understood in ancient Egyptian
Geertz, Clifford. “Deep Play: Notes on a Balinese Cockfight.”
sources.
Daedalus 101 (1972): 1–37. This article develops the notion
C
of cultural text, which has proved to be an extremely useful
ONCLUSIONS. Modern African religions provide students
methodological concept in scholarly research of, among
of religion with abundant material for exploring theoretical
other areas, spirit possession.
and methodological issues relating to the dynamics not only
of African religious culture but of religious culture in general.
Groves, Charles P. The Planting of Christianity in Africa, vol. III,
London, 1958. This three-volume history contains useful
As sources of spiritual insight and knowledge derived from
historical material on the institutions and personnel that
particular historical and cultural experiences, they address
shaped the structures and strategy of the Christian mission-
core issues relating to personal and cultural identity, autono-
ary movement in Africa from its beginnings until World War
my, and independence and offer striking examples of what
II (1939–1945).
globalization theorists such as Roland Robertson (1992) refer
Hackett, Rosalind, J., ed. New Religious Movements in Nigeria.
to as the process of glocalization, that is, the domestication
Lewiston, N.Y., 1987. One of a very few interdisciplinary
of globalizing religious and cultural forces and the globaliza-
volumes to cover a variety of types of new religions in an Af-
tion of the local. The future is likely to see more movements
rican context, in this case Nigeria, ranging from neo-
emerge displaying the results in form and content of interac-
traditional to Christian- and Islamic-derived churches and
tions between African religious culture and heritage and
movements.
Asian religions.
Levinson, David. “Movement for the Restoration of the Ten
Commandments of God.” In African and African American
SEE ALSO New Religious Movements, articles on New Reli-
Religions, edited by Stephen D. Glazier, pp. 198–199. New
gious Movements and Millennialism, New Religious Move-
York, 2001. This short account contains useful information
ments and Violence, New Religious Movements in Japan;
on the early history and development of the MRTCG.
So¯ka Gakkai; Tenrikyo¯; Unification Church.
Lewis, Ioan M. Religion in Context: Cults and Charisma. Cam-
B
bridge, UK, 1996. Covers numerous aspects of charismatic
IBLIOGRAPHY
Boddy, Janice. Wombs and Alien Spirits. Madison, Wis., 1989.
religion and includes a fascinating and thought provoking,
This volume, in contrast to I. M. Lewis’s study, focuses less
if controversial, account of the zaar cult as a form of embry-
on the functions of spirit possession as a means used by
onic feminism and a mystical weapon in the war between the
women to command attention and as a therapeutic outlet for
sexes.
psychological frustration and more on its societal meaning.
Mayer, Jean-François. “Field Notes: The Movement for the Res-
Using the notion developed by Geertz (1972) of “cultural
toration of the Ten Commandments of God.” Nova Religio:
text” (i.e., the idea of text being written and read by a partic-
The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions 5, no. 1
ular society), Boddy stresses the positive social role of the
(2001): 203–210. Informative account of this little-
zaar cult among in the northern Sudan.
understood Ugandan movement that caused about 780
Bromley, David G., and J. Gordon Melton, eds. Cults, Religion
deaths.
and Violence. Cambridge, U.K., 2002. A collection of essays
Olupona, Jacob K., and Sulayman S. Nyang, eds. Religious Plural-
this volume examines the both the internal and external
ity in Africa, Berlin, 1993. A festschrift in honor of Dr. John
causes of outbreaks of violence involving new religions in-
Mbiti, this volume provides a comprehensive overview of Af-
cluding the MRTCG.
rica’s different religious cultures: Christian, Islamic, oriental,
Clarke, Peter B. West Africa and Christianity. London, 1986. This
and traditional.
study covers the development of Christianity in West Africa
Ojo, Matthews. The End-Time Army: Charismatic Movements in
from the fifteenth century to the mid-1980s. Chapter 6 ex-
Modern Nigeria. London, forthcoming. A detailed study
amines the rise and expansion of the AICs, and chapter 7 ex-
based on the author’s doctoral dissertation written at the
amines changes that came with independence including de-
School of Oriental and African Studies, University of Lon-
velopments in Christian relations with Islam and with the
don, of the history, social composition, distinguishing fea-
traditional religions of Africa.
tures, purposes, and underlying social, religious, and political
Clarke, Peter B. Mahdism in West Africa. London, 1995. A study
background to the rise of charismatic renewal churches and
of Mahdism and Islamic millenarianism—pacific and mili-
movements as a new religious phenomenon in Africa, with
tant, historical and contemporary—in West Africa.
special reference to Nigeria.
Colleyn, Jean-Paul. “Horse, Hunter and Messenger: Possessed
Peel, John D. Y. Aladura: A Religious Movement among the Yoruba.
Men of the Nya Cult of Mali.” In Spirit Possession: Modernity
Oxford, 1968. Essential reading for all social science students
and Power in Africa, edited by Heike Behrend and Ute Luig,
of the Aladura movement, it provides what is widely regard-
pp. 68–78. Oxford, 1999. This article offers a critique of I.
ed as the most convincing explanation for its rise and expan-
M. Lewis’s epidemiological account of the status of those
sion among the Yoruba.
who become possessed, claiming that it is not usually the
Robertson, Roland. Globalization: Social Theory and Global Cul-
downtrodden and marginalized, at least in the case of the
ture. London, 1992. In addition to the discourse on the
Nya of Mali, a largely Muslim society, in which the androge-
meaning of globalization and the outcome of its impact on
nous, predominantly female divinity Nya takes possession of
local culture which is defined as glocalization, there is
anyone she wants but usually of a minority of relatively pow-
thoughtful reflection on the response of the modern religions
erful men.
to globalization with special reference to Japan.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
111
Sundkler, Bengt G. M. Bantu Prophets in South Africa. London,
think of their departments as focused on Western religions
1970. A classic study of Ethiopian and Zionist churches in
and Eastern religions. A residual category that includes Afri-
southern Africa. Although dated in parts by subsequent re-
can, Native American, Australasian, and so on—until recent-
search, this volume remains indispensable reading for any se-
ly labeled as primitive but since replaced by more palatable
rious student of modern African religious movements.
terms such as primal, oral, tribal, traditional, or indige-
Turner, Harold W. History of an Independent Church: The Church
nous—remains outside this catholic division and is usually
of the Lord. 2 vols. Oxford, 1967. The most detailed and in-
left to anthropologists and rarely included in religious studies
formative historical and theological account available of an
departments.
independent church.
A
Turner, Harold W. “Africa.” In The Study of Religion: Traditional
NCIENT CONSIDERATIONS. Ancient commentators had
and New Religion, edited by Stewart Sutherland and Peter B.
some familiarity with Egypt and the North African coastal
Clarke, pp. 187–194. London, 1991. This chapter gives a
areas, and these cultures provided influential deities, rituals,
concise summary with examples Turner’s typology of African
and cultic paraphernalia that were selectively incorporated
religions.
into the religious systems of their Mediterranean and Middle
Wallis, Roy. The Elementary Forms of the New Religious Life. Lon-
Eastern neighbors. For areas further south, however, frag-
don, 1984. A highly controversial but valued and widely
mentary travelers’ accounts, local gossip, and writers’ imagi-
used study of new and modern religious movements that, on
nations provided the evidence for often wild descriptions of
the basis of their orientation to the world, reduces them to
subhuman communities. Although these images were not
three basic types: world-denying, world-indifferent, and
universally accepted, they remained extremely influential.
world-rejecting movements.
Africans were described as exotic and as people without reli-
Wilson, Bryan R. Magic and the Millennium: A Sociological Study
gion in Hesiod’s (eighth century BCE) accounts of the Semi-
of Religious Movements of Protest among Tribal and Third
canes, Capitones, and Pygmies as well as in Alcman’s (sev-
World Peoples. London, 1973. Consists of a critique of the
enth century BCE) account of the Steganopodes, Aeschylus’s
Weber-Troeltsch typology of sects and new religions and
(525–456 BCE) account of the Conicipedes, and in many
subsequent sociological attempts at classification based on
others. Even reports by commentators seeking to provide in-
this model and offers, by way of a more value-free approach,
formed accounts had little use. Herodotus and other Greek
a typology based on religious movements’ response to the
writers referred to the gods of the Libyans and attributed
world and their perception of the problem of evil and the
Greek names to them, but as Stéphanie Gsell remarked in
means they offer to overcome it. Also relevant are the de-
Histoire ancienne de l’Afrique du nord (1913–1928), it is un-
tailed accounts of numerous modern African movements
that are classified using this new typology.
certain whether these gods were actual Berber deities, gods
introduced by Phoenicians, or deities whose descriptions
Wilson, Bryan R. The Social Sources of Sectarianism. Oxford,
were too strongly shaded by Greek perspectives.
1990. Discusses the relation between sects and the state,
sects, and the law and sectarian diffusion, appeal, and classifi-
Although the Romans ruled the whole of North Africa
cation and provides a provocative and stimulating account
for centuries, their interest in the local religions seems to have
of what is termed modern secularized religion.
been as slight as that of the Greeks. According to the North
Zahan, Dominique. The Religion, Spirituality and Thought of Tra-
African Latin poet Flavius Cresconius Corippus, writing in
ditional Africa. Translated by Kate Ezra Martin and Law-
the sixth century, the Laguata, a tribe of Tripolitania, adored
rence M. Martin. Chicago, 1979. Rejects a functionalist in-
a god called Curzil, who was the son of Ammon and a cow
terpretation and explores the more philosophical and
and who incarnated himself as a bull. Early twentieth-
mystical dimensions of African traditional religions, which
century commentators were tempted to interpret these iso-
greatly assists attempts to understand the enduring appeal of
lated examples as traces of zoolatry or of totemism.
these religions.
P
Arabic-speaking commentators provided descriptions of
ETER B. CLARKE (2005)
sub-Saharan Africa beginning in the ninth century, but they
tended to concentrate on urban trading areas where Islamic
influences were strongest. In the eleventh century, al-Bakri
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
mentioned a mountain community in southern Morocco
In his The Invention of Africa (1988) the Congolese philoso-
that he claimed worshiped a ram. He also described urban
pher Valentin Mudimbe noted that there is a remarkable
settlements in Tekrur and Ghana where there were pagan
continuity in the Western representation of Africa as a place
and Muslim quarters, each governed by its own laws. Finally,
without history and without religion. These images, he ar-
he visited the kingdom of Mali where he witnessed unsuc-
gued, played a central role in the legitimization of the Atlan-
cessful cattle sacrifices in a rain ritual, followed by a Muslim
tic slave trade and colonization. From Herodotos (c. 484–
prayer and an abundant rainfall that led to the conversion
between 430 and 420 BCE) to contemporary commentators
of the king. A century later al-Hamawi mentions a Sanhaja
on world civilizations, these descriptions reemerge in ways
Berber group that worships the sun. However, most of these
that consistently marginalize Africa from the scientific study
accounts offer far richer descriptions of political organiza-
of world religions. Religious studies scholars continue to
tion, trade, and social customs than they do about religion.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
112
AFRICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
To the extent that they were aware of local traditions, they
other most monstrous animals . . . Both painted and carved
classified them as forms of unbelief, akin to the jahil¯ıyah of
in wood and stone and other material” (Pigafetta, 1978).
pre-Islamic Arabia. What Islamic observers persistently dem-
This is an unlikely collection, judging from what is known
onstrate, however, is the prolonged influence of African reli-
of Congo sculpture or African fauna.
gions within increasingly Muslim urban communities within
By the late sixteenth century, however, one begins to
the Sudanic region of West Africa (see Levtzion and Hop-
find more empathetic descriptions of African religions. In
kins, 1981).
1586, for example, the Portuguese author Santos wrote of
ACCOUNTS OF EARLY MISSIONARIES AND EXPLORERS. As
a Bantu-speaking ethnic group, the Yao of Mozambique, in
the first Europeans to explore the coast of sub-Saharan Afri-
more favorable terms: “They acknowledge a God who, both
ca, Portuguese travelers offered descriptions of African reli-
in this world and in the next, measures the retribution for
gions beginning in the late fifteenth century. However, many
the good or evil done in this” (cited in Lang, 1898). This
of these accounts reflected European Christian perspectives
focus on a supreme being who judged the living and deter-
narrowed by the long struggle against Islam that did not end
mined their afterlife was challenged by later commentators
within Iberia until Portuguese exploration was well under
who focused more on ancestral cults. Similarly, Giovanni
way. The earliest writings that contain some mention of Afri-
Antonio Cavazzi’s Istorica descrizione de’ tre’ regni Congo,
can religions are by Duarte Pacheco Pereira and Valentim
Matamba Angola (1687) reflects more knowledge of central
Fernandes, which date to the first years of the sixteenth cen-
African religious systems, including an accurate form of the
tury and focus on the coastal communities of Senegambia
name for the supreme being in the region as Nzambi-a-
and Upper Guinea. Yves Person wrote:
mpungu. Even his reports, however, retain the derogatory
images that suffuse these accounts:
The people paid honour to idols carved out of wood:
the chief divinity was called Kru: They also practised
Before the light of the Holy Gospel dispelled supersti-
worship of the dead, who were embalmed before burial.
tion and idolatry from the minds of the Congolese,
“It is usual to make a memento for all those who die:
these unhappy people were subject to the Devil’s tyran-
if he was a notable person, an idol is made resembling
ny. . . . [Apart from Nzambi] there are other gods, in-
him: if he was merely a commoner or a slave, the figure
ferior to him, but nevertheless worthy of homage; to
is made of wood and is put in a thatched house. Every
these too, therefore, cult and adoration are due. . . .
year, sacrifices of chickens or goats are made to them.”
The pagans expose a certain quantity of idols, mostly
(Person, 1984, p. 307)
of wood, roughly sculpted, each one of which has its
own name. (Cavazzi, 1687, p. XX; translated by author)
Within a decade of the arrival of Portuguese explorers at the
mouth of the Congo River, Portuguese missionaries joined
An early account of Khoi religion was given by Guy Tachard,
them and established themselves at the court of the local
a Jesuit priest, in Il viaggio di Siam de’padri gesuiti mandati
monarch. Although these missionaries devoted themselves to
dal re di Francia all’Indie, e alla China. Tachard reports:
converting Africans to Christianity and were less concerned
These people know nothing of the creation of the
with understanding the converts’ religious backgrounds, they
world, the redemption of mankind, and the mystery of
could not help but observe the similarities and differences be-
the Holy Trinity. Nevertheless they adore a god, but the
tween them and the obstacles and the aids in conversion. As
cognition they have of him is very confused. They kill
a result, they provided richer descriptions of African religious
in his honor cows and sheep, of which they offer him
life than their more secular fellow travelers. Some of their
meat and milk in sign of gratitude toward this deity that
writings became widely read and helped to shape European
grants them, as they believe, now rain and now fair
images of Africa and of African religions. One of the most
weather, according to their needs. (Tachard, 1693;
widely read texts was Filippo Pigafetta’s Relazione del Reame
translated by author)
di Congo (1591), which was based on the notes of Duarte
EIGHTEENTH AND EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURIES.
Lopes, a Portuguese merchant who had lived in Congo for
Throughout the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries,
many years before being appointed as a papal envoy to the
information on African religions remained at these fragmen-
Congo’s newly converted king, Alvaro I. This account de-
tary and often misleading levels. Reports focused on the peo-
scribes the people of Loango who “adore whatever they like,
ples of the coastal areas of West, South, and East Africa,
holding the greatest god to be Sun as male, and the Moon
which were the areas most visited by European travelers. Am-
as female; for the rest, every person elects his own Idol, which
ateur observers—navigators, explorers, traders, artisans, and
he adores according to his fancy” (Pigafetta, 1978). The de-
naturalists—wrote most of the accounts. They lacked train-
scription of the Congo appears to be far more sensational:
ing in ethnographic analysis, the linguistic tools to engage in
“Everyone worshipped whatever he most fancied without
religious discourse, and the interest in religious issues as the
rule or measure or reason at all” (Pigafetta, 1978). When
primary focus of their concerns. Christian missionaries, who
Afonso I ordered all religious objects (nkisi) to be collected
stayed longer and had an obvious interests in religious mat-
and destroyed, it was reported that “there was found a huge
ters, came to Africa to revolutionize these societies and often
quantity of Devils of strange and frightful shape. . . . Drag-
displayed a mixture of contempt or pity for the benighted
ons with wings, Serpents of horrible appearance, Tigers and
“heathen.” It cannot be emphasized enough that the first at-
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113
tempts at comparison and synthesis in the framework of an-
Callaway that the Ngoni ancestors of the Swazi and Zulu
thropology or the history of religions were based almost ex-
prayed to a god of the sky before they began to worship an-
clusively on information of this kind.
cestor spirits. Although Junod referred to this in evolutionary
terms, he was aware that this pattern was contrary to the
As it became more common for missionaries to spend
schemas of orthodox evolutionism. In an appendix to the
extended periods working in a particular ethnic community,
1936 edition of The Life of a South African Tribe, he stated
their reports began to reflect greater understanding of local
that the two sets of ideas could be parallel among the Bantu-
religious beliefs and more tolerance of local traditions. An ex-
speaking groups. At the same time, however, he conjectured,
ample of this can be found in the works of the Italian abbot
on the basis of psychological considerations, a chronological
Giovanni Beltrame (Il Sennaar e lo Sciangallah, 1879, and Il
sequence—naturism, animism, causalism, euhemerism—
fiume bianco e i Denka, 1881), whose work focused on his
evangelization of the peoples of the upper Nile, beginning
that partly accepts Nathan Söderblom’s hypotheses as stated
in the mid-nineteenth century. Beltrame included, both in
in his Das Werden des Gottesglaubens (1916). Junod’s ambig-
the original language and in his translation, the creation song
uous conclusions reflect the case of an experienced researcher
with which the Dinka celebrate the creation of the world by
trying to combine personally observed realities with the theo-
Dengdid or Dengdit (Great Rain). He also reported that the
retical explanations that dominated the study of African reli-
Dinka distinguish between two verbs, cior or lam, which ex-
gions at that time.
presses the act of praying to God, and verg, which indicates
The decades during which missionaries, merchants, and
prayer directed toward a person. His knowledge of the lan-
travelers collected much of the initial information on African
guage in which religious ideas were expressed allowed him
religions coincided with the writing of a series of ambitious
to discover that verbs related to the supreme being are always
comparative works that attempted to establish the logical, if
used in the present tense. Hence the Christian expression
not chronological, succession of religious ideas in the world.
“God has always been and always will be” is rendered “God
Some continued to ignore Africa altogether. Thus in The
is and always is”—a grammatical detail with significant theo-
Philosophy of History, Georg Friedrich Hegel dismisses Africa
logical implications. However, when he turns to the neigh-
as a land without history, without religion, where supersti-
boring Nuer, Beltrame’s knowledge is more limited: “They
tion reigns: “But even Herodotus called the Negroes sorcer-
believe in the existence of God, but pay no cult to him”
ers; now in sorcery we have not the idea of God, of a moral
(Beltrame, 1881, pp. 191, 275).
faith” (Hegel, 1956, p. 93). An early prototype of the at-
John H. Weeks’s writings on Bakongo religion also re-
tempt to include Africa in the evolution of religions was
flect this deepening understanding. Building on thirty years
Charles de Brosse’s Du culte des dieux fétiches (1760), which
of mission work in the lower Congo, he describes a religion
compared sub-Saharan African beliefs and rituals with those
with a supreme being, Nzambi, and equates this deity with
of ancient Egypt. He adapted a Portuguese term for a highly
the God of Christianity. He concludes his book with a re-
valued object and created the term fetish which has been ap-
markable declaration of method for someone writing in
plied to African ritual objects ever since. To de Brosse, Afri-
1914: “In this statement of native beliefs I have tried to re-
cans worshiped fetishes, objects endowed with or containing
flect the native mind. It would have been possible to have
some kind of spiritual power. This became the model for a
left out ideas here and there, and to have arranged the rest
type of religion that became known as fetishism. This and
in such a manner that they would have dove-tailed beautiful-
other concepts were utilized in Auguste Comte’s Cours de
ly, but in so doing I should have given my view of the reli-
philosophie positive (1830–1842) in which he outlined the
gious beliefs of the natives, not a faithful account of theirs”
evolution of various human institutions, including religion.
(Weeks, 1914, p. 288).
He understood both fetishism and African religions as the
most primitive form of religions.
Protestant missionary Henri A. Junod provides another
example of this growing body of materials in mission anthro-
Evolutionary theory. The rise of evolutionist theories
pology. Junod lived among the Thonga of coastal Mozam-
in the human sciences in the latter half of the nineteenth cen-
bique beginning in 1907, and his writing reflects a growing
tury coincided with a dramatic intensification of European
influence of academic anthropology. By the time he collected
exploration and colonization of Africa. This provided a sig-
his writings for publication in 1927, he had become broadly
nificant increase in the availability of data from peoples en-
familiar with theoretical debates within the fields of anthro-
countered for the first time in addition to new reports con-
pology and history of religions and had become particularly
cerning those groups known through previous literature.
influenced by evolutionary theory and the comparative
These examples were often used in an uncritical fashion to
method. Having found among the Thonga the coexistence
represent instances of the stages of religion, often referred to
of beliefs in a sky god and in ancestral spirits, he attempted
as primitive religion: fetishism, ancestor worship or euhe-
to assess the respective antiquity of these two apparently con-
merism, animism, totemism, idolatry, polytheism, and so
flicting concepts. To do so, he compared Thonga religious
on. African materials were carefully selected by various arm-
thought with other groups of southern Bantu-speaking com-
chair theorists to support their particular evolutionary sche-
munities. He followed the assertion of W. Challis and Henry
ma, with African religions always assigned a lowly status. It
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
was through these theorists’ work that African religious ma-
Admissions that Africans had ideas of a supreme being who
terials became known within the field of the history of reli-
began the process of creation clearly contradicted the wide-
gions and among the public at large. African materials play
spread evolutionary theories of the time, but were largely ig-
a prominent role in John Lubbock’s Origin of Civilisation
nored in academic circles in the English-speaking world. In
(1870), Grant Allen’s The Evolution of the Idea of God
The Making of Religion Lang systematically assembled these
(1897), Robert R. Marett’s The Threshold of Religion (1909),
reports and abandoned his previous support of Tylor’s ani-
and in James G. Frazer’s monumental work, The Golden
mist theory. His review of African, Australian, Polynesian,
Bough (1894).
and American sources led him to conclude that the idea of
Occasionally, Africa served as an example of a higher
a supreme being could not have been derived from beliefs
form of primitive religion. For example, Theodor Waitz’s
in spirits or totems. Although Lang referred to Africans as
Anthropologie der Naturvölker (1859–1872) distinguishes be-
belonging to the “low races” and as the “lowest savages,” this
tween African religions and other indigenous religions. In
did not prevent him from expressing the view that their tra-
the second of his six volumes, Waitz concludes:
ditional religion probably began “in a kind of Theism, which
is then superseded, in some degree, or even corrupted, by
We reach the amazing conclusion that several Negro
Animism in all its varieties” (Lang, 1909, p. 304).
tribes . . . in the development of their religious con-
ceptions are much further advanced than almost all
Lang’s belief in the antiquity of African ideas of a high
other savages [Naturvölker], so far that, though we do
god ran parallel to a similar conviction within a different mi-
not call them monotheists, we may still think of them
lieu, in the emerging notion of Kulturkreiselehre (doctrine of
as standing on the threshold of monotheism. (Waitz,
culture circles). Wilhelm Schmidt, one of the founders of
1860, p. 167)
this school of thought, published an early introduction to his
This stands in sharp contrast to Edward B. Tylor’s Primitive
monumental Der Ursprung der Gottesidee at the same time
Culture, which relied on as broad a base of available sources
as the publication of the third edition of Lang’s The Making
as Waitz but which was used to support his theory of ani-
of Religion. However, almost a half a century passed before
mism as the origin of religion. To provide evidence for his
the twelve-volume work appeared (1912–1955), containing
thesis, Tylor overlooks or underrates documents that did not
three volumes focused on Africa. Schmidt’s controversial
support his argument. “High above the doctrine of souls, of
thesis of a worldwide primeval monotheism that was cor-
divine manes, of local nature-spirits, of the great deities of
rupted by later trends in successive cultural cycles cannot be
class and element,” he wrote, “ there are to be discerned in
fully discussed here. It should be noted, however, that ac-
savage theology shadowings, quaint or majestic, of the con-
cording to Schmidt, the remnants of the world’s earliest reli-
ception of a Supreme Deity” (Tylor, 1874, vol. 2, p. 332).
gious ideas are to be found among people labeled as African
Tylor quoted extensively from literature on African religions,
Pygmies, whom he considered to be monotheistic and sur-
but he was inclined to lump all “savage” peoples together,
viving representatives of the world’s most archaic, or prime-
indiscriminately speaking of the “lower races” and, at one
val, culture.
point of “the rude natives of Siberia and Guinea” (Tylor,
1874, vol. 2, p. 160).
Regardless of one’s evaluation of the strength of his the-
ory, Schmidt’s presentation of data contrasts sharply with
Other evolutionists such as Lubbock and Herbert Spen-
that of his predecessors. Rather than an arbitrary assemblage
cer included African ethnic groups in lists of backward socie-
of data from all sources according to a specific topic chosen
ties as surviving examples of a primitive atheism or as having
by the author, Schmidt systematically collected and grouped
no religious ideas whatsoever. This categorization was refut-
data in reference to specific ethnic groups. Whenever possi-
ed in Gustave Roskoff’s Das Religionswesen des rohesten Na-
ble, a summary of information on the culture and physical
turvölker (1880) and in Albert Réville’s Les religions des peu-
environment associated with the community were followed
ples non-civilisés (1883). These authors argued that the
by separate sections devoted to beliefs, myths, sacrifices,
realities of African religions are far more complex than the
prayers, conceptions of the soul, eschatology, ancestor wor-
label animism would imply. Réville wrote:
ship, and other topics. Schmidt’s materials remain to this day
Naturism, the cult of personified natural features, sky,
an invaluable quarry of carefully sifted and well-ordered in-
sun, moon, mountains, rivers, etc., is general of African
formation. The arduous field investigation of nomadic forest
soil. . . . Animism, the worship of spirits detached
hunter-gatherers, including people best known as Pygmies,
from nature and without a necessary link with natural
should also be credited to his influence. He provided strong
phenomena, has taken a preponderant and so to speak
encouragement and advice to fellow missionaries such as O.
absorbing role. Hence the Negro’s fetishism, a fetishism
Henri Trilles, Peter Schumacher, and Paul Schebesta and
that little by little rises to idolatry. . . . Nevertheless
kept abreast of their ongoing investigations. The final results
one should not omit, I shall not say a trait, but a certain
tendency to monotheism, easily emerging from this
of this research were synthesized by Schmidt in 1933 (see
confused mass of African religions. Undoubtedly, the
Schmidt, 1912–1955, vol. 3) and eventually published in
African native is not insensitive to the idea of a single
Schebesta’s Die Bambuti Pygmäen vom Ituri (1938–1950),
all-powerful God. (Réville, 1883, vol. 1, pp. 188–90)
the third volume of which is dedicated entirely to religion.
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115
During this period in which the quest for the origins of
The academic merit of these books varied dramatically.
religion dominated research, studies of African mythology
In principle, they respect a growing emphasis on treating reli-
began to be published. Alice Werner’s Myths and Legends of
gion as an integral part of culture. Smith suggested in African
the Bantu appeared in 1933 and was followed in 1936 by
Ideas of God: A Symposium: “Sociologically speaking, African
Hermann Baumann’s Schöpfung und Urzeit des Menschen im
religion is one aspect of African culture. No one element can
Mythus der afrikanischen Volker. Raffaele Pettazzoni, a
be exhaustively studied and understood in isolation from the
staunch adversary of Schmidt’s theory of primeval monothe-
rest” (Smith, 1950, p. 14). These studies also provided clear
ism, also made an important contribution in his four-volume
evidence that the religions of preliterate peoples were far too
Miti e leggendem (1948–1963). The first volume remains the
complex to be adequately condensed in a mere chapter of a
fullest and most heavily annotated collection of myths drawn
general monograph. This problem was recognized by experi-
from the entire continent. In his last work, L’onniscienza di
enced writers such as Robert S. Rattray who, having pub-
Dio (1955), Pettazzoni examines the worldwide distribution
lished his classic monograph Ashanti in 1923, found it neces-
of ideas of a supreme being. Working from a nonconfessional
sary to supplement it with Religion and Art in Ashanti in
perspective, Pettazzoni questioned the possibility that one
1927, and E. E. Evans-Pritchard, author of The Nuer (1940),
could ever ascertain the origin of the idea of a supreme
later devoted a separate volume, Nuer Religion (1956), to the
whether it was seen as a lord of the animals, a deified ances-
study of religion.
tor, or a strictly celestial being. He does conclude, however,
Before World War II, researchers had been almost ex-
that many African religions, even in ancient times, had a sky
clusively European. The most significant American contri-
god, whose existence precedes any alien influences of Juda-
butions were Melville and Frances Herskovits’s An Outline
ism, Christianity, or Islam.
of Dahomean Religious Belief (1933) and Melville Her-
Ethnological view. With the European colonization of
skovits’s The Myth of the Negro Past (1941). The latter work
Africa a new type of literature made its appearance and gar-
used anthropological research methods to raise important is-
nered a central place within the field: the ethnography. Based
sues of African influences in the religious life of African dias-
on the image of the closed society, this type of work often
poras throughout the Americas. He successfully challenged
ignored both cross-cultural comparison and diachronic de-
the view that slavery had erased all influences from African
velopments. It described many aspects of a single ethnic
American culture, and he brought scholarly attention to the
group, starting with geographical distribution, racial charac-
idea that African religions had profound influences beyond
teristics, and linguistic classification, and analyzed many fac-
Africa itself.
ets of its social structure and culture, including religion. The
Before the Second World War, few African scholars had
early twentieth century produced a far more profound sense
written about their own traditional religions. In Facing
of distinctive African cultures and the role of religion within
Mount Kenya (1938), Jomo Kenyatta devoted two chapters
them, although they were often superficial in this area. Many
to the religion of the Kikuyu or Gikuyu, along with an at-
of the authors served as colonial administrators or missiona-
tempt to explain such controversial aspects of his culture as
ries, although some were linguists or anthropologists. Not
female circumcision. Here again, however, it was within the
surprisingly, they often stressed the relation between religion
context of an all-embracing monograph. The most signifi-
and social structure, an approach that became known as so-
cant exception was Joseph B. Danquah’s The Akan Doctrine
cial functionalism. The role of religion as a source of political
of God (1944), which focused entirely on the author’s nation-
and economic legitimation was often the primary focus.
al group, the Ashanti. A more appropriate title for the book
These early ethnographies relied on field research, interviews,
would be The Ashanti Doctrine because Danquah was only
and participation observation, although it was rare that the
concerned with the creeds, epistemology, and ethics of his
researcher actually spoke the language of his or her host com-
own community and paid little attention to the related, but
munities. Some of the more important works include Alfred
not identical, systems of other branches of the Akan linguis-
C. Hollis’s The Masai (1905) and The Nandi (1909), Die-
tic group (e.g. Anyi, Baule, Brong, Nzema). Dense with orig-
drich Westermann’s The Shilluk People (1912), Günter Tess-
inal quotations and filled with subtle and often unusual argu-
mann’s Die Pangwe (1913), Alberto Pollera’s I Baria e I
ments and comparisons, the book struck a decidedly new
Cunama (1913), Gerhard Lindblom’s The Akamba in British
note in the concert of previous literature on the subject. It
East Africa (1920), Edwin W. Smith and Andrew Dale’s The
left the reader unsure, however, whether the work sought to
Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern Rhodesia (1920), Heinrich
present an overview of an Ashanti system of religious thought
Vedder’s two-volume Die Berdama (1923), John Roscoe’s
or was more of a personal philosophical and theological re-
The Baganda (1911) and The Bakitara or Banyoro (1923),
flection by the author.
and Louis Tauxier’s Le noir du Soudan (1912) and Religion,
moeurs et coutumes des Agnis de la Côte d’Ivoire (1932).
POST-WORLD WAR II EVALUATIONS. In the postwar years
During this period, Belgian scholars under the direction of
a few scholars devised anthologies that collected condensed
Cyrille van Overbergh successfully completed a large number
accounts of several African religions. Well-known examples
of ethnographies, which were intended to cover the whole
include African Ideas of God: A Symposium (1950), edited by
range of ethnic groups of the Belgian Congo.
Edwin W. Smith in collaboration with a group of Protestant
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
missionaries, and Textes sacrés d’Afrique noire (1965), edited
might cause people to question the objectivity of the various
by Germaine Dieterlen with a series of essays by lay ethnolo-
scholars or the reliability of indigenous informants to be
gists. Amadou Hampaté Ba, a leading francophone African
questioned, Dieterlen defended the efforts of her predeces-
intellectual, wrote a preface to the work. Daryl Forde, direc-
sors. She argued, however, that the Bambara distinguish two
tor of the International African Institute, assembled a series
levels of knowledge—one very public and relatively simple
of essays by leading anthropologists such as Mary Douglas,
and one more esoteric and more complex. This was implicit
Jacques Maquet, and the Ghanaian scholar and future prime
in Griaule’s work as well. One could use these distinctions
minister, K. A. Busia. Meyer Fortes and Germaine Dieterlen
to explain the contrasts between different field researchers’
sought to include a broad range of European scholarship in
descriptions in many other cases. Studies of the Congo,
their edited volume, African Systems of Thought (1966).
Akan-Ashanti, and Yoruba are examples of what could be a
long list.
Two of the contributors to these anthologies were
French ethnologists Marcel Griaule and Germaine Dieter-
The work that most stimulated a reconsideration of Af-
len, who worked on Dogon religion and the religious systems
rican creeds in the postwar years was La philosophie bantoue
of other Mande-speaking communities in the West African
(1945), written by Belgian Franciscan friar Placide Tempels.
Sudanic region. The team of Africanists led by Griaule,
This book did not merely offer a synthesis of religious ideas
which included Solange de Ganay and Dieterlen, had been
and rituals, it analyzed criteriology, ontology, wisdom, meta-
conducting intermittent field research among the Dogon for
physics, psychology, jurisprudence, and ethics. It stressed the
over fifteen years. Dieterlen had produced, among other
idea of a vital force operating throughout the universe, origi-
works, Les âmes de Dogon (1941), whereas Griaule had al-
nating in a supreme being and radiating to spirits, humans,
ready published his monumental Masques dogon (1938) in
animals, plants, and some natural locales. These forces could
which he examined the religious symbolism of the masks.
be benign or hostile and be strengthened or weakened as they
One day in 1946 Griaule was unexpectedly summoned by
constantly influence one another. The idea of the cosmos as
a venerable blind sage called Ogotemmêli and, in the course
a hierarchy of forces, although not unique to Tempels’ work,
of a month’s conversations, obtained from him the revelation
originated in his mission work and in conversations with
of a whole mythological and cosmological system. The com-
Luba elders of southeastern Zaire rather than from anthropo-
plexity of this system far exceeded knowledge of Dogon
logical sources. He quotes no academic literature other than
thought that had been previously been learned by the team.
Diedrich Westermann’s Der Afrikaner heute und morgen
The ensuing book, Dieu d’eau (1948), translated by Robert
(1934), in which he found supportive evidence of his theory.
Redfield as Conversations with Ogotemmêli (1965), was re-
Furthermore, Tempels was sure that these concepts were
ceived in academic circles with a mixture of bewilderment,
shared by all Bantu-speaking peoples. In the introduction to
admiration, and perplexity. Some critics argued that it was
the French edition, he quoted several unnamed experienced
inspired by the personal speculations of a single indigenous
colonialists who had assured him “that he had written noth-
thinker or, at best, that it was a summary of esoteric teach-
ing new, but rather established order in the imprecise bulk
ings that were restricted to a small minority of the initiated.
of their own ascertainments based on their practical knowl-
Griaule had foreseen such doubts and had declared in the
edge of the black man” (Tempels, 1949, p. 25). He also re-
preface to his book that Ogotemmêli’s ontological and cos-
ported a message from Herskovits: “I am interested that so
mological views were understood and shared by most adult
many of the ideas Father Tempels exposes from the Belgian
Dogon and that the rites connected with them were celebrat-
Congo are so close to those that I have found among the Su-
ed by the entire local population. He went further, however,
danese people of the Guinea coast area” (Tempels, 1949,
under the influence of the Negritude movement, to argue
p. 25). Herskovits’s opinion reopened a general and still un-
that many of these concepts would prove to be pan-African
solved question: To what extent are worldviews and funda-
and would undoubtedly be shared among the Bambara,
mental religious ideas common to all African religious sys-
Bozo, Kurumba, and other neighbors of the Dogon.
tems?
Although Dieterlen’s Essai sur la religion bambara
As the colonial occupation of Africa loosened its hold
(1951) revealed a comparable wealth of symbols, proclivity
(a slow process that began in the late 1940s and reached its
to abstractions, and original systematization of the universe
conclusion in 1994), African studies shed some of its colo-
among the Bambara, there were significant differences be-
nialist origins and also showed dramatic growth in the Unit-
tween them and Dogon conceptualizations. These differ-
ed States. Although the study of African religions continued
ences among communities of the same ethnolinguistic family
to be dominated by anthropologists, the social functionalist
have maintained independent religious systems. Dieterlen’s
paradigms, so useful to colonial administrators, lost some of
work, like that of Griaule, demonstrates the advantages of
their support. The study broadened and began to include in-
sustained field research over a period of many years. Dieter-
creasing number of historians of religion, African historians,
len’s research produced strikingly different descriptions than
and other scholars. As Evans-Pritchard noted in Theories of
Louis Tauxier’s La religion bambara (1927) which was pub-
Primitive Religion (1965): “These recent researches in partic-
lished a generation earlier. Aware that these discrepancies
ular societies bring us nearer to the formulation of the prob-
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
117
lem of what is the part played by religion, and in general by
general reading public. E. Bolaji Idowu’s specific work
what might be called non-scientific thought, in social life”
Olodumare: God in Yoruba Belief (1962) and his overview
(Evans-Pritchard, 1965, p. 113). In cases such as John Mid-
African Traditional Religion (1973) have enjoyed similar in-
dleton’s Lugbara Religion (1960) and Godfrey Lienhardt’s
fluence. Both authors have emphasized ideas of a diffuse mo-
work on the Dinka, Divinity and Experience (1961), religion
notheism and the profound similarities between African tra-
was the central topic. In Una società guineana: Gli Nzema
ditional religion and the Abrahamic religions. Mbiti has
(1977–1978), Vinigi Grottanelli examined the Nzema of
suggested that African religions lack only a sense of future
Ghana, the southernmost Akan group, whose religious sys-
time and a messianic expectation, which can be met through
tem grew out of a sustained interaction between a newer
Christian teachings.
Christianity and an older indigenous religious system. Grot-
tanelli used what he described as microbiographical accounts
The Ugandan poet and scholar Okot P’Bitek has been
to explore the impact of religion on everyday life.
sharply critical of these approaches, however, suggesting that
what these African theologians are really doing is trying to
As the general trend of academic interests shifted from
smuggle Greek metaphysical debates about monotheism and
an abstract theological to more socially grounded and psy-
polytheism into an African religious context. P’Bitek argues
chological context, attempts to make worldwide compari-
in African Religions in Western Scholarship (1970) that de-
sons of religions and to ascertain the relative age of religious
bates about monotheism and polytheism are wholly irrele-
conceptions were gradually abandoned. Increasingly, they
vant to the day-to-day religious experience of most African
have been replaced by detailed studies of specific symbols,
adherents. Rwandan scholar Alexis Kagame has applied
rituals, or concepts. Divination, in particular, has retained
Tempels’ Bantu philosophy to neighboring communities.
the attention of anthropologists. Victor Turner’s Ndembu
Kagame’s La philosophie bantu comparée (1976) provides far
Divination: Its Symbolism and Techniques (1961) as well as
more detailed references of a Bantu-speaking ontology.
a number of later works and William R. Bascom’s Ifá Divi-
DWande Abimbola’s series of books on Ifá divination among
nation (1969), which examines the Yoruba divination sys-
the Yoruba provide one of the very few scholarly presenta-
tem, are valuable contributions. Philip Peek’s edited antholo-
tions by a priest of this method of divination that is practiced
gy African Divination Systems (1991) brings together a
in West Africa and widely within the diasporas of the Ameri-
number of recent studies that reflects the influence of semio-
cas. His most notable work is Ifa: An Exposition of Ifa Literary
tics, the anthropology of knowledge, cognitive studies, and
Corpus (1970). Jacob Olupona’s Kingship, Religion and Ritu-
cross-cultural psychology. New work has also focused on the
als in a Nigerian Community (1991) presents a phemenologi-
idea of sacrifice, which has been the subject of five consecu-
cal study of ritual life in the Ondo Yoruba city-state.
tive issues of the series “Systèmes de pensée en Afrique noire”
(1976–1983).
One of the most dramatic developments in the study of
African religions was its discovery by the burgeoning field of
AREAS OF GROWTH. One of the more popular areas of late
African history. Although African history initially focused on
twentieth-century growth in the study of African religions,
the history of Europeans in Africa, a form of imperial history,
however, comes from the domain of art history. A new em-
beginning in the 1950s an increasing number of historians
phasis on field research in that discipline encouraged the pro-
turned to the history of Africans. Quickly recognizing the in-
duction of new studies of African art focused on the symbolic
adequacy of colonial archival and European traveler and mis-
meaning and ceremonial use of masks, figurines, and other
sionary accounts, they used oral traditions and field research
ritual accessories, which have shed an indirect light on vital
to attempt to reconstruct the history of African societies that
aspects of African mythology and religious rites, particularly
incorporated internal perspectives. Leading this wave of a
those of West and central Africa. Dominique Zahan’s An-
new African history was the Belgian historian and anthropol-
tilope du soleil (1980), on antelope figures in the sculpture
ogist Jan Vansina. Still, it was not until the late 1960s that
of the Mande-speaking peoples of western Sudan, is an im-
African historians began to write on the subject of African
portant example. Works by the art historian Robert F.
religious history apart from the history of Christianity or
Thompson and his students have established clear linkages
Islam in Africa. Terence Ranger and I. Kimambo’s collection
between African religious art and religious artifacts in the di-
of essays on African religious history, The Historical Study of
aspora throughout the Americas. In Art and Religion in Africa
African Religion (1972), pioneered this new field and in-
(1996) Rosalind Hackett has presented a broad overview of
spired a host of other studies. Utilizing oral traditions and
the religious significance of African art within the continent.
participant observation, historians and anthropologists
Another area of dramatic growth has been in the works
began to write histories of entire religious systems, of cults
by African theologians seeking to outline the foundations of
of the supreme being, of healing cults, and of territorial cults.
an African spirituality that engages in a sustained interaction
For example, Dutch anthropologist Matthew Schofeleers
with the relatively newer traditions of Christianity and Islam.
wrote a series of works on the history of the Mbona cult in
Works by John Mbiti, such as African Religions and Philoso-
Malawi. Douglas Johnson’s Nuer Prophets is a history of
phy (1969) and African Concepts of God (1970), have had an
prophetism. Johnson and David Anderson have collected a
enormous influence among scholars, missionaries, and the
series of historical accounts of East African prophets in their
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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AFRICAN RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
edited anthology Revealing Prophets (1995). In Shrines of the
rican traditions were capable of significant internal change.
Slave Trade (1999), Robert Baum relied on oral traditions
Horton’s theories profoundly influenced the current genera-
and travelers’ accounts to examine the history of Diola reli-
tion of scholarship on African religions.
gion in southern Senegal during the era of the Atlantic slave
In the area of African ritual studies, Victor Turner’s use
trade. He examined the history of specific spirit shrines that
of structuralism, semiotics, and performance studies en-
were created to assist in the regulation and containment of
riched his analysis of the ritual process among the Ndembu
Diola involvement in the seizure and sale of captives in the
of Zambia. He approached African rituals as dramatic per-
eighteenth century. He also sketches out how such involve-
formances, structured around a series of binary oppositions
ment affected concepts of the supreme being, lesser spirits,
that were ultimately overcome in the course of the ritual. In-
and the nature of local priesthoods and councils of elders.
fluenced by the field of semiotics, he discussed the multivo-
Iris Berger’s Religion and Resistance (1981) examines the his-
cality or polyvalent quality of symbols, which allowed often
tory of female spirit mediums in the interlacustrine region
disparate ideas to be linked and their contradictions over-
of East Africa.
come in the course of the ritual event. Building on Van Gen-
Reflecting the growing interdisciplinary nature of the
nep’s tripartite structure of initiation rituals, Turner focused
study of African religions, the most important theorist to
on the second, or liminal phase, and the experience of what
emerge in the postcolonial era was the British sociologist
he called communitas, a sense of oneness among a group of
Robin Horton, who taught for many years at the University
initiates in which external distinctions were abandoned. This
of Calabar in Nigeria. He wrote three seminal essays: “Afri-
produced what he termed an anti-structure, which was a vital
can Traditional Thought and Western Science,” “African
way of immersing new initiates and renewing for elders the
Conversion,” and “On the Rationality of Conversion,” all of
fundamental experiences of religious life.
which were published in the journal Africa. In his essay on
A new area of scholarly investigation has been the rela-
African traditional thought, he argued that it resembled
tion between African healing systems and African religions.
Western science in its reliance on paradigms that sought to
Beginning with such pioneering works as Margaret Field’s
explain the world. He argued that African systems of thought
Search for Security (1960), researchers have sought to under-
relied on a personal idiom of explaining, predicting, and con-
stand the therapeutic qualities of African healing rituals.
trolling events in their world. By the personal, he meant spir-
Field compared the work of Akan priests of the obosom spirits
itual beings and forces that controlled, or at least influenced,
in Ghana with the work of the psychotherapists of the West.
world events. He demonstrated that, like science, African tra-
In his Man Cures, God Heals (1981), Kofi Appiah-Kubi of-
ditionalists continually tested their explanatory models, find-
fers a comparative study of Akan traditional and Akan Chris-
ing explanations for failures and reinforcement of their tenets
tian healing practices. John Janzen and other anthropologists
for their successes.
studied a shrine of affliction, known as Ngoma, which has
In his two essays on conversion, he argued that there was
spread throughout southern and eastern Africa. Paul Stoller
a basic African cosmology consisting of a supreme being and
has conducted similar research in the Islamic and Songhai
of lesser spirits. Furthermore, he suggested that the supreme
religious milieu of Niger.
being was primarily concerned with the macrocosm, the
With the growing emphasis on field research in the
wider world beyond the villages of rural Africa and the natu-
study of African religions, it is not surprising that later twen-
ral forces that shaped the lives of everyone. The lesser spirits,
tieth-century research has shown a strong influence of reflec-
on the other hand, actively intervened in the microcosm of
tive anthropology. This approach abandons the idea of an
village and family issues. He concluded that because Africa
invisible ethnographer and recognizes that researcher and in-
was overwhelmingly rural and local in its orientation African
formant, researcher and host community create distinct
religions primarily focused on the microcosm. Thus, local
forms of social relations that influence the types of data col-
spirits assumed dominance in ritual life and were the primary
lected. Most field research accounts now include a descrip-
guardians of morality. Finally, he argued that European colo-
tion of field research methods and the way that researchers
nialism broke down this localism, creating a need for a mac-
helped to create distinct fields of interaction with host indi-
rocosmic focus and greater attention to the supreme being.
viduals and communities. Works such as Paul Stoller’s In
What proved most controversial, however, was Horton’s
Sorcery’s Shadow (1987) and Wim van Binsbergen’s “Becom-
suggestion that African religions could evolve their own
ing a Sangoma” (1991) crossed the traditional borders of aca-
focus on a supreme being, although many found this focus
demic scholarship and entered into the experience of practi-
by converting to Islam or Christianity. Other critics thought
tioners of the religious rituals that they studied. By doing so,
that he overstated the rural and local nature of precolonial
they allowed their readers unparalleled access to the lived
Africa and that there was an implicit evolutionary theory in
world of African ritual by people who shared the culture and
his work that suggested that polytheism was not suited to a
training of scholars of religion in Europe and America.
modern, macrocosmic world. Still, his work, more than that
of any other theorist, demonstrated that African religious
SEE ALSO Ancestors, article on Ancestor Worship; Animism
thought was rational, systematic, and empirical and that Af-
and Animatism; Anthropology, Ethnology, and Religion;
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFRO-BRAZILIAN RELIGIONS
119
Cosmology, article on African Cosmologies; Dogon Reli-
Lang, Andrew. The Making of Religion. Rev ed. London, 1909.
gion; Evolution, article on Evolutionism; Study of Religion,
Levtzion, N., and J. F. P. Hopkins, eds., Corpus of Early Arabic
article on The Academic Study of Religion in Sub-Saharan
Sources for West African History. Cambridge, U.K., 1981.
Africa.
Lienhardt, Godfrey. Divinity and Experience. Oxford, 1961.
Mbiti, John. African Religions and Philosophy. New York, 1969.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Mbiti, John. Concepts of God in Africa. London, 1970.
Abimbola, DWande. Ifá: An Exposition of Ifá Literary Corpus. Iba-
Middleton, John. Lugbara Religion. London, 1960.
dan, 1970.
Mudimbe, Valentin. The Invention of Africa: Gnosis, Philosophy,
Abimbola, DWande. Ifá Will Mend Our Broken World: Thoughts
and the Order of Knowledge. Bloomington, Ind., 1988.
on Yoruba Religion and Culture in Africa and the Diaspora.
Olupona, Jacob K. Kingship, Religion and Rituals in a Nigerian
Roxbury, Mass., 1997.
Community. Stockholm, 1991.
Anderson, David M. and Douglas H. Johnson. Revealing Prophets.
Peek, Philip, ed. African Divination Systems. Bloomington, Ind.,
London, 1995.
1991.
Appiah-Kubi, Kofi. Man Cures, God Heals. Totowa, N.J., 1981.
Person, Yves. “The Coastal Peoples.” In General History of Africa:
Bascom, William R. Ifá Divination. Bloomington, Ind., 1969.
Volume 4. Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century,
edited by DjiBril Tamsir Niane. London, 1984.
Baum, Robert. Shrines of the Slave Trade: Diola Religion and Soci-
ety in Precolonial Senegambia. New York, 1999.
Pigafetta, Filippo. Relazione del Reame di Congo (1591). Milan,
1978.
Beltrame, Giovanni. Il fiume bianco e i Denka. Verona, Italy,
Ranger, Terence, and I. Kimambo, eds. The Historical Study of Af-
1881.
rican Religion. Berkeley, Calif., 1972.
Berger, Iris. Religion and Resistance: East African Kingdoms in the
Réville, Albert. Les religions des peuples non-civilisés. 2 vols. Paris,
Precolonial Period. Tervuren, Belgian, 1981.
1883.
Binsbergen, Wim van. “Becoming a Sangoma.” Journal of Religion
Smith, Edwin W. African Ideas of God: A Symposium. London,
in Africa 21, no. 4 (1991): 309–344.
1950.
Cavazzi, Giovanni Antonio. Istorica descrizione de’ tre’ regni Congo,
Stoller, Paul. In Sorcery’s Shadow: A Memoir of Apprenticeship
Matamba Angola. Bologna, Italy, 1687.
among the Songhay of Niger. Chicago, 1987.
Danquah, Joseph B. The Akan Doctrine of God. London, 1944.
Tachard, Guy. Il viaggio di Siam de’padri gesuiti mandati dal re di
Evans-Pritchard, E. E. The Nuer. Oxford, 1940.
Francia all’Indie, e alla China. Milan, 1693.
Turner, Victor. Ndembu Divination: Its Symbolism and Tech-
Evans-Pritchard, E. E. Nuer Religion. Oxford, 1956.
niques. Manchester, U.K., 1961.
Evans-Pritchard, E. E. Theories of Primitive Religion. Oxford,
Tylor, Edward B. Primitive Culture: Researches into the Develop-
1965.
ment of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Language, Art, and
Field, Margaret. Search for Security: An Ethno-psychiatric Study of
Custom. 2 vols. London, 1871; reprint, 1874.
Rural Ghana. Evanston, Ill., 1960.
Waitz, Theodor Anthropologie der Naturvölker. 6 vols. Leipzig,
Fortes, Meyer, and Germaine Dieterlen, eds. African Systems of
Germany, 1859–1872.
Thought. London, 1966.
Weeks, John H. Among The Primitive Bakongo. London, 1914.
Griaule, Marcel. Conversations with Ogotemmêli. Translated by
Werner, Alice. Myths and Legends of the Bantu. London, 1933; re-
Robert Redfield. London, 1965.
print, 1968.
Hackett, Rosalind. Art and Religion in Africa. London, 1996.
Westermann, Diedrich. The Shilluk People. Berlin, 1912; reprint,
Newport, Conn., 1970.
Hegel, Georg Friedrich. The Philosophy of History. New York,
1956.
VINIGI GROTTANELLI (1987)
ROBERT M. BAUM (2005)
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reprint, 1958.
Hollis, Alfred C. The Masai: Their Language and Folklore (1905).
Freeport, N.Y., 1971.
AFRO-BRAZILIAN RELIGIONS. The religious
landscape of Brazil is rich and varied. It includes the Roman
Hollis, Alfred C. The Nandi: Their Language and Folk-lore (1909).
Catholicism that arrived with the Portuguese colonizers,
Oxford, 1969.
Spiritism influenced by nineteenth-century French philoso-
Horton, Robin. “African Traditional Thought and Western Sci-
pher Allan Kardec, twentieth-century evangelical Protestant
ence.” Africa 37 (1967): 50–71, 155–187.
movements, and the Buddhism, Islam, and Judaism that im-
Horton, Robin. “African Conversion.” Africa 41 (1971): 85–108.
migrants from Asia, the Middle East, and Europe introduced
Horton, Robin. “On the Rationality of Conversion.” Africa 45
to the nation. While all of these traditions have engaged and
(1975): 219–35, 373–99.
been transformed by Brazilian social realities, it is perhaps
Johnson, Douglas. Nuer Prophets: a History of Prophecy from the
the religions of African influence that have been most strong-
Upper Nile in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Ox-
ly associated with the country’s popular culture and most
ford, 1994.
deeply resonant of the particularities and complexities of
Lang, Andrew. The Making of Religion. London, 1898.
Brazilian national identity.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
120
AFRO-BRAZILIAN RELIGIONS
Candomblé, Umbanda, Xangô, Tambor de Mina,
language, and mythology. Umbanda, a more recent phe-
Tambor de Nagô, Terecô, Pajelança, Catimbó, Batuque, and
nomenon dating from the 1920s, drew heavily on Candom-
Macumba are among the names by which Afro-Brazilian reli-
blé, Spiritism, Catholicism, and persistent black and Indian
gions are known in various regions of the nation. Most of
folk representations in popular culture. Initially based in the
these traditions have roots in nineteenth-century Brazilian
industrializing cities of Rio de Janeiro and Sa˜o Paulo, the
slave societies and are the creation of enslaved Africans and
new religion addressed the needs of both a workforce migrat-
their descendants. The religions developed as part of blacks’
ing from the rural areas and a developing, self-conscious
efforts to make sense of an experience of extraordinary dis-
middle class.
junction and to create instruments that would sustain the
deepest sources of their own humanity in the midst of great
Xangô, a religion very similar in history and appearance
personal and collective trauma.
to Candomblé, emerged in Recife in the state of Pernambu-
co. Tambor de Mina shows especially strong Dahomean in-
In some places, Afro-Brazilian religious communities
fluence and was organized in the nineteenth century by
emerged in connection with quilombos, outlying fugitive
blacks who worked in the coastal economy in the state of
slave settlements. In others, they grew in the context of
Maranha˜o. Tambor de Nagô, situated in the same area,
danced, processional celebrations of saint’s days and holy
draws from a Yoruba resource base. Terecô (also called Tam-
days when plantation workers were given a sorely needed re-
bor de Mata), another Afro-Brazilian religion found in
spite from the intensity of their labors. Often, in cities, com-
Maranha˜o, was created by slaves on cotton plantations of the
munities formed in the small homes and rented rooms of Af-
inland area around the city of Codó and is distinguished
rican religious leaders; providing a refuge for worship,
from the Maranhense coastal traditions by the addition of
communal gathering, healing, and even organizing ways to
Angolan and Cabindan ritual elements. A variety of Afro-
resist slavery.
Brazilian religious practices in the extreme southern state of
Rio Grande do Sul and in the Amazonian region are known
ORIGINS, COMMONALTIES, AND DISTINCTIONS. There are
by the general name Batuque. Macumba is another generic
a number of important distinctions among the traditions,
term for Afro-Brazilian religions, used especially in Rio de
but there are also significant commonalities. Afro-Brazilian
Janeiro; though it is sometimes pejorative.
religions share an emphasis on ritual and medicinal healing,
cultivation of intense and intimate relationships to spiritual
In the arid inland northeast and the Amazonian north,
entities, and mutual aid. The religions are also marked by a
interactions between blacks and Indians produced a remark-
concept of obligation and reciprocity between human beings
able sharing of ritual and pharmacopoeic knowledge. There,
and the ancestral/spiritual energies who are gods, saints, orix-
more so than elsewhere in the country, Afro-Brazilian reli-
ás, nkisis, voduns, caboclos, guides, and other sacred person-
gions are inheritors of indigenous Amerindian cultural and
ages accommodated and celebrated within the ritual commu-
spiritual orientations. The exchanges created a number of re-
nities. Furthermore, Afro-Brazilian religions are all
ligions that, while incorporating elements of African tradi-
essentially mediumistic, where the central rite in many cere-
tions, are heavily dedicated to the cultivation of indigenous
monies is a crossing from one kind of consciousness to an
Amerindian spirits and particularly strongly focused on ritual
ontologically different one, facilitated by sacred percussive
healing, often using tobacco and jurema, a root beverage
music and dance. The occasion of possession or trance en-
which facilitates altered states of consciousness. Among these
ables devotees to experience a profound closeness to the orix-
Afro-Indigenous traditions are a black or African Pajelança
ás who have claimed them and who accompany the initiates
(as distinguished from a more “purely” Indian Pajelança) and
in their journey through life.
Catimbó. Many of the Afro-Brazilian religions use West and
Central African languages as liturgical idioms. Most com-
These religions also share, to greater or lesser extents, a
mon are Yoruba, Kikongo, Kimbundu, and Fon, although
combination of influences from West and Central African
ritual traditions with the strongest Amerindian and Catholic
traditions, native Amerindian cultural and religious prac-
influence conduct rites in Portuguese.
tices, popular Catholicism, and Spiritism (Espiritismo). Their
uniquenesses derive from the specific combination of ele-
Another important class of Afro-Brazilian religions are
ments composing their rituals, orientations, and meanings—
the black lay Catholic confraternities that historically served
including the historical, geographic, and cultural environ-
as mutual aid societies and provided ritual opportunity and
ment in which each was formed. Candomblé, for example,
space for blacks to venerate saints to which they felt especially
formed in the late eighteenth and early to mid-nineteenth
drawn. One of the best-known examples is the Irmandade
centuries in and around the northeastern port city of Salva-
da Nossa Senhora da Boa Morte (the Sisterhood of Our Lady
dor, Bahia. Because West Africans from the Yoruba and Da-
of the Good Death). Like others founded at various points
homey kingdoms (present-day southwestern Nigeria and
from the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries in differ-
Benin) and their descendants were most prominent among
ent regions of Brazil, this organization was dedicated to help-
the population of slaves, former slaves, and free people of
ing its members defray funereal expenses; assist each other
color in the area at that time, Candomblé developed with
during illness; and, when possible, purchase manumission
strong elements of Yoruba and Ewe-Fon ritual organization,
from slavery. In the late twentieth century, a chapter in the
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AFRO-BRAZILIAN RELIGIONS
121
Bahian town of Cachoeira became renowned for its annual
by members of black lay Catholic confraternities. Devotees
three-day processional feast celebrating the Virgin Mary’s
of Tambor de Mina, Candomblé, Batuque, and Xangô all
bodily assumption to heaven. Membership in the irmandade
created parallels between the African divinities and Catholic
consists exclusively of Afro-Brazilian women, many of whom
saints, and often organized their own liturgical calendars
are priestesses of Candomblé as well as Catholic acolytes.
around the Church’s feast days.
On the island of Itaparica, across the bay from Salvador,
EARLY RESEARCH. The study of Afro-Brazilian religions by
are ritual communities that cultivate the spirits of male an-
academics began in the last years of the nineteenth century
cestral dead, the Eguns. This society is distinct from Can-
with the work of Raimundo Nina Rodrigues, a forensic phy-
domblé, although many members are also prominent in
sician based in Bahia, whose specific interest was the phe-
Candomblé rites. Like traditional Egungun cult practices in
nomenon of possession in Candomblé as a psychological pa-
Nigeria and Benin, the ritual communities on Itaparica is-
thology. In spite of his conceptual prejudices, Rodrigues did
land periodically summon the presence of ancestors who
important work to document the formation of early Can-
have passed over to the orun (the spiritual world), honoring
domblé communities. His pioneering investigations were
and remembering them, keeping their connections to cur-
followed by those of his student Arthur Ramos, who broad-
rent generations vital. The Egun rites, although restricted to
ened the geographic focus of Afro-Brazilian religious and cul-
males in both Africa and Brazil, are believed to have been cre-
tural studies beyond Bahia, and helped situate the developing
ated by a female orixá—Oyá, whose special responsibility is
discipline in the context of Brazilian anthropological and so-
the care of spirits of the deceased.
ciological debates. Another early observer of Afro-Brazilian
religion was Manuel Querino, a black art professor and es-
DEMOGRAPHIC ISSUES. Most devotees of Afro-Brazilian reli-
sayist who, in the first three decades of the twentieth century,
gions are members of the Brazilian working classes. Although
wrote extensively about Bahian popular cultural traditions.
blacks have historically been in the majority as participants
French sociologist Roger Bastide did the first comprehensive
and leaders in the religions, since the 1950s people who
sociohistorical examination of major Afro-Brazilian reli-
claim no African ancestry have increasingly joined the ranks
gions, bringing an acute insight into the evocative and subtle
of adepts. In some parts of southeastern Brazil there are ritual
metaphysics represented in the traditions. Others who made
communities where more than half of the members are
significant early contributions include Brazilian scholars
white. There are also Asians, Europeans, other Latin Ameri-
Nunes Pereira, Gonçalves Fernandes, Joa˜o do Rio (Paulo
cans, and blacks from the United States and the Caribbean
Barreto), Edison Carneiro, Octavio da Costa Eduardo, and
who are attracted to Afro-Brazilian religions and who have
Rene Ribeiro; French photographer and anthropologist
been integrated into its communities. The religions continue
Pierre Verger; and Americans Melville Herskovitz, Ruth
to provide devotees an alternative space for the cultivation
Landes, and Donald Pierson.
of connections to ancestral sources of strength, healing, and
mystic/ritual approaches to the resolution of the everyday
CANDOMBLÉ. Candomblé and Umbanda are the most wide-
problems of modern life. They also offer access to deeper,
spread and well-known Afro-Brazilian religions. As the best
more multifaceted, and more respected personal identities,
documented of the older Afro-Brazilian rites (and a direct
an important resource for individuals who are severely margi-
forerunner of Umbanda, the largest of the traditions), Can-
nalized by the political, racial, and economic structures of a
domblé occupies a position of some prestige. Its oldest com-
profoundly unequal society. This characteristic of Afro-
munities in Bahia have become the standard by which many
Brazilian religions perhaps explains the notable participation
other groups are measured. From its origins in northeastern
of gay men and lesbians, as both initiates and leaders, in vari-
Brazil in the last century of slavery, Candomblé expanded to
ous ritual communities.
many areas of the nation, carried by migrating workers to the
industrializing cities of south and southeast Brazil. The cen-
The Brazilian national census of 2000 indicates that
tral features of the religion have changed little in its expan-
devotees of Afro-Brazilian religions constitute 3 percent of
sion and continue to revolve around the cultivation of orixás,
the country’s total population. Scholars of the religions,
nkisis, and voduns, which are recognized as divinities,
however, have calculated the figure at closer to 8 percent.
elements of the natural world, and aspects of human per-
They caution that the true number of devotees is to some
sonality.
extent hidden behind the categories Catholic and Spiritist
because many individuals who practice Afro-Brazilian
Candomblé is a hierarchical, initiatory religion with lit-
religions refer to themselves publicly as participants in
tle moral dichotomy of good versus evil but with a strong
what are often seen as more acceptable faiths. In fact, some
ethical sense based in African values of reciprocity and ances-
devotees, like the members of the Boa Morte irmandade, are
tral/spiritual obligation. There are six major divisions within
part of more than one religious tradition. This double-
the tradition, organized as ethnic/liturgical “nations”: Ketu,
consciousness, so to speak, is understandable given that his-
Ijexá, Jêje, Angola, Congo, and Caboclo. In their initial man-
torically, Afro-Brazilian religions had to constitute them-
ifestations in the nineteenth century, the African nations of
selves in public relationship to Catholicism in order to sur-
Candomblé represented the Yoruba (Ketu and Ijexá), Ewe
vive. Several early Candomblé communities were established
(Jêje), and Bantu (Angola and Congo) ethnic identities of
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AFRO-BRAZILIAN RELIGIONS
many of the individuals associated with ritual communities.
domblé terreiros around the country descend. Ceremonies
Over the course of the development of the religion, and as
open to the public may attract several times the number of
larger numbers of Brazilian-born participants entered the
actual members, and nonmembers may frequent the terreiro
ceremonies, the identity of Candomblé nations became a li-
for spiritual advice and ritual assistance on a wide range of
turgical/ritual designation and not a genetic or clan-based
matters—including physical health, psychological stability,
one.
personal relationships, financial difficulties, and employment
issues. Extensive traditions of ritual and medicinal pharma-
The Caboclo Candomblé is an additional division that
copoeia support trabalhos (spiritual healing works) and many
specifically and extensively cultivates Amerindian ancestral
new adepts, as well as clients, are attracted to the religion by
spirits in addition to those of African origin. It is a more re-
the reputation of priestesses and priests for successful inter-
cent development, dating from the early twentieth century
vention in problematic cases.
and prominently incorporating Brazilian national symbols
such as the country’s flag, its green and yellow colors, and
When a pai or ma˜e de santo (priest or priestess) is ap-
the use of Portuguese as the language of ceremony. Because
proached, the first step is often a consulta, a private divinatory
of the strength and prestige of Yoruba-based candomblés, the
session, in which the religious leader will consult the orixás
Yoruba term orixá (orisha) has become the most common
by means of the jogo de búzios, an oracle of cowrie shells.
descriptor of African spirits cultivated in the religion. None-
Reading and interpreting the shells, the ma˜e or pai de santo
theless, in the contexts of their own rituals, the Ewe and
diagnoses the problem and, after determining if it is within
Bantu nations of Candomblé call the spirits by other names–
the purview of the religion’s resources to address it, pre-
voduns (among the Jêje) and nkisis (among the Congo and
scribes a remedy. This may be as simple as an herb bath and
Angola communities).
an offering of flowers or food at the seashore or as complex
In Brazil, the most commonly cultivated orixás of the
as the eventual need for a full initiation into the priesthood.
Yoruba pantheon are Exú, orixá of the crossroads who con-
Individuals who are to be consecrated to the service of
trols communication between human beings and the world
the orixás—those who will receive the orixás into their bodies
of the spirits; Ogun, warrior god of metals and the forest who
and others who will attend and assist them—are, in a sense,
is the path-breaker; and Oxôssi–ancient head of the Kêtu
called to that service. Cases of persistent (and sometimes un-
kingdom, a hunter orixá characterized by mental acuity.
diagnosable) illness are often seen as signs from the orixá that
Omolû or Obaluaiye is orixá of the earth and of both illness
an individual must undergo initiation. This is understood as
and healing. Ossâin is guardian of herbs and herbal wisdom
both a duty and a blessing; an inherited ancestral/spiritual
and Oxumarê is the serpent deity associated with life cycles
obligation which, if respected, brings well-being to the indi-
of renewal. Another warrior energy, Logun-Ede, is son of
vidual, her family, and the larger terreiro community; and if
Oxôssi and Oxum and shares their qualities. Xangô, the
ignored can result in increased suffering.
much beloved ancient king of Oyo, is orixá of fire, justice,
storm, and friendship. Oxum is the orixá of sweet waters,
Most terreiros follow a fairly strict organization of ritual
creativity, beauty, and abundance. The energetic female war-
responsibilities according to gender and length of initiation.
rior orixá Oyá, or Iansa˜, is associated with storm, transforma-
At the pinnacle of the terreiro leadership is the ma˜e or pai de
tion, and the spirits of the dead. Iemanjá, patroness of salt
santo—the head priestess or priest—whose authority is un-
water, is an orixá of maternal strength and protection. Obá
challenged in the context of the ritual community. Other ti-
is another river deity, also a fierce female warrior energy; and
tles for these individuals depend on the specific ritual lan-
Euá, a river nymph orixá, is associated with youthful grace
guage and tradition of each house: iyalorixá and babalorixá
and a fighting spirit. An ancient female energy, Nana
(mother and father of the orixás) are terms used in the Yoru-
Burukû, is orixá of still, muddy waters. Oxalá, father of the
ba-based candomblés; nenguankisi and tatankisi (mother and
other orixás, is the principle of peace and protection.
father of the nkisi) are used in the Congo and Angola can-
domblés; and doné and doté (chief priestess and chief priest
Candomblé ritual communities, or terreiros, exist in a
of the voduns) in Jêje candomblés. Initiated members of the
variety of forms. Older or more prosperous communities
communities are filhos and filhas de santo (children of the
often feature a series of buildings that include “houses” for
saint).
the deities; living and cooking space for members of the com-
munity; a large hall, or barraca˜o, for conducting ceremonies,
The majority of Candomblé devotees are women, and
and both garden and uncultivated spaces for essential plant
some terreiros have a long-standing tradition of exclusively
resources. Newer and more urban terreiros and those with
consecrating women as supreme leaders of the community.
fewer material resources are often incorporated into the
Indeed, the place of women as utmost ritual authorities in
homes of religious leaders, where the living room may be
many terreiros is a distinguishing characteristic of the reli-
used as the barraca˜o.
gion. Candomblé communities have often been recognized
as “privileged” women’s spaces in Brazilian society.
Most ritual communities involve a small number of par-
ticipants; generally no more than fifty, except in the case of
Beyond the chief sacerdotal positions there are explicit
the oldest “mother houses” of Bahia from which many Can-
ritual roles designated for males and others for females. In
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AFRO-BRAZILIAN RELIGIONS
123
the Yoruba-based Candomblé communities, among the
dance with the rhythms played on sacred drums, atabaques:
most common posts held by women, after that of the high
a different rhythm for each orixá. The drums are accompa-
priestess, are the iyakêkere or ma˜e pequena (small mother), the
nied by a metal bell, agogô, and songs calling the orixás to
second-highest leadership role, assistant to the high priestess
join their devotees in the circle of dancers.
or priest; ekedis, initiated women who do not receive the
After a while, the spirits begin to descend, temporarily
orixás but who assist those who do in a variety of ritual cir-
occupying the bodies of their adepts. In the moments of
cumstances; and ebomis, a general term for initiates who have
transition, some devotees are in perceptible discomfort,
celebrated seven years or more of consecration to the orixá.
clearly demonstrating that the process of sharing their physi-
Iawôs, “wives” of the orixá, are devotees specifically conse-
cal being and consciousness with another entity is an im-
crated to receive the deities in their bodies and become their
mensely taxing effort. Others seem to make the shift almost
vessels in the human community, undergoing a lengthy,
imperceptibly; under all but the closest observation, the mo-
obligatory process of training. Iawôs can be male or female,
ment of change passes unnoticed. As the orixás arrive, they
although they are overwhelmingly women in Bahia. Abia˜s,
are ushered out of the barraca˜o and into back rooms where
the most junior-level members of the community, are indi-
they are dressed in their own ritual clothes, in colors, tex-
viduals who are being prepared for initiation and who have
tures, and designs that clearly identify each: red and white
undergone one or more fairly simple rituals of spiritual forti-
for Xangô; light blue for Iemanjá; raffia palm and burlap for
fication, the obi or bori. Like iawôs, abia˜s can be male or fe-
Omolû; white for Oxalá. They reemerge wearing beaded
male, but again, are predominately women and girls.
crowns that cover their eyes. They carry the implements asso-
Specifically male roles include babalorixá, or chief priest
ciated with their dramatic and interwoven mythologies:
(in terreiros where a male is the head rather than a female);
Oxum’s mirror and fan; Oyá’s horsehair whisk; Ogun’s
oga˜s, initiated men who do not receive the orixá but who as-
sword and shield. They dance into the small hours of the
sist the terreiro community in a variety of ways, from infra-
morning, pausing to receive ritual greetings and to offer hugs
structure and physical maintenance to financial and political
and parental caresses (and sometimes a concise word of ad-
influence; axogún, ritual slaughterer of votive animals; and
vice) to members of the community and guests.
alabês, drummers. Finally, all members of the terreiro are
The public festas, as well as the private internal rituals
considered children of the ma˜e or pai de santo and they are
of the terreiros, are ceremonies whose intent is to renew the
expected to relate to each other as family, including, some-
axé, the essential spiritual force and life force, that is believed
times, adherence to prohibitions against sexual relations and
to reside in all forms of being in the universe. In communion
marriage within the ritual community.
with the orixás and the ancestors, in the practice of reciprocal
The central rites of Candomblé are a series of initiations,
exchange—food, music, flowers, water, dance, singing, and
periodic reinforcements of the spiritual energies of both dev-
even the ritually open bodies of devotees—the energy of life
otees and orixás, and a cycle of annual ceremonies in honor
is nourished and renewed for all who depend on that energy
of the orixás. Among the first rituals a new initiate experi-
for their own continued existence and well-being.
ences are the banho de folhas (ritual cleansing bath with
In Candomblé, as in most of the Afro-Brazilian reli-
herbs), lavagem de contas (consecration of beaded necklaces
gions, ritual knowledge is primarily transmitted in oral and
in herb mixtures sacred to the orixás), and obí com agua, an
corporeal forms. Among devotees, very little is written down
offering of kola nut and water to the orixá who most closely
and most learning happens simply by rote experience and
accompanies each devotee. Other rituals related more direct-
being present. A popular saying in the religion is “Quem per-
ly to the process of initiation, or fazer santo (literally “to make
gunta no Candomblé na˜o aprende” (She who asks questions
the saint”), are designed to reinforce the spiritual link be-
in Candomblé doesn’t learn). Knowledge passes as much
tween devotee and orixá as well as to prepare the new initiate
from hand to hand in the conduct of daily tasks as from
to properly receive and care for the orixá that enters her body
mouth to ear. The appropriate comportment in ceremonial
in a ceremony. The rites associated with initiation,
as well as everyday contexts is one of manifest, corporeal re-
obrigaço˜es, are renewed in one-, three-, and seven-year cycles.
spect for elders and for the orixás. This means that devotees
with fewer years of initiation should defer to those who have
Each terreiro conducts a sequence of annual celebrations
more. Candomblé ceremony involves an elaborate etiquette
for the patron orixás of the house. These festas are the major
of greeting and respect for elders that, even outside of the ex-
public ceremonies of the religion. Initiated members who re-
plicitly ritual context, requires initiates to acknowledge and
ceive the orixá (iawôs and ebomis) circle the barraca˜o in fes-
ask the blessing of their elders and give special prostrated rev-
tive ritual dress: beautiful lace and embroidered blouses,
erence to the chief priestess or priest.
panes of cloth with stripes or lace designs wrapped around
their chests, wide skirts of lush and beautiful fabrics—their
Outside of the hierarchy of individual terreiros, there is
fullness accentuated by starched underskirts—and the contas,
no external organizing structure that dictates standards of rit-
beaded necklaces in the colors and patterns associated with
ual activity for Candomblé communities. Each house is inde-
the various divinities. The women dance barefoot, in a coun-
pendent and the leadership answers only to the orixás and
terclockwise ring, varying their steps and gestures in accor-
to tradition. In some states there are licensing bodies to in-
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AFRO-BRAZILIAN RELIGIONS
sure “authenticity” and affirm the training of pais and ma˜es
threats to the stability and enlightenment of the country.
do santo, but these do not set policy. This is true of the other
Much of the prejudice against black religions in Brazil oc-
Afro-Brazilian religions as well. The absence of a larger gov-
curred as part of a larger system of discrimination against
erning organization means that each ritual community is es-
black people and Afro-Brazilian culture as well. This was a
sentially autonomous. Correspondingly, there is little insti-
period when an ideal of embranquecimento (whitening) was
tutional support for the religions beyond informal (but
promulgated as a way to move the nation toward greater de-
important) networks of friendship, mutual respect, and the
velopment and “civilization.” New devotees to Umbanda
rumors, reports, and inter-terreiro conversations that serve
were, perhaps unconsciously, looking for ways to minimize
significantly as a kind of standardizing influence, especially
the direct association of their religion with the scourge of
among communities of the same Candomblé nation.
blackness.
UMBANDA. Since the 1950s, Umbanda has had the largest
Umbanda’s publicly accessible altars feature symbols of
and most diverse participant base among the Afro-Brazilian
Catholic saints, Indian caboclos, and pretos velhos, whereas
religions. Emerging in Rio de Janeiro in the 1920s and
the altars to the orixás are often in less obvious parts of the
1930s, it quickly spread throughout the nation, attracting
terreiro or house. Umbanda does not generally employ votive
devotees across a range of ethnic, racial, gender, and class
sacrifices in its rituals and the ceremonial clothing is simpler
identities. The ability to gain such a variety of adepts was re-
than that of Candomblé. In some terreiros, hand clapping
lated in part to its extraordinary capacity to incorporate ele-
and a capella singing replaces the use of drums. By the close
ments from a vast resource base of spiritual traditions.
of the twentieth century, Umbanda in large cities had devel-
Emerging from a foundation in Congo-Angola and Caboclo
oped a kind of New Age character of anonymous therapeutic
candomblés, Umbanda maintained a basic structure of orixá
support that served both middle-class and poor devotees.
worship with increased emphasis on Catholic and Spiritist
One view of the religion is that it operates on the border be-
symbolic and conceptual elements. The new religion con-
tween Afro-Indigenous ritual and Christian rationalism; be-
spicuously assimilated prayers, invocations, and veneration
tween modern psychological therapy and shamanism. Inter-
of Jesus, Mary, and various saints from the Catholic tradi-
estingly, since the 1980s Umbanda has been losing adepts
tion. It also embraced philosophical aspects of Spiritism such
to Candomblé and other Afro-Brazilian religions seen by
as dualist ethics, reincarnation, karma, and the cultivation of
some as more “authentic” and more ritually powerful
a great many spiritual guides who assist devotees in a variety
because of their stronger cultivation of African spiritual
of concerns. Perhaps most significantly, among the new reli-
energies.
gion’s spiritual entities were many associated with the contra-
dictions and complexities of Brazilian modernity.
INFLUENCE ON POPULAR CULTURE. The influence of Afro-
Brazilian religions extends deeply into popular culture in
These included the pretos velhos, spirits of old black
Brazil, belying the limitations of the relatively small number
slaves whose long-suffering lives of labor conferred upon
of formal adepts. As elsewhere in the African diaspora, like
them a wisdom about the world that they share easily with
the United States and Cuba, black religious expression in
devotees who approach them for advice and counsel. The ca-
Brazil has become the foundation for many elements of na-
boclo spirits, already developing in Candomblé by the 1920s,
tional culture. Brazilian music and dance forms, culinary tra-
emerge with an even vaster influence on Brazilian popular
ditions, literary tropes, and folk icons draw heavily from
culture through their incorporation in Umbanda, where they
Afro-Brazilian roots, where sacred and secular artistic tradi-
represent the power of the untamed forest, remarkable heal-
tions blend almost seamlessly. The characteristic palm oil–
ing capacities, courage, and a kind of romanticized essential
based and expertly spiced Bahian cuisine reflects central in-
Brazilianness of identity. Other guias (spiritual guides) of
gredients in the sacred foods of the orixás. The resonant,
Umbanda further represent marginality and subalterity in re-
multitextured percussive music and movements of samba
lation to the occidental white standard—the Exús and
have early-twentieth-century roots in the circle dance vernac-
Pomba Giras (female versions of Exú) associated with the un-
ular entertainments of rural northeastern Brazil and the fa-
predictability of street life and the crossroads; the Ciganos
velas (ghettos, shantytowns) of Rio de Janeiro. Those dancers
(Gypsies), Boiadeiros (Cowboys), and Marinheiros (Sailors);
and musicians were often also participants in Afro-Brazilian
and an ever-increasing variety of other folk figures whose ap-
religious life, extending their aesthetic sensibilities across
peal arises in part from their distance from official authority
both cultural manifestations.
and their proven ability to negotiate, resist, and survive in
the face of great adversity.
Afro-Brazilian religions are a distinctly New World phe-
nomenon reflecting the history, geography, and cultural and
In the years immediately preceding Umbanda’s found-
political encounters of the nation’s varied peoples. They were
ing, most Afro-Brazilian religions still suffered significant
created from, and are continually modified by the materials
persecution. Police raids with arrests and confiscation of sa-
participants find available to best negotiate the challenges
cred objects were not uncommon and economical and politi-
and possibilities of life where they live it. At the opening of
cal elites waged ideological battles against the ritual practices
the twenty-first century, one of the major challenges the
which were seen as at best exotic nuisances, and at worst
Afro-Brazilian religions face is a vehement aggression by
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AFRO-SURINAMESE RELIGIONS
125
some neo-Pentecostal Protestant sects. As the terreiros, cen-
mento. The book also contains essays by several important
ters, and ritual houses of Afro-Brazilian religions seek the re-
scholars and critics of Afro-Brazilian culture and religion. In
sources to address this newest challenge to their existence and
English and Portuguese.
meaning, they will draw on the wellsprings of ancestral força
Prandi, Reginaldo, ed. Encantaria Brasileira: O livro dos mestres,
and axé which have seen them through other days at least as
caboclos e encantados. Rio de Janeiro, 2001. This edited col-
difficult as this.
lection of essays discusses a number of lesser-known Afro-
Indigenous religious traditions of Brazil with good regional
B
representation and both sociological and anthropological
IBLIOGRAPHY
Bastide, Roger. The African Religions of Brazil: Toward a Sociology
perspectives. In Portuguese.
of the Interpenetration of Civilizations. Baltimore, 1978. Bas-
Santos, Juana Elbein dos, and M. Deoscóredes. “Ancestor Wor-
tide’s classic sociological study of Afro-Brazilian religions was
ship in Bahia: The Egun-Cult.” Journal de la Societé des
the first comprehensive effort to examine the role and mean-
Americanistes 58 (1969): 79–108. This essay discusses shrines
ing of religions of African origin in the historical and con-
for the cultivation of ancestral spirits on the island of Itapari-
temporary life of Brazilian society. Bastide examines the
ca across the bay from Salvador, Bahia.
metaphysics, central rites, and organizational structures of all
Sodré, Muniz. O terreiro e a cidade: A forma social negro-brasileira.
major Afro-Brazilian religious traditions.
Salvador, Brazil, 2002. This book is an engaging reflection
Carybé. Os deuses africanos no candomblé da Bahia/African Gods in
on Afro-Brazilian religious thought and practice as an influ-
the Candomblé of Bahia. 2d ed. Salvador, Brazil, 1993. An
ence on Brazilian popular culture and as a means of resis-
extraordinarily beautiful artbook of watercolor paintings of
tance against racism. In Portuguese.
the ritual life of Bahian Candomblé terreiros; the book in-
Verger, Pierre. Dieux D’Afrique: Culte des Orishas et Vodouns a
cludes iconographic images of the orixás, sacred instruments,
L’Ancienne Cote des Esclaves en Afrique et a Bahia. Paris,
ceremonial clothing, and elements of the initiation process.
1995. Photographic study of the cultivation of African or-
Essays on the history of Candomblé and the characteristics
ishas and voduns in both West Africa and Bahia by one of
of the gods are in Portuguese and English.
the major scholars of Afro-Brazilian religion. In French.
Dantas, Beatriz Góiz. “Repensando a pureza nagô.” Religia˜o e So-
Voeks, Robert. Sacred Leaves of Candomblé: African Magic, Medi-
ciedade 8 (1982): 15–20. An important essay urging the re-
cine, and Religion in Brazil. Austin, Tex., 1997. A scholarly
consideration of the idea of “Yoruba purity” as the ideal of
examination of the role of ritual and medicinal healing in
Afro-Brazilian religions. Emphasizes the role scholars have
Afro-Brazilian religion; includes traditional formulas for
played in privileging West African over Central and South-
cleansing and healing baths as well as interviews with practi-
ern African models in the religions and suggests that this in-
tioners.
fluence has in turn affected oral traditions in many of the
older terreiro communities. In Portuguese.
Walker, Sheila. “‘The Feast of the Good Death’: An Afro-Catholic
Emancipation Celebration in Brazil.” SAGE: A Scholarly
Eduardo, Octavio da Costa. The Negro in Northern Brazil: A Study
Journal on Black Women 3, no. 2 (1986): 27–31. The essay
in Acculturation. New York, 1948; reprint Seattle, 1966. An
describes the history and development of an important black
anthropological examination of Afro-Brazilian familial and
lay Catholic sodality which has close ties to Afro-Brazilian re-
community life in the state of Maranha˜o. The book focuses
ligions.
particularly on religious beliefs and practices and is a classic
study of Tambor de Mina and other northern Brazilian reli-
Wimberly, Fayette. “The Expansion of Afro-Bahian Religious
gions of African influence.
Practices in Nineteenth-Century Cachoeira.” In Afro-
Brazilian Culture and Politics: Bahia, 1790s to 1990s, edited
Harding, Rachel E. A Refuge in Thunder: Candomblé and Alterna-
by Hendrik Kraay. London, 1998. A historical examination
tive Spaces of Blackness. Bloomington, Ind., 2000. This book
of rituals of celebration, healing, and cultivation of African
describes the historical development of Candomblé in the
deities in a plantation town in northeastern Brazil.
context of nineteenth-century Bahia, focusing on the role of
the religion as a resource of alternative identity, community,
RACHEL E. HARDING (2005)
and connection to ancestral traditions for slaves and their de-
scendants.
Johnson, Paul. Secrets, Gossip, and Gods: The Transformation of
AFRO-CARIBBEAN RELIGIONS SEE
Brazilian Candomblé. New York, 2002. This book examines
CARIBBEAN RELIGIONS, ARTICLE ON AFRO-
the way that broader cultural and market forces in Brazil
CARIBBEAN RELIGIONS
have precipitated changes in Candomblé. It particularly ex-
plores the role of secrets in maintaining prestige and develop-
ing foundational knowledge in the religion.
Landes, Ruth. The City of Women. New York, 1947; reprint, Al-
AFRO-SURINAMESE RELIGIONS. The Repub-
buquerque, 1994. This is a pioneering anthropological study
lic of Surinam, formerly Dutch Guiana, lies on the northeast
of Candomblé emphasizing particularly the role of women
shoulder of South America, at 2°– 6° north latitude, 54°–58°
and homosexual men in leadership and participation.
west longitude (163,266 sq km), bordered by Guyana, Bra-
Nascimento, Abdias do. Orixás/Orishas: Os Deuses Vivos da Africa/
zil, French Guiana, and the Atlantic Ocean. The ethnically
The Living Gods of Africa in Brazil. Philadelphia, 1997. A
diverse population—numbering about 380,000 in Surinam
collection of paintings by artist/statesman Abdias do Nasci-
(Du., Suriname) and another 180,000 now living in the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
126
AFRO-SURINAMESE RELIGIONS
Netherlands—consists of approximately 38 percent “Hindu-
crushingly oppressive plantation regime; and—on many oc-
stanis” (descendants of contract laborers imported from
casions—serving as the inspiration and mechanism for re-
India during the late nineteenth century), 31 percent “Cre-
volt. One European described this latter aspect of a 1770s
oles” (descendants of African slaves), 15 percent “Javanese”
“winty-play” on a plantation:
(descendants of Indonesians imported as contract laborers in
Sage Matrons Dancing and Whirling Round in the
the early twentieth century), 10 percent “Maroons” (descen-
Middle of an Audience, till Absolutely they froath at the
dants of African slaves who escaped from plantations and
mouth And drop down in the middle of them; Whatev-
formed their own communities in Surinam’s forested interi-
er She says to be done during this fit of Madness is Sa-
or), and smaller numbers of Portuguese Jews, Chinese, and
credly Performed by the Surrounding Multitude, which
Lebanese—plus the eight thousand remaining Amerindians
makes these meetings Exceedingly dangerous Amongst
whose ancestors were once the country’s sole inhabitants. Ex-
the Slaves, who are often told to murder their Masters
cept for the Maroons and some Amerindians, almost the
or Desert to the Woods. (Stedman, 1985, chap. 26)
whole population lives along the coastal strip, with nearly
COASTAL CREOLE WINTI. The folk religion of Surinam Cre-
half residing in the capital, Paramaribo.
oles (that majority of the Afro-Surinamese population who
H
are not Maroons) is most often referred to by outsiders as
ISTORICAL BACKGROUND. The first large-scale permanent
settlement of Surinam came in 1651, when one hundred En-
Winti (said to derive from the English wind) or Afkodré
glishmen from Barbados established a plantation colony.
(from the Dutch afgoderij, “idolatry”). But like many folk re-
The Dutch took over in 1667, and during the next century
ligions (such as Haitian Voodoo), it has no special name that
and a half imported more than 300,000 Africans as slaves,
is used by its adherents. For them, it is simply the core of
drawing on a remarkable diversity of African societies and
their way of life. Since emancipation in 1863, the great ma-
language groups. All indications point to an unusually early
jority of Creoles have also been nominal Christians; the most
and rapid process of “creolization,” with the slaves creating
recent figures show somewhat more than half to be Protes-
new institutions (e.g., languages and religions) by combining
tants (with Moravians the most numerous) and the remain-
and elaborating their various African heritages with very little
der Roman Catholics. Afro-Surinamese differ from most
reference to the world of their European masters.
other Afro-Americans in the extent to which their Christiani-
ty and folk religion are compartmentalized. All observers of
SLAVE RELIGION. The new Afro-Surinamese religion created
Winti have been struck by the remarkable lack of syncretism,
by plantation slaves during the earliest decades of settle-
in a comparative context, between Christian and Afro-
ment already contained the central features of its two main
American beliefs and rites in Surinam. In spite of the partici-
present-day variants—the religion of the coastal Creoles
pation of Creoles in modern, Western-style Caribbean life,
(often called Winti) and the religions of the various Maroon
Winti continues to operate in contexts that are largely un-
groups. Among Surinam slaves one found, for example,
touched by Christianity. Winti also plays a major role in the
many forms of divination to uncover the specific causes of
lives of many of the Surinamese who now reside in the Neth-
illness or misfortune; rituals, including complex drumming
erlands.
and dancing, in which individuals were possessed by the spir-
its of, among others, ancestors and snake gods, and by forest
Winti provides an all-encompassing but flexible design
and river spirits; beliefs about multiple souls; ideas about the
for living. The everyday visible world is complemented by
ways that social conflict can cause illness; extensive rites for
a normally unseen world that is peopled by gods and spirits
twins; secret male-warrior cults; and a focus on elaborate and
of tremendous variety, who interact with humans constantly.
lengthy funerals as the most important of all ritual occasions.
Scholars have often tried to classify the great variety of Winti
Even the whites, who witnessed only a tiny proportion of
gods into four “pantheons”—all ranged below an otiose, dis-
slave rites, depended on the Afro-Surinamese slave religion
tant, West-African-type sky god—those of the air, the earth,
for their own well-being. One eighteenth-century report de-
the water, and the forest, but such classifications may well
scribes how, in spite of the presence of eight white physicians
impose an inappropriate rigidity on a shifting set of beliefs
in the colony, the slaves “play the greatest role with their
and rituals that are called into play to deal with diverse and
herbs and their pretended cures, both among Christians and
very practical everyday human needs. The major gods and
among Jews” (Nassy, 1974, p. 156). And the most famous
spirits include a variety of kromanti (fierce healing spirits),
slave curer-diviner, the eighteenth-century Kwasi, near the
apuku (often-malevolent forest spirits), aisa (localized earth
end of his life became accustomed to receiving letters from
spirits), vodu (boa constrictor spirits), aboma (anaconda spir-
abroad addressed to “The Most Honorable and Most
its), and a great host of others. Like the spirits of the dead,
Learned Gentleman, Master Phillipus van Quassie, Professor
who intervene constantly in the lives of the living and are the
of Herbology in Suriname” (Price, 1983).
focus of much ritual activity, these nonhuman gods or spirits
can speak through possessed mediums. Frequent rites, in-
Afro-Surinamese slave religion, through its interlocking
volving specialized dances, drumming, and songs, are used
beliefs and rites, provided the focus of slave culture, binding
to honor and placate each type of spirit, and the spirits them-
individuals ritually to their ancestors, descendants, and col-
selves appear on these occasions, through possession, to make
laterals; expressing a firm sense of community in spite of a
their wishes known. Such rites are led by bonuman or luku-
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AFRO-SURINAMESE RELIGIONS
127
man (who may be men or women), many of whom specialize
sion and the consultation of oracle bundles carried on men’s
in particular kinds of spirits. But Winti is a strongly partici-
heads to the interpretation of dreams. Gods, spirits, and an-
patory religion, in which every individual plays an active role,
cestors, who are a constant presence in daily life, are also
and specialization or special knowledge is widely distributed
honored and placated through frequent prayers, libations,
among the population.
and great feasts.
Winti deals with everyday concerns. Typically, an ill-
The rituals surrounding birth and other life crises are
ness, minor misfortune, bad dream, or portent suggests divi-
extensive, as are those relating to more mundane activities,
nation by a lukuman. Using any of a variety of techniques,
from hunting a tapir to planting a rice field. Among Ma-
he suggests the cause—for example, a particular ancestor
roons, funerals constitute the single most complex ritual
feels neglected, a jealous neighbor has attempted sorcery, a
event, spanning a period of many months, directly involving
relative’s snake spirit disapproves of a proposed marriage, the
many hundreds of people, and uniting the world of the dead
person’s “soul” requires a special ritual—and then prescribes
with that of the living through specialized ritual action such
an appropriate rite. During the course of a single case of ill-
as coffin divination, and extensive singing, dancing, and
ness or misfortune, large numbers of relatives and friends
drumming. Specialized cults—such as those devoted to
may need to be mobilized and considerable financial re-
twins, or to finding someone lost in the forest, or to making
sources expended. Bonuman and lukuman are always com-
rain—are the possessions of particular matrilineal clans, and
pensated.
individual Maroons may also specialize in the treatment of
M
particular types of spiritual problems, or in particular ritual
AROON RELIGIONS. There are six Maroon (or “Bush
Negro”) groups living along rivers in the interior of the coun-
activities, such as drumming for snake-god rites. But most
try: the Djuka and Saramaka (each numbering about twenty
Maroon ritual knowledge is broadly spread; these are highly
thousand people), the Matawai, Aluku, and Paramaka (each
participatory religions.
about two thousand people), and the Kwinti (fewer than five
hundred people). Their religions, like their languages and
BIBLIOGRAPHY
other aspects of culture, are related to one another, with the
The best overview of Surinam’s social history, including religion,
remains R. A. J. van Lier’s Frontier Society (The Hague,
sharpest division being between the eastern groups (Djuka,
1971). Among the several useful English-language sources
Paramaka, Aluku) and the central groups (Saramaka,
for the religion of Surinam slaves are the reports by David
Matawai, Kwinti). Descended from slaves who escaped from
de Isaac Cohen Nassy and others in Historical Essay on the
coastal plantations during Surinam’s first century of coloni-
Colony of Surinam, 1788, edited by Jacob R. Marcus and
zation, they have lived in relative isolation from the world
Stanley Chyat, translated by Simon Cohen (Cincinnati,
of the coast.
1974), and by Captain J. G. Stedman in his Narrative, of a
Five-Years’ Expedition . . . from the Year 1772, to 1777, new
Maroons have always enjoyed an extremely rich ritual
critical ed. by Richard Price and Sally Price (Minneapolis,
life, which is totally integrated into their matrilineally based
1985). For the study of Winti, the pioneering work is Mel-
tribal social organization. Christian missions have had differ-
ville J. Herskovits and Frances S. Herskovits’s Suriname Folk-
ential impact on the Maroon groups: for example, the
Lore (New York, 1936); the most ambitious survey is Charles
Matawai and several thousand of the Saramaka are nominally
J. Wooding’s Evolving Culture: A Cross-Cultural Study of Su-
Moravians, but the great majority of Maroons continue to
riname, West Africa and the Caribbean (Washington, D.C.,
participate fully in religions that were forged by their ances-
1981); and an analysis of its economic aspects is found in
tors, from many different African traditions, into a vibrant
Peter Schoonheym’s Je Geld of . . . Je Leven (Utrecht, 1980).
new synthesis. Resembling Winti in terms of many of the
For the study of Maroon religions, an extensive bibliographi-
cal overview can be found in Richard Price’s The Guiana
particular gods and spirits invoked, the Maroon religions
Maroons (Baltimore, 1976); the role of religion in the mak-
stand apart in their more absolute integration of belief and
ing of Maroon societies is covered in Price’s First Time: The
ritual into all aspects of life. New World creations drawing
Historical Vision of an Afro-American People (Baltimore,
on Old World ideas, these Maroon religions remain today
1983); and messianic trends and recent changes are analyzed
the most “African” of all religions in the Americas.
in H. U. E. Thoden van Velzen and W. van Wetering’s “Af-
fluence, Deprivation and the Flowering of Bush Negro Reli-
Rituals of many kinds form a central part of everyday
gious Movements,” Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en
Maroon life. Such decisions as where to clear a garden or
Volkenkunde 139 (1983): 99–139.
build a house, whether to make a trip, or how to deal with
theft or adultery are made in consultation with village deities,
RICHARD PRICE (1987)
ancestors, forest spirits, snake gods, and other such powers.
Human misfortune is directly linked to other people’s anti-
social acts, through complex chains of causation involving
AFTERLIFE
gods and spirits. Any illness or other misfortune requires im-
This entry consists of the following articles:
mediate divination and ritual action in collaboration with
AN OVERVIEW
GEOGRAPHIES OF DEATH
these spirits and others, such as warrior gods. The means of
AFRICAN CONCEPTS
communicating with these entities vary from spirit posses-
AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS CONCEPTS
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
128
AFTERLIFE: AN OVERVIEW
OCEANIC CONCEPTS
gradually actualizes itself to the form of a Lord with whom
MESOAMERICAN CONCEPTS
humans can interact.
JEWISH CONCEPTS
CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
The vision of God. Those religious traditions that have
ISLAMIC CONCEPTS
GREEK AND ROMAN CONCEPTS
articulated an understanding of the divine in polytheistic
GERMANIC CONCEPTS
form have tended to envision the particular gods in a con-
CHINESE CONCEPTS
crete manner, often with the implication that the dead, or
at least some of the dead, will be able to see the gods visually
in the afterlife. Pictorial representations from the Middle and
AFTERLIFE: AN OVERVIEW
New Kingdoms in Egypt portray the dead person being lifted
Views of the afterlife, of expectations concerning some form
out of the sarcophagus by the jackal Anubis, taken to the
of human survival after death, cannot be isolated from the
Hall of Double Justice and judged, and then brought into
totality of the understanding of the nature of the divine, the
the presence of Osiris, to be led by him to the Elysian Fields.
nature of humankind, time and history, and the structure of
reality. Not all religious persons have addressed the same
From the earliest times, Indian thinkers have tended to
kinds of questions, nor have ideas always been formulated
conceptualize their gods in quite specifically graphic ways.
in a uniform way by those nurtured within any one of the
In the Vedic literature, Yama, who is at once the first mortal
many religious traditions of the world. Nonetheless, there is
and the god of the dead, is portrayed as sitting under a leafy
a certain commonality in the kinds of basic questions that
bower with his two four-eyed dogs in the presence of gods
have been addressed. This article is organized topically in
and ancestors to welcome the dead into a life that is a blissful
terms of the ways in which peoples from a range of theologi-
version of earthly existence. In theistic Hinduism, the devo-
cal perspectives in different ages and religions have seen fit
tee expects to gaze on the face of the Beloved as Ra¯dha¯ beheld
to respond to these questions.
Kr:s:n:a in their moments of most intense passion. The faithful
Buddhist to whom access to Sukha¯vat¯ı, the Pure Land, is
THE NATURE OF THE DIVINE. The basic issue concerning
granted will enjoy the bliss of contemplating Amita¯bha Bud-
the nature of the divine is whether God is to be considered
dha himself.
a personal being with and to whom one can relate or is held
Vision of the divine in the afterlife is not limited to
to be reality itself, the source and ground of being in imper-
polytheistic traditions. The sight of God in the gardens of
sonal or nonpersonal form. Between these absolutes lie a
Paradise is cherished by Muslims as the culmination of a life
myriad of possibilities, compounded and enriched by a vari-
of piety; similar expectations have been part of the hopes of
ety of experiences that can be termed mystical. Monotheists
many Christians. Nor is it the case that in all polytheistic tra-
have struggled through the ages with questions concerning
ditions there is the assumption that the dead will see those
the corporeality of God, including shape and dimension,
gods whom they concretely portray or conceptualize. Among
and, correspondingly, whether humankind can actually
the ancient Mesopotamians, the gods of the lower world
come to gaze in the hereafter on the visage of God. Others
were viewed as cruel and vindictive and those of the upper
have concluded not only that the divine being is not to be
regions as arbitrary, with humans doomed to exist as shades
conceived in any anthropomorphic form but also that the di-
in the nether regions. Thus no amount of individual effort
vine being, in the most absolute sense, is removed from the
in this life could assure one of a blissful existence in the here-
realm of interaction and rests as the essence of nonmanifesta-
after, let alone a vision of the gods.
tion. Determinations about the nature of the divine have di-
rect ramifications, as will be seen, for human understanding
Divine justice and judgment. Never in the Mesopota-
of life after death.
mian consideration did there seem to be any understanding
that the individual who lived the good life on earth might
The tension between the two concepts (the God of form
come to an end better than that found in the cheerless under-
and God without form) has arisen in a multitude of ways for
ground pit of Arallu. Justice as a function of divinity never
faithful persons of various traditions. Those who depersonal-
came to bear, and the hero-king Gilgamesh, in a work attri-
ize the divine to the extent that they see it as pure reality in
buted to the second millennium BCE, could rail against the
which the essence of all things participates must ultimately
arbitrary way in which the gods meted out death to human-
sacrifice the relationship of deity and devotee, whether this
kind while keeping life and immortality for themselves.
be understood on the model of master and servant, parent
and child, or lover and beloved. This was the problem for
It is, of course, not true that justice need be a less signifi-
the philosopher Ra¯ma¯nuja in twelfth-century India, whose
cant factor in the consideration of the afterlife by a society
qualified nondualism was the logically problematic attempt
that is professedly polytheistic. What often has been the case
to reconcile a philosophical monism with the overwhelming
is that the concept of ethical responsibility on the part of the
need to respond to God in loving devotion. The Andalusian
individual (with concomitant judgment by the deity in some
Muslim mystic Muh:y al-D¯ın ¯ıbn al-EArab¯ı, writing about
form) blends with an emphasis on magic and ritual as assur-
the same time, posited a series of descending levels of the
ance of a felicitous state in the hereafter. The ancient Egyp-
godhead through which the absolute, nonmanifest divine
tian view is particularly interesting in this connection. Maat,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: AN OVERVIEW
129
the conceptual form of justice, order, and stability, became
justice that the seeds of an idea of resurrection to an eternal
personified in the Hall of Double Justice and was understood
reward began to grow in the Jewish consciousness, laying the
as the means by which Osiris, the lord of the kingdom of the
ground for the later Christian understanding of the death
living dead, was finally apprised of the moral character of the
and resurrection of Jesus.
one brought before him in judgment. Justice was seen as an
extension of a concept of order that characterized the Egyp-
In Hindu and Buddhist thought, the notion of karman
tian worldview and that, as an essential of the eschatological
presupposes a conception of justice and judgment different
reality, was in direct relationship to the establishment of sta-
from that prevailing in monotheistic traditions. Rather than
bility over chaos at the time of creation. And yet it is clear
the subjectivity of a judging being, there is the objective and
from the texts that as significant as were concepts of order
automatic working out of cause and effect. Justice in this un-
and justice to their view of life and death, the Egyptians
derstanding is not so much a divine quality as an inexorable
never completely abandoned the feeling that the gods might
law of the universe. In its simplest form the doctrine of kar-
not really (be able to) exercise absolute justice. Thus it was
man states that what one is now is a direct result of what one
necessary to rely on ritual and magical formulas, in this way
has done and been in past existences, and what one does in
assuring that the dead would always have at their fingertips
this lifetime will, with the accumulation of past karmic debt,
the necessary knowledge and information to answer any
be the direct determinant of the state of one’s future exis-
questions that might be posed in the final court of arbi-
tence. Lifetime follows lifetime in whatever form of life each
tration.
successive existence takes, and liberation from the round of
existences is achieved not by the intervening grace of a god
Justice, as an abstract principle of order for many an-
but through knowledge of the truth of the realization of self.
cient societies, came in monotheistic communities to be
In the Vedantic understanding of the Upanis:ads, the content
translated into a quality of the godhead itself, with the imme-
of this knowledge is that the self (a¯tman) is indeed identical
diate ramification of justice as an ethical imperative for
with the Self (brahman), the underlying reality of all that is.
human beings in recognition of the nature and being of God.
Thus in Islam there is a clear understanding that because
The complex of religious responses that makes up the
God is just, he requires that a person live justly, and the qual-
fabric of Hinduism and Buddhism, however, includes as a
ity of the individual life is actually the determining factor in
major component the understanding on the part of many
the final judgment.
that the godhead must be conceptualized in a personal way.
In terms of sheer numbers, far more Hindus have placed
One of the earliest perceptions of the god who embodies
their faith in the saving grace of Lord Kr:s:n:a than have ever
this kind of justice in his very being is found in the thought
held to a doctrine of absolute monism. And despite the auto-
of Zarathushtra (Zoroaster), the Persian prophet of the first
matic character of karman in determining rebirth, divine or
millennium BCE. He saw in Ahura Mazda¯ the principles of
quasi-divine figures do continue to play a judicative role in
truth, righteousness, and order upheld in much the same way
the religious imagination. In Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism there are
as the Egyptians saw them upheld and embodied by Maat.
ten judges of the dead, one of whom is a holdover from the
Ahura Mazda¯, however, was not for Zarathushtra the person-
Vedic Yama, despite the fact that in strict philosophical or
ification of truth but the great advocate of it, the divine lord
ontological terms it is a Buddhist tenet that there is no such
into whose presence the righteous are allowed to enter at the
thing as a god who can judge or even a soul that can be the
end of time. There was never in the development of Zoroas-
object of judgment.
trian orthodoxy any indication that the just could expect to
see the person of Ahura Mazda¯ in human form, but rather
Intercession. Issues of justice give rise to questions
there was the understanding that the soul who has lived a life
about the possibility of intercession for the deceased on the
of justice will be given the privilege of beholding a form of
part of human or superhuman agency. The forms of interces-
pure light.
sion are many, from the role played by the living in providing
a proper burial and maintaining the mechanical artifices of
In the development of Old Testament thought, divine
the tomb to the specific intervention in the judgment process
justice became a particularly significant issue. In the earlier
by a figure who can plead for the well-being of the soul
conceptions, the dark and dusty SheDol as an abode for the
whose fate is in the balance. Muslims traditionally have taken
dead seems to have been understood much as was the Meso-
great comfort in the thought that the Prophet himself will
potamian Arallu. There Yahveh had no jurisdiction, and
be on hand to intercede for each individual believer when
gloom was assured for the righteous and wicked alike. The
he comes before the awesome throne of judgment, and
beginnings of hope for a more felicitous end for humankind
through the centuries Christians have relied on the assurance
came through reflections concerning the question of God’s
that Jesus Christ sits at the right hand of God to intercede.
power and justice. If God is truly almighty, his dominion
The Buddhist concept of the bodhisattva is, in one sense, an
must extend to all parts of the earth and to all portions of
extension of the idea of intercession: through the dedication
time. And if he is truly just, then it is inconsistent that the
or transference of merit, the saving being, who needs no
righteous as well as the wicked should be doomed to the bit-
more merit himself, can directly pass it on to individuals who
ter existence of SheDol. It was with regard to God’s power and
have not reached the state of enlightenment.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
130
AFTERLIFE: AN OVERVIEW
The role of living persons in helping to determine the
of as a spiritual body different from the earthly body of flesh
fate of the dead has ranged from giving the deceased a fitting
and soul.
and proper interment and celebrating a communal feast in
The notion that an individual is, rather than has, a body
memory of the departed (often to ensure that he or she actu-
is quite foreign to most Eastern thought. In Hindu Sa¯m:khya,
ally stays “departed” and does not return to haunt the living)
for example, the body is part of the world of nature or matter
to maintaining for all time, as was the Egyptian intention,
(prakr:ti) but is absolutely distinct from the life principle or
the physical apparatuses of the tomb. Sometimes it is held
self (purus:a) from which it is separated by the process of yoga.
that these responsibilities are carried out primarily for the
It is the very realization of the separation of these two that
support of the living or out of respect for the dead. Often,
amounts to liberation for the individual. Advaita Veda¯nta,
however, there is a conviction that the living may actually
while different from the dualistic Sa¯m:khya in saying that the
be able to influence or help determine the future condition
body is only part of the world of illusion, would agree that
and existence of the souls in question. Some have challenged
the key to liberation from the round of rebirths is exactly the
the supposition that the fate of the soul of the deceased must
realization that the soul or self has no lasting bond with any-
rest, even in part, on the continued ministrations of those
thing physical and that the soul is associated with a particular
fallible individuals with whom it had a relationship while on
body, human or nonhuman, only temporarily, for the fleet-
earth. Responsibility for the dead on the part of the living
ing moments of earthly existence.
has often been seen as incompatible with a belief in the jus-
tice and mercy of God. Nonetheless, some form of prayer for
The relationship of the human to the divine. The
the deceased on the part of the living continues to be an im-
question of what it is that lives on after death must be seen
portant responsibility of pious persons in all religious tra-
in relation to the basic issue of whether that which is real or
ditions.
lasting in the human person is identical with the divine reali-
ty or is essentially different from it. A position of monism
THE NATURE OF HUMANKIND. If it is essential to a vision
is one end of a spectrum of possible responses. In Advaita
of the afterlife to have some understanding of the nature of
Veda¯nta liberation from successive existences comes only
that divine being or reality to whom humankind returns at
with the realization of the identity of a¯tman (the individual
death, it is no less important to have some conception of
soul) and brahman (the Absolute). In some of its S:u¯f¯ı mani-
what element in the human makeup is considered to do the
festations, esoteric Islam comes very close to identifying the
returning. In every religious tradition, the way in which an
eternal in humans with the eternal essence (h:aqq), with the
individual is conceived to be constituted in this life directly
further understanding that death and resurrection come in
determines the way in which he or she is thought to survive
the moment-by-moment realization of that identity.
in an existence after death.
A very different kind of conceptualization is that charac-
The human constitution. Conceptions of the constitu-
teristic of some traditional societies in which not only is hu-
tion of the human being differ not only among different reli-
manity seen to be totally separate from the gods but one ex-
gious traditions but among different schools of thought
ists after death only as a shade or a shadow of one’s former
within the traditions. Nevertheless, for the purpose of a com-
self. That which divides the human and the divine in this
parative typology, it is possible to generalize and speak of
context is the fact that the gods are immortal and humans
some of the most significant of these conceptions.
are not. In between such alternatives is a range of possibilities
suggesting that humans manifest some element of the divine
The most immediately obvious distinction, and one
enlivening principle. In most traditions, however, a felicitous
that has been drawn in most conceptions of the afterlife, is
hereafter means not the realization of identity of self and ab-
between the physical and the nonphysical aspects of the
solute, but rather some circumstance in which that which
human person. This can be understood as the body-spirit di-
survives death comes to dwell in proximity to the divine.
chotomy, with a difference sometimes drawn in the latter be-
tween spirit and soul. In the Hebrew view, a person was not
A number of traditions have held that certain elements
understood so much as having a body, something essentially
that make up an individual actually become manifested and
different and apart from the nonphysical side of one’s being,
real only at the time of death. The ancient Egyptian, for in-
as being a body, which implies the totality of the individual
stance, was said to have come into his or her own only when
and the inseparability of the life principle from the fleshly
after death the ba, or continuing personality, was fully real-
form. Spirit was said to be blown into the flesh, making it
ized through the joining with its counterpart, ka, which
a soul, a whole person. In itself spirit was understood as a
acted as a kind of guardian angel. The dead did not become
manifestation of the divine. This way of distinguishing be-
kas but were joined to and guided by them on the journey
tween soul and spirit was adopted by some Islamic and
into the afterlife. Classical Zoroastrian texts describe the soul
Christian theologians and philosophers, although in com-
at death sitting on the headstone of the grave for three days,
mon usage the two terms are essentially interchangeable in
after which it is led through some good or bad circumstances
both traditions. When an individual is felt to be renewed in
(depending on one’s character) and finally is met by a maid-
a new body in Christ, the experience is often described as
en who takes the form of the actions committed by that per-
spiritual; the body of the resurrection is sometimes thought
son while on earth. The good will thus meet a beautiful
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: AN OVERVIEW
131
creature, while the unrighteous will confront an incredibly
dead. To some extent this can be explained in terms of one’s
ugly hag.
own apprehension about the meaning of death for one per-
sonally, but to a much greater extent, it seems to derive from
Certain similarities can be seen here with Buddhist con-
a stated or unstated feeling that the dead have some power
ceptions, such as the peaceful and wrathful deities met by the
over the living and can actually interfere with the processes
deceased in the after-death visions described in the Tibetan
of life on earth. In more extreme cases, this has led to a kind
Book of the Dead. The great difference is that in the Tibetan
of worship of the dead, in which those who have passed into
understanding one does not meet the alternatives of good or
another existence have sometimes assumed the status of gods.
bad but experiences a whole range of deities that represent
This has been evidenced particularly in China and Japan in
both the most sublime of human feelings and the personifi-
the long history of ancestor worship. More generally it takes
cation of one’s powers of reason. The wrathful deities are ac-
the form of concern for the proper disposal and continued
tually only a different aspect of the peaceful ones. The point
remembrance of the dead, in the hope that the deceased will
is that, in some sense, as in the Egyptian and Zoroastrian
in no way return to “haunt” or interfere with life here on
cases, one comes into contact in an apparently externalized
earth.
form with aspects of one’s own personality, thought, and
consequent past action.
Commonly held is the assumption that because a being
RESURRECTION OF THE BODY. The significance of the body
has undergone the experience of death, it is privy to informa-
as a continuing entity in the afterlife has been attested to in
tion not held by those still in the mortal condition. Echoed
many traditions. The resuscitation of the corpse expected
in much of the great religious literature of the world is the
after the elaborate processes of mummification in ancient
theme that if only the dead could or would return in some
Egypt implied the hope of permanent physical survival as
form, they would have much to tell the living. The vanity
well as survival of the personality. In Zoroastrian eschatolo-
of this wish for information from the departed is denied by
gy, one of the clearest statements of physical resurrection
those who are convinced that the dead can and do return and
comes in the description of the Frasho¯kereti, or ultimate re-
have a great deal to tell about the road that everyone, sooner
habilitation of the world under the dominion of Ahura
or later, comes to travel. In many traditions, especially the
Mazda¯. The savior Saoshyant will raise the bones of the first
prophetic, orthodoxy has disdained talk about the reality of
ancestors and then those of all humankind, and Ahura
ghosts and spirits functioning on earth, and it has fallen to
Mazda¯ will invest the bones with life and clothe them with
the mythology of folklore to speculate on the best ways to
flesh for all time.
propitiate the spirits of the dead and to ward off those spirits
who, for a variety of reasons, are felt to be evil or malicious.
In Jewish thought, the soul was first believed to be re-
leased from the body at death, but with the development of
The role of community. Consideration only of the des-
the idea of resurrection came the belief in the continued im-
tiny of the individual results in a very unbalanced picture of
portance of the physical body. This belief is carried over to
conceptions of the afterlife. Important to the theologies of
early Christianity: Augustine in the City of God says that the
many of the religions of the world is the relationship of each
resurrected bodies, perfect amalgamations of flesh and spirit,
individual to other individuals, or the idea of community,
are free to enjoy the satisfactions of food and drink should
whether seen from the perspective of this world (is it neces-
they so desire. He finds proof for this in the example of
sary to be a member of a community in order to reach a
Christ consuming a meal after his own resurrection. Proceed-
blessed hereafter?) or the next (is there a community of the
ing from the original assurance of Jesus that not a hair on
saved, or perhaps of the damned, in a future existence?).
the heads of those who are granted eternal life shall perish,
Common to prophetic religions is the expectation that the
Augustine concludes that at the time of the resurrection of
eschaton will result in reuniting or making whole both
the flesh, the body will appear in that size and physical condi-
the individual and some portion (often the totality) of the
tion in which it appeared at the time of youthful maturity,
human community. It is part of Islamic eschatological tradi-
or would have appeared had it had time to mature. The argu-
tion that on the Day of Resurrection the specific communi-
ments marshaled by the philosophers of Islam have done lit-
ties of all the prophets, including that of Muh:ammad, will
tle to shake the common faith that the reward for a life of
be assembled, each at its own pond, awaiting the judgment.
virtue will be the experience of the pleasures of the gardens
The notion of community, or the importance of mem-
of paradise in a physical as well as a spiritual way. The kinds
bership in a particular group, takes on a different kind of sig-
of proofs offered by some in the Islamic community against
nificance when viewed from the perspective of this world. In
the resurrection of the physical form have been countered ra-
the Hindu tradition, liberating knowledge is limited to the
tionally, and ignored emotionally, by those for whom a pure-
twice-born, although this belief is greatly modified by those
ly spiritual revival seems somehow to fall short of the prom-
to whom a devotional relationship to some aspect of the god-
ises of God and the world-affirming nature of Islam itself.
head implies salvation rather than liberation. The question
Continued existence as spirit. From the earliest times,
of whether one must be a Christian to be saved has engen-
characteristic of primitive societies but certainly not exclusive
dered among scholars and theologians of Christianity heated
to them, humankind has had a seemingly natural fear of the
arguments that still have not been resolved. Ummah, com-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
132
AFTERLIFE: AN OVERVIEW
munity in the Muslim sense of a religio-political unity, is a
of society as well as the individual ethic of justice and right.
tremendously significant element in the understanding of
A similar understanding is expressed in the Australian Ab-
Islam; some contemporary Muslims still insist that one can-
original concept of a sacred period during which the mythi-
not be saved if one is not a Muslim, and that one cannot be
cal ancestors lived, an epoch that is removed from any linear
Muslim outside of community.
understanding of time. In that culture, in which language has
no term for time in the abstract, the infinitely remote past
There are some obvious instances in the history of reli-
is related to the present through the mythology of what has
gions in which the community of the saved is the community
been called “the Dreaming.”
of the victorious in the sense of realized eschatology, that is,
the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness for a specific
For those traditions that emphasize a cyclical view of
people here on earth. This is implicit in the theme of Zion-
history, no time can be considered ideal. In one sense, time
ism in Jewish thought (although it is only one interpretation,
is not ultimately real, although, in another sense, its constant
or aspect, of the Zionist ideal as it has developed historically).
repetition means that it is perceived to be more plentiful than
Even Zarathushtra, if one can correctly interpret the Gathas,
for people of historical traditions. Insofar as one has to deal
seems at first to have envisioned the victory of asha (“truth,
with the illusions of reality in Indian thought, the best of
righteousness”) over druj (“falsehood, evil”) as taking place
times might be that represented by the beginning of each of
in the pastoral setting of eastern Persia within the context of
the great cosmic cycles. From that point until the terrible
this-worldly time. Realized eschatology in Christian thought
kaliyuga, time (or rather the series of events and characteris-
refers to the understanding that Christ’s life and death have,
tics of the periods) degenerates and finally culminates in the
in fact, established the kingdom of God on earth for those
awesome destruction of flood and fire that concludes the
who, in faith, are part of the body of Christ; in the mysticism
cycle and initiates a new beginning. For the theistic Hindu,
of the Gospel of John, the Parousia, or second coming of Jesus,
the perfect moment is actually that eternity in which he or
has already taken place. Such considerations lead directly to
she is able to abide in the presence of the Lord.
questions of time and history as a further category for reflec-
In the prophetic traditions, ideal time can be under-
tion on conceptions of the afterlife.
stood in several ways. The ideal age in one sense is that ush-
TIME AND HISTORY. The way in which time, its passage and
ered in by the eschaton, the end of time that is itself the real-
its purpose, is understood in different worldviews has a direct
ization of eternity. Yet for most of the prophetic religions
bearing on conceptions of the afterlife. Eastern religions and
there is a time within history, theoretical or actualized, that
philosophies generally have conceived time as revolving in
can be described as ideal. For some Christians, this has been
cycles, within each of which are periods of creation and de-
understood as the time of the historical Jesus and his initia-
struction, with each “final” cataclysm to be followed again
tion of the continued kingdom of God on earth. There have
by the entire process of generation. In the elaborate Hindu
been significant differences among Christians in interpreta-
schema of the epics and Pura¯n:as, there are moments of cre-
tion of the meaning of a new heaven and a new earth. The
ation and destruction, eschatons when the entire universe is
restoration of Zion for the Jew has immediate implications;
obliterated and reabsorbed into the body of the deity, but
some have argued that ideal time is any time in which Jerusa-
with the implication that this very process is endless. At the
lem is actualized as the home of the Jews. For the Muslim,
other pole are those “historical” (usually prophetic) religions
ideal time in its best historical sense was the period of the
that postulate a creation when time is said to have begun and
Prophet and the first four right-guided caliphs of the Islamic
a final eschaton when time as humans know it will reach its
community, a time potentially realizable again at any
conclusion. Here history is a given, a once-and-for-all process
moment.
that begins with the divine initiation and is often understood
Rebirth. Issues of time and history relate directly to the
as depending at each moment on the sustaining, re-creating
question of how an individual soul (or spirit or body) main-
act of the maker. Implicit is the belief that there is a plan to
tains continuity between this life and that that lies beyond
history, although humans may not be able to comprehend
death. Some traditions hold generally to the idea of one life
it, and that in some sense the end, when all creation will be
on earth, death, some kind of resurrection or rebirth, and
glorified and time will give way to eternity, is already cast and
then continued existence on another plane. Others believe
determined.
in reincarnation (metempsychosis or transmigration) with its
possibilities of a series of lives on earth or elsewhere. Human
Ideal time. Many religious traditions envision a certain
imagination, or intuition, has resourcefully suggested many
period that can be described as ideal time. This may be an
variations on these alternatives.
epoch that existed before the beginning of time and will be
actualized again when time itself ceases, or it may be concep-
For the most part, traditions that see time as linear and
tualized as having occurred within the framework of history
progressive have rejected the idea of rebirth on this earth and
and, thus, having the potential to be realized again in time.
relegated to the ranks of heresy those who have attempted
In the ancient Egyptian view of the universe as static, ideal
to espouse such a theory or to combine it with the more tra-
time was that continuing time established by the original cre-
ditional understanding of death and resurrection to propose
ation, when order replaced chaos and maat was the stability
an existence apart from the physical world. For those who
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: AN OVERVIEW
133
hold to the idea of resurrection, final life is not automatic
count for the state of the soul in what came to be seen as a
but is granted by the specific act of a being or beings who
waiting period before the messianic age.
actually bring the dead back to life. The victory over death
In the Persian case, Zarathushtra himself apparently had
may be seen as occurring immediately after the demise of the
first felt that the kingdom of righteousness would be estab-
individual or as coming at some final eschaton, as when the
lished on earth and them implied that eternal reward or pun-
savior Saoshyant breathes life into the lifeless bodies of all hu-
ishment would instead come after death. Later, Sasanid or-
manity in Zoroastrian thought, or, in Islamic tradition, when
thodoxy, in developing its theories of three-thousand-year
the individual souls are called to the final day of judgment.
cycles, came to expect a kind of temporary reward or punish-
Eastern mystical thought has articulated the concept of
ment lasting from death to the period of the Frasho¯kereti,
reincarnation with some consistency, although in the Bud-
at which momentous time a final purging through molten
dhist case the difficult problem arises of identifying what it
metal will purify all souls for their eternal habitation in the
is that is born in another body if there is nothing that can
presence of Ahura Mazda¯.
be called an individual soul. Buddhist thinkers have devel-
Other of the prophetic religions have hesitated to inter-
oped elaborate and complex theories for reconciling the con-
pret with such exacting clarity or to understand the particu-
cept of ana¯tman (“no soul”) with the six categories of being
lars of reward and punishment so graphically, yet in a general
into which the non-soul can be reborn. Even those religions
way have postulated a similar period between the death of
that contemplate aeons of potential rebirths, however,
the individual and the general resurrection and ushering in
do project the hope of a final release from this recurring
of the final age. The suggestions of scriptures such as the
condition.
New Testament and the QurDa¯n are sufficiently unsystematic
To say that one’s soul is immortal is to imply that it has
that doctrines about specific aspects of life after death have
always existed and that it will never for a moment cease to
often been founded on implication rather than specification.
exist. This is the basic understanding of those who postulate
Savior figures. Implicit in the eschatological expecta-
recurring births in a variety of incarnations, but it need not
tion of Judaism and Christianity is the hope for a messiah
necessarily be linked to conceptions of transmigration. A
or savior. For the Jews that person has not yet come. For the
great debate took place in Islam between the philosophers,
Christians he has come once and will return at the Parousia.
whose rational directives led them to conclude that immor-
The savior concept is somewhat different in Islam; it is em-
tality was the only possibility for humans, and the theolo-
bodied particularly in the figure of the mahd¯ı and involves
gians, whose adherence to the word of the QurDa¯n dictated
a rather detailed understanding of the theological distinc-
the necessity of belief in the specific acts of creation and res-
tions between Sunn¯ı and Sh¯ıE¯ı thought as well as the rela-
urrection from the dead. The concepts of resurrection and
tionship of the mahd¯ı in its eschatological framework to the
immortality, however, are certainly not always seen as unam-
restorer and final ruler of the regenerated community of
biguously antithetical. Theologians have long struggled with
Islam.
the determination of which term is more applicable to the
Christian understanding, or whether both might in some
Some variation on the idea of a savior or restorer to ap-
senses pertain.
pear at a future time is to be found in almost all of the living
religious traditions, whatever their concept of the flow and
Eschatology. For those who adhere to the idea of resur-
structure of time. Saoshyant of the Zoroastrian or Parsi com-
rection, with the implication of some form of life eternal to
munity; the Messiah of the Old and New Testaments; Kalki,
follow, one of the most pressing questions concerns when
the tenth incarnation of Vis:n:u, in theistic Hinduism; and
that resurrection is going to occur. Millenarian expectations
Maitreya, the future Buddha—all reflect an understanding
have taken a variety of forms in both Judaism and Christiani-
that despite the almost universal importance placed on the
ty, with the chiliastic hope in the latter for Christ’s return.
necessity of individual human responsibility, it is still possi-
This kind of eschatological anticipation is generally seen in
ble to hope for the merciful assistance of some being, divine
the context of the specifics of judgment. Here again, howev-
or semidivine, in the determination of one’s future circum-
er, there is often no clearly formulated theological statement
stances.
about precisely when judgment will take place or whether it
THE STRUCTURE OF REALITY. The interrelatedness of the
is to be an individual or a universal adjudication. Some see
kinds of themes one can develop in considering an issue such
it as happening soon after death, while others postulate a
as life after death is obvious. The preceding discussion has
waiting period, perhaps of great length, before the eschato-
touched on much of what falls also into the category of con-
logical events that herald a universal judgment.
ceptions of the structure of reality. It therefore becomes a
question not of considering new material as such, but of
In early Christianity, there was the expectation that the
viewing some of the same concepts from a different per-
return of Jesus to usher in the new age would be so soon as
spective.
to come within the lifetime of the community of those who
had had fellowship with him. The passage of time moderated
The world in time and space. The eternality of the
this expectation, and new theories had to be developed to ac-
world, and its subsequent relationship to the eternality of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
134
AFTERLIFE: AN OVERVIEW
heaven or the rehabilitated universe, has been postulated in
existence is unreal. In any case, one is reborn from these
a variety of ways in the history of religious thought. The an-
states or conditions into another state or condition, with the
cient Egyptian expected that the static nature of the world
understanding that not until one is reborn as a human being
and of society would mean their perpetuation eternally. In
will final release be possible.
the materialistic Zoroastrian construct, the final rehabilita-
Quite different is the basic understanding of prophetic
tion of the earth implies its purification and its joining, with
religions, which assumes that the eschaton and judgment re-
a purified hell, to the extension of heaven. Judaism presents
sult in the eternality of the final abode and resting place. The
an example of the constant tension between a hope for this
question of whether or not punishment, like reward, is eter-
world, renewed, and the kingdom of heaven as an other-
nal has long perplexed theologians. In the Judeo-Christian
worldly and eternal realm. In the Hindu and Buddhist con-
tradition, as well as in Islam, God’s justice is always under-
ceptions, the world is not only not eternal but is in a constant
stood as tempered with mercy, and the idea of the eternality
process of degeneration. Even here, however, insofar as the
of hell has been moderated to whatever extent has seemed
world is constantly re-created within the realm of condi-
consistent with the prevailing theological climate.
tioned sam
˙ s:ara, it is eternal in another sense.
The intermediate state. Throughout the prophetic reli-
For many peoples, conceptions of the afterlife are direct-
gions it has been necessary to conceive of a kind of interme-
ly related to the way they understand the basic divisions of
diate state or place for souls before the time of final disposi-
the universe. The mythology of many of the ancient tradi-
tion. (The very temporariness of one’s stay in the Hindu and
tions is rich in descriptions and visual representations of the
Buddhist heavens and hells suggests that they fulfill the same
heavens, earth, and nether regions. A classic theme of reli-
sort of intermediate function.) This intermediate state can
gious geography has been that the heavens are located some-
be a condition of waiting, often in a specified place, for the
where above the earth and the nether regions below, and that
time of final judgment. Thus, Islamic tradition developed
these have been identified to a greater or lesser extent with
elaborate descriptions of the barzakh (lit., “barrier”) as a
the location of heaven(s) and hell(s) as after-death abodes in
place or condition in which both good and wicked souls
whatever form these have been conceived. A not uncommon
dwell until the day of resurrection. In later Jewish tradition,
spatial concept is that of the land of the dead located in the
She Dol came to refer to a temporary place for men and women
west, the place of the setting sun, which is repeated in such
to await judgment.
myths as those of the jackal Anubis, lord of the Egyptian de-
sert, and of the western kingdom of Sukhavati, the heaven
In another understanding, this intermediate position is
of bliss of the bodhisattva Avalokite´svara.
often described as being for those for whom consignment to
punishment or reward is not automatic. The QurDanic a Era¯f
Reward and punishment. It is often in direct relation
(“heights”), for example, has been interpreted as the tempo-
to the existing understanding of the structure of the universe
rary abode of those whose good and evil deeds more or less
that the more specific conceptions of heaven and hell arise.
balance. Christianity, in some of its forms, has elaborated the
These parallel places of reward and punishment were not
distinction between Purgatory, as a place of temporary pun-
generally present in ancient thought. The Mesopotamian Ar-
ishment and purification, and Limbo, as a waiting state
allu and the Hebrew She Dol both designated a great pit of
where persons such as the righteous heathen and unbaptized
darkness and dust under the earth that was not a hell (in the
infants are kept.
sense of any implication of judgment), but simply an abode
for the unfortunate dead. Vedic thought in India, particular-
Literal and symbolic interpretations. Common to
ly as elaborated in the descriptions of Yama and the fathers
many religious traditions is continuing debate as to the na-
of heaven in the R:gveda, was concerned primarily with the
ture of the future abodes of punishment and reward. Are they
positive fate of those who performed sacrifices and good
to be understood as places of literal recompense or as repre-
works, the rest passing into the oblivion of nonexistence.
sentations of states of mind? If states, are they attainable now
With the introduction of the importance of knowledge over
or only in the hereafter? Are the experiences that one has in
sacrifice, of karmayoga (liberation through works) in place of
these states or places real or imaginary? Or, in a rather differ-
ritual performance, the kingdom of Yama was elaborated
ent dimension, are the descriptions to be seen only as allegor-
into a series of heavens, and Yama himself was gradually
ical and not, in fact, indicative of what is actually going to
transformed into a judge of the dead and then a god of the
happen either objectively or subjectively?
underworld hells, which were correspondingly enumerated.
It is in this area, perhaps, that it is most difficult to gen-
The greatly elaborated heavens and hells, as they came
eralize within traditions. The awe- and terror-inspiring vi-
to be developed in Hindu and Buddhist thought, with their
sion may well be taken with absolute literalness by one be-
graphic descriptions of the tortures of punishment and the
liever, while another might see that such visions are only
raptures of reward, are by nature temporary (or, at least,
symbolic representations of internal rather than external rec-
one’s stay in them is temporary). For the Buddhist, even
ompense. The Tibetan Book of the Dead, a set of instructions
these abodes are part of the conditioned world of sam
˙ s:ara and
for the dying and dead that is at the same time a description
thus by definition are ultimately unreal, as all of phenomenal
of the forty-nine-day period between death and rebirth, de-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: AN OVERVIEW
135
tails the experience that the soul has with karmic apparitions
with brief chapters on China and Japan. Themes of death
in the form of peaceful and wrathful deities. The great in-
and resurrection in prophetic traditions are treated in such
sight that comes of the bardo, or intermediate state experi-
works as George W. E. Nickelsburg’s Resurrection, Immortal-
ence, is that not only are the apparitions the products of
ity, and Eternal Life in InterTestamental Judaism (Cambridge,
one’s own mind but they also assume, for the purposes of
Mass., 1972), John Hick’s Death and Eternal Life (London,
instruction, a concrete and objective reality.
1976), and The Islamic Understanding of Death and Resurrec-
tion (Albany, N. Y., 1981), which I wrote with Yvonne Had-
Despite the variations in conceptions of what the after-
dad. Several excellent translations of mortuary texts are avail-
life may entail, a belief that human beings will continue to
able, especially The Tibetan Book of the Dead, 2d ed.,
exist in some form after the experience they term death is a
translated by Lama Kazi Dawasamdup and edited by W. Y.
universal phenomenon. Skeptics have never persuaded the
Evans-Wentz (Oxford, 1949); The Egyptian Book of the
Dead, translated by E. A. Wallis Budge (New York, 1967)
body of believers, whatever the specifics of their faith, that
and presented as an interlinear translation with hieroglyph-
with the demise of the physical body comes the extinction
ics; and The Islamic Book of the Dead of Ima¯m EAbd
of the human essence. Most people through the ages have
al-Rah:ma¯n al-Qa¯d¯ı, translated by EADisha EAbd al-Rah:ma¯n
drawn a clear connection between the quality of life lived on
(Norfolk, England, 1977). A very good series on mythology,
this earth and the expectation of what will come after death.
including myths of death and afterlife, is published by the
Contemporary researchers of near-death experiences claim
Hamlyn Publishing Group Ltd. (1965–); it covers a broad
that they now have the beginnings of a scientific proof of the
range of literate and nonliterate societies.
afterlife in the apparent commonality of the experiences of
A precursor in some ways to contemporary parapsychological
those proclaimed clinically dead. For most persons of faith,
studies is the spiritualist movement that began in the nine-
however, such knowledge is part of a universal mystery that
teenth century in Europe and the United States; it is well
by definition is veiled from the eyes of the living. They have
documented in J. Arthur Hill’s Spiritualism: Its History, Phe-
some assurances of faith, but the details of what awaits them
nomena and Doctrine (New York, 1919). Ian Stevenson’s
in “the undiscover’d country from whose bourn no traveller
continuing research on reincarnation in cross-cultural per-
returns” (Shakespeare, Hamlet 3.1) can only be anticipated,
spective is presented in Twenty Cases Suggestive of Reincarna-
tion, 2d ed. (Charlottesville, Va., 1974). Of the many recent
with the certainty that such knowledge will eventually, and
studies of near-death experience and research, two of the best
inevitably, be theirs.
are Michael B. Sabom’s Recollections of Death: A Medical In-
vestigation (New York, 1981) and Kenneth Ring’s Life at
SEE ALSO Eschatology; Eternity; Ghosts; Golden Age; Heav-
Death: A Scientific Investigation of the Near-Death Experience
en and Hell; Judgment of the Dead; Merit, article on Bud-
(New York, 1980).
dhist Concepts; Reincarnation; Resurrection; Soteriology;
Soul; Transmigration.
New Sources
Barloewen, Constantin von, ed. Der Tod in den Weltkulturen und
Weltreligionen. Frankfurt am Main, 2000.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bynum, Caroline Walker. The Resurrection of the Body in Western
Some of the older comparative studies of life after death in differ-
Christianity, 200–1336. New York, 1995.
ent religious traditions, such as Elias H. Sneath’s Religion and
the Future Life: The Development of the Belief in Life after
Davies, Jon. Death, Burial, and Rebirth in the Religions of Antiqui-
Death (New York, 1922) and Kaufmann Kohler’s Heaven
ty. London, 1999.
and Hell in Comparative Religion (New York, 1923), are still
Eylon, Dina Ripsman. Reincarnation in Jewish Mysticism and
useful, although somewhat elementary. More recent and
Gnosticism. Lewiston, N.Y., 2003.
valuable contributions to comparative studies of life after
Kaplan, Steven, ed. Concepts of Transmigration: Perspectives on Re-
death are The Judgement of the Dead by S. G. F. Brandon
incarnation. Lewiston, N.Y., 1996.
(London, 1967) and Religious Encounters with Death, edited
by Frank E. Reynolds and Earle H. Waugh (University Park,
Klima, Alan. The Funeral Casino: Meditation, Massacre, and Ex-
Pa., 1977). Christina Grof and Stanislav Grof’s Beyond
change with the Dead in Thailand. Princeton, 2002.
Death (New York, 1980) is a more journalistic overview of
Obeyesekere, Gananath. Imagining Karma: Ethical Transforma-
classical and contemporary afterlife beliefs, with fine color
tion in Amerindian, Buddhist, and Greek Rebirth. Berkeley,
prints. For an understanding of the relationship of theories
2002.
of time to afterlife concepts, Mircea Eliade’s Cosmos and His-
Schömbucher, Elisabeth, and Claus Peter Zolle, eds. Ways of
tory: The Myth of the Eternal Return (New York, 1954) is ex-
Dying: Death and Its Meanings in South Asia. New Delhi,
cellent. A good addition to anthropological studies on atti-
1999.
tudes and customs of non-Western cultures toward death
and afterlife is Celebrations of Death: The Anthropology of
Sogyal, Rinpoche. The Tibetan Book of Living and Dying. London,
Mortuary Ritual (Cambridge, Mass., 1979) by Richard Hun-
1998.
tington and Peter Metcalf.
Zander, Helmut. Geschichte der Seelenwanderung in Europa: Alter-
In addition to comparative works, a number of valuable studies
native Religiöse Traditionen von der Antike bis Heute. Darm-
deal with the afterlife as envisioned in particular religious tra-
stadt, 1999.
ditions. Death and Eastern Thought, edited by Frederick H.
JANE I. SMITH (1987)
Holck (Nashville, 1974), deals primarily with Indian beliefs,
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
136
AFTERLIFE: GEOGRAPHIES OF DEATH
AFTERLIFE: GEOGRAPHIES OF DEATH
to remain unclear, but even leave the question of its location
Belief in some kind of existence after death is one of the more
unanswered. Rupert M. Downes has found this to be the case
common elements of religion, as history and anthropology
among the Tiv of Nigeria, for instance, where ideas about
show. While death is everywhere recognized as inevitable, it
a future state remain nebulous. By contrast, some cultures
is seldom accepted as an absolute termination of human exis-
develop extremely detailed descriptions of the realm of the
tence. Beliefs concerning the actual conditions of life after
dead. Here one thinks in particular of medieval Christianity.
death, however, vary widely from culture to culture. This ar-
Although today we tend to be conditioned to see life
ticle will examine the variety of ways in which these afterlife
after death as an eternal state befitting an immortal soul, it
conditions are represented, focusing in particular on their ge-
is of some importance to make clear that there are also cul-
ography.
tures in which the afterlife is considered to be a temporary
A
prolongation of the present life, to be brought to an end by
FTERLIFE IN GENERAL. The different representations of life
after death that we find in different religions are related to
a second and final death. The Pangwe (southern Cameroon)
their respective conceptions of the structure of the cosmos
believe that after death a man lives on for a long time in heav-
and of life on earth, and to their different beliefs about the
en, but in the end he dies and his corpse is thrown out with
bodily and spiritual constitution of man. The Egyptians, for
no hope of any further existence. The Egyptians too knew
example, being agriculturalists, looked forward to a future
the fear of dying for a second time in the hereafter.
life in the bountiful “Earu fields,” whereas the Indians of the
The manner of life after death is also closely related to
North American Plains, who were hunters, looked forward
the moral principles of selection for entrance into the coun-
to the “eternal hunting grounds.” In each case the actual eco-
try of the dead. In some cases such special principles of selec-
nomic conditions of life play an important role in determin-
tion may be absent. In such a case, the implicit criteria are
ing how one will conceive of the afterlife. Similarly, the loca-
essentially social, all duly initiated adult members of a com-
tion and geography of the abode of the dead is in most
munity sharing the same destiny. Children and slaves (where
cultures determined by the actual geographical conditions of
these exist) are often excluded. Exceptions exist of course.
their present world. Only occasionally is it determined pri-
Among the Apapocúva-Guaraní (South America) dead chil-
marily by cultural factors, as for instance by the traditions
dren go to the “country without evil.” About women the
of migration among a number of Polynesian religions.
opinions vary. Islam, for example, originally excluded
women from the heavenly paradise, arguing that women had
The conception of the soul is also an important factor.
no immortal soul. In fact, the idea of moral retribution after
A soul that is conceived to be eternal and spiritual leads a dif-
death is absent from a great number of religions.
ferent type of afterlife than one that is conceived as the dou-
ble of the earthly body, or as something that gradually dwin-
Where the conception of reward or punishment accord-
dles into nothingness after death, such as we find among
ing to ethical principles does occur, it is necessary to divide
certain northern Eurasian religions. A belief in multiple souls
the abode of the dead into two or more sections that may
within a single individual makes possible a belief in the mul-
be localized in different places: heaven(s) and hell(s), and in
tiple destinations of these souls. Of the five souls of the Shi-
some instances a place in between where souls are purified
pape (South America), for instance, only one goes to the
before they are allowed to enter heaven: purgatory. This may
hereafter.
be combined with the belief in reincarnation, as in Bud-
dhism, such that neither heaven nor hell is eternal, the latter
There are also marked differences in the degree of inter-
becoming a kind of purgatory and the former only a tempo-
est that particular religions display in the afterlife. While cen-
rary state of conditioned bliss. In cultures where a belief in
tral in one religion, it may be peripheral in another. Chris-
reincarnation is accepted, the question of the place of a soul’s
tianity, for example, along with a small number of other
rebirth is understandably of no great importance and the
religions, has made the immortality of the individual central
ideas concerning it often remain vague or contradictory.
to its system of beliefs. But this centrality of the individual
is by no means universally recognized. In many other reli-
The distance between the world of the living and the
gions the continuity of life after the death of the individual
abode of the dead may give rise to the conception of a jour-
is of slight interest, because the stress falls firmly on life on
ney from the one to the other. The Inuit (Eskimo) speak of
earth. The continued existence of man after death may not
the road the dead must follow, which seems to be identical
be wholly denied, but neither is it considered to be of any
with the Milky Way. The Tibetan Book of the Dead serves
importance. Thoughts about the conditions of the afterlife
as a guide for the soul on the difficult and dangerous journey
remain vague. Thus Godfrey Lienhardt quotes an Anuak
to the hereafter and offers detailed “geographical” instruc-
man (Upper Nile) as saying simply that no one knows where
tions. The world of the departed may be separated from that
the dead are, since no one has ever seen them. The inhabi-
of the living by a river (like the Styx in Greece), which must
tants of Bellona Island (near the Solomons) seem equally un-
be traversed by boat, or may be crossed by means of a bridge,
concerned with what might happen to them after death. In
as the Parsis believe.
accordance with this lack of interest we find cultures that not
Generally the country of the dead is represented more
only allow the conditions of existence in the land of the dead
or less as a copy of the world of the living, and life there fol-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: GEOGRAPHIES OF DEATH
137
lows in the main the same lines as life on earth. In these cases
In the first case, the world of the dead is situated on
it is difficult to speak of a “geography” of death, which would
earth, but at a lesser or greater distance away from the dwell-
be distinct from the geography of the living. An extreme ex-
ings of the living. The Trobriand Islanders (New Guinea) sit-
ample of this is the idea which the Admiralty Islanders on
uate the village of the dead in the direct neighborhood of
Manus (near New Guinea) have developed. In Manus, per-
their own villages. The Celtic Tirnanog is an island in the
sonality survives death in all respects, at least for a time. A
far west on the other side of the immense ocean. According
man’s property remains his own and even his profession, if
to the Tasmanians (Australia) the dead travel to an island
he has one, remains unchanged. Reo F. Fortune reports in
nearby where they continue their existence; in parts of the
his book Manus Religion that if the deceased was a member
Northern Territory (Australia) the island of the dead is situ-
of the native constabulary appointed by the Australian ad-
ated far off in the direction of the Morning Star. According
ministration, he remains a policeman among the ghosts after
to the Ewe (Togo) the country of the dead lies a long way
death. There he receives the periodic visits of a ghostly white
off from that of the living on the far side of a river, and the
district officer of a ghostly white administration and collects
journey to arrive there is difficult and dangerous. We also fre-
the ghostly taxes paid by his fellow ghosts. It is clear that in
quently find peoples having traditions of migration, and here
this case the conception of the country of the dead is an exact
in many cases the abode of the departed is identified with
double of the land of the living. The living and the dead co-
the people’s original home, described in myth. Starting from
exist in space, having only different modes of being. Here it
Southeast Asia, we find all over the Pacific variations of the
is hardly possible to speak of a distinct geography of death.
name Java, not only as the actual island of the living, but also
Although this is perhaps an extreme example, many cases
as the mythic island of the dead. This “principle of return,”
exist in which the dwelling places of the dead are considered
as it has been called, often appears in the orientation of the
to be in the immediate neighborhood of those of the living.
corpse at burial that is based on the idea of the return to the
country of origin.
The Greek settlers in southern Italy considered some
In the second case, the realm of the dead is situated be-
wild and eerie regions as parts of the underworld existing on
neath the earth or under the water. The idea of an under-
the surface of the earth. “Lake without birds” was an appela-
world as the dwelling place of the departed is probably the
tion of the underworld, Avernus. The facilis descensus Averno
commonest of all concepts in this sphere. The idea of an en-
of which the Roman poet Vergil speaks could be located next
trance to this region through a deep hole in the ground or
to one’s own home. Even when the hereafter is conceived as
a cave is also widespread. The Hopi (North America) locate
a mirror image of the world of the living, the difference is
the village of the dead, Kotluwalawa, in the depth of a lake
not as great as it may seem. Things may be reversed, left and
called “Whispering Water.” When located beneath the earth,
right, up and down, the cycle of the seasons may have
the world of the dead is usually conceived as either a realm
changed places, but the general principles remain the same.
of shadowy figures or shades, as in the case of the Israelite
Where the dead are thought to remain present in the
She’ol and the Greek Hades, or as a place of punishment.
place where they are buried (the conception of the “living
On Bellona Island, for instance, the dead are believed to live
corpse”), a special country of the dead may be absent, or at
in darkness under the ground, whereas the living inhabit the
least unimportant. The same is true when the dead are
world of light on the earth. The Babylonian realm of the
thought to change into animals living in their natural habi-
dead, the “country of no return,” is pictured in the myth of
tat. Nevertheless, the dead always remain separated from the
Ishtar’s descent to hell in similar terms:
living, at least by their different mode of being, whether or
The house of darkness,
not they are further separated by the location of the realm
The house the inhabitants of which lack light,
of which they have become inhabitants. When we find the
The place where dust is their food
belief that human beings after death will be reunited again
and excrements their nourishments,
with the cosmos—often considered as divine—there is a
Where they see no light and live in darkness.
transformation in the mode of being, but the question of a
geography of the dead does not properly arise. This is the
The specification of the underworld as a place of punishment
case, for instance, in the Indian concept of a¯tman, the self,
is closely connected with the more general phenomenon of
which returns after death to brahman. Where the final desti-
the differentiation of destinies after death. As noted briefly
nation of man is conceived negatively, as in the Buddhist nir-
above, a number of cultures believe in such a differentiation.
vana, any attempt to “locate” this final state falls under the
We may distinguish two main types: one based on the princi-
same negative strictures.
ple of social or ritual status, and one according to ethical
principles. Where the main criterion at first appears to be a
GEOGRAPHIES OF DEATH. In those cases where there is the
kind of knowledge, closer inspection reveals that this type is
elaboration of a distinct geography of death, there appear to
best understood as a subdivision of the first social or ritual
be three main possibilities, each with minor variations. The
one. In the first type, illustrated for instance by the Delaware
world of the dead may be on earth, under the earth, or in
and Algonquin (North America), there exists a concept of a
heaven. Numerous examples can be given of each.
different destiny after death for different social or ritual
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
138
AFTERLIFE: GEOGRAPHIES OF DEATH
groups. The fate of those lacking such status remains open.
in Egyptian Duat, the zone of twilight, or heaven by night.
They are simply excluded from the regular abode of the dead
Five distinct conceptions may be mentioned.
without further thought being given to the problem of where
First, the Egyptians recognized a country of the dead,
and how they continue their existence.
named Amentet, the West. More exactly, this term applies
The most common type of differentiation, however, is
to the western frontier of the fertile land, the edge of the de-
based upon ethical principles, which are employed to sepa-
sert where the necropolises were located. The idea of the
rate those who are to be rewarded after death from those who
dead who live on in the grave and graveyard was also known.
are to be punished. Along with this notion of postmortem
The realm of the dead is at times situated beneath the earth,
punishment comes the notion of hell and purgatory as the
which it more or less duplicates, and at other times it is pic-
locations where such punishments take place. While it is true
tured as a system of caves and passages. In both of these cases,
that not all subterranean abodes of the dead are hells, it does
the dead living there are believed to be visited by the sun at
seem to be the case that all hells are understood to be subter-
night. Then there are the “Earu fields,” conceived as a heav-
ranean. Realms of darkness beneath the earth beyond the
enly copy of the land of Egypt, complete with a heavenly
reach of sun and moon, they are illuminated solely by the
Nile, yet superior to earth in every way. Finally, the country
flames that punish the damned.
of the dead may be located in heaven among the stars, espe-
cially in the north among the circumpolar stars, which the
In the final case, the world of the dead may be situated
Egyptians called the “stars that never die.”
in heavenly spheres. This concept is also a very common one.
We find it, for instance, in Egypt as one of several ideas con-
SEE ALSO Heaven and Hell; Otherworld; Underworld.
cerning the location of the hereafter. The belief that this
country is to be sought somewhere high in the mountains
BIBLIOGRAPHY
is only a variation, since in many religions mountaintops
Cavendish, Richard. Visions of Heaven and Hell. London. 1977.
symbolize heaven and the dwelling place of the gods, as, for
A useful book with many illustrations and a selected bibli-
example, Olympus did in Greece. The Dusun (North Kali-
ography.
mantan, Borneo) situate the abode of the dead on a high
Champdor, Albert, trans. Le livre des morts. Paris, 1963. An up-to-
mountain. Another variation is the belief that the dead con-
date translation of the Egyptian Book of Going Forth by Day.
Well illustrated. Further translated by Faubion Bowers as
tinue their existence on or among the stars.
The Book of the Dead (New York, 1966).
The heavenly country of the dead is often represented
Clemen, Carl C. Das Leben nach dem Tode im Glauben der Men-
as a more or less idealized replica of that of the living. The
schheit. Leipzig, 1920. Still one of the best short introduc-
Ngaju Dayak (South Kalimantan, Borneo), for example, go
tions to the theme, albeit dated as regards theory.
to Lewu Liau after death, a village of spirits situated in a love-
Cumont, Franz. Afterlife in Roman Paganism. New York, 1959.
ly and fertile country, near a river full of fish and with woods
A standard work.
filled with game nearby. Everything that is found on earth
Evans-Wentz, W. Y., ed. The Tibetan Book of the Dead. 2d ed.
is found there too, but it is a better world where such things
Translated by Kazi Dawasamdup. London, 1949. Includes
as criminality are unknown. We also encounter profane ver-
a useful introduction.
sions of such heavenly paradises, such as the land of Cocagne,
Faulkner, Raymond O., trans. The Ancient Egyptian Book of the
mentioned in fairy tales and usually located in heavenly
Dead. Rev. ed. Edited by Carol Andrews. London, 1985. A
spheres.
fresh translation, lavishly illustrated.
Firth, Raymond. The Fate of the Soul: An Interpretation of Some
MULTIPLE GEOGRAPHIES: THE EXAMPLE OF ANCIENT
Primitive Concepts. Cambridge, 1955. Short but important.
EGYPT. Ancient Egypt offers us an example of a multiple ge-
Jeremias, Alfred. Hölle und Paradies bei den Babyloniern. Leipzig,
ography of death, combining in a single religion many of the
1900. Short treatment of the Babylonian concepts of the
different types we have mentioned above. Although there is
hereafter. Still of value.
no reason to think that the culture of Egypt was an especially
Kees, Hermann. Totenglauben und Jenseitsvorstellungen der alten
somber one, it is true that its preoccupation with death and
Ägypter: Grundlagen und Entwicklung bis zum Ende des mit-
afterlife was great. Although the Egyptians believed in a judg-
tleren Reiches. 2d ed. Berlin, 1956. The standard work on
ment of the dead by Osiris, the god of the underworld, there
Egyptian concepts of the hereafter.
seems to have been no concept of hell. Those souls that could
Pfannmüller, Gustav, ed. Tod, Jenseits und Unsterblichkeit in der
not pass the divine judgment were destined to be eaten by
Religion, Literatur und Philosophie der Griechen und Romer.
Ammit, “she who devours.” Egypt also knew the idea of a
Munich, 1953. An anthology with a useful introduction.
second and definitive death in the hereafter. The Book of
New Sources
Going Forth by Day in fact relates a myth according to which
Bauckham, Richard. The Fate of the Dead: Studies on the Jewish
the entire world will in the end return to its primal state prior
and Christian Apocalypses. Boston, 1996.
to creation, to a state of chaos or nothingness.
Bloom, Harold. Omens of Millennium: The Gnosis of Angels, De-
Egyptian religion is of particular interest because of the
mons, and Resurrection. New York, 1996.
multiple ways in which it conceived of the hereafter, called
Davis, Stephen T., ed. Death and Afterlife. New York, 1989.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: AFRICAN CONCEPTS
139
Himmelfarb, Martha. Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian
in the Mediterranean world as Christianity was taking shape.
Apocalypses. New York, 1993.
Later still, in the nineteenth century, through Christian mis-
MacGregor, Geddes. Images of Afterlife: Beliefs from Antiquity to
sionaries these ideas found their way into sub-Saharan Africa.
Modern Times. New York, 1992.
Here, they reinforced prior indigenous concepts of the after-
Obayashi, Hiroshi, ed. Death and Afterlife: Perspectives of World
life where these already incorporated notions of a final judg-
Religion. New York, 1992.
ment, as in the case of the Yoruba of Nigeria and LoDagaa
Taylor, John H. Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Egypt. Chicago,
of Ghana (Ray, 1976, pp. 143ff). Elsewhere, for example
2001.
among the Agikuyu of Kenya, ideas of heaven and hell were
T
introduced de novo, since this community’s prior concepts
H. P. VAN BAAREN (1987)
Revised Bibliography
of the hereafter had no such notions. Among the Gikuyu,
as was typical in most indigenous African communities,
though one’s moral misconduct could provoke divine anger
and punishment, such punishment was this-worldly rather
AFTERLIFE: AFRICAN CONCEPTS
than delayed and otherworldly. The impact of historical en-
Discussing African notions of afterlife necessitates several
counters between cultures, and the ensuing dynamism, trans-
preliminary and pertinent observations.
formation, and fluidity of ideas will be recognized and fac-
First, Africa is characterized by a tremendous ethnic and
tored in this analysis.
cultural diversity. There are about three thousand African
ethnic groups, each boasting a distinctive common history,
Against this background then, and drawing examples
culture, language, and recognizable belief system. Thus, it is
from the vast pool of diverse African cultures, this article dis-
possible to speak of the Yoruba notions of afterlife and com-
cusses the topic under several interrelated headings, namely:
pare these, say, to the Igbo or Zulu concepts, noting distinc-
• Afro-theism, Cosmogonies, and African Notions of Af-
tions and similarities. This article will factor in this palpable
terlife
ethnic diversity in order to avoid sweeping generalizations.
• Concepts of the Human Person and Implications for
Across the many ethnic groupings and cultural expres-
Life After Death
sions, however, one can discern commonalities in worldviews
that make it possible to speak of an “African” worldview as
• Notions of Afterlife: Clues from Mortuary and Funer-
compared, say, to a “Hindu” one. Summarizing distinctive
ary Rituals
markers of this African worldview, Sambuli Mosha isolates
• The Living-Dead: Corporate Identity and the Destiny
four key ideas, namely: (1) the centrality of belief in God,
of the Individual
(2) an acknowledgment of the intrinsic unity between indi-
viduals and communities, (3) viewing the universe as an in-
• The Living and the Dead: The Status and Role of An-
terconnected, interdependent whole, (4) embracing life as a
cestors
process of spiritual formation and transformation (Mosha,
• Change, Continuity, and Contestation: The Impact of
2000). All these markers shape the way Africans conceptual-
Christianity and Other Religions
ize both this life and the hereafter. These commonalities in
worldview despite cultural ethnic differences will be assumed
AFRO-THEISM, COSMOGONIES, AND AFRICAN NOTIONS OF
in this article.
AFTERLIFE. The African worldview is decidedly theistic. God
(named differently by various ethnic groups) is the creative
Secondly, African beliefs are dynamic rather than static.
force behind the origins of the universe and human beings
They are shaped and influenced by other belief systems that
within it, a belief that appears in many African cosmogonic
they encounter in history. While this dynamism is manifest
myths. These myths also indicate that in God’s original in-
in all aspects of belief, here we focus on concepts of the here-
tentions, the world was orderly, and human beings led a
after. In this regard, we note for example that ancient Egyp-
happy life in a state of immortality as long as they were close
tians held very clear eschatological ideas featuring notions of
to God, their creator. Somehow, this state was interrupted,
heaven and hell and a final judgment. Thus, in the Egyptian
and death entered the world. Ray (1976, p. 24) reports that
Book of the Dead, a text designed to be a guide for the soul
according to a myth of original “paradise lost” held by the
as it journeyed on beyond physical death, Osiris determines
Tutsi of Rwanda, in the beginning, Imana, God, created two
the destiny of the dead. Having measured their moral worth
worlds, the one above and the one below. The world below
against the feather of Maat (symbolizing truth and justice),
was the opposite of the world above, since it lacked in beauty
he sends them “west,” to the “abode of the righteous,” or to
and prosperity. Initially, human beings lived close to the sky
“hell.” Today, the pyramids where the pharaohs, ancient
and were therefore near enough to the world above to enjoy
Egyptian kings believed to be immortal, were entombed re-
its benefits without struggle and labor. Sickness was not
main an enduring testimony of the ancient Egyptians’ preoc-
known, and when people died, Imana brought them back to
cupation with life after death.
life after three days. Perhaps because of human disobedience
Two thousand years later, these Egyptian ideas of the
or greed, this relationship was lost. The promise of happiness
hereafter were part of the repertoire of beliefs in circulation
brought by proximity to God was severed and remains only
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
140
AFTERLIFE: AFRICAN CONCEPTS
a vague future possibility. According to the myth, humans
That a person is considered a composite and integral
continue to suffer hardships in this world, until one day
whole is also evident in that often, when people claim to en-
when, their expiation over, they will return to the sky. It
counter the dead through visions and dreams or when they
seems from this myth that the Tutsi understand happiness
communicate with them through ritual, they claim to have
and immortality to be dependent on how well they maintain
met or spoken with “so and so,” a person identifiable by
the link between themselves and God.
name, rather than the “ghost” of so and so. Given this inte-
gral relationship between the outer and inner person, then,
Quite different to the Tutsi myth with its promise of
it would seem that at death it is the person that dies rather
at least a rudimentary eschatological hope, the Nuer myth
than “the soul” leaving the body and flying away, as some
of paradise lost stipulates that in the beginning all was happi-
Christian popular hymns indicate.
ness, since the heavens, God’s abode, and earth were linked
by a rope, the pathway to access divine favors and bounty.
NOTIONS OF AFTERLIFE: CLUES FROM MORTUARY AND FU-
According to this myth, upon death people ascended to the
NERARY RITUALS. The notion that the body is integral to the
sky via the rope for a short period and came back rejuvenated
human person also finds expression in the significance and
to earth. When the rope was severed, death became a perma-
even sacredness with which the body is treated particularly
nent feature of the human condition. The myth suggests that
during funeral rituals in Africa. Such rituals and related “ora-
this group believes that immortality is gone forever and only
tures” (myths, stories, and songs) constitute a commentary
life and death within this world remain (Ray, 1976).
by humans on their experiences in this world and its beyond
and offer significant clues regarding concepts of the afterlife.
CONCEPTS OF THE HUMAN PERSON AND IMPLICATIONS
In the oratures, the fact of dying is often described using
FOR LIFE AFTER DEATH. More clues regarding African no-
tions of afterlife can be gleaned from an examination of Afri-
the metaphor of a journey. Death is depicted as “saying
can concepts of the person. Now, in some belief systems, say
goodbye” to the living or “saying yes” (gwitika in Gikuyu)
Hinduism, the person is defined as the soul that is contained
to a summons by God. Many people describe death as “a
or even imprisoned in the body. Indeed, within Hinduism,
going home” (in Gikuyu, kuinuka) or simply, a departure
one goal of religious activity is to facilitate the ultimate sepa-
(Gikuyu, guthie). Death is also described as “sleeping” or
ration or liberation (moksha) of the soul (a¯tman) breaking
“resting.”
out of once and for all the unending and tragic cycle of reim-
This use of the metaphor of a journey is related to the
bodiment (sam:sa¯ra).
fact that in general, as indicated earlier, Africans view life it-
self as a journey. Life is an unfolding, a process of “formation
In general, within the African context, such a rigid dual-
and transformation” that starts before birth and does not end
ism between body and soul is not found. Instead of conceiv-
at physical death. During crucial moments of this life jour-
ing the person as a soul that is contained in a body, Africans
ney, special rituals (rites of passage) designed to mark, cele-
define the person as an integral whole constituting the “outer
brate, and help the individual successfully negotiate the key
person” (the body) and the “inner self.” The Yoruba call this
turning points, including death, are performed. Thus, for ex-
inner person ori-inu (Idowu, 1994, p. 170). Symbolized by
ample, among the Swazi, burial of the dead is only done after
the physical head, ori is also connected with God, Olódù-
three days. It is said that going through the physical death
marè, who is the source of all being and before whom one’s
process is exhausting to the sojourner and therefore the de-
ori kneels to receive one’s destiny prior to being born into
ceased needs a few days to recuperate before continuing in
this world. One’s ori, therefore, is the essence of one’s person-
the next phase of the life journey. The Swazi also bury their
ality as it controls and guides one’s life according to the desti-
dead with all their vital earthly belongings, thus equipping
ny received prior to birth. At the end of one’s physical life,
them for the next phase of their life journey, beyond physical
one will give an account of one’s earthly conduct before
death. (M’passou in Cox, 1998, p. 28). Furthermore, during
Olódùmarè (God) who will determine one’s postmortem ex-
the period between death and burial, the Swazi, as do other
istence either in the “Orun rere” (Paradise or good orun) or
communities, observe a vigil both to console the bereaved
“Orun apadi” (hell or Orun of the Potsherds), where one suf-
and to keep the deceased person company as they transit be-
fers a wretched afterlife. According to Bolaji Idowu, life in
tween this world and the next (M’passou in Cox, 1998).
the “good Orun” is but a larger and freer copy of this worldly
life, minus earthly pains and tribulations. The best postmor-
Rituals are also performed to prepare and equip the de-
tem reward is a reunion with one’s relatives who have died
ceased for the journey ahead and also to “inform” those on
before, particularly ancestors, the Ara Orun (Idowu, 1994,
the other side that the deceased is on the way and they should
p. 177). Although Idowu presented this idea of afterlife in
expect him or her. The Chagga of Tanzania believe that this
the context of traditional Yoruba society, it is important to
journey to the world of ancestors takes nine days. To make
note that some scholars have questioned this apparently
the journey easier, the corpse is anointed with fat, fed with
theological explication of the Yoruba notion of afterlife. The
milk, and covered with a hide to protect it from the elements.
notion may be due to the strong influence of Islam and
A bull is also killed specifically for the deceased’s grandfather
Christianity on Yoruba culture at the time Idowu collected
to alert him so that he can await the deceased (Mbiti, 1969,
his materials.
p. 155).
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AFTERLIFE: AFRICAN CONCEPTS
141
Mortuary rituals also emphasize the integral connection
tion with the living constitutes the individual’s “personal im-
between the “inner and outer person.” Since the body is inte-
mortality.” One enjoys this status so long as there are people
gral to the person, a deceased’s body is treated with utmost
left behind to remember him or her. As a Living-Dead one
respect. Appropriate burial and “disposal” of the body is
continues to be involved in matters of the corporate group
therefore important; otherwise, the person cannot make the
of family and clan and retains one’s personal name and cor-
transition into the other world. For this reason, even when
porate identity in this context. Thus, this is a status clearly
a wild beast devours a body, leaving only a few shreds or
linked or even dependent on one’s place in and relationship
pieces, these are carefully collected and accorded a full and
to the corporate group, particularly the family. When after
respectful burial. In situations where a corpse is not retriev-
a long time such individuals are no longer remembered by
able, say because of drowning, a burial must still be per-
name, they enter a state of what Mbiti calls collective immor-
formed, and so in some societies, a surrogate is used. The
tality as they blend into the general world of those who have
Luo of Kenya, for example, use the yago fruit, which is sever-
gone before (Mbiti, 1969). The Swahili call this community
al feet in length and is laid in the grave to represent the dead.
of the dead Mizimu, while their abode is referred to as
It is also for this reason that cremation is not a preferred
Kuzimu.
method of disposal of the dead in the African context.
THE LIVING AND THE DEAD: THE STATUS AND ROLE OF
Failure to perform burial rites properly makes the de-
ANCESTORS. The installation of the deceased back into fami-
ceased unable to negotiate the postmortem phase of the life
ly simultaneously marks the induction of the deceased into
journey successfully. Such frustrated persons may have to
the world of ancestors. Henceforth, the deceased person can
“come back,” looking for help or for some vital equipment
be honored in family rituals alongside other ancestors and
necessary of the journey. The Luo call such restless, deceased
enjoy a privileged position both among the living and the
persons jochiende, while the Shona call them mashave. Such
dead. This status, however, is not automatic. Rather, it de-
restless and wondering spirits are said to haunt and afflict the
pends on how well one conducted oneself in this life as a
living as they try to gain their attention.
member of the corporate group. Those who have fulfilled
THE LIVING DEAD: CORPORATE IDENTITY AND THE DESTI-
their corporate duties and obligations as the community de-
NY OF THE INDIVIDUAL. Mortuary rituals also reveal that Af-
fines them are honored as “ancestors,” a status analogous to
ricans consider death a paradox. On the one hand, death and
but not identical to that of sainthood in Christianity. Being
burial signifies an end to one’s physical life. Meticulous and
moral exemplars, the ancestors are also considered custodians
proper burial signifies that Africans understand the finality
and enforcers of justice and morality among the living, and
of death as a marker of the end of physical life. Death is
because they are considered ontologically closer to God, they
therefore frustrating because it takes way a loved one and
function as intermediaries between God and the people.
robs people of the companionship and other gifts that such
Thus, petitionary prayer is often said through them.
a relationship brings. This frustration is expressed though fu-
neral dirges. For this reason, too, death is also vigorously, col-
Ancestorhood is therefore a status of honor reserved for
lectively, and publicly mourned.
the exemplary dead. The Gikuyu refer to such a persons as
mwendwo ni iri (the people’s beloved). Conversely, those
Simultaneously, however, death is not an annihilation
who fail in their worldly obligations, or those whose actions
of the person. Though the deceased may be physically gone,
are subversive to rather than nurturing of life, are quickly for-
they are still here as persons and the living can still communi-
gotten and “excommunicated” after death. The Gikuyu call
cate with them. Paradoxically, then, the dead are not dead,
such persons muimwo ni iri (rejected by the people). To be
a paradox that led Mbiti to coin the phrase “the Living-
thus rejected, excommunicated and forgotten, is truly to die
Dead” (1969, p. 81).
in the African understanding.
The belief that the dead are not dead is expressed and
CHANGE, CONTINUITY, AND CONTESTATION: THE IMPACT
dramatized through rituals designed to welcome and install
OF CHRISTIANITY AND OTHER RELIGIONS. Historically, Af-
the deceased back into the world of the living. The Luo of
rica is heir to a triple heritage of religion and culture: namely
Kenya call this ritual Duogo (Ongonga in Cox, 1998,
African traditional religions, Islam, and Christianity. As early
p. 236), while the Xhosa of South Africa call it Ukubuyisa
as the first century CE, most of North Africa was part of the
(Pato, in Oosthuizen and Irving, 1992, p. 134). For the
Roman Empire and therefore part of Christendom. Later on,
Shona of Zimbabwe, the ritual is called Kurova Guva and is
the region came under Islamic influence, and today much of
performed by every member of the family, who must explic-
North Africa is Islamic and culturally Arabic. Meanwhile,
itly through ritual offerings and libations indicate willingness
communities like those of the Swahili of East Africa present
to welcome the deceased as a continuing member of the fam-
a religio-cultural hybridity a result of years of blending indig-
ily despite physical death. The deceased is also ritually con-
enous African cultures with Islamic ones. Needless to say, Af-
sulted to indicate his or her acceptance thus to be reinte-
ricans who have come into contact with Islam and Christian-
grated into the family (Gundani in Cox, 1998, p. 201).
ity have been influenced by the rather sharply defined
According to Mbiti (1969, p. 158), this continued re-
eschatological notions featuring a final judgment, heaven
membrance of the Living-Dead and their sustained interac-
and hell, and final resurrection as destinies of the soul. Mus-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
142
AFTERLIFE: AFRICAN CONCEPTS
lims, for example, are encouraged to persevere through earth-
that wither and die” and that “We shall leave our bodies right
ly tribulations in view of the “day of the Resurrection” when
here on earth and go to heaven in/with our souls/spirits”
a judgment will be made in their favor, assuming they live
(mioyo) (Kikuyu Catholic Hymnal, 1992, hymn 108). People
a righteous this-worldly life (see QurDa¯n, su¯rah III:185).
are therefore encouraged to treat the body with suspicion be-
cause fleshly desires might derail their souls from the journey
African belief systems have been most palpably influ-
to heaven. The denigration of the body implicit in these
enced and shaped by the encounter with nineteenth-century
songs is quite alien to indigenous understandings of the
missionary Christianity. This Christianity was articulated in
human person and the person’s destiny after death.
terms of Western culture, and its introduction coincided
with the colonization of Africa. Moreover, for the most part
The songs also indicate that Christianized Africans have
assuming a radical difference between themselves and their
embraced Christian eschatological ideas of heaven and hell
worldviews and the Africans and their worldviews, and con-
and even a postmortem judgment. Thus, while Africans con-
vinced of the need to convert Africans from their allegedly
tinue to see death as a “saying yes” to God’s summons, this
“primitive” and therefore “inadequate” or even “wrong” be-
summons is a prelude to God’s judgment, which determines
liefs, missionaries deliberately tried to erase African beliefs
one’s final postmortem destiny in heaven or hell. Thus, as
and practices and to replace these with ostensibly Christian
another song reminds the listener, the issue that one should
ones. This process had a tremendous impact on all aspects
worry about is not death itself, since death is inevitable. The
of African beliefs, including notions of the afterlife, our im-
issue of concern is whether at death one will be in a state of
mediate concern here.
readiness to meet God in the final judgment (Kikuyu Catho-
lic Hymnal, 1992, hymn 100).
For one thing, there seems in Christian discourse and
Simultaneously, however, while many seem to have em-
practice, a literal demotion or even demonization of ances-
braced these Christianized notions of the afterlife, there is ev-
tors. Whereas in indigenous African thought ancestors were
idence, even among Christianized Africans, of a marked re-
moral exemplars, enjoying a status of honor to which the liv-
sistance to the seeming demonization of African beliefs,
ing could aspire, today, ancestors are in Christian discourse
particularly beliefs in ancestors. Many Christians, albeit in
depicted as evil forces of the same character with the devil.
camouflaged or covert ways, continue to honor and remem-
Terms such as mizimu (Kiswahili), emandloti (Swazi), or
ber their dead through ritual in spite of the formal doctrinal
ngoma (Kikuyu), which traditionally described the ancestors,
ban. The traditional rituals of reinstating the dead into the
are today used almost as synonyms for Satan or the devil.
world of the living, for example, seem to reappear camou-
Furthermore, the deliberate invocation of ngoma or mizimu
flaged in the quite prevalent Christian rituals of “unveiling
and fellowship with them through libations and prayer
the tombstone” or “unveiling the cross.” Such rituals, usually
(Gikuyu, kurongoreria) is in official Christian teaching out-
performed a year after death and burial, are reminiscent of
lawed because it is considered a breach of the First Com-
Kurova Guva, Ukubuyisa, or Duogo rituals mentioned earlier.
mandment. Ancestors are therefore to be dreaded and reject-
In Catholic circles, Christianized Africans also ritually con-
ed as part of the demonic forces in the “netherworld” that
nect with deceased family members through requesting a
Jesus “dismantled” through his death and resurrection. In-
Mass for the dead, a doctrinally legitimate practice. This is
stead of celebrating their exemplary dead, then, many Chris-
reminiscent of rituals of communion with the deceased
tianized Africans have seemingly adopted the Christian after-
through shared meals and libations. Such Masses for the
life discourse and now celebrate angels and saints that are
dead are routinely “bought,” particularly around November
said to populate the heavenly sphere and with whom those
2, the Feast of All Souls in the Catholic liturgical calendar.
who die in good standing with God will live happily after
death. Thus, for example, one Gikuyu Christian funeral song
Recently, recognizing that rituals to honor the dead are
bids the deceased farewell and expresses the hope that the
carried out despite the ban, and conceding that ancestors
person will be met at the gates of heaven by “multitudes of
hold a key position in African traditional religions the Cath-
God’s angels” (Kikuyu Catholic Hymnal, 1992, hymn 101).
olic Synod of African Bishops recommended that attempts
Whereas in the past the hope was to attain personal immor-
be made to harmonize African beliefs in ancestors with
tality as a Living-Dead and to enjoy a status of honor among
Christian beliefs regarding saints (Schotte, 1992, p. 55). This
the ancestors, Christianized Africans look forward instead to
recommendation finds significant support in the thought of
joining an otherworldly/heavenly community of God and
a growing number of African theologians such as Jean Marc
angels as defined in the Christian discourse.
Ela, a Cameroonian priest, who find the demotion and de-
monization of African beliefs problematic. Such theologians
A redefinition of the human person also seems to be in-
assert the compatibility of African beliefs with Christian ones
dicated in the Christian discourse. While traditionally one’s
if only the latter can shed their Western garb and be clothed
body was considered integral to one’s person and was there-
afresh in terms of African culture, a process called “incultura-
fore considered important even after death, today Christian
tion.” In this discourse of “inculturation theology” ancestors
funeral songs depict the body as incidental if not detrimental
still emerge as moral exemplars, and instead of Jesus disman-
to one’s positive destiny after death. One such song exhorts
tling the ancestors, he is portrayed in this theology as the “an-
the listeners to remember that “our bodies are like flowers
cestor par excellence.”
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: AFRICAN CONCEPTS
143
These theologians also argue that beyond the question
those regarding the afterlife are incompatible with Christian-
of the status of ancestors in the hereafter, the ban on African
ity. Gundani and Ongonga also discuss, respectively, the rit-
beliefs in ancestors has far reaching implications in the here
uals of Kurova Guva and Duogo, which are rituals of reinte-
and now. As Ela, for example, argues in his book My Faith
grating the deceased and confirming their status as ancestors
as An African (1990), ancestral veneration is simultaneously
or the living dead.
an affirmation about life after death but also an affirmation
Ela, Jean Marc. My Faith as An African. Maryknoll, N.Y., 1990.
of African notions of family, which includes the living, the
Drawing largely on his experiences as an African Catholic
dead, as well as the not yet born. Doctrinally, to ban ancestral
priest, Ela asserts the compatibility of African beliefs with
veneration, then, is to demand that Africans abandon this
Christianity and argues for their reclamation as both doctri-
nally viable and socially relevant for Africans’ quest for beliefs
quite viable notion of family (Ela, 1990, p. 17). Further-
and practices that enhance and nurture life in the here and
more, the ban is seemingly based on Christian notions of af-
now.
terlife that define salvation as a matter of the individual’s dis-
Idowu, Bolaji. Olódùmarè: God in Yoruba Belief. Wazobia, N.Y.,
embodied soul getting to an “otherworldly heaven.” These
1994. This is primarily an account of Yoruba notions of
individualistic, otherworldly, and disembodied notions of
God. In chapters 13 and 14 Idowu discusses Yoruba notions
salvation seem contrary to the indigenous sensibilities that
of human nature and definition of the person. He analyzes
focus on “embodied” and “corporate” destiny of the person
Yoruba notions of predestiny and how these are connected
both in this life and beyond.
with the postmortem destiny of the person.
For this reason, and in view of the many negative social
Kenyatta, Jomo. Facing Mount Kenya. New York, 1965. A mono-
graph on the beliefs and cultural system of the Agikuyu of
ramifications of radical individualism in Africa, Ela claims
Kenya. Chapter 10 focuses on Gikuyu religious beliefs and
that a reclamation of African beliefs in ancestors is simulta-
highlights the place of ancestors (ngoma) in this system.
neously a reclamation of the more viable African notion of
Kenyatta distinguishes between the worship of Ngai (God)
human destiny, which focus on interconnectedness and in-
and the veneration of ancestors who he portrays as mediators
terdependence between the individual and the community.
between God and the living.
For Ela, such a reclamation is not only doctrinally valid and
Magesa, Laurenti. African Religions: The Moral Traditions of Abun-
acceptable but would serve as one possible antidote to “this
dant Life. Maryknoll, N.Y., 1997. Discusses indigenous Afri-
worldly” problems that thrive on radical individualism (Ela,
can religions as ethical systems and links belief in and venera-
1990, pp. 24ff).
tion of ancestors to these systems. Magesa depicts ancestors
as moral exemplars and in chapter 3 presents ancestors as cus-
It would seem, then, that contemporary debates about
todians of and enforcers of life-affirming values.
the afterlife in Africa are simultaneously discussions about
Mbiti, John. African Religions and Philosophy. Portsmouth, N.H.,
this world and this life. It would seem also that the emphasis
1969. Drawing examples from across the continent, Mbiti
by Africans on a this-worldly and corporate approach to sal-
offers a systematic account of African beliefs. In chapter 8 he
vation resonates significantly with the prior key affirmations
discusses the African notions of personal immortality and the
about God and the world in the African worldview. As we
status of the living dead, while in chapter 14 he discusses Af-
recall, Africans believe that the destiny of the individual and
rican ideas of death and the hereafter and offers an exegesis
the community are interdependent, interconnected, and in-
of sample funeral rituals. In chapter 3, Mbiti proposes the
tertwined. Africans also believe in a universe that is in process
controversial idea that African eschatological notions are in-
of formation and transformation, and therefore life means
sufficiently developed because Africans lack a future dimen-
being involved in a process of becoming, together. Moreover,
sion of time, a gap which he suggests is appropriately filled
by Christianity with its eschatalogy of heaven, hell, a resur-
in the African view, to be is to participate in an ongoing
rection, and a final judgement at the end of time.
dance of life propelled by God’s creative and sustaining
power. This dance is only interrupted, not ended, by physical
Mosha, Sambuli. The Heartbeat of Indigenous Africa. New York,
2000. A study of indigenous education system of the Chagga
death. In the African worldview, then, notions about the “af-
from Tanzania. Mosha contextualizes this education within
terlife” and notions of “this life” complement and flow into
the African theistic worldview with its emphasis on whole-
one another.
ness and interconnectedness of life as well its unfolding na-
ture. Given this worldview, Africans see the hereafter as inti-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
mately linked with the here and now.
Cox, James, ed. Rites of Passage in Contemporary Africa: Interaction
Mugambi, Jesse, and J. B. Ojwang, eds. The SM Otieno Case:
Between Christian and African Traditional Religions. Cardiff,
Death and Burial in Modern Kenya. Nairobi, Kenya, 1989.
1998. The essays discuss the contested interface between Af-
This anthology of essays discusses and contextualizes the fa-
rican religions and Christianity regarding rites of passage.
mous 1987 controversial case regarding the burial of SM
Dennis M’passou writes on “The Continuing Tension Be-
Otieno, a Kenyan Luo. The essays analyze the legal ramifica-
tween Christianity and Rites of Passage in Swaziland,” Paul
tions of the case as well as religio-cultural and historical roots
Gundani explores “The Roman Catholic Church and the
of the controversy and suggest that the controversy was
Kurova Guva Ritual in Zimbabwe,” and Jude Ongonga
symptomatic of the seeming clash between Western and in-
writes on “The River-Lake Luo Phenomenon of Death.” All
digenous African (specifically Luo) views regarding life,
these essays challenge the view that African beliefs including
death, and the hereafter.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
144
AFTERLIFE: AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS CONCEPTS
Murphy, Joseph. Santería: An African Religion in America. Boston,
and begins the process of pregnancy. Upon birth, this spirit
1988. Murphy discusses the continuity of Yoruba religion in
inhabits the bones of an individual, as they are considered
America, specifically in Cuba, discussing, inter alia, Yoruba
the least corruptible body parts. The second spirit is the na-
notions about God and how these are linked with concepts
ngawulu, which is often translated as the “shade” or “shad-
of the person. He also contextualizes Santería culturally and
ow” of an individual, also the Yanyuwa word for an actual
historically and suggests that Santeria is both a reconstruc-
shadow. This spirit is represented in the body by the pulse
tion of Yoruba beliefs as well as a creative response of accom-
modation and resistance to mental enslavement. Santería
or the heartbeat. There is also the wuwarr spirit, which upon
emerges as a thinly veiled reconstruction of Yoruba ancestor
death manifests itself as a ghost of a person. Certain ritual
veneration as well as the devotion to the Yoruba divinities
actions take place in the community to remove the presence
(orisha) who are now referred to with names of saints from
of the wuwarr spirit, potentially dangerous and malevolent,
the Christian repertoire of the memorable dead (hence the
described as jealous of its living kin. The na-ngawulu is said
name Santería).
to travel east to the spirit world, where it will live in content-
P’bitek, Okot’. Religion of the Central Luo. Nairobi, Kenya, 1971.
ment in a rich environment, but speaking a new language
Discusses in detail the belief system of the Acholi of Uganda.
and “having new ears so it can no longer hear its living rela-
P’bitek notes that the Acholi approach the dead as identifi-
tives” (Dinah Norman Marrngawi, personal communica-
able persons rather than mere disembodied spirits (cwiny) or
tion, 2004). In more recent times—since contact with Chris-
shadows (tipo).
tianity—this is the spirit that is said to travel to heaven or
Oosthuizen, G. C., and Irving Hexham, eds. Empirical Studies of
hell.
African Independent/Indigenous Churches. Lewiston, N.Y.,
1992. This anthology of essays analyzes African independent
In the past, the piercing of the nasal septum was a com-
churches, their histories and theologies. One pertinent essay
mon practice in Yanyuwa society. This was said to open the
by D. M. Hostetter is entitled “Disarming the Emandloti:
nose so that upon death, the spirit of the deceased would be
the Ancestors,” and notes how, in Christian discourse, the
able to smell the spirit world. The body was placed on a plat-
ancestors are subordinated to Jesus who is said to disem-
form until the flesh decayed, and then the bones were gath-
power them. A second essay, titled “The Unveiling of Tomb-
ered for further ritual to take place one to two years later.
stones among African Independent Churches,” by L. L. Pato,
Today, internment takes place in a cemetery, but the post-
discusses how Christianized Africans have seemingly recon-
funeral rituals occur as in the past. These rituals are said to
structed the rituals of reinstating the dead among the living,
join the wuwarr spirit to the ardirri (creating a spirit called
ukubuyisa, through the practice of “unveiling the tomb-
stones.”
the kuyara), and to send the spirit back to its own spiritual
source on the land, where it can await rebirth as another
Ray, Benjamin. African Religions: Symbol, Ritual and Community.
human being. In the past, this return to country was actual,
New York, 1976. This is a monograph on African belief sys-
with the bones of the deceased interred in a hollow log coffin
tems. Ray discusses inter alia myths of “paradise lost” and the
loss of “immortality.”
decorated with powerful designs relating to the deceased in-
dividual and country of origin. Contemporary Yanyuwa peo-
Schotte, Jan P., ed. African Synod: Instrumentum Laboris. Nairobi,
ple see no conflict with new systems relating to death and
Kenya, 1992. This constitutes the working documents (in-
strumentum laboris) for a 1994 synod of Catholic Bishops to
dealing with various spirits, and indigenous Australians are
rethink the Christian message and mission in the African
able to construct relevant understandings of what happens
context. The working document highlights the need for “in-
after death.
culturation” of Christianity, taking into consideration posi-
However, the spirits of deceased individuals are also said
tive aspects of African religions including notions of death,
ancestors, and the hereafter.
to remain in the country they once inhabited, constituting
a community that parallels the living Yanyuwa community.
TERESIA MBARI HINGA (2005)
These spirits of the deceased continue to hunt and travel all
over the country and sea, watching the actions of their living
relatives. The spirits are said to be jealous of their living kin,
AFTERLIFE: AUSTRALIAN INDIGENOUS
and to have the ability, if they choose, to cause harm and
CONCEPTS
hardship. Conversely, they can help the living, appearing in
There are no easy generalizations to be made when dealing
dreams and assisting their relatives with the retention of in-
with issues associated with ritual particular beliefs in indige-
formation such as place names and song cycle verses.
nous Australia pertaining to the question of what happens
There are times when the inhabitants of this spirit world
to the spirits of individuals after death. This article will focus
and the land itself are seen to be one and the same. In speak-
on one region of Australia to illustrate concepts involving
ing about the land and these deceased kin, people inter-
what may loosely be called afterlife. The particular group is
change the terms for land (awara) and spirits (li-ngabangaku)
the Yanyuwa people of the southwest Gulf of Carpentaria in
often colloquially as the old people (li-wankala), so that one
Australia’s Northern Territory.
can talk about how the country has become poor and then
For the Yanyuwa, the body possesses two spirits: the
say that the spirits of the deceased are jealous or cheeky. Both
first, ardirri, comes from the land of one’s paternal ancestors,
of these comments mean the same thing. One way of dealing
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: OCEANIC CONCEPTS
145
with a land that has spirits residing within it is by actively
Myers, F. Pintupi Country: Pintupi Self: Sentiment, Place and Poli-
speaking to the land, or “talking to country.” This may in-
tics among Western Desert Aborigines. Canberra, Australia,
volve long speeches in high oratory, or may consist of a sim-
1986.
ple statement that says no more than “here I am.” Senior
Povinelli, Elizabeth. “‘Might Be Something’: The Language of In-
men and women may do no more than shout to announce
determinancy in Australian Aboriginal Land Use.” Man 28,
their presence. This is especially so if people are still often
no. 4 (1993).
in touch with the locality they are visiting; the land and the
Rose, D. Dingo Makes Us Human: Life and Land in an Australian
spirits of the deceased residing there will be familiar with
Aboriginal Culture. Cambridge, U.K., 1992.
them. There are times when nothing needs to be said, be-
Tamisari, F. Body, Names, and Movement: Images of Identity among
cause people are still moving through the location. When
the Yolngu of North-East Arnhem Land. Ph.D. Thesis, Lon-
people have not visited a locality for a long period of time,
don School of Economics and Political Science, University
of London, 1995.
or the actions of the deceased kin are said to be working
against the living, speaking to country becomes one way in
JOHN J. BRADLEY (2005)
which a consensus is reached between the living and the
dead. By the use of oratory, order is created whereby the
speaker draws on the past, reaching out to the deceased kin
AFTERLIFE: OCEANIC CONCEPTS
through genealogy and relationship, and identifying a person
The idea of the temporal continuance of some aspect of the
or group of people with a locality. It also states by what au-
deceased is widespread, if not universal, in Oceanic cultures.
thority the person is coming to the country, and in what way
In some cases, as with the Dreaming of Australia, or the re-
the person is related. This authority is conveyed by the call-
doubled “Sky World” of the Enga people of the New Guinea
ing of place names and the names of people who were once
highlands, the condition of the dead is coeval with the life
associated with the country. The use of names provides a key
they had lived, though on a different plane of existence.
by which an understanding is given to the event as it unfolds,
More commonly, the “place” of the dead is identified with
but the names are also echoes from the past and links with
some remote or inaccessible location, beneath the ground,
the present generation, and are important for the negotiation
under the sea, or, as with the people of the Trobriand Islands,
of entry to place. A common phrase used in these orations
a haunted and little-visited island (Tuma).
translates as “do not be ignorant towards me.” They are also
Because death betokens an inevitable separation, never
rhetorical statements of an individual’s position in relation
mind the “communication” that may follow, the answer to
to significant others. The presentation of self and negotiation
“what happens to the human essence after the body dies?”
with such orations are not beyond dispute and are also the
may run away with the question. It is often coincident with
topic of conversations where they will be evaluated against
a more comprehensive cosmological vision. If the best one
the status of the individual. People can also still often have
could do to describe this present life, here on earth, would be
accidental interaction with these spirits; some of these inter-
a matter of metaphors and analogies, then what difference
actions are seen to be alarming and potentially dangerous
if the condition of the dead were described in that way also?
while others are seen to be humorous and to be expected. Ei-
For many Oceanic peoples the condition of dying itself is
ther way, they become an important source of storytelling.
considered to be a long, protracted process, intermingled
While there are formal means by which the spirits of de-
with grieving and mortuary practices, and the bodies of the
ceased are to be dealt with, there is no clear-cut understand-
deceased, as well as their possessions, become highly charged
ing about the ultimate nature of the spirit in Yanyuwa society
social objects. For many Austronesian-speaking Melanesian
and what happens at death. What is clear, however, is that
societies, death has great power, and a highly articulated
a portion of a deceased person will still reside on the land
mortuary feasting complex serves as the focus for all social
and it is this spirit that involves constant negotiation. While
life.
generalizations can be misleading in relation to indigenous
It would be fair to say that for many Oceanic peoples
understanding of death and afterlife, this belief in spirits of
the terminal condition of the deceased is coincident with so-
the deceased on the land is widespread across much of Aus-
cial dismissal, postponed long after the body ceases to func-
tralia.
tion, and that the “afterlife” is really a sort of “half-life,” anal-
ogous to the radioactive decay of an element. Living persons
B
encounter the deceased in quasi-human form, or vice-versa,
IBLIOGRAPHY
and there may be as much uncertainty and doubt among the
Bradley, John. “Landscapes of the Mind, Landscapes of the Spirit:
Negotiating a Sentient Landscape.” In Working on Country:
indigenous folk as to what is actually going on as among
Contemporary Indigenous Management of Australia’s Lands
those who study them. Death “takes prisoners,” as it were,
and Coastal Regions, edited by R. Baker, J. Davies, and E.
and may take a long time letting them go. There are a great
Young, pp. 295–307. New York, 2001.
many peoples in Oceania who would rather not believe in
ghosts.
Morphy, Howard. Journey to the Crocodile Nest: An Accompanying
Monograph to the Film Madarpa Funeral at Gurka’wuy. Can-
Those who meet their deaths through violent means, in
berra, Australia, 1984.
warfare or accident, belong, in many Oceanic cultures, to a
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
146
AFTERLIFE: OCEANIC CONCEPTS
special category of after-death experience. They are con-
the main spiritual agencies in Daribi life. A more general evo-
ceived as restless, mobile, angry spirits, eager to avenge their
cation of the paradox was given to the French missionary
unfortunate plight back upon the living, and so very danger-
Maurice Leenhardt (1979) in New Caledonia: “We have al-
ous and threatening. The concept is similar to that of the
ways had the spirit; what you Westerners brought to us was
preta in the Sanskritic tradition, and to other, analogous pre-
the body.” All the problems and paradoxes regarding afterlife
cepts found in India and Southeast Asia. It has a widespread
in the Pacific may be said to begin from that point.
distribution in the Pacific, in one form or another, from the
For many Melanesian peoples, at least, “afterlife” may
divination for “happy” as against “unhappy” ghosts on the
be an aberrant approximation, based on the continuing reso-
islands of Yap, in Micronesia, to the fabled (and often sur-
nance, in memory and in habitus, among the survivors, of
prisingly real) “Night Marchers” of Hawai’i. One New Ire-
a striking or powerful personality removed from their midst.
lander, from the Bismarck archipelago, put it this way: “Just
Thomas Maschio (1994) translates this as “memory” among
how many American and Japanese servicemen died out there
the Rauto of south New Britain, and the work of Steven Feld
in the Pacific? Some days you can see them fishing, in gigan-
(1982) among the Kaluli, of Mount Bosavi in Papua, reveals
tic waterspouts, and you can see them up in the coconut trees
their Gisaro rite as an awesome synchronicity, uniting the
during a thunderstorm, with fire flashing from their eyes and
worlds of the living and dead through the reverberation of
armpits. When the wind scoops up moisture from the sea,
sound. The Gizra folk, of the Papuan south coast, trace the
bring your children into the house!”
mythic beginnings of our world to “the Woman Kumaz,
Found occasionally among non-Austronesian speakers
Originator of Death and Musical Instruments.”
as well, the idea is analogous to another, described among
coastal Papuan and Torres Strait peoples and encountered
Music may or may not be the voice of the soul, but it
by Captain Bligh in the Tahiti area. This is that those who
is surely our most eloquent evocation of resonance. At all
are shipwrecked at sea become automatically strangers to the
events, it would seem to be the closeness or near proximity
land, demons, no longer human, who must be killed, for rea-
of death that predominates in many of the Papuan concep-
sons of safety, by anyone encountering them.
tions of afterlife, whereas other Oceanic peoples emphasize
the separation. It begins as a journey for many Polynesian
In Beyond the Kubea (1940) explorer Jack Hides re-
peoples. For the New Zealand Maori, one of the most signifi-
counted the feeling of an unidentified interior Papuan peo-
cant shades of the deceased embarks on a long journey after
ple that the spirits of the deceased become visible as “cloud-
dying and finally comes to reside in a world beneath the sea,
shadows on the mountains,” meaning perhaps that their af-
very much like our own. On Tahiti the ultimate destination
terlives, or at least our inability to make sense of them, are
of the deceased depends on choices made, or trials encoun-
as evanescent as the darkness playing upon the distant ex-
tered, en route. A kind of paradise, identified as “Fragrant
panses of montane rain forest. The idea at least captures
Rohutu,” represents the best of these, whereas the others, ac-
something of the feeling of the Japanese notion of “the Float-
cording to Christian analogies developed by the missionaries
ing World.” But it is also emblematic of the problem faced
who first described them, correspond to a kind of limbo and
by any inquiry into the particulars of an afterlife concept, for
a purgatory.
it excludes an explicit denial.
Death implies a journey, as well, for the Afek religion
Denial, when met with in this context, has a power of
of the Mountain Ok peoples in the Star Mountains, the geo-
its own. A classic instance of this, easily misunderstood, is
graphic center of New Guinea. One of the edifices of their
the tenet of the Daribi people of interior Papua New Guinea:
Telefolip ritual complex covers the entrance to the bad road
“When people die, they just go into the ground; their faces
into death, called “the Road of Dogs Tearing Flesh.” Anoth-
disappear, and there is no such thing as a spirit or soul that
er, presided over by the woman Bitsanip, a near reincarna-
survives the death.” When asked what they might call such
tion of the creatress, guards the entrance to the good road
a soul or spirit, the Daribi reply, “It is called the izibidi.” A
into death, and Bitsanip advises those who die to take it.
key to what this may mean is given by a literal translation
of the term: it means “die person” and not “dead person”
There is, however, the danger of a false dichotomy in
(which would be bidi-iziare). More properly, then, the action
some of these examples, for the journey of the deceased reso-
of dying itself, though terminal, has a tenacious after-effect
nates the life values left behind in death, whereas the verses
in the potentially dangerous izibidi, an anomalous and para-
of the Kaluli Gisaro, a most piquant instance of death-related
doxical condition that most people would rather deny than
resonance, trace the progression of an imaginary traveler
think about. Daribi are afraid of izibidi for the very fact that
across a real landscape. Kaluli call this “singing the garden-
they ought not to exist.
names.”
Though the Daribi expression of this point (others
What is missed most in accounts of Oceanic afterlife
might call it “agnostic”) is somewhat unusual for the region,
concepts is neither the fault of those who tell them nor of
its practical implications are not. The expression gives a nec-
those who write them down, but most often a glitch in the
essary deniability (as well as considerable power) to the words
art of explanation itself, which has a certain afterlife quality
and actions of the spirit mediums and shamans (sogoyezibidi),
of its own. We tend to favor linear, cause-and-effect strate-
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AFTERLIFE: OCEANIC CONCEPTS
147
gies and vivid depictions of a scenario that is hardly more
tal models, have been discovered, usually inadvertantly, by
than guesswork. The best we might hope for would be the
ethnographers in a number of places in Oceania.
kind of pragmatic understanding that combines the afterlife
Closely allied to these is the conception of afterlife that
concepts of the peoples in question with those of our own
might be called “reflectional,” often based on a radical and
explanatory overtures.
highly articulated form of duality. Among the Enga and a
What happens to the sense of things after the senses have
number of other interior New Guinea peoples, each person
ceased to function? Is the concept of an afterlife something
has a “double,” a mirror duplicate that pursues a parallel exis-
reserved for the living alone, or does it correspond to some-
tence in the sky or in a land beneath the rivers and lakes. A
thing that is asymbolic, existing independently of the analo-
South Angan speaker put it this way: “The one you see in
gies used for its recognizance? Even our commonplace words
a mirror, or in a pool of water, is not you, and it is not
and phrases have their resonances, and a sentence is, of
human.” For many of these peoples the idea of an afterlife
course, a journey. But for a number of Melanesian peoples,
is merely contingent to what amounts to a much stronger
and perhaps others in Oceania, the question of analogy’s cor-
principle, that of the self-separate identity as a manifest as-
respondence to reality is a moot one. For those gifted with
pect of a bifurcate cosmos. Thus, the Kaluli, mentioned
what some scholars have called a “holographic worldview,”*
above, experience afterlife in the form of an animal double
the differences between symbolic analogy and reality, and,
living in the forest, the water, or the air. When that creature,
perforce between life and death, are summed together auto-
in its turn, dies, its spiritual essence reenters the human
matically and canceled, in the very thinking of them. This
world.
means that what might be considered as “afterlife” is fully
Duality and holography are neatly combined in the af-
coterminous with life as it is lived, that what might be called
terlife concepts of many Australian Aboriginal peoples, par-
“the symbolic debt” of the living is revoked, that every per-
ticularly those of the central desert regions. On the one hand,
son becomes a completed being when the holography is en-
the everyday world of landscape or “country” is organized ac-
gaged on their behalf.
cording to intricate permutations and combinations of the
In formal terms, holography amounts to the complete
powers of two—the marriage sections and ritual moieties.
mutual occlusion of part and whole (any part and any whole)
On the ether hand, the dreaming (“dreamtime”), an eternally
in any contingency. When properly applied, holography ob-
creative epoch, is purely holographic and permeates the
viates the stepwise patterning of logical explanation, or rea-
world of the living on a separate spiritual plane. One enters
soning by analogy, by the simple virtue of being its own anal-
the dreaming in sleep, in ritual, and necessarily in death. But,
ogy for itself. In more familiar terms, a hologram depicts a
because a part of one’s existence is always fixed in dreaming,
three-dimensional imagery in a two-dimensional format and
“afterlife” describes only one aspect of something with a vast
obviates the sense that would guess at its depth or spatial
potential scope, and that would have to include such things
placement. In the terms of the mortuary feasting complex of
as “forelife” as well.
the Barok people of New Ireland, death’s hologram is life,
Concepts such as that of “reincarnation”—reported
and life’s hologram is death. “The child in the womb and
more frequently among Australian Aboriginal cultures than
the corpse in the ground are one and the same thing and the
elsewhere in the Oceanic region—participate in this poten-
same conception, the ultimate containment called Kolume.
tial as well. If the psychology of the dreaming operates in the
In everything we know and do and touch, Kolume is inter-
way that the Aboriginal peoples have described it, then the
sected by Gala, the ultimate severance, or the cutting-that-
daily journey of the human soul—waking and sleeping, as
nurtures.” What would appear to be a mortuary feasting
well as the ritual cycles of the collective multitude—amount
complex is simply a highly formalized and participatory con-
to a complete social encompassment of the reincarnation
firmation, performed on behalf of every person who dies, of
principle that has no peer anywhere else in the world of
the elemental oneness of Gala and Kolume. Death takes no
human cultures. Asking whether such a thing as reincarna-
prisoners, here, and afterlife would be anticlimactic.
tion exists, or why or how it may operate, would be com-
We have ample evidence that something of this sort, the
pletely beside the point of what these peoples know of it.
holographic death, was the real object of ancient Egyptian
mortuary practice, belief, and ritual, though we have not es-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
caped its purely secular afterlife. But we have better evidence,
Battaglia, Debbora. On the Bones of the Serpent. Chicago, 1990.
historical contingencies aside, that the Barok version of it is
A brilliant synopsis of memory as afterlife in the context of
by no means unique in the Oceanic world. Barok themselves
Austronesian peoples’ elaborate funerary feasting.
point out that something very similar takes place on the off-
Feld, Steven. Sound and Sentiment. Philadelphia, 1982. The land-
shore islands of Tangga, as perhaps elsewhere in the island
mark study of Oceanic music, an evocation of soundscape
arcs of Austronesian-speaking Melanesia. Fine examples have
among the Kaluli of interior New Guinea as understood by
been found on the islands of Sabarl and Vanatinai, in the
a talented jazz musician. Human afterlife as an intrinsic func-
Massim area, and on the large island of New Guinea. Effec-
tion of resonance, as expressed in metaphor, dance, birdsong,
tive holographic imageries, or in other words asymbolic men-
and the overtoning of musical instruments.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
148
AFTERLIFE: MESOAMERICAN CONCEPTS
Hides, J. G. Beyond the Kubea. London, 1940. A rare book, diffi-
and in any shape. The sacred powers of the cosmos reached
cult to obtain, but a treasure, with insights into the afterlife
everywhere and the belief in a complementary dualism per-
concepts of previously uncontacted peoples.
vaded all beings, objects, and places as well as the symbolic
Laba, Billai. “The Woman Kumaz, Originator of Death and Mu-
systems that expressed their roles and meanings.
sical Instruments.” In Plumes from Paradise, edited by Pamela
Swadling. Boroke, New Guinea, 1996. Laba tells of his own
Death occupies a vital place in this dichotomous uni-
people, the Gizra, and their legendary origin of human after-
verse, an element that, far from fatal, possesses a renewing
life. Compare with the discussion in Feld, listed above.
quality. The sacred books show that death and all beings
Leenhardt, Maurice. Do Kamo. Chicago, 1979. A highly original
connected to it are associated with the creation of individu-
account, by an early missionary, of peoples in New Caledo-
als, of peoples, and of humanity as a whole. Its name was
nia with a unique conception of language and the constraints
given to one of the days of the Maya calendar, Cimi, and had
it imposes on human life and afterlife. An exception that
its Mexica counterpart in Miquiztli. Furthermore, death was
“proves the rule.”
closely associated with maize, which was the sustenance of
Lepowski, Maria. Fruit of the Motherland. New York, 1993. Com-
the Mesoamerican peoples. Death received ritual blood of-
pare with Battaglia (listed above); a rich though nontheoreti-
ferings because it was believed that—like the sun in the
cal account of an Austronesian island people and their pivot-
sky—death, wherever it resided or manifested itself, ensured
al, life-and-death-defining mortuary feasting complex.
the continuity of life. Death also played a fundamental role
Maschio, Thomas. To Remember the Faces of the Dead. Madison,
that related it to the earth: like the soil, it received seeds and
Wis., 1994. The magnificent study of a people of New Brit-
made the harvests possible. It also housed funerary bundles
ain, the Rauto, whose whole conception of the meaning of
and, at the end of the day, it devoured the sun, causing the
things (makai) eschews metaphor and extols memory as the
night to fall.
sole significant factor in afterlife. (Compare with Feld and
Battaglia, listed above.)
Also associated with this life-generating notion of death
Oliver, Douglas. Ancient Tahitian Society. 3 vols. Honolulu, 1974.
was the concept that life could emerge from the world of the
An encyclopedic survey of the concepts, beliefs, and practices
dead, as exemplified in the myth that relates how Quetzal-
of Polynesia’s most abundant civilization, with considerable
coatl, god of the wind, stole from the nether region the bones
attention to afterlife.
with which he created the human race. Similarly, the Popol
Wagner, Roy. Habu. Chicago, 1972. The second part of this syn-
Vuh narrates how the “Twin Heroes” were conceived in that
optic monograph on Daribi religion, titled “The Invention
region, where it was possible to die and be resurrected. De-
of Immortality,” concerns the death-related shamanic and
spite the peculiarities of each culture, there is enough evi-
ritual concepts and practices of a people who do not believe
dence from the Mesoamerican region to suggest that death
that ghosts exist but nonetheless fear them.
was a state closely associated to life, and not a lethal element.
ROY WAGNER (2005)
A chronological review shows several coincidences in the de-
velopment of notions of death and life in the netherworld.
DEATH IN MOTION: EARLY AGRICULTURAL SOCIETIES. The
AFTERLIFE: MESOAMERICAN CONCEPTS
regenerative powers of death are shown through different
The term Mesoamerica defines a broad cultural area of great
kinds of motion or dynamics. First, death is part of an oscil-
sociopolitical complexity mediated by many shared religious
lation between death and life, in that death is a permanent
concepts, cosmological ideas, and ritual practices related to
partner of life. This can be traced through the archaeological
death and the afterlife. Researchers of the Mesoamerican re-
record. During the middle Preclassic period (1200–400
gion have divided its history into four periods: Preclassic
BCE), the duality of life and death is emphasized, as exempli-
(2500 BCE–200 CE), Classic (200–650 CE), Epiclassic (650–
fied in what is considered an extraordinary clay mask found
900 CE) and Postclassic (900–1521 CE). The archaeological
in the archaeological discoveries at the village of Tlatilco, in
evidence and historical record combine to yield a remarkably
the Central Highlands. It represents a human face, half of
rich array of pre-Columbian notions of death and their vital
it corresponding to a living being, the other in skeletal form.
role in the daily lives of people.
In this geographical area the motions of the dead in the after-
DEATH, SEED OF LIFE. In the midst of great cultural and re-
life are symbolized by the burial of companions for dead hu-
gional diversity throughout Mesoamerican history, one clear
mans—companions in the forms of not only funeral offer-
notion was shared by many if not all peoples: death was more
ings and various goods like vessels, jewels, or tools, but the
than an occasion for fear, mourning and ritual response;
skeletal remains of dogs. We know from late ethnohistorical
rather, death was perceived as a vital, generative, and creative
sources that these dogs were believed to accompany individu-
moment in a cosmic process. In this vision of the world, the
als, gods, and the sun in their journeys to the underworld.
cosmos and the human body were perceived in a very partic-
With time, the presence of dogs in Mesoamerican tombs be-
ular manner: everything in the universe, in one way or anoth-
comes a trait. As for the offerings, they might correspond to
er, had supernatural implications. The gods, who traveled in
materials deemed to be needed by the soul in its journey to
a helicoidal motion, could manifest themselves anywhere
the netherworld.
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AFTERLIFE: MESOAMERICAN CONCEPTS
149
In the western regions of Mesoamerica, a broad variety
the Ciudadela. At the heart of the Ciudadela stands a majes-
of funeral rites associated with shaft tombs suggest a kind of
tic pyramid-temple decorated with alternating images of
social continuity and movement in the afterlife. Archaeolo-
Quetzalcoatl and, possibly, Tláloc. Recent archaeological
gists have learned that these tombs reveal not only distinctive
work found 134 human skeletons with their hands tied in
ways of treating the dead body, but also a strong commit-
the back. Exceptional offerings were placed near the individ-
ment to family ties and ethnic relations. Typically, several in-
uals, such as luxurious necklaces made of shell (representing
dividuals were laid to rest in each of these shaft tombs, and
human mandibles). Often, with these immolations, the peo-
in some instances blood ties have been established between
ple returned the sacrifices the gods had made in the original
the individuals in one grave. The offerings of tools, which
times. Thus, death became fundamental to the operation of
would be used by the deceased to perform his or her job in
the cosmos.
the afterlife, were common in the later periods—in the neth-
The evidence from other sites is often considered sur-
erworld the deceased continued with the work performed
prising. Iconographic representations engraved in walls and
while they were alive.
pottery of the Maya region depict skeletons in motion, par-
An important finding of the late Preclassic period (400
ticipating in rituals or presiding over scenes. Examples from
BCE–200 CE) is a stele found in Izapa, Chiapas, a work con-
the more lavish and complex funerals, such as the tomb of
sidered to be of unparalleled craftsmanship that depicts a
Pacal, the ruler of Palenque, date to this time. The elabora-
seated skeleton wearing a mask on its face. It is one of the
tion of a monolithic sarcophagus, the carving of a tomb-
earliest representations of death as an element in motion.
stone, and the construction of the pyramid to function as a
sepulcher, are all examples of extensive planning. Together
DEATH IN THE EARLY CITIES. There are many archaeological
with the sacrifice of companions and the lavish offering, this
examples of the funerals of dignitaries and the importance
evidence demonstrates the importance of the notion of an
of lineage during the exequies, and of the relationship of lin-
afterlife and, probably, of the journey the ruler had to under-
eage with monumental architecture. For the rest of the popu-
go to reach his destination. In this imposing tomb there is
lation, however, funeral rites seem to be associated with do-
also an exultation of life and death: An image of the deceased
mestic spaces.
was carved on the cover of the sarcophagus, a maize plant
In Teotihuacan, the most cosmopolitan of the region’s
emerging from his chest. Such magnificent royal sepulchers
urban centers, numerous sculptural and painted images show
are common throughout the Maya region.
that rain, fertility and the commitment to sustaining agricul-
Oaxaca is another region where the dual notion of life
tural resources have been found. A fundamental notion of
and death is apparent. The evidence from mural paintings,
pre-Columbian thought developed in this imposing city—
the clay masks that show skeletal facial features, and the loca-
the ritual significance of caves and their association with life
tion of Zapotec tombs (placed under rooms, patios, and tem-
and death. These openings, whether natural or man-made,
ples) all point to the importance of death in everyday life.
were associated with the netherworld because of their sym-
The area of the Gulf of Mexico is not an exception. The clay
bolic relation to a uterus, a tomb, and the jaws of the mythic
figurines from Zapotal, Veracruz, are one example, as they
“earth monster.” As confirmed by some late narratives, the
represent skeletons that are associated with the god of the un-
life of the ancestors is thought to originate in the cave and,
derworld.
in serving as tombs, caves are also the final destination for
some individuals. In Teotihuacan, which is a sacred re-
URBAN REORGANIZATION: SYMBOLS OF SACRIFICIAL
creation of the cosmos, caves were a crucial element—from
DEATH. Different notions of death and sacrifice were consol-
them came the raw material to build the city, and rituals took
idated during the Epiclassic period. Among these, the impor-
place inside them that were closely associated with death.
tance of the notion of glorious death in times of war becomes
common in the archaeological record. In the city of Tajín,
Teotihuacan’s sophisticated agricultural cosmovision
references to sacrifice and decapitation associated with ball
and technology is evident in the astonishing colorful murals
games are grandly carved in stone. In the Mayan region, Chi-
found in palaces and apartment compounds. In the eastern
chén Itzá is another clear example of the increasing impor-
quadrant of the great capital, archaeologists uncovered what
tance of such rituals. Towards the end of the period, the re-
is known as the Tepantitla complex, and they were able to
cord shows an increase in the artistic representation of death,
restore a series of colorful murals depicting something like
as is the case in Tula, where a snake carved on the side wall
a terrestrial paradise. This paradise or sacred afterlife shows
of a temple devours a row of skeletal people. The existence
richly bejeweled characters in different postures and actions,
of a Tzompantli, or wall of skulls, near the ball court is fur-
a great blooming tree with a dynamic, twisted trunk and a
ther evidence of such expanded representation, which also
richly costumed deity presiding over the scene. This image
appears at Chichén Itzá.
has been interpreted as Tláloc’s paradise, or the Tlalocan.
THE BODY AND LIFE AFTER DEATH. During the Postclassic
During this period (c. 200 CE) death by sacrifice became
period, the Mexicas and other contemporary peoples of the
a common practice as evidenced by numerous stunning dis-
Central Highlands believed the body held three souls. Each
coveries in the great ceremonial compound known today as
soul was believed to reside in a specific region that served a
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150
AFTERLIFE: MESOAMERICAN CONCEPTS
function in the body and, upon death, had a specific fate.
Once they reached Tlalocan, they would help the deity,
The teyolía resided in the heart, and was indispensable for
who granted water for harvests and storms. These victims
the preservation of life. The tonalli was located in the head;
were buried directly into the ground, as if they were seeds.
it could exit the body and, were it not to return after a certain
Another special place, probably located in Tlalocan, is
time, its proprietor would die. The ihíyotl resided in the liver.
Chichihuauhcuahco, a nursing tree that was the destination
It was associated with the human passions, and it, too, could
of the souls of suckling children.
exit the body. Upon the death of the individual, these souls
would dissipate, and the teyolía would travel to the world of
It was believed that those who died in war would travel
the dead (López Austin, 1980, 360–370). Apparently, the
to the “House of the Sun.” These deceased were considered
Maya also believed in a kind of soul that traveled to the neth-
illustrious, and their job in the netherworld would be to fight
erworld. This can be interpreted from the colonial records
for the preservation of the universe, insuring the transit of
that tell of the placing of a stone in the mouth of the deceased
the sun from dawn to noon. At that point, it was handed
that would receive the soul at the last breath.
over to women who had died in childbirth, who would ac-
company it until dusk, before handing it over to the lords
The destinations of the dead are true funeral geogra-
of Mictlan.
phies, as evidenced in the three more powerful groups: Mexi-
ca, Tarascan, and Maya. It was believed that these locations
The Maya also believed in souls having different fates.
could be in the heavens, the water, or under the earth, and
Among inhabitants of the Yucatan peninsula, the under-
that their entrances were caves, lagoons, or nebulous places
world was known as Mitnal. The Quiché Maya called it Xib-
located somewhere in the earth. Dangerous locations associ-
albá, “the region of those who vanish,” the lowest stratum
ated with the landscape had to be traversed in order to gain
of the underworld, which was reached by descending a road
access to them. In other instances, these territories combined
full of dangers. Such notions were recorded in the Popol Vuh,
environmental elements with supernatural traits. The three
a sacred book written during the early colonial period.
above-mentioned groups coincided in perceiving the under-
world as the main realm of the deceased. Among the Mexica,
The content of this book was broadly diffused through-
this region was known as Mictlan. Friar Bernardino de
out the Maya region. It was believed that the entrance to
Sahagún (1997) writes that it was the destination of those
Xibalbá was in Guatemala, and that in order to reach it one
who died of old age or common illness, regardless of their
had to descend a steep staircase before crossing a river with
origin.
a strong current that flowed between thorny calabash trees.
Along the way, the deceased encountered another river, the
Nine areas had to be crossed in order to reach this re-
river of pus, and then moved toward a river of blood and an-
gion, which was located under the earth. The deceased was
other one of water. The latter was located between two steep
left all necessary items for his or her journey. The route is
cliffs. Soon afterward the traveler would be at the junction
described in the Codice Vaticano Latino 3738 (Vatican Latin
of four roads, and only the black one would lead to Xibalbá,
Codex 3738). The first stop was the Chiconahuapan River,
where the council chamber of the lords of the underworld
where a brownish dog awaited his master to help him across.
was located. It was also the site of a garden with birds and
After the crossing, the deceased ascend through a region
flowers, and of a ball court. There was also a spring that was
where mountains crashed into each other. Later, he or she
the source of a river and six houses that were torture cham-
would face the Obsidian Mountain, and then a place where
bers. Hun Camé and Vucub Camé were the supreme gods
the wind was so cold that it cut like a knife. The blankets
of this region, although there were other lords who caused
given to the dead during the funeral would help in this stage.
illness and death.
The deceased next had to cross a place where flags wave in
order to reach the place where people are pierced by arrows.
Recent scholarship on the Popol Vuh has reiterated one
More dangers awaited upon his or her arrival in the place
of the main points made here—namely, that Mesoamerican
where wild animals eat human hearts. After four years, the
peoples understand death to be one crucial stage in a creative,
journey was completed with the arrival at Mictlan, a dark,
regenerative process. Several mythic episodes in the Popul
windowless place ruled by Mictlantecuhtli and his wife Mic-
Vuh reveal that this underworld of Xibalbá was also a region
tecacíhuatl. The god of the underworld was a semi-skeletal
closely associated with life. It was there that the mythic he-
being, with curly hair and a nose made of a flint knife.
roes were conceived during one of the cosmic creations. And
Those who died of a reason related to water faced a dif-
it was in the threatening regions of Xibalbá that each mythic
ferent fate, since they traveled to Tlalocan, a place of abun-
hero was brought back to life in order to become the Sun
dance and fertility ruled by Tláloc, god of the rain. The de-
and the Moon. Another deity associated with death is called
scent into the paradise of Tláloc could be caused by an illness
God A in the classification of Paul Schellhas (1904). This god
associated with the powers of deity. For instance, it was be-
is also known as the skeleton (ah Puch) or the flatulent one
lieved that death by drowning or a lightning strike was more
(kisín). He was represented as being a skeleton, with body
than an accidental occurrence; it was the god taking posses-
blotches caused by putrefaction, emaciated arms, and a pro-
sion of the person through that force. It was believed that
truding abdomen. He was associated with violent sacrifices
the god chose those who died that way.
and decapitations and is depicted on a throne of bones with
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AFTERLIFE: MESOAMERICAN CONCEPTS
151
his eyes closed and mouth agape—or sometimes as a femi-
ance of pre-Columbian elements mixed with the Christian
nine form.
religion. The offering of dogs in contemporary Lacandon
Maya tombs or the Totonac belief in the underworld—with
Another world of the dead mentioned by the Maya was
a region for those who have drowned, one for women who
the Paradise of the Ceiba, or Coral Tree, a land of plenty that
died giving birth, and another one for suckling children—are
was the destination of the souls of those who hanged them-
very clear examples.
selves. Like Tlalocan, in this place there was a large tree
under whose shade one could rest.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
In Michoacán, the Tarascan believed that the under-
Becker, Marshall Joseph. “Caches as Burials; Burials as Caches:
world was under the earth and called it Cumiechúcuaro
The Meaning of Ritual Deposits among the Classic Period
(place where one is with the moles). It was a region inhabited
Lowland Maya.” In Recent Studies in Pre-Columbian Archae-
by deities that looked like people and animals, and it was di-
ology, edited by Nicholas J. Saunders and Olivier de Mont-
vided in four directions, with its entrance facing the East,
mollin, vol. 1, pp. 117–139. Oxford, 1988. Discusses the
where the sun rises. Cumiechúcuaro was ruled by a mole
complexity in the funerary and mortuary rituals among the
Maya.
named Uhcumo.
Benavente, Toribio (Motolinía). Memoriales. Mexico City, 1971.
Another world of the dead was Pátzcuaro, the entrance
Benson, Elizabeth, ed. Death and the Afterlife in Pre-Columbian
to which was in the lake of the same name. Associated with
America. Washington, D.C., 1975.
blackness, this place was the destination of those who died
Brotherston, Gordon. “Huesos de muerte, huesos de vida: la com-
by drowning and was ruled by Chupi Tiripeme, a deity of
pleja figura de Mictlantecuhtli.” Cuicuilco 1 (1994): 85–99.
water.
Deals with the relation between life and death among the
As was the case in the Central Highlands, Uarichao was
Nahua, considering the archaeological records and sacred
the “place of women” and was to the west. It was for those
books.
who had died giving birth to their first child. Thiuime (Black
Cabrero, Teresa. La muerte en el occidente del México prehispánico.
Squirrel) was the deity who inhabited this region. Unlike the
Mexico City, 1989.
emaciated characters of the Maya and Mexica, these gods had
Codex Chimalpopoca, History and Mythology of the Aztecs. Translat-
the shape of animals commonly associated with the fields.
ed by de John Bierhorst. Tucson, Ariz., 1981.
“Codex Vaticanus Latinus 3738.” In Antigüedades de México, ed-
Other areas show a certain unity of beliefs about life
ited by Lord Kingsborough. Mexico City, 1964–1967.
after death, although they have not been as well documented
Furst, Jill. “Skeletonization in Mixtec Art: A Re-evaluation.” In
as the above cases. In Oaxaca, the Mixtec worshiped Pitao
The Art and Iconography of Late Post-Classic Central Mexico,
Pecelao as the god of the underworld, and they made offer-
edited by Elizabeth Boone, pp. 207–225. Washington, D.C.,
ings to him during times of illness or death and to counteract
1982.
the effects of omens. He was associated with wealth and luck,
Garza, Mercedes. El hombre en el pensamiento religioso náhuatl y
as well as the cultivation of the nopal, or prickly pear, again
maya. Mexico City, 1990.
showing the unavoidable relationship between life and death.
López Austin, Alfredo. Breve historia de la tradición religiosa me-
THE ENCOUNTER OF TWO VISIONS OF DEATH. The quick
soamericana. Mexico City, 1998. A notable introduction to
and violent social transformations that took place after 1521
the religion in Mesoamerica, easy to read and with significant
had an immediate impact on perceptions of life and death.
new data.
The imposition of Christian mores and the death toll caused
López Austin, Alfredo. Cuerpo humano e Ideología. Mexico City,
by war resulted in a transformation of funerary customs. The
1980. A classic research about the human body among the
Western concept of life in the netherworld was based on the
Nahua, with an emphasis on the conception of the soul and
idea of resurrection, and the allocation of the dead in the af-
its relation with life and death.
terlife was dependent on their behavior in life, thus becom-
Manzanilla, Linda, and Carlos Serrano, eds. Prácticas funerarias en
ing a reward or a punishment. This view contrasts with that
la Ciudad de los Dioses los enterramientos humanos de la anti-
of Mesoamerican religions, where the immaterial element of
gua Teotihuacan. Mexico City, 1990. Remarkable compila-
tion of Teotihuacan’s funerary practices. Includes new arche-
the body played a cosmic role in the netherworld that con-
ological findings and the analysis of human remains
tributed to the functioning of the universe. Death in pre-
recovered in this sacred place.
Columbian times was related to life, and the journey to the
Matos Moctezuma, Eduardo. Muerte a filo de obsidiana. Mexico
netherworld was associated with the type of death, not with
City, 1980. A extraordinary book, focusing on the afterlife
behavior.
notions and funerary rituals among the Mexica.
Change in the new Spanish society was gradual. The
McAnany, Patricia. Living with the Antecessors: Kingship and Kin-
adoption of saints, the ability of some friars to indoctrinate,
ship in Ancient Maya Society. Austin, Tex., 1995.
and the passage of time all led to Christianity’s dominance.
McKeever Furst, Jill. The Natural History of the Soul in Ancient
Nevertheless, it is easy today to observe beliefs and practices
México. New Haven, Conn., 1995.
that reflect syncretism and cultural wealth. In some contem-
Ruz Lhuillier, Alberto. Costumbres funerarias de los antiguos mayas.
porary communities it is still possible to record the continu-
Mexico City, 1989. A classic book with an exceptional in-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
152
AFTERLIFE: JEWISH CONCEPTS
ventory of archaeological funerary findings, historical infor-
of Daniel continued to develop in Palestinian Jewish litera-
mation, and contemporary data on Maya culture.
ture. To be distinguished from this eschatological tradition
Sahagún, Fray Bernardino. Historia general de las cosas de la Nueva
is the conception of the immortality of the soul that was in-
España. Mexico City, 1997.
troduced into Diaspora Judaism under the influence of
Schellhas, Paul. Representation of Deities of the Maya Manuscript.
Greco-Roman culture. George Foot Moore succinctly char-
Cambridge, Mass., 1904.
acterized the difference between the two ideas of the afterlife:
XIMENA CHÁVEZ BALDERAS (2005)
on the one side [i.e., immortality] the dualism of body
Translated from Spanish by Fernando Feliu-Moggi
and soul, on the other [i.e., resurrection] the unity of
man, soul and body. To the one the final liberation of
the soul from the body, its prison-house or sepulchre,
was the very meaning and worth of immortality; to the
AFTERLIFE: JEWISH CONCEPTS
other the reunion of soul and body to live again in the
The concept of an afterlife in Judaism took shape gradually
completeness of man’s nature. (Moore, 1927, p. 295)
and was rarely cast into dogmatic or systematic form. The
The idea of immortality initially appears in Hellenistic Jew-
Jewish idea of the afterlife has focused upon belief in either
ish literature in the Wisdom of Solomon (3:1–10, 5:15–16)
corporeal resurrection or the immortality of the soul. While
and is more extensively developed in the writings of Philo
one or the other of these conceptions, and occasionally both
Judaeus (d. 45–50
together, has been present in every period in the history of
CE), who describes how the souls of the
righteous return after death to their native home in heaven—
Judaism, it can safely be said that these ideas underwent their
or, in the case of rare individuals like the patriarchs, to the
most significant development during the rabbinic and medi-
intelligible world of the ideas (Allegorical Interpretation
eval periods.
1.105–108; On Sacrifice 2.5). Although Philo’s views were
THE BIBLICAL PERIOD. The notion of the afterlife in the
immensely influential in early Christian philosophy, they
Bible is decidedly vague. After death, the individual is de-
had no impact upon rabbinic Jewish thought as it developed
scribed as going to SheDol, a kind of netherworld, from which
in the subsequent centuries.
he “will not ascend” (Jb. 7:9). God, however, is attributed
R
with the power to revive the dead (Dt. 32:39, 1 Sm. 2:6), and
ABBINIC JUDAISM. Belief in the resurrection of the dead is
the cornerstone of rabbinic eschatology. Josephus Flavius
the language of resurrection is several times used in a figura-
(Jewish Antiquities 18.13–18; The Jewish War 2.154–165)
tive sense, as in Ezekiel’s vision of the dry bones (Ez. 37:1–4)
and the Acts of the Apostles (23:6–9) both attribute such belief
and in the apocalypse of Isaiah (Is. 26:17–19) to describe the
to the Pharisees, the rabbis’ predecessors before 70
national restoration of the people of Israel. The earliest de-
CE, and
in one of the few dogmatic statements about the afterlife that
scription of an eschatological resurrection of the dead is in
exist in all rabbinic literature, the Mishnah explicitly states:
Daniel 12:1–2, an apocalyptic text composed in the midst
“All Israel has a portion in the world-to-come” except “one
of the Antiochian persecutions (167–164 BCE):
who says, ‘There is no resurrection of the dead’” (San. 10.1).
There shall be a time of trouble . . . ; and at that time
your people shall be delivered, every one whose name
Rabbinic doctrine concerning reward and punishment
shall be found written in the book. And many of those
in the hereafter is based upon belief in the reunion of the
who sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake, some to
body and the soul before judgment. Although rabbinic
everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting con-
thought was eventually influenced by Greco-Roman ideas
tempt.
about the existence of the soul as an independent entity, and
These verses probably do not imply a universal resurrection
although there exist some relatively late rabbinic opinions
for all men but only for the righteous and the wicked of Isra-
that attach greater culpability to the soul than to the body
el. As some modern scholars have proposed, it is likely that
for a person’s sins, there are no rabbinic sources that testify
the prominence the idea of resurrection began to assume in
to belief in the immortality of the soul independent of the
this period was a result of political and religious crises in
notion of corporeal resurrection. The unqualified impor-
which significant numbers of Jews suffered martyrdom. In
tance that the latter article of faith held for the rabbis is re-
order to maintain belief in God’s justice and in his promises
flected in the great exegetical efforts they made to find
to the righteous that they would enjoy the restoration of Isra-
sources for it in the Torah (cf. Sifrei Dt., ed. L. Finkelstein,
el, it became necessary to extend the doctrine of reward and
Berlin, 1939, no. 306, p. 341) and in the many references
punishment beyond this life to the hereafter. (For an explicit
to resurrection that are found in the Targums. As testimony
statement of this rationale, see 2 Maccabees 12:42–45.)
to God’s faithfulness, the rabbis also made his power to re-
vive the dead the subject of the second benediction in the
THE HELLENISTIC AGE. The term Eolam ha-baD (“the world
EAmidah, the centerpiece of the Jewish liturgy, and they in-
to come”), in contrast to Eolam ha-zeh (“this world”), first
cluded several references to the resurrection in other prayers
appears in the Hebrew Apocalypse of Enoch (71:15), a work
in the liturgy.
composed between 164 and 105 BCE, and throughout the
Hellenistic period notions of an eschatological judgment and
Aside from the dogma of resurrection, however, the rab-
resurrection in the apocalyptic tradition begun with the Book
bis held differing opinions about nearly every matter con-
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AFTERLIFE: JEWISH CONCEPTS
153
nected to the afterlife. In regard to retribution in the hereaf-
described as an earthly garden; at other times, as a heavenly
ter, the first-century houses of Hillel and Shammai agreed
one. Geihinnom (Gehenna), the equivalent of hell, derives
about the reward the righteous will receive and the punish-
its name from the valley of Ben Hinnom south of Jerusalem
ment the wicked will suffer, but they disagreed about the fate
in which, during the time of the biblical monarchy, a pagan
of most men who are neither wholly righteous nor utterly
cult of child sacrifice was conducted, thus endowing the val-
wicked. According to the house of Shammai, the souls of
ley with everlasting infamy. The exact location of the escha-
these men will be immersed in purgatorial fires until they are
tological Geihinnom, however, was the subject of differing
purified; according to the house of Hillel, God in his mercy
opinions: some rabbis locate it in the depths of the earth
will spare them all punishment (Tosefta, San. 13.3). In a
(B.T., EEruv. 19a), others in the heavens or beyond the
lengthy Talmudic discussion, some authorities propose that
“mountains of darkness” (B.T., Tam. 32b); and there is even
upon death the souls of the righteous are gathered in “a trea-
an isolated opinion that altogether denies the existence of
sury beneath the throne of glory” or, alternatively, are given
Geihinnom as a place, defining it instead as a self-consuming
habitation in paradise, while the souls of the wicked are im-
fire that emerges from the bodies of the wicked and destroys
prisoned and cast back and forth from the slings of destruc-
them.
tive angels until they are cleansed of their sins. Still another
opinion states that the soul lingers with the body even after
The reticence of rabbinic tradition about these subjects
death, “lamenting all seven days of mourning,” and for the
is summed up in a statement of the third-century Palestinian
following year it ascends and descends, unable to relinquish
sage Yoh:anan bar Nappah:aD: “All the prophets prophesied
completely its ties with the body (B.T., Shab. 152a–b).
only about the days of the Messiah; but of the world to come,
Other sources attribute varying degrees of consciousness to
‘eye hath not seen it, O God’ [Is. 64:4]” (B.T., San. 99a, Ber.
the dead (B.T., Ber. 18b–19a).
34b). Yoh:anan’s Babylonian contemporary Rav (AbbaD bar
Ayyvu) gives a more detailed description of what, at the least,
On such questions as whether Gentiles or the children
will not be in the hereafter: “In the world to come, there is
of wicked Gentiles can enjoy a place in the world to come,
no eating, no drinking, no begetting of children, no bargain-
second- and third-century rabbis disagreed (Tosefta, San.
ing or hatred or jealousy or strife; rather, the righteous will
13.1); the law was decided in the affirmative (see Maimoni-
sit with crowns on their heads and enjoy the effulgence of
des’ Mishneh Torach, Repentance 3.5).
the shekhinah, God’s presence” (B.T., Ber. 17a). The rabbis
Some rabbinic views about the afterlife reflect beliefs
usually imagined the world to come as the complete realiza-
commonly held in the ancient world. While the rabbis stated
tion of all the ideals they valued most in this world. Thus,
unequivocally that every Israelite has a place in the world to
the Sabbath is once characterized as one-sixtieth of the world
come, they also believed that persons who suffered violent
to come (B.T., Ber. 57b), and the late rabbinic midrash Seder
or otherwise untimely deaths might not be permitted to
Eliyyahu Rabbah records the opinion that in the hereafter
enjoy the afterlife. The rabbis did not, however, accept the
there will be no sin or transgression, and all will occupy
pagan belief that the unburied are refused entrance to the
themselves with the study of Torah. The Midrash Eleh Ezk-
hereafter. While there exist a number of cases in rabbinic lit-
erah (Legend of the ten martyrs) concludes with a vivid de-
erature in which life after death is promised in return for a
scription of the future world in which the purified souls of
pious deed, these are relatively exceptional. A statement like
all the righteous are said to sit in the heavenly academy on
the one attributed to the tanna MeDir (second century), in
golden thrones and to listen to EAqivaD ben Yosef preach on
which he is reported to have vouchsafed a place in the world
the matters of the day.
to come to any person who lives in the Land of Israel, speaks
THE MIDDLE AGES. Between the eighth century and the fif-
Hebrew, and recites the ShemaE prayer daily (Sifrei Dt., no.
teenth, Jewish views about the afterlife embraced virtually
333, p. 383), should be understood partly as a rhetorical ex-
every position on the spectrum of conceivable beliefs, includ-
pression meant to emphasize the importance of the deeds
ing extreme philosophical interpretations that altogether
MeDir encourages.
deny the existence of corporeal resurrection. The Spanish-
In general, the subject of the future world does not ap-
Jewish philosopher Moses Maimonides (Mosheh ben Mai-
pear to have obsessed the rabbis or especially to have exer-
mon, 1135/8–1204), in his Commentary on the Mishnah,
cised their imaginations. While there must have existed
criticizes several popular views of the world to come, all of
among Jews many folk beliefs concerning life after death
which conceive of the eschatological bliss purely in material
(some of which can be extrapolated from burial customs),
and sensual terms. German-Jewish pietistic literature of the
few have been explicitly recorded. A striking exception is the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries records numerous accounts
view that the body will be resurrected from the luz, an al-
of encounters with dead souls, visits to the otherworld, danses
mond-shaped bone at the top of the spine that otherwise will
macabres, and other folk beliefs that were, to some degree,
turn into a snake (Gn. Rab. 28.3). About the ecstatic plea-
Judaized or otherwise rationalized. It is, however, in the liter-
sures or harrowing tortures awaiting the dead, rabbinic spec-
ature of Jewish philosophy and Qabbalah (mysticism) that
ulations were decidedly restrained. Gan EEden (the Garden
the most significant developments in Jewish eschatological
of Eden), the rabbinic equivalent of paradise, is sometimes
thinking in the Middle Ages are to be found.
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AFTERLIFE: JEWISH CONCEPTS
Philosophical approaches. Most medieval Jewish phi-
and was sometimes interpreted as denying corporeal resur-
losophers conceived of the afterlife in terms of the immortali-
rection. To defend himself, Maimonides eventually wrote his
ty of the soul, which they then defined according to their in-
Treatise on Resurrection, in which he distinguishes between
dividual philosophical views. For many of these
existence in the messianic age and in the world to come. In
philosophers, the notion of physical resurrection in the fu-
the former, “those persons whose souls will return to their
ture world is clearly problematic, and although few dared to
bodies will eat, drink, marry, and procreate, and then die
deny its status as a fundamental dogma of Jewish faith, they
after enjoying long lives like those characteristic of the messi-
sometimes had to go to extreme lengths to reconcile it with
anic age”; in the world to come, the souls alone of the previ-
their other ideas about existence in the hereafter.
ously resurrected persons will be restored, and they will now
enjoy eternal and purely spiritual existence. Maimonides’
Probably the most successful in doing this was the early
distinction between the two periods is unique, however; in
medieval Babylonian philosopher and sage SaEadyah Gaon
fact, the notion of corporeal resurrection so poorly fits his
(882–942), who, in The Book of Beliefs and Opinions, empha-
general philosophy, with its overall emphasis upon the purely
sizes the unity of body and soul. SaEadyah foresees two resur-
spiritual nature of true bliss, that some modern scholars have
rections, the first for the righteous alone at the beginning of
questioned whether Maimonides’ repeated affirmations of
the messianic age (when the wicked would be sufficiently
dogmatic belief in resurrection were solely concessions to tra-
punished by being left unresurrected) and the second for ev-
dition and popular sentiment, motivated perhaps by fear of
eryone else at the advent of the world to come. At this latter
being persecuted for heresy.
time, the wicked will be resurrected in order to be con-
demned to eternal suffering, while the righteous will pass
A very different criticism of the Maimonidean position
into the future world, where they will enjoy a purely spiritual
was put forward in the fourteenth century by the philosopher
existence, sustained in bliss by a fine, luminous substance
H:asdai Crescas in The Light of the Lord. Crescas criticizes
that will simultaneously serve as the instrument by which the
Maimonides’ intellectualism and proposes that salvation
wicked will be burned forever in punishment (SaEadyah, Be-
comes to the soul through love of God (2.6, 3.3). A century
liefs and Opinions 6.1, 6.7, 7.13).
later, Yosef Albo (d. 1444) accepted the Maimonidean chro-
nology for the afterlife but also argued with his predecessor’s
After SaEadyah, the eschatological doctrines of most
intellectualism, claiming that practice, not just knowledge,
Jewish philosophers can be categorized by their orientation
of God’s service makes the soul immortal (Book of Principles
as either Neoplatonic or Aristotelian. For Jewish Neoplato-
4.29–30). Still more revealing as to the changes in Jewish es-
nists—including Yitsh:aq YisraDeli (d. 955/6), Shelomoh ibn
chatology that occurred over the centuries is Albo’s charac-
Gabirol (d. 1058), Bah:ye ibn Paquda (eleventh century), and
terization of resurrection as a “dogma accepted by our na-
Yehudah ha-Levi (d. 1141)—beatitude in the world to come
tion,” but not “a fundamental or a derivative principle of
was understood as the climax of the soul’s ascent toward the
divine law in general or of the law of Moses in particular”
godhead and its union with Wisdom. Some writers speak of
(1.23).
this state of bliss as a divine gift; according to certain views,
it can be attained even in this world if the philosopher can
Qabbalistic views. Unlike medieval Jewish philoso-
free himself from the influence of the flesh in order to devote
phers, Jewish mystics in the Middle Ages had no difficulty
his soul entirely to the pursuit of the knowledge of God.
with the concept of resurrection or other such aspects of es-
chatological doctrine. Quite the opposite, these topics were
In contrast, Jewish Aristotelian philosophers treated the
among their favorites. In voluminous writings, the mystics
soul as the acquired intellect and therefore defined the ulti-
described the fate of the resurrected souls, imagined the pre-
mate felicity as a state of “conjunction” between the acquired
cise details of their existence in the afterlife, and charted its
intellect of the individual philosopher and the universal Ac-
chronology in relation to the sefirot, or divine emanations.
tive Intellect. Immortality was understood by them mainly
as the intellectual contemplation of God. Like their Muslim
The Spanish exegete Moses Nahmanides (Mosheh ben
counterparts, the Jewish Aristotelians disagreed over such is-
Nah:man, c. 1194–1270) devotes considerable effort in the
sues as whether this state of conjunction can be attained in
Gate of the Reward to reconciling a mystical view of the after-
this world or solely in the next and whether the soul in its
life with Maimonidean eschatology. Nahmanides posits the
immortal state will preserve its individual identity or lose it
existence of three distinct worlds that follow this one: (1) a
in the collective unity of the impersonal Active Intellect.
world of souls, roughly equivalent to the rabbinic Gan EEden
and Geihinnom, which the soul enters immediately after
Maimonides, the most celebrated Jewish Aristotelian,
death to be rewarded or punished; (2) a future world that
appears to adapt conflicting opinions on these questions
is synonymous with the messianic age and will culminate in
(Guide of the Perplexed 1.74 and 3.54). Although he lists the
a final judgment and resurrection; and (3) the world to
dogma of resurrection as the thirteenth fundamental of Jew-
come, in which “the body will become like the soul and the
ish faith, he also writes that “in the world to come the body
soul will be cleaving to knowledge of the Most High.”
and the flesh do not exist but only the souls of the righteous
alone” (Code of Law: Repentance 3.6). In Maimonides’ own
A second stage in the history of qabbalistic eschatology
lifetime, this extreme formulation elicited much criticism
began with the appearance of the Zohar (completed in ap-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: JEWISH CONCEPTS
155
proximately 1300), which describes the afterlife in terms of
an indication as any of the gilgulim through which the con-
the separate fates of the three parts of the soul, the nefesh,
cept has passed in the course of Jewish history.
the ruah:, and the neshamah. Since only the first two were
considered to be susceptible to sin, they alone were subject
SEE ALSO Ashkenazic Hasidism; Messianism, article on Jew-
ish Messianism.
to punishment. The neshamah in its unsullied state was be-
lieved to be stored up after death in a special place, often
BIBLIOGRAPHY
called the tseror ha-h:ayyim, “the bundle of life” (a term bor-
There exists no single book or study that treats the entire history
rowed from 1 Samuel 25:29), which was sometimes identi-
of Jewish eschatological thought through the ages. On the
fied with one of the sefirot. Because the doctrine of the preex-
notion of the afterlife in the Bible and in the apocryphal and
istence of the soul was also widely accepted in these
pseudepigraphic literature, R. H. Charles’s classic A Critical
qabbalistic circles, the soul’s final sojourn among the sefirot
History of the Doctrine of a Future Life in Israel, in Judaism,
could be seen as simply a return to its birthplace.
and in Christianity (1899; reprint, New York, 1979) is still
informative, but its value has largely been superseded by
Probably the most unusual aspect of qabbalistic escha-
George W. E. Nichelsburg’s Resurrection, Immortality, and
tology is the belief in gilgul, or metempsychosis, the transmi-
Eternal Life in InterTestamental Judaism (Cambridge, Mass.,
gration of souls after death. This belief gained increasing
1972).
prominence in qabbalistic thought from the thirteenth cen-
For early rabbinic eschatology, the clearest and most comprehen-
tury onward. Originally considered a unique punishment for
sive treatment remains George Foot Moore’s Judaism in the
extraordinary sins (particularly of a sexual kind), gilgul came
First Centuries of the Christian Era, the Age of Annaim, 3 vols.
to be viewed, paradoxically, as an exemplary instance of
(Cambridge, Mass., 1927–1930). Volume 2 contains (on
God’s mercy, since the chance to be reborn gave its victims
pages 279–395) a useful discussion of the methodological
an opportunity to correct their sins and thus restore them-
problems involved in the study of rabbinic concepts of the
afterlife and their historical background as well as transla-
selves as spiritual beings. As a form of punishment, however,
tions of most of the relevant sources. An indispensable com-
the concept of gilgul conflicted with the idea of Geihin-
plement to Moore’s summary, particularly for Greco-Roman
nom—a conflict that was never successfully resolved—and
parallels to the rabbinic concepts, is Saul Lieberman’s “Some
in later Qabbalah, the notion of gilgul gradually became a
Aspects of After Life in Early Rabbinic History,” in Harry
principle wherein everything in the world, from inorganic
Austryn Wolfson Jubilee Volume (English Section), vol. 2 (Je-
matter to the angels, was believed to be in a state of constant
rusalem, 1965). For other special aspects of rabbinic escha-
flux and metamorphosis. Thus, in order to repair the damage
tology, see Arthur Marmorstein’s two essays on the afterlife
they had done in their earlier existence, certain souls were
in his Studies in Jewish Theology (London, 1950) and Martha
supposed to have been reincarnated at later moments in his-
Himmelfarb’s Tours of Hell: An Apocalyptic Form in Jewish
tory that were similar to those in which they had first lived;
and Christian Literature. (Philadelphia, 1983).
accordingly, David, Bathsheba, and Uriah were considered
On medieval philosophical views, the single book to attempt a
to be the gilgulim of Adam, Eve, and the serpent; Moses and
comprehensive survey is Julius Guttmann’s Philosophies of Ju-
daism: The History of Jewish Philosophy from Biblical Times
Jethro, those of Cain and Abel. In the later Middle Ages, the
to Franz Rosenzweig, translated by David W. Silverman (New
notion of transmigration was eventually absorbed into folk
York, 1964), in which see the index, s.v. Afterlife. Moses
belief. By the sixteenth century, the dibbuq (dybbuk), which
Maimonides’s Treatise on Resurrection has been translated
originally was simply the name for a demon, had come to
into English by Fred Rosner (New York, 1982), and selected
represent a soul whose sins were so enormous that they could
essays dealing with Maimonidean eschatology and its reper-
not be repaired even through gilgul. The poor soul conse-
cussions have been helpfully collected and edited by Jacob
quently wandered through the world in desperate search of
Sienstag in Eschatology in Maimonidean Thought: Messianism,
refuge in helpless living persons, whom it subsequently pos-
Resurrection, and the World to Come (New York, 1983),
sessed and tormented.
which also contains a bibliography.
T
On qabbalistic views of the afterlife, the most important discus-
HE MODERN PERIOD. With the change in religious temper
sions are those of Gershom Scholem in Major Trends in Jew-
that occurred during the Enlightenment and has deepened
ish Mysticism, 3d ed. (New York, 1961), and Kabbalah (New
since then, the problem of the afterlife has lost much of its
York, 1973). For folk beliefs concerning life after death, see
compelling urgency for Jewish theology. Orthodox Judaism,
Joshua Trachtenberg’s Jewish Magic and Superstition (1939;
to be sure, maintains the rabbinic dogmatic belief in resur-
reprint, New York, 1982), pp. 61–68.
rection as part of its conception of the messianic age, and it
New Sources
similarly preserves the liturgical references in their original
Avery-Peck, Alan J., and Jacob Neusner, eds. Judaism in Late An-
form. In contrast, the Pittsburgh Platform (1885) of the Re-
tiquity, Part Four: Death, Afterlife, and the World-to-Come.
form movement in America expressly rejected “as ideas not
Leiden, 2000.
rooted in Judaism the beliefs both in bodily resurrection, and
Eylon Ripsman, Dina. Reincarnation in Jewish Mysticism and
in Gehenna and Eden as abodes for eternal punishment and
Gnosticism. Lewiston, N.Y., 2003.
reward.” In general, when the afterlife is considered today,
Hallote, Rachel S. Death, Burial and Afterlife in the Biblical World:
it is usually spoken about in terms of personal immortality,
How the Israelites and Their Neighbors Treated the Dead. Chi-
a heritage of the medieval philosophical temper, and as good
cago, 2001.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
156
AFTERLIFE: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
Lang, Bernhard. “Afterlife: Ancient Israel’s Changing Vision of
Paul insisted on the resurrection of Jesus into a new “body”
the World Beyond.” Bible Review 4 (1988): 12–23.
to conquer death. Using a metaphor familiar to the Pharisaic
Raphael, Simcha Paull. Jewish Views of the Afterlife. Northvale,
circle from which he came, Paul explained bodily resurrec-
N.J., 1994.
tion as analogous to a grain of wheat that, planted brown
Scholem, Gershom Gerhard. On the Mystical Shape of the God-
into the soil, rises afresh in green the next spring (1 Cor. 15:
head: Basic Concepts in the Kabbalah. Translated by Joachim
42–43). Paul’s dualism was not between body and soul, the
Neugroschel. Edited by Jonathan Chipman. New York,
two elements comprising the human being, but between one
1991.
form of life governed by the flesh and another guided by the
Shekalim, Rami. Torat ha-nefesh veha-gilgul be-reshit ha-kabalah.
spirit. No one who remains in the former could expect salva-
Tel Aviv, 1998.
tion and eternal life. One has to be reborn, re-created into
a spiritual being—dead to the old self and raised into a new
Wexelman, David M. The Jewish Concept of Reincarnation and
self. This, Paul was convinced, was made possible by the res-
Creation: Based on the Writings of R. Chaim Vital. Northvale,
N.J., 1999.
urrection of Christ.
DAVID STERN (1987)
In the New Testament the Revelation to John is the only
Revised Bibliography
book that provides a clear scenario of the end times. In Reve-
lation the second coming of Jesus, fervently awaited by the
early Christians, is presented as the signal for one thousand
years of messianic rule, during which martyred Christians
AFTERLIFE: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
will all be resurrected and Satan will be kept bound. After
BIBLICAL AND ANCIENT CONCEPTS. Early Christians, in-
a thousand years of peace and messianic rule, Satan will be
cluding the authors of the New Testament books, were
unleashed to be permanently defeated in a final battle with
steeped in beliefs concerning the impending approach of the
the divine forces. With Satan consigned to eternal damna-
end of the world, which would occasion the resurrection of
tion, a second resurrection will take place in order for the
the dead and the beginning of a new aeon. For Jewish people
whole of humankind to stand in final judgment. There is no
suffering under the oppression of the Roman Empire, “the
question as to the important role this book played in the life
resurrection of the dead” became a rallying symbol, particu-
of the early church. It not only provided an inexhaustible
larly for those who were led by Pharisaic teachers. This belief
source of comfort and encouragement for those who had lost
set them apart from other segments of contemporary Jewish
their loved ones to, or themselves suffered the ordeal of, per-
society, most notably the Sadducees, but also the Gentiles.
secution, but it also became a constant source of inspiration
Belief in the resurrection of the dead also played a crucial role
to Christians throughout history by giving them images of
for the emerging circle of Christians, for to Jews resurrection
eternal bliss for the righteous and damnation in a fiery hell
meant belief in a hoped-for future occurrence, whereas to
for the ungodly.
Christians it meant a conviction concerning that which had
already occurred in the person of Jesus, guaranteeing the fu-
Apocalyptically conceived Christianity was a movement
ture resurrection of all the faithful.
announcing the quick end of history, and hence, necessarily,
its own end. Therefore, when the Christian movement sur-
Jesus himself seldom addressed the issue of resurrection,
vived beyond the first century it was forced to reevaluate its
and when he did—usually in response to challenges from his
own stance. It was John’s gospel that formed a bridge beyond
listeners—he always answered with an emphasis on the pres-
the initial apocalyptic stage for the enduring presence of
ent need for conversion to a God-oriented life and neighbor-
Christianity in the ensuing centuries. As the final judgment
ly love. It was Paul who made resurrection the focal point
began to be seen as a distant reality, Christians began think-
of his message. Through his encounter with the “risen” Jesus,
ing about salvation as attainable in the present life. The pres-
Paul became convinced that through the resurrection, Jesus,
ent moment in life, rather than the end of time, became the
the Christ, conquered sin and death for all humanity. Paul
crucial point for human existence. Jesus Christ as the Logos
perceived death as running counter to God’s creation, which
of the universe embodies the true meaning of the world, in-
called life into being. Death could not be a part of God’s cre-
cluding human life. Turning from the ungodly to a regener-
ation; it had entered into human destiny as a result of sin.
ated life by believing in the divine intent embodied in the
Sin was the real cause of death; human beings who sinned
Logos is the message of the Gospel of John, which was written
in and with Adam, the first human, were responsible for their
around the turn of the second century CE. The eternal life
own mortality. Jesus’ rising from the dead accomplished the
that is offered by God through Christ can be attained here
conquest of sin along with its wage, death. Jesus’ rising, how-
and now when one’s life is turned to God. Eternal life in this
ever, was not a return to the old mortal body (resuscitation);
context is not endlessness of life but the fullness of life as God
rather, it was a resurrection to a new “spiritual” body.
had intended in creation. Life lived with God, in itself,
Coming from a Hebraic background, Paul was un-
would constitute salvation without waiting for the final judg-
swerving about the body’s essentialness to human existence
ment. In the same way, life lived without God constitutes
because he saw the body as an integral part of God’s creation.
damnation quite apart from damnation in hell. “Those who
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AFTERLIFE: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
157
believe in him are not condemned; but those who do not be-
mediately after death. The dualism of the soul and the body
lieve are condemned already, because they have not believed
was firmly established by the Middle Ages, and death was
in the name of the only Son of God” (Jn. 3:18).
seen as the separation of the soul from the body.
Though Paul wrestled with the conquest of death,
The postmortem journey to heaven or hell became the
Christians from the outset accepted the mortality of the
most widely accepted pattern of understanding the destiny
human being. One must fight spiritual deadness; physical
of departed souls. Relying heavily upon pictorial imagery,
death is unavoidable. Any attempt to see human beings as
the soul was often depicted as traveling to or residing in a
immortal is rebuffed by God, who alone is eternal. Created
heaven or hell that was conceptually integrated, and often
beings possess no “natural” immortality of their own. Natu-
even physically located, within a three-tiered medieval uni-
ral immortality would be an endless life without God’s bless-
verse, with heaven always up above and hell down below. For
ing, as seen in a demon that does not have to die the way
Christians the distinctive accomplishment of Christ was the
humans do. During the second century CE Tatian unequivo-
conquest of death, by which he liberated all the faithful from
cally rejected such immortality, which he believed could be
the yoke of death for entry into heaven, where they might
nothing but a curse. Living endlessly in itself contains no de-
know and enjoy the state for which God had created them
light; it is living in communion with God that makes life de-
in his own image—that is, God-centered and totally free of
sirable. For this reason, according to Jaroslav Pelikan’s inter-
moral imperfections. Inestimable spiritual rewards would
pretation, Christians prefer to use the expression eternal life
await those who suffered unjustly in this world or toiled for
in the sense of being alive in God, both now and always (Peli-
justice’s sake; the final truth would be revealed to those who
kan, 1961, p. 23), to avoid the vitiated implication of im-
had sought it. In heaven, souls were to be reunited with all
mortality as a meaningless prolongation of life without God.
the loved ones who had preceded them, even though, appar-
Thus, Christian faith does not preach the circumvention of
ently, earthly relationships, such as that between husband
death, but rather the acceptance and overcoming of death as
and wife, were not supposed to be carried over into heaven.
exemplified by the cross of Jesus.
In short, ultimate blissfulness characterized this community
of all souls who were in fellowship among themselves and
A shift in emphasis from the remote eschatological fu-
with God. This heavenly fellowship was the model for fel-
ture to the present life became more pronounced on the
lowship among Christians (communio sanctorum) in this
theological level. The futuristic kingdom of God of the New
world.
Testament came increasingly to imply a sphere of influence
already present and spreading, a sphere that manifested itself
No longer corporeal, citizens of heaven were allowed to
in the visible institution of the earthly church, though it was
“see” God face to face or to “know” him immediately. In this
not identical with it. This is the manner in which Augustine
beatific vision, the knowing of God transcended the earthly
of Hippo (354–430) conceived his “City of God.” The City
epistemological gulf between the knower and the known.
of God was the domain of influence where love of God (amor
The blessed would know God in contemplative interpenetra-
dei) prevailed, whereas the earthly city (civitas terrena) was
tion with God’s knowing of himself. Thomas Aquinas
the domain of self-love (amore sui). The Roman Empire was
(1225–1274), the monumental theologian of scholasticism,
the embodiment of the latter, but of course it was not identi-
was the most eloquent proponent of the theology that made
cal with it. Augustine saw the history of humankind as the
this beatific vision the ultimate goal of human beings. Faced
process through which a drama was unfolding in the struggle
with the infinite fullness of God, the created intellect of
between these two forces for ultimate victory. Augustine in-
human beings would never cease to wonder and enjoy the
terpreted early Christian teaching according to the dictates
inexhaustible source of knowledge, God himself.
of the changing historical situations in which Christianity
In contrast, hell, evolving from the archaic concept of
had survived. He had little to say about “heaven.” It was the
the underworld called SheDol in the Hebrew scriptures, was
City of God transcendent—which manifested itself in the
initially the place of all the dead, regardless of their earthly
historical unfolding of the power of God—in which Augus-
deeds. Only later in Jewish history, and then in Christianity,
tine invested his entire theological energy, leaving heaven
did it become bifurcated into the realm of punishment (hell,
and hell mostly to the popular imagination.
Gehenna) as distinguished from heaven. Hell came to denote
MEDIEVAL AND ROMAN CATHOLIC CONCEPTS. The New
the underworld to which unrepentant sinners were to be
Testament addresses the issue of salvation through the death
consigned. Sinners were to be cast into “outer darkness,”
and resurrection of Christ, rather than heaven and hell.
with weeping and gnashing of teeth (see Mt. 25:30), or they
Through the centuries, Christian theology has developed
were to be thrown into “eternal” (Mt. 25:41) or “unquench-
along similar lines. It was popular piety, however, which is
able fire” (Mk. 9:43), or even into “a lake that burns with
no less important to Christian life, that fostered and kept
fire and sulfur” (Rev. 21:8). It was not so much the New Tes-
alive beliefs about heaven, hell, and purgatory (with increas-
tament as the teaching of the later church that solidified the
ingly vivid imagery) through the Middle Ages. With the final
concept of hell as a place of punitive torture in which sinners
judgment pushed considerably into the future, people’s con-
suffer unending pain. Dante’s fourteenth-century master-
cern became sharply focused on the fate of the individual im-
piece, Divine Comedy, is the definitive literary representation
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AFTERLIFE: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
of these widespread beliefs about hell, which were established
such as, “No doubt the majority [of the papacy] would starve
enough to find their way into the teachings of the church.
to death if purgatory did not exist.” “How can you,” he con-
tinued, “bear on your conscience the blasphemous fraud of
As heaven and hell were firmly established in the medi-
purgatory, by which treacherous deception they have made
eval Christian mind into two postmortem realms with such
fools of all the world and have falsely frightened it and stolen
graphic details of celestial blissfulness and ghastly under-
practically all their possessions and splendor?” (Plass, 1959,
world pain, some unresolved practical problems arose in
vol. 1, p. 388). Luther’s ninety-five theses of 1517 were a di-
popular piety. The idea of purgatory addressed these
rect assault upon the sale of indulgences. Luther considered
problems.
the need for sin to be further punished after redemption as
The great majority of Christians believe that they die in
undermining the meaning of the death of Jesus. Following
a state of moral and religious imperfection, and thus not
Luther’s lead, Protestant Christians rejected all teachings
ready for heaven. For this reason, a belief has come to prevail
concerning purgatory and indulgence.
in popular piety that there should be an intermediate realm
Important in all of this is the medieval Catholic frame
between this world and heaven. This realm, called purgatory,
of reference in which things were viewed in terms of “sub-
has no direct references in the Bible, and it only gradually
stance,” with “quantity” as the predicate. This was largely
found its way into Christian piety. It was not until the coun-
due to the influence of Aristotelian philosophy during the
cils of Lyons (1274) and Florence (1439) that the Roman
scholastic period. In the context of indulgences, sin and grace
Catholic Church gave it an official definition. In purgatory
were considered in quantitative terms. The distinction be-
a process of cleansing and purifying was to take place
tween mortal and venial sins was as much a quantitative dis-
through the pain of fire. Though the capital (mortal) sins led
tinction as it was a qualitative one. Thus, even within venial
one directly to hell, venial (minor) sins were to be expurgated
sins, degrees of offense were differentiated and expurgated
in purgatory so that one might be purified enough for admis-
accordingly.
sion to heaven.
For Protestants, sin amounted to consciously ignoring
The idea of indulgence, the remission of punishment for
or distrusting God. There were no degrees of offense once
venial sins, developed concurrently with purgatory. It was
one turned one’s back on God. Likewise, grace, for Protes-
punishment for venial sins that took place in purgatory, from
tants, was God’s loving acceptance of sinners, through his
which sinners were expected to emerge cleansed for final be-
sacrifice and forgiveness. There were no gradations of grace.
atitude. The indulgence, then, was the remission of this lim-
When Luther declared that salvation could be attained by
ited punishment in purgatory, or a shortening of the stay
grace alone (sola gratia), he meant that grace is the universal
therein. As developed by the church, the practice of indul-
act of God reconciling humankind to himself, whether sin-
gence involved praying, doing penance, and merit-making
ners acknowledge it or not. The Roman Catholic conception
in preparation for death and the consequent journey through
of grace, on the other hand, was thoroughly substantial, per-
purgatory. For hundreds of years during the Middle Ages,
mitting the linguistic habit of referring to it as an entity capa-
this practice remained important for Christians in Europe.
ble of being, as it were, injected into sinners. Thomas Aqui-
Further extending the practice, praying and merit-making by
nas made frequent reference to this “infusion of grace.”
the living, not only for themselves but also on behalf of their
Thus, substantialized grace could be further quantified into
deceased relatives, developed into a major religious practice,
something measurable, just as sin was measured and expiated
enough for the church to consider it an adequate basis for
accordingly.
the institution of the “sale” of indulgences.
Even though at the close of the sixteenth century the
Purgatory and the attendant practice of indulgence pre-
Council of Trent rectified, by officially condemning, the
supposed several other beliefs: first, the belief in sin that
abuse of the sale of indulgences, the Roman Catholic Church
called for retribution even after Christ has accomplished rec-
did not alter its basic posture toward the belief in purgatory
onciliation (redemption and forgiveness); second, the prac-
and indulgence. With renewed vigor the council reaffirmed
tice of indulgence, especially the sale of it, being based on
the fundamental structure of Roman Catholic soteriology,
the belief in a “treasury of merit” accumulated over time
along with the worldview that sustains it. The quantitative
from the surplus merit bequeathed to the church by all the
and substantial ways of viewing sin and grace were main-
saints throughout history, as well as by Christ himself; and
tained as valid, and indulgence and purgatory continued to
finally, the belief that the church possessed the authority to
be accepted beliefs within Roman Catholic piety and the-
administer the said treasury and dispense merits as deemed
ology.
fit, with the pope holding, as it were, the key.
Luther, who was largely responsible for the pattern of
PROTESTANT CONCEPTS. It is well known that financial
subsequent Protestant attitudes toward salvation and eternal
abuse of the belief in purgatory and indulgences and the
life, considered the Pauline interpretation of salvation as
manner in which the church raised funds using them ignited
“justification by faith” to be the single most important teach-
the Protestant Reformation. The sale of indulgences pro-
ing of the Bible. No one devoted more energy to bringing
voked Martin Luther (1483–1546) into uttering diatribes
this Pauline teaching to the center of Christian religion than
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AFTERLIFE: ISLAMIC CONCEPTS
159
Luther, who believed that salvation lies not so much in the
Stannard, David. The Puritan Way of Death: A Study on Religion,
context of the final judgment, the bodily resurrection, and
Culture, and Social Change. New York, 1977.
the messianic rule, as in Christian life, lived in faith, conse-
Stendahl, Krister, ed. Immortality and Resurrection: Four Essays.
quent to “justification.” Like Augustine, Luther rebuked mil-
New York, 1965.
lenarians by arguing that “this false notion is lodged not only
Van de Walle, A. R. From Darkness to the Dawn. Mystic, Conn.,
in the apostles (Acts 1:6), but also in the chiliasts, Valentin-
1984.
ians, the Tertullians, who played the fool with the idea that
HIROSHI OBAYASHI (2005)
before Judgment Day the Christians alone will possess the
earth and that there will be no ungodly” (Plass, 1959, vol.
1, p. 284). Luther brushed aside ideas about the imminent
approach of the end, particularly the way the advent—that
AFTERLIFE: ISLAMIC CONCEPTS
is, the physical establishment of messianic rule on earth—
The doctrine of an afterlife is not only a frequent theme
was anticipated by some millenarians. Though Luther did
within the QurDanic revelation, it is also central to the way
not dismiss the last judgment, he did not lend the full weight
in which Muslims have understood and explained the rea-
of his theological articulation to the eschatological concept
sons for humankind’s existence in this world. In Muslim
of the general resurrection. For Luther, it was the justified
thought, the notion of an afterlife is not only seen as giving
life that counts. Justification carries the entire weight of sote-
meaning to what is a short-lived stay on this earth—with all
riological and eschatological significance when Luther says
that it entails of seemingly inexplicable human suffering,
that “the article of justification, which is our only protection,
loss, and death—but it also places humankind within a di-
not only against all the powers and plottings of men but also
vine plan, which endows them with a sense of purpose and
against the gates of hell, is this: by faith alone (sola fide) in
an ultimate destiny. The knowledge of a future life beyond
Christ, without works, are we declared just (pronuntiari jus-
death, the quality of which will be determined by the moral
tos) and saved” (Plass, 1959, vol. 2, p. 701).
quality of one’s life on earth, has served to instill in Muslims
It is thus clear that “eternal life” was to be experienced
a constant awareness of both the precarious nature of this ex-
in the reality of the justified life here and now. For Luther
istence and the urgent need to prepare for that future one.
the ideas of immortality and heavenly blissfulness, which
This urgency had manifested itself from the outset, both in
played such an important part in popular Christian piety,
the revealed text of the QurDa¯n, the foundation stone of all
were absorbed into the significance of eternity invested in the
Muslim dogma and ritual, and in the formative intellectual
justified life of a Christian. This remains the predominant
history of the community.
pattern of the Protestant understanding of eternal life, at
AFTERLIFE IN THE QURDA¯N. According to Muslim tradition,
least in its normative theological sense.
the revelations of the QurDa¯n—that is, the verses (a¯ya¯t) that
make up the chapters (su¯rahs)—are ascribed to one of two
BIBLIOGRAPHY
periods of Muh:ammad’s prophetic career, the earlier Meccan
Black, C. Clifton. “Pauline Perspectives on Death and Romans
period and the later Medinan one. The apocalyptic passages
5–8.” Journal of Biblical Literature 103 (1984): 413–433.
and images in the QurDa¯n that herald the coming of the next
Bruce, F. F. “Paul and the Life to Come.” In Paul: Apostle of the
life belong primarily to the former. Indeed, they constitute
Heart Set Free. Grand Rapids, Mich., 1977.
one of the most salient features of the earlier phase of
Hick, John. Death and Eternal Life. London, 1976.
Muh:ammad’s preaching, testifying to the importance of the
Keck, Leander. “New Testament Views of Death.” In Perspectives
notion of an afterlife within the overall framework of the
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McDannell, Colleen, and Bernhard Lang. Heaven: A History. Lon-
don and New Haven, Conn., 1988. 2d ed., 2001.
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ry, is referred to variously as “the Day of Judgement” (yawm
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al-fas:l), or “the Promised Day” (al-yawm al-maw Eu¯d). The
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usher in the next world is one familiar enough from the
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Setzer, Claudia. “Resurrection of the Dead as Symbol and Strate-
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to contemplate its “book” (kita¯b) of deeds, and its deeds will
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AFTERLIFE: ISLAMIC CONCEPTS
be weighed in “scales” (m¯ıza¯n). A light balance will dispense
An indication of the centrality of the afterlife within the
a soul to hell, whereas a weighty one will merit paradise. The
overall QurDanic narrative is that almost every act forbidden
“wretched” (shaq¯ı), their faces blackened in terror and de-
or condemned by the QurDa¯n, as well as every deed com-
spair, are driven like animals to their final abode, and with
mended and encouraged by it, is done so with a view to the
their hands bound in fetters to their necks they are thrust vio-
consequences of that action or behavior for a person’s fate
lently into the fire of hell, where they are drenched in liquid
in the next life. Thus, those who violate God’s covenants are
pitch, their skins are consumed by the fire, and their faces
described as having “purchased the life of this world at the
are grilled by its flames. They suffer beatings with maces of
price of the life to come” (QurDa¯n 2:86 and 3:77). In con-
iron, gulp fetid boiling water, taste festering blood and con-
trast, it is written that “God has purchased from the believers
sume a bush of bitter thorn in the midst of scorching winds
their selves and their worldly possessions and in return has
and thick black smoke.
promised them Paradise” (QurDa¯n 9:111). Indeed, the
The “fortunate” (sa E¯ıd), are congratulated and led away
QurDa¯n describes the “true losers” as “those who have forfeit-
in the company of angels towards the already-opened gates
ed their souls and their relatives on the Day of Resurrection”
of paradise, the light of divine pleasure radiating from within
(QurDa¯n 42:45), because, having offered nothing for their fu-
them and all around them. They take up their paradisiacal
ture life, they now find themselves in eternal hellfire.
abodes in the “Gardens of Eden” (janna¯t EAdan), each one
But whereas the QurDa¯n contains frequent references to
of them in an exclusive garden, wherein they recline on
scenes that will take place on the day of judgement, as well
jewel-encrusted beds, dressed in the finest silk, arrayed in
as graphic descriptions of the pleasures enjoyed by the “in-
heavy brocade, and adorned with silver bracelets; surrounded
habitants of the Garden” (as:h:a¯b al-janna) and the torments
by bashful and amorous virgins (h:u¯r) resembling hidden
suffered by the “inhabitants of the Fire” (as:h:a¯b, or ahl,
pearls, they are waited on by stunningly beautiful youths
al-na¯r), crucial elements of eschatology, which had signifi-
who serve them the purest intoxicants, bring them endless
cant consequences for the scheme of the afterlife, were only
varieties of fruits, and are constantly at their service.
worked out in the wake of intra-Muslim sectarian polemics;
Eternal life and the hereafter. The QurDanic idea of
yet even these elements had not taken long, in historical
continued existence and eternal life in the hereafter functions
terms, to crystallize. Already within little more than a hun-
not only as a consolation for believers, in view of the tribula-
dred years of the Prophet’s death and the codification of the
tions inherent in life on earth, it is also intended as an incen-
QurDa¯n, there emerged all of the eschatological variations and
tive for humankind to believe, to perform good deeds, and
modifications to the afterlife scheme, as they are known from
to reap the reward. For, the “other life” (a¯khira, lit. “final
the compositions of the classical period, and as they are fa-
one”), as the QurDa¯n tells us, is “better” and “more enduring”
miliar to Muslims today. It was at this formative stage that
(QurDa¯n 87:17) than this life; “the life of this world is but
the second instance of “urgency,” referred to at the beginning
amusement and play; it is the life to come that is the true
of this article, manifested itself.
life” (QurDa¯n 29:64). The delights of this world, according
THE FORMATIVE PERIOD (C. 657–800). Two civil wars that
to the QurDa¯n, are transient, ultimately unsatisfying, and
split the community definitively within a generation of the
generally adulterated in some way. The delights in the next
Prophet’s death and resulted in major schisms that exist in
world, however, will be eternal, endlessly enjoyed, and abso-
modern times were fought over the question of the rightful
lutely pure. It is the way in which the earthly quality of these
leadership of the community. This was not only because the
familiar delights will be redefined—transformed—that is
rightful leader (ima¯m) was necessary for the overall guidance
crucial. Thus, in paradise, the houris, the wide-eyed beautiful
and well-being of the community, but, more importantly,
virgins, will not have been touched by either human or jinn
because an illegitimate leader put the salvation of the entire
(QurDa¯n 55:56); the rivers will run with “water unstaling,”
community at risk by endangering the afterlife scheme (as
with “milk forever fresh,” with “the clearest honey,” and with
understood by all early Muslims) in which the elect commu-
“wine that is a delight to the drinkers” (QurDa¯n 47:15); their
nity of believers were a single guided community destined
drink therein “will not cause their heads to throb, nor will
for Paradise.
it make them lose their reason” (QurDa¯n 56:19); the cup they
will pass from one to another will inspire “no idle talk, no
What seemed like purely political disagreements went
sinful urge” (QurDa¯n 52:23). Muslim tradition would later
to the heart of religion, for, in early Islam political opponents
add numerous narratives to the descriptions of paradise that
were necessarily religious ones too: if the leadership of the
emphasized the pure nature of one’s existence in the next
elect community of believers was to be assumed by the wrong
world, an existence free of the vile bodily functions of this
individual, who then led them astray from the path to salva-
world. One early h:ad¯ıth reported by EAbd al-Razza¯q
tion, the entire community ran the risk of being misled. Po-
al-S:anEa¯n¯ı (d. 827) in his compilation of traditions
litical offences, violating as they did the stipulations of the
(Mus:annaf) describes the first band of those entering paradise
QurDa¯n, prompted similar questions about the salvation sta-
thus: “their faces shall resemble the full moon; they will ex-
tus of grave sinners within the Muslim community and, par-
crete no mucus, neither will they salivate or ever need to
adoxically, forced Muslims to consider a formal definition
defecate.”
of what constituted “belief” (¯ıma¯n). In other words, given
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: ISLAMIC CONCEPTS
161
that there is a single community of believers destined for par-
Kha¯rijite, MurjiDite, and MuEtazilite thought. Of
adise, how did one remain within it, and what offenses ex-
course, not all parties were convinced by the theological in-
cluded one from it?
novations of the traditionalists. Two religio-political parties
Discussion of the consequences of serious offenses had
that had emerged in the wake of the civil wars, namely, the
been confined, at a primary stage, to the political arena, but
Kha¯rijites (the first sectarians in Islam) and the MurjiDa (an
more and more discussions came to focus on grave violations
antisectarian movement that sought to politically reunite the
of the QurDanic stipulations for proper moral conduct. In
divided community), resisted the influx of such teachings as
time, an increasingly influential group of Muslim theolo-
having no explicit foundation in the QurDa¯n. In addition,
gians, known as traditionalists (ahl al-h:ad¯ıth), came up with
MuEtazilah (a late-eighth-century theological school that
a compromise to the simple afterlife scheme that had been
propounded the use of rational methods and made God’s
assumed by the community at its birth. The compromise was
justice—together with the idea of human free will—the
both the result of protracted debates over the salvation status
founding principles of their thought) also saw no sound basis
of political “sinners” (religious offenders) within the Muslim
for either the idea of a temporary hell or the Prophet’s inter-
community, and the political reality that frequently saw
cession (shafa Ea) on behalf of grave sinners. For these ratio-
Muslim pitted in battle against fellow Muslim. These tradi-
nalists, both ideas violated their principle that God’s justice
tionalist theologians modified certain aspects of the postmor-
ensured that every individual was free to chose his or her acts
tem judgement to ensure that all those who professed Islam,
in this life and would be recompensed accordingly in the
even if they should die without having repented of their sins,
next.
would eventually end up in paradise: if they did go to hell,
Needless to say, it was the traditionalist doctrine that
they would suffer only a purgatorial stay, one consonant with
found popular appeal among the majority of Muslims, who
the severity of their neglect of religious duties.
took comfort in the knowledge that the Prophet would be
It should be noted that the traditionalists believed that
at hand to ensure their salvation at the scene of the judge-
authoritative opinions (legal and theological) could only be
ment. It is noteworthy that the MuEtazila also denied the
found in the mass of traditions (reports containing words
punishment of the tomb ( Eadha¯b al-qabr) and the “vision of
and deeds) ascribed to the Prophet and his Companions.
God” (ru Dyat Alla¯h) in the next life, both of which, judging
This body of literature, authenticated (in the sense that it was
by the h:ad¯ıth material, had come to form part of the popular
believed to go back to the Prophet), but collected and trans-
beliefs of Muslims from the middle of the eighth century.
mitted from the late seventh and early to mid-eighth centu-
ries
THE CLASSICAL PERIOD (POST-800 CE). Most of the devel-
CE, had grown to huge proportions. It was within this
body of traditions that those eschatological variations, which
opments in afterlife theology that took place during the
were used to modify the scheme of the afterlife, began to ap-
formative period made their way into the major traditions
pear. The traditionalists made such variations authoritative
of Islam. The doctrine of temporary hell and the Prophet’s
by weaving them into the exegetical narratives to certain key
intercession were accepted by almost all Sunn¯ıs and Sh¯ıEah.
verses in the QurDa¯n. These verses included one that was am-
The only difference was that in the case of the latter, the priv-
biguous about the eternality of hellfire punishment (QurDa¯n
ilege of intercession was also extended to the ima¯ms (with the
11:107); another that suggested that certain individuals
understanding that no Sh¯ıE¯ı will remain in hell forever).
whose evil deeds may counterbalance their good ones, and
With Sufism, however, it is difficult to make similar general-
would thus merit neither paradise nor hell (QurDa¯n 7:46);
izations.
and finally, two verses that were interpreted as proof of the
Early in its development, Sufism, properly mysticism,
widely held belief that the Prophet will intercede for his com-
came to assume a certain “orthodoxy” from the point of view
munity on the day of judgement (QurDa¯n 17:79, 93:5).
of traditionalist Islam. The principal figures associated with
By associating such extra-scriptural elements with these
its development, the likes of al-H:asan al-Bas:r¯ı (d. 728),
QurDanic verses, the traditionalists were able to introduce a
al-H:a¯rith al-Muh:a¯sib¯ı (d. 857), and al-Junayd b.
modified scheme of the otherworldly fate of the Muslim
Muh:ammad (d. 910) were all considered pious Muslims by
community. The canonical manuals of h:ad¯ıth, without ex-
the mainstream tradition. Classical Sufism to a large extent
ception, state that no Muslim will remain in hell forever.
culminated in the works and writings of al-Ghaza¯l¯ı
Some will be removed from hell directly through God’s in-
(d. 1111) himself, a bastion of traditionalist Islam. And yet
tervention, whereas others will exit from it because, as the
Sufism would later incorporate Neoplatonic and Gnostic ele-
manuals inform us, the Prophet will intercede for the grave
ments, as evidenced in the works of the great Andalusian
sinners of his community (minor offenses were automatically
mystic Ibn al-EArab¯ı (1165–1240), elements that could not
forgiven by God, so long as grave ones were avoided [QurDa¯n
be accepted by the mainstream tradition. Sufism shared with
4:31]). Neither of these two doctrines had been explicitly
other mainstream Muslim practice an insistence on the prop-
taught in the QurDa¯n. Nevertheless, they came to represent
er observation of the law (shar¯ı Eah). Indeed, it emphasized
dogma for most Muslims. In so doing, the traditionalists had
that the practice of Islam’s rituals should be carried out with
succeeded in retaining, at least superficially, the early ideal
discipline and devotion: constant remembrance of God
of the unified community destined for paradise.
(dhikr), a quintessential S:u¯f¯ı practice, and the awareness of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
162
AFTERLIFE: ISLAMIC CONCEPTS
impending death and resurrection was the only way to pre-
Another example can be seen in Qur Da¯n and Woman,
pare oneself for the next world.
the African American intellectual Amina Wadud’s (b. 1952)
book that stresses, “Although the detailed and graphic depic-
One significant development in the classical period, in
tions of the Hereafter [. . .] are sometimes quite explicit,
part due to the influence of Neoplatonic thought as ex-
it is obvious that these descriptions are not to be taken en-
pounded principally by Avicenna (d. 1037), but already sug-
tirely literally, [they] are the QurDa¯n’s way of making the
gested at an earlier stage by some of the rationalist theolo-
ineffable effable, of making the Unseen phenomena
gians, the MuEtazilah—as well as by their more orthodox
conceivable”(p. 58).
counterparts, the AshEar¯ıs, was the question of whether the
QurDanic descriptions of the joys of paradise and the pains
And yet, the idea that there will be some sort of reconsti-
of hell should be understood literally or symbolically. The
tution of a material form—that is, a corporeal afterlife—has
rationalists, while acknowledging the explicit scriptural refer-
always maintained its hold on the imagination of believers.
ences to carnal pleasures and pains, preferred to understand
these as metaphors for spiritual delights and torments. The
POPULAR PIETY. Whereas remembrance of the transience of
spiritual aspect became key, not just for rationalist theolo-
this world and reflection on the imminent arrival of the other
gians but also for philosophers and certain mystics. If, in-
constitute a central element in Muslim devotions across the
deed, the afterlife was to be a spiritual existence of the im-
confessional divide, nowhere is the concern with the reality
mortal soul, then humans, through their souls, could “taste”
of the afterlife more obvious than in the rites performed for
of these joys in this world.
the dying and the dead. An early Islamic Egyptian epitaph,
dated to 796 CE, bears the following inscription, intended
It is in this sense that, for many mystics, elements of the
as a supplication for relief for the dead person in his tomb:
eschaton and the afterlife were internalized as constituting
“[O God] make spacious its [the tomb’s] entrances and spare
potential experiences of the soul in the here and now. In a
him [the dead person] the punishment of the tomb” (RCEA,
similar departure from the traditionalist conception of the
no. 58). Another epitaph, from near modern-day Cairo,
afterlife, the philosophers saw death—and not the resurrec-
dated to 831 CE, asks God to make the dead person’s tomb
tion—as the beginning of the next life: at the point of death
“like a garden from the gardens of Paradise” (RCEA, no.
the soul will be freed from its bodily incarceration and able
204).
to enjoy the superior delights of the intellect. A preference
for metaphorical interpretations would reemerge in twenti-
Awareness of the imminence of the other world, that is
eth-century reformist writings, such as those of Muh:ammad
to say, the need to prepare for it within the brief prelude that
EAbduh (1849–1905) and Muh:ammad Rash¯ıd Rid:a¯
is this life, is reflected in the symbiotic relationship that man-
(d. 1935).
ifests itself between the living and the dead. The dying per-
TWENTIETH-CENTURY APPROACHES. The little that is writ-
son has the Shaha¯dah, the profession of the faith, whispered
ten about the afterlife in the modern day tends to be a regur-
into his or her ear. At the point of burial, the dead are “in-
gitation of ideas and narratives taken from the classical peri-
structed” (talq¯ın) by the living to give the correct answers (in
od. In this respect, many contemporary scholars adopt the
the form of God’s Oneness and Muh:ammad’s prophethood)
traditionalist understanding of a physical resurrection to-
to the questioning that they will face in their graves (mas Dalat
gether with a literalist conception of the joys and pains of
al-qabr) at the hands of the two angels Munkar and Nak¯ır
the afterlife. There are exceptions, however, and these can
(also a relic of popular belief from the classical period).
generally be found in the interpretations of so-called liberal
Prayer manuals, Sunn¯ı, Sh¯ıE¯ı, and S:u¯f¯ı, are replete with in-
or progressive Muslim thinkers.
vocations—usually performed before the dead—that articu-
late the awareness on the part of the living that they will soon
In developing a methodology that seeks to connect the
share the fate of the former. Muslims have always said prayers
revealed text and the realities of the modern world, progres-
for their dead in the hope that when their time comes others
sive Muslim thinkers recognize the difficulty of embracing
will say prayers for them. Inscriptions on tombs usually en-
a literal conception of the QurDanic descriptions of the after-
join the passersby to recite the fa¯tih:a, the opening verse of
life, let alone a physical resurrection of the body. One exam-
the QurDa¯n. Not only does this provide comfort for the dead,
ple is the Syrian thinker Mohamad Shahrour (b. 1938). In
it also secures a double reward for the one reciting it: the re-
his al-Kita¯b wa Dl-QurDa¯n (The book and the QurDa¯n), he ar-
ward for the action itself and the knowledge, supported by
gues that a different physical world will come into being in
numerous h:ad¯ıths, that the QurDa¯n intercedes at the resurrec-
the wake of the destruction of this one. This transition will
tion for whoever recites from it.
also constitute a transformation of the laws governing mat-
ter. Thus, there will be a physical reconstitution of bodies
However one interpreted the depictions of the afterlife
in the next world. But these other laws will mean that matter
in the QurDa¯n, whether literally, spiritually, or metaphorical-
will not be subject to the opposing forces inherent in the na-
ly, all Muslims, be they Sunn¯ıs, Sh¯ıE¯ıs, S:u¯f¯ıs or philoso-
ture of matter, forces responsible for the decay and break-
phers, agreed that the value of these scriptural narratives lay
down of all things: thus, in the next world, nothing will die
in emphasizing the importance of leading a “moral” life: the
nor will anything be born.
reward of the hereafter was too great to forfeit.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: GREEK AND ROMAN CONCEPTS
163
SEE ALSO Attributes of God, article on Islamic Concepts;
of commentaries. For an exposition of the persistently “car-
Eschatology, article on Islamic Eschatology; Free Will and
nal” attitude towards the delights of Paradise, with a literary
Predestination, article on Islamic Concepts; God, article on
focus, see A. al-Azmeh, “On the Morphology of Paradisiac
God in Islam; Ima¯n and Isla¯m; Islam, overview article.
Narratives,” Journal of Arabic Literature 26 (1995),
pp. 215–231.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Shi Ei material
Jane Idleman Smith and Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad’s The Islamic
Martin J. McDermott’s The Theology of al-Shaikh al-Muf¯ıd
Understanding of Death and Resurrection (Albany, N.Y.,
(d. 413/1022) (Beirut, Lebanon, 1978) provides a Twelver
1981; Oxford, 2002), remains the best introduction to the
Sh¯ıE¯ı perspective on the principal elements of the eschaton;
general topic of the afterlife. Although it focuses mainly on
Mahmoud Ayoub has looked at the devotional aspects of
the Sunn¯ı tradition, its information on the modern under-
Twelver practices in his Redemptive Suffering in Islam: A
standing of the relevant themes and one interesting appendix
Study of the Devotional Aspects of EA¯shu¯ra¯ D in Twelver Sh¯ı Eism
on women and children in the afterlife is useful. However,
(The Hague, 1978). A useful introduction to Twelver beliefs
one of the best works on Muslim piety and religious life, in-
may now be found in Doctrines of Shi Ei Islam: A Compendi-
cluding contemporary practices, is Constance E. Padwick’s
um of Imami Beliefs and Practices by Ayatollah Ja Efar Sobhani,
Muslim Devotions: A Study of Prayer-Manuals in Common Use
translated and edited by Reza Shah-Kazemi (London, 2001),
(Oxford, 1961; rev. ed. 1997), which examines a range of
esp. pp. 120–136.
Muslim devotions and supplications (including those relat-
A validation of the female voice in the QurDa¯n, together with the
ing to death and the afterlife) and provides extracts from
consequences for understanding the scriptural depictions of
Sunn¯ı, Sh¯ıE¯ı and S:u¯f¯ı prayer manuals. The book is a unique
the hereafter, is given by Amina Wadud, Qur Da¯n and Woman
study in this respect and is indispensable for those interested
(Kuala Lumpur, 1992), esp. pp. 44–61. Fatima Mernissi’s
in Muslim practice as opposed to theory.
Women in Moslem Paradise (New Delhi, 1986) is also inter-
For more detailed information on the individual elements of the
esting for its female perspective.
eschaton and themes of the afterlife, the reader is referred to
The tomb inscriptions referred to above are taken from the Réper-
the Encyclopedia of Islam (2d. ed. Leiden, 1954–2002), al-
toire chronologique d’epigraphie arabe (RCEA), edited by
though these will require a familiarity with Arabic translitera-
Etienne Combe et al. (Cairo, 1931-1991), see vol. 1, nos. 58
tion: see in particular, “Eadha¯b al-k:abr” (vol. I, p. 186),
and 204.
“aEra¯f” (vol. I, p. 603), “barzakh” (vol. I, p. 1071), “djanna”
In addition, the bibliography provided under the entry “Eschatol-
(vol. II, p. 447), “k:iya¯ma” (vol. V, p. 235), “maEa¯d” (vol. V,
ogy (Islamic Eschatology)” complements the one given here.
p. 892), “munkar wa-nak¯ır” (vol. VII, p. 576), “sa¯Ea” (vol.
VIII, p. 654), “shafa¯Ea” (vol. IX, p. 177). A more accessible
FERAS Q. HAMZA (2005)
recent work, with the entries given in English, is the Encyclo-
pedia of the Qur Da¯n, edited by J. D. McAuliffe et al. (Leiden,
2000–). The work is still in progress, but the following en-
tries may now be consulted: “Eschatology,” “Hell and Hell-
AFTERLIFE: GREEK AND ROMAN CONCEPTS
fire,” “Intercession.” Other projected entries are “Last Judge-
As is the case with other cultures, the Greeks and Romans
ment,” “Paradise,” “Resurrection.”
entertained a variety of ideas about the afterlife, some of
Unfortunately, there are to date no complete studies of the Mus-
which were mutually exclusive; they called on different ideas
lim afterlife. A few translations of primary texts on this
as the situation required. Thus, they spoke of the dead as
theme have appeared, most importantly al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s The Re-
present and angry when ill luck and a guilty conscience sug-
membrance of Death and the Afterlife: Kita¯b dhikr al-mawt
gested that the deceased might be wreaking vengeance; they
wa-ma¯ ba Edahu, Book XL of the Revival of the Religious Sci-
spoke of them as potential benefactors when paying them
ences, Ih:ya¯ D EUlu¯m al-D¯ın, translated with an introduction
cult; and on yet other occasions they spoke of them as if they
and notes by T. J. Winter (Cambridge, U.K., 1989). For a
were completely absent from the world of the living. Both
study of the specific contribution of sectarian polemic to the
because the attitudes varied and because our information for
formation of Sunn¯ı classical doctrine on the concepts of tem-
porary hell and intercession, with specific reference to
this, as well as most other aspects of Greek and Roman antiq-
QurDanic exegesis, see Feras Hamza, “To Hell and Back: A
uity, is lacunose, any survey, including the one that follows,
Study of the Concepts of Hell and Intercession in Early
tends to impose an artificial order on what were actually
Islam” (Ph.D. diss., Oxford University, 2002).
complex matters.
An important work is Soubhi el-Saleh’s “La vie future selon le
GREECE. Although the Greeks and Romans shared many be-
Coran,” which can be found in the journal Études Musul-
liefs and practices concerning death, there were also signifi-
manes no. 13 (1971), or as a separate publication (Paris,
cant differences between the two cultures and they must be
1971). Saleh traces the various ways in which the delights of
treated separately. Greece will be considered first.
Paradise and the torments of hell were understood according
to four types of QurDanic commentaries, roughly represent-
Funerary rituals. Children and other surviving kin
ing four phases of Muslim exegesis: traditionalist, rationalist,
were expected to ensure that the dead received proper funer-
mystic, and modern; the author examines the important
ary rites; if they did not, the deceased could not be consid-
question of whether these aspects of the afterlife were under-
ered truly dead and its soul might wander restlessly between
stood as being physical or spiritual in each of the four classes
the upper world and the underworld. What constituted
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
164
AFTERLIFE: GREEK AND ROMAN CONCEPTS
“proper rites” varied from place to place and time to time,
formed on the gen- root, meaning “birth” in the sense of
but honorable disposal of the corpse by burial or cremation
those related to one by birth), honored dead relatives, but
was the very least that was required, lest the corpse otherwise
it is unclear whether the dead were expected to actually re-
become prey for scavengers. Even symbolic burial, such as
turn at these times or simply enjoyed the festival from within
Antigone performed for her brother by sprinkling dust over
the underworld.
his body, would suffice (Sophocles, Antigone 254–255). If a
Sometimes ghosts were useful. Specialists knew how to
body were irretrievable, rites might be performed for the de-
create small lead “curse” tablets engraved with words that
ceased anyway, in hopes that the soul would find rest (e.g.,
compelled ghosts to return to the land of the living and do
Odyssey 1.290–292). People who turned up alive after having
their bidding. Typically, the specialist commanded the ghost
had such rites performed were called “double-fated” (deutero-
to attack someone on behalf of a paying client. The ghost
potmoi) and had to undergo a symbolic rebirth (Plutarch,
might be charged with imposing insomnia on a woman
Roman Questions 264f–265b; cf. Euripides, Alcestis 1144–
1146).
whom the client loved, for example, in hopes that she would
acquiesce to his demands. It was not only the ghosts’ victims
Ideally, the deceased’s female relatives would wash the
who feared such activities; the ghosts themselves resented
body on the same day as death had occurred and wrap it in
being called up from their rest in the underworld. For this
a shroud for burial. The next day would be given over to
reason, practitioners frequently focused on the ghosts of
mourning—the informal mourning of family members
those who had died too early or unhappily, or whose bodies
being supplemented with that of hired mourners when the
were unburied, because, as mentioned above, the souls of
family could afford it and the sumptuary laws of the city al-
such unfortunates could not really enter the underworld, and
lowed it. Gifts would be given to the deceased, including
thus they were more readily accessible (they were also, in
small objects such as he or she would have used in life. On
their anger, probably more ready to injure the living). The
the third day, counting inclusively, the body was buried or
specialists might also promise the ghost that, if it cooperated
cremated. Libations were poured into the grave where the
once, the specialist would protect it from ever being bothered
body or ashes had been buried and were repeated periodical-
again. The ghosts of dead heroes were considered stronger
ly, usually for at least a year. Survivors might also cut their
than ordinary ghosts and were expected to help the living
hair and lay it upon the grave; an absent survivor could dedi-
with all sorts of problems: they helped women conceive,
cate hair at a later date. A marker was set up and could be
aided their native cities during war, and gave prophetic ad-
decorated with ribbons and myrtle branches. Other rituals
vice, for example. Heroic ghosts, however, could also be
might also be performed, depending on the desires of the de-
much more dangerous than other ghosts when angry. (On
ceased and his or her family. People who had no family could
ghosts, see Johnston, 1999.)
join funerary associations that ensured all of these rites would
be carried out. (On burial rites, see Kurtz and Boardman,
The land of the dead. Souls might return to earth as
1971).
ghosts, but most souls, most of the time, stayed in the under-
ground kingdom called Hades, which was ruled over by a
Ghosts. Although any soul could become a ghost—that
god who was also named Hades and by his queen, Persepho-
is, return to wander among the living—the souls that lacked
ne. In earliest times, the Greeks seem to have believed that
proper funerary rites and the souls of those who had died too
everyone there was treated in the same way. The souls existed
early or violently were particularly likely to return in order
in a state that was neither pleasant nor unpleasant; literary
to cause problems for people whom they blamed for their
portrayals, such as that in Book 11 of the Odyssey, suggest
misfortunes or people whom they envied. Whole groups of
that the underworld was dank and dark, and that there was
people might suffer because a soul was unhappy: cities beset
little to do to pass eternal time. In the Odyssey and elsewhere,
by famine and pestilence sometimes sought relief by paying
souls usually are portrayed as looking like their former bodies
special cult to the ghosts of local individuals whom they as-
(thus women who were famous beauties while alive remained
sumed were causing the problems. There were means of
attractive, and mighty warriors still wore their armor). Souls
averting ghosts as well; wreaths of a thorny plant called rham-
also retained the desires and grudges they held while alive:
nos were hung on doors and windows in the belief that this
the soul of Ajax, who felt he had been cheated by Odysseus
would prevent ghosts from entering a house (Photius, Lexi-
while alive, refused to return Odysseus’s greeting when they
con under “rhamnos”). In some parts of Greece, annual festi-
met in the underworld. And yet, in spite of the other ways
vals such as the Anthesteria invited ghosts back into the
in which life after death replicated what went on before, the
world of the living and treated them well for a few days; the
souls lacked one of the most important abilities they had
underlying logic seems to have been that if the ghosts were
while alive: they could not communicate with the living ex-
satisfied by this extra attention they would remain peaceful
cept under special circumstances. In the Odyssey, it is only
for the rest of the year. Even then, however, special precau-
after Odysseus pours out the blood of a ritually slaughtered
tions were taken to ensure that the returning ghosts did not
ram for them to drink that the souls can chat with him (this
take too many liberties while among the living, or outstay
probably is a reflection, although exaggerated, of normal fu-
their welcome. Other festivals, such as the Genesia (a word
nerary ritual, which includes pouring libations into the
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AFTERLIFE: GREEK AND ROMAN CONCEPTS
165
grave). Physical contact is impossible, too, because souls have
classical period. In most cases, one’s lot was said to depend
no substance: Odysseus cannot embrace his mother’s ghost.
on one’s behavior while alive—things were supposed to be
evened up after death. (On the underworld and punishments
A few people do suffer punishment in a special part of
after death, see Johnston, 1999, and Sourvinou-Inwood,
the underworld according to the Odyssey and other Greek lit-
1995.)
erary texts, although it is not clear whether the Greeks con-
sidered them to be truly dead or to have been transported
Preparing for the afterlife. Given this idea, preparation
to the underworld while still alive. Among the most famous
for death should have required nothing more than good be-
are Tantalos, who endures eternal thirst and hunger, and
havior. But few people led lives of perfect virtue, and most
Sisyphos, who is doomed to push a boulder uphill repeated-
were therefore left anxious about what awaited them. Per-
ly. But these are unusual cases of people who had done un-
haps because of this, we also find, beginning in the late archa-
usually wicked things; there is no indication that the average
ic period, the idea that one can escape from the postmortem
person expected to be punished after death. There are also
effects of bad behavior and even guarantee bliss after death
examples, in myth, of people who get extraordinary rewards
by being initiated into one or more so-called mysteries cults
at the end of their lives, due to their special relationships with
while still alive (the most famous being that at Eleusis, near
the gods. Menelaus, Helen’s husband and therefore Zeus’s
Athens). Initiates could expect to spend the afterlife in a
son-in-law, knew he would be carried off to the paradisiacal
meadow or other pleasant place, eating, drinking, and danc-
Elysian Fields at the end of his life, for example, instead of
ing. Non-initiates, however exemplary their conduct had
dying (Odyssey 4.561–569).
been during life, would wallow in mire forever.
Myth also tells of judges in the underworld. Most com-
The flaw in this system, as its ancient critics already saw,
monly mentioned in this role are Minos, the former king of
was that once initiated, people could behave however they
Crete, who was renowned for his fair judgments; his brother
liked for the rest of their lives. “It would be absurd,” said Di-
Rhadamanthys, who had been a lawgiver in Crete; and
ogenes the Cynic, “if Agesilaus and Epaminondas [two Spar-
Aeacus, who had ruled Aegina. These judges are presented
tan generals known for nobility of character] end up in the
as settling disputes among the dead, rather than deciding the
mire after death, while worthless people, simply because they
fate of a newly arrived soul; in other words, they also contin-
have been initiated into the mysteries, dwell on the Islands
ue with “life” in much the same way as they had before death
(e.g., Odyssey 11.568–571). It is only in certain mystery cults
of the Blest” (Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Eminent Philoso-
or philosophical contexts that we hear of judgments or tests
phers 6.39). Although a few mystery cults may have required
that determine the fate of the soul upon its arrival (see
initiates to follow certain rules of ritualized purity for the rest
below). Aeacus sometimes serves as the gatekeeper for Hades
of their lives (e.g., not wearing wool), there does not seem
instead of one of its judges. Kerberos, the many-headed dog
to have been any expectation that they would follow a moral
of Hades, whom the dead souls had to distract with a piece
or ethical code.
of food in order to enter the land of the dead (and who pre-
A variation on this theme suggested that all humanity
vented the souls from ever leaving again), and Charon, who
was doomed to punishment in the underworld because of its
ferried souls across the river Styx, which divided the world
connection to the death of Persephone’s son, the god Diony-
of the dead from the world of the living, played a similar role
sos. Dionysos had been dismembered and eaten by violent
insofar as they also helped to mark the boundary between life
gods called Titans; Zeus incinerated the Titans with a thun-
and death. In doing this, they made death seem more perma-
derbolt, and humanity arose from their smoldering remains.
nent and irreversible, but they also made the transition seem
Persephone thereafter held each human responsible for the
more familiar, more like the transitions one encountered in
loss of her son. All that could save one from postmortem mis-
life. Most of these figures are mythic only; however, it is un-
ery was to be initiated into mysteries sponsored by Dionysos
likely that the Greeks really “believed” in them. Charon is
(who had been reborn following his consumption by the Ti-
the possible exception: by the Hellenistic period, people
tans). The Dionysiac mysteries are particularly interesting
began to bury coins with their dead, with which the souls
because they gave the initiates special knowledge of under-
could pay for their passage across the river. The god Hermes,
world geography: they taught initiates which path to follow
in his role as Psychopompos (guide of souls), was also a figure
and which to avoid once they went below, and also which
of real cult. He was expected to help the soul reach the un-
infernal bodies of water were safe to drink from and which
derworld safely and also to guide it back and forth to the
would inflict forgetfulness. Forgetfulness was dangerous be-
upper world again when necessary (for example, during the
cause the initiates had to remember to declare in front of cer-
Anthesteria, when the soul’s family needed its help or when
tain underworld divinities or guardians who would judge
a specialist called on it to harm an enemy).
them that they were pure and that Dionysos had released
In contrast to the earliest Greek beliefs, the late archaic
them from any need to atone for his death at the Titans’
period saw the development of a system in which the com-
hands. Reminders of what the initiates learned while alive
mon person might expect to receive either rewards or punish-
were engraved on tiny gold tablets that were buried with
ments after death; this concept was fairly widespread by the
them.
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AFTERLIFE: GREEK AND ROMAN CONCEPTS
Reincarnation shows up in a few texts connected with
house for up to seven days and expected family members to
Dionysiac mysteries and in some philosophical systems influ-
continue lamenting and eating only meager amounts of food
enced by Pythagoras and Plato. Although the soul still won
during the entire period. Before cremation, a little bit of dirt
rewards or suffered punishments in the afterlife in these sys-
was thrown on the corpse to symbolize burial, or else a small
tems, it eventually was sent into a new bodily life. Souls that
part of the body, such as a finger, was cut off to be buried.
managed to conduct themselves properly for several cycles
The rest of the body was burned. After the funeral pyre had
could win release from incarnation altogether.
consumed the corpse, survivors poured milk and wine over
the ashes and bones, to feed the deceased. (Later, the bones
The eschatological aspects of mystery cults represent a
were interred in a tomb.) For nine days following cremation,
novel way of thinking about the afterlife that subsequently
family members continued to set themselves apart from the
influenced many other religious and philosophical systems
rest of the community. During this period, a sow and a geld-
in later antiquity, including Christianity. But it must be
ed ram were sacrificed and the grave was formally consecrat-
stressed that, for whatever reason, most ancient Greeks were
ed. (On burial rites, see Toynbee, 1971.)
not initiated into them. The standard expectation for the af-
terlife was probably, at best, a rather boring existence and,
As soon as a son, when sifting through the ashes of his
at worst, retribution for earthly deeds.
father’s funeral pyre, found a bone, he proclaimed that the
father had joined the Di Manes, or “divine spirits”—in other
ROME. Scholars face two problems in dealing with Rome:
words, the ancestors (Varro, in Plut., Moralia 267b). As in
there is little evidence for Roman beliefs and practices in
Greece, care was taken to keep these spirits happy and benefi-
early periods, and, as time went on, the Romans adopted
cent through funeral banquets and other graveside offer-
from the Greek literary texts that they admired Greek modes
ings—especially red flowers, which were offered at a festival
of expressing ideas about death—and probably Greek beliefs
called the “day of roses,” or at another called the “day of vio-
and practices as well. Thus, for example, Book 6 of Vergil’s
lets.” A nine-day festival called the Dies Parentes (days of the
Aeneid, where Aeneas visits the underworld, models itself
parents) was held in February and concluded with a day
closely on Book 11 of the Odyssey. It does add some interest-
called the Feralia (the “carrying” of food and other gifts to
ing variations: Vergil adds a Limbo-like realm for the souls
tombs); this honored the dead as kindly beings who watched
of infants and of those who died after falsely being accused
over their descendants. During another festival, the Lemuria,
of crimes, as well as a special area for suicides; he also seems
which was held for three days in May, the head of each
to draw on Pythagorean ideas of reincarnation in some parts
household had to perform rituals at night to rid the family
of Book 6. Whether these additions reflect actual differences
of malevolent ghosts (lemures or larvae). In particular, he had
between Greek and Roman beliefs or, rather, Vergil’s interest
to toss black beans onto the floor with his eyes averted, while
in them for thematic and narrative reasons is impossible to
he asserted that the beans were meant to redeem himself and
say. We also know that the Romans were influenced by the
his family. The ghosts were expected to gather up the beans
Etruscans in their religious beliefs, and that they were highly
and leave contented.
interested in death and the afterlife—but because we can say
The Romans asserted from an early time that certain
little about the Etruscans themselves with certainty, this does
founding fathers had become gods after their deaths—
not help much. Moreover, some “Greek” ideas that the Ro-
Romulus and Aeneas, for example. Starting with Julius Cae-
mans may have borrowed are also found in Etruscan sources,
sar, the Roman Senate went further, regularly deifying excep-
making it hard to say whether the Romans got them from
tional individuals after death, particularly emperors and
the Greeks or the Etruscans—or perhaps even whether the
members of the imperial family. The Greeks had occasionally
Greeks themselves borrowed them from the Etruscans early
done this as well for important rulers, starting in the Helle-
on. Charon, who seems to be related to a figure called Charu
nistic period, but had never fully embraced the idea. (See
in Etruscan sources, is a case in point. The survey that fol-
Price, 1984.)
lows points out a few salient ways in which the Romans dif-
fered from the Greeks, but most of what was said above
SEE ALSO Orphic Gold Tablets.
about the Greeks is generally true for the Romans as well
(e.g., they particularly feared the ghosts of the unburied and
BIBLIOGRAPHY
thereby put a high value on funerary rites).
Johnston, Sarah Iles. Restless Dead: Encounters between the Living
and the Dead in Ancient Greece. Berkeley, 1999.
The funeral and care of the dead. When a person was
Kurtz, Donna C., and John Boardman. Greek Burial Customs. Ith-
about to die, his nearest relative bent over to kiss him, so as
aca, N.Y., 1971.
to catch his last breath (Seneca, To Marcia 3.2). The same
Price, S. R. F. Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia
person closed the eyes of the deceased (Vergil, Aeneid 9.486–
Minor. Cambridge, UK, 1984.
487), and then all the relatives began a practice called concla-
Sourvinou-Inwood, Christiane. “Reading” Greek Death: To the
matio, or “calling out to” the dead, which was periodically
End of the Classical Period. Oxford, 1995.
repeated until the body was cremated (Servius on Vergil, Ae-
Toynbee, J. M. C. Death and Burial in the Roman World. Balti-
neid 6.218). Timing of the burial differed from the Greeks
more, 1971; reprint, 1996.
as well; Romans kept the body of the deceased within the
SARAH ILES JOHNSTON (2005)
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AFTERLIFE: GERMANIC CONCEPTS
167
AFTERLIFE: GERMANIC CONCEPTS
ground, was not viewed as a place of damnation, but rather
The Old Norse accounts that supply most of the detailed in-
as simply the realm of the dead, similar to the Hebrew she Dol.
formation about pre-Christian Germanic religion picture
Hel’s connection with the halls mentioned above is unclear,
several different kinds of afterlife. These can be simplified
and it may represent a separate and older view of the afterlife.
into two contrasting general concepts of life after death. In
Knowledge of Hel was certainly more widespread than any
one view, the dead traveled to one of several halls depending
of the above halls, since it appears in stock phrases meaning
upon how they died. In the other view, the dead remained
“to die,” such as fara til heljar, literally “travel to Hel.” Hel
very much on earth, either staying in their grave mound or
was frequently personified in skaldic poetry, however, and
else traveling out and disturbing their former neighborhood.
Snorri pictured Hel as a goddess dwelling in Niflheimr
In both understandings of the afterlife, how one died and the
(Misty Dwelling), a region consisting of nine underworlds.
rituals surrounding death could determine how the dead per-
According to information unique to Snorri’s account, it was
son fared in the afterlife.
those who died of sickness, old age, and famine who went
T
to Hel.
HE HALLS OF THE DEAD. The largest and most complete
mythological narratives discussing the afterlife are contained
A final abode for the dead prominent in the Eddas is
in the Prose Edda and the Poetic Edda. The Prose Edda was
Valho˛ll, popularly known today as Valhalla. Valho˛ll, in the
written by Snorri Sturluson (1179–1241), a politically in-
Eddas as elsewhere, is portrayed as the hall of Óðinn (Odin),
volved Icelandic nobleman who lived roughly two centuries
where certain selected warriors slain on the battlefield are
after the conversion of Iceland to Christianity. Snorri pres-
taken. The hall is decorated with armor and features 540
ents a logical and clear description of many Norse beliefs, but
doors, through each of which eight hundred warriors can
this well-ordered narrative most likely reflects the influence
pass at the same time. According to the poem Grímnismál,
of Christian systematic theology. His sources, mainly the
these chosen warriors, called einherjar, enjoy a merry life of
group of poems called the Poetic Edda, present a much more
feasting while they await the day when they shall go out to
fractured and inconsistent view of the afterlife. Germanic pa-
fight alongside Óðinn against the all-devouring wolf. Ac-
ganism apparently allowed multiple and contradictory un-
cording to Snorri and other sources, the warriors daily fight
derstandings of death.
each other in order to practice for the upcoming final battle.
As portrayed in the Prose Edda, the dead dwelt in vari-
The people who choose which of the slain will partake of this
ous halls. The virtuous deceased went to Gimlé, called sim-
life of martial feasting differ depending on the source, and
ply the best house; to Brimir, which featured a copious sup-
Óðinn, Freyja, and the valkyries are all mentioned in this
ply of ale; or to Sindri, which was made of red gold. The
connection.
wicked went to an unnamed hall on Nástrandir (Corpse
EARTHLY DOMICILE. While Eddic mythology focuses on
Beach), which was reserved for oath breakers and murderers
Valho˛ll and the halls for the dead, other literary sources sug-
and whose walls were made of snakes that spat their poison
gest that some dead remained on earth and did not travel to
into the center of the house; or to Hvergelmir, the worst
a separate realm. Norse sagas give several colorful accounts
house of all, in which the serpent Níðho˛ggr tormented the
of draugar (sing. draugr), which are revenants, or reanimated
bodies of the dead.
corpses. Grettis Saga, for example, tells of Glámr, an irreli-
The basic depictions of these halls derive from the Poetic
gious farmhand who was killed on Christmas Eve by an un-
Edda (Vo˛lupsá, sts. 37–39). In Vo˛luspá, however, only the
identified monster. Despite a makeshift burial, Glámr re-
hall on Nástrandir is linked explicitly with the dead, and the
turned as a revenant and haunted the old farmstead by
halls of Sindri and Brimir (who are supernatural people, a
destroying property, animals, and men until the hero Grettir
dwarf and a giant respectively, and not just names) seem to
defeated the draugr in combat, decapitated the corpse, and
be gathering stations for the races inimical to the Æsir gods
burned the body. Only then did the haunting end, according
rather than destinations for the dead. Similarly, Hvergelmir
to the narrative.
is elsewhere pictured as a spring under the roots of the world
While draugar actively haunted this world, other corpses
tree and not as a hall. Vo˛lupsá does mention a hall on Gimlé,
remained in their grave mounds and attacked only those who
made of gold, that will house righteous rulers once the earth
dared to enter them. The corpse of Kárr the Old only came
has been renewed after Ragnaro˛k (the end of this world), and
to life within his howe, or burial mound, when Grettir at-
Vo˛lupsá also notes that a monstrous wolf feeds on the flesh
tempted to remove the treasure buried there. A fight ensued,
of the dead in Ironwood. While other accounts do not con-
and Grettir, as usual, finally got the upper hand. The dead
tain these named halls, a snake-filled hall does appear in the
in the grave mounds are not always malevolent, however.
story by Saxo Grammaticus (c.1150–1204/1220) about a
When their graves are not violated, the dead are sometimes
trip northward to a realm of the dead, and it therefore seems
pictured as content in their howes; Gunnar is described as
likely that a snake-filled hall was an image traditionally asso-
happily gazing at the full moon from his open howe in Njáls
ciated with death.
Saga. Several howe dwellers were in fact believed to be gods,
Another realm for the dead found in the Eddas is Hel.
and their cults involved sacrifices offered at the grave mound.
Unlike its modern cognate hell, Hel, while placed under-
Certain grave mounds themselves seem to have become holy
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168
AFTERLIFE: GERMANIC CONCEPTS
as a result; there is mention of an Árhaugr (Plenty Howe)
While grave goods thus helped the dead in the next life,
to which sacrifices were offered around Yule.
cremation rituals could indicate how the deceased was actu-
ally received. In Ibn Fadlan’s account, Viking informants ex-
While some dead dwelt in grave mounds, some families
plain that a quick-burning fire, driven by a stiff wind, indi-
believed that they would reside in a mountain after death.
cated the favor of the gods and that the dead chieftain would
Eyrbyggja saga preserves an account of Þorsteinn Þorskabítr,
enter paradise without delay. The strong wind presumably
who was welcomed into Helgafell (Holy Mountain) with
also carried the smoke further, and according to Snorri, the
much rejoicing and merrymaking when he died by drown-
Swedes believed that the height of the smoke from a funeral
ing. Other accounts also stress the celebration that ensued
pyre indicated how much honor the dead person would re-
when the recently deceased joined their kin in the moun-
ceive in the realm of the dead. The closing lines of Beowulf
tains. One common thread between many of these accounts
likewise note that “Heaven swallowed the smoke” rising
is the worship of Þórr (Thor), but it is unclear if such wor-
from the hero’s pyre.
ship itself enabled the dead person to enter the mountain.
The most famous cremations are certainly those in
A final way in which the dead remained on earth is
which the corpse was sent out to sea in a burning boat. No
through rebirth. Accounts of rebirth are not very common,
archaeological remains exist that can confirm this literary tra-
though some famous personages, such as King Olaf the
dition, but several ship burials have been found in which the
Holy, were alleged to have been the reincarnations of other
corpse was placed in a ship along with grave goods, with the
people. Some critics have argued that the widespread practice
entire ship then being buried. The very idea of a ship implies
of naming children after recently deceased kinsmen indicates
a journey, and these ship burials may be the literal reinterpre-
that belief in reincarnation was once common, but the sur-
tation of what was earlier merely a metaphor. This image
viving evidence is not conclusive.
seems to have been well rooted among the Germanic peoples,
since Iron Age graves in Gotland were sometimes enclosed
BURIAL RITES. The Germanic peoples practiced both crema-
by upright stones in the form of a ship, although ship burials
tion and inhumation throughout their pre-Christian history.
themselves were not frequent until the sixth century.
Cremation itself was generally completed by placing the
ashes in an urn and burying the urn. Inhumed corpses are
Another ceremony that may have been intended to help
often found accompanied by grave goods such as armor,
the fate of the departed was the funeral feast that was held
food, or even other corpses. The presence of grave goods is
either immediately after interment or a few months later.
generally thought to indicate belief in an afterlife, since the
These feasts could be important for the living as well as for
goods seem designed to aid the individual’s journey to or life
the dead, since an heir took possession of his father’s estates
in the next world. Other interpretations are, of course, possi-
by drinking a draft called bragafull and then ascending to his
ble. The modern Catholic custom of burying bodies with a
father’s chair. The living also recited poems at the feast, and
rosary does not reflect contemporary belief that the corpse
Sonatorrek, by Egill Skallagrimsson, gives an idea of what
will use it for prayer, and sentimental or symbolic readings
these poems may have been like. In Sonatorrek, Egill laments
may be more accurate than literal interpretations of the ar-
the death of his son, but he also describes his son’s reception
chaeological evidence.
by the gods. One purpose of such poems originally may have
been to ensure the departed’s safe arrival in the afterlife, since
In thirteenth-century Christian accounts, however, the
Hákonar Saga Góða depicts men giving speeches at the king’s
earlier pagans are described as believing that grave goods
funeral in order to direct him to Valho˛ll.
would help to secure a good life after death. According to
Ynglingasaga, the Swedish cult of Óðinn held that the dead
TRANSITION TO CHRISTIANITY. The transition to Christiani-
would bring to Valho˛ll whatever treasures had been buried
ty is marked in the archaeological record by the decline of
with them in the grave. The depiction of a ravenously hungry
cremation burials, a decrease in the number of grave goods,
corpse in Egils saga einhenda ok Ásmundar further suggests
and an increase in Christian jewelry, such as crosses, with a
that food offerings were indeed intended as provisions for the
concomitant decrease in pagan amulets, such as Þórr’s ham-
deceased. An extremely interesting and valuable account by
mers. Many non-Christian beliefs lingered on, however; one
Ahmed Ibn Fadlan (fl. 922 CE), an Arabic ambassador who
example is revenants, though such creatures were now fitted
spent time among the still-pagan Rus, who are thought to
into a Christian cosmography and were often viewed as re-
have been East Scandinavian traders, records that a chief-
turning temporarily from purgatory to this world. A major
tain’s death rites included the sacrifice of a servant girl who
change must have been the distinction made between body
would accompany him into the afterlife. A number of graves
and *saiwalo¯, the proto-Germanic word from which Modern
in Anglo-Saxon England in which a female corpse without
English soul derives. Whereas pre-Christian sources do not
grave goods has been placed over a male corpse with grave
picture any clear division between the body and the animat-
goods provides some evidence that Ibn Fadlan’s account is
ing principle at death, Christian teaching held that the body
rooted in reality and that such sacrifices were practiced across
and soul were separated, though they would rejoin at the Last
the Germanic world. In other literary narratives, it is the wife
Judgment. Despite this difference, the missionaries’ accep-
who performed this suttee-like sacrifice.
tance of *saiwalo¯ and their decision not to use the Latin
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: CHINESE CONCEPTS
169
anima as a loanword suggests that the Germanic peoples had
cemetery to cemetery, which should be considered a warning
a concept of soul sufficiently close to the Christian, though
against interpreting burial position as evidence of a concept
this soul does not seem to have played a distinct part in pagan
of the netherworld.
conceptions of the afterlife. Interestingly, *saiwalo¯ did not
The earliest textual evidence from China concerning an
survive into Old Norse, and the missionaries chose to use
idea of an afterlife is in oracle bone inscriptions from the
sála, borrowed from West Germanic, in lieu of any native
Shang dynasty (c. 1500–1050 BCE). Primarily divination re-
Norse term. This absence highlights the differences between
cords, the inscriptions mentioned that deceased kings
the Norse and other Germanic cultures and indicates how
dwelled in heaven together with the God on High. This was
careful one must be in stretching the Norse literary evidence
clearly a very special afterlife, available only for royalty. There
about the afterlife to cover all the Germanic peoples.
is no textual evidence indicating an afterlife for commoners,
S
though burial custom continued to develop along the model
EE ALSO Eddas; Germanic Religion, overview article;
Óðinn; Snorri Sturluson; Valho˛ll; Valkyries.
of vertical pits with wooden coffins in varying degrees of
elaboration. This implies that the belief system of the society
at the time was by and large homogenous. Later, during the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
transition from the Warring States period (c. 403–221 BCE)
An excellent survey of the Norse material is Hilda Roderick Ellis
to the Qin (221–206
Davidson, The Road to Hel: A Study of the Conception of the
BCE) and Han (206 BCE–220 CE)
Dead in Old Norse Literature (Cambridge, U.K., 1943), al-
dynasties, when tomb style began to change, a detectable
though the critical comment is now out of date. Gabriel Tur-
transformation in the perception of the afterlife occurred.
ville-Petre has written several good introductions to Scandi-
Inscriptions on bronze vessels found in tombs of the
navian religion, including Myth and Religion of the North:
Shang and Zhou (c. 1150–256 BCE) dynasties are in general
The Religion of Ancient Scandinavia (New York, 1964), and
David Wilson explores Anglo-Saxon cultic practice in Anglo-
commemorative in nature, and the deeds of the owners were
Saxon Paganism (London, 1992). Those with a knowledge
magnified and praised. Occasionally, the “underground” is
of German, however, will still want to consult Jan de Vries,
mentioned as the place where a deceased noble will serve his
Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte, 2 vols., 2d ed., (Berlin,
lord after death. This “underground” is not described in de-
1956–1957). John Lindow’s Scandinavian Mythology: An
tail, but it must indicate a common conception for the desti-
Annotated Bibliography (New York, 1988) is a good starting
nation of the dead. Evidence of human sacrifices as well as
place for more specific research.
accompanying tombs of servants and concubines are found
Archaeological aspects of death are investigated by Sam Lucy, The
among Shang royal tombs and certain later tombs. These are
Anglo-Saxon Way of Death: Burial Rites in Early England
corroborated by textual evidence from the Book of Odes, attri-
(Stroud, U.K., 2000), while Erik Nylén and Jan Peder
buted to the Zhou period, which indicates that for a long
Lamm have produced a glossy introduction to the Gotland
time people believed that deceased kings and rulers needed
stones, Stones, Ships, and Symbols: The Picture Stones of Got-
their servants after death.
land from the Viking Age and Before (Stockholm, 1988
THE CHANGING CONCEPT OF THE NETHERWORLD: EAST-
[Swedish, Bildstenar, 1978]). A good introduction to the im-
portant ship burial at Sutton Hoo can be found in Rupert
ERN ZHOU TO HAN. During the Eastern Zhou (770–256
Bruce-Mitford, The Sutton Hoo Ship Burial (3 vols., London,
BCE) and the Warring States periods, for which written docu-
1975–1983).
ments are relatively abundant, two terms—Yellow Spring
and Dark City—were used to represent the idea of a nether-
LAWRENCE P. MORRIS (2005)
world. The term Yellow Spring (huangquan) was probably a
reference to underground water, which was a metaphor for
the netherworld. The Zuozhuan, a work that relates historical
AFTERLIFE: CHINESE CONCEPTS
events of the Eastern Zhou period, preserved a story that
concerns this idea of the Yellow Spring. The duke of Zheng
It is commonly accepted that conceptions of soul and after-
was angry with his unfaithful mother and vowed never to see
life must have developed among many human societies—
her again in life with the expression “we shall not meet each
China included—long before the appearance of written evi-
other unless we all reach the Yellow Spring” (i.e., the nether-
dence. Unsparing efforts to discover traces in archaeological
world). Later, when he regretted his anger, he dug an under-
remains have yielded varying degrees of success. In the case
ground tunnel to meet with her, since the tunnel was sup-
of ancient China, the position of bodies buried at the Banpo
posed to have reached the Yellow Spring. The underground
Neolithic (c. 5000–4000 BCE) cemetery near present-day
tunnel is clearly a substitute for a tomb or the netherworld.
Xian was often interpreted as indicating the existence of an
Exactly what there was in the Yellow Spring, however, is not
idea of an afterlife. The evidence—a unified westward head
specified.
position—was explained as the expression of a belief in the
west as the world of the dead. There is, however, very little
The term Dark City (youdu) first appears in the Chuci
further evidence, and nothing else is known of such a belief
(Songs of the south), written by the famous Chu poet Qu
in a world after death during this period. A parallel situation
Yuan (c. 343–277 BCE). In a chapter titled “Summoning the
in ancient Egypt indicates that burial positions varied from
Soul,” which describes the soul-recalling ritual, the poet
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
170
AFTERLIFE: CHINESE CONCEPTS
wrote: “O soul, Go not down to the City of Darkness, where
structure. A group of wooden slips dated to 79 CE provided
the Lord Earth lies, nine-coiled, with dreadful horns on his
a wealth of information on local religious beliefs related to
forehead, and a great humped back and bloody thumbs, pur-
the conception of the afterlife. The texts were written in the
suing men, swift-footed: Three eyes he has in his tiger’s head,
form of contracts that recorded that, when a person was
and his body is like a bull’s” (Hawkes, 1959, p. 105). Here
about to die, the family would employ a wu shaman to pray
the Dark City was ruled by Lord Earth (Tu Bo), a sinister-
and make ale and meat offerings for the dying person. When
looking horned python. Such a description betrays a certain
the person died, the family members would pray to a variety
aversion toward the afterlife, as the Dark City was clearly not
of deities, including the Lord Hearth, the Controller of Fate,
a desirable place for the soul of the dead to be. Again, little
and a number of local deities. Sacrifice to the deities was also
is known about this Dark City. Indeed, darkness is a quality
ministered by local wu shamans. When the prayer was fin-
often attributed to the world of the dead. The ancient Meso-
ished, the content of the prayer and the offering was written
potamians believed that the world of the dead was a dark and
on the wooden slips, which were meant to be taken by the
cold place, ruled by the deities Ereshkigal and Nergal. The
deceased as a kind of contract to the Heavenly Sire (tiangong)
Jewish SheDol, also a dark place, was intimately related to the
to testify that indeed prayers and offerings had been per-
ancient Mesopotamian concept of the netherworld. The an-
formed on behalf of the deceased. It is unclear who this
cient Greeks conceived of the netherworld as a gloomy place,
Heavenly Sire was, though he must have been one of the im-
where the souls of the dead exist in a pale and shadow-like
portant deities in charge of the deceased. This, of course, is
form. The idea of the darkness of the Chinese netherworld,
another form of the bureaucratization of the afterworld, as
the Dark City, is retained well into the Eastern Han period
official documents on earth were imitated in the world of the
(25–220 CE). An Eastern Han funerary text states that the
dead. It is particularly interesting that here the deceased was
deceased “joined the long night, without seeing the sun and
referred to as ascending to heaven and descending to the Yel-
the stars. His soul dwelled alone, returned down to the
low Spring at the same time when death occurred.
darkness.”
Exactly how prevalent this concept of a Dark City was
Similar situations can be found in the use of contracts
in the late Warring States period, when the Chuci was writ-
for the purchase of land. Archaeological excavations of tombs
ten, is uncertain. A slightly later text found in a Qin dynasty
have produced a substantial number of contracts for the pur-
tomb in the present-day Gansu province mentioned that the
pose of buying a piece of land for the deceased as the place
deceased “lived” in his tomb and that he did not like to wear
of the burial. It is possible that such land contracts were orig-
many clothes, nor did he like offerings of food soaked with
inally copies of real contracts that the family members of the
sauce. In this case, the relationship between the tomb and
deceased placed in the tomb in order to provide a legitimate
the Dark City is not clear.
claim to the land. Gradually, the contract became symbolic;
as the piece of land became an imaginary space, the sellers
In the Western Han during the second century BCE,
became deities or immortals and the price of the land became
texts found in tombs referred to the world of the dead as sim-
astronomical.
ply “underground” (dixia) and ruled by a host of bureaucrats,
including the Lord of Underworld, the Assistant Magistrate
Finally, the bureaucratization of the afterlife was evi-
of the Underworld, the Assistant of the Dead, the Retinue
denced by the fact that it was thought that the deceased had
of the Graves, the Minister and Magistrate of Grave
to pay taxes even in the netherworld. A text found in an East-
Mounds, the Commander of Ordinance for the Mounds, the
ern Han tomb includes the following:
Neighborhood Head of the Gate of the Souls, the Police of
the Grave Mounds, the Marquis of the Eastern Mound, the
Today is an auspicious day. It is for no other reason but
Count of the Western Mound, the Official of Underneath,
the deceased Zhang Shujing, who unfortunately died
prematurely, is scheduled to descend into the grave.
and the Head of Five of Gaoli (i.e., the netherworld). Gov-
The Yellow God, who produced the Five Mountains,
erning this bureaucratic establishment was an overlord, vari-
is in charge of the roster of the deceased, recalling the
ously known as the Yellow Emperor (Huangdi), Yellow God
hun and po, and in charge of the list of the dead. The
(Huangshen), or Heavenly Emperor (Tiandi). It is unclear
living may build a high tower; the dead returns and is
how the Heavenly Emperor could be involved in the affairs
buried deeply underneath. Eyebrows and beards having
of the netherworld if heaven and the underground were sepa-
fallen, they drop and became dirt and dust. Now there-
rate regions. All the same, the picture of the underground
fore I (the Messenger of Heavenly Emperor) present the
shaped by these figures reflects what happened above
medicine for removing poll-tax and corvée conscrip-
ground. In other words, a conception of a bureaucratic neth-
tion, so that the descendants will not die. Nine pieces
erworld only became possible when the world of the living
of renshen from Shangdang substitute for the living.
was already bureaucratized. This evidence from the Han pe-
The lead man is intended to substitute for the dead.
riod, in its description of the bureaucratization of the nether-
The soybeans and mellon-seeds are for the dead to pay
for the taxation underneath. Hereby I issue a decree to
world, also reflects the signs of a unified empire.
remove the earthly evil, so that no disaster will occur.
On the other hand, at every locality there was always the
When this decree arrives, restrict the officer of the Un-
issue of the incorporation of local traditions into the larger
derworld, and do not disturb the Zhang family again.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AFTERLIFE: CHINESE CONCEPTS
171
Doubly urgent as prescribed by the laws and ordi-
seems that it was during the Western Han that Mount Tai
nances. (Poo, 1998, pp. 171–172)
gained the attribute of being the abode of the dead, although
the text was found in an Eastern Han tomb. Two small
Not only did the deceased have to pay tax in the nether-
mounds below Mount Tai, Liangfu and Gaoli, also became
world, they also faced the prospect of forced labor. A small
associated with this world of the dead and were often men-
lead figurine of a man, crudely made and placed in a clay jar
tioned in texts of the Eastern Han and later eras.
to be buried in the tomb, was said to be able to do all sorts
of errands for the deceased, including serving as a substitute
BURIAL STYLES AND THE CONCEPTION OF AFTERLIFE. The
laborer. It is interesting to note a similarity between this lead
evolution of tomb styles reveals the transformation of the
man and the ushabti of ancient Egypt; both served as substi-
conception of the afterlife from another angle. The tradition-
tutes for the deceased in the performance of conscripted
al burial style in China from the Neolithic period until the
labor in the afterlife. Spells written on the ushabti engaged
Warring States period was the vertical-pit wooden-casket
the double to answer (the literal meaning of ushabti) for all
tomb. The degree of personal status was shown in the size
the required works.
of the pit and the layers of caskets provided for the deceased
as well as in the elaborateness of the funerary objects. The
The text quoted above was actually a protective spell
burial place, though certainly considered the abode of the
aimed at securing a comfortable place for the dead in the
dead, was constructed to reflect the personal sociopolitical
netherworld and at the same time protecting the family
status of the deceased. The number of accompanying bronze
members. The author of this spell is unknown but presum-
vessels and the layers of caskets, for example, were provided
ably belonged to the class of fangshi magician, an early type
in a hierarchical order.
of Daoist priest. Thus, two categories of religious personnel
were involved in mediating this world and the afterlife. The
A change gradually took place during the Warring
wu shaman was responsible for the preparation and perfor-
States period with the appearance of brick tombs, indicating
mance of sacrificial rituals, while the fangshi magician was
a shift in emphasis in the perception of the function of the
mainly involved in the manipulation of secret and sacred
tomb. In its earlier form, the brick tomb was constructed
powers by producing spells and recipes, together with certain
with large bricks, which replaced the wooden outer casket of
actions, that could control various evil spirits and ghosts.
the vertical-pit tomb. During the early Western Han period,
this burial style gradually gained acceptance among the peo-
During the Eastern Han period, Mount Tai emerged as
ple, and the tomb structure began to develop into more com-
the final destination of the dead. This place was ruled by the
plicated forms. The brick burial chamber grew larger and
Lord of Mount Tai, who was in charge of the dead. This does
often included an antechamber, some of which included fur-
not mean that belief in an underground netherworld, or the
ther side chambers for storing funerary objects or even sym-
Yellow Spring, was completely replaced by belief in Mount
bolic kitchens and stables with surrogate kitchen utensils and
Tai as the abode of the dead or that people in every corner
carriages. The tomb was more like an underground house for
of the empire gave up their local traditions concerning the
the deceased. It seems that with the emergence of brick
afterlife. The process through which Mount Tai gained its
tombs and funerary objects of daily use, the afterlife was con-
importance is obscure, but it might have to do with the posi-
ceived in a more realist fashion.
tion of Mount Tai in the state cult. The Shujing (Book of
Similar trends can also be observed in the traditional
history) mentions that the sage-king Shun once made sacri-
form of vertical-pit wooden-casket tombs, particularly in for-
fice at Mount Tai. Another ancient tradition has it that the
mer Chu areas. Beginning from the late Warring States peri-
Yellow Emperor performed a sacrifice to heaven at Mount
od, the caskets developed from a single-level to a double-level
Tai and became immortal. A number of classical texts testify
structure with doors, windows, and stairs that connected the
that mountain deities were worshipped by the rulers in order
upper and lower levels. Some caskets even had pigpens in the
to appropriate the mandate of heaven and therefore the legit-
lower levels, which undoubtedly were replicas of the houses
imacy to rule. The first emperor of the Qin dynasty (Qin
of the living. Funerary objects, such as clay models of rice
Shihuang, r. 221–210 BCE) and Emperor Wu (r. 140–87
paddies, boats, carriages, cattle, even chicken and fish, creat-
BCE) of the Han dynasty also performed the Grand Ceremo-
ed a sense of a well-provided household. Some elements that
ny (fengshan) at Mount Tai. The sacred nature of Mount Tai
earlier had indicated the political status of the tomb owner,
was therefore well established during the early Han. One can
such as bronze vessels, were missing from the scenes.
only assume that the sacredness of Mount Tai was the basis
for it to become the abode of the dead. Nonetheless, it is only
The change observed in burial styles from the Warring
in the Eastern Han period that one finds funerary texts clear-
States to the Han reveals a change of conception toward the
ly indicating that Mount Tai had become the abode of
afterlife. Corresponding to the textual evidence, which sug-
ghosts. One such text reads, “The living belong to the juris-
gests a bureaucratized netherworld emerging with the estab-
diction of Chang’an to the west; the dead belong to the juris-
lishment of the Han empire, the change in burial style indi-
diction of Mount Tai to the east.” This indicates that the
cates a more realistic imagining of the world after death—an
capital of the living was Chang’an, the capital of Western
imagining, however, based on an imitation of the world of
Han, and the capital of the dead was Mount Tai. Thus, it
the living. The textual and archaeological evidence clearly
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
172
AGA KHAN
suggests that by the Eastern Han period the idea that the
a sense of anxiety and fear. Even the elaborate funerary para-
netherworld was similar to the mundane world had become
phernalia could be seen as emerging from a sense of insecuri-
common. By making the abode after death practically identi-
ty about an uncertain future.
cal to the normal abode, the dead (or the dying) perhaps were
thought to be relieved of the dread of uncertainty.
SEE ALSO Alchemy, article on Chinese Alchemy; Chinese
Religion, overview article, article on Mythic Themes; Dao-
ATTITUDES TOWARD LIFE IN THE NETHERWORLD. Attitudes
ism, overview article, article on The Daoist Religious Com-
toward the afterlife were ambiguous and cannot be separated
munity; Fangshi; Huangdi; Soul, article on Chinese Con-
from attitudes toward death and the existence of the soul
cepts; Tian; Xian; Xi Wang Mu; Zhenren.
after death. The early Daoist philosopher Zhuangzi
(c. fourth century BCE) held a materialist and naturalist view
BIBLIOGRAPHY
of the essence of life, and he perceived that the physical being
Dien, Albert E. “Chinese Beliefs in the Afterworld.” In The Quest
was merely a gathering of the qi ether in the universe. When
for Eternity: Chinese Ceramic Sculptures from the People’s Re-
a person, or indeed any life-form, died, the body decom-
public of China, edited by Susan L. Caroselli, pp. 1–16. Los
posed and returned to the state of qi. There was therefore
Angeles, 1987.
no life after death. The Confucians, on the other hand, took
Forke, Alfred, trans. Lun Heng. 2 vols. 2d ed. New York, 1962.
a conservative stand in accepting what had long existed in
Harper, Donald L. “Resurrection in Warring States Popular Reli-
Chinese culture—ghosts and spirits. Yet Confucius himself
gion.” Taoist Resources 5, no. 2 (1994): 13–28.
did not wish to discuss the unknown world of the spirits, and
Hawkes, David, trans. Chu Tz’u, The Songs of the South: An An-
he devoted little attention to the afterlife. As a consequence,
cient Chinese Anthology. Oxford, 1959.
the Confucian view did not reflect what was actually believed
Karlgren, Bernard. “Early Chinese Mirror Inscriptions.” Bulletin
by common people regarding death and life in the nether-
of the Museum of Far Eastern Art 6 (1934): 9–79.
world. The archaeological and textual evidence described in
the previous sections demonstrates that the nature of the af-
Kleeman, Terry F. “Land Contracts and Related Documents.” In
Chu¯goku no shu¯kyo¯ shiso to kagaku: Makio Ryokai festschrift,
terlife was a constant concern of the people. The Eastern
pp. 1–34. Tokyo, 1984.
Han philosopher Wang Chong (first century CE) gave a vivid
description of the popular mentality of his time:
Loewe, Michael. Ways to Paradise: The Chinese Quest for Immortal-
ity. London, 1979.
Thus ordinary people, on the one side, have these very
Loewe, Michael. Chinese Ideas of Life and Death: Faith, Myth, and
doubtful arguments (about whether ghosts exist or not),
Reason in the Han Period (202 BC– AD 220). London, 1982.
and on the other they hear of Duke Du and the like,
and note that the dead in their tombs arise and have in-
Poo, Mu-chou. “Ideas concerning Death and Burial in Pre-Han
tercourse with sick people whose end is near. They then
and Han China.” Asia Major, 3d ser., 3, no. 2 (1990):
believe in this, and imagine that the dead are like the
25–62.
living. They commiserate with them, [thinking] that in
Poo, Mu-chou. In Search of Personal Welfare: A View of Ancient
their graves they are lonely, that their souls are solitary
Chinese Religion. Albany, N.Y., 1998.
and without companions, that their tombs and mounds
Seidel, Anna. “Traces of Han Religion in Funeral Texts Found in
are closed and devoid of grain and other things. There-
Tombs.” In Do¯kyo¯ to shu¯kyo¯ bunka, edited by Akitsuki
fore they make dummies to serve the corpses in their
Kan’ei, pp. 21–57. Tokyo, 1987.
coffins, and fill the latter with eatables, to gratify the
spirits. This custom has become so inveterate, and has
Thompson, Laurence G. “On the Prehistory of Hell in China.”
gone to such lengths, that very often people will ruin
Journal of Chinese Religion 17 (1989): 27–41.
their families and use up all their property for the cof-
Yu, Ying-shih. “O Soul Come Back! A Study in the Changing
fins of the dead. (Forke, 1962, vol. 2, p. 369)
Conceptions of the Soul and Afterlife in Pre-Buddhist
China.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 47, no. 2 (1987):
An ambiguous attitude toward death and the afterlife can be
363–395.
seen in these diverging views. On the one hand, life hereafter
could be portrayed as a state of happiness. Tomb paintings
MU-CHOU POO (2005)
and reliefs from the Han period often portray a happy after-
life: scenes of banquets, festivals, hunting, and traveling often
occupy the central position. Inscriptions on bronze mirrors
AGA KHAN (Pers., A¯gha¯ Kha¯n). First conferred in 1817
found in tombs often carry eulogies about a carefree life com-
on the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı imam (spiritual leader) H:asan EAl¯ı Sha¯h
parable to that of the immortals. One inscription reads:
(d. 1881) by the Qajar shah of Iran, this hereditary title is
“There is happiness daily, and fortune monthly. There is joy
now applied to the imam of the Niza¯r¯ı Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı Muslims. As
without (bad) events, fit for having wine and food. Live lei-
imams of a Sh¯ıE¯ı community, the Aga Khans have always
surely, free from anxiety. Accompanied by flute and zither,
based their claims to leadership on their descent from EAl¯ı
with contentment of heart. Years of happiness are secure and
and Fa¯t:imah, the son-in-law and daughter of the prophet
lasting” (Karlgren, 1934, no. 79). However, other texts de-
Muh:ammad. Their followers, who reside mainly in various
scribing taxes and corvée labor in the afterlife as well as con-
developing countries, have traditionally looked to them for
tracts concerning prayers and offerings to the deities betray
guidance on religious as well as secular matters.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AGES OF THE WORLD
173
Intrigues at the Iranian court during the 1830s forced
with it religious evaluation. Thus, while there are commemo-
Aga Khan I to migrate to India, where, under British protec-
rative base years in some chronological systems, such as 4
tion, he eventually established headquarters in Bombay in
Ahau 8 Cumkú (3133 BCE) among the Maya, 1 Flint (1168
1848. An important British ally during the conquest of Sind,
BCE) among the Aztec, or the Saka era (78 CE) in India, most
Aga Khan I faced strong challenges to his leadership from
such systems are built around events in the lives of founders.
within his community. Most of these challenges were re-
The most familiar of these systems is the division of all
solved in 1866 when Sir Joseph Arnold of the Bombay High
human history into BC (before Christ) and AD (anno Domini,
Court issued a judgment in favor of the Aga Khan. His son
“in the year of our Lord,” i.e., after Christ), a distinction cre-
EAl¯ı Sha¯h (d. 1885) became Aga Khan II; he was, after a short
ated by the Christian monk Dionysius Exiguus in the first
period, succeeded in turn by his son, Sir Sult:a¯n Muh:ammad
half of the sixth century. Dionysius established the beginning
Sha¯h.
of the Christian era (or the Era of the Incarnation) as 1 Janu-
Aga Khan III (d. 1957) initiated a process of moderniz-
ary 754 AUC (anno urbis conditae, “from the foundation of
ing the community through the establishment of schools,
the city [of Rome]”). The system of dating by AD did not
dispensaries, hospitals, housing societies, welfare organiza-
come into wide usage until the eleventh century; the negative
tions; the creation of communal administrative structures;
chronology of BC gained currency only after the publication
and the emancipation and education of Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı women. He
in 1681 of Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet’s Universal History.
also participated in a wide range of political, social, and phil-
However, Dionysius’s system ultimately became so widely
anthropic activities for the benefit of Muslims, particularly
accepted that it formed the basis of a new system, created in
those of the Indian subcontinent. His important role in pub-
the last decades of the twentieth century, that distinguished
lic life led to his election to the presidency of the League of
between “the common era” (CE) and “before the common
Nations in 1937. Under his grandson, Sha¯h Kar¯ım al-H:u-
era” (BCE). (The CE–BCE system was soon increasingly fa-
sayn¯ı, Aga Khan IV (b. 1936), an international university,
vored by English-language scholars and is, in fact, the system
the Aga Khan University, was established, with its first facul-
employed by this encyclopedia.)
ty in Karachi, Pakistan. The Aga Khan Foundation, and
Periodizations similar to the Christian system are found
agency founded in 1967, is actively involved in diverse hu-
in other religious traditions: the Muslim system of dating
manitarian and cultural activities.
events AH (anno Hegirae, “in the year of the Hijrah”), attri-
buted to the second caliph, EUmar I (634–644); the Buddhist
SEE ALSO Shiism, article on Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah.
era, in use in Ceylon and Southeast Asia, which begins with
the Buddha’s attaining Nirva¯n:a in 544 BCE; the Jain era,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
commencing with the death of Jina in 528 BCE; and the Kol-
For further discussion see Willi Frischauer’s The Aga Khans (Lon-
lam era, restricted to the Malabar Coast, associated with
don, 1970) and John Norman Hollister’s The Shi Ea of India
(London, 1953), p. 364ff. The memoirs of Aga Khan III are
Parasurama, an avata¯ra of Vis:n:u.
published under the title The Memoirs of the Aga Khan:
The other modes of binary periodization—then and
World Enough and Time (New York, 1954.)
now, now and then—while sometimes found in historicized
ALI S. ASANI (1987)
form (such as the distinction between antediluvian and post-
diluvian in Sumero-Akkadian literature) are, more usually,
connected to explicit mythical themes, especially those con-
cerned with anthropogony and eschatology. They presup-
AGAPE SEE CHARITY; EUCHARIST
pose that a sharp cleavage may be described as existing be-
tween the present state of things and an anterior or posterior
state. The contrast between then and now finds its most com-
AGES OF THE WORLD. The notion that the world
mon expression as that between an ancestral time in the
or the cosmos, as a living thing, undergoes stages of develop-
mythical past and the present time of human beings. This
ment similar to those of a human individual is more than a
contrast may play a dominant role in an entire religious sys-
poetic conceit; it is a ubiquitous belief, one that is frequently
tem (as does the notion of the “Dreaming” among the Aus-
displayed in linguistic phenomena. For example, lying be-
tralian Aborigines), or it may serve as a motif in myths of par-
hind the English word world is an old Germanic compound,
adise, of a Golden Age, of the origin of death, of the
*wer-aldh, meaning “the life, or age, of man”; in Indo-
relocation of a high god, of a deluge, or of a fall. The distinc-
European languages, the terms for “life” or “world” and
tion between now and then occurs widely in apocalyptic and
terms designating temporal periods often shade off into each
millenarian traditions as in the distinction between this age
other, as in the Greek aion or the Latin saeculum.
and the age to come, or in mythologies concerning the end
of the world.
SYSTEMS OF BINARY PERIODIZATION. The simplest form of
world-periodization is a binary one: before and after, then and
As the above suggests, the category “ages of the world”
now, now and then. The distinction before and after is most
is a somewhat fluid one. At times its primary focus is on the
frequently expressed in historicized form but often carries
entire universe, at times it is limited to the earth; at times
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
174
AGES OF THE WORLD
it includes the gods, humans, and all living beings, at times
into four trimillennia as elaborated in the Pahlavi books. The
it is centered on man, or on stages of human history. In some
system received its classic formulation in the Bundahishn
traditions all of these aspects are interwoven into a cosmic
(Book of Primordial Creation), itself a composite work con-
drama; in other traditions only one or another of these as-
taining both elements of orthodox Mazdean speculation and
pects will be found.
Zurvanist myth. In the first trimillennium, O
¯ hrmazd and
SYSTEMS OF SERIAL PERIODIZATION. In the usual under-
Ahriman coexist in Infinite Time, the former in an upper
standing of ages of the world, more than a simple binary peri-
realm of light, the latter in a lower realm of darkness. After
odization is present; there is a system of serial periodization.
becoming aware of each other and their predestined struggle,
Three forms predominate: a tradition of world-periods, a
they each fashion weapons. At the close of the first trimillen-
tradition of myths of recurrence, and a system of cosmic
nium, Ahriman crosses the Void and attacks O
¯ hrmazd.
periods.
O
¯ hrmazd offers peace and is rejected. Then, knowing that
he is destined to win the struggle, Ohrmazd proposes a limit
World-periods. The simplest form of serial periodiza-
to their contest—a period of nine thousand years. After Ahri-
tion marks out a succession of periods from creation to final
man accepts, O
¯ hrmazd begins a new stage of the battle by
destruction, from a beginning to an end.
reciting the central Zoroastrian prayer, the Ahuna Vairya.
Iranian traditions. It is exceedingly difficult to order
Thereupon Ahriman falls back into darkness, where he re-
the Iranian traditions concerning successive world-periods
mains for three thousand years.
with any certainty due to the fact that the most elaborate
During this period of Ahriman’s relative impotence,
mythic schema are found only in late Pahlavi books redacted
O
¯ hrmazd brings creation into being. Creation occurrs at two
no earlier than the ninth century CE. This not simply an in-
complimentary levels as a series of spiritual and material cre-
ternal problem; it affects matters of comparison as well, inas-
ations, the latter including Gav-ae¯vo¯-da¯ta (the primordial
much as the Iranian traditions have been held by many schol-
ox) and Gayo¯-maretan (primordial man). Ahriman, in his
ars to have been influential on Greco-Roman, Israelitic, and
realm, generates his own creations and, at the end of the sec-
Christian traditions of the ages of the world that predate the
ond trimillennium, invades O
¯ hrmazd’s world. He corrupts
Pahlavi texts. Nevertheless, elements of the fully elaborated,
it and kills Gayo¯-maretan and Gav-ae¯vo¯-da¯ta, out of whose
later traditions can be found in early texts. The myth of the
bodies humans, other living things, and metals are generated.
Golden Age of the primordial king, Yima, is a pre-
Zoroastrian, Indo-Iranian tradition; the associated notion of
The third trimillennium is Ahriman’s triumph, but this
a worldwide, catastrophic winter that will destroy terrestrial
turns out to be a trap. Ahriman is caught in the material
life is an archaic Indo-European motif. The important title
world. The final trimillennium is devoted to the salvation of
for savior, saoshyant, applied in the first instance to
the world, beginning with the birth of Zarathushtra. Each
Zarathushtra (Zoroaster), and the notion that the present age
of the three millenniums will be marked by a savior (a des-
will be transformed by the prophet immediately into one
cendent of Zarathushtra) until the final millennium of
that is “excellent” with yet a future age of re-creation and
Saoshyant, when there will be a final judgment, the granting
transformation, occur in the earliest Zoroastrian literary stra-
of immortality, and a new world. This basic myth was adapt-
ta. What is more important, from Greek reports of Iranian
ed to a variety of systems of Iranian religious thought; a fur-
tradition as early as the fourth century BCE, one learns of a
ther permutation occurs in the myth of the Three Epochs
three-thousand-year period when one god will rule over an-
in Manichaeism.
other; a three-thousand-year period when the two gods will
Jewish traditions. There appears to be no indigenous Is-
struggle; and a third period, of unspecified length, which will
raelitic tradition of the ages of the world. The historicized
be a golden age. Hades (i.e., Ahriman) will lose power, there
sequence in the Book of Daniel (second or third century BCE),
will be universal happiness and no need for food, and the god
so influential on later Jewish and Christian periodizations,
(O
¯ hrmazd) who achieved these things will be at “rest”
of four world-empires followed by a divine kingdom and
(Theopompus, quoted in Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 47). Arme-
symbolized by metals or beasts (Dn. 2:37–45, 7:2–27) is an
nian Christian sources, such as Eznik of Kolb (fifth century),
adaptation of Iranian anti-Hellenistic propaganda. Based,
provide the basic elements of the Zurvanist dualistic myth,
perhaps, on the sabbath-week, there is a noticeable predilec-
according to which prior to creation the two rival deities,
tion for multiples of seven. Already in Daniel 9, history from
O
¯ hrmazd and Ahriman, are each assigned nine thousand
the Babylonian exile to the End is divided into seventy weeks
years of kingship by their father, Zurwan. Finally, there is
of years (i.e., seventy heptads). Similar periodizations recur
the elaborate apocalyptic portrait of the signs of the end fully
in a variety of early Jewish works (second century BCE–
developed in the Iranian Oracle of Hystaspes (first century
second century CE). There are schemas that divide the world
BCE), well known from its citation in Greek and Latin Chris-
into seven ages of a thousand years each (Testament of Abra-
tian sources from the second and third centuries.
ham 19) or six ages of a thousand years plus a millennium
The Sasanid period (226–652 CE) was one of intense
of rest (2 Enoch 33:1–2). The “Apocalypse of Weeks” divides
theological controversy between rival cosmologies, out of
history into ten weeks of unequal length: seven weeks are past
which emerged the system of dividing the ages of the world
history, three are the age to come (1 Enoch 93:1–10, 91:12–
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AGES OF THE WORLD
175
17). The complex calculation of jubilees (seven times seven)
fifth from the exile to Christ, the sixth age was the present
is employed to periodize history from creation to new cre-
Christian era, the seventh would mark the millennium, fol-
ation in the Book of Jubilees and the Assumption of Moses. The
lowed by an eighth “eternal day” of repose. Although Augus-
duration of “this world” in contradistinction to the “world
tine noted temporal symmetry within the first five ages, he
to come” is frequently given as seven thousand years, less fre-
freed the schema from its rigid chronological limitation to
quently six thousand, with a division into three ages: the Age
a total of five or six thousand years. This flexibility allowed
of Confusion, the Age of the Torah, and the Age of the Mes-
Augustine’s system to be the base of most medieval Christian
siah (B. T., San. 97b, EA. Z. 9b). The other numerological
theories and to be influential through the Renaissance (see
system, apparently borrowed from the Iranian, focused on
Coluccio Salutati’s letter to Zonari of 5 May 1379).
twelve periods (2 Bar. 56; T. Ab. 7b; Apocalypse of Abraham
Over time, modifications of the Augustinian schema
20, 28), with the most tantalizing schema presented in the
were introduced. The eighth age was largely ignored. Some
brief report in 2 Esdras 14.11 (4 Esdras in the Vulgate) that
authors, such as Philipp van Haveng in the twelfth century,
the age of the world is divided into twelve parts, nine parts;
introduced the notion of an alternation of good and evil ages.
and half of the tenth have already passed, two parts and the
The most significant modification was the work of the Cala-
second half of the tenth remain. However, the basic distinc-
brian mystic Joachim of Fiore (1132–1202). Joachim’s work
tion in the Jewish rabbinic traditions remains persistently
was a dazzling set of interrelated schemata built around twos,
dualistic: there are two ages of the world, “this age” (ha- Eolam
threes, sixes, sevens, and twelves. Alongside the traditional
hazeh) and the “age to come” (ha- Eolam ha-baD).
notion of “age” (aetas), Joachim introduced the terminology
Christian traditions. The emerging Christian traditions
of “stage” (status) so that each period was seen as progressive
of the ages of the world must be seen first in relation to the
toward a historical fulfillment and as “incubating” its succes-
Jewish. The primitive Christian writings of the first century
sor. The first five ages, as in Augustine, extended from Adam
to Christ, the sixth age was the era of the church; the seventh,
focused on the central duality of “this age” and the “age to
the time of consummation. Further schemata were superim-
come” (Mt. 12:32, Eph. 1:21), being convinced that “the end
posed on this traditional outline. Within the first four ages,
of the ages has come” (1 Cor. 10.11). In the second and third
the period from Abraham to the prophets was the first stage,
centuries, building on contemporary exegesis of Psalms 90:4
that of the Father, with a period of germination from Adam
(i.e., that a day for the deity equals a thousand years) and
to Jacob and of fruition from Jacob to the prophets. The sec-
Asian Christian traditions of a thousand-year earthly reign
ond stage, that of the Son, extended from the prophets to
of Christ (the millennium), which will be a Golden Age (Rv.
the present (c. 1260), with a period of germination from the
20:2–7; Papias, in Eusebius, Church History 3.39.1–2; Justin,
prophets to Christ and of fruition from Christ to Benedict
Dialogue 81.3–4; Lactantius, Divine Institutions 7.24), and
of Nursia. This second portion (which corresponds to the
joined to Jewish speculations on the sabbath-week, the hex-
sixth age) was divided into six smaller periods (etatulae) with
ameral system was developed. This system postulated that
Joachim’s times at the end of the fifth period. Yet ahead was
the first six days of creation, understood as a period of six
the third stage of the Holy Spirit where, following the defeat
thousand years, represented the history of the world; the sev-
of the Antichrist at the end of the second stage, a “new peo-
enth day represented the thousand-year reign of Christ or the
ple of God” would be brought into being. It will be a Golden
end of the world; occasionally an eighth day would be added,
Age without labor, heaven will descend to earth, and life will
signifying “the beginning of another world” (Barnabas
be lived in beatific ecstasy.
15.3–8; Irenaeus, Against Heresies 5.28.3; Methodius, Ban-
quet 9; Victorinus of Pettau, On the Creation of the World 6;
Such mythic schemata persist in more secular, Western
Hippolytus, Commentary on Daniel 4.23). In such a period-
historical periodizations, but they have interacted as well
ization, the period of the Incarnation would either be placed
with non-Christian mythologies in a variety of recent nativist
in the middle of the sixth millennium (that is, 5,500 years
movements, such as the Kugu Sorta (“big candle”) move-
since creation, as in Theophilus, To Autolycus 3.28) or at its
ment among the Mari (Cheremis) in Russia. According to
close (the year 6000, as in Pseudo-Cyprian, Sinai and Zion
this tradition, human history began with a Golden Age and
6). The sabbath-week system at times interacted with a four-
will return to one at the end of time. In between are seven-
fold system of periodization loosely based on Paul in Gala-
teen historical ages, the present being the ninth. Beginning
tians 3.15–26: a period before the law; the period of the law;
with the tenth age, the earth will become uninhabitable ex-
the period of the prophets; and, equivalent to the sabbath,
cept by members of the sect.
the period of grace or freedom.
Myths of recurrence. In a second form of serial period-
The most influential Christian ages of the world system
ization, the same series is repeated through multiple cycles
was that briefly sketched out in the penultimate paragraph
of creation or activity.
of Augustine’s City of God (22.30) in the first quarter of the
Babylonian traditions. It would appear that, based on
fifth century. The first age was from Adam to the Flood, the
their careful astronomical observations of periodicity, late
second from the Flood to Abraham, the third from Abraham
Babylonian cosmologists (e.g., Berossos, third century BCE)
to David, the fourth from David to the Babylonian exile, the
developed the notion of a repetitive cosmic “great year” di-
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176
AGES OF THE WORLD
vided into two seasons: summer, when all the planets were
Cosmic periods of creation. The most complex form
in conjunction with Cancer, would result in world-
of serial periodization features a mythology containing a se-
conflagration; winter, when the planets were in conjunction
ries of cosmic ages, related to each other, although separated
with Capricorn, would produce a universal flood (Seneca,
from one another by catastrophes, so that each successive cre-
Naturales quaestiones 2.29.1; the schema is attributed to Aris-
ation is both a new act and, in some sense, a recapitulation
totle in Censorinus, De die natali 18.11). As brought over
of its predecessors.
into Greco-Roman thought, the duration of the “great year”
was fixed at 12,954 ordinary years (Cicero in the Hortensius
Indic traditions. One of the most complex systems de-
according to Tacitus, Dialogus de Oratoribus 16.7). This peri-
tailing the endless repetition of cosmic ages of the world was
od was later identified by Christian authors as the life span
developed in India. Although elements occur in earlier texts,
of the phoenix (Solinus, Collectanea rerum Memorabilium
the systematic elaboration appears to be a development large-
33.13). Berossos himself appears to have used a far larger
ly of the epic and Puranic literature between the fifth and
time scale. He fixes the reign of the ten antediluvian kings
third centuries BCE. While largely indigenous in its full ex-
as lasting 432,000 years (a number that is the same as the
pression, aspects of the system reflect the considerable inter-
Indic kaliyuga, which was probably influenced by Babylo-
action between Near Eastern, Hellenistic, Iranian, and Indi-
nian speculation).
an traditions of that time as well as more archaic Indo-
European motifs.
Greco-Roman traditions. Most likely influenced by the
Babylonian “great year,” there was a lively Greek and Roman
The fundamental schema is built around a complete
philosophical debate over recurrence, conjoined at times to
cycle of cosmic existence (maha¯yuga), divided into four ages
the topic of the eternity of the world or the plurality of
(yugas) of unequal length and valence, each preceded and fol-
worlds, at other times to the transformation of the Hesiod
lowed by a period of transition, a “dawn” or “dusk” of pro-
myth of the five races of men into the later myth of the five
portionate duration. In its most abstract form, the four ages
or four ages of humanity. Although foreshadowings of this
are correlated to throws of dice: the kr:tayuga (4), the
debate can be found in earlier Greek writers, it was most fully
treta¯yuga (3), the dva¯parayuga (2), and the kaliyuga (1). This
developed by the Stoics, many of whom came from the helle-
system yields various proportional measurements for the du-
nized Near East. This world is but the present member of
ration of each age in different traditions: 4000/3000/2000/
a series of identical worlds. At a particular planetary conjunc-
1000 or 4800/3600/2400/1200 or 1,728,000/1,296,000/
tion, the world will be destroyed by fire (ekpyro¯sis), and, fol-
764,000/432,000 years, yielding equivalent measurements
lowing another conjunction, will be restored out of fire “pre-
for the length of a maha¯yuga: 10,000 or 12,000 or 4,320,000
cisely as before.” The elements of the cosmos will be in their
years. In the fully elaborated system, even more extended
same place, each individual life will recur with exactly the
numbers are employed. A thousand maha¯yugas equal one
same experiences. There will be no novelty; “everything is re-
kalpa, which corresponds to either a day or a night in the life
peated down to the minutest detail,” not just once, but over
of Brahma¯ (his total life is 311,040 billion human years).
and over again without end (Nemesius, On the Nature of
Within each kalpa are fourteen secondary cycles (manvan-
Man 38).
taras), each preceded by the destruction and re-creation of
the world and a new manifestation of Manu, the progenitor
Scandinavian traditions. In the Voluspá and in Snorri’s
E
of the human race. (For major versions of the yuga myth, see
Gylfaginning, a myth of both the creation and eventual de-
Bha¯gavata Pura¯n:a 3.11.6–37; Brahma¯n:d:a Pura¯n:a 1.7.19–63
struction of the world is presented what appears to be an in-
and 1.29.4–40; Vis:n:u Pura¯n:a 1.3.1–25.)
stance of a common Indo-European pattern. A series of
worlds came into being around the great world-tree, Yggdra-
The fully developed myth of the four yugas is essentially
sill. Following a series of creative acts, the gods and then hu-
a cosmogony described in temporal language, yet it contains
mans came into existence. After a long period, there will
within it several strands of tradition well-integrated in some
come Ragnarok, the destruction of the gods and man, pre-
versions but capable of appearing independently in other
E
ceded by Fimbulvetr, the great worldwide winter (compare
texts. One such strand is a numerical tradition that elaborates
the Iranian myth of Yima). The Great Snake will emerge
the basic schema of four proportional periods into vast cos-
from the ocean and flood the world; demons attack Ásgarðr,
mic numbers. This numerical schema is correlated with a tra-
the home of the gods, and the gods and demons meet in cos-
dition of the decline of dharma. Thus the kr:tayuga is also
mic battle in which each side slays the other. Finally, the only
known as the satyayuga (“age of truth”) and is characterized
survivor, the giant Surtr, sets off the cosmic fire that will de-
by elements drawn from the well-developed and indepen-
stroy the world. There are disparate hints that this is not the
dent Indic mythology of a Golden Age. The treta¯yuga is char-
final end. The world will be restored, the sons of the dead
acterized by a diminution of virtue and by the introduction
gods will return, Baldr will reemerge, the two surviving
of death and labor into the human sphere, that is to say, by
human beings (Líf and LífÞrasir, “life” and “life-holding”),
an end to the Golden Age. The dva¯parayuga marks the tran-
having been sheltered by the world tree, will repopulate the
sition to the degenerative half of the cycle: evil increases, and
earth, and the cycle continue. (Voluspá 31–58; Snorri, Gyl-
the human life span decreases. The kaliyuga, which is the
faginning 51–53; Vafruðnismál 44–45).
present age, dated by some as having begun in 3102 BCE (the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AGES OF THE WORLD
177
traditional date of the war recounted in the Maha¯bha¯rata),
of Religion and Ethics, edited by James Hastings, vol. 1 (Edin-
is a period of discord and disintegration wherein evil tri-
burgh, 1908) are badly dated in their interpretation (the arti-
umphs. Through this correlation, the cosmogonic structure
cle on Babylonian systems should be ignored), but they do
of the yugas has been transformed into an anthropology. The
provide a useful anthology of texts in translation from a vari-
yuga myth is further intertwined with the mythology of
ety of traditions. Gary W. Trompf’s The Idea of Historical Re-
Brahma¯ and Vis:n:u, especially their roles in the rhythmic ex-
currence in Western Thought: From Antiquity to the Reforma-
tion (Berkeley, Calif., 1979), albeit devoted to a parallel
pansion and contraction of the cosmos. This element is espe-
theme, is the best interpretative history of world-
cially prominent in accounts of the maha¯pralaya, the “great
periodization in Western thought.
dissolution” (Matsya Pura¯n:a 167.13–25). Finally, there is
On Iranian traditions, R. C. Zaehner’s book The Teachings of the
the royal mythology of the Manus and the avata¯ras of Visnu,
Magi (London, 1956) provides a brief exposition and trans-
expressed in the manvantara cycle.
lated sections from the late Pahlavi books. Geo Widengren’s
With important modifications and different soterio-
Mani and Manichaeism (New York, 1965), pp. 43–73, em-
logical implications, the Indic cosmic ages were adapted by
phasizes the Iranian elements in the Manichaean schema. Jo-
seph Ward Swain’s “The Theory of the Four Monarchies,”
both Buddhism and Jainism. The Indic system was influen-
Classical Philology 35 (January 1940): 1–21, remains the
tial as well on Neo-Confucian speculations on the ages of the
classic statement on the relationship of Iranian to Israelitic
world.
schema; D. S. Russell’s The Method and Message of Jewish
Mesoamerican traditions. Among the northern Maya,
Apocalyptic, 200 B.C.–A.D. 100 (Philadelphia, 1964), pp.
there is considerable evidence for both the conception of
224–229, gives an adequate summary of the early Jewish ma-
time (kin) without beginning or end that allows vast chrono-
terials.
logical computations extending back four hundred million
Jean Daniélou’s definitive article “La typologie millénariste de la
years, a duration that encompasses all past and future world
semaine dans le christianisme primitif,” Vigiliae Christianae
2 (1948): 1–16, is summarized in his The Theology of Jewish
cycles, and the mythic notion of a number of previous
Christianity, edited and translated by John A. Baker (Lon-
worlds, each terminated by a universal flood.
don, 1964), pp. 377–404; Auguste Luneau’s L’histoire du
In the Aztec traditions, as exemplified by the more than
salut chez les Pères de l’Église: La doctrine des âges du monde
twenty versions of the myth of the suns, the Leyenda de los
(Paris, 1964) is extremely detailed on the patristic materials.
Soles, and as carved on the so-called Calendar Stone, a more
Marjorie E. Reeves’s Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future
complex picture is presented. Superimposed on an archaic
(London, 1976), pp. 1–28, provides the best brief exposition
of Joachim’s system.
myth that, like the Maya, depicted a continuous series of cos-
mic creations and destructions, is a myth of five suns, each
Thomas A. Sebeok and Francis J. Ingemann’s Studies in Cheremis:
The Supernatural (New York, 1956), pp. 320–337, gives the
marking an age of the world as part of a cosmogonic drama
basic information about the Kugu Sorta. On the Babylonian
involving the struggles for supremacy among the Tezcatlipo-
great year, the essential study is B. L. van der Waerden’s “Das
cas, the sons of the androgynous supreme deity, Ometeotl.
Grosse Jahr und die ewige Wiederkehr,” Hermes 80 (1952):
Each one would create a world only to have it destroyed by
129–155. The Greek materials have been well surveyed by
another. Four such primeval worlds are identified, each
Charles Mugler in Deux thèmes de la cosmologie grecque: De-
named after the mode of their destruction: the world of the
venir cyclique et pluralité des mondes (Paris, 1953), although
first sun, 4 Jaguar, which lasted 676 years until its inhabi-
some of his interpretations are fanciful. The entire notion of
tants were devoured by jaguars; the second sun, 4 Wind,
recurrence is brilliantly treated in Trompf’s The Idea of His-
which lasted 364 years, until winds blew away its inhabitants;
torical Recurrence in Western Thought, cited above.
the third sun, 4 Rain of Fire, which lasted 312 years, until
The classic study of the Scandinavian myth remains Axel Olrik’s
its people were destroyed by a heavenly fire; and the fourth
Ragnarök: Die Sagen vom Weltuntergang (Berlin, 1922), but
sun, 4 Water, which lasted 676 years and ended in a universal
see Georges Dumézil’s Gods of the Ancient Northmen, edited
by Einar Haugen (Berkeley, Calif., 1973), chap. 3, for its set-
deluge. The fifth sun, 4 Movement, is the world that the
ting within archaic Indo-European mythology. A major text
Aztec inhabit and represents a revolution in the cycle of cre-
in translation, with valuable footnotes, illustrating the Indic
ation and destruction. Rather than the peripheral symbols of
system of yugas is provided by H. H. Wilson in The Vis:n:u
the four cardinal directions, with which the previous worlds
Pura¯n:a (London, 1840), vol. 1, pp. 44–67, now available in
are identified, the fifth sun is the world of the center, guaran-
a second edition (Calcutta, 1961). C. D. Church gives a rich
teed by an agreement between the rival deities and by divine
bibliography in “The Myth of the Four Yugas in the Sanskrit
acts of self-sacrifice.
Pura¯n:as,” Pura¯n:a 16 (1974): 5–25. The Indic, Buddhist,
and Jain traditions are interpreted in Eliade’s “Time and
SEE ALSO Golden Age; Utopia.
Eternity in Indian Thought,” in Papers from the Eranos Year-
books, edited by Joseph Campbell, vol. 3, Man and Time
B
(New York, 1957), pp. 173–200. For a translation and com-
IBLIOGRAPHY
For a general orientation from a broad comparative perspective,
mentary on the Aztec myth of the suns, see Miguel León-
see Mircea Eliade’s Cosmos and History: The Myth of the Eter-
Portilla’s Aztec Thought and Culture: A Study of the Ancient
nal Return (New York, 1954), esp. chap. 3. The articles
Nahuatl Mind (Norman, Okla., 1963), pp. 35–48.
under the heading “Ages of the World” in the Encyclopaedia
JONATHAN Z. SMITH (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
178
AGGADAH
AGGADAH SEE MIDRASH AND AGGADAH
fire of the entire sacrificial unit (e.g., husband and wife) into
the next world.
Fire was also used to test a person’s truth. Because Agni
AGNI is the god of fire in ancient and traditional India.
was the god who presided over speech, the truth of an indi-
Derived from an Indo-European root, the Sanskrit word agni
vidual’s words was demonstrated by Agni as the “defendant”
(“fire”) is related to such other forms as Latin ignis and Lithu-
walked through (or endured an assault by) fire. The best-
anian ugnis. A cognate appears in a Hittite text found at Bo-
known example of this is in the Rama¯ya¯n:a where S¯ıta¯, after
gazköy in the name Ak/gniˇs, identifying a god of devastation
being released from Ra¯van:a’s citadel in Lanka, is made to
and annihilation. Although his mythological and ritual roots
prove her fidelity to Ra¯ma by publicly entering the flames.
are reflected in Old Irish, Roman, and Iranian sources, the
THE MYTHOLOGY OF AGNI. The “personality” of Agni, as
peculiar development of the god of fire as Agni owes as much
developed early in Vedic thought, delineates both the specific
to the ritualizing tendencies, the priestly vision, and the
functions of the ritual and the divine models for the behavior
strong asceticism of the Indian context as it does to the god’s
of man. Next to Indra, Agni is the most prominent of the
Indo-European heritage.
R:gvedic gods, and his anthropomorphic qualities are taken
THE RITUAL CONTEXT. Fire and heat play a central role in
directly from the physical fire: for example, smoke-bannered,
Vedic people’s understanding of themselves within the cos-
flame-haired, tawny-bearded, sharp-jawed, bright-toothed,
mos. Fire is at once the most intimate and the most universal
and seven-tongued. As the mouth of the gods, Agni becomes
of elements; it can simultaneously inflict pain and bring puri-
butter backed and butter faced on receipt of his food, the sac-
ty, and it will, in an instant, make a person blind or give him
rificial ghee (clarified butter). He has horns and bellows like
vision. Fire is most fascinating to the Aryans, however, be-
a bull; he has a tail and is groomed like a horse; and he is
cause of its capacity for domestication: with the taming of
winged like the eagle of the sky. Ever renewed in the ritual
fire (and therefore of nature at large) come both the founda-
hearth, Agni is both the youngest and the oldest of the gods,
tions of civilization and the means for release from it.
and although born of Dyaus, the sky god, his real parents are
the two aran:¯ıs (“fire sticks”): the upper his father and the
The Vedic mastery of fire took place within the ritual
lower his mother (or, alternately, both his mothers). He is
context. As the solemn (´srauta) ritual developed, a system of
called su¯nuh: sahasah: (“son of strength”), literally, the product
correspondences was devised whereby priests could manipu-
of powerful friction produced by the hands of the priest or,
late the fires and fire hearths to create and control a tripartite
figuratively, a manifestation of a victoriously procreative cos-
cosmos: Agni as the heavenly fire, or sun, resided in the west-
mic power.
ern a¯havan¯ıya hearth with the gods; Agni as the atmospheric
fire, or moon, resided in the southern daks:in:a¯gni hearth with
By far the single most significant element in Agni’s per-
the ancestors (pitaras); and Agni as the earthly fire or domes-
sonality is his priesthood. As fire he must officiate at every
tic flame resided in the western ga¯rhapatya hearth with hu-
sacrifice; thus he is not only the divine counterpart of the
mans. This system of homologies also made reference to the
human priest but also the prototype for and most eminent
newly emerging class system: the heavenly or offering fire
exemplar of all priestly activities, especially that of the hotr:
represented the priest (bra¯hman:a), the atmospheric or pro-
priest, the reciter of the liturgy. Moreover, the mediatorial
tecting fire the warrior (ks:atriya), and the earthly or produc-
nature of Agni’s office charges him with the safe transport
ing fire the merchant (vai´sya).
of offerings to the gods and, in return, blessings to humanity.
Since successful travel as messenger (du¯ta) between earthly
As the central civilizing agent, the ritual fire played a
petitioners and heavenly benefactors is insured by priestly el-
special role in the development of the domestic (gr:hya) litur-
oquence, a quality derived from a combination of skill in lan-
gy, particularly in the marriage rite (Viva¯ha) and funeral cer-
guage and insight into the cosmic mysteries, Agni is not only
emony (Antyes:t:i). As the symbol and agent of the transfor-
the preeminent priest but the preeminent seer (kavi) as well.
mative process, fire with its heat stood midway between the
coolness of celibate studenthood and restrained householder-
Agni’s personality stresses certain key functions that
ship, and between this life and the next. Marriage itself was
come to be referred to by a system of epithets. Vai´sva¯nara,
effected by circumambulating the fire clockwise seven times,
the fire with power over all humans, for example, represents
and true wifehood implied the continual presence of the
both the fire become sun during the liturgical magic of dawn
cooking fire. Likewise, passage beyond death required the
and, supported by the Matarisvan myth, the ritual fire as
special translatory properties of the cremation fire, which,
symbol of Aryan superiority, protecting and empowering the
because it destroyed, purified, and “reconstituted” the old
nation against all enemies. As a civilizing agent, Vai´sva¯nara
self into a new one, was treated cautiously by priests, who
represents humanity’s control over light, warmth, and the
feared the potentially demonic qualities of Agni the kravya¯d
demarcation of time (Agni as sun) as well as his concern for
(“flesh-eating one”). Furthermore, in a practice known in
national boundaries and the establishment of an unrivaled
India at least as early as the epics and officially banned by
peace (Agni against the barbarians). Ja¯tavedas, the fire in pos-
the British in 1828, the wife as sat¯ı joined her husband on
session of the creatures, stresses Agni’s function as keeper of
his funeral pyre, thereby ensuring the spiritual mutation by
the Vedic family and preeminent advocate of humans, for
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AGNON, SHEMUDEL YOSEF
179
his unbroken ritual presence, his service in strengthening and
tions between Gods and Powers in the Veda, à Propos of the
uplifting the domestic community, and his role (via the cre-
Phrase Sunuh Sahash (The Hague, 1957). Expanding on the
mation fire) in guaranteeing the proper transformation of the
detailed study of tapas in Chauncey J. Blair’s Heat in the Rig
deceased into an ancestor make him the supreme guardian
Veda and Atharva Veda (New Haven, 1961) is the excellent,
of the generations as well as the perpetuator of Aryan culture.
and most provocative, discussion in David M. Knipe’s In the
Again, Apam Napat, the fire as child of the waters, stresses
Image of Fire: Vedic Experiences of Heat (Delhi, 1975). Focus-
ing primarily on Brahmanic sources, the latter interprets the
both the vital and procreative powers of natural water and
Agnian material from the vantage of the history of religions.
the intoxicating and transformative powers of ritual water.
A comprehensive account of the performance and symbolism
In the Bra¯hman:as, Agni’s central relation is to Praja¯pati,
of the Agnicayana is Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar,
and the joint figure Agni-Praja¯pati becomes the cosmic per-
2 vols. including tapes (Berkeley, Calif., 1970, reprint 2001),
by Fritz Staal in collaboration with C. V. Somayajipad and
son who is projected into being through dismemberment.
M. Itti Ravi Nambudiri. Indian Fire Ritual, by Musashi
The various “searches” for Agni (see, for example, his flight
Tachikawa, Shrikant Bahulkar, and Madhave Kolhatkar
in R:gveda 10.51) culminate in the ritual collection and re-
(Delhi, 2001), explains the basic ritual of Is:t:i, using original
assembly of Agni (as sacrificer and cosmos) in the Agnicayana
texts and photographs of sacrificial performances made in
and serve to reaffirm the presence of fire in every element.
Pune, India, in 1979.
Moreover, in S´atapatha Bra¯hman:a 1.4.1.10ff., Agni appears
as Vai´sva¯nara and is carried in the mouth of Ma¯thava, king
ELLISON BANKS FINDLY (1987 AND 2005)
of Videgha, toward the east. Jumping from the king’s mouth
at the mention of butter, Vai´sva¯nara burns his way to the
Sada¯n¯ıra¯ River, indicating by this the contemporary extent
AGNON, SHEMUDEL YOSEF (1888–1970), was a
of the Brahmanic yajña (“worship”). In the Upanis:ads, Agni
Hebrew prose writer and, along with the German Jewish
is identified with various aspects of the all-pervading brah-
poet Nelly Sachs, the 1966 Nobel laureate for literature.
man, and in the Pura¯n:as, notably the Agni Pura¯n:a, Agni is
Born ShemuDel Yosef Czaczkes in the town of Buczacz in the
identified with the high god. In spite of this, however, and
eastern European region of Galicia, then part of the Austro-
despite examples of known iconographical representations of
Hungarian Empire, Agnon was raised in a traditionally ob-
Agni (particularly in stone), the extent of his worship in the
servant Jewish family with an openness to participating in
later theistic context is marginal.
contemporary Western culture. Under the influence of Zi-
HEAT AND THE ASCETIC TRADITION. With the shift in em-
onism, he immigrated to Palestine in 1908. There he lived
phasis from sacrifice to sacrificer in the Bra¯hman:a period, the
primarily in Jaffa, which at the time was the center of secular-
abstract qualities of the fire’s “heat” (tapas) become interio-
oriented Zionist culture. He also lived for several months in
rized: the heat of the flame, of Soma, of the priest’s sweat,
Jerusalem, a stronghold of non- and anti-Zionist ultra-
and of the cooked food become part of an internal sacrifice
Orthodox Jewry. During this period he changed his original
within the body (antaryajña) of the “patron become priest.”
family name, Czaczkes, to Agnon, adapted from the title of
What was in the period of the Bra¯hman:as the elaborate fire
the first story he published in Palestine, “ EAgunot.” ( EAgunot
ritual (agnihotra) becomes in the ascetic tradition the “in-
is a Jewish legal term for women unable to remarry because
teriorized fire ritual” (antaragnihotra). As humanity itself is
their husbands are missing or refuse to grant them a proper
identified with the sacrificial process and with the cosmos,
divorce, a circumstance Agnon used metaphorically to refer
an elaborate system of correspondences is set up homologiz-
to psychological and spiritual alienation.)
ing the microcosmic fires of the human body with the mac-
Apparently motivated by the desire to expand his cultur-
rocosmic fires of the universe, the whole system manipulable
al horizons, Agnon left Palestine for Germany in 1912. As
through the asceticism of yoga. The long-haired ascetic
the product of traditional eastern European Judaism, he be-
(muni), first seen holding fire and riding the wind in R:gveda
came an important resource for assimilated German Jews,
10.136, now becomes the ascetic thoroughly possessed by
who found in the German translations of his Hebrew writ-
Agni: in his head is the fire of mind and speech, in his arms
ings ways to connect with the Jewish tradition from which
the fire of sovereign power, and in his belly and loins the fire
they were distanced. While in Germany, Agnon associated
of productivity.
with the Jewish philosophers Martin Buber (1878–1965),
with whom he began to edit a collection of Hasidic tales that
SEE ALSO Fire; Vedism and Brahmanism.
was not completed, and Franz Rosenzweig (1886–1929),
and with the scholar of Jewish mysticism Gershom Scholem
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(1897–1982). In 1924 Agnon immigrated once again to Pal-
The standard and most comprehensive catalog of Agnian lore in
estine with his wife Esther (née Marx), whom he had married
the R:gveda remains A. A. Macdonnell’s Vedic Mythology
in Germany in 1920, and their two children, settling this
(New York, 1974). Macdonnell not only lists each of Agni’s
time in Jerusalem.
traits but gives textual citations as well. An important discus-
sion of one of Agni’s epithets within the larger Vedic context
As a youth Agnon wrote in both Yiddish and Hebrew,
can be found in Jan Gonda’s Some Observations on the Rela-
but beginning with his first immigration to Palestine he de-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
180
AGNON, SHEMUDEL YOSEF
voted himself to prose writing in Hebrew. Agnon departed
Orthodox Jewish life in Jerusalem. Some of these narratives
from the traditional religious practice of his upbringing dur-
take the form of legends transmitted by a traditional chroni-
ing the periods of his first immigration to Palestine and his
cler. Others are more of a blend of pious storytelling and
residence in Germany, in keeping with the prevailing secular
modern fiction. In this body of literature one may discern
cultural ethos of Zionist settlers and Jewish intellectuals at
Agnon’s highly ambivalent attitude toward the world of tra-
the time. Yet by the time he settled in Jerusalem in the 1920s
dition in which he had been raised, ranging from an ironic
he had returned to a traditional pattern of observance, which
and critical distance to a nostalgic celebration of the world
he maintained for the rest of his life.
of tradition as a valuable spiritual resource from which even
the modern Jew has much to learn. (See, for example, the
The complexity of Agnon’s relationship to the Jewish
novel Hakhnasat kallah [The Bridal Canopy, 1931; 1953].)
religious tradition is most evident in the genres in which he
wrote:
REALISTIC SOCIAL FICTION. In addition to works steeped in
the world of Jewish tradition, Agnon wrote a variety of works
1. Anthologies of traditional Jewish texts;
of fiction that portray the various social settings in which he
lived: the Buczacz of his childhood (see the novella Sippur
2. Works of fiction and adaptations of legends that portray
pashut [A Simple Story, 1935]); the Zionist settlers and Or-
the world of premodern Jewry;
thodox Jews of Palestine during the waning years of Otto-
3. Realistic social fiction;
man rule (see the novel Temol shilshom [Only Yesterday,
1945]); German Jewry during World War I (see examples
4. Modernistic stories of a world beset by a crisis of reli-
of such stories in Twenty-One Stories and A Book That Was
gious faith.
Lost and Other Stories); Buczacz in the period between the
The worlds Agnon presents in his prose run the gamut of
world wars, which he observed firsthand during a visit there
Jewish experience from premodern religious traditionalism
in 1930 (see the novel Oreah: natah lalun [A Guest for the
to a modernism beset by severe identity crises. The Hebrew
Night, 1939]; and Palestine of the 1930s (see the novel
of these works is characterized by frequent allusions to the
Shirah, [Shira, 1971]). While less overtly preoccupied with
style and content of rabbinic, medieval, and early modern re-
the world of religious piety than works of the first two genres,
ligious literature. In adopting such a religiously allusive style,
these works, to varying degrees, explore the effects of the cri-
Agnon maintained close ties to the world of Jewish tradition,
sis of faith and diminishing loyalty to traditional Jewish prac-
even as he explored the challenges of modernity.
tices that Jews have experienced in a world plagued by war
A
and torn apart by conflicting ideologies.
NTHOLOGIES OF TRADITIONAL TEXTS. The approach to
the Jewish tradition in these anthologies is one of respect for
MODERNISTIC STORIES. Beginning in the 1930s, Agnon
the spiritual treasures found in biblical, rabbinic, medieval,
published a series of surrealistic short stories under the title
and early modern sources. In preparing each of these anthol-
Sefer hama Easim (The book of deeds). In many of these sto-
ogies, Agnon followed in the footsteps of a number of Euro-
ries, religious observance is disturbed by nightmarish impedi-
pean Hebrew writers (most notably Hayyim Nahman Bialik
ments, and the protagonists are tormented by their distance
[1873–1934], Yehoshua Hana Ravnitzky [1859–1944], and
from traditional faith. The fact that the narrators of these sto-
M. Y. Berdichevsky [1865–1921]) who were concerned that
ries rarely accomplish anything (in ironic contrast to the title
the textual forms in which the Jewish tradition had been
of the series) signifies the unresolved tension within Agnon’s
transmitted had become largely inaccessible to the modern
soul between loyalty to tradition and the attractions of mo-
reader. In order to preserve traditional religious knowledge
dernity. Some of these stories appear in the collections Twen-
among Jews, they compiled anthologies written in a uni-
ty-One Stories and A Book That Was Lost and Other Stories.
formly accessible Hebrew style and based on modern princi-
ples of thematic organization. Two anthologies edited by
SEE ALSO Midrash and Aggadah; Zionism.
Agnon were published in their entirety during his lifetime:
one on the Jewish High Holidays, Yamim nora Dim (Days of
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Awe, 1937), and one on the revelation at Mount Sinai, Attem
Works by Agnon in English Translation
re Ditem (Present at Sinai, 1959). In addition, Agnon sporadi-
Anthologies and collections
cally published versions of texts in two other thematic areas:
Betrothed and Edo and Enam: Two Tales. Translated by Walter
the Hasidic tradition founded by BaEal Shem T:ov and the
Lever. New York, 1966.
relationship of Jews to their sacred texts. While he published
A Book That Was Lost and Other Stories. Edited by Alan Mintz and
short anthologies of texts in these two areas, it was only after
Anne Golomb Hoffman. New York, 1995.
his death that full anthologies of these texts were published.
Days of Awe. Translated by Maurice T. Galpert and Jacob Sloan.
WORKS OF FICTION AND ADAPTATIONS OF LEGENDS. The
Edited by Nahum N. Glatzer. New York, 1965.
sources for these narratives that portray the world of premod-
Present at Sinai: The Giving of the Law. Translated by Michael
ern Jewry in eastern Europe and Palestine were folktales with
Swirsky. Philadelphia, 1994.
which Agnon was familiar as well as his youthful experience
Twenty-One Stories. Edited by Nahum N. Glatzer. New York,
of traditional Jewish life in Buczacz and his observation of
1970.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AGNO
¯ STOS THEOS
181
Novellas and novels
sophical standpoint, “unknowable” does not require an abso-
The Bridal Canopy. Translated by I. M. Lask. Garden City, N.Y.,
lute or irreconcilable meaning. God can be unknowable by
1937.
the ordinary means of cognition or by discursive reason yet
A Guest for the Night. Translated by Misha Louvish. New York,
still be knowable by means of divine grace in contemporary
1968.
or mystical intuition. This semantic uncertainty beclouds
In the Heart of the Seas. Translated by I. M. Lask. New York,
our understanding of the ancient usage.
1947.
The distinguished philologist Eduard Norden (1913)
Only Yesterday. Translated by Barbara Harshav. Princeton, N.J.,
attempted to show that the notion of agno¯stos theos was for-
2000.
eign and even contrary to the Classical Greek spirit. The
Shira. Translated by Zeva Shapiro. New York, 1989.
term did not appear until late in the Classical period, and
A Simple Story. Translated by Hillel Halkin. New York, 1985.
then only in texts clearly under Oriental influence: Jewish,
Works about Agnon
Gnostic, Neoplatonic, and Christian writings. Further, the
Aberbach, David. At the Handles of the Lock: Themes in the Fiction
expression would imply “a renunciation of inquiry” (p. 84)
of S. J. Agnon. Oxford, 1984.
that would ill accord with Hellenic speculation.
Band, Arnold J. Nostalgia and Nightmare: A Study in the Fiction
HELLENIC AND HELLENISTIC PAGANISM. Most often, Greek
of S. Y. Agnon. Berkeley, Calif., 1968.
gods are identified according to geographical location and
Ben-Dov, Nitza. Agnon’s Art of Indirection: Uncovering Latent
function by epithets that thus remove these gods from the
Content in the Fiction of S. Y. Agnon. Leiden, 1993.
category of “unknown” gods. To be sure, the gods belong
Fisch, Harold. S. Y. Agnon. New York, 1975.
to a world distinct from that of men, and possess a nature—
Hochman, Baruch. The Fiction of S. Y. Agnon. Ithaca, N.Y., 1970.
immortal and blessed—that eludes the grasp of human un-
derstanding, regardless of the anthropomorphic images that
Hoffman, Anne Golomb. Between Exile and Return: S. Y. Agnon
make them physically resemble their worshipers. In their
and the Drama of Writing. Albany, N.Y., 1991.
cult, however, the Greeks were concerned only with the
Katz, Stephen. The Centrifugal Novel: S. Y. Agnon’s Poetics of Com-
names and the spheres of action of these superior beings, for
position. Madison, N.J., 1999.
the purpose of invoking them with some degree of effective-
Laor, Dan. Haye EAgnon. Jerusalem, 1998. This biography is avail-
ness. The phrase agno¯sto¯n theo¯n was found on two altars ob-
able only in Hebrew.
served by Pausanias, one at Phaleron, the other at Olympia.
Oz, Amos. The Silence of Heaven: Agnon’s Fear of God. Translated
The apostle Paul employed the singular when citing the in-
by Barbara Harshav. Princeton, N.J., 2000.
scription on an Athenian altar as he argued on behalf of mo-
Patterson, David, and Glenda Abramson, eds. Tradition and
notheism (Norden, 1913, pp. 55–56). Still, there is no evi-
Trauma: Studies in the Fiction of S. J. Agnon. Boulder, Colo.,
dence of any cult rendered to an unknown god, nor to an
1994.
unknowable one. The reconstruction that Hugo Hepding
Shaked, Gershon. Shmuel Yosef Agnon: A Revolutionary Tradition-
propounded for an inscription found at Pergamum that sup-
alist. Translated by Jeffrey M. Green. New York, 1989.
posedly dealt with “unknown gods” was rebutted by Otto
Shaked, Gershon. Modern Hebrew Fiction. Translated by Yael
Weinreich (1915, p. 29). The Alexander Romance 1.33 attri-
Lotan. Bloomington, Ind., 2000.
butes to the conqueror of Asia the erection of an altar “to
the unknown god,” but this detail lacks historical value
DAVID C. JACOBSON (2005)
(ibid., p. 28).
Philosophers have raised the question of the knowability
or unknowability of God. Yet the famous statement from
AGNOSTICISM SEE DOUBT AND BELIEF
Plato (Timaeus 28c), often quoted and commented upon,
addresses the ineffability of the creator god, which does not
rule out that one might be able to conceive of him and to
know him intuitively (Plato, Epinomis 7.342c–d) or analo-
AGNO
¯ STOS THEOS. The phrase agno¯sto¯n theo¯n
gously (Republic 6.506e–509a). Nevertheless in Parmenides
(nominative singular, agno¯stos theos) was found inscribed on
(142a), Plato writes of the One who is “neither named . . .
Greek altars dedicated “to the unknown gods.” The inscrip-
nor known.” The distinction between divine power that
tion had no mystical or theosophical meaning, but arose out
manifests itself to men and divine being that eludes them,
of a concern for cultic safety: no one wanted to incur the
just like the sun that one cannot look at without being blind-
wrath of gods whose names were unknown but who just
ed, is implied by Xenophon (Memorabilia 4.3.13–14). Fur-
might exist and be vexed by the lack of honors.
ther, the distinction between existence and essence, common
The meaning of the designation agno¯stos is indeed am-
among Stoics, originates with Aristotle and perhaps with the
biguous: it could mean “unknowable” or “unknown,” de-
doctrine of the Sophists (Festugière, 1950–1954, vol. 4,
pending upon the context. God could in fact be “unknown”
p. 16), yet the expression agno¯stos theos still does not appear
without necessarily being “unknowable.” Even from a philo-
in these contexts. Damascius applies it to an Orphic text that
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
182
AGNO
¯ STOS THEOS
appears to be among the most ancient: it had been quoted
Nonetheless, the Stoics tended to put more emphasis on
by Eudemus of Rhodes, a disciple of Aristotle. But Damasci-
the god manifested through creation. Taking a different
us rewrites Orphism in his own fashion. Even though born
stance, Philo Judaeus stresses in several places that it is im-
of the Night, this ineffable and unknowable god derives from
possible for man to grasp the invisible and incorporeal es-
Neoplatonism.
sence of God. Moses, after all, halted after being blinded by
the divine beams. God made himself visible to Abraham, but
The Platonic tradition of the imperial Roman epoch
man has no faculty of his own for experiencing the absolute
limits the experience of the first god, ineffable and accessible,
being. The inaccessibility of the agno¯stos theos appears to be
to the human intellect alone. Numenius (frag. 26) attributes
more radical in the Jewish tradition than in most developed
to Plato the idea that only the demiurge is known to men,
Hellenistic speculations. It cannot be said, however, that the
“while the first Intellect, the one that contains the name
notion of agno¯stos theos itself is of Oriental origin.
‘Being’ within itself, remains totally unknown to men.” Nor-
den (1913) and H. J. Krämer (1963) discern Gnostic influ-
GNOSTICISM. The unknown god is a fundamental theme of
ences here. However, Numenius remains faithful to the Pla-
gnosticism. During the second century CE, the teaching of
tonic concept of the Nous as the suprarational faculty of
philosophers upheld the divine transcendence by making a
mystical contemplation, as well as to the idea of the Good,
distinction between the Demiurge, perceptible in his cosmic
the greatest object of knowledge.
creation, and the supreme Intellect, inaccessible to the
human intellect. This distinction was furthered by the Gnos-
According to Proclus (Elements of Theology 123), “every-
tics, who perceived an opposition between the knowable and
thing divine . . . is ineffable and agno¯ston”; that is, by sur-
the unknowable. The transcendent god appeared to be a
passing the range of language, the divine lies beyond the
stranger to the universe, concealed from the creator god as
scope of discursive reasoning. Yet Proclus’s entire body of
well as from his creatures (Hippolytus, Philosophuma 6:33;
work proves that he was seeking to know God. The Un-
Gospel of Truth 18.7–14). This is the Unknown Father or the
known Father of the Neoplatonist Martianus Capella corre-
Propator of the angels and archangels (Irenaeus, Against Here-
sponds to the First Intellect of Numenius and to the God
sies 1.19; 1.23.2). It is also the “good god” of Marcion—
of Plato. Like Albinus and Numenius, the Latin Neoplato-
“naturaliter . . . ignotus” (Tertullian, Against Marcion
nist seems to think that, thanks to the Mens (identical with
5.16.3). The Son reveals the Father whom “no one knows.”
the Greeks’ Nous), the supreme god can be conceived
According to the Valentinians, the Unknown Father makes
through mystical intuition. Damascius starts by affirming
himself known to the aeons by ways of Monogenes (his “only
the unknowability of God, yet specifies that it is necessary
begotten”). In the beginning, the angels and archangels do
to empty one’s intellect so that the subject can blend with
not know who has created them, and their ignorance of the
the object by removing any barrier, through aphairesis.
Father causes fear and terror among them (Gospel of Truth
17.9–16). Yet in arousing this inner crisis (which the Gnos-
In Hermetism several contradictory currents intersect.
tics express in terms of a mythico-allegorical drama), this es-
In principle, the All that is God “is perceivable and knowable
sentially forbidding transcendence of the Father forces them
only to himself” (Asclepius 34). Although he cannot be com-
into a search for salvation through gnosis, through knowl-
prehended or defined, he wants to be known and thus makes
edge of the Unknowable (Jonas, 1963, pp. 257f., 404ff.).
himself known as God. It is entirely characteristic of the
This gnosis of the agno¯stos does not proceed directly by way
Good to be known and recognized, and to ignore him is im-
of reason. Certain sects employed a ritual of initiation, or
pious. He becomes visible “to the intellect and the heart”
mystagogy (Tröger, 1971, p. 69): the Marcionites baptized
through an interior illumination (Festugière, 1950–1954,
neophytes “in the name of the Unknown Father.” Yet in gen-
vol. 4, pp. 241ff.). Indeed, one must become God in order
eral it is God who reveals himself. Thus a Coptic hymn ad-
to attain the happiness of this “gnosis,” one must become
dresses God: “No one can know you against your will.” Gno-
“divinized” or regenerated.
sis proceeds not from the knowing subject but from divine
H
grace.
ELLENISTIC JUDAISM. One of the earliest literal appear-
ances of agno¯stos theos is that in Josephus Flavius (Against
CHRISTIANITY. In his sermon to the Athenians (Acts 17:23),
Apion 2.167): Moses, he states, showed us that God is
Paul claims that he is proclaiming to them the God whom
“knowable by his power, but unknowable in his essence.” In
they honor without knowing him. Paul emphasized the basic
saying this, Josephus was not relying directly on Jewish tradi-
meaning of a dedication that was written in the plural (to
tion. (The Septuagint makes no distinction between the exis-
the agno¯sto¯n theo¯n) in a way that was consistent with his doc-
tence of God, manifested by the created world, and his es-
trine of the mystery made known to men by the Christ. In
sence.) He refers instead to the “wisest of the Greeks . . .
the Clementine Homilies (18.18), Peter interprets Isaiah 1:31
Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, Plato, the philosopher of the Porti-
(“Israel has not known me”) in a way that rebuts the argu-
co.” The distinction was common among the Stoics, who de-
ment of the Marcionites: the Jews ignored the justice of the
rived it from Aristotle. It was employed whenever anyone
known God! Clement of Alexandria (Miscellanies
would comment on the ancient philosophers (whence the
5.12.78.1–3) comments on the unknown god of Acts by re-
reference to Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, and Plato).
ferring to Plato (Timaeus 28c). Yet the statement by Christ
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AGO
¯ GE¯
183
in Matthew 11:27 (“No one knows the Son except the Fa-
Norden, Eduard. Agnostos Theos: Untersuchungen zur Formengesch-
ther, just as no one knows the Father except the Son”) legiti-
ichte religiöser Rede (1913). 2d ed. Darmstadt, 1956.
mized the Valentinian conception of the Unknown Father
Places, Édouard des. La religion grecque. Paris, 1969.
and might be seen as encouraging ignorance about God. Paul
Reitzenstein, Richard. Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen
reproached the pagans for this ignorance, which he con-
(1917). 3d ed. Darmstadt, 1966. Translated by John E.
demned as an unpardonable fault (1 Cor. 15:34, Rom. 1:20,
Steely as The Hellenistic Mystery Religions (Pittsburgh, 1978).
Eph. 4:18, Acts 17:30). Christ had left men with no excuse
for ignorance, since he was the visible image of the invisible
Tröger, Karl-Wolfgang. Mysterienglaube und Gnosis in Corpus
Hermeticum XIII. Berlin, 1971.
God and the revealer of the divine mystery (Col. 1:15).
Van der Horst, Pieter Willem. “The Unknown God (Acts
Nevertheless, the Fathers of the church were fond of
17:23),” R. Van den Broek, T. Baarda, and J. Mansfeld, ed.
quoting Plato in order to show that the philosopher urged
Knowledge of God in the Graeco-Roman World (Epro, 112),
pagans to seek out the unknown god. The Fathers would also
Leiden, 1988. See pages 19–42.
set the religious knowledge of the lowliest Christian in con-
Weinreich, Otto. “De dis ignotis quaestiones selectae.” Archiv für
trast to the idle uncertainties of the learned. They also at the
Religionswissenschaft 18 (1915): 1–52.
same time readily stressed the unknowability of God: he is
known to us only through himself in all his grandeur; he is
ROBERT TURCAN (1987 AND 2005)
“beyond the understandable,” incomprehensible, indeed be-
Translated from French by Paul C. Duggan
yond being in itself. Yet divine grace and the Word allow
men to conceive the unknown. The patristic tradition is
practically unanimous in recognizing Christ as a type of hi-
AGO
¯ GE¯, a Greek singular noun derived from the verb ago¯
erophant of divine mysteries.
(“to lead”), can be used to denote the leading by the hand
There is, however, a line of thought of Neoplatonic in-
of horses. In human terms, ago¯g¯e was used by the Spartans
spiration that legitimizes negative theology. The hymn to
and the inhabitants of the island of Chios to denote the pro-
God by Gregory of Nazianzus, improperly attributed to Pro-
cess by which their youths were “domesticated.” In other
clus, proclaims him to be the “only unknowable” while still
words, the youths were considered to be similar to wild foals
being the creator of all that are knowable. Synesius of Cyrene
and fillies and had to be “broken” before they could enter
exalts the Unknown Father, unknowable to reason and inef-
adult society. Since this view of youths was widely shared in
fable. For Dionysius the Areopagite (Mystical Theology 2), it
Greece, the term ago¯g¯e can be usefully employed as a rubric
is a matter of knowing an “unknowing” (agno¯sia); in his
for examination of initiatory rituals and customs in ancient
view, Paul knew God as “transcending every mode of knowl-
Greece.
edge” (Patrologia Graeca 3.1073a). Thus Maximus the Con-
fessor could write, “Even when known, he remains the Un-
At one time, during the Archaic period (eighth–sixth
known.” He is the Deus absconditus who, were it otherwise,
centuries BCE), initiatory rituals existed all over Greece.
would not be God.
However, by the beginning of the Classical period (fifth–
fourth centuries BCE), these rites had vanished from most ur-
SEE ALSO Deification; Via Negativa.
banized Greek societies or had been reduced to a few ceremo-
nies. Only at the margin of the Greek world, on the conser-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
vative island of Crete, did men’s associations still convene in
Boyancé, Pierre. “Fulvius Nobilior et le dieu ineffable.” In Études
men’s houses and supervise proper rites of initiation—at least
sur la religion romaine, pp. 227–252. Rome, 1972.
until the fourth century BCE. Here, young boys had to serve
Canet, L. “Connaissance par non-savoir.” In Lux perpetua, by
at the meals in the men’s houses, their low status being
Franz Cumont, pp. 419–421. Paris, 1949.
stressed by shabby clothes and seats on the floor. After this
Dodds, E. R., ed. and trans. Elements of Theology (1933). 2d ed.
period of informal education, sons of aristocrats recruited
Oxford, 1963.
boys of lower social standing to form bands, which were su-
Festugière, A.-J. La révélation d’Hermès Trismégiste. 4 vols. Paris,
pervised by their fathers. These bands were trained in hunt-
1950–1954.
ing, dancing, singing, fighting, and, a modernization, letters.
Geffcken, Johannes. Zwei griechische Apologeten (1907). 2d ed.
Having finally passed through a short homosexual affair with
Hildesheim, 1970.
a more recently initiated lover, each aristocratic youth re-
Grant, Robert M. Gnosticism and Early Christianity. New York,
ceived a military suit, a special dress, and a drinking cup, the
1966.
tokens of adulthood. It still took a while, however, before the
youth reached unqualified adulthood (perhaps at the age of
Jonas, Hans. The Gnostic Religion. 2d ed., rev. Boston, 1963.
thirty), but about this period we are not informed. When the
Krämer, Hans Joachim. Der Ursprung der Geistmetaphysik. Am-
boys left the initiatory bands, they were forced to marry en
sterdam, 1963.
masse.
Nilsson, Martin P. Geschichte der griechischen Religion, vol. 2, Die
hellenistische und römische Zeit. 3d ed. Munich, 1974. See
In Sparta, similar initiatory rites took place, but here the
pages 355 and 357.
state supervised the youths’ training, which was geared com-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AGO
¯ GE¯
184
pletely to the purpose of controlling the Helots, Sparta’s sub-
aition for the Ekdusia (“the shedding of clothes”), the festival
ject population. Moreover, the Spartan system, the ago¯g¯e,
of Leto, mother of Apollo and Artemis. Evidently, it was a
had been extended by the introduction of a long series of age-
festival that celebrated the end of initiation when boys shed
classes. (Rites of initiation can always be contracted or pro-
their female clothes (dramatized in the myth as a sex change)
longed, depending on a given society’s needs.) In Athens, the
in order to assume proper male ones. Many such local initia-
original initiatory structure had disintegrated in the course
tory myths were recorded in Hellenistic and Roman times
of the sixth century BCE with the decline of aristocratic
long after the corresponding rites had disappeared.
power. Nevertheless, from the exploits of Theseus (which re-
Whereas boys were educated to become warriors, girls
flect the life of an Athenian initiand), from various rituals,
were trained for marriage. In Sparta, one of the few places
and from the later “national service” (eph¯ebeia), we can still
about which we possess a fair amount of information, scanti-
deduce the existence of an initiatory system comprising
ly clad girls started their initiation at the margin of Spartan
transvestism, trials of strength, running, pederasty, and a stay
territory in the sanctuaries of Artemis, the main Greek god-
at the margin of Athenian society.
dess of girls’ education. Here, besides physical exercises, they
This evidence, coupled with scattered notices from
were instructed through music and dancing in choruses. Evi-
other cities, suggests a picture of initiatory rituals that were
dence from other cities such as Athens confirms that this was
once universal in Archaic Greece. These rituals were con-
the custom all over Greece. Girls were considered to be like
nected with a variety of divine figures such as local heroes,
wild animals that had to be tamed (they were called “bears”
Hermes, Herakles, Zeus, and Poseidon. Apollo was especially
in Athens). This is reflected in mythology where the names
important, since he supervised the final integration into
of girls such as the Leukippides and Hipponoe suggest
adult society. The ubiquity of initiation is confirmed by
that girls were compared to wild mares who had to be domes-
Greek mythology in which initiatory themes—some no lon-
ticated.
ger mentioned in the historical period—occur with astonish-
During their final training for motherhood, aristocratic
ing frequency.
girls in Sparta had to pass through a lesbian affair, as they
The prototype of the Greek mythological initiand was
did on the island of Lesbos, where Sappho instructed groups
Achilles. He was educated by the centaur Chiron far from
of aristocratic girls. In this period, special stress was laid on
the civilized world; centaurs also figure as initiators of other
enhancing their physical beauty, so that their marriages
Greek heroes, such as Jason. Chiron instructed Achilles in
would be successfully consummated. Consequently, this pe-
hunting, music, and medicine, and he gave him his name,
riod was closely connected with the cult of the beautiful
his first name being Ligyron. Subsequently, Achilles spent
Helen, who was worshiped as a goddess in Sparta. In fact,
time on the remote island of Skyros, dressed as a girl. In the
in a number of Greek cities a beauty contest constituted the
Trojan War, he was the foremost Greek hero; late versions
end of girls’ initiation. The protection of Artemis lasted until
of the myth even claim that he was invulnerable. Finally, he
the birth of the first child, for motherhood, not loss of virgin-
was killed, through the intervention of Apollo. The structure
ity, was the definitive entry into the world of adult women.
of this myth clearly reflects male initiation rites: the educa-
Many details of Greek girls’ training can be found in the
tion in the bush, the change of name, and the transvestism;
myths concerning Artemis, even though they tend, as myths
further, the heroic feats combined with the theme of invul-
so often do, to concentrate on the most dramatic part of the
nerability suggest a kind of martial ecstasy that was also ex-
story: the final entry into marriage. The “taming” of a girl
pected from youth on the brink of adulthood among other
is expressed in a number of myths that all circle around her
Indo-European peoples. The death through the initiatory
resistance to “domestication.” The pursuit of the Proetides,
god Apollo suggests the “death” of the initiand before his re-
the capture of Thetis by Peleus or of Persephone by Hades,
birth as an adult.
the races to win Atalante, and even the capture of Helen by
Other heroes’ lives also display the characteristics of an
Paris—all these myths are concerned with the perceived re-
initiatory scenario. Perseus travels to a marginal area to ac-
sistance of girls to enter wedlock. Greek mythology is very
quire a special weapon in order to kill a monster. Oedipus
much a man’s world.
is educated far from home, passes the tests of the Sphinx, and
then gains the hand of the queen-widow. Jason is educated
SEE ALSO Apollo; Artemis; Poseidon.
by Chiron, who also gave him his name. Having collected
a band of followers (cf. the Cretan rites), he performs valiant
BIBLIOGRAPHY
deeds with the Argonauts before returning home to become
The pioneer study of Greek initiation is Henri Jeanmaire’s Couroi
a king.
et courètes (Lille, 1939), and the standard study is now Ange-
lo Brelich’s Paides e parthenoi (Rome, 1969). Both Jeanmaire
Besides these pan-Hellenic myths, there were many
and Brelich base their analyses on comparisons with the eth-
local heroes who served as initiatory models for youths. One
nological evidence. D. B. Dodd and C. A. Faraone (eds.),
example out of many: in Cretan Phaistos, it was said that
Initiation in Ancient Greek Rituals and Narratives: New Criti-
Leukippos (Leucippus), although born as a girl, had changed
cal Perspectives (London and New York, 2003) is a not quite
into a man when he reached adolescence. This myth was the
successful attempt at a revisionary approach. My articles “An
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AGRICULTURE
185
Enigmatic Indo-European Rite: Paederasty,” Arethusa 13
ed into three long phases: (1) the final phase of the gathering
(1980): 279–298, and “Transvestite Dionysus,” in M. Padi-
economy; (2) the beginnings of plant cultivation and of ani-
lla (ed.), Rites of Passage in Ancient Greece (Lewisburg, Pa.,
mal domestication; and (3) the era of efficient village agri-
1999), pp. 183–200 are detailed studies of the roles of peder-
culture.
asty and tranvestism in the initiatory rituals. Claude
Calame’s Choruses of Young Women in Ancient Greece (Lan-
Although the beginnings of cultivation must be identi-
ham, Md., 1997) is a detailed study of the girls’ initiation.
fied with the process just described, which took place in a
Fritz Graf’s “The Locrian Maidens,” in R. Buxton (ed.), Ox-
small area of Asia and Europe and involved the domestica-
ford Readings in Greek Religion (Oxford, 2000), pp.
tion of wild cereals, in premodern times the cultivation of
250–270 is an exemplary discussion of one complex of initia-
plants had already spread to all continents, and the Neolithic
tory myth and ritual.
revolution had taken place in most of the inhabited world.
J
At the beginning of the modern era, cultivation was present
AN N. BREMMER (1987 AND 2005)
in the indigenous cultures of all lands, with the exceptions
of Australia, the Arctic (for obvious climatic reasons), a wide
part of North America (the central Great Plains, inhabited
AGRICULTURE, the cultivation of plants for food and
only recently by the buffalo-hunting Plains Indians), and
other ends, as opposed to the use of plants as they grow natu-
smaller, isolated parts of other continents (usually those areas
rally in man’s environment, is a rather recent phenomenon
covered with tropical or equatorial forests and inhabited by
if considered relative to the time scale of the development
bands of hunter-gatherers). Scholars still debate whether the
of Homo sapiens. Scholars now agree in dating the most an-
presence of plant cultivation throughout the globe should be
cient archaeological traces of plant cultivation to the eighth
considered the result of a process of diffusion from the most
or seventh millennium BCE and in indicating not the valleys
ancient cradle of agriculture in the Old World or the result
of the Tigris-Euphrates and Nile, where the most ancient
of a series of independent inventions. However this question
urban civilizations are attested, but the higher lands lying
is approached, one should keep in mind that cultivation is
both west and east of Mesopotamia as the original cradles of
far from uniform and is far from corresponding everywhere
agriculture. The Natufian culture of Palestine and other sim-
to the model of cerealiculture in Europe and western Asia.
ilar communities and cultural complexes in Kurdistan (Zawi
Indeed, if we leave aside the relatively recent modifications
Chemi Shanidar) and northern Iraq (Karim Shahir) used
brought about by European colonization of other continents,
noncultivated (wild) wheat and barley.
six geographical, ecological, and cultural zones can be distin-
guished according to the types or groups of plants cultivated.
The first traces of agriculture proper are found in sites
The zones are as follows
such as Jericho (c. 7500 BCE), Jarmo (Iraqi Kurdistan), Tepe
Sarab (Iranian Kurdistan), and Çatal Hüyük (Anatolia) and
1. wheat zone: from Europe to China; secondary cereals:
can be dated to the seventh millennium at the latest; the Pal-
barley, spelt, oats; instrument: the plow
estinian early agrarian culture of the Yarmuk basin and the
2. rice zone: from India to Indonesia to southern China;
cultures of Al-Fayyum (Egypt) and of Tepe Siyalk (Iran)
instruments: plow and hoe
probably belong to the sixth millennium. Some scholars con-
sider the oldest agricultural communities of eastern Europe
3. millet and sorghum zone: sub-Saharan Africa; instru-
to be almost as ancient as these Asian civilizations; recently
ment: hoe
traces of very early plant cultivation (peas, beans, etc.) have
4. yam and taro zone: New Guinea, Melanesia, Polynesia;
been found in Thailand.
secondary plants: coconut palm, sago palm; instru-
The introduction of agriculture is not an isolated phe-
ments: digging stick and hoe
nomenon. It develops with the beginnings of animal domes-
5. maize zone: America, from eastern North America
tication and with a growth both in the population in general
through Central America and the Andes to northern
and in the size of settlements (some of the early agricultural
Chile and Argentina; secondary plants: in the north—
settlements of the cultures cited above, such as Jericho in Pal-
beans and pumpkins; in the south—potato and quinoa;
estine, cover a wide area, are fortified, and contain towers
instruments; digging stick and spade
and buildings constructed for collective, ceremonial use).
6. manioc (cassava) zone: Amazonian area and tropical
The origin of agriculture is also linked to the invention of
America; secondary plants: peanuts, sweet potato; in-
pottery and to more sophisticated techniques for making
struments: digging stick and spade
stone tools and weapons, although these last innovations are
not always synchronic with the introduction of cultivation.
As for the problem of the origin of cultivation in areas out-
Although the term Neolithic revolution, made popular by V.
side the original western Asian-eastern European zone where
Gordon Childe, expresses well the enormous importance of
cerealiculture began, there is increasing agreement on the
this series of radical innovations, the process was a slow one,
common origin of the cultivation of cereals in the Old World
extending across several millennia. According to recent
(although older, more complex theories still have their fol-
studies, the history of early forms of cultivation can be divid-
lowers). Specialists still disagree, however, on both the rela-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
186
AGRICULTURE
tionship between the origins of cultivation in the New and
mental sanctuaries, however, seem to belong to the later,
the Old World (a more recent, autonomous invention of cul-
Mesopotamian culture of Al-Ubayyid, dated from the end
tivation in America seems more probable) and the relative
of the fifth to the beginning of the fourth millennium.
ages of cereal and noncereal cultivation. According to some,
THE RITUAL CALENDAR AND THE GREAT FEAST. Although
the cultivation of noncereal plants (mainly tubers) is an im-
hunter-gatherer communities also organize their lives on a
poverished imitation of cerealiculture, whereas other scholars
seasonal basis, the yearly rhythm of labors is vital to cultiva-
consider the cultivation of noncereal plants to be older than
tors and implies both a cyclical perception of time and the
cerealiculture. This last hypothesis seems more probably cor-
necessity of organizing the yearly sequence with a new preci-
rect, at least in the case of some areas of the Americas. Exca-
sion. The introduction of cultivation is thus historically con-
vations in Venezuela and in Colombia show that cassava was
nected to the introduction of a calendar that responds to the
cultivated there long before maize; moreover, as mentioned
technological and ritual needs of that specific form of pro-
earlier, very ancient traces of noncereal cultivation have been
duction. The ritual aspects of cultivation and the rhythmic
discovered in Thailand.
periodicity of that economic form, in which periods of great
abundance are followed by periods of scarcity, require strong
The importance of the slow technological and economic
differentiations in time and the concentration of ritual ac-
(Neolithic) revolution that led many societies from a hunting
tions and festive behavior in specific, recurring periods or
and gathering economy to plant cultivation and animal hus-
days of the year. The yearly calendar of cultivators is thus a
bandry is indeed enormous; the only phenomenon we can
festive and ritual calendar.
compare it to is the great technological revolution of early
modern times, which led many societies, in a much shorter
The festive calendars of ancient societies, even though
timespan, into the modern industrial era. In transforming
they are often connected with more complex liturgical,
Homo sapiens from a mere consumer of natural goods into
mythological, and even theological conceptions, as well as
a producer, the development of agriculture drastically
with “political” celebrations, easily reveal their agricultural
changed the role of humanity within its environment, and
basis. Thus, the three main Israelite feasts recorded in the
thus the very nature of humankind. Moreover, it permitted
Bible are a feast of the beginning of the barley harvest, a sum-
a vast transformation of human life and activity, involving
mer feast of the end of the wheat harvest (ShavuEot), and an
both a demographic increase and the rise of more complex
autumn feast of ingathering, celebrating the collecting and
human settlements and communities. Agriculture required
storing of (noncereal) cultivated fruits (Sukkot or Asif).
an increasingly greater specialization, differentiation, and
Likewise, the Attic calendar of Classical times included
stratification within societies, and made possible and indeed
a feast preliminary to the plowing (Proerosia) immediately
necessary the “urban revolution” that was to follow within
followed by the feast of the Boiling of Beans (Puanopsia),
three or four millennia in Mesopotamia and Egypt. The con-
then by the ritual begging for gifts by children who carried
sequences of this development in the domain of religious life
a decorated branch of olive or laurel (eiresio¯n¯e), and by pro-
were far greater than can be illustrated in this article, which
cessions of people carrying bunches of grapes hanging from
deals exclusively with religious phenomena directly connect-
their branches (Oscophoria) or other, less easily identified
ed to cultivation. The historical roots of complex phenome-
objects (Thesmophoria). The other main agricultural feasts
na such as polytheism, the so-called gift-sacrifice, and priest-
of the Attic calendar were the spring festival of flowers and
hood, to name but three examples, lie in the humus prepared
new wine (Anthesteria), the wine festival of Dionysos
by the Neolithic revolution.
(Dionusia), the feasts of purification and offerings in prepa-
ration for harvesting (Thargelia), and the sacrifice of a plow
Our knowledge of the religiosity of Neolithic cultures
ox at the time of harvest (Bouphonia).
is limited not only by an obvious factor, the lack of any writ-
ten evidence, but also by a less obvious one, the abundance
The Roman archaic calendar includes a series of spring
of totally conjectural modern “reconstructions,” based upon
feasts dedicated to the worship of agrarian deities (in March
archaeological data. Even more limiting are a misconceived
and April: Liberalia, Consualia, Vinalia Priora, Robigalia);
comparison between modern “primitive” cultivators and the
a series of spring purification rites, connected to the return
peasant cultures of more complex historical societies and the
of the dead and to the gathering of broad beans (in May: pu-
generalizations of nineteenth-century scholarship. The data
rification fields, Lemuria, Kalendae Fabariae); summer festi-
furnished by sites such as Jericho (Palestine) and Çatal
vals connected with the harvesting and with the new wine
Hüyük and Hacilar (Anatolia) point to the cult of anthropo-
(in August: Vinalia Rustica, feast of Opeconsiva); a series of
morphic, mainly female, beings of various types and to ritu-
winter feasts of the plowing season (from December 15 to
als of the dead (in particular to the preservation and treat-
21: Consualia, Saturnalia, Opalia, Divalia, Larentalia); a
ment of human skulls), as well as to the importance of
winter feast for the protection of sown cereals (in January:
animals such as birds of prey, bulls, and leopards, often de-
Feriae Sementivae); and a winter month of purification of
picted in wall paintings. The cult was often domestic, but
people and fields (in February).
shrines of various sizes and shapes have been found, richly
The agricultural origin of most yearly festivals in mod-
decorated with paintings and sculptures. The first monu-
ern, as well as in ancient, cultivating societies can just as easi-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AGRICULTURE
187
ly be demonstrated. Here it suffices to cite the great Indian
nity; on their way to the field the young girls collect firewood
festivals of Dussehra and D¯ıva¯l¯ı; the former marks the end
to cook the offering, and beat whomever they meet with rods
of the rainy season and the beginning of agricultural labors
(the rods may be a fertility symbol). The chief announces the
and is concluded by a ritual quest for alms by people carrying
beginning of the harvesting. There was a time when anyone
small fresh shoots of barley plants, while the latter is a New
who began harvesting before the announcement would be
Year-like festival celebrating the sowing of the winter crops.
killed. The chief celebrates a private rite; a “public” rite then
takes place in the chief’s field, and each lineage celebrates its
The agricultural and festive calendars of cultivators out-
own rite in the lineage chief’s field. The preliminary rites
side of the wheat zone are no less rich and complex. The
consist of an offering of sugar cane to the sacred animals and
structure of the calendar and the types of festivals vary ac-
of preparation of beer by women. The young people then
cording to the ecological and climatic conditions, the types
perform a sacred dance; the sacred bull and its cow are led
of plants cultivated, and the cultural and social structure of
into the chief’s kraal and asperged with beer, while the
the various societies, as is shown by the following three
makhadzi (the sister of the former chief) recites a prayer to
examples.
the ancestors, saying: “I give you the first grains of the yearly
The Arapesh of northeastern New Guinea, who now
harvest; eat and be well; but what is now still in the fields,
cultivate a wide range of plants of various origins, are ruled
you should leave to us.” Listing all the names of ancestors
by an archaic ritual calendar that is based on the cultivation
she can remember, the makhadzi adds that the prayer is also
of yams and reflects a time system simpler than the one now
directed to those ancestors whose names have been forgotten.
in use for cultivation. The main feast, the Abullu, is based
The tombs and the places where the spirits of the dead dwell
upon the exhibition of each cultivator’s yam produce, fol-
are then ceremoniously visited, and offerings are left in spe-
lowed by the performance of special Abullu dances and
cial places for the wild animals (leopards, serpents, etc.) into
songs, which center on the most recent death of an impor-
which the dead are believed to be transformed.
tant member of the community, and by the distribution of
yams to the guests by each producer. The producer may not
The Venda’s harvest rituals are typical of the most im-
consume the yams himself and must be ritually purified be-
portant and widespread agricultural feast: the feast of har-
fore the feast, for he is considered to be in a state similar to
vesting and of first fruits. This is first of all a feast of abun-
that of parents immediately after childbirth.
dance after the long months of working and of waiting, of
success after the yearly risks and dangers represented by the
The rice-growing Ao-Naga of northeastern India have
uncertainties of rainfall and weather. Thus, it is celebrated
a complex festive calendar with three main feasts. The Moat-
by more or less unrestricted license and by excessive con-
su feast, celebrated at the end of the sowing period, is preced-
sumption. At the same time, it is a moment of great crisis,
ed by a night of sexual abstinence and consists of a ritual sus-
both because it causes excessive consumption and suspends
pension of order (the rigid rules relative to clothing and
productive work and because of the risk that accompanies
ornaments are not enforced; no Ao-Naga can be fined for
any liminal period as, specifically, the consumption of the
transgression) and of the renewal of the belts that hold the
first products of the year’s labor. The great feast of abun-
men’s dao (“daggers”). The Aobi feast precedes the beginning
dance and license is thus also celebrated with “protective” rit-
of the agricultural labors, and marks the end of the period
uals, such as ritual consecration of first fruits, purification
during which the Ao-Naga travel and trade. Its central fea-
and renewal of the community, and offerings and sacrifices
ture is the explusion of impurities from the village, both
(sometimes human sacrifice, as for example among the Aztec
through the disposal of the garbage collected from the vari-
of Mexico or the Dravidian Khond of eastern India) to vari-
ous households by a priest and by the symbolic concentra-
ous entities.
tion of impurities on the first stranger who enters the village
area. Finally, the end of the agricultural labors is marked by
The consumption of the first part of the new harvest in-
a feast, called Tsungremmung, mainly dedicated to the wor-
volves the end of a seasonal cycle of cultivation and the be-
ship of beings called tsungrem. The greatest of the tsungrem,
ginning of a new one, and thus a renewal of time: the harvest
Lichaba, a creator figure, is the main recipient of the festive
festival is a New Year feast, and the festive sacrifice is seen
offerings; pieces of pork are left out for him to consume in
as a cosmogonic act. In the great feast, the whole world starts
all the dwellings that are located at the edges of the village.
afresh, so that order is often ritually suspended, only to be
reinstated, as happened at the beginning of time.
The Venda of Transvaal, in South Africa, cultivate
maize and other plants (sweet potatoes, beans, pumpkins,
This suspension (and reinstatement) of the social and
melons) of various types and origins. Their main festivals cel-
cosmic order is the profound religious meaning of an impor-
ebrate the sowing and the harvesting. Before the sowing,
tant aspect of many seasonal festivals of cultivators and, in
each cultivator sends a small amount of mixed seeds to the
particular, of harvest festivals: the ritual orgy. Indeed, if en-
lineage chief, who prepares a sacred food by cooking all the
visaged in this context of periodic “rebirth,” the orgy is a
seeds together; the food is then offered to the ancestors, and
temporary suspension of the normal order of a given society
a rich harvest is asked of them. A similar rite takes place in
in favor of an “excessive” collective behavior (music, dance,
the chief’s field, with the participation of the whole commu-
banqueting, sexual intercourse) that is meant to sanction the
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AGRICULTURE
festive period and to renew and reinforce the vital energies
new religions either accepted and transformed or rejected
of the social group. Orgiastic behavior on special or festive
and tried to abolish the traditional rituals and feasts. A good
occasions is attested among all societies, but orgies have a
example of this complex situation is the traditional festive
specific importance and a particular meaning for cultivators.
calendar of European peasants. This calendar is the result of
Alimentary orgies are extremely frequent and important;
a complex interaction of an archaic agricultural festive system
they are most often a celebration of the harvest, a ritual re-
and Christian liturgy.
sponse to the sudden and disconcerting abundance of food
FIGURES AND DEITIES. The offerings cited above in connec-
after the long months of efforts and risks. Sexual orgies are
tion with some agrarian festivals are examples of an extremely
also frequent (they are attested among many societies of cul-
widespread typology of sacrificial offerings, ritual acts, and
tivators, from the Melanesian cultivators of tuberous plants
propitiatory prayers directed toward extrahuman entities of
to the cerealiculturalists of the Old World), and are connect-
various kinds that are believed to embody, or to control, the
ed with the harvest festivals (e.g., among the Fijians during
outcome of the labors of cultivation and the abundance of
the Nanga and Mbaki feast), with (spring) festivals of the
the harvest. Such beings or entities can be classified into four
growth of vegetation (e.g., in ancient China, in India during
main categories: (1) nonpersonified forces or (less correctly)
the Hol¯ı festival or during D¯ıva¯l¯ı), and with planting or
“spirits” that are believed to be active in the very growth and
sowing (e.g., among the Pipil of Central America). Although
nourishing properties of cultivated plants; (2) personified be-
it maintains its fundamental quality as a ritual disruption of
ings of different kinds, believed to embody, or to cause and
order and as a temporal heightening of social and individual
control, the growth of specific cultivated plants or, more gen-
life rhythms, the sexual orgy of cultivators also reflects the
erally, the produce of cultivation; (3) polytheistic gods and
solidarity between human sexuality and fecundity and the
goddesses who, within the context of the various pantheons,
fertility of cultivated plants that constitutes one of the central
are believed to control certain aspects of the agricultural
beliefs of those societies; the orgy possesses the specific func-
economy; (4) figures who, within “universal” and “founded”
tion of revitalizing the forces of vegetation. In this sense, it
(often monotheistic) religions, are believed to influence as-
is a collective counterpart of the “hierogamy” (ritual inter-
pects of the agricultural economy or the outcome of cultiva-
course or marriage between humans or symbolic figures to
tion in a context in which the total control over reality (and
enhance vegetal reproduction and growth during critical mo-
thus also over agriculture) is often attributed to a single prin-
ments of the agrarian year).
ciple or deity.
Just as all agricultural and horticultural labors have a rit-
The last two categories are most often historically de-
ual aspect or value, the festivals of cultivators, and the harvest
rived from the second. The polytheistic deities, however, are
festivals in particular, are an integral part of agricultural ac-
more completely integrated within a unified religiosity, and
tivities, and are organized as an aspect of the general econom-
constitute parts of a system of specialized extrahuman per-
ic activity of the social body. This is emblematically clear, to
sonalities. They may be officially in charge of cerealiculture
cite but one example, among the matrilinear maize cultiva-
(e.g., the ancient Greek goddess Demeter) or of such a specif-
tors of what is today New York State, the Iroquois of the Six
ic aspect as the diseases of wheat and barley plants (e.g., the
Nations, whose agricultural economy has recently been re-
Roman deity Robigo), but in all cases they are tied to all the
constructed. Among the Iroquois, at harvesttime labor was
other deities of their specific pantheon by genealogical,
distributed among three different groups of women. One
mythological, and ritual bonds. The entities who preside
group collected the maize ears in baskets, a second group
over aspects of cultivation within “founded” religions may
transported the cereal produce to the storage places, where
be secondary figures of the belief system of those religions
it was buried in underground pits, and a third group pre-
(such as angels, saints, or in some Christian contexts, the Vir-
pared the harvest festival. A part of the labor force employed
gin Mary), or else figures who clearly belong to a noncanoni-
in the harvesting was thus devoted to the preparation of the
cal, folkloric religiosity and resemble strikingly the entities
feast, in which the men also took part before leaving the vil-
and figures of the first and second types in our typology.
lage for long hunting expeditions in the forests.
Both types, however, are marginal to the central body of be-
lief, and their diffusion is limited, both geographically (to
The unity of productive and ritual activity, and of the
specific rural zones within the wide diffusion areas of the
seasonal-technical and the festive-ritual calendars, was thus
“great” religions) and socially (to the peasantry).
complete in all archaic communities of cultivators. In medi-
eval and modern times, especially in the wheat zone, this sit-
The existence of belief in the power of cultivated vegeta-
uation was increasingly modified by the development of the
tion (our first category) is usually deduced from a series of
liturgical calendars of the great “universal” religions (notably
ritual behaviors that has been interpreted as tending to act
Christianity and Islam), which were partly independent of
positively upon such a power. Such is the ritual treatment
the seasonal pattern of agriculture, and later of the “lay” fes-
of the first or last sheaf of grain among European and other
tive calendars. In this area, however, a specifically agricultural
cerealiculturists. In some cases, the ritually important (first
perception of time continued to exist side by side with the
or last) sheaf of the harvest is avoided by the cultivators, in
official calendars, and interacted with them dialectically. The
others, it is eagerly sought after. In some cases, it is taken to
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AGRICULTURE
189
the farm or settlement with great ritual pomp; in other cases,
cotton plant of the harvest to represent the Cotton Mother.
it is thrown away. This ambivalence, according to Mircea
We have seen the ritual treatment and the magico-symbolic
Eliade, is a consequence of the ambivalent meaning of the
value of the last sheaf among the agriculturists of the wheat
chosen sheaf, which is both dangerous and precious because
zone: the last sheaf, or a specially fashioned anthropomor-
it symbolically contains or embodies the power of the har-
phic image made of cereal stalks or straw, is identified in the
vested cereal. According to peasants of northern Europe
same contexts as figures variously named Old Man (Den-
(Finland, Estonia, Germany), the ritually chosen sheaf brings
mark, Poland, Arabia Petraea), Queen of the Grain (Bulgar-
good luck and blessings to the household, protects from dis-
ia), Old Woman (Germany, Scotland). The Berbers of Mo-
eases and lightning, and keeps mice away from the harvested
rocco used straw from the harvested fields to shape a female
grain. The sheaf can be used for divination of the marriages
image they dressed in a woman’s clothes that represented the
of young women (Estonia) or of the price of grain in the fol-
Bride of the Barley.
lowing year (Germany); it has magical properties in relation-
ship to childbirth (Finland), marriage (Scotland), and next
Such figures, seemingly so similar, differ widely in their
season’s harvest, so that some grain from the last sheaf of the
specific meanings and functions, as shown by the various
harvest is mixed with the seeds used for the next sowing
roles they play in the ritual contexts. They may be believed
(Scandinavia and Germany). The “power” of the cultivated
to be entities responsible for growth of cultivated plants, and
plants is similarly enhanced by other (e.g., hierogamic)
thus may be the recipients of offerings and prayers (Zara
rituals.
Mama, the maize mother of the Peruvians, for example, fash-
ioned in the shape of a doll from cobs and dressed elegantly,
Only very rarely, however, are beliefs and ritual behav-
was offered sacrifices and prayers). Or they may be believed
iors of this type not connected with some specific personifi-
to embody and to concentrate in themselves, rather than to
cation of the beings believed to embody or to control the sea-
control, that growth; in such cases they are ritually treated
sonal outcome of cultivation. Indeed, though the existence
in various ways, the two most frequent and meaningful of
of the first category of our typology is generally accepted by
which are the “death” pattern and the “wedding” pattern.
scholars, it would be possible to reformulate that category in
The better known is the death pattern, which can be illustrat-
favor of a widened scope of and differentiation within our
ed by the treatment of the last sheaf, identified as the Queen
second category.
of Grain by the Bulgarians; the sheaf is dressed in a woman’s
In any case, the second category of our typology is ex-
clothes, carried around in a procession, and then burned and
tremely vast and varied and includes at least three main sub-
scattered in the fields or thrown into a body of water. Such
categories: (a) beings connected to, and representative of,
rituals are usually interpreted as dramatizing the seasonal
specific cultivated plants, or the growth of cultivated vegeta-
cycle of cultivated plants, and their periodic “death” followed
tion in general; (b) earth-mother figures; (c) spirits of the
by their return or “rebirth” before the next harvesting—a
dead or ancestors.
theory shaped in the nineteenth century by James G. Frazer
and Wilhelm Mannhardt. The wedding pattern is exempli-
The first subtype is the most widespread and easily rec-
fied by the “marriage” of two fistfuls of rice, collected before
ognized. It is the nearest to the first category of our typology,
the harvesttime, practiced on the islands of Java, Bali, and
and the extrahuman beings classified as belonging to this
Lombok; the two fistfuls were treated like a pair of spouses,
subtype are often represented by harvested plants (some-
a wedding ceremony between them was celebrated, and then
times, the first or last or most beautiful plants of the harvest),
they were brought to the storehouse and stored there so that
often collected and tied together in the shape of a human
the rice could grow. Another example is that of the Barley
(most often, a female) figure, kept until the next harvesting
Bride of the Berbers of Morocco. Groups of women com-
season, and ritually treated in various ways. Figures of this
pleted for the honor of carrying the straw figure processional-
type are found on all continents. One may mention the Aztec
ly through the ripe crops; on other occasions, the male mem-
maize goddess; the Maize Mother of pre-Columbian Peruvi-
bers of the community appeared on horseback to fight for
ans, represented by a female image made with the biggest
her, thus imitating scenes that were normal for Berber wed-
maize cobs of the harvest; the analogous Quinoa Mother,
dings, including a simulated abduction of the bride. In other
Coca Mother, and Potato Mother, all similarly represented
areas, the two patterns appear together: in Denmark the fe-
by the same Peruvians; the various maize mothers, one for
male harvester dances with an image formed with the last
each type of maize, of the Pueblo Indians of the southwestern
sheaves; she cries while she dances, and is considered a
United States. The Karen of Burma invoke a personified
“widow” because she is married to a being who is going to
“spirit of the rice”; the Minangkabau of Sumatra use special
die.
rice plants to represent the rice mother Indoea Padi; and rice
mothers are known to the Tomori of Sulawesi and to the rice
If considered together, the various ritual treatments of
growers of the Malay Peninsula, who ritually treat the wife
the mythical figures embodying or controlling the outcome
of the cultivator as a pregnant woman during the first three
of cultivation clearly form a complex, well-structured strate-
days after the storing of the rice. The agriculturalists of the
gic system aimed at controlling the uncertainties of the spe-
Punjab fashioned a female figure from the most beautiful
cific modes of production. The death and the wedding pat-
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190
AGRICULTURE
terns, in particular, deal with the critical economic moment
contemporary statuettes from Çatal Hüyük and Hacilar are
represented by the harvesting. The death pattern ritually en-
never clearly associated with symbols pointing to agriculture,
acts, and thus controls, the very crisis represented by the final
but rather with animals such as vultures, leopards, and bulls.
moment of the cycle, symbolically overcome through the de-
In examining some examples of seasonal calendars per-
struction, and ritual reintegration (by throwing it in the
taining to cultivators, we have mentioned the connection be-
water or by spreading it on the fields) of the first (or last or
tween the dead and the products of cultivation. The most
“best”) part of the produce of cultivation, which represents
meaningful and widespread example of such a connection is
the cultivated plant or its “mother,” “queen,” “spouse,” and
the belief in the return of the dead during the harvest festival
so on. The wedding pattern ritually enacts, and thus con-
or great feast among Melanesian and Polynesian yam and
trols, the positive outcome of the efforts and risks of cultiva-
taro growers. The hungry dead are believed to invade the ter-
tion, and thus performs a symbolic fecundation of the culti-
ritory of the living in that festive time and are offered part
vated plant—and not just any fecundation, but a cultural
of the produce. Similar connections between fertility feasts
one, sanctioned by a marriage ritual, just as the fertilization
of agriculturalists and the return of the dead are not un-
of cultivated plants is felt to be a highly cultural phenome-
known to other societies of cultivators (e.g., the Christmas
non. The dramatic importance of the crisis ritually enacted
festivities of the northern European peasants involve both
and controlled by the death pattern is further clarified by the
the dead and a celebration of fertility and life).
fact that the death and burial of the representative of cultivat-
ed plants is often a symbolic but sometimes a real animal,
The offering of first fruits, or of parts of the produce of
or even human, ritual killing.
cultivation, to the returning dead has been interpreted by
Vittorio Lanternari as a response to the periodic crisis repre-
While the belief in “mother” figures who represent or
sented by the sudden abundance of food, and by the suspen-
control the reproductive power of the cultivated plants is
sion of the labors of cultivation after the harvesting. The
typical of cultivator societies, belief in an earth mother is not
earth, sacrilegiously tilled or dug by the cultivators, is seen
limited to those societies. Indeed, the personification of the
as the home of the dead, who belong to a sphere that, like
earth as a fecund mother, based on the simple symbolic con-
the virgin earth that must be “treated” by the cultivators, is
nection between female animal (human) fecundity and the
foreign and uncontrolled. By offering a part of the produce
fertility of the earth from which the plants grow, is not un-
to the returning dead the cultivators react to and control the
known to hunter-gatherer societies. On the other hand, most
seasonal crisis and risk. The dead, moreover, return collec-
of the data interpreted as pointing toward that belief are de-
tively, because the work of the cultivators is collective; they
rived from beliefs and cultic practices pertaining to polytheis-
return annually, at the end of the agrarian cycle. They enter
tic religions; the goddesses interpreted as earth figures are
the village because during the year the village has invaded the
usually complex deities, whose connection with the fertile
earth, their domain, to modify it; they are menacingly hun-
earth is only one aspect of their personalities. Nevertheless,
gry because, to satiate their own hunger, the living have at-
the earth complex, often coupled with a cult of the sky or
tacked the earth and shall attack it again the following year.
of a sky figure as a fertilizing father (dispenser of rain) and
with the equation between fecund women and the cultivated
Although this is probably a correct interpretation of the
earth, is present in many cultivators’ religions and survives
widespread belief in a collective and periodical return of the
in specific rituals (e.g., in formulaic prayers such as the
dead in crucial moments of the seasonal calendar of cultiva-
Anglo-Saxon invocation to Herce or the pseudo-Homeric
tors, other data point to different views of the relationship
hymn to Gaia, a polytheistic goddess whose name means
of the dead with the cultivated plants. In particular, the
“earth,” and who was invoked as a dispenser of crops). Earth-
strong connection between funerary, agrarian, and sexual rit-
mother beliefs are especially important in the “wheat zone,”
uals shows that the dead are often seen as active forces in the
where they are more central in cosmogonic and anthropo-
positive outcome of the labors of cultivation. The Bambara
genic myths than in direct connection with agriculture. The
of Mali, West Africa, for example, pour water over the head
fact that in many cultivating societies, and possibly in the
of the dead person and implore him or her to send them a
distant origins of cultivation, women were in charge of
good harvest; the Finnish cerealiculturalists mix bones or ob-
the domesticated plants enhanced the association between
jects belonging to the dead with the seed during the sowing
the female sphere and the cultivated earth. A variety of fe-
and return the objects to the graveyard after the harvest,
male figures, whose sexuality and fecundity are strongly
whereas German peasants similarly use soil they have dug out
stressed, are usually referred to the earth mother complex;
from a tomb. The equation between the seed or tuber, buried
they appear in the Old World from Neolithic times to later
in the ground, and the dead, whose memory continues in the
antiquity in the form of statuettes or in paintings and reliefs
life of their progeny, is probably the basic concept underlying
on pottery and elsewhere. The most ancient and important
these and similar cases. The structure of the ancient Chinese
documents pertaining to such figures may be the recently
peasant house described by Marcel Granet, with the inner
discovered paintings on the walls of a ceremonial building
section containing the stored grain, and near it the marriage
in the early agricultural settlement of Çatal Hüyük; but the
bed of the couple and the burial place of the family ancestors,
female figures depicted in those paintings and in roughly
is the best synthetic representation of such a conception.
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191
ORIGIN MYTHS. The beliefs discussed so far, which shape the
the body of a slain primordial being is the Hainuwele myth
ritual aspect of the activities of cultivators, are expressed just
of the islanders of Ceram (Indonesia), studied by Adolf E.
as clearly in the myths traditionally related to account for the
Jensen and used by him as a prototype of this category.
origins of cultivated plants or of the various technical and
Hainuwele, a young maid, was killed, her body was cut in
economic activities of cultivators, as well as to validate their
pieces, and the pieces were buried; from the various parts of
cultural systems.
her body, the various cultivated plants were born. The killing
of Hainuwele gave rise not just to the plants, but in different
Some myths stress the symbolic correspondence be-
ways to sexuality, to death, and to many cultural institutions.
tween the cultivated plants and human beings and between
Myths of this type are present in all continents. An American
sexual fecundity and vegetal fertility, the similarity between
example is the Maya account of the origin of maize from the
the techniques of cultivation and those of childraising, and
the “motherly” quality of the cultivated earth. Others give
heart of the Maize Mother. An African one is the Nzima
more attention to the (miraculous) origin of the cultivated
(Ghana) myth of the origin of that same plant. In the Nzima
plants or techniques of cultivation. Among these last myths,
myth, two female figures appear: a mother, the ancestress re-
Adolf E. Jensen distinguished two main, widespread types,
sponsible for the introduction of maize cultivation, and her
attributing to cultivators of tuberous plants the type of myth
daughter, sacrificed by the mother. An ancient Greek myth
that connects cultivation and death, mostly by recounting
of cerealiculture also features a mother and her daughter.
the birth of the cultivated plants from the body of a slain pri-
The goddess Demeter, angry because her young daughter
mordial being (the Hainuwele type) and attributing to ce-
Persephone has been abducted by the netherworld god,
realiculturalists myths of the theft of the basic cultivated ce-
causes the vegetation (specifically, cereals) to wither and
reals by primeval humankind. Jensen called the latter the
abandons the gods to travel among men. She is taken for an
Prometheus type, using the name of the Greek mythic figure
old woman and employed by a king and his wife as a nurse
Prometheus, who stole elements of human culture from the
for their baby. Although she is spied upon and interrupted
gods. But this rigid distinction should be abandoned, not
while trying to make the baby immortal by burning it, and
only because the origin of cereals is often connected to a
then leaves the king’s palace forever, condemning the baby
mythic killing (echoes of this are to be found, e.g., in the
to mortality, she teaches the king the Eleusinian mysteries.
Osirian mythology of the Egyptians) but also, or rather espe-
Finally, Persephone returns to the upper world, where she
cially, because the central theme of both these types, that of
will periodically reside, and the vegetation is revived. In other
the primeval guilt connected by origin myths to the begin-
versions, Demeter teaches the techniques of agriculture to a
nings of cultivation, can be shown to be more richly differen-
king who had helped her. This myth, in whatever version,
tiated. This theme includes at least (1) the killing of the pri-
sanctions mortality, agriculture, and the most famous of
meval figure (Hainuwele type); (2) the stealing of the original
Greek mystery rites as fundamental and related aspects of
cultivated plant (Prometheus type); and (3) the spying upon,
known since primeval times human existence and presents
and thus the offending of, a primeval generous female figure
a motherly figure as responsible for the origin of cultivation.
to whom the first introduction of cultivated plants or food
The correspondence between the female protagonists of
is attributed.
myths of this kind and the second type of extrahuman enti-
Two myths of the Kiwai of New Guinea are good exam-
ties described in the previous section is often explicit. How-
ples of the first type we have mentioned; they stress the earth-
ever, as in the myth of the Cochiti Pueblo of New Mexico,
mother and plant-child symbolism. One of these myths tells
the correspondence may be indirect. The Mother of the Indi-
of a woman named Opae, who gave birth but, having no
ans, we are told, abandoned her children; when they sent
husband and no idea of what a baby was, abandoned the
messengers to her underground dwelling to ask for her help
child. A bird took care of it and protected its body and arms
in a moment of crisis, she gave them the first maize “fetish”
with taro leaves; later the bird came back with some taro bark
or doll, made of a maize plant adorned with feathers and
and a taro root, covered the baby’s body with the bark, and
buckskin strings, a prototype of the object used by the
tied the root to its head. The root penetrated the ground and
Cochiti in agrarian rituals. Clearly, the maize figure is a sub-
started to grow, and the baby’s body was transformed into
stitute for the Mother, and, as in the case of Demeter in the
the first cultivated taro plant. The other Kiwai myth recounts
first version of her myth, it is ritual material connected with
the origin of yam cultivation. A man who had no wife dug
cultivation rather than cultivation itself that is given to hu-
a hole in the ground and had intercourse with the earth. But
mans by the disappearing female.
under the earth a woman was hidden, Tshikaro by name. She
As for the theme (subtype 3) of the offended superhu-
became pregnant, and, as is done with women at childbirth,
man female, it is present in many myths of the “excretion”
she was surrounded by an enclosure made of mats (the myth-
type. In a series of myths told by the Creek, Cherokee, and
ic prototype of the enclosures protecting the yam gardens of
Natchez maize growers of the southeastern United States, the
the Kiwai) and gave birth to many yam tubers.
mythic woman, who sometimes appears in the shape of a
The most famous myth that connects cultivation and
maize plant or cob, gives maize (and sometimes beans) to hu-
death by recounting the origin of the cultivated plants from
mans. She takes care of orphans and other needy people, and
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AGRICULTURE
for them she produces maize grains by rubbing her own
bread-of-life figure, thus introducing elements of the Hainu-
body. The woman is murdered in some versions, and in oth-
wele type into a traditional myth more similar to the Prome-
ers she offers herself in sacrifice; but in all versions of the
theus type.
myth, before dying, she instructs the people about the ac-
As shown by many of these examples, the myths about
tions they must perform in order to let maize and beans
the origin of cultivation point to crisis as well as to fertility.
spring forth from her body. Myths of this type are wide-
Many such myths present the cultivation of plants as an am-
spread. Two more examples will serve to indicate that the
biguous, dangerous innovation, caused by a primeval mis-
themes these myths have in common are not restricted to the
take or sin. The attitude they reflect is similar to that ex-
“excretion” motif but include the motif typical of the third
pressed by the ritual “return of the dead” during crucial
“subtype” of the classification given above.
moments of the seasonal cycle. The costs and risks of cultiva-
In a myth of the Toraja of Sulawesi (Indonesia), a fisher-
tion are expressed mythically and ritually by societies whose
man often left his wife to go on fishing expeditions; when
well-being, contingent upon the outcome of cultivation, is
he came back, he always found a large pot full of rice, but
perennially at stake, and must be continually reaffirmed both
his wife would not tell him from whence it had come. One
by technical and by ritual and ideological means. By relegat-
day, he spied on her through a fissure in the wall of their
ing the nonagrarian life to a distant past, and by showing the
dwelling and saw that she rubbed her hands together over
positive consequences of the “sacrilegious” invading of un-
the pot and thus filled it with rice. Disgusted by this discov-
controlled nature by human endeavor, the founding myths
ery, he reproached her for this unclean procedure; as a result
of cultivators reinforce the cultural and economic systems
of his reproaches the woman transformed herself into a rice
that express them and protect the social body against a recur-
plant, and he became a sago palm. The yam and taro growers
rent series of cyclical crises.
of Melanesia and New Guinea have similar myths (in New
RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL VALUES OF CULTIVATORS. In many
Guinea, the myths are about Yam Woman, who miraculous-
origin myths the female responsible for the beginning of cul-
ly produces yams from her own body), but a complex myth,
tivation acted in favor of helpless or derelict children who
very similar to the American and Indonesian myths, is to be
did not belong to a system of family solidarity (e.g., or-
found among the Maori of New Zealand and accounts for
phans), or she is presented as a generous nourisher. This
the origin of the kumara (sweet potato). The goddess Pani
mythic trait corresponds well to the importance of hospitali-
took care of two young orphaned nephews and nourished
ty among cultivators and to the periodic redistribution of the
them with baked kumara; the two brothers, who loved this
produce of cultivation on festive occasions that reach their
previously unknown food, kept asking where it came from,
peak in the alimentary orgy and in the offerings of first fruits
but Pani would not tell them. One day, one of the brothers
to the returning dead on ritual occasions. The foundation of
spied on her and discovered that she drew the sweet potatoes
all these conceptions, beliefs, and behaviors is the economic
from her own body while lying in the water. In another ver-
life that cultivation makes possible, a stable way of life in
sion, she obtained the kumara by rubbing her hands on her
which the relative abundance of food makes further econom-
belly. The boy told his brother: “We are eating Pani’s excre-
ic and cultural changes possible, makes the redistribution of
tions.” Ashamed, Pani retired to the netherworld, where one
the yearly produce among the members of the community
of the nephews magically reached her and found her cultivat-
a vital task, and provides a surplus for ritual and even orgias-
ing kumara.
tic consumption on given seasonal occasions.
In America, Indonesia, and New Zealand a female fig-
A relatively egalitarian ideology of collective labor, fes-
ure is thus believed to have obtained the main cultivated
tive consumption, generalized redistribution, and hospitable
plant from her own body and to have given it generously to
generosity is typical of the less complex societies of cultiva-
the needy; it is further recounted that she was spied on while
tors. It is replaced by an ideology of vertical concentration
doing this, and that, ashamed or offended, she disappeared,
and redistribution in societies in which production, distribu-
having given rise to the cultivated plants and to the techiques
tion, and consumption of agrarian produce become more
of agriculture. The similarity between these myths and the
complex, tasks and roles become more differentiated, and a
ancient Greek myth about Demeter is striking, and points
privileged status is assumed by a group or a person, chief, or
to connections between the origin myths of cerealicultural-
king. The cooperation and solidarity necessary to obtain and
ists and those of other cultivators. The complexity of histori-
share a good harvest are identified with the ability of the rul-
cal derivations and typological connections between the vari-
ers to organize, to judge, and to distribute the yearly produce.
ous origin myths can be illustrated by one last, paradoxical
Harvest festivals, as happen in Africa in the Swazi kingdom,
example. In mythical times, according to traditional Maya
may become the occasion for ritual dramas of rebellion and
beliefs, the rain god hit with his lightning the rock in which
reproach, enhancing and upholding the “rights” of the sub-
the maize god was hidden, and the maize god was born, the
jects and stressing the “duties” of the rulers. On the other
answer to the prayers of primeval, needy mankind. The later,
hand, in societies such as these the sanctity of the (private)
christianized culture of Guatemala and Yucatán, however,
property of the land, and of its symbol, the boundary stone,
reinterpreted the ancient Maya maize god as a Christ-like,
is upheld by religious beliefs and sactions; the other face of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AGRICULTURE
193
kingly generosity, the periodic tribute of a part of the agrari-
SEE ALSO Calendars; Culture Heroes; Neolithic Religion;
an produce to the rulers, is also upheld by sacred sanctions.
Seasonal Ceremonies; Vegetation.
Just as the importance of social solidarity for the very
BIBLIOGRAPHY
survival of agrarian communities is stressed by beliefs and
A useful treatment of agriculture and cultivation throughout the
rites based upon redistribution and consumption, other as-
world, with special attention to primitive societies, is Vinigi
pects of the ethos of cultivators are expressed by other reli-
Grottaneli’s Etnologica: L’uomo e la civita, vol. 2, Le opere
gious complexes. Despite the importance of sexual license
dell’uomo (Milan, 1965); see pages 573–754. On the origin
and festive license of various types in the religiosity of culti-
of agriculture in the Neolithic period, see Sonia Cole’s The
vators, the belief that the respect of social and religious rules
Neolithic Revolution, 5th ed. (London, 1970), and other
and prohibitions, of ritual purity, and of sexual purity in par-
studies quoted by Grottanelli and by Mircea Eliade in A His-
ticular is essential for the good functioning of cultivation is
tory of Religious Ideas, vol. 1, From the Stone Age to the Eleu-
sinian Mysteries (Chicago, 1978), chapter 1. On Neolithic re-
a worldwide feature. The ritual purity of the peasants of
ligion, the most ambitious study is the volume on eastern
modern northern Europe is obtained by a bath and the don-
European Neolithic religions by Marija Gimbutas, The God-
ning of new or clean clothes before the main agricultural la-
desses and Gods of Old Europe, 6500–3500 B.C., 2d rev. ed.
bors, such as plowing or sowing or reaping. The importance
(Berkeley, 1982). The main works on the religiosity and cults
of virgins, old men and women, and even eunuchs in rituals
of agriculturalists, which shaped the field for many decades,
and cults either directly agrarian (such as the ancient Egyp-
are Wilhelm Mannhardt’s Wald- und Feldkulte, 2 vols.
tian rites performed by castrated men to ensure the yearly
(1875–1877; reprint, Darmstadt, 1963), his Mythologische
Nile inundation and the fertility of the fields) or linked to
Forschungen aus dem Nachlasse (Strassburg, 1884), and James
mother goddesses is an extreme aspect of this symbolic com-
G. Frazer’s The Golden Bough, 3d ed., rev. and enl., 12 vols.
plex. In many hierarchical societies, the chief or king must
(London, 1911–1915). Within Frazer’s huge work the books
live in a perpetual state of ritual purity. This purity is be-
treating myths and rituals of agriculture more specifically are
Adonis, Attis, Osiris, 2 vols. (London, 1914), and Spirits of the
lieved to have a direct influence upon the agrarian produce
Corn and of the Wild, 2 vols. (London, 1912).
and is upheld by a complex series of norms and taboos.
Other important, later contributions on agrarian rituals and be-
The correct distribution of the yearly produce of culti-
liefs, which approach the agricultural material from the view-
vation and the correct functioning of ritual and social norms
point of theories based primarily on the study of cerealicul-
are thus no less important in the religious life of cultivators
turalist peasants, include Aukusti V. Rantasalo’s Der
than sexual symbolism or the belief that extrahuman entities
Ackerbau in Volksaberglauben der Finnen und Esten mit ents-
control or embody the growth of cultivated plants. Of equal
prechenden Gebrauchen der Germanen vergleichen, 5 vols.
(Helsinki, 1919–1925), and Johann Jakob Meyer’s Trilogie
importance is the religious aura surrounding the specific
altindischer Mächte und Feste der Vegetation, 3 vols. (Zurich
technical aspects of agrarian production; the sanctity of ani-
and Leipzig, 1937). Vladimir I. Propp’s Russkie agrarnje
mals such as the plow ox in ancient Greece or of objects such
prazdniki (Leningrad, 1963), an interesting study of Russian
as the plow among early modern Italian peasants and the ag-
agrarian festivals, follows Frazer with some modifications. An
riculturists of Madagascar today are good examples. What is
Italian translation is available: Feste agrarie russe (Bari, 1978).
most meaningful, however, is the widespread sacrality of the
An important criticism of the views of Mannhardt and Frazer
general complex of technical knowledge and ritual lore nec-
is C. W. von Sydow’s “The Mannhardtian Theories about
essary to cultivation.
the Last Sheaf and the Fertility Demons from a Modern
Critical Point of View,” Folklore 45 (1934): 291–309, re-
Technical knowledge and ritual lore are often believed
printed in C. W. von Sydow’s Selected Papers on Folklore
to have been learned from extrahuman beings in mythic
(Copenhagen, 1948). The most important recent contribu-
times. Moreover, the acquiring of that knowledge is often
tion on “agrarian” religions is Mircea Eliade’s A History of Re-
connected with a primeval mistake or sin and is tied to the
ligious Ideas, vol. 1 (cited above), where the central ideas ex-
origins of the main cultural traits of the society that are ex-
pressed in his Patterns in Comparative Religion (New York,
pressed in myth, as well as to the beginnings of human mor-
1958), chaps. 7–9, are developed and at times modified.
tality. The fact that the Eleusinian mysteries are mythically
Good studies of the religiosity of cultivators outside the “wheat
founded by a narrative tradition that also recounts the divine
zone” are Marcel Granet’s Festivals and Songs of Ancient
origin of agriculture may point to an intrinsic connection be-
China (1919; New York, 1932) and Bronislaw Malinowski’s
Coral Gardens and Their Magic, 2 vols. (London, 1935). The
tween the technical-ritual knowledge necessary for cultiva-
ethnographical bibliography on the religiosity of primitive
tion and the ritual and symbolic knowledge about the reli-
cultivators is huge; a most important study of the subject is
gious value of human life that was the object of what we call
the book by Vittorio Lanternari, “La Grande Festa”: Vita ri-
“mystery” cults. This point aside, the agrarian connections
tuale e sistemi di produzione nelle società tradizionali, 2d ed.
of the ancient mystery cults are beyond doubt, as are the con-
(Bari, 1976). On the beliefs and rituals of cultivators, Angelo
nections between the eschatological and soteriological expec-
Brelich’s Introduzione alla storia delle religioni (Rome, 1966)
tations the mystery cults express and the agriculturist’s
is also useful.
awareness of the perennial repetition of the agrarian cycle of
On earth-mother figures, see Albrecht Dieterich’s Mutter Erde, 3d
the “death” and “rebirth” of plants.
ed. (Leipzig, 1925), and the criticism by Olof Pettersson,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
194
AGUDAT YISRADEL
Mother Earth: An Analysis of the Mother Earth Concepts Ac-
Agudath Israel (Union of Israel), commonly abbreviated as
cording to Albert Dieterich (Lund, 1967). On the earth-
“Agudah,” is derived from a passage in Jewish High Holy
mother figurines, see Peter J. Ucko’s study Anthropomorphic
Day liturgy that speaks of all creatures forming “one union”
Figurines of Predynastic Egypt and Neolithic Crete (London,
to do God’s will. Established in order to preserve the tradi-
1968).
tional Jewish way of life and to counter the influence of com-
The following sources treat the origin myths: Adolf E. Jensen’s
peting secular or religious ideologies, Agudat YisraDel never-
Das religiöse Welbild einer frühen Kultur, 2d ed. (Stuttgart,
theless adopted a series of ideological and organizational
1949); Carl A. Schmitz’s “Die Problematik der mytho-
innovations. The very act of organizing an Orthodox politi-
logeme ‘Hainuwele’ und ‘Prometheus,’” Anthropos 55
cal party was in itself a concession to the sociopolitical exi-
(1960): 215–238; Atsuhiko Yoshida’s “Les excrétions de la
Déesse et l’origine de l’agriculture,” Annales: Économies, socié-
gencies of the time, which more extreme Orthodox elements
tés, civilisations 21 (July-August 1966): 717–728; and Gud-
opposed on principle.
mund Hatt’s “The Corn Mother in America and in Indone-
HISTORY. The initiative for the formation of Agudat YisraDel
sia,” Anthropos 46 (1951): 853–914.
came from the separatist Orthodox communities of Germa-
New Sources
ny united in the Freie Vereinigung für die Interessen des
Baudy, Dorothea. Römische Umgangsriten. Berlin-New York,
Orthodoxen Judentums. They envisioned a worldwide
1998. Interpretation of Roman agrarian rituals in ethnologi-
union of Orthodox Jewry that would enlist the great rabbini-
cal perspective.
cal figures of eastern Europe and the Orthodox masses there
Baudy, Gerhard. Adonisgärten. Studien zur antiken Samensym-
in the fight against Zionism and Reform Judaism. At about
bolik. Frankfurt am Main, 1986. The gardens of Adonis in-
the same time (early twentieth century), some eastern Euro-
terpreted in the frame of agrarian rituality.
pean rabbis made abortive attempts at providing an Ortho-
Baudy, Gerhard. “Cereal Diet and the Origins of man. Myths of
dox alternative to the Zionist and Jewish socialist parties. Or-
the Eleusinia in the Context of Ancient Mediterranean Har-
thodox rabbi and historian Yitsh:aq Eizik: ha-Levi brought
vest-Festivals.” In Food in Antiquity, edited by John Wilkins.
together representatives of the Freie Vereinigung and the
Exeter, U.K., 1995, pp. 177–195.
eastern European rabbinate at Bad Homburg (1909), a meet-
Bausinger, Hermann. Volkskultur in der technischen Welt. Stutt-
ing that laid the groundwork for what became Agudat Yis-
gart, 1961, 2d edition, Frankfurt am Main, 1986. Criticism
raDel. The decision of the Tenth Zionist Congress (1911) to
of agrarian interpretations in German folklore.
embark on a full-fledged educational and cultural program
Massenzio, “Vegetationskult.” In Handbuch religionswissenschaftli-
in the Diaspora gave further impetus for an Orthodox coun-
cher Grundbegriffe, vol. 5, edited by H. Cancik, B. Gladigow
tereffort. Elements of the religious Zionist Mizrah:i move-
and K.-H. Kohl. Stuttgart, 2001. A recent synthesis on vege-
tation and fertility issues in comparative religious studies,
ment that broke with the Zionist Organization over this de-
though very parochial in its perspective since the discussion
cision joined the groups founding Agudat YisraDel.
is based on a selection of Italian literature.
The founding conference of the world Agudat YisraDel
Müller, Klaus E. Die bessere und die schlechtere Hälfte. Ethnologie
was held in Kattowitz, Upper Silesia (now Katowice, Poland)
des Geschlechterkonflikts. Frankfurt-New York, 1984. Gender
in May 1912, with some three hundred delegates in atten-
roles and gender conflict in agrarian primal cultures.
dance. This conference began the delicate task of uniting
Müller, Klaus E. “Grundzüge der agrarischen lebens- und Weltan-
under one organizational roof representatives of Orthodox
schauung.” Paideuma 19–20 (1973–1974): 54–124. The
communities from Germany, from Russia, Poland, and Lith-
most complete and updated treatment of the relationship be-
tween religion and agriculture in a cross-cultural perspective
uania, and from Hungary. Though these communities
based on a culture-historical approach.
shared opposition to Zionism and other secular ideologies,
they divided over many religious issues of both style and sub-
Sabbatucci, Mistica agraria e demistificazione. Rome, 1986. Agrari-
an mysticism demystified in post-modern vein.
stance. Beginning at Kattowitz, the compromise view that
prevailed granted autonomy within the framework of Agu-
Schlatter, Gerhard. “Agrarische Riten.” In Handbuch religion-
dah to each brand of Orthodoxy to follow its path on the
swissenschaftlicher Grundbegriffe, vol. 2, edited by H. Cancik,
B. Gladigow and M. Laubscher, pp. 417–419. Stuttgart,
local and regional level with no coercion on the part of other
1988.
brands to accept their views. Thus the Frankfurt Orthodox
allowed wide secular education, adopted German speech and
Weber-Kellermann. Erntebrauch in der ländlichen Arbeitswelt des
19. Jahrhunderts auf Grund der Mannhardtbefragung in
dress, but demanded a separatist Orthodox community; their
Deutschland von 1865. Marburg am Lahn, Germany, 1965.
Polish counterparts clung to Yiddish, preferred traditional
A reappraisal of Mannhardt’s vegetation theory.
Jewish dress and education, and refused to secede from qehil-
lah (Jewish community) boards, where they often constitut-
CRISTIANO GROTTANELLI (1987)
Revised Bibliography
ed the largest group.
The Kattowitz Conference set up a temporary council,
whose task would be to stimulate Orthodox organization in
AGUDAT YISRADEL is the world movement of Ortho-
Germany and other countries, and nominated the first
dox Jewry, founded in 1912. The name Agudat YisraDel, or
MoEetset Gedolei ha-Torah (Council of Torah Sages), the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AGUDAT YISRADEL
195
rabbinical body designed to review and supervise all major
Land of Israel. In the 1920s and early 1930s, it strove for rec-
decisions of the movement. Preparations began for conven-
ognition of the separate status of the old ultra-Orthodox
ing in August 1914 the supreme body of the world Agudah,
community and resisted inclusion in the general representa-
to be known as the Kenesiyyah Gedolah (Great Assembly,
tive bodies of the organized Jewish community. By the mid-
a name derived from a phrase in Avot 4.11, “an assembly for
thirties, however, waves of Orthodox immigrants from Ger-
the sake of heaven”), an Orthodox equivalent of and answer
many and Poland altered the balance of power in the Agudah
to the Zionist congresses. The first meeting of the Great As-
in Palestine in favor of more participation in and cooperation
sembly, postponed because of the outbreak of war, did not
with the general community. Those who supported the
take place until 1923.
old separatist line in Palestine eventually broke with Agudat
YisraDel.
The German occupation of Poland opened up new op-
portunities for the organization of Orthodox Jewry in the
The destruction of most of European Jewry in the
east. Attached as advisers to the occupation authorities, rep-
Holocaust wiped out the major centers of Agudat YisraDel as
resentatives of the Freie Vereinigung won the trust of the
well, and Israel and the United States became the primary
Polish rabbis and Hasidic leaders and launched the substan-
locations of party activity from then on. During the war
tive organization of Agudah in Poland, which would become
years, Agudah activists inside and outside Nazi-occupied Eu-
the largest and most politically active branch of the move-
rope endeavored to rescue rabbis and others. On occasion,
ment. Drawing its strength mainly from the followers of the
Agudah dissented from general Jewish policies by its at-
Hasidic rebe of Gur (Góra Kalwaria), the Polish Agudah
tempts at direct financial aid to Jews in the European ghet-
elected deputies to the Polish parliament and numerous city
tos, despite criticism that such help aided the enemy by
councils, and it won control of many Jewish qehillot (com-
breaking the economic boycott of Nazi-held Europe.
munity councils), including those of the two largest commu-
nities, Warsaw and Lódz´.
In the postwar period, Agudah took immediate steps to
resume the full range of activities among the survivors in the
The interwar period, punctuated by the three Great As-
European displaced-persons camps. The depleted ranks at-
semblies of 1923, 1929, and 1937, witnessed the consolida-
tending the world executive council meeting in 1947 showed
tion and expansion of Agudah’s work on the national and
the great losses Agudah had suffered, but it also demonstrat-
international levels. The world movement established both
ed the party’s determination to remain a force in the Jewish
a Qeren ha-Torah (Torah Fund) to support Orthodox edu-
world.
cational institutions and a Qeren ha-Yishuv (Settlement
Fund) to support Orthodox efforts in Palestine, which re-
Israel became the major arena for Agudah activities. In
ceived no aid from the Zionist organizations. Through the
the 1940s, as a Jewish state came closer to reality, Agudah
work of Qeren ha-Torah, local communities rebuilt schools
made peace with the idea of a Zionist-dominated state, and
destroyed during the war and set up new schools. Agudah
it, too, issued a call for Jewish independence. Agudah think-
politicians intervened with government officials in various
ers even drafted a constitution for a state based on Torah.
countries to remove bureaucratic obstacles to the mainte-
For the first time, Agudah joined the religious Zionist
nance of traditional education. In Poland they gained gov-
Mizrah:i party in a United Religious Front to press the claim
ernment recognition of Agudah schools, although this in-
for maintenance of minimal religious standards in public life,
volved the addition of some secular subjects to the
including observance of the Sabbath and dietary laws in pub-
curriculum of the h:eder (lit., “room”), the traditional Jewish
lic institutions, rabbinical control of marriage and divorce,
religious school. Even more innovative was Agudah’s adop-
and government support for religious education. As a mem-
tion and promotion of the Beit YaEakov schools for girls. In
ber of the governing coalition, Agudah received special sup-
the eyes of Agudah leaders, the threats facing Orthodoxy jus-
port for its school system, as well as exemption from military
tified such a step. An entire network of (generally supple-
service for religious girls and yeshivah students. In the early
mentary) primary and secondary girls’ schools developed,
1950s, Agudah left the coalition over the issue of compulsory
with teachers supplied by a central teachers’ seminary in Cra-
alternative national service for women. As an opposition
cow. The Beit YaEakov system soon spread to other countries.
force, it railed against what it considered breaches of Jewish
tradition, such as overly liberal autopsy and abortion laws or
On the international level, Agudat YisraDel endeavored
the raising of pigs on Jewish farms. Electorally, Agudat Yis-
to provide an independent Orthodox viewpoint on all major
raDel has consistently won the votes of approximately 3 per-
Jewish issues. It most vehemently reacted to matters of spe-
cent of the Israeli electorate (four seats in the 120-seat Knes-
cial concern to Orthodox Jewry, such as proposed calendar
set). In the 1984 elections, however, defections of Sefardic
reform or attacks on Jewish ritual slaughter. It consistently
and some non-Hasidic Ashkenazic elements to the new Shas
denied the right of secular Jewish organizations to speak in
party halved Agudah’s Knesset representation. The 1988
the name of all Jewry.
elections witnessed a further split in the Agudah’s ranks, as
Though debate flared up on occasion within Agudah
tensions of long standing between Hasidic and non-Hasidic
ranks over the centrality of Palestine in the Agudah agenda
elements in the party led the latter to form the separate Degel
and worldview, Agudah developed an active presence in the
Hatorah (“banner of Torah”) party. Despite the party split,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
196
AGUDAT YISRADEL
the truncated Agudah actually increased its representation to
for women (Neshei Agudah, founded 1929), and for Ortho-
five seats, largely due to the one-time support and active
dox workers (PoEalei Agudah, founded 1923). Of these orga-
campaigning by the Habad Lubavich Hasidic group. In sub-
nizations PoEalei Agudah showed the most independence in
sequent elections, the two factions reunited in the United
attempting to represent the interests of its declared constitu-
Torah Judaism party. Each faction, however, maintained its
ency. It proved to be an almost constant source of friction
own rabbinic advisory council. In the sixteenth Knesset
within the Agudah camp, and in Israel PoEalei Agudah even-
(elected 2003), United Torah Judaism held five seats.
tually split with the parent body and ran independent lists
of candidates. Agudah also had its own press and school
Both in Israel and the United States, Agudat YisraDel has
systems.
made a generally successful adjustment to its new status of
representing a small minority within Jewry. In Israel, it has
IDEOLOGY. With a few notable exceptions, such as Isaac Br-
become a regular, accepted part of the political scene. In
euer (of Germany, later Palestine), the rabbis and publicists
1977, after a quarter century in the opposition, it joined the
associated with Agudat YisraDel offered no systematic presen-
center-right Likud coalition, but without representation in
tations of party doctrine. Nevertheless, an examination of
the cabinet. In 1984, the reduced Agudah delegation partici-
newspaper articles, propaganda pamphlets, party proclama-
pated in the national unity coalition that forms the govern-
tions, and rabbinic writings reveals some common themes
ment, this time demanding and receiving a subcabinet ap-
that run through Agudah thought from its beginnings to the
pointment. In the United States, Agudah began functioning
present.
effectively only during World War II. It built its strength on
A major ideological innovation of Agudat YisraDel was
the transplanted remnants of Frankfurt Orthodoxy and
the doctrine of da Eat Torah (“Torah view”). According to
Holocaust survivors from eastern Europe, but eventually it
this doctrine, the authority of the scholars who stood at the
built a local constituency from the graduates of Agudah-
head of the movement extended to matters of economics and
affiliated educational institutions and members of Agudah-
politics and was not limited to strictly religious matters. In
affiliated synagogues. Agudah has become the principal voice
a paradoxical twist, those men totally immersed in the study
of independent Orthodoxy, being free of the “taint” of coop-
of Torah and furthest removed from everyday events are pro-
eration with the non-Orthodox movements in rabbinical or
claimed to be best able to decide matters of political and so-
congregational umbrella organizations. Agudah activists have
cial policy. Thus Agudat YisraDel as a party benefited from
adapted to American political conditions as an effective lob-
the unerring judgment and the aura of holiness of the Torah
bying group, with influence on the state and federal levels
scholars who, theoretically at least, supervised all party activi-
and a growing presence in some local Jewish federations.
ties. Da Eat Torah is an essentially defensive doctrine, the re-
ORGANIZATION AND BRANCHES. In theory, the supreme
sponse of an embattled traditional leadership elite to the rise
body of Agudah is the Council of Torah Sages, the institu-
of alternative leaders and doctrines.
tional fulfillment of Agudah’s slogan, “To solve all the prob-
lems of the day according to Torah and tradition.” In reality,
From the beginning, Agudah rejected the ideology of
the council has met only infrequently as a formal body, and
secular Zionism. At the same time, though, it consistently
any ongoing rabbinical supervision of party affairs has come
stressed its support for increased Jewish settlement in Pales-
by way of informal consultations with key rabbis. In recent
tine. The point of contention was the character of the Jewish
decades, however, the functioning of the rabbinical council
center being built there. Agudah wished to strengthen the
both in Israel and the United States has become more regu-
old centers of learning and to ensure that the new settlement
larized and more closely approximates its original intended
be based on traditional Jewish values and laws. Agudah saw
function. The Israeli council has, however, been paralyzed
solely territorial rebirth of the Jewish people as insufficient.
for considerable periods by differences of opinion within its
Even in the Land of Israel, Jews could not survive without
ranks, which resulted in the council not being convened.
the Torah. Since the Torah stood at the center of Agudah’s
concerns, it could never accept the official position of the Zi-
In addition to the Council of Torah Sages, the supreme
onist movement that religion was a private matter.
deliberative body of Agudat YisraDel is the Great Assembly,
which is convened every five years. In between Great Assem-
In the long run, a detailed party program and ideology
blies, a central council of one hundred elected delegates from
have not been crucial for Agudat YisraDel. It has turned to
the assembly meets annually to assess party affairs. Manage-
its constituency not on the basis of any specific program but
ment of day-to-day matters rests with a small executive com-
on the basis of the collective charisma of the Torah sages and
mittee. Organization of Agudah on the national and regional
a general desire to defend traditional Judaism at all costs.
level in the United States, Israel, and Europe follows the
same general pattern.
SEE ALSO Orthodox Judaism; Schenirer, Sarah.
Within the Agudat YisraDel movement there also devel-
oped a number of subsidiary and auxiliary organizations.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
These included organizations for youth (TseEirei Agudah,
Bacon, Gershon C. The Politics of Tradition: Agudat Yisrael in Po-
founded 1919), for girls (Benot Agudah, founded 1925/6),
land, 1916–1939. Jerusalem, 1996.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AHIM
: SA¯
197
Friedenson, Joseph. “A Concise History of Agudath Israel.” In
nouncer’s way of life became the ideal behavior. Magico-
Yaakov Rosenheim Memorial Anthology, pp. 1–64. New York,
ritualistic attitudes subsided in favor of ethical and mystical
1968.
values: Thus the Upanis:adic sages point to the identity of
Mendelsohn, Ezra. “The Politics of Agudas Yisroel in Inter-War
a¯tman and brahman and praise the one who “sees the Self
Poland.” Soviet Jewish Affairs 2 (1972): 47–60.
in (his) self, sees the Self in everything. . . .” In this way,
Mittleman, Alan. The Politics of Torah: The Jewish Political Tradi-
the traditional, magical fear of retaliation was replaced by a
tion and the Founding of Agudat Israel. Albany, 1996.
sense of fellow feeling towards all that lives; ahim:sa¯, endowed
Schiff, Gary S. Tradition and Politics: The Religious Parties of Israel.
with an indubitably positive value, was expanded into such
Detroit, 1977.
concepts as “compassion” (daya¯), a virtue that is required
particularly of those who strive after liberation, regardless of
Vital, David. A People Apart: A Politcal History of the Jews in Eu-
rope 1789–1939, pp. 616–640, 785–789. New York, 2001.
the community to which they belong.
GERSHON C. BACON (1987 AND 2005)
The first major vow taken by Brahmanic ascetics and
by Buddhist and Jain religious mendicants alike is that life
should not be destroyed, whether in mind, in words, or in
deeds. The Jains especially emphasize the unique importance
AHIM:SA¯. The Sanskrit term ahim:sa¯ (literally “non-
of this pledge (which their lay believers also take), and em-
injury”), often translated as “nonviolence,” has been taken
phasize that all forms of violence, including the passions, de-
into Western languages as a result of the influence of Mohan-
stroy the soul’s ability to attain ultimate perfection; in addi-
das Gandhi. Gandhi explicitly associated ahim:sa¯ with chasti-
tion, that violence turns against the very person who does not
ty and the absence of possessions as well as with the convic-
refrain from it.
tion that one should identify with all beings; he considered
ahim:sa¯ to be based on self-control, necessitating preliminary
The observance of ahim:sa¯ naturally implies many re-
(self-)purification. He also stressed that ahim:sa¯ is a condition
strictions as far as the mendicant’s diet is concerned. The
of truth, which in turn can be equated with God. Hence
only acceptable food is that which can be prepared without
Gandhi’s invitation, in the last sentence of his autobiogra-
taking another life; meat-eating is thus shunned. In a more
phy: “In bidding farewell to the reader . . . I ask him to join
extreme view, plants that are cultivated and then cut and de-
me in praying to the God of Truth that He may grant me
stroyed to become food are also forbidden. The ideal diet,
the boon of ahim:sa¯ in mind, word and deed” (Gandhi,
then, consists of fruits, which fall naturally from the trees.
1929).
Because various penances and ascetic practices have always
been based on fasting or on living only on fruits or seeds,
Considering the traditional Hindu equation of reality
ahim:sa¯ came to be closely associated with vegetarianism, of
with truth (satya), it is not surprising that Gandhi used
which the Jains soon became and remain uncompromising
ahim:sa¯ not only as a moral weapon but as a political one as
advocates.
well; in so doing he refused to separate politics and religion.
He thus resorted to, and, to a certain extent, reinterpreted
The concept of noninjury, coupled with self-control or
an ancient Indian concept.
self-restraint, was rich in many potential developments. It
soon became the central ethical idea in most of the philoso-
Similar ideas were current nearly two thousand years
phies and religions of India. Indeed, in some communities
ago in some of the oldest Upanis:ads, developing among
ahim:sa¯ was given paramount importance, and in this respect
Brahmanic sam:nya¯sins (ascetics, mendicants) as well as
Gandhi does not deny the great influence that the revered
among the heterodox Buddhist and Jain communities. Such
Jain layperson Raychandbhai Mehta exerted on him. The
views, it has been convincingly argued, were the outcome of
emphasis that Gandhi laid on ahim:sa¯, however, would have
a kind of ideological revolution that took place in India
remained of no avail had it not been firmly rooted in an im-
around 500 BCE. At that time, the more contemplative val-
memorial Indian tradition.
ues of the “metaritualist” philosophers superseded earlier
magico-ritualistic concepts of religion.
SEE ALSO Gandhi, Mohandas; Nonviolence; Sam:nya¯sa.
It can be deduced from the more ancient texts that the
Vedic Indians believed in an inverted “world beyond,” where
BIBLIOGRAPHY
one must suffer the very fate previously inflicted by him on
The question of ahim:sa¯ is often addressed in Indian literature as
other beings. Whereas, in order to escape the consequences
well as by scholars. Useful references will be found in Giusep-
of one’s (cruel) deeds the Vedic brahmans succeeded in in-
pe Spera’s Notes on Ahim:sa¯ (Turin, 1982). In Bansidhar
venting elaborate rituals, they still deemed it important, in
Bhatt’s Ahimsa in the Early Religious Traditions of India
order to avoid retaliation, to abstain from injuring other be-
(Rome, 1994, Centre for Indian and Inter-religious Studies),
ings—thus, to practice ahim:sa¯.
the appendix lI (a) lists the “Published Materials on the
Ahimsa¯” [sic]: 152–176. Hanns-Peter Schmidt has done a
With the development of the doctrine of transmigration
fundamental study on the origin of ahim:sa¯ in Mélanges
and retribution of actions (karman), liberation from rebirth
d’indianisme à la mémoire de Louis Renou (Paris, 1968). Also
became the ultimate goal of the religious life, and the re-
see, by the same author, “Ahim:sa¯ and Rebirth,” in Inside the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
198
AHL AL-BAYT
Texts, beyond the Texts, edited by Michael Witzel,
us of the “house.” Shiism also allows for the ima¯ms and, in
pp. 207–234 (Cambridge 1997). Details on the Jain point
a looser sense, other righteous progeny descended from EAl¯ı
of view and elaboration of the ahim:sa¯ concept are included
and Fa¯t:ima to be accounted as part of the family, while some
in the chapters of Padmanabh S. Jaini’s The Jaina Path of Pu-
Sunn¯ı reports expand the term to include the Prophet’s
rification (Berkeley, Calif., 1979). The reader will find many
wives or the collateral branches of his relations, such as, the
reflections in Gandhi’s autobiography: in Gujarati, Mohan-
EAbba¯sids or even the Umayyads. Al-Nabha¯n¯ı provides a sur-
das Karamcand Gandhi’s Satyana¯ prayogo athava¯ a¯tmakatha¯,
2 vols. (Ahmedabad, 1927–1928); in English, An Autobiog-
vey of reports on who is included among the ahl al-bayt (al-
raphy, or The Story of My Experiments with Truth, translated
Sharaf al-mu Eabbad li-a¯l Muh:ammad, Cairo, 1381/1961,
by Mahadev Desai and Pyarelal Nair (1927–1929; 2d ed.,
pp. 10–34). It is, however, in light of the h:ad¯ıth al-kisa¯D or
Ahmedabad, 1940).
al- Eaba¯D, the “tradition of the mantle,” that both Sh¯ıE¯ı and
Sunn¯ı commentators overwhelmingly interpret the verse of
COLETTE CAILLAT (1987 AND 2005)
tat:h¯ır. According to this account, the Prophet wrapped him-
self and the other four members of his family in his mantle,
solemnly declaring, “O God, these are the People of my
AHL AL-BAYT. The conception of the ahl al-bayt, “peo-
House (ahl bayt¯ı)!” He then recited the QurDanic verse of pu-
ple of the house,” “family,” or “household” of the prophet
rification. Frequently this incident is connected with the epi-
Muh:ammad plays a vital role in Islamic thought and piety.
sode of muba¯hala (mutual imprecation), which relates to the
In the tashahhud portion of the ritual prayers, Muslims of
visit of a delegation of Christians from Najra¯n in the year
all persuasions supplicate daily, “O God! Bless Muh:ammad
631–632. The accounts relate that there was a dispute re-
and his family (a¯l), as you blessed Abraham and his family.”
garding Christology and it was decided to resort to the ritual
of “mutual imprecation” to decide which party was in the
QurDanic prophetology is pregnant with the notion of
right, that of Muh:ammad or that of the Christian delegation.
a hallowed lineage. God’s chosen messengers among the Isra-
Thus Muh:ammad is commanded in the QurDa¯n III:61: “If
elites are believed to have been descended from one another,
anyone dispute with you in this matter [concerning Jesus]
as the QurDa¯n states: “Truly, God chose Adam, Noah, the
after the knowledge that has come to you, say: Come, let us
family of Abraham, and the family of EImra¯n above all
call our sons and your sons, our women and your women,
the worlds, offspring, one after the other” (III:33–34). The
ourselves and yourselves, then let us swear an oath and place
QurDa¯n portrays the chosen among the families and descen-
the curse of God on those who lie.” Accordingly, the five
dants (a¯l, ahl, qurba¯, and dhurr¯ıya) of the prophets as sup-
members of the ahl al-bayt gathered for the ritual. However,
portive of the messengers during their missions and included
the muba¯hala is said to have been averted when the Christian
in God’s merciful protection. They are often the prophets’
side reached a conciliation with the Prophet.
material and spiritual legatees, heirs with respect to kingship
(mulk), rule (h:ukm), wisdom (h:ikma), the book (kita¯b) and
In traditions recorded in both Sh¯ıE¯ı and Sunn¯ı sources,
the imamate (IV:54, VI:84–91, XXIX:27, XXXVII:76–77,
the Prophet likens his family to Noah’s ark, saying: “Among
LVII:26).
you, my ahl al-bayt is like the Ark of Noah. Whoso embarks
As with the families of the previous prophets,
therein is saved and whoso lags behind is drowned.” In the
Muh:ammad’s family is accorded a special status in the
well-known report known as the h:ad¯ıth al-thaqalayn (the tra-
QurDa¯n, the prophetic tradition (h:ad¯ıth), and the schools of
dition of the two weighty things), likewise found in both
religious law. At the outset of Muh:ammad’s mission, God
Sh¯ıE¯ı and Sunn¯ı sources, he is reported to have said: “Verily,
commands him: “Warn your nearest kin (al-aqrab¯ın), and
I am leaving with you two weighty things, the Book of God
lower your wing to the faithful who follow you” (XXVI:214–
and my progeny, my ahl al-bayt. So long as you cling to these
215). The QurDa¯n also makes certain monetary consider-
two, you will never go astray. Truly, they will not be parted
ations for the Prophet’s relations (dh¯ı’l-qurba¯) (VIII:41,
from each other until they join me at the fountain [in
LIX:7), and on account of the sanctified status of the pro-
paradise].”
phetic family, Muslim legal practice dictates that
In the QurDa¯n XLII:23, Muh:ammad is commanded to
Muh:ammad and his clan not touch the alms of the commu-
address his disciples as follows, “Say: I do not ask you for any
nity, lest such defilements (awsa¯kh) pollute them. The purity
recompense for this [the apostleship] save love for the kins-
of the family is most famously attested to in the verse known
folk (al-qurba¯).” Here, “kinsfolk” is largely understood to be
as tat:h¯ır (purification): “God desires only to remove impuri-
the Prophet’s kinsfolk, though divergent interpretations exist
ty from you, O People of the House (ahl al-bayt), and to pu-
as well. The general attitude is well represented in a state-
rify you completely” (XXXIII:33).
ment of al-Sha¯fiE¯ı (d. 820), the eponymous founder of one
Muslim tradition, in accordance with the widely report-
of the four predominant Sunn¯ı schools of jurisprudence,
ed h:ad¯ıth al-kisa¯D or al- Eaba¯D, generally identifies
who is quoted as saying: “O members of the House of the
Muh:ammad himself; his daughter, Fa¯t:ima; her husband and
Prophet, love for you is a duty to God that He has revealed
the cousin of the Prophet, EAl¯ı; and the Prophet’s two grand-
in the QurDa¯n. With respect to your great magnificence, it
sons by this marriage, al-H:asan and al-H:usayn, as the nucle-
suffices to say that anyone who does not invoke blessings for
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AHL AL-BAYT
199
you has not performed the daily prayer” (al-Nabha¯n¯ı,
that praise of the ahl al-bayt ennobles the encomiast
p. 184). Along the same lines, JaEfar al-S:a¯diq (d. 765), a de-
(Mathnaw¯ıha¯-yi Haft Awrang, Tehran, 1351 S/1972,
scendant of the Prophet and one of the Sh¯ıE¯ı ima¯ms, de-
p. 145), while Sana¯D¯ı (d. 1121), in a section of his H:ad¯ıqa,
clares: “Everything has a foundation, and the foundation of
pleads for divine pardon in the name of his love for the
Islam is loving us, the Prophet’s family” (Ah:mad b.
Prophet’s kinsfolk (H:ad¯ıqat al-h:aq¯ıqa wa shar¯ı Eat al-t:ar¯ıqa,
Muh:ammad al-Barq¯ı, Kita¯b al-mah:a¯sin, Najaf, 1964,
ed. Mudarris Rad:aw¯ı, Tehran, 1329 S/1950, pp. 642–643).
p. 113). Certainly primarily Sh¯ıE¯ı, traditions also assign a nu-
Remarkably, domestic architecture in parts of Tajikistan and
minous role to the family. The five family members are envi-
Xinjiang is centered on five columns, interpreted by the in-
sioned as beings of light, existing in pre-creation, whose
habitants as representative of the five purified ones of the
names are derived from God’s most beautiful names (see, for
Prophet’s family. In the early twenty-first century the mem-
example, Fura¯t b. Ibra¯h¯ım b. Fura¯t al-Ku¯f¯ı, Tafs¯ır Fura¯t
bers of the Prophet’s household continue to be celebrated in
al-Ku¯f¯ı, Najaf: al-Mat:baEa al-H:aidariyya, n.d., p. 11). Such
songs and invoked in prayers and are even the subjects of nu-
reports provided fecund material for mystical speculation. In
merous web pages on the internet.
his Gujarati composition Muman Chitven:¯ı, for example, the
fourteenth-century Ismaili sage P¯ır S:adr al-D¯ın interprets
BIBLIOGRAPHY
this idea by describing how the Almighty placed the pole star
Scholarly research on the concept of the ahl al-bayt has over-
(qut:b), luminous by the light of the five holy ones, in the fir-
whelmingly concentrated on the political implications of this
mament at the time of creation. Its brilliance was so over-
term in the early Muslim community. In this connection see
whelming, however, that the heavens began to tremble un-
Moshe Sharon’s Black Banners from the East (Leiden, 1983);
controllably. Only when the name EAl¯ı was written on the
“Ahl al-bayt—People of the House,” Jerusalem Studies in Ara-
corners of the universe was stability restored (To mun¯ıvar
bic and Islam 8, no. 2 (1986): 169–184; and “The Umayyads
mot:¯ı, Mumbai: Dh¯ı Khoja¯ Sindh¯ı Chha¯pa¯kha¯num
˙ , 1905,
as ahl al-bayt,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 14
(1991): 115–152. An earlier but widely quoted study by
p. 3).
Rudi Paret suggested that the term ahl al-bayt in the QurDa¯n
A number of designations, roughly synonymous with
referred to the adherents of the cult of the House, that is, the
the term ahl al-bayt, became popular in the Muslim world.
KaEbah. See his “Der Plan einer neuen, leicht kommentierten
Koranübersetzung,” in Orientalistische Studien Enno Litt-
In the more restrictive sense, terms such as ahl (or a¯l) al-kisa¯D
mann zu seinem 60. Geburtstag, edited by R. Paret (Leiden,
(or al- Eaba¯D), “the people of the mantle,” or in Persian-
1935). Wilferd Madelung provides a meticulous and in-
speaking and Persian-influenced areas, panj tan-i pa¯k, “the
depth examination of previous opinion and articulates his
five pure ones,” are prevalent, while in the more general sense
own conclusions in The Succession to Muh:ammad (Cam-
of the descendants of the Prophet, epithets such as a¯l al-nab¯ı,
bridge, U.K., 1997). Early Sh¯ıE¯ı traditions, including of
a¯l al-rasu¯l or a¯l ya¯s¯ın are widespread.
course those related to the ahl al-bayt, are examined in Mo-
hammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, Le Guide Divin Dans Le Shi Eisme
Throughout Islamic history, the descendants of the
Originel, translated as The Divine Guide in Early Shi Dism (Al-
Prophet, often styled as sayyids or shar¯ıfs, have been the focus
bany, N.Y., 1994); Lynda G. Clarke, “Early Doctrine of the
of particular respect. Sh¯ıE¯ı ima¯ms, along with many S:u¯f¯ı
ShiEah, According to the ShiEi Sources” (Ph.D. diss., McGill
shaykhs, Sunn¯ı political leaders and Muslim religious schol-
University, 1994); Meir M. Bar-Asher, Scripture and Exegesis
ars of various persuasions, have often drawn tremendous le-
in Early Ima¯m¯ı Shiism (Leiden, 1999); and S. Husain M.
gitimacy and authority from their illustrious descent from
Jafri, Origins and Early Development of Shi Ea Islam (London,
the Prophet. In modern times one may cite the ima¯m of the
1979). The incident of the muba¯hala is dealt with in Louis
Ismailis, Prince Karim Aga Khan, and the ruling families of
Massignon, “La Muba¯hala de Medine et l’hyperdulie de
Morocco and Jordan as cases in point. The descendants of
Fa¯t:ima,” reproduced in Opera Minora, Tome I,
pp. 550–572 (Beirut, Lebanon, 1963); Abdelmadjid Méz-
the ahl al-bayt have frequently formed a distinct social class
iane, “Le sense de la muba¯hala d’après la tradition is-
in Muslim societies, sometimes even recognizable by distin-
lamique,” Islamo-christiana 2 (1976): 59–67; and Rudolph
guishing forms of dress, the green turban being particularly
Strothman, “Die Mubahala in Tradition und Liturgie,”
noteworthy. At the same time, a conception exists of a spiri-
Islam 33 (1957): 5–29. Massignon’s article “Salman Pak et
tual ahl al-bayt, sometimes referred to as the bayt al-wah:y,
les premices spirituelles de l’Islam Iranien,” reproduced in
“the house of prophecy,” into which the devotees of the pro-
Opera Minora, Tome I, pp. 443–483 (Beirut, Lebanon,
phetic family may be initiated, while unrighteous blood rela-
1963), discusses the role of Salma¯n’s initiation in Islamic
tions may be excluded. Thus one has the Prophet’s celebrat-
piety. The appearance of the ahl al-bayt in Persian iconogra-
ed dictum about his Persian disciple: “Salma¯n is one of us,
phy is elaborated in Maria Vittoria Fontana, “Iconografia
the ahl al-bayt.”
dellDAhl al-Bayt: immagini di arte persiana dal XII al XX se-
colo” (Naples, Italy, 1994) (Supplemento n. 78 agli Annali
The theme of devotion to the members of the family has
vol. 54 [1994], fasc. 1). Reference to the most important pri-
touched many aspects of Islamic piety, literature, architec-
mary source materials may be found in the above-cited texts,
ture, iconography, and mystical thought through the ages.
and in the articles in this encyclopedia on EAl¯ı, H:usayn, and
For example, the great poet EAbd al-Rah:ma¯n Ja¯m¯ı
Fa¯t:ima.
(d. 1492), an initiate of the Naqshband¯ı S:u¯f¯ı order, declares
SHAFIQUE N. VIRANI (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
200
AH:MADIYAH
AH:MADIYAH. The Ah:madiyah (or Ahmadiyya) move-
of Islam. Ghula¯m Ah:mad explained, however, that Muslim
ment is a modern Muslim messianic movement, founded in
dogma concerning the finality of Muh:ammad’s prophet-
1889 in the Indian province of the Panja¯b by Ghula¯m
hood relates only to prophethood of the legislative variety,
Ah:mad (1835–1908). Having been accused of rejecting the
the one that brings a new book and a new law. After the reve-
Muslim dogma asserting the finality of Muh:ammad’s pro-
lation of the QurDa¯n, Alla¯h will never again reveal a new
phethood, the movement aroused the fierce opposition of
heavenly book, nor promulgate a new divine law. He main-
the Sunn¯ı Muslim mainstream. During the period of British
tained that the QurDa¯n is the last book to be revealed and
rule in India, the controversy was merely a doctrinal dispute
Muslim law will remain valid forever. However, a prophet
between private individuals or voluntary organizations.
who does not bring a new book and does not promulgate a
However, when most Ah:mad¯ıs moved in 1947 to the pro-
new law may appear in the Muslim community at any time.
fessedly Islamic state of Pakistan, the issue was transformed
Therefore, the appearance of Ghula¯m Ah:mad, who repre-
into a major constitutional problem. The Sunn¯ı Muslim
sents this kind of nonlegislative prophecy and calls for the
mainstream demanded the formal exclusion of the Ah:mad¯ıs
full implementation of the Muslim shar¯ı Eah and of
from the Muslim fold. This objective was attained in 1974,
Muh:ammad’s instructions, does not infringe upon the
when, against the fierce opposition of the Ah:mad¯ıs, the Paki-
dogma of the finality of Muh:ammad’s prophethood
stani parliament adopted a constitutional amendment de-
(khatm-i nubuwwat). The Ah:mad¯ı distinction between the
claring them non-Muslims. In 1984, within the framework
two types of prophethood is probably inspired by the cele-
of the general trend of Islamization in Pakistan, a presidential
brated Muslim mystic Muh:y¯ı al-D¯ın ibn al-EArab¯ı
“Ordinance no. XX of 1984” transformed much of the reli-
(d. 1240).
gious observance of the Ah:madiyah into a criminal offense,
Prophetology is the mainstay of Ah:mad¯ı religious
punishable by three years of imprisonment. The ordinance
thought and is the principal reason for the controversy
has since become an instrument of choice for the harassment
aroused by the Ah:mad¯ı movement. In addition to it, the
and judicial persecution of the Ah:mad¯ı community. Follow-
Ah:mad¯ıs also have a distinctive interpretation of the idea of
ing its promulgation, the headquarters of the Ah:mad¯ı move-
jiha¯d. In their view, jiha¯d should be waged in a way appropri-
ment moved from Rabwah (in Pakistan) to London.
ate to the threat facing Islam. In the early Muslim period,
The most distinctive—and controversial—aspect of
nascent Islam was in danger of physical extinction and there-
Ah:mad¯ı religious thought was Ghula¯m Ah:mad’s persistent
fore military jiha¯d was called for. In Ghula¯m Ah:mad’s life-
claim to be a divinely inspired religious thinker and reformer.
time, Muslims faced the onslaught of Christian missionaries
As has often been the case with Muslim revivalist and messi-
who engaged, according to Ghula¯m Ah:mad, in a campaign
anic movements, the starting point of Ghula¯m Ah:mad’s
of slander and defamation against Islam and the prophet
thought was the assertion that Muslim religion and society
Muh:ammad. In such a situation, the Muslims should re-
has deteriorated to a point where divinely inspired reforms
spond in kind and defend Islam by preaching and refuting
were essential in order to arrest the process of decline and re-
the slander of the Christian missionaries rather than by mili-
tary jiha¯d. Though this interpretation is specific to Ghula¯m
store the pristine purity of Islam. The most acceptable defini-
Ah:mad’s lifetime and to the situation of Indian Muslims
tion of his spiritual claim from the Sunn¯ı point of view was
under British rule, it came to be considered as an unchanging
his declaration that Alla¯h made him the renewer (mujaddid)
principle in the Ah:mad¯ı worldview.
of Islam in the fourteenth century AH (November 12, 1882–
November 20, 1979). More controversial was his claim to
The Ah:mad¯ı movement split in 1914 into two branch-
be the mahd¯ı and the promised messiah (mas¯ıh:-i maw Eu¯d),
es: the Qa¯diya¯n¯ı and the La¯ho¯r¯ı. The Qa¯diya¯n¯ı branch
expected by the Muslim tradition at the end of days. Ghula¯m
stressed Ghula¯m Ah:mad’s claim to prophethood, while the
Ah:mad’s identification as the mahd¯ı was designed to counter
La¯ho¯r¯ı one maintained that the movement’s founder should
the Christian and Muslim belief concerning the second com-
be considered merely as a renewer (mujaddid) of Islam at the
ing of Jesus. According to Ghula¯m Ah:mad, this belief is
beginning of the fourteenth century AH.
groundless: whenever the Muslim tradition suggests this
idea, it should be understood as indicating not the descent
The Ah:mad¯ı movement has been unrivaled in its dedi-
of Jesus himself, but rather that of a person similar to him
cation to the propagation of its version of Islam. Ah:mad¯ı
(math¯ıl-i E¯Isa¯). This person is Ghula¯m Ah:mad.
mosques and missionary centers have been established not
only on the Indian subcontinent, but also in numerous cities
Ghula¯m Ah:mad’s repeated assertion that Alla¯h called
of the Western world, Africa, and Asia. The Ah:mad¯ıs estab-
him a prophet was the most controversial formulation of his
lished an organizational framework and were able to sustain
spiritual claim. Since this assertion is contrary to the Muslim
the activities of the movement against considerable odds for
belief that all prophecy came to an end with the completion
more than a century. The elected successors of the founder
of Muh:ammad’s mission, it brought upon Ghula¯m Ah:mad
(in the Qa¯diya¯n¯ı branch) bear the title “Successor of the
and his followers the most vociferous denunciations of the
Messiah” (khal¯ıfat al-mas¯ıh:). Masru¯r Ah:mad, the fifth suc-
Sunn¯ı Eulama¯D and was always the trump card in the hand
cessor, assumed office on April 22, 2003, and directs the
of those who wanted to exclude the Ah:mad¯ıs from the fold
movement from London.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AHMAD KHAN, SAYYID
201
In its relationship with the non-Muslim world, the
At the age of nineteen Ahmad Khan entered the judicial
Ah:madiyah has been engaged in depicting Islam as a liberal,
service of the East India Company, where he was to rise, in
humane, and progressive religion, systematically calumniat-
the course of his thirty-eight years of service, to the highest
ed by non-Muslims. This aspect of Ah:mad¯ı teaching is well
ranks then open to native Indians. From the 1840s onward
in line with that of modernist Muslim thinkers, though in
he published a number of short scientific and religious
other matters, such as the seclusion of women and polygamy,
works, but it was his historical scholarship, and especially his
the Ah:mad¯ıs follow the traditional point of view. One of the
Urdu-language topographical work on Delhi, A¯tha¯r
most distinctive features of the movement is that the
al-s:ana¯d¯ıd (1846; rev. ed., 1852), that made him known in-
Ah:mad¯ıs consider the peaceful propagation of their version
ternationally.
of Islam among Muslims and non-Muslims alike as essential.
He always considered the British the legitimate rulers
In this they are persistent and unrelenting.
of India, but a major turning point in his life came with the
failure of the Indian Revolution, known as the Mutiny of
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1857. Only then did he become fully convinced that the best
Bash¯ır al-D¯ın Mah:mu¯d Ah:mad. Invitation to Ahmadiyyat. Rab-
wah, Pakistan, 1961; reprint, London and Boston, 1980.
of Western civilization could and should be assimilated by
The most comprehensive description of Ah:mad¯ı beliefs in
the Muslims, because Islam, properly understood, the “pure”
English, translated from the Urdu original of Ghula¯m
Islam taught by the QurDa¯n and lived by the Prophet, was
Ah:mad’s son and second successor.
not simply unopposed to Western civilization but was in fact
Binder, Leonard. Religion and Politics in Pakistan. Berkeley and
its ultimate source and inspiration. In the early 1860s,
Los Angeles, 1961. See pages 259–296. The Ah:mad¯ı contro-
Ahmad Khan founded the Scientific Society, an association
versy during the first years of Pakistan’s existence.
for the translation into Urdu and propagation of works of
Brush, S. E. “Ahmadiyyat in Pakistan: Rabwa and the Ahmadis.”
Western science and scholarship; after his visit to England
Muslim World 45 (1955): 145–171.
in 1869–1870, these efforts led to the establishment of the
Fisher, Humphrey J. Ahmadiyyah: A Study of Contemporary Islam
Muhammedan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh, the begin-
on the West African Coast. London, 1963. An excellent study
ning of the first secular university for Indian Muslims.
of the Ah:madiyah in an African setting.
Against considerable opposition from the EulamaD, as
Friedmann, Yohanan. Prophecy Continuous: Aspects of Ah:mad¯ı Re-
well as from members of his own class, Sir Sayyid emerged
ligious Thought and Its Medieval Background. Berkeley, 1989.
in the mid-1880s as the leader of an important sector of Indi-
A history of the Ah:madiyah and its expansion, and an analy-
an Muslims, the majority of whom in 1887 followed his ad-
sis of the prophetology of the Qa¯diya¯n¯ıs and the La¯ho¯r¯ıs and
vice not to join the predominantly Hindu, middle-class Indi-
of Ah:mad¯ı jiha¯d. The second printing (Delhi and New York,
2003) includes a new preface by Zafrira and Yohanan Fried-
an National Congress. Parliamentary democracy demanded
mann on developments since 1984.
active participation in the process of governmental decision
Ghula¯m Ah:mad. Jesus in India: Jesus’ Escape from Death on the
making, and for lack of effective political organization
Cross and Journey to India. London, 1978.
among Muslims he feared that such a congress would bring
about the permanent subordination of Muslims to Hindus.
Muhammad Zafrullah Khan. Ah:madiyyat: The Renaissance of
Islam. London, 1978. A history of the movement from the
Besides countless editorials and aricles for the Aligarh
Ah:mad¯ı point of view.
Institute Gazette and for Tahdh¯ıb al-akhla¯q (The Muslim Re-
Muhammad Zafrullah Khan, trans. Tadhkira: English Translation
former), two periodicals he founded, Ahmad Khan wrote a
of the Dreams, Visions, and Verbal Revelations Vouchsafed to
number of important religious monographs, including
the Promised Messiah on Whom Be Peace. London, 1976.
Taby¯ın al-kala¯m (a fragmentary commentary on the Bible in
Pakistan National Assembly’s Verdict on Finality of Prophethood of
three volumes, 1862–1865), Essays on the Life of Mohammed
Hazrat Muhammad (Peace be upon him). Islamabad, 1974.
(1870), and a seven-volume Urdu translation and commen-
YOHANAN FRIEDMANN (2005)
tary on the QurDa¯n up to surah 20 (1880–1904). Most of
his articles and tracts, including important parts of his
QurDa¯n commentary, have been reedited in sixteen volumes
AHMAD KHAN, SAYYID
by M. Isma¯E¯ıl Pan¯ıpa¯t¯ı in Maqa¯la¯t-i Sar Sayyid (Lahore,
(1817–1898), also known
1962–1965).
on the Indian subcontinent as Sir Sayyid; educational re-
former and religious thinker. He was born in Delhi on Octo-
In his earliest religious writings Sayyid Ahmad Khan
ber 17, 1817, and died at Aligarh on March 27, 1898. Raised
strives to put the person and actions of the Prophet back into
in the house of his maternal grandfather, the Mughal noble
the center of Muslim life, and he forcefully denounces inno-
Khwa¯jah Far¯ıd al-D¯ın Khan (1747–1828), he received the
vation. Highly conscious of the hiatus between original Mus-
traditional education of a Delhi gentleman, reading the
lim practice and the contemporary reality of Indian Muslim
QurDa¯n in Arabic and SaEd¯ı’s Gulista¯n and Busta¯n and the
society, he stresses the ideals that should inform a corporate
d¯ıva¯n of H:a¯fiz: of Shiraz in Persian, together with a smatter-
Muslim life and insists on the need for an interiorized ethics
ing of works on mathematics, astronomy, and Greco-Arab
of the heart. These emphases point to three major influences
medicine.
upon his early outlook: the Naqshband¯ı Mujaddid¯ı S:u¯f¯ı
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
202
AHMAD KHAN, SAYYID
order, to which Sayyid Ahmad Khan was linked intimately
In the theologically crucial area of theological episte-
by his family; the theologian, mystic, and social thinker Sha¯h
mology Sayyid Ahmad Khan renews the teaching of classical
Wal¯ı Alla¯h (1703–1762) and his house; and the Mujahidin
Muslim philosophers (fala¯sifah). The gift of prophethood, as
movement led by Sayyid Ah:mad of Rai Bareilly (1796–
a natural trait (malakah) given to a person at conception, be-
1836) and Sa¯h Isma¯E¯ıl (1773–1831), without the political
comes part of the predetermined system of creation and is
overtones of the latter’s teachings and activities, however.
independent of divine choice. The credibility of the QurDa¯n
(as of any revealed scripture) is based not on miracles but on
The political consequences of the British crushing of the
the intrinsic value of its content, in the same way that the
1857 “Mutiny” led Ahmad Khan to exclude from the pur-
unsurpassed and unsurpassable greatness of Muh:ammad is
view of the injunctions of the holy law the whole area of cul-
due to the essential nature of his teaching and to his unparal-
ture and society on the grounds that they were “this-worldly”
leled moral effort to spread it.
and not strictly religious (d¯ın¯ı) in character. His teaching re-
mained opaque, however, as to which basic principles of the
However incomplete and superficial Sayyid Ahmad
law—as distinguished from its elaborate prescriptions—
Khan’s acquaintance with the new sciences and with West-
could and should inform Muslim sociocultural life with its
ern philosophy and historical criticism may have been, and
distinctive Islamic quality.
however rash he was in accepting what he thought to be their
Sayyid Ahmad Khan not only gave single theological an-
presuppositions and lasting results, it goes to his credit that
swers to single challenges; by going back to the sources and
before any other Muslim he saw the necessity of a radical re-
principles of the various Islamic religious sciences, he at-
appraisal of Islamic religious thought with openness to mod-
tempted a consistent, comprehensively valid theological re-
ern science, scholarship, and philosophy.
sponse. He tried to evolve a new Muslim theology on the
pattern, as he saw it, of the Muslim response to Greek philos-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ophy and science during the Abbasid renaissance. The Chris-
My own Sayyid Ahmad Khan: A Reinterpretation of Muslim Theolo-
tian missionary attack under the British imperial aegis, in his
gy (New Delhi, 1978), pp. 353–366, lists the relevant printed
primary and secondary source material.
view, could be met by accepting and interpreting the present-
day scriptures of Jews and Christians as the revealed word
The most comprehensive and substantial biography of Ahmad
of God. Freed from the distortions of an erroneous dogmatic
Khan is H:aya¯t-i ja¯v¯ıd by Alt:a¯f H:usayn H:a¯l¯ı. The first, more
interpretation, and in the light of the uniquely clear QurDanic
strictly biographical part of it has been translated from the
message of God’s unity, the gospel of Jesus continues to be
Urdu original into English by K. H. Qadiri and David J.
Matthews as Hayat-i-javid: A Biographical Account of Sir Syed
relevant.
Ahmad Khan (Delhi, 1980). The second part of the work of-
Critical studies of Muh:ammad’s biography and of earli-
fers a detailed analysis of Sir Sayyid’s achievements, not least
est Islam by William Muir (1819–1905) and other scholars
in the field of religious reform and thought. The book re-
provided Ahmad Khan with the battleground for evolving,
mains fundamental, notwithstanding the author’s inclina-
in defensive response, ever more severe canons of external
tion, here and there, toward hero worship and rosy retro-
spect. J. M. S. Baljon’s pioneering study in English, The
and internal h:ad¯ıth criticism. Taking into account the long
Reforms and Religious Ideas of Sir Sayyid Ah:mad Kha¯n, 3d ed.,
period of oral transmission preceding the codification of the
rev. (Lahore, 1964), throughout deeply indebted to Hali’s
h:ad¯ıth, along with the laws of the rise and growth of legends,
work, presents an overall picture of the man, subordinating
Sir Sayyid accepts the results of post-Newtonian natural sci-
Sir Sayyid’s religious quest to his educational and sociocul-
ence as established truth and uses them to justify the need
tural concerns. Bashir Ahmad Dar’s Religious Thought of Say-
for metaphorical interpretation (ta Dw¯ıl) of biblical and
yid Ah:mad Kha¯n (1957; reprint, Lahore, 1961) is the first
QurDanic texts. Contemporary and later theological critics
monograph to bring into relief Sir Sayyid’s positive contribu-
have not failed to censure Ahmad Khan for what they consid-
tion in the sphere of religious thought, analyzing its salient
er to be philological ignorance and willfulness in scriptural
features in the context of the political, cultural, and religous
interpretation.
situation. It describes, to some extent, the classical anteced-
ents to which Sayyid Ahmad Khan related his own seminal
Besides the “new sciences,” the plurality of religions
ideas. In the line of B. A. Dar, my own Sayyid Ahmad Khan,
(each claiming the exclusive possession of final, saving truth)
cited above, further emphasizes, by way of a genetic ap-
led Sir Sayyid to postulate reason ( Eaql) as the ultimate crite-
proach, the interplay in Ahmad Khan’s religious outlook and
rion of the truth. And reason, for Sir Sayyid, is nothing but
theological work between traditional Islamic ideas and the
the “law of nature,” actually, or at least potentially, accessible
contemporary challenges of Christian preaching, historical
in full to the human rational faculty. Any happening against
criticism, and the “new sciences.” It presents the overall
structure of his new Muslim theology and, in part 2, offers
the “law of nature” would mean a breach of God’s promise
a substantial choice of texts relating to Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s
and is thus inconceivable. Such a conviction about an all-
credo, translated from Urdu into English for the first time.
inclusive, fully determined, and closed nexus of natural
In chapter 3 of his edited work, The Rose and the Rock: Mysti-
law(s) implies the negation of miracles and supernatural
cal and Rational Elements in the Intellectual History of South
events as well as the rejection of traditional views regarding
Asian Islam (Durham, N.C., 1979), Bruce B. Lawrence
the efficacy of prayers of petition.
throws new light on Sir Sayyid’s early phase of religious prac-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AHURA MAZDA¯ AND ANGRA MAINYU
203
tice and thought. He detects there rational elements and
Angra Mainyu is also opposed to Spenta Mainyu in the
mystical components important enough to merit serious at-
Younger Avesta. As observed by Herman Lommel (1930,
tention in any critical assessment of Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s
p. 29), the two mutually antagonistic forces are presented as
later contributions.
the originators of two opposed creations, one truthful and
CHRISTIAN W. TROLL (1987)
good, the other deceitful and evil. The two powers and their
respective creations are in a constant struggle with one an-
other. But at the end of time Spenta Mainyu will emerge vic-
AHRIMAN SEE AHURA MAZDA¯ AND ANGRA
torious (Yt 13.13; Y 10.16) and Angra Mainyu will retreat
MAINYU
“powerless” (Yt 19.96). In addition, when Zarathushtra re-
peats the formula “O Ahura Mazda¯, most bounteous spirit,
creator of the physical world, truthful one” (e.g., Yt 10.73;
AHURA MAZDA¯ AND ANGRA MAINYU.
Yt 14.1, 14.34, 14.42; Vd 2.1 and passim), Spenta Mainyu
Ahura Mazda¯ (called Lord Wisdom in the Avestan [Av.] and
functions as an epithet of Ahura Mazda¯. Such a usage indi-
O
¯ rmazd in the Pahlavi [Pahl.] texts) and Angra Mainyu (Av.
cates a merger between Ahura Mazda¯ and his creative force.
Evil Spirit, Pahl. Ahreman) are the names of the two opposed
In the cosmological myth of the Pahlavi texts, Ahreman
primordial powers that represent good and evil in the dual-
(the Middle Persian form of Angra Mainyu) is directly op-
ism of Iran’s pre-Islamic religion, Zoroastrianism. In the
posed to O
¯ hrmazd (the Middle Persian form of Ahura
structural system of the oldest literature, the Ga¯tha¯s, Angra
Mazda¯). The most coherent accounts of this are found in the
Mainyu is the destructive force opposed not to Ahura Mazda¯
Bundahishn and Wiz¯ıdag¯ıha¯ ¯ı Za¯dspram and have been con-
directly but to Spenta Mainyu, the “beneficent spirit” repre-
veniently, though not entirely reliably, transcribed and trans-
senting Ahura Mazda¯’s creative force. These creative and de-
lated by R. C. Zaehner (1955, pp. 276–321 and 339–343).
structive powers form a primordial pair of mutually exclusive
According to these accounts, in the beginning O
¯ hrmazd ex-
opposites like light and darkness. The creative force (Spenta
isted on high in endless light, while Ahreman was abased in
Mainyu) is negated by the destructive one (Angra Mainyu)
endless darkness, the two being separated from one another
in the same way that Ahura Mazda¯’s other spiritual creations,
by the Void. They were thus both limitless within themselves
or Bounteous Immortals (amesha spentas) are negated by an
and limited at their boundaries. O
¯ hrmazd, being omniscient,
evil opposite: truth (asha) by deceit (druj), good mind (vohu
was aware of the existence of Ahreman, while the latter, char-
manah) by evil mind (aka manah), and right-mindedness
acterized by ignorance and hindsight, did not know of his
(a¯rmaiti) by arrogance (tar¯%maiti). This dichotomy is also re-
opponent.
flected in the Avestan language insofar as there are special vo-
cabularies for the good, ahuric beings on the one hand, and
O
¯ hrmazd started the course of events by bringing forth
for the evil, daevic ones, on the other.
out of himself the creation in the spirit (m¯eno¯g) state. When
Through his creative force, Spenta Mainyu, Ahura
Ahreman rushed to the boundary of his darkness, he became
Mazda¯ brought forth life, while the destructive force pro-
aware of O
¯ hrmazd and his spiritual creation. He then
duced non-life (Y 30.4; Y 44.7). In the Old Avestan “Wor-
crawled back into the darkness and, in order to destroy
ship in Seven Chapters” (Yasna Haptanghaiti), Ahura Mazda¯
O
¯ hrmazd’s creatures, fashioned the evil spiritual counter-
is praised for creating “all that is good” (Y 37.1), and in the
creation. In a preemptive move, O
¯ hrmazd invited Ahreman
Gathic hymn Yasna 44 he is presented as the author of two
to enter an agreement according to which battle would be
manifestations of perfect life. One is spiritual and includes
limited to a period of nine thousand years. Ahreman, confi-
truth and good mind, while the other is physical, entailing
dent that he could defeat O
¯ hrmazd, accepted, and from then
such phenomena as the sun, stars, moon, earth, water, wind,
on was bound by that contract, which he was incapable of
clouds, plants, and the daily rhythm of light and darkness,
breaking. However, as was pointed out by Shaul Shaked
sleep and activity, dawn, midday and night. Both spiritual
(1994, p. 24), the neat distinction between good and evil is
and physical creations were originally made perfect, without
blurred here, because this myth is based on the assumption
any fault or defect, and especially free from decay and death.
that Ahreman is true to his word, an idea incompatible with
This positive view of a good and perfect material world is
the deceitful nature of evil. Thereupon, the story continues,
unique and of fundamental importance for Zoroastrian es-
O
¯ hrmazd recited the Ahunavar prayer, thus revealing to
chatology, for at the end of time, the physical creation will
Ahreman his final defeat. Ahreman fell in stupefaction, and
be reinstated in perfection. Both spiritual and physical life
while he lay unconscious, O
¯ hrmazd created the physical
were created by Ahura Mazda¯ for the purpose of overcoming
(g¯et¯ıg) world. After three thousand years, Ahreman awoke
evil, Angra Mainyu. Apart from the distinction between spir-
from his stupor, beheld O
¯ hrmazd’s beautiful and perfect
itual and physical creation, the most salient feature of Zoro-
physical creation, and attacked it, bringing pollution, pain,
astrian doctrine is its dualistic solution to the problem of evil:
illness and death into the world. Since that attack, the world
the latter does not come from God but has a separate origin
has been afflicted by evil. However, this time of “mixture”
and is antagonistic to him and his work. All evil in the world,
(gumeziˇsn) was limited to three thousand years. The birth of
including deceit and death, comes from that external source.
Zarathushtra marked the beginning of the fourth trimillen-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
204
AHURAS
nium, in the course of which three saviors are expected to
spiritual ones. As shown by Shaul Shaked (1971, pp. 71ff.),
arrive at intervals of one thousand years. Zarathushtra
evil requires the physical creations to cling to in order to be
brought the Mazda¯-worshiping religion to humankind, thus
present in the material world. It is for that reason that, in
equipping them with the means of fighting evil successfully.
the Pahlavi texts, O
¯ hrmazd is said to exist while Ahreman
This struggle is expected to be won by the third and victori-
does not. The connection that underlies this statement is that
ous savior (So¯ˇsyans), who will drive evil out of the material
Ahreman exists only on the spiritual level because the physi-
world. At that point, Ahreman will withdraw powerless and
cal one does not have its own evil material creation.
the world will be reinstated in perfection (fraˇsegird).
SEE ALSO Zurvanism.
While in the Avesta there is a triangular structure of
Ahura Mazda¯ and Spenta Mainyu, on the one hand, and
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Angra Mainyu, on the other, in the Pahlavi texts there is a
de Blois, François. “Dualism in Iranian and Christian Traditions.”
balance of two forces on each side. From a structural point
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Series 3, 10 (2000): 1–19.
of view, O
¯ hrmazd is opposed by Ahreman, and spena¯g m¯eno¯g
Boyce, Mary. “Ahura Mazda¯.” In Encyclopaedia Iranica, edited by
(the Middle Persian form of Av. spenta mainyu) by ganna¯g
Ehsan Yarshater, vol. 1, pp. 684–687. London, 1982.
m¯eno¯g, the foul spirit, newly formed to match spena¯g m¯eno¯g
Boyce, Mary. A History of Zoroastrianism, vol. 1. Leiden, 1975,
as a negative opposite, presumably after the upgrading of
second impression with corrections, 1989.
Ahreman to be directly opposed to O
¯ hrmazd. They are con-
Duchesne-Guillemin, Jacques. “Ahriman.” In Encyclopaedia Irani-
trasted with one another, for instance in Da¯desta¯n ¯ı D¯en¯ıg
ca, edited by Ehsan Yarshater, vol. 1, pp. 670–673. London,
1.9, “the goodness of the Holy Spirit (spena¯g m¯eno¯g) and the
1982.
non-goodness of the Foul Spirit (ganna¯g m¯eno¯g).” In addi-
Gershevitch, Ilya. “Zoroaster’s Own Contribution.” Journal of
tion, ganna¯g m¯eno¯g is like Ahreman in denoting the oppo-
Near Eastern Studies 23 (1964): 12–38.
nent of O
¯ hrmazd, for example, “I, who am O¯hrmazd, will
Gnoli, Gherardo. “Dualism.” In Encyclopaedia Iranica, edited by
be the supreme ruler and the Foul Spirit (ganna¯g m¯eno¯g) will
Ehsan Yarshater, vol. 7, pp. 576–582. Costa Mesa, Calif.,
be the ruler of nothing” (Da¯desta¯n ¯ı D¯en¯ıg 6.3). As in the
1995.
Avesta, the beneficent spirit is identified with O
¯ hrmazd, for
Haug, Martin. Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings and Reli-
instance in the formula spena¯g m¯eno¯g da¯da¯r o¯hrmazd, “the
gions of the Parsees. 3d ed. Bombay, 1884. Reprinted Lon-
beneficent spirit, the Creator O
¯ hrmazd” (e.g., Da¯desta¯n ¯ı
don, 2000.
D¯en¯ıg 35.7).
Henning, Walter Bruno. Zoroaster: Politician or Witch-doctor?
While there is direct opposition between good and evil
(Ratanbai Katrak Lectures 1949). London, 1951.
on the spiritual level, there is no such dichotomy in the mate-
Jaafari-Dehaghi, M. Da¯desta¯n ¯ı D¯en¯ıg. Part I. Transcription,
rial world, which was wholly good before the assault of evil.
translation and commentary. Paris, 1998.
In the structural conception of Zoroastrianism, the physical
Lommel, Herman. Die Religion Zarathustras nach dem Awesta dar-
creation does not have a symmetrical negative counterpart
gestellt. Tübingen, Germany, 1930.
in the way that Ahura Mazda¯’s perfect spiritual creation does.
Shaked, Shaul. “Some Notes on Ahreman, the Evil Spirit, and His
Angra Mainyu produced a negative countercreation only on
Creation.” In Studies in Mysticism and Religion Presented to
the spiritual level, not on the physical one. The reason evil
Gershom G. Scholem, edited by E. E. Urbach, R. J. Zwi Wer-
is incapable of producing a material creation is given in a
blowsky, and C. H. Wirszubski, pp. 227–234. Jerusalem,
D¯enkard passage discussed by Shaul Shaked (1967,
1967. Reprinted in Shaul Shaked, From Zoroastrian Iran to
pp. 229ff.): the good, luminous m¯eno¯g carries “the hot and
Islam: Studies in Religious History and Intercultural Contacts,
moist power of living nature” in itself and is therefore able
Brookfield, Vt., 1995, chapter 3.
to become manifest in physical, g¯et¯ıg form. In contrast, the
Shaked, Shaul. “The Notions m¯enôg and g¯etîg in the Pahlavi Texts
evil, dark m¯eno¯g, being the negation of life, has a “cold and
and Their Relation to Eschatology.” Acta Orientalia 33
dry” nature, and is therefore incapable of “reaching com-
(1971): 59–107.
pounded materiality.” Evil creatures such as wolves, reptiles,
Shaked, Shaul. Dualism in Transformation: Varieties of Religion in
and “demons who rush about” are explained as “embodied
Sasanian Iran (Jordan Lectures 1991). London, 1994.
creatures of luminous seed” that have been hijacked by evil
Zaehner, R. C. Zurvan: A Zoroastrian Dilemma. Oxford, 1955.
m¯eno¯g forms. Thus, the presence of evil in the material world
Reprinted New York, 1972.
is secondary and derivative, as it presupposes the ontological
ALMUT HINTZE (2005)
reality of Ahura Mazda¯’s material creation. The latter was de-
vised by its creator as a battleground that evil was bound to
enter as a result of its destructive nature. Evil clings to God’s
good physical creation in a parasitic manner and, in the
AHURAS. The Iranian term ahura (“lord”) corresponds
words of Mary Boyce (1975, p. 201) “preys, vampire-like”
to the Vedic asura. Whereas in the Vedas asura is usually ap-
on it and tries to corrupt and eventually destroy it. However,
plied to Dyaus-Pitr: (“father sky”), the Indian equivalent of
it is able to adhere only to the physical creations, not to the
the Roman Jupiter, in Iran and in the Zoroastrian tradition
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AINU RELIGION
205
ahura is applied to three divinities: Ahura Mazda¯, Mithra,
AINU RELIGION. The Ainu are a people whose tradi-
and Apa˛m Napa¯t (“son of the waters”). Some scholars see
tional homeland lay in Hokkaido, southern Sakhalin, and
Apa˛m Napa¯t as the Iranian counterpart of Varun:a, the first
the Kurile islands, although their territory once included
of the asuras, and have called him *Vouruna Apa˛m Napa¯t
southern Kamchatka and the northern part of the main Japa-
in an attempt to reconstruct a unitary structure of three origi-
nese island (Honshu). Scholarly controversies over their cul-
nal Indo-Iranian asuras, with Ahura Mazda¯ corresponding
tural, racial, and linguistic identities remain unresolved.
to Asura *Medha¯, Mithra to Mitra, and *Vouruna Apa˛m
Their hunting-gathering way of life was discontinued with
Napa¯t to Varun:a Apa¯m Napa¯t (Boyce, 1975). These argu-
the encroachment of the Russians and the Japanese during
ments, however, are not very convincing. Other scholars sup-
the latter half of the nineteenth century and the first half of
pose that at the summit of an ancient Indo-Iranian pantheon
the twentieth century. Generalizations about Ainu culture or
was a god called Asura, without further characterization, who
religion are dangerous to make, since not only are there a
survived in Iran to some extent in the Ahura Mazda¯ of
great many intracultural variations among the Ainu of each
Zarathushtra (Zoroaster), but who in India abandoned the
region, but differences occur within each group as well. Be-
field to Varun:a (Hillebrandt, 1927; Gershevitch, 1964).
cause the following description is aimed, as much as possible,
This thesis, however, is also not certain.
at the common denominators, it may not fit in toto the reli-
In both Iran and India, the term ahura/asura designates
gion of a particular Ainu group.
a class of gods or, to be more exact, a class of ruling gods
An important concept in the Ainu belief system is the
(Dumézil, 1977), but their fate on either side of the Indus
soul. Most beings in the Ainu universe have a soul, and its
was different. Whereas in India the asuras came to represent
presence is most conspicuous when it leaves the body of the
the most archaic divinities, against which the devas, the
owner. When one dreams, one’s soul frees itself from the
“young” gods, asserted themselves, in Iran it was one of the
sleeping body and travels to places where one has never been.
ahuras, Ahura Mazda¯, who displaced all the daivas. Thus,
Similarly, a deceased person appears in one’s dreams, since
when Zoroastrianism reached a compromise with the ancient
the soul of the deceased can travel from the world of the dead
polytheism that had originally been condemned by
to visit one. During shamanistic performances the shaman’s
Zarathushtra, the other ahuras, such as Mithra and Apa˛m
soul travels to the world of the dead in order to snatch back
Napa¯t, were readmitted to the cult, while the daivas, whose
the soul of a dead person, thereby reviving him or her.
nature was bellicose and violent and who were above all war-
rior gods (Indra, for example), were totally demonized. It is
This belief underlies the Ainu emphasis on the proper
quite likely that the ahuras were able to maintain their privi-
treatment of the dead body of human beings and all other
leged position in the Zoroastrian tradition thanks to their
soul-owners of the universe. The belief results in elaborate
ethical nature and to their special function as guardians of
funeral customs, which range from the bear ceremony to the
asha (Vedic, r:ta), truth and order, a fundamental concept of
careful treatment of fish bones (because they represent the
Indo-Iranian religions in general as well as of Zoroastrianism
dead body of a fish). Without proper treatment of the dead
in particular.
body, its soul cannot rest in peace in the world of the dead.
For this reason, illnesses serve to remind the Ainu of their
BIBLIOGRAPHY
misconduct. Shamans are consulted in order to obtain diag-
Boyce, Mary. A History of Zoroastrianism, vol. 1. Leiden, 1975.
nosis and treatment for these illnesses.
Bradke, Peter von. Dyâus Asura, Ahura Mazda¯ und die Asuras.
When a soul has been mistreated, it exercises the power
Halle, 1885.
to punish. The deities, in contrast, possess the power to pun-
Duchesne-Guillemin, Jacques. Zoroastre: Étude critique avec une
ish or reward the Ainu at will. Interpretations among scholars
traduction commentée des Gâthâ. Paris, 1948.
as to the identity of the deities range from those proposing
Dumézil, Georges. Les dieux souverains des Indo-Européens. Paris,
that nature be equated with the deities, to those finding that
1977.
only certain members of the universe are deified. The differ-
Geiger, Bernhard. Die Ameˇsa Spentas: Ihr Wesen und ihre urs-
ences in opinion originate in part from the Ainu’s extensive
prüngliche Bedeutung. Vienna, 1916.
use of the term kamuy, their word for “deity” or “deities.”
Gershevitch, Ilya. “Zoroaster’s Own Contribution.” Journal of
An important point in regard to the Ainu concept of deities
Near Eastern Studies 23 (1964): 12–38.
is Chiri Mashio’s interpretation that the Ainu consider all the
Gignoux, Philippe. “Des structures imaginaires du panthéon pré-
animal deities to be exactly like humans in appearance and
zoroastrien à l’existence de Baga.” In Iranica, edited by Ghe-
rardo Gnoli and Adriano V. Rossi, pp. 365–373. Naples,
to live just like humans in their own country. The animal
1979.
deities disguise themselves when visiting the Ainu world in
Hillebrandt, Alfred. Vedische Mythologie, vol. 1. Breslau, 1927.
order to bring meat and fur as presents to the Ainu, just as
Ainu guests always bring gifts. In this view, then, the bear,
Kellens, Jean. Le panthéon de l’Avesta ancien. Wiesbaden, 1994.
which is generally considered the supreme deity, is but the
Molé, Marijan. Culte, mythe et cosmologie dans l’Iran ancien. Paris,
1963.
mountain deity in disguise.
GHERARDO GNOLI (1987)
Besides the bears, the important deities or kamuy in-
Translated from Italian by Roger DeGaris
clude foxes, owls (which are considered to be the deity of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
206
AINU RELIGION
settlement), seals, and a number of other sea and land ani-
humans. After the bear is taken out of the “bear house,” situ-
mals and birds. The importance of each varies from region
ated southwest of the host’s house, the bear is killed by the
to region. In addition, the Ainu pantheon includes the fire
Sakhalin Ainu with two pointed arrows. The Hokkaido Ainu
goddess (Iresu-Huchi), the goddess of the sun and moon (in
use blunt arrows before they fatally shoot the bear with
some regions they are separate deities), the dragon deity in
pointed arrows; then they strangle the already dead or dying
the sky, the deity of the house, the deity of the nusa (the altar
bear between two logs. Male elders skin and dress the bear,
with inaw ritual sticks), the deity of the woods, and the deity
which is then placed in front of the sacred altar where trea-
of water.
sures are hung. Ainu treasures consist primarily of trade
Evil spirits and demons, called variously oyasi or wen-
goods from the Japanese, such as swords and lacquerware.
kamuy (“evil deity”), constitute another group of beings in
These are considered offerings to the deities and function as
the universe who are more powerful than humans. They may
status symbols for the owner. After preliminary feasting out-
exercise their destructive power by causing misfortunes such
side at the altar, the Ainu bring the dissected bear into the
as epidemics. (The smallpox deity is an example.) While
host’s house through the sacred window and continue their
some of them have always been demons, others are beings
feast. Among the Hokkaido Ainu, the ceremony ends when
that have turned into demons. When a soul is mistreated
the head of the bear is placed at the altar on a pole decorated
after the death of its owner, for example, it becomes a
with inaw. The elder bids a farewell prayer while shooting
demon. The Ainu pay a great deal of attention to evil spirits
an arrow toward the eastern sky—an act signifying the safe
and demons by observing religious rules and performing ex-
departure of the deity. The Sakhalin Ainu bring the bear
orcism rites. A major theme in the Ainu epic poems treats
skull stuffed with ritual shavings, bones, eyes, and the penis,
human combat with demons. Characteristically, the deities
if the bear was male, to a sacred bone pile in the mountains.
never directly deal with the demons; rather, they extend their
They also sacrifice two carefully chosen dogs, which they
aid to the Ainu, if the latter behave properly.
consider to be servant-messengers of the bear deities. Al-
though often mistaken as a cruel act by outsiders, the bear
Of all the rituals of the Ainu, the bear ceremony is by
ceremony is a ritual whereby the Ainu express their utmost
far the most elaborate. It is the only ceremony of the Ainu
respect for their deity.
that occurs in all regions and that formally involves not only
all the members of the settlement but those from numerous
Although the bear ceremony is distinctly a male ceremo-
other settlements as well, thereby facilitating the flow of peo-
ny, in that the officiants are male elders and the women must
ple and their communication among different settlements.
leave the scene when the bear is shot and skinned, shaman-
The bear ceremony provides a significant opportunity for
ism is not an exclusively male vocation. Sakhalin Ainu sha-
male elders to display their wealth, symbolizing their political
manism differs considerably from that of the Hokkaido
power, to those from other settlements. Most importantly,
Ainu. Among the former, cultural valuation of shamanism
from the perspective of the Ainu, the bear ceremony is a fu-
is high; well-regarded members of the society, both men and
neral ritual for the bear. Its purpose is to send the soul of the
women, may become shamans. Although shamans some-
bear through a proper ritual so that the soul will be reborn
times perform rites for divinations of various sorts and for
as a bear and will revisit the Ainu with gifts of meat and fur.
miracle performances, by far the great majority of rites are
The entire process of the bear ceremony takes at least
performed for diagnosis and cure of illnesses. When shamans
two years and consists of three stages. The hunters capture
are possessed by spirits, they enter a trance state, and the spir-
and raise a bear cub. In the major ceremony, the bear is ritu-
it speaks through their mouths, providing the client with
ally killed and its soul is sent back to the mountains. Among
necessary information, such as the diagnosis and cure of the
the Sakhalin Ainu a secondary ceremony follows the major
illness or the location of a missing object. Among the Hok-
ceremony after several months. A bear cub, captured alive ei-
kaido Ainu, whose shamanistic practice is not well recorded,
ther while still in a den or while ambling with its mother
shamans are usually women, who collectively have lower so-
upon emerging from the den, is usually raised by the Ainu
cial status than men, although some male shamans are re-
for about a year and a half. At times women nurse these new-
ported to have existed. The Hokkaido Ainu shaman also en-
born cubs. Although the time of the ceremony differs accord-
ters a possession trance, but she does so only if a male elder
ing to the region, it is most often held in the beginning of
induces it in her by offering prayers to the deities. Although
the cold season; for the Sakhalin Ainu, it takes place just be-
she too diagnoses illnesses, her function is confined to diag-
fore they move from their coastal settlement to their inland
nosis, after which male elders take over and engage in the
settlement for the cold season.
healing process. Male elders must, however, consult a
shaman before they make important decisions for the com-
The ceremony combines deeply religious elements with
munity.
the merriment of eating, drinking, and dancing. All the par-
ticipants don their finest clothing and adornments. Prayers
While Ainu religion is expressed in rituals as well as in
are offered to the fire goddess and the deity of the house, but
such daily routines as the disposal of fish bones, nowhere is
the major focus of the ceremony is on the deity of the moun-
it more articulated than in their highly developed oral tradi-
tains, who is believed to have sent the bear as a gift to the
tion, which is both a primary source of knowledge about the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AION
207
deities and a guideline for the Ainu conducts. There are at
topic of Aion entails coping with the basic tenets of the lead-
least twenty-seven native genres of oral tradition, each having
ing exponents of the Religionsgeschichtliche Schule (Reitzen-
a label in Ainu. They may be classified into two types: verses,
stein, Bousset, and Norden) and testing the methodology of
either epic or lyric, sung or chanted; and prose that is narrat-
four of the most prominent modern historians of religions:
ed. While the prose in some genres is recited in the third per-
Franz Cumont (1868–1947), Martin Persson Nilsson
son, the more common genre is first person narrative, in
(1874–1967), Raffaele Pettazzoni (1883–1959), and Arthur
which a protagonist tells his own story through the mouth
Darby Nock (1902–1963). Before settling this matter, it is
of the narrator-singer. The mythic and heroic epics are very
important to survey the various meanings of the Greek word
complex and lengthy; some heroic epics have as many as fif-
aion, first in common usage, then in a theological context,
teen thousand verses. While the mythic epics relate the activ-
before the emergence in the first century CE of the throngs
ities of deities, the heroic epics concern the culture hero,
of aiones (in the latinized spelling, aeones) that came to inhab-
sometimes called Aynu Rakkuru, who, with the aid of the
it the hierarchical Gnostic universe.
deities, fought against demons to save the Ainu, thereby be-
S
coming the founder of Ainu people. Among the Hokkaido
EMANTIC DEVELOPMENTS OF THE TEMPORAL NOTION OF
A
Ainu, the culture hero descended from the world of the dei-
ION FROM HOMER UNTIL THE EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERA-
ties in the sky and taught the Ainu their way of life, including
TURE. Semantic analysis and linguistic comparison (cf. the
Vedic Agni, a life-giving god, and Latin iuvenis) have proven
fishing and hunting, and the rituals and rules governing
that at its birth in the Indo-European crucible and in its early
human society. His marriage, told in various versions, is an-
usage by Homer, aion meant “life,” in the sense of “vitality”
other prominent theme in the epics. Some scholars interpret
or “life-fluid” (also “spinal marrow” in medical texts). After
the battles fought by the culture hero as being the battles that
Homer the physical, nontemporal value fades out and per-
the Ainu fought against invading peoples.
sists only in epic diction up to Nonnus of Panopolis, the poet
SEE ALSO Bears.
who in the fifth century CE competes with the Homeric ar-
chetype to build up a living theology out of dead deities.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
In the Greek literature of the classical age, aion predom-
Ainu minzokushi. Tokyo, 1970. Issued by Ainu Bunka Hozon
inantly assumes the meaning of “life” in all its nuances, from
Taisaku Kyogikai. See pages 723–770.
the “lifetime” to the “lifestyle” of an individual human being.
Chiri Mashio. “Ainu no shinyo.” Hoppo bunka kenkyu hokoku
A collective reference (“generation” or “age”) is also found,
(1954): 1–78.
altogether with the more impersonal significance of “time,”
Chiri Mashio. Bunrui Ainugo jiten, vol. 3. Tokyo, 1962. See pages
in competition with chronos, but in the narrower sense of
359–361.
“period of time.” However, at the same time and especially
Kindaichi Kyosuke. Ainu bungaku. Tokyo, 1933.
in Heraclitus and Pindar, it assumes mystical nuances (in
Kitagawa, Joseph. “Ainu Bear Festival (Iyomante).” History of Re-
connection with the Orphic tradition) converging in the
ligions 1 (Summer 1961): 95–151.
spheres of daimon and moira (fate). Only Plato, either influ-
enced by the Persian opposition between Zurvan akarana
Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko. The Ainu of the Northwest Coast of
Southern Sakhalin (1974). Reprint, Prospect Heights, Ill.,
(time boundless) and Zurvan daregho-chvadhata (time of the
1984. Pages 90–97 describe the Sakhalin Ainu bear ceremo-
long dominion) or simply prompted by his linguistic and
ny.
mythopoeic genius, in Timaeus (37d–38c) confers a funda-
mental shift on Aion’s semantic history. The demiurge
Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko. “Regional Variations in Ainu Culture.”
American Ethnologist 3 (May 1976): 297–329.
creates sensible time (chronos) as a moving image of eternity
(aion) immovable in the eternal present. Consequently, Aion
Philippi, Donald L. Songs of Gods, Songs of Humans. Princeton and
becomes the idea of time, which is Platonically the heavenly
Tokyo, 1979.
model of earthly time, whereas for Aristotle, aion is trans-
EMIKO OHNUKI-TIERNEY (1987)
formed into the “immortal and divine” life of Heaven, last-
ing in eternal duration more than in an eternal present and
almost identified with heaven. Philo of Alexandria weaves
Plato’s intuition and Aristotle’s vision into a distinctly theo-
AION. The trajectory of Aion extends for more than a
logical pattern. Aion is the bios of God and of the kosmos noe-
thousand years over the whole of antiquity, from Homer to
tos living in an eternal present. Another devoted follower of
Nonnus of Panopolis. Its story has been recounted several
Plato transfers his master’s intuition onto an even more
times, and many controversial issues have been almost con-
metaphysical level: for Plutarch, God, who does not exist in
clusively solved. In effect, taking part in the debate on the
time (chronos), has his only real existence in eternity (aion),
question of Aion has turned out to be something of an ordeal
an unmoving and nontemporal state.
for scholars of ancient religions, for it requires them to con-
duct a painstaking investigation of Greek and Latin litera-
In Jewish and early Christian texts (especially the New
ture, ancient art, and religious topics of Greece, Rome,
Testament and the pseudo-Clementine Homiliae), the usage
Egypt, Iran, Syria, and Mesopotamia. Moreover, tackling the
of aion with the sense of eternity alternates with the seeming-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
208
AION
ly antithetical usage of aion meaning “segment of time,” that
ble nuance to a symbol that had, until then, only been ex-
is, “age.” This segment of time may coincide with “the past,”
pressed through philosophical images.
with “the present age” (ho aion outos), or with “the age to
In the second century CE the Nubian town of Talmis
come” (ho aion mellon). The doctrine of the two aeones, the
was the center for a henotheistic cult of the local deity
present one being dominated by the devil-kosmokrator and
Mandulis, which does not necessarily mean that it was a pri-
nearing its end, and the one to come, which is imminent and
mary place of worship to the god Aion. The worshiper who
will fulfill the messianic promises of perfection, is rooted in
had a beatific vision of his god and expressed thanksgiving
Jewish apocalypticism. After being hinted at in the Synoptics
in an inscription praised Mandulis as “The Sun, the all-
and in Paul, this doctrine is fully developed in the pseudo-
seeing King of the universe and omnipotent Eternity (Aion
Clementine Homiliae with such overtly dualistic features that
pantokrator).” The Nubian god is identified with the Greek
they seem to echo the Persian dualistic conception of the two
Helios and is endowed with the attributes of omniscience,
successive kingdoms, the first in the hands of the evil Ahri-
omnipotence, and eternity. Aion appears not as another well-
man and the second under the power of the good O
¯ hrmazd.
defined Greek deity but simply as a feature of the Sun God.
AION AS COSMIC GOD. Finally, in the Hellenistic age Aion
Aion plays a prominent role in the liturgies of the magi-
becomes a cosmic god popular in various mysterio-sophical
cal papyri, documents containing extremely heterogeneous
circles and sometimes an object of a sort of henotheistic cult.
material from the first centuries CE. Appearing roughly twen-
As regards the character of this cult prior to the explosion
ty times in the magical papyri, Aion is compared to Helios
of the single Aion into the aiones of Gnosticism, we have very
four times and, more rarely, to other deities belonging to the
little information. With respect to visual documents, the
solar sphere: Apollo, Agathos Daimon, or the Egyptian god
Mithraic leontocephaline, which had already been identified
Ra. It is predominantly a personal god, in particular the su-
with Aion by G. Zoega and was later associated with Zurvan
preme cosmic deity, the lord of the world (kosmokrator or
by Franz Cumont and, finally, with Ahriman by F. Legge,
pantokrator), but also the First Father, invisible and self-
only vaguely reflects the personality of Aion as a cosmic god
generated, above whom there is no one. As such, in order to
of eternity. As regards the other monuments commonly re-
distinguish the god from other aiones or lesser deities, a su-
ferred to the cosmic god Aion because of the presence of the
perlative circumlocution of clear Semitic origin is used to de-
wheel of the zodiac and/or of the entwined serpent, only the
fine him as “God of the gods,” “God of the aiones,” “unique
elderly bearded figures appearing in mosaics and reliefs dat-
and blessed among the aiones,” “Aion of the aiones,” and
ing from the end of the first century
“king and lord of the aiones.”
BCE up to the sixth cen-
tury CE are identified by epigraphs as representations of the
The same conception is clearly expressed in the Oracula
god Aion. Other well-known images of a youthful, cosmic
Chaldaica. Aion is defined as the “light issuing from the Fa-
god in the zodiac refer to other deities. Only a few of the
ther,” who draws on the Father’s force to dispense intelli-
coins circulated by the Roman emperors to advertise the hap-
gence (nous) to the lower beings, endowing them with a sort
piness of their empire as a sign of the renewal of time and
of perpetual motion. The Father or the Supreme Principle
the universe can be reliably referred to the cult of Aion (see
is thus conceived of as an agglomeration of light (a Sun) from
the pieces where Aion appears surrounded by the ouroboros
which a luminous particle detaches as a deuteros theos to illu-
or holding the Phoenix). A telling, even if nonanthropomor-
minate and oversee the activities of the lower world. Like-
phic image, of aionic time eternally revolving is that of the
wise, in an oracle of the Theosophy of Tübingen the various
ouroboros, the serpent biting its own tail. From literary evi-
gods of the cult are merely particles of the all-embracing god
dence and inscriptions on the magical papyri and the so-
and his angels. In this text the supreme Aion and the various
called Gnostic gems, we learn that this icon, undoubtedly
aiones seem to hint at the Gnostic doctrine of the aiones in
Egyptian in origin, was widely conceived as a fitting and liv-
terms that can be traced back to an Orphico-Platonic matrix.
ing symbol of Aion. Very little can be deduced about the cult
In the Corpus Hermeticum the theology of Aion appears
of the god Aion in Alexandria during the Hellenistic age
as one of the mainstays of the whole system. Right from the
from the celebrated passage of Epiphanius (Panarion 51. 22.
beginning Aion appears as the front-line physical and meta-
9–11) concerning the Aion generated by the Virgin on the
physical principle immediately after the Supreme God: “God
night of January 5–6. It is likely that the cult of the Alexan-
makes Aion, Aion makes the heaven-world, the heaven-
drine Aion witnessed by the heresiologist is only a late syn-
world makes time (chronos), time makes the genesis” (C.H.
cretistic fruit of an indigenous cult of Osiris in special rela-
XI. 2). Finally, as Aion is spatially and temporally infinite,
tion to the Egyptian notion of eternity (Nhh) as the
it becomes the archetype, the objective of mystic-ascetic
everlasting renewal of life out of death. In Eleusis during the
practices. Clearly, in this context Aion is not simply an ab-
reign of Augustus three Roman brothers dedicated a statue
stract concept (eternity or infinite space) but an active princi-
of Aion “for the might of Rome and the persistence of the
ple, the strength (dynamis) or wisdom (sophia) of God, the
mysteries.” This dedication shows that in the first century
Soul of the World. In other words, in the Hermetic system
BCE Aion was conceived of as a personal divine entity with
Aion plays the role of the “Second God” (deuteros theos), the
its own iconography, which conferred a concrete and tangi-
intermediary between the highest, unfathomable god and the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AION
209
world. That is to say, it plays the same role that in other Stoic
the lesser aiones, are merely entitled to the crumbs of this in-
and Middle Platonic contexts is played by Logos, Sophia, by
heritance of eternity, in a spatial dimension, as they are noth-
a god called deuteros or demiourgos, by a personalised pneuma.
ing more than shadows or images of the greater aion.
These entities act in a hierarchical system with three (or five)
In conclusion, the tendency of Gnostic mythopoeia to
levels in which the second god modeled on or by the first
give form to abstract entities by attributing them with a con-
god is, in turn, the model for the third god identified in the
crete personality perhaps underlies the extensive speculation
cosmos.
on the aiones, which are at one and the same time fragments
AION AND AIONES IN GNOSTICISM. In the Gnostic mental
of duration and the characters of a mythical drama halfway
universe, the aiones are the bricks of which the higher reality
between the real and the symbolic. The shift from the One
is built, the only reality that per se exists eternally and of
to the multiple, from time to space, therefore seems to stem
which the lower world is merely a dim shadow. From the be-
from a process within Gnostic thought itself instead of being
ginning this higher reality has been a compact whole, a soli-
the result of a sort of artificial insemination in Persian or
tary thought reflecting onto itself. At a certain point, it is
Egyptian test tubes.
broken down into a graded series of cosmic entities, the
aiones, which bear the sign of the primary principle from
SEE ALSO Eternity; Gnosticism; Hellenistic Religions; Lions;
which they sprung while remaining fatally inferior to it.
Sacred Time; Snakes; Zurvanism.
The term aiones first appears many times in the Gnostic
BIBLIOGRAPHY
treatises of Nag Hammadi, indicating an undefined number
Alföldi, Andreas. “From the Aion Plutonios of the Ptolomies to
of spatial segments making up the noetic and pneumatic in-
the Saeculum Frugiferum of the Roman Emperors.” In
visible and eternal world. In his heresiological transcription,
Greece and the Eastern Mediterranean in Ancient History and
Irenaeus uses the singular incorruptibilis Aeon to designate
Prehistory, edited by K. H. Hinzl, pp. 1–30. Berlin and New
the higher world formed of all the aiones together as it is con-
York, 1977. Important analysis of monuments, especially the
coins.
ceived of by the Gnostics mentioned in the Adversus Haereses.
The term aiones is also frequently used in several Gnostic
Belayche, Nicole. “Aiôn: Vers une Sublimation du Temps.” In Le
treatises to indicate a certain number of spatial entities con-
Temps chrétien de la fin de l’Antiquité au Moyen Age: IIIe–
ceived of as segments of the intellectual cosmos, which are
XIIIe siècles, edited by Jean-Marie Leroux, pp. 11–29. Paris,
1984.
diversified and stratified and also endowed with a specific
personality (symbols of the mental functions). In the Sethian
Bousset, Wilhelm. “Der Gott Aion (Aus der Unveröffentlichen
writings Aion appears in the singular almost exclusively to
Nachlass, ca. 1912–1919),” in his Religionsgeschichtliche Stu-
dien. Leiden, 1979, pp. 192–230. A groundbreaking work
indicate the entity closest to the unfathomable Father, Bar-
for the historico-religious interpretation, with emphasis on
belo, the self-generated and thrice male aion. More rarely,
the magical and Hermetic texts, although virtually unknown
aiones may be used to indicate lower realities existing outside
in scholarship.
the pleroma. It would appear then that aiones can also be ap-
Brandon, S. G. F. History, Time and Deity. A Historical and Com-
plied to the archons, basically “demons,” from the court of
parative Study of the Conception of Time in Religious Thought
the evil god Ialdabaoth, just as it normally identifies the cate-
and Practice. Manchester, 1965. See pp. 56 and 61 for a (de-
gory of spiritual beings created from the Supreme God, basi-
batable) solution of the problem of the relationship between
cally “angels.”
the Hellenistic Aion and the Gnostic aiones.
The current contraposition between aiones as the hypos-
Casadio, Giovanni. “From Hellenistic Aion to Gnostic Aiones.” In
tasis of the higher reality and angels as creatures of the inferi-
Religion im Wandel der Kosmologien, edited by Dieter Zeller,
or god in some texts becomes so tenuous as to disappear alto-
pp. 175–190. Frankfurt am Main, 1999. A synthesis, with
gether. In view of this semantic fluidity, it is no wonder that
detailed presentation of the evidence, on which this article
is based.
when Epiphanius had to give names to the seven sons of Ial-
dabaoth who combine to mold the first man Adam, he de-
Colpe, Carsten. “Altiranische und Zoroastrische Mythologie.” In
fined them as “aiones or gods or angels.” The Gnostic aiones,
Götter und Mythen der Kaukasischen und Iranischen Völker =
Wörtebuch der Mythologie, edited by W. Haussig,
being the intermediaries between the transcendent world and
pp. 161–487, vol. 4, Stuttgart, 1986. See the entry, “Aion,”
the earthly world, perform a function that essentially coin-
pp. 246–250. Reprinted in Colpe, Carsten. Kleine Schriften,
cides with that of the angels, the mediators between god and
vol. V. Berlin, 1996, pp. 147–151.
the cosmos in the Jewish conception that underlies Christian
Cumont, Franz. “Mithra et l’Orphisme.” Revue de l’Histoire des
and Islamic angelology.
Religions 109 (1934): 63–72. Classical interpretation of the
The semantic shift of aion/aiones from the context of
Modena bas-relief.
time to that of space, which was already latent in both pagan
Degani, Enzo. AION da Omero ad Aristotele. Padua and Florence,
and Christian Hellenistic literature, becomes a fait accompli
1961. Fundamental for Aion in pre-Hellenistic literature.
in Gnostic scriptures, even if the temporal nuance of aion is
Degani, Enzo. AION. Bologna, 2001. A synthesis of the 1961
not completely lost. Likewise, for the Gnostics eternity is the
study with amplifications to comprehend the Christian liter-
essential characteristic of the great Aion and his descendants,
ature.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
210
AIRYANA VAE¯JAH
Festugière, André-Jean. La Révelation d’Hermès Trismégiste, Le
the homeland of followers of the Good Religion. In Iranian
Dieu Inconnu et la Gnose. Paris, 1954. See pp. 141–199.
cosmology Airyana Vae¯jah is found at the center of the
Fundamental for the analysis of the magical papyri and the
world, in the central region known as Khvaniratha, the first
Hermetic treatises.
of the seven parts (karshvar) into which the earth is divided.
Foucher, Louis. “Aiôn, le Temps Absolu.” Latomus 55 (1996):
Airyana Vae¯jah is the setting for the principal events of Zoro-
5–30. Accurate and comprehensive analysis of monuments:
astrian sacred history: the history of Gayo¯-maretan, the first
mosaics, coins, reliefs, and paintings.
human; of Gav-ae¯vo¯-da¯ta, the uniquely created bull; of
Jackson, H. M. “Love Makes the World Go Round. The Classical
Yima, the first king; and later of Zarathushtra (Zoroaster)
Greek Ancestry of the Youth with the Zodiacal Circle in the
himself.
Late Roman Art.” In Studies in Mithraism, edited by J. R.
Hinnells, pp. 131–164. Rome, 1994. Thorough and con-
Although Airyana Vae¯jah (lit., “the Aryan expanse”) is
vincing analysis of monuments.
of a mythical and legendary nature, attempts have been made
Jung, Carl Gustav. Aion. Untersuchungen zur Symbolgeschichte.
to assign it a definite location. During the Sasanid period,
Zürich, 1951, Olten, 1976. See pp. 52–55 and 517. Based
for instance, it was thought to be in Azerbaijan, the area from
on a passage in the pseudo-Clementine Homiliae, he argues
which Zarathushtra was believed to have originated. More
for the substantial nature of evil in the true Christian vision
recently, some scholars have maintained that the original
and its virtual inherence to God the Creator—a view overtly
Airyana Vae¯jah must be placed in Khorezm, but this thesis
Gnostic.
is supported only by tenuous arguments. It is probable that
Le Glay, Maurice. “Aion.” In Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae
at the time of Zarathushtra, Airyana Vae¯jah corresponded,
Classicae, vol. 1, pp. 399–411. Munich and Zürich, 1981.
in the minds of Iranian tribesmen, to the region that they
Very valuable, all-inclusive survey of the iconography.
actually occupied: the Hindu Kush or the area immediately
Levi, Doro. “Aion.” Hesperia 13 (1944): 269–314. Discussion of
south of it, which is part of the Airyo¯-shayana, the “seat of
monuments, especially the mosaics.
the Airya,” mentioned in the Avestan hymn to Mithra
Markschies, Christoph. Valentinus Gnosticus? Untersuchungen zur
(Yashts 10.13–14).
Valentinianischen Gnosis mit einem Kommentar zu den Frag-
menten Valentins. Tübingen, Germany, 1992. See
Airyana Vae¯jah was first and foremost the home of
pp. 157–166. Competent discussion of Aion in Valentinus,
Zarathushtra and his religion. It was accordingly the best of
but important also for general issues.
all lands. The first chapter of the Vendidad places it first in
Musso, Luisa. “Aion.” In Enciclopedia dell’arte Antica Classica e
the list of the sixteen lands that were created by Ahura Mazda¯
Orientale. Secondo Supplemento, pp. 134–142. Rome, 1994.
and that were threatened by the countercreation of Angra
The most comprehensive and updated survey of the iconog-
Mainyu. In this text its mythical nature is evident. The fact
raphy, with rich literature.
that a cold winter in Airyana Vae¯jah is said to last ten months
Nock, Arthur Darby. Essays on Religion and the Ancient World.
is to be explained by the mountainous nature of the land of
Cambridge, Mass., 1972. Based on a definitive explanation
legend and not, as some have maintained (Marquart, 1901),
of the inscription of Talmis, he argues convincingly for an
by the climate of Khorezm.
interpretation of Aion as a function and not as a definite di-
vine figure.
SEE ALSO Iranian Religions.
Norden, Eduard. Die Geburt des Kindes. Geschichte einer Religiösen
Idee, 2d ed., pp. 24–40. Leipzig, 1924.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Puech, Henri-Charles. “La Gnose et le Temps. ” Eranos-Jahrbuch
Bailey, H. W. “Iranian Studies.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental
19 (1951): 57–113. Reprinted in Puech, Henri-Charles. En
and African Studies 6 (1930–1932): 945–955.
Quête de la Gnose. Paris, 1978.
Benveniste, Émile. “L’E¯ra¯n-ve¯zˇ et l’origine légendaire des Ira-
Tardieu, Michel. Recherches sur la Formation de l’Apocalypse de Zos-
niens.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
trien et les Sources de Marius Victorinus. Bures-sur-Yvette,
7 (1933–1935): 265–274.
1996. See pp. 93–98. A careful and thorough analysis of the
Christensen, Arthur. Le premier chapitre du Vendidad et l’histoire
tripartitions of the aiones in Zostranios.
primitive des tribus iraniennes. Copenhagen, 1943.
Zepf, Max. “Der Gott Aion in der Hellenistischen Theologie.” Ar-
Geiger, Wilhelm. Ostiranische Kultur im Altertum. Erlangen,
chiv für Religionswissenschaft 25 (1927): 225–244.
1882.
Zuntz, Günther. Aion Gott des Römerreichs. Heidelberg, 1989.
Gnoli, Gherardo. Ricerche storiche su S¯ısta¯n antico. Rome, 1967.
Zuntz, Günther. Aion in Römerreich. Die Archäologische Zeugnisse.
Gnoli, Gherardo. Zoroaster’s Time and Homeland. Naples, 1980.
Heidelberg, Germany, 1991. Drastic criticism of previous
Gnoli, Gherardo. The Idea of Iran. Rome, 1989.
interpretations.
Herzfeld, Ernst. Zoroaster and His World. Princeton, 1947.
Zuntz, Günther. Aion in der Literatur der Kaiserzeit. Vienna,
Marquart, Josef. E¯ra¯nˇsahr nach der Geographie des Ps. Moses
1992.
Xorenac’i. 2 vols. Berlin, 1901.
GIOVANNI CASADIO (2005)
Munshizadeh, Davud. Topographisch-historische Studien zum
iranischen Nationalepos. Wiesbaden, 1975.
Nyberg, H. S. Irans forntida religioner. Stockholm, 1937. Trans-
AIRYANA VAE¯JAH. According to Zoroastrian belief,
lated as Die Religionen des alten Iran (1938; 2d ed., Uppsala,
Airyana Vae¯jah (Av.), or E¯ra¯n-ve¯z (MPers.), is the name of
1966).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
A¯J¯IVIKAS
211
Witzel, Michael. “The Home of the Aryans.” In Anusantatyai.
pate her of any direct role, many historians stress her absence
Festschrift für Johanna Narten zum 70. Geburtstag, edited by
from Medina at the time of the caliph’s death. When EAl¯ı
Almut Hintze and Eva Tichy, pp. 283–338. Dettelbach,
ibn Ab¯ı T:a¯lib, for whom her enmity was long-standing, as-
2000.
sumed the caliphate, EADishah joined two of the Prophet’s
GHERARDO GNOLI (1987)
early supporters, T:alh:ah and al-Zubayr, in armed opposition
Translated from Italian by Roger DeGaris
to him. Ostensibly to avenge the murder of EUthma¯n, they
gathered forces in Basra (southern Iraq) and met EAl¯ı in bat-
tle in December 656. EAl¯ı defeated his opponents, but
E
EADishah’s camel-drawn litter, around which intense fighting
A¯DISHAH BINT AB¯I BAKR (d. AH 59/678 CE),
raged, was immortalized in the name by which historians
child bride of the prophet Muh:ammad and daughter of the
came to refer to this event, the Battle of the Camel.
first Islamic caliph, Abu¯ Bakr. EADishah was born in Mecca
several years before the community’s emigration from Mecca
In the two decades that passed from the time of this en-
to Medina in
gagement until her death, EADishah lived in relative obscurity
AH 1/622 CE. She was the second in the series
of women whom Muh:ammad married after the death of his
in Medina, only occasionally emerging into the light of his-
first wife, Khad¯ıjah. Although the marriage was doubtless
tory. Her memory remains alive in the Muslim community
constructed to strengthen the alliance between the Prophet
in the many anecdotes about her and in the hundreds of
and his early supporter, Abu¯ Bakr, EADishah soon became a
h:ad¯ıths for which she was a transmitter.
favorite of her husband. Tales of his delight in her abound.
In childhood, she spread her toys before him, and it was in
BIBLIOGRAPHY
her quarters that he chose to die and requested that his body
EADishah is one of the few women in Muslim history to have
be buried.
earned a full-scale biography. This gracefully written work,
by the University of Chicago scholar Nabia Abbott, is enti-
Before and after Muh:ammad’s death in 632, EADishah
tled Aishah, the Beloved of Mohammed (Chicago, 1942).
was involved, either deliberately or inadvertently, in actions
While based on extended research in the traditional sources,
of political consequence. The first was a result of youthful
the book reads like a good historical novel. For a condensed
thoughtlessness that precipitated a crisis of honor in the
and more prosaic treatment of the events of her life, see W.
Prophet’s house. EADishah had accompanied her husband on
Montgomery Watt’s article “EADishah bint Ab¯ı Bakr,” in the
his campaign against the Banu¯ al-Mus:t:aliq in 628, when she
new edition of The Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leiden, 1960–).
Watt’s two volumes on the life of the Prophet, Muhammad
was about fifteen years of age. During one of the stops on
at Mecca (London, 1953) and Muhammad at Medina (Lon-
the return journey to Medina she went in search of a mis-
don, 1956), also carry passing references to EADishah. For an
placed necklace and so lost herself in this quest that she failed
account of the Battle of the Camel that emphasizes the role
to notice the caravan’s departure. Eventually she was found
of EADishah, see Laura Veccia Vaglieri’s “al-Djamal” in the
by the caravan’s young rear-guard scout, S:afwa¯n ibn
new edition of The Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leiden, 1960–).
al-MuEat:t:al. The scandal occasioned by her return journey
JANE DAMMEN MCAULIFFE (1987)
alone with this male escort was eagerly fed by Muh:ammad’s
rivals and enemies. Even among the Prophet’s supporters,
there were those, such as his son-in-law, EAl¯ı ibn Ab¯ı T:a¯lib,
who urged him to divorce her. (Traditional historians date
A¯J¯IVIKAS, or A¯j¯ıvakas, an Indian heterodox sect,
the cause of EADishah’s resistance against EAl¯ı’s eventual ca-
founded in the sixth century BCE by Makkhali Gosa¯la, an ap-
liphate to this intervention.) A QurDanic revelation (24:11–
proximate contemporary of the Buddha, on the basis of earli-
20) finally exonerated EADishah and set the legal bounds for
er groups of unorthodox ascetics. After a period of populari-
any charge of adultery: henceforth, those unable to produce
ty, the sect lost ground in northern India, but survived in the
four witnesses to such a charge would themselves be pun-
south until the fourteenth century or later.
ished. (Both Sunn¯ı and Sh¯ıE¯ı commentators trace the occa-
THE FOUNDER. Makkhali Gosa¯la figures in the Pali scrip-
sion of this revelation to the episode involving EADishah.)
tures of Therava¯da Buddhism as one of six heterodox teach-
In the years following the Prophet’s death her political
ers frequently mentioned together as successful founders of
activism was, at times, pronounced. Left a childless widow
ascetic orders. Also among these is Maha¯v¯ıra, the founder of
before she was twenty, EADishah was prevented from making
Jainism, described under the Pali name Nigantha Na¯taputta.
another marital alliance by a QurDanic injunction against the
In Buddhist Sanskrit sources, Gosa¯la is mentioned under the
remarriage of Muh:ammad’s wives (33:53). However, both
name Maskarin Go´sa¯l¯ıputra, in the context of the six ascet-
as a widow of the Prophet and as a daughter of his first suc-
ics. The S´veta¯mbara Jaina scriptures record his name as
cessor, the caliph Abu¯ Bakr, EADishah was a woman of consid-
Gosa¯la Man˙khaliputta. The Jain Bhagavat¯ı Su¯tra is our main
erable prominence in the early Muslim community. She used
source for the story of his association with Maha¯v¯ıra. Parts
this prominence to further the growing opposition to the
of this account are much elaborated by the later commenta-
third caliph, EUthma¯n. EADishah’s role in the events that cul-
tor Jinada¯sa Gan:¯ı in his commentary (Skt., cu¯rn:i) to the
minated in his assassination is debated. In an effort to excul-
A¯va´syaka Su¯tra. From this it appears that Gosa¯la, a young
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
212
A¯J¯IVIKAS
ascetic of doubtful antecedents, encountered Maha¯v¯ıra when
In the period of the Mauryan empire (fourth to second
the latter had been an ascetic for two years. The pair spent
centuries BCE), or at least during the reign of A´soka, the
some seven years together, wandering over the Ganges valley,
A¯j¯ıvikas appear to have been particularly influential in the
after which they parted company. Then, after six months of
Ganges Plain. In his Seventh Pillar Edict, A´soka ranks them
severe penance, Gosa¯la is said to have acquired supernatural
third, after the Buddhists and Brahmans, in a list of religious
powers, and to have proclaimed himself a “conqueror” (jina,
groups that he patronized, and before the Jains and “various
a title also given to Maha¯v¯ıra).
other sects.” This list probably represents the order of merit
in the eyes of the king. The importance and popularity of
It appears that Gosa¯la quickly gained a following among
the A¯j¯ıvikas at this time may also be gauged from the fact
many nondescript ascetics who were already known as
that they were the recipients of a number of artificial caves,
A¯j¯ıvikas, probably implying that they took lifelong (a¯j¯ıvat)
about fifteen miles north of Gaya in modern Bihar, not far
vows. His base was the then-important city of Sa¯vatthi (Skt.,
from the scene of the Buddha’s enlightenment. In the Bara-
S´ra¯vast¯ı), near Ayodhya¯ in central Uttar Pradesh, where he
bar Hills, two caves contain inscriptions stating that they
made his headquarters in the workshop of a lay disciple, the
were given to the A¯j¯ıvikas in the twelfth year after A´soka’s
potter woman Ha¯la¯hala¯. Some sixteen years later, he died in
consecration, and a similar inscription states that a third cave
the same place. According to the Bhagavat¯ı Su¯tra, his death
was dedicated in his nineteenth year. A fourth cave, adorned
took place following a confrontation with Maha¯v¯ıra, after
with an impressive facade, contains no inscription, but ap-
which he contracted a high fever and became delirious, but
pears to belong to the same period. In the nearby Nagarjuni
it appears that his own followers declared that he had ended
Hill, there are three similar caves, with inscriptions to the ef-
his life by voluntary starvation resulting from a penance of
fect that they were dedicated to the A¯j¯ıvikas as shelters dur-
six months’ duration. Shortly before his death he is said to
ing the rainy season by King Da´saratha, one of A´soka’s suc-
have had a conference with his six leading disciples, at which
cessors, immediately after his consecration as king—a sure
the A¯j¯ıvika scriptures were codified. The date of his death
indication of his favor. Taken together, these caves and in-
cannot be determined exactly, but it appears to have oc-
scriptions form an impressive record of the importance of the
curred a year or two before the death of the Buddha, approxi-
A¯j¯ıvikas at the time. The caves are probably the oldest exca-
mately 484 BCE.
vations of their kind for the use of ascetics in the whole of
T
India. Although they are not very large, their internal walls
HE A¯J¯IVIKA ASCETIC ORDER. The naked monks who fol-
are so brilliantly polished that enough light is reflected
lowed Gosa¯la appear to have subjected themselves to rigor-
through the low entrances to make it possible to read a news-
ous and painful penances. The initiation into the A¯j¯ıvika
paper with ease. These, however, are the only significant ar-
order involved pulling out the hair by the roots and grasping
chaeological remains of the A¯j¯ıvikas to have survived.
a heated lump, presumably of metal. Its members established
regular meeting places (sabha¯) in various towns of the Ganges
After the Mauryan period, the A¯j¯ıvikas lost ground and,
plain. They seem to have been in demand among the laity
with the exception of the Tamil sources mentioned below,
as prognosticators, and they were credited with magical pow-
only a few passing references to them occur in later literature.
ers. The A¯j¯ıvika order also enlisted women ascetics, but they
South Indian evidence, however, shows that they survived
are only mentioned in passing and we know nothing about
there until the fourteenth century. Among the numerous in-
them. As with the Buddhists and Jains, it appears that their
scriptions recording the transference of village taxes for the
most important supporters were wealthy merchants and their
upkeep of local temples, at least seventeen mention the
families. The A¯j¯ıvika monks were frequently accused by their
A¯j¯ıvikas, in most cases in connection with a special A¯j¯ıvika
rivals of sexual laxity, and of eating large and sumptuous
tax, presumably paid by lay A¯j¯ıvikas. This indicates that they
meals in private to compensate for their public penance and
were not looked on with favor by the local government au-
fasting. We have no means of discovering whether these ac-
thorities, and were at a disadvantage in comparison with the
cusations had any truth in them, or whether they were mere
more orthodox sects, though the tax does not appear to have
products of odium theologicum. The fact, however, that both
been heavy. Of these inscriptions, the greatest concentration
the Buddhists and the Jains looked on the A¯j¯ıvikas as their
is found in Karnataka state to the east and northeast of
most dangerous rivals is a measure of the popularity of the
Bangalore, and in the Kolar district of Tamil Nadu. The
latter, particularly in the fifth and fourth centuries BCE, when
presence of A¯j¯ıvikas is attested as far north as the district of
the traditions of the heterodox sects of India were taking
Guntur, just south of the Krishna River in Andhra Pradesh,
shape.
and as far south as Kilur, about forty miles inland from Pon-
dicherry.
The A¯j¯ıvika ascetics often ended their lives voluntarily
with a penance lasting six months, during which their intake
Three important Tamil religiophilosophical texts,
of food and drink was gradually reduced until they died of
Man:im¯ekalai, N¯ılak¯e´si, and S´ivajña¯nasiddhiyar, composed
hunger and thirst. This practice has something in common
by Buddhists, Jains, and S´aivites respectively, contain out-
with the sallekhana¯ of the Jain monks, and was evidently not
lines of A¯j¯ıvika doctrines. The most useful and informative
carried out in every case.
of these is N¯ılak¯e´si, probably written in the ninth century
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
A¯J¯IVIKAS
213
CE. In this text the heroine Nilakesi visits a number of teach-
menides, that the universe was, on final analysis, completely
ers one after the other in search of the truth. Among these
static. “Though we may speak of moments,” says the A¯j¯ıvika
are the Buddha himself and Pu¯ran:an, the leader of the
teacher Pu¯ran:an in N¯ılak¯e´si, “there is really no time at all.”
¯
A¯j¯ıvikas, a figure of great dignity dwelling in a hermitage
¯
This doctrine was known as avicalita-nityatvam, or “unmov-
adorned with fragrant flowers. Probably the latest surviving
ing permanence.”
evidence of the A¯j¯ıvikas is to be found in the astrological text
The cosmology of the A¯j¯ıvikas was evidently very com-
Ja¯taka-pa¯rija¯ta, written toward the latter part of the fifteenth
plex, but it is impossible to interpret accurately the ambigu-
century by Vaidyanatha D¯ıks:ita.
ous and obscure phrases referring to this in the texts. The
DOCTRINES OF THE A¯J¯IVIKAS. The teachings of Makkhali
A¯j¯ıvikas certainly postulated an immensely large universe,
Gosa¯la are summarized in this passage from the Buddhist
which passed through an immense number of time cycles.
D¯ıgha Nika¯ya:
Each soul (j¯ıva) was bound to transmigrate through eighty-
There is neither cause nor basis for the sins of living be-
four la¯khs (1 la¯kh = 100,000) of such cycles before reaching
ings; they become sinful without cause or basis. Neither
its inevitable goal of release from transmigration. For the
is there cause or basis for the purity of living beings;
southern A¯j¯ıvikas, however, even this desirable goal might
they become pure without cause or basis. There is no
not be final, for it appears that only a few souls were fated
deed performed by oneself or others, no human action,
to remain in bliss for all eternity; the rest achieved only “cy-
no strength, no courage, no human endurance or
clic release” (man:d:ala-moks:a), and were ultimately com-
human prowess [that can affect one’s future, in this life
pelled to return to the world and begin another cycle of
or in later ones]. All beings, all that have breath, all that
transmigration.
are born, all that have life, are without power, strength
and virtue, but are developed by destiny, chance and
The southern A¯j¯ıvikas appear to have absorbed the doc-
nature, and experience joy and sorrow in the six classes
trine of seven atomic substances attributed by the Buddhists
[of existence]. . . . There are . . . 8,400,000 great kal-
to another contemporary of the Buddha, Pakudha
pas through which fool and wise alike will take their
Kacca¯yana. These seven substances are earth, water, fire, air,
course and [ultimately] make an end of sorrow. There
joy, sorrow, and life. According to the Pali version of Pakud-
is no question of bringing unripe karma to fruition, nor
ha’s doctrine, these seven are uncreated and unchanging, “as
of exhausting karma already ripened, by virtuous con-
firm as mountains, as stable as pillars.” The Tamil
duct, by vows, by penance, or by chastity. That cannot
be done. Sam:sa¯ra is measured as with a bushel, with its
Man:im¯ekalai, however, states in its treatment of A¯j¯ıvika doc-
joy and sorrow and its appointed end. It can neither be
trine that the atoms combine to form molecules in fixed pro-
lessened nor increased, nor is there any excess or defi-
portions. The soul was also atomic, in the sense that it could
ciency of it. Just as a ball of thread will, when thrown,
not be divided, but in its natural disembodied state it is said
unwind to its full length, so fool and wise alike will take
to be of immense size, 500 leagues (yojana) in extent.
their course, and make an end of sorrow. (D¯ıgha
Nika¯ya, vol. 1, pp. 53–54)
There are indications that some of the South Indian
A¯j¯ıvikas made a kind of divinity out of their founder Makk-
This eloquent passage makes clear the fundamental principle
hali Gosa¯la, called in Tamil Markali; he has become a god
of A¯j¯ıvika philosophy, namely niyati, usually translated as
¯
(t¯evan) who, according to the text N¯ılak¯e´si, occasionally de-
“fate” or “destiny.” The A¯j¯ıvikas were, in fact, fatalists and
¯
scends to earth to stimulate the faith of his followers. For this
determinists. Buddhism, Jainism, and orthodox Hinduism,
school of A¯j¯ıvikas, the earthly teacher of the sect is Pu¯ran:an,
on the other hand, all emphasize the power of human effort
¯
evidently the same as Pu¯ran:a Kassapa, another of the six het-
(purus:aka¯ra) to affect human destiny. This proposition
erodox teachers of the Pali scriptures.
Gosa¯la and his followers categorically denied. Every being is
impelled by niyati to pass through immense cycles of birth,
Thus it appears that, at the end of their existence, one
death and rebirth, according to a rigidly fixed order until, in
school of A¯j¯ıvikas was assimilating its teaching to that of the
his last birth, he becomes an A¯j¯ıvika monk, dies after a long
devotional Vais:n:avas, while another, closer to the original
final penance, and enters a state which the A¯j¯ıvikas appear
teaching of Gosa¯la, was slowly absorbed by the Digambara
to have called nirva¯na. Probably the A¯j¯ıvikas, like the Jains
Jains. No definite survivals of Ajivikism can be traced in any
¯
but unlike the Buddhists, believed that the final state of bliss
branch of modern Indian religious life, but it is possible that
was to be found in the complete isolation of the soul from
echoes of A¯j¯ıvika determinism may be heard in some of the
matter and from other souls.
gnomic wisdom of South India, for instance: “Though a man
exert himself over and over again, he still only gets what
In any case, they believed that free will was an illusion.
comes on the appointed day.”
The criminal might imagine that he consciously chose to rob
and murder, and the pious believer might think that he gave
SEE ALSO Gosa¯la.
up the world and became an ascetic of his own free will; in
fact, the power of niyati left only one course open to them.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
This doctrine of niyati seems to have been developed by the
The only monograph on the subject is my own History and Doc-
South Indian A¯j¯ıvikas into a theory suggesting that of Par-
trines of the A¯j¯ıvikas (1951; reprint, Delhi, 1981), upon
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
214
AKAN RELIGION
which the foregoing article is largely based. For a critical no-
nent of the living person. It is set free to return to the land
tice, see Helen M. Johnson’s review in the Journal of the
of the ancestors only after death, though it may temporarily
American Oriental Society 74 (1954): 63–65. The two best
leave during sleep or severe illness. Usually the kra is protec-
earlier studies are A. F. R. Hoernle’s “A¯j¯ıvikas,” in the Ency-
tive; if a person recovers from illness or an accident he may
clopaedia of Religion and Ethics, edited by James Hastings,
give offerings to his kra in order to express gratitude for his
vol. 1 (London, 1908), and Benimadhav Barua’s “The
purification and ensure further prosperity. In such a rite, he
A¯j¯ıvikas,” Journal of the Department of Letters (University of
will generally be accompanied by a child who shares the same
Calcutta) 2 (1920): 1–80.
kra day, that is, who was born on the same day of the week
The chief reference to the A¯j¯ıvikas in the Pali scriptures is to be
(those born on the same day of the week are said to have the
found in the Sa¯mañña-phala-sutta of the D¯ıgha Nika¯ya,
same kra). A person cannot change his own destiny, though
which has been translated by T. W. Rhys Davids and C. A.
it is believed that witches and other jealous persons may try
F. Rhys Davids as D¯ıgha Nika¯ya: Dialogues of the Buddha,
3 vols. (London, 1899–1921). The most important Jaina
to attack a person’s soul.
source is the Bhagavat¯ı Su¯tra, 3 vols. (Bombay, 1918–1921);
The Akan peoples have long been in contact with Mus-
there are other editions of this work, but, to the best of my
lims from the Sahara, but the religious impact of Islam has
knowledge, no English translation exists.
been rather slight. They were affected by European colonial
A. L. BASHAM (1987)
powers moving inland from the coast from the fifteenth cen-
tury onward, and by Christian missionaries from the early
nineteenth century. The colonial impact was powerful, fu-
eled especially by the desire for gold and slaves. But despite
AKAN RELIGION. The Akan are a cluster of peoples
the colonial penetration, and prolonged exposure to different
numbering some five to six million, most of whom speak a
economic, political, educational, and religious influences,
language known as Twi. They occupy the mainly forested re-
the traditional religions of the Akan peoples have persisted
gion of southern Ghana and the eastern Ivory Coast and in-
strongly up through the contemporary era. Although there
clude the coastal Fanti to the south. They are divided into
are wide variations among the Akan kingdoms, there are
over a dozen independent kingdoms, the best known of
many similarities in cosmology and religious practice. Mobil-
which is the Ashanti (Asante) kingdom whose capital city is
ity of whole segments of population and of ritual shrines and
Kumasi in central Ghana.
individual worshipers has brought about many common reli-
Most Akan are forest dwellers, with yams and other root
gious features throughout the region.
crops as staples; plantains, oil palms, and other trees are im-
Akan religion has few important myths other than the
portant. Cocoa, palm oil, gold, and timber have long been
one that explains the split between God and humankind. In
the main exports, producing a high standard of living. The
this myth the supreme being, Nyame, became annoyed by
pattern of settlement is based upon towns, each town being
the noise made by an Ashanti woman who was pounding
the seat of a king or chief. Village farms are set between the
fufu (mashed and pounded yams or plantains) in a wooden
towns.
mortar, and he withdrew far away from humankind as a re-
The Akan are divided into eight matrilineal clans (abu-
sult. Another version attributes his withdrawal to the fact
sua), branches of which are dispersed across all the Akan
that the Ashanti have fufu-pounding sticks that are extremely
kingdoms; in theory exogamous, the clans are neither corpo-
long; when the women made fufu, the ends of their sticks
rate nor political units. The local branches of clans are divid-
hit Nyame up there in the sky, and so he went farther and
ed into matrilineal lineages or houses, the basic property-
farther away. There are also clan myths explaining their sepa-
owning residential and domestic groups. Across this matri-
rate origins and thousands of proverbs and aphorisms suf-
lineal organization runs that of patrilines, noncorporate
fused with religious referents.
groups known as ntoro among the Ashanti; in most areas
HIGH GOD. The supreme being, known as Nyame, Ony-
these groupings are today of far less importance than in the
ankopon, Odomankama, and other names, is said to be om-
past.
niscient and omnipotent, the creator of all the world, and
The Akan believe that each human being is composed
the giver of rain and sunshine. Born on Saturday, both he
of three main elements: blood (mogya), deriving from the
and Asase Yaa, the Thursday-born Goddess of the Earth, are
matrilineal clan and giving formal social status; character, or
formally appealed to in all prayers, although in general, it is
personality, from the patriline; and soul (kra), which comes
the ancestors and deities who mediate between God and hu-
from God and is one’s formal destiny (nkrabea). A spiritual
mans. Nearly all Ashanti houses formerly had a small shrine
bond is thought to exist between a father and his child; the
dedicated to Nyame in the form of a pot placed in the fork
sunsum (spirit) of the father is said to provide strength and
of a certain tree (Nyame dua, God’s tree). Similarly shaped
protection from spiritual attack or danger for his child. There
shrines are also found in other Akan kingdoms, though pres-
is a certain amount of confusion and contradiction about the
ently only in the more remote villages; there, however, the
meaning of the terms sunsum and kra but it is certain that
bowl in the forked God’s tree usually contains a protective
they are not synonymous. The kra is the permanent compo-
suman of one kind or another (see below).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AKAN RELIGION
215
ANCESTORS. The ancestors (asaman or asamanfo) live togeth-
are dangerous to deal with because of their destructive pow-
er in a place variously said to be beyond a high mountain or
ers and capricious ways. They are free-ranging but can be
across a river. They are believed to know what the living do
temporarily located in shrines in the form of clay pots of
on earth and may help those in need, or punish strife or
water, cloth-wrapped bundles, or mounds of sacred ingredi-
wrong-doing by causing illness or even death. The ancestors
ents inside a brass pan. Ritual specialists who own a deity are
of the departed heads of an ordinary lineage watch over and
called osofo or obosomfo. There are also mediums (okomfo)
support members of that lineage; those of the chiefly lineage
who become possessed by a deity and, whether priest or
do so for both the royal lineage and for the members of the
priestess, are considered to be its wife.
entire town.
Asuman are human-made objects in which mystical
Black stools, which are blackened with blood and other
power resides. They range from small non-personalized amu-
matter, function as shrines that act as temporary resting
lets that contain magical powers in themselves, to more per-
places for the ancestral spirits of a particular matrilineage
sonalized ones that resemble abosom. In general, asuman are
when they are summoned during rituals. (Ancestors can be
lower in the hierarchy of deities than are abosom and act as
contacted anywhere at any time.) Royal and nonroyal black
their messengers. They are appealed to for day-to-day prob-
stools are similar in appearance and function; the former,
lems, and their powers are said to be more specific than those
however, are considered more sacred and powerful. Black
of abosom.
stools are kept in a special stool-house within the family com-
The popularity of a particular deity will rise and fall. If
pound or palace. There are very elaborate funeral ceremonies
it does not produce results or if a shrine official dies and is
for chiefs including secondary funerary observances and, for-
not replaced, there will be a loss of patrons and the shrine
merly, mass human sacrifices.
will be called dry. Powerful deities, on the other hand, may
Libations may be poured at any time by anyone to in-
attract adherents across great distances. Aduru refers to both
form the ancestors of important events, but the black stool
Western medicine and to herbal remedies. No offerings are
is the responsibility of the head of the lineage. Usually the
made to aduru, and they are not personalized. While there
royal black stools are cared for by officials who are not mem-
is clarity of classification in the terminology used for these
bers of the royal lineage but are related to the king through
entities (abosom, asuman, and aduru), in practice there is
the patriline. There are no mediums (okomfo) for the ances-
much overlapping and ambiguity.
tors, though individuals do occasionally become possessed by
In all Akan societies disease, infertility, and untimely
them.
death are of central importance. Herbalists are consulted for
The year is divided into nine ritual units (each of forty-
specific ailments and broken bones, but since illness general-
two days), the first day of each being called adae. At adae
ly involves the total moral person and is not simply seen as
some deities are celebrated and ancestors are venerated
a physical condition, mediums are consulted to discover if
through the black stool which is cleansed and then anointed.
the illness or repeated deaths in one family are caused by an
All Akan kingdoms have an annual celebration, called Apo
ancestor, deity, or by other means. People of high status are
or Odwira, among other names. A complex festival, Apo
especially worried about being poisoned by bad medicine.
consists of a number of ritual actions including purification
Witches are said to be mostly women who work in covens
of the accumulated sins and defilement of the previous year,
in the spiritual world; it is believed that they attack only
anointment of the shrines of the deities and the ancestral
members of their own families.
black stools, celebration of the first-fruits (whence the name
CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM. Over the past century many anti-
Yam Festival), and the renewal of the power of the king and
witchcraft movements have appeared and spread. Most nota-
thus the kingdom.
ble was the Abirewa movement in the early twentieth centu-
THE DEITIES. The Akan distinguish between two main
ry, followed more recently by the Tigare and other
kinds of deity: abosom (sg., obosom) and asuman (sg., suman).
movements from the north. New Christian movements also
While essentially the same kind of power, the former are said
rise and fall, attracting large numbers of followers who con-
to be large and personalized, the latter small and not person-
currently attend mainstream Protestant or Catholic churches
alized. Nevertheless, an obosom perceived to be weak may
(as opposed to Pentecostal or Spiritualist churches) or are ad-
come to be classified as a suman and vice versa. There are also
herents of traditional religious deities.
thought to be small forest beings with backward feet (mmoa-
The growing influence of Christianity in the south
tia) and terrifying giants (sasabonsam).
(linked often with the expansion of Western education,
There are hundreds of abosom; they may be invoked in-
cocoa production, and trade), and of Islam in the north have
dividually or as a group. They are said to be the children of
weakened active participation in abosom and asuman move-
God or God’s messengers, and are identified with lakes, riv-
ments, and the latter have in some cases faded with the
ers, rocks, and other natural objects. Generally they are
deaths of older practitioners. The law courts are now replac-
thought able to cure illness and social problems, reveal witch-
ing the abosom shrines for the resolution of conflicts. Beliefs
es, and witness the truth of an event; at the same time they
in ancestors, linked as they are to the matrilineage and to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
216
AKBAR
kingship, are more tenacious. It must be stressed that in no
because of his apotheosis as the ideal Indian ruler. This image
case has Christianity replaced traditional religion; rather the
of Akbar owes much to the literary genius of Abu¯ al-Faz:l
two coexist side by side in a complex and uneasy relationship.
EAllami, his trusted friend, administrator, and biographer, as
Because Christianity is linked in most kingdoms to educa-
well as to the admiration of the nineteenth-century British
tion and, therefore, to wealth, it has become the prestige reli-
rulers, who viewed him as their own precursor as the unifier
gion. Traditional religion continues because for most people
of India. Later, Indian nationalists saw him as the great ex-
it is perceived to be the most efficacious system of belief, one
emplar of social and religious toleration, which they believed
that continues to endow the world with meaning. Tradition-
necessary for a democratic, independent India.
al deities are still perceived by many to be powerful and thus
Akbar was a ruler of intelligence, ambition, and restless
to affect people’s moral behavior, while traditional rituals of
curiosity, who exhibited great skill in selecting and control-
many kinds are still deemed to be necessary. Kings, chiefs,
ling his officials. Very early he seems to have determined to
and most palace and clan officials adhere to traditional reli-
build a strong, centralized administration, while pursuing an
gious practices as part of their formal political-religious roles.
aggressive policy of territorial expansion. His famous defini-
This is likely to continue so long as the kingship is retained
tion of a king, as “a light emanating from God, a ray from
even though some of the rites are condemned by the Chris-
the world-illuminating sun,” indicates his conception of his
tian churches.
role.
Throughout his reign, Akbar was engaged in warfare
BIBLIOGRAPHY
with neighboring kingdoms. As soon as the central territories
The classic works on Akan religion are R. S. Rattray’s Ashanti (Ox-
around Delhi and Agra were secured, he moved south and
ford, 1923) and Religion and Art in Ashanti (Oxford, 1927)
and J. B. Danquah’s The Akan Doctrine of God (1944), 2d
east. In 1568, he captured Chitor, a famous stronghold of
ed. (London, 1968), although they leave much to be desired
the Rajput chiefs, champions of Hinduism in North India.
in both coverage and analysis. The best sources are K. A.
In subsequent battles other Rajput princes submitted to him.
Busia’s “The Ashanti of the Gold Coast,” in African Worlds,
After defeating the Rajputs, Akbar took them into his service
edited by Daryll Forde (London, 1954), pp. 190–209; Mar-
as generals and administrators and took many of their daugh-
garet Joyce Field’s Search for Security (London, 1960); Meyer
ters into his royal harem. His marriage alliances with these
Fortes’s Kinship and the Social Order (Chicago, 1969); and
Hindu princesses have often been interpreted as signs of his
Malcolm McLeod’s “On the Spread of Anti-Witchcraft
religious toleration, but they were more likely acknowledg-
Cults in Modern Asante,” in Changing Social Structure in
ments of the submission of the Rajputs.
Ghana, edited by Jack Goody (London, 1975),
pp. 107–117.
After the Rajput conquest, Akbar defeated the wealthy
Muslim kingdom of Gujarat in 1573, and in 1575 the Mus-
New Sources
Ayim-Aboagye, Desmond. The Psychology of Akan Religious Heal-
lim ruler of Bengal submitted. In all areas, frequent uprisings
ing. Abo, Ghana, 1997.
by military leaders against Akbar were a reminder that Mug-
hal power was dependent on continued assertion of central
Braffi, Emmanuel Kingsley. The Akan Clans: Totemism and
authority.
“NTON.” Kumasi, Ghana, 1992.
Ephirim-Donkor, Anthony. African Spirituality: On Becoming An-
It was this need for centralized control that led Akbar
cestors. Trenton, N.J., 1997.
to reorganize the bureaucratic structure of his empire and to
reform the revenue system. He built upon the work of his
Fisher, Robert B. West African Religious Traditions: Focus on the
Akan of Ghana. Maryknoll, N.Y., 1998.
predecessors, particularly Sher Shah (r. 1538–1545), in car-
rying out new land assessments and in bringing as much
Owoahene-Acheampong, Stephen. Inculturation and African Reli-
territory as possible under the direct control of imperial au-
gion: Indigenous and Western Approaches to Medical Practice.
New York, 1998.
thority.
M
Akbar’s religious policies have been the subject of much
ICHELLE GILBERT (1987)
Revised Bibliography
controversy, leading to his being regarded as an apostate to
Islam, a near convert to Christianity, the inventor of a new
religion, and a liberal exponent of toleration. The truth
seems to be that in his genuine curiosity about religion he
AKBAR (1542–1605), emperor of India in the Timurid,
encouraged all varieties of religious practitioners, including
or Mughal, dynasty. He was born on October 15, 1542, in
Hindu yogins and Muslim fak¯ırs as well as European Jesuits
Umarkot, Sind, where his father, Humayun, had fled after
who visited his court. On the other hand, it was probably
being driven from Delhi, his capital, by his Afghan rivals.
a concern for the unity of his empire that led him to abolish
Akbar was proclaimed emperor in 1556 under the tutelage
jizyah, the discriminatory tax on non-Muslims. Bada¯Eu¯n¯ı, a
of his father’s military commander, Bairam Khan, but by
contemporary historian, while he denounced Akbar as an
1560 had succeeded in asserting his own power. His reign
apostate, says that he spent whole nights in praise of God and
is one of the most memorable periods of Indian history not
would be found “many a morning alone in prayer and medi-
only because of his creation of a powerful empire but also
tation in a lonely spot.”
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AKHENATON
217
Discussions of Akbar’s attitude toward orthodox Islam
Rajput Painting (Cambridge, 1992). Douglas E. Streusand’s
have centered mainly on two incidents. One was his accep-
The Formation of the Mughal Empire (Delhi, 1999) has inter-
tance, in 1579, of a declaration by some major Islamic theo-
esting material on the relation of Akbar’s religion to the state.
logians stating that he, as a just ruler, could, in the case of
AINSLIE T. EMBREE (1987 AND 2005)
disputes between mujta¯hids (interpreters of Islamic law), de-
cide which was the correct interpretation. Although ortho-
dox Islamic theologians denounced his action, it was not a
denial of Islamic practice, but rather an assertion of his sover-
AKHENATON (or Akhenaten) was the tenth pharaoh
eignty and his near equality with the caliph of the Ottoman
of Egypt’s eighteenth dynasty (c. 1352–1336 BCE) and the
empire.
founder of the earliest historically documented monotheistic
religion. Son of Amenhotep III and the chief queen, Tiya,
The other incident was Akbar’s promulgation in 1582
Akhenaton succeeded to the throne as Amenhotep IV and
of the D¯ın-i-ila¯h¯ı (The divine faith), a syncretic statement
took a throne name meaning “the sun’s ultimate perfection,
that owed much to the S:u¯f¯ı tradition of Islam as well as to
unique one of the sun,” reflecting the traditional Egyptian
Hinduism and Zoroastrianism. Emphasizing the union of
belief that the pharaoh derived his physical being, as well as
the soul with the divine, it insisted on such ethical precepts
his authority, from the sun god, ruler of the world. Marriage
as almsgiving, chastity, vegetarianism, and kindness to all.
to his chief queen, Nefertiti, produced six daughters, the first
Elsewhere, Akbar indicated that he believed in the transmi-
and third of whom, Meritaton and Ankhesenpaaton, were
gration of souls.
to play important roles at the end of his reign and during
For orthodox Muslims, the D¯ın-i-ila¯h¯ı made clear that
its aftermath. In addition, a minor queen, Kiya, gave him an-
Akbar intended to replace Islam with his own heresy, but in
other daughter, whose name is not known, and Akhenaton
fact there is no evidence that it had any followers outside his
may also have fathered, by one or both queens, the two men
immediate entourage. It is possible, however, that he
who eventually succeeded him as the pharaohs Smenkhkare
dreamed of the “divine faith” becoming the possession of all
and Tutankhamen.
men, thus ending “the diversity of sects and creeds” that, he
At the time of Akhenaton’s accession, Egypt’s most im-
once complained, was the source of strife in his kingdom.
portant deity was Amun, “king of the gods,” whose chief cult
Akbar died at Agra on October 3, 1605. His court, one
center lay in the state temples of Karnak and Luxor at Thebes
of the most magnificent in the world, was a center of culture
(modern Luxor). Amun was worshiped as the transcendental
and the arts. The great Mughal achievements in painting and
creator, existing independently of the world he had created;
architecture had their beginning in his time, and music, po-
this characteristic is encapsulated in his name, which means
etry, and calligraphy were encouraged. The measure of his
“hidden.” Throughout the eighteenth dynasty, Egyptian
importance in Indian history is that the cultural achieve-
theologians wrestled with the problem of reconciling Amun’s
ments of his age along with his administrative structures con-
primordial and transcendent nature with the traditional
tinued to characterize the Mughal dynasty for over two cen-
Egyptian concept of the gods as the elements and forces of
turies, even in its long period of decline in the eighteenth and
the world’s daily existence. Their primary solution to the dif-
early nineteenth centuries, and remained a model for later
ficulty was the combined god Amun-Re, representing Amun
rulers.
as manifest and active in the created world through its major
force, the sun (the Egyptian word Re, also used as a name
BIBLIOGRAPHY
of the sun god, means “sun”). This process of combining two
The most important sources of information on Akbar’s reign are
or more gods into a single deity, known as syncretism, was
the writings of Abu¯ al-Faz:l EAllami, especially his Akbar-
embedded in Egyptian thought. It reflected the realization
nama and his A¯ E¯ı n-i-Akbar¯ı. The former has been translated
that different gods could be understood both as independent
by Henry Beveridge in three volumes (1907–1939; reprint,
entities and as complementary manifestations of a single,
Delhi, 1977); the latter, an account of Akbar’s administrative
larger force—in essence, much the same as the Christian
system, was translated by H. Blochmann and H. S. Jarrett
concept of the Trinity.
in three volumes (1873–1894) and has since been revised by
EARLY RULE. Akhenaton’s original name, Amenhotep,
D. C. Phillott and Jadu Nath Sarkar (Calcutta, 1939–1949).
S. R. Sharma’s The Religious Policy of the Mughal Emperors
means “Amun is content,” and the king began his reign by
(New York, 1972) has a good section on Akbar, and Vincent
honoring Amun-Re on royal monuments, as his predecessors
A. Smith’s Akbar, the Great Mogul, 1542–1605 (1919; 2d
had done. Akhenaton’s earliest known project, however, was
ed., Delhi, 1966) is, although dated, still useful for biograph-
a monument erected in Karnak not for Amun-Re but for a
ical details.
separate form of the sun god under a new name: “Harakhti,
Three volumes in The New Cambridge History of India are impor-
who becomes active from the Akhet in his identity as the
tant for an understanding of Akbar’s cultural and religious
light that is in the Aton.” Harakhti, meaning “Horus of the
influence: John F. Richards, The Mughal Empire (Cam-
Akhet,” was one of the traditional Egyptian gods, the sun
bridge, UK, 1993), Catherine B. Asher, Architecture of Mug-
viewed as king of nature, rising into the world from the
hal India (Cambridge, 1992), and Milo Beach, Mughal and
Akhet, the liminal zone between the netherworld, where
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
218
AKHENATON
and his family (see figure 2). Because Akhenaton’s inscrip-
tions also frequently refer to the god as “the Aton” rather
than by his full didactic name, his theology has often been
misunderstood as a form of sun worship. As the full didactic
name makes clear, however, Akhenaton saw the Aton merely
as the vehicle through which the god manifested himself in
the world. Like the traditional representations of Harakhti
and other Egyptian gods, the image of the Aton in Akhena-
ton’s art was not meant to be understood literally as a depic-
tion of the god: instead, the solar disk with its rays is nothing
more than a large-scale version of the Egyptian hieroglyph
for “light.”
The first promulgations of Akhenaton’s new theology
appeared on monuments erected in Karnak. This was the
chief religious center in Egypt, but it was also home to
Amun-Re, “king of the gods.” Akhenaton’s early activities
were thus a direct assault on the primacy of Amun-Re. Politi-
cal considerations undoubtedly played a part in Akhenaton’s
policies: through the benefactions of Akhenaton’s predeces-
sors, Karnak had become an establishment whose wealth and
influence rivaled that of the royal family. But Akhenaton’s
actions were not guided alone, or even primarily, by politics.
Egyptian religion was not merely a set of beliefs but the way
in which all Egyptians understood the world around them
F IGURE 1 . The early form of the “didactic” name (left: “The
and by which they governed and interpreted their own ac-
living one, Harakhti, who becomes active from the Akhet”;
tions. Akhenaton’s new theology was first and foremost a re-
right: “in his identity as the light that is in the Aton”). Drawing
ligious revolution.
by J. Allen.
THE MOVE TO AMARNA. The second stage in this revolution
occurred in Akhenaton’s fifth year on the throne. Abandon-
the sun was thought to go at night, and the visible horizon.
ing the religious center of Karnak and the seat of government
The remainder of the new name identified the sun’s power
at Memphis (south of modern Cairo), the king founded a
of kingship (Horus) as the light emanating from the solar
new capital city on virgin land in Middle Egypt to serve as
disk itself: the word Aton, meaning “sundisk,” referred to the
both his residence and the center of worship for his new god.
physical form of the sun, visible in the sky—and depicted
The site today is known as Amarna, a name that is also used
in Egyptian art—as a disk.
to refer to the period of Akhenaton’s rule and its artistic and
intellectual manifestations. Akhenaton called the new city
The new god’s name is unlike those of other Egyptian
Akhetaton, meaning “place where the Aton becomes effec-
deities; it represents not so much an appellation as the mani-
tive.” Coincident with its founding, the king changed his
festo of a new creed (Egyptologists commonly refer to it as
own name from Amenhotep to Akhenaton, which means ei-
the “didactic” name). Through it, Akhenaton, who identi-
ther “he who is effective for the Aton” or “the effective form
fied himself as chief priest of the new god, promulgated an
of the Aton.”
innovation in Egyptian theology: recognition of the physical
As far as is known, the king spent the remainder of his
phenomenon of light—which in ancient Egypt meant essen-
seventeen-year rule within Amarna. The new city gave Akhe-
tially sunlight—as the primary force in the universe. This
naton the opportunity to develop his theology and intellectu-
concept was further emphasized by another early innovation,
al vision free of associations with Karnak or any other reli-
enclosing the god’s name in a pair of oval rings, known as
gious establishment. Amarna witnessed the flowering of
cartouches, like those surrounding two of the king’s own
Akhenaton’s innovations not only in religion but also in ar-
names (see figure 1). The new god was now overtly identified
chitecture and art. One of these made it possible to build the
as king of the universe, ruling in consort with Akhenaton as
new city in the space of only a few years: in place of the mon-
king of the living.
umental stone blocks of traditional Egyptian architecture,
Early depictions of the god were modeled on traditional
which required teams of workers to maneuver and dress,
representations of Harakhti, symbolic images of a human
Akhenaton’s builders employed smaller blocks that could be
body with the head of a falcon (emblem of the god Horus)
handled by a single man. Known today as talatat, these
bearing a sundisk. These were soon superseded, however, by
blocks were eventually decorated with reliefs in a new style
a new image: that of the Aton, a solar disk with its rays ex-
of art, to modern eyes more naturalistic than the traditional
tending toward earth, giving the symbol of life to the king
Egyptian hieroglyphic style.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AKHENATON
219
F IGURE 2 . The Aton. Drawing by J. Allen.
Like all his innovations, Akhenaton’s art and architec-
changes made it even clearer that the Aton was merely the
ture were developed in the service of his new theology. They
god’s vehicle and not the god himself.
emphasized the natural world, enlivened by the power of
Akhenaton seems to have died in his seventeenth year
light. Previous Egyptian temples consisted of forests of col-
of rule. Toward the end of his reign he appointed a core-
umns and dark, mysterious sanctuaries; Akhenaton’s were
gent—probably his eldest daughter, Meritaton—to rule as
open and airy, unroofed so as to be bathed in light. In place
joint pharaoh. She may have succeeded him directly but was
of the divine figures that pervaded traditional Egyptian re-
soon replaced by her husband, Smenkhkare. After a year or
liefs, Amarna’s monuments were decorated with scenes of
less, Smenkhkare was succeeded by his younger brother, Tu-
nature and everyday life; private stelae and even tomb walls
tankhaton, who was married to Akhenaton’s third daughter,
showed the king and his family not in heroic poses but in
Ankhesenpaaton. The new couple soon changed their names
intimate and tender interaction with one another—all under
to Tutankhamun (or Tutankhamen) and Ankhesenamun
the central hieroglyphic icon of the Aton, image of light.
(honoring Amun), left Amarna, and restored the traditional
The new style, however, was not entirely free of the con-
religion.
ventions of traditional art, and one of these, employed in rep-
Tutankhamen reopened the temples and appointed all
resentations of Akhenaton and his family, has led to mis-
new priesthoods—the latter action an indication that his pol-
placed speculation about the king’s health. The royal family
icies were not dictated by the older hierarchy. Rather than
was depicted in somewhat exaggerated form, with elongated
repudiate Akhenaton’s theology, Tutankhamen evidently
heads, thin necks and waists, and large thighs. In the conven-
tried to integrate it into the traditionally open structure of
tions of Egyptian art, such images were normally used for
Egyptian religion, judging by one of the thrones from his
those outside the sphere of elite society: in Amarna art they
tomb, which shows him and his wife, with their new names,
reflect not physical reality but the status of the royal family
under the symbol of the Aton. Later kings were less lenient.
as “other,” unlike common human beings.
Beginning with Haremhab, Tutankhamen’s second succes-
T
sor and last king of the eighteenth dynasty, they tore down
HE END OF AKHENATON’S REIGN. Amarna also witnessed
Akhenaton’s monuments, defaced the royal family’s names
the onset of the third and final stage of Akhenaton’s religious
and images, and removed all the kings between Amenhotep
revolution. Throughout his reign, the king had tolerated—
III and Haremhab from the official register of pharaohs.
and early in it, even honored—traditional Egyptian gods,
Whenever it was necessary to refer to Akhenaton, he was sim-
though their names and images were soon banished from of-
ply called “the heretic of Akhetaton.”
ficial reliefs. Sometime after his eleventh year of rule, howev-
er, Akhenaton’s policies became more rigid. Teams were sent
THE NATURE OF AKHENATON’S RELIGION. Because Akhe-
throughout the country to remove Amun’s name and the
naton’s monuments were systematically destroyed, much is
plural word “gods” from all monuments. At the same time,
still unknown about his revolution, and the significance of
the name of Akhenaton’s own god was altered by replacing
the evidence that has survived is often hotly debated. One
the name of Harakhti with “the sun,” changing the word for
of the chief points of contention is the monotheistic nature
“light” to a more neutral synonym without other divine asso-
of Akhenaton’s theology. With its practice of syncretism,
ciations, and emending the phrase “that is in the Aton” to
Egyptian theology had theoretically been open to the notion
“that comes through the Aton” (see figure 3). Besides “puri-
of a single god behind the multiple gods of its traditional
fying” the name from all reference to older gods, these
polytheism. Evidence in fact exists that some theologians had
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
220
AKHENATON
of nature—the sun—for its presence and activity in the
world, far different from the transcendent sole god of Juda-
ism and Islam. For this reason it is probably specious to spec-
ulate—as Sigmund Freud did, for example—on the possible
influence of Akhenaton’s thought on early Hebrew religion.
With its focus on the ultimate reality of a single physical phe-
nomenon, Akhenaton’s theology has more in common with
early Greek philosophy than with biblical monotheism. Like
the physical elements of Greek philosophy, Akhenaton’s
deity is also less a personal god than a force of nature: where
the traditional Egyptian gods were often shown as replying
to human worship and prayer, Amarna texts and reliefs de-
pict the Aton being adored and beseeched but never as re-
sponding in return.
The history of Jewish and Islamic monotheism, and that
of Christianity as well, is marked not only by their adherents’
insistence on the exclusive validity of their theology, but also
by their attempt to destroy the manifestations, if not the
practice, of other religions. In this too, Akhenaton’s religion
qualifies as truly monotheistic. His attempt to destroy the
images of Amun and the notion of more than one god is the
first historically documented instance of religious fanaticism.
REVELATION. Besides being the earliest recorded monothe-
ism, Akhenaton’s theology is also the first example of a re-
F IGURE 3 . The later form of the “didactic” name (left: “The
vealed religion. The hymn to his god says: “there is no other
living one, the sun, who becomes active from the Akhet”; right:
who knows you except for your son, The Sun’s Ultimate Per-
“in his identity as the light that comes through the Aton”).
fection, Unique One of the Sun [Akhenaton’s throne name],
Drawing by J. Allen.
whom you have made aware of your designs and your
strength.” Other texts emphasize that the new religion is
discovered such a notion long before Akhenaton: essays on
Akhenaton’s own teaching. His courtiers say: “My lord has
ethics from the Middle Kingdom (c. 1980–1780
taught me, that I might carry out his teaching” and “How
BCE), for
example, routinely use the generic term god instead of the
fortunate is the one who hears your teaching of life.” From
name of a specific deity; since the language of these essays
these and similar texts, it is clear that the new religion was
has no articles, this term can mean “a god,” “the god,” or
revealed to Akhenaton alone. Akhenaton was the sole proph-
simply “God.”
et of his new religion, just as Muh:ammad and Joseph Smith
were to be millennia later. Like the religions of these later
Such a notion was consonant with traditional Egyptian
prophets, Akhenaton’s was also a secondary religion, one that
theology, which accepted different views of divinity as equal-
arose in repudiation of existing beliefs.
ly valid (reflected, for example, in the multitude of names
The dominant role of the pharaoh in Egyptian society
for the sun god). In this intellectual atmosphere, Akhena-
might suggest that Akhenaton’s religion was imposed on his
ton’s new god could easily have been accommodated within
subjects and that they were forced to go along with it, even
the structure of Egyptian theology. Akhenaton insisted on
unwillingly, because he was king and his word was law.
the sole reality of his god—“unique, with no other except
There is probably a certain amount of truth to this view.
him,” as his texts declare. Other gods had previously been
Akhenaton’s religion was centered on the worship of light,
given similar descriptions, but without exclusivity. Given the
but it also emphasized the divinity of the king himself—in
intellectual background from which it arose, Akhenaton’s in-
contrast to the normal Egyptian belief that the king was the
novation was not so much the notion of a single god but his
human vehicle of a divine power. One of his reliefs shows
ultimate insistence on the exclusive validity of his vision.
that Akhenaton himself had a priest, like traditional Egyp-
This feature qualifies Akhenaton’s religion as a true mono-
tian gods but unlike any other pharaoh. While Akhenaton
theism. Diametrically opposed to traditional Egyptian think-
worshiped his god, other Egyptians were meant to worship
ing, it was probably also one of the prime factors leading to
not only the god but also Akhenaton himself, as the god’s
the religion’s rejection by later generations.
avatar on earth. In contrast to traditional Egyptian art,
Apart from its monotheistic nature, however, Akhena-
Amarna reliefs consistently show his subjects bowing low in
ton’s theology had little in common with that of later mono-
Akhenaton’s presence. The same reliefs often show the royal
theistic religions from the same part of the world. Its god was
family surrounded by a military escort, as if in tacit recogni-
a force of nature—light—and was dependent on an element
tion of possible resistance to the pharaoh’s policies.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AKITU
221
Nevertheless, it would be erroneous to conclude that the
Assmann, Jan. Egyptian Solar Religion in the New Kingdom: Re,
Egyptians tolerated Akhenaton’s reforms only because of his
Amun, and the Crisis of Polytheism, translated by Anthony Al-
position. Ancient Egypt was always ruled by one or two pow-
cock. London and New York, 1995. An in-depth analysis of
erful families, and the king was their representative. He gov-
the theological background to Amarna.
erned with their support, and if they did not share his views
Assmann, Jan. Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of Egypt in Western
they could depose him: there is evidence that this happened
Monotheism. Cambridge, Mass., 1997. An examination of
several times in Egyptian history. It seems much more likely
the possible influence of Akhenaton’s monotheism on that
that Akhenaton’s revelation initially swept up many of his
of Moses and later religions.
countrymen in its enthusiasm, as history has shown with
Assmann, Jan. The Search for God in Ancient Egypt, translated by
other new systems of belief—for example, in the birth of
David Lorton. Ithaca, N.Y., 2001. One of the best overall
Islam, or more recently in the rise of Communism and Na-
presentations of Egyptian religious thought, including a sec-
zism. At first, many Egyptians were probably excited by the
tion on Amarna religion.
new vision of Akhenaton’s theology and embraced it whole-
Assmann, Jan. The Mind of Egypt: History and Meaning in the
heartedly.
Time of the Pharaohs, translated by Andrew Jenkins. New
York, 2002. A study of Akhenaton’s religion in the context
History has also shown, however, how movements that
of Egyptian thought.
start as enlightenment can turn to fanaticism and repression,
Freed, Rita E., Yvonne J. Markowitz, and Sue H. D’Auria, eds.
and the same pattern is documented at Amarna—again, for
Pharaohs of the Sun: Akhenaten, Nefertiti, Tutankhamun.
the first time in history. This, in turn, usually gives rise to
Boston, 1999. Catalogue of an exhibition of Amarna art,
social unrest and disorder, and the Egyptian record indicates
with studies on the art and culture of the period by several
that this is what occurred at the end of Akhenaton’s reign.
Egyptologists.
In Egyptian eyes, the pharaoh’s chief responsibility was the
Gabolde, Marc. D’Akhenaton à Toutânkhamoun. Lyon and Paris,
maintenance of peace and order, a concept known as Maat.
1998. A study of the historical evidence for the end of Akhe-
Conversely, the absence of Maat was viewed as a sign that
naton’s reign.
the king’s authority was no longer legitimate. This was par-
Gohary, Jocelyn. Akhenaten’s Sed-festival at Karnak. London and
ticularly significant in the reign of Akhenaton, who adver-
New York, 1992. Presentation and discussion of Akhena-
tised himself as “living in Maat.” With the new religion al-
ton’s early monuments.
ready on shaky ground in its opposition to traditional
Hornung, Erik. Akhenaten and the Religion of Light, translated by
Egyptian thought, the disruption of Egyptian life at the end
David Lorton. Ithaca, N.Y., 1999. Incorporates much recent
of Akhenaton’s reign inevitably marked his ideas as antitheti-
analysis of Akhenaton’s religion and its monotheistic nature.
cal to Maat, ultimately condemning them to the status of
Montserrat, Dominic. Akhenaten: History, Fantasy, and Ancient
heresy.
Egypt. London and New York, 2000. An excellent study of
modern theories and debate about the Amarna period.
SEE ALSO Monotheism.
Murnane, William J. Texts from the Amarna Period in Egypt. At-
B
lanta, 1995. Translation of almost every known text relating
IBLIOGRAPHY
to the reign of Akhenaton, with an excellent introduction to
Aldred, Cyril. Akhenaten, King of Egypt. London, 1988. A stan-
Amarna history and thought.
dard history of the reign, somewhat outdated by more recent
discoveries.
Redford, Donald B. Akhenaten: The Heretic King. Princeton,
1984. An overview by the excavator of Akhenaton’s Karnak
Allen, James P. “The Natural Philosophy of Akhenaten.” In
monuments, with an emphasis on the political background,
Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt, edited by William
generally unsympathetic in its analysis of the king’s accom-
Kelly Simpson, pp. 89–101. New Haven, 1989. An exami-
plishments.
nation of evidence for Akhenaton’s ideas as a form of natural
philosophy.
Reeves, C. Nicholas. Akhenaten: Egypt’s False Prophet. London,
2001. An overview, concerned more with history and archae-
Allen, James P. “The Religion of Amarna.” In The Royal Women
ology than religion.
of Amarna: Images of Beauty from Ancient Egypt, edited by
Dorothea Arnold, pp. 3–5. New York, 1996. An overview
JAMES P. ALLEN (2005)
of Akhenaton’s theology.
Allen, James P. “Ikhnaton.” In Collier’s Encyclopedia, edited by
L. S. Bahr et al., vol. 12, p. 495. New York, 1997. A short
AKITU. Akitu was an important Babylonian temple, lo-
summary of the reign and religion of Akhenaton.
cated just outside the city, where the annual procession cele-
Allen, James P. “Monotheism: The Egyptian Roots.” Archaeology
brating the New Year took place. The festival of the same
Odyssey 2, no. 3 (1999): 44–54. An essay on monotheistic
name was celebrated in the first few days of the month of
thought in traditional Egyptian religion and Amarna the-
ology.
Nisan, which marked the beginning of the New Year.
Arnold, Dorothea. The Royal Women of Amarna: Images of Beauty
The Babylonian chronicles of the first millennium in-
from Ancient Egypt. New York, 1996. Catalog of an exhibi-
clude statements such as the following regarding the great
tion, including perhaps the best recent essays on Amarna art.
Nebuchadrezzar II, who conquered Jerusalem: “In the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
222
AKITU
month of April he took Bel and the son of Bel by the hand
This penitential recitation sets out the duties of the Babylo-
and celebrated the feast of Akitu.” The following statement
nian sovereign: he must be respectful of the gods and be the
with the opposite meaning refers to Nabonidus, the last king
careful shepherd of his people. Only after he recited these
of Babylon, overthrown by Cyrus the Great: “The king did
words did the sovereign once again put on his robes and re-
not come to Babylon in the month of April, Nabu did not
ceive the symbols of royal power. At this moment he was al-
come to Babylon. Bel did not leave in procession. The feast
lowed to take the hands of the god Bel and the god Nabu
of Akitu was not celebrated” (Falkenstein, 1947, p. 147).
and start the procession. When they reached the temple of
These passages reveal the importance the Babylonians at-
Akitu, the god Marduk addressed the sovereign and his sa-
tached to the celebration of the New Year, which began in
cred city with this eagerly awaited blessing: “If you will take
April.
due care of my majesty and you will protect my people, the
THE FESTIVAL. There is no doubt that for Babylonian society
year now beginning will be a year of plenty for Babylon!”
the feast of Akitu, named after the temple whose doors
(Farber, 1987, p. 226). The New Year began with the proces-
opened once at the beginning of every year, represented not
sion and the final blessing, but only if the king was present
only a moment of joyous celebration but also a particular
at Babylon and the statue of Marduk was taken in procession
moment for reflection upon their institutions, without
were the omens for the New Year truly favorable.
which the New Year would begin inauspiciously. The text
INTERPRETATIONS. One further point, which certainly does
concerning the ritual, which is unfortunately fragmentary,
not please all scholars of comparative religion and religious
indicates that the celebrations lasted eleven days, culminating
historians generally, who have been prone to compare the rit-
with the procession of the statues of Marduk, the Babylonian
ual of the feast of Akitu and another mythological text con-
supreme god, and Nabu, his son and the god of wisdom.
cerning Marduk, in which he descends to the underworld
These statues left the city temple Esagila and proceeded
and is mistreated by the powers there before he rises to life
along the so-called Street of the Procession, its walls covered
again. Luigi Cagni collected accounts of all the theories ad-
with multicolored enamel tiles, passing through the marvel-
vanced by scholars regarding the interpretation of this ex-
ous Gate of Ishtar. They sailed along the river to the temple
tremely interesting document, which has been called “Sup-
of Akitu outside Babylon. The ritual texts describe all the cer-
posed ‘Death’ and ‘Resurrection’ of Marduk.” Is this the
emonies that took place during the eleven days of the celebra-
description of a rite that could be compared to the death and
tions, which occupied the priests day and night. Most con-
resurrection of Christ, however distantly? The interest in
cern the purification of the temple and its furnishings with
such a topic by biblical scholars as well as by Orientalists and
incantations, prayers, and ablutions.
Assyriologists is understandable. In his account, Cagni
The high point was the arrival of the statue of Nabu by
quotes the views of scholars from 1918 to 1955, from Hein-
boat from its home city of Borsippa to take part in the pro-
rich Zimmern (1862–1931) to Mario Theodoro De Liagre
cession and then the introduction of the Babylonian sover-
Böhl. The former put forward a comparison between
eign into the Esagila temple in order “to take the hand of
Marduk and Jesus Christ, whereas the latter established the
Bel and his son Nabu” (Farber, 1987, p. 225). The two quo-
historical setting in which the text was written, namely the
tations at the beginning of this article lead to the conclusion
Assyria of Sennacherib, and the parodistic nature of the text
that there was a direct link between royal legitimacy and the
itself. Cagni then proceeded to the theory of Wolfram von
feast of Akitu. It seems that the festival could only be cele-
Soden, who categorically denied the possibility that the doc-
brated if the sovereign was present. This is certainly a limited
ument implies Marduk’s resurrection and instead considered
interpretation of the action of “taking the hand of the god,”
it a work of parody or propaganda composed in the reign of
however. The fact that the Assyrian kings, who aspired to the
Sennacherib, just as De Liagre Böhl proposed.
Babylonian crown, emphasized in their inscriptions that they
Cagni rejected von Soden’s theory and put forward a
had taken part in the festival and taken the hand of the god
mythico-cultural interpretation of the document without
tends to support that this act legitimized power in Babylon.
drawing any parallel with the death and resurrection of
Besides this institutional aspect, there is another equally
Christ. The text talks of the imprisonment of Marduk, which
relevant point. The sovereign, upon being introduced to the
Belet-Babili and Nabu constantly seek to end. Silvia M. Chi-
temple, was stripped of all his royal insignia, slapped, and
odi (1995) showed that the death is the equivalent of a state
made to kneel in front of the statue, where he recited the fol-
of imprisonment, starting from a passage in the Epic of Gil-
lowing confession:
gamesh.
I have not failed, Lord of these lands, I have not been
As far as the end of the text is concerned, Cagni drew
negligent regarding thy majesty; I have done no harm
the following conclusion: “After detailing the apparent entry
to Babylon; I have not ordained its destruction; I have
not made the Esagila quake, nor have I neglected its
of the gods into battle against Marduk, who is shut behind
rites; I have not smote the people who are under thy
the birru gate, the text stops at this point and is deliberately
protection; I have done nothing that would make it
silent regarding the outcome of the struggle. If the aim of the
subject to mockery; I have taken care of Babylon, I have
text were political, as suggested by von Soden, it seems
not destroyed its walls! (Farber, 1987, p. 215)
strange that Sennacherib’s theologians, had they reached this
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AKITU
223
point in the story, would have failed to mention the ‘annihi-
every year in the festival of the New Year. This festival, un-
lation’ of the power of Marduk. Nor would it have been par-
doubtedly the most important of Babylonian festivals, could
ticularly difficult for them to devise a suitable means to con-
only take place in the presence of the legitimate sovereign,
vey this, in a kind of anti–Enuma Elish” (Cagni, 1982,
who led the procession after he had “taken the hand” of Bel
p. 612).
and Nabu. The deep significance of this act, which many As-
syrian kings would have willingly undertaken but were pre-
Initial studies of Babylonian civilization from about the
vented from doing by the sacred defenders of authentic Bab-
middle of the twentieth century regarded this myth as an in-
ylonian tradition, is beyond question. Only a legitimate king
tegral part of the ritual celebrating the New Year, but subse-
of Babylon could take the hand of the god, so the festival was
quent research has shown that no relation exists between the
not celebrated if the king was absent.
two texts. The ritual is a stand-alone text, and the myth of
the suffering Marduk has no connection with the New Year
Among the various rites of the festival, two are particu-
celebrations. The only common aspect of the two ceremonies
larly significant. First was the annual consecration of the sov-
is the slapping: in the New Year festival the king was slapped,
ereign, subject to the penitential act followed by the slap.
while in the myth the god was slapped. However, the slap
Second, the high priest twice raised the tablets on which the
the king received was meant as an act of both penitence and
poem Enuma elish was written, which emphasized the direct
encouragement. The conclusion of the ritual text is interest-
link between the festival of the New Year and the celebration
ing. The slap received by the king had to be hard enough to
of Marduk as the supreme god of the Mesopotamian pan-
cause him physical pain and make him weep. Only if the
theon. The feast of the New Year marked the commemora-
king wept would the god Marduk look favorably upon his
tion of the apotheosis of Marduk because of his victory over
people. On such occasions, rich offerings were made to the
Tiamat and the creation of the cosmos—heaven and earth—
god Marduk, as king Nabonidus confirmed: “In the month
culminating in the construction of Babylon.
of Nisan, on the tenth day, the day on which the king of the
These small indications clarify the central role occupied
gods, Marduk, and the gods of heaven and earth come to
by Babylon, with its god Marduk, regarding the nation’s
the E-siskur, the ‘house of prayer,’ in the Akitu temple of the
royal line. The Babylonian sovereign ruled insofar as he was
Lord of Justice, I brought there 6,021 minas of silver, 307
chosen by Marduk, who was made lord of the gods by the
minas of gold, in addition to the annual gifts, taken from vo-
assembly of the gods. So the Babylonian king was the vicari-
tive offerings, from the wealth of the land, from the produce
ous substitute of Marduk, not an absolute despot like the As-
of the mountains, from the taxes on the villages, from the
syrian king. Thus it is significant that in his inscriptions
wealth of the king, from the riches which the god Marduk
Nebuchadrezzar often called himself not “the king of Baby-
has bestowed upon me” (Falkenstein, 1959, p. 150).
lon” but “the governor of Babylon.”
Although the most famous festival of Akitu was held at
SEE ALSO Dying and Rising Gods; Enuma Elish; Marduk.
Babylon, it should not be forgotten that Akitu was also cele-
brated in other cities, such as Uruk and, in Assyria, Ashur
BIBLIOGRAPHY
and Nineveh. The fact that the tradition is much older is
Berger, Peter R. “Das Neujahrsfest nach den Köningsinschriften
shown by evidence in Sumerian documents that there were
des ausgehenden Babylonischen Reiches.” In Actes de la
already festivals of Akitu in the pre-Sargonid period at La-
XVIIe Rencontre assyriologique Internationale, edited by André
Finet, vol. 17, pp. 155–159. Ham-sur-Heure, 1970.
gash and during the third dynasty at Ur, when it was linked
to the same royal dynasty and was celebrated twice a year at
Black, James A. “The New Year Ceremonies in Ancient Babylon:
‘Taking Bel by the Hand’ and a Cultic Picnic.” Religion 11
Gaesh, a village near Ur. From a ritual rediscovered in Uruk
(January 1981): 39–59.
it is clear that the celebration of Akitu took place twice a year,
Cagni, Luigi M. “Misteri a Babilonia: Esempi della tematica del
in the month of Nisan and also in the month of Tishrit. Al-
‘Dio in vicenda’ nell’antica Mesopotamia.” In La soteriologia
most nothing is known of the festival in Assyria because of
dei culti orientali nell’Impero romano: Atti del Colloquio In-
a lack of relevant rituals.
ternazionale sulla soteriologia dei culti orientali nell’Impero Ro-
mano, edited by Ugo Bianchi and Maarten J. Vermaseren,
The Enuma elish poem links the institution of kingship
pp. 565–613. Leiden, Netherlands, 1982.
with the divine world. The dream of Babylon, of being the
Chiodi, Silvia M. “Il prigioniero e il morto: Epopea di Gilgamesh.
cultural and spiritual center of Mesopotamia, the over-
Tav. X, r. 318–320.” Oriens Antiquus Miscellanea 2 (1995):
whelming logic of which pervades the poem, became reality.
159–171.
A new star, the most resplendent, appeared in the mythologi-
Falkenstein, Adam. “Akiti-fest und Akiti-festhaus.” In Festschrift
cal Mesopotamian sky. Henceforth he was recognized as the
Johannes Friedrich zum 65. Geburtstag am 27. August 1958
supreme god of the Babylonians and Assyrians, and in the
gewidmet, edited by Richard von Kienle, pp. 147–182. Hei-
divine Babylonian world he was known to the Greeks by his
delberg, 1959.
name Bel, which means “Lord.” Marduk was indeed the pre-
Farber, Walter. “A. Kultische Rituale. 1. Texte zum Akitu-Fest
eminent Lord, the ruler of the gods, and Babylon was his
(Neujahrsrituale).” In Rituale und Beschwörungen, vol. 1, ed-
only home. The Babylonians had no intention of forgetting
ited by Walter Farber, Hans Martin Kümmer, and Willem
their cultural heritage and celebrated the triumph of Marduk
H. P. Römer, pp. 213–226. Gütersloh, Germany, 1987.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
224
AKIVA BEN JOSEPH
Grayson, A. K. “Chronicles and the Akitu Festival.” In Actes de
moted Russia’s entry into war “for the faith of Christ” and
la XVIIe Rencontre assyriologique Internationale, edited by
in support of the Bulgarians (1877). In the aftermath of the
André Finet, vol. 17, pp. 160–170. Ham-sur-Heure, 1970.
Bulgarian episode, the climax of his career, Aksakov was even
Jacobsen, Thorkild. “Religious Drama in Ancient Mesopotam-
mentioned as a possible king for the newly established state.
mia.” In Unity and Diversity: Essays in the History, Literature,
and Religion of the Ancient Near East, edited by Hans Goed-
Aksakov’s appeal to the nationalism (and anti-
icke and J. J. M. Roberts, pp. 65–97. Baltimore, 1975.
Semitism) of his people was to persist during the last decade
Pallis, Svend Aage. The Babylonian Akitu Festival. Copenhagen,
of his life. His funeral in 1886 was attended by several hun-
1976.
dred thousand admirers.
Thureau-Dangin, François. Rituels accadiens. Paris, 1921. See
pp. 192–249.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Zimmern, Heinrich. Das babylonische Neujahrsfest. Leipzig, Ger-
Ivan S. Aksakov’s collected works were published in seven vol-
many, 1926.
umes as Polnoe sobranie sochinenii I. S. Aksakova (Moscow,
1886–1887). The fourth volume (1886) contains his princi-
GIOVANNI PETTINATO (2005)
Translated from Italian by Paul Ellis
pal articles on “Social Questions Related to Church Affairs”
(pp. 3–358). There is a useful monograph by Stephen
Lukashevich, Ivan Aksakov, 1823–1886: A Study in Russian
Thought and Politics (Cambridge, Mass., 1965).
AKIVA BEN JOSEPH SEE EAQIVAD BEN YOSEF
SERGEI HACKEL (1987)
AKKADIAN RELIGION SEE MESOPOTAMIAN
RELIGIONS
AKSUMITE RELIGION. Civilization first appeared
in the Ethiopian highlands in the fifth century before the
common era. It was apparently brought by Semitic-speaking
AKSAKOV, IVAN (1823–1886), Russian publicist,
immigrants from South Arabia, who transplanted to Ethio-
Slavophile, and pan-Slavist. Aksakov had a mixed career as
pia many of the cultural and artistic traditions of ancient
civil servant, banker, and journalist. He accepted with all
Sheba. They first established themselves in and around Yeha
other Slavophiles that religion was the decisive factor in the
(formerly called Ava), near modern Adwa. In the early centu-
shaping of a nation and that the essence of Russian national
ries of the common era, power shifted northward to Aksum,
life (narodnost D) was inseparably bound up with Orthodoxy.
which remains to this day the most important religious cen-
But he was painfully aware that Orthodoxy labored under
ter in Ethiopia. At the height of their power, the rulers of
manifold constraints in his milieu; as a convinced church
Aksum claimed dominion as far west as the Nile Valley and
member he campaigned in a cogent and constructive manner
as far east as the highlands of Yemen. The kingdom of
for their diminution. He regretted the bureaucratization of
Aksum was converted to Christianity in the fourth century,
the Russian church administration and the subjugation
long before any other region in the interior of Africa.
(often subservience) of the clergy to the state that was its re-
sult, if not its cause. Aksakov’s journalism was inhibited by
Comparatively little is known of the religion of pre-
an official ban on his work as editor (1853). Nevertheless,
Christian Ethiopia. Only fragmentary information is afford-
he contributed regularly to such publications as Moskovskii
ed by classical authors, by the victory stelae erected by a few
sbornik (1846–1847, 1852), Russkaia beseda (1858–1860),
Aksumite rulers, and by the evidence of archaeology. Some
and Den D (1860–1865).
additional details can be inferred on the basis of parallels with
the better-known religions of South Arabia.
Aksakov was less religiously oriented than the early Slav-
ophiles. He also differed from them in his cautious appraisal
During the Yeha period, the Ethiopian religion seems
of the Russian peasant (in his opinion, hardly the paragon
to have been little different from that of Sheba. The major
of humility and faith as usually depicted). At the same time,
deities were the familiar Semitic triad of the Sun, the Moon,
he went beyond them in eventually projecting a historio-
and Venus. In the Aksumite period a somewhat different
graphical (pan-Slavic) scheme in which the Russian people—
triad emerged, consisting of Ashtar (Venus), the sea god
not least because of their Orthodox heritage—would play a
Behr, and the earth god Medr. The sun was a female deity,
central role in the development (initially, the liberation) of
called by the Sabaean name Zat-Badar. As the military power
other Slavic nations. The West, he believed, was seriously in-
of Aksum expanded, the war god Mahram assumed increas-
hibited and undermined by its adherence to other creeds,
ing importance and became the special tutelary of the Aksu-
whether Catholic or Protestant. Least favored of all, and
mite rulers.
viewed as renegades, were Slavic nations with a loyalty to
At Yeha, Aksum, and various provincial towns there
Rome (notably Poland).
were temples and altars dedicated to several of the principal
Aksakov raised funds for a Russian expeditionary force
deities. Temple architecture followed closely the traditions
to aid the Serbs against the Turks (1876) and effectively pro-
of South Arabia. The buildings stood upon an elevated,
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EALAW¯IYU¯N
225
stepped platform and were approached by a monumental
moving intercessionary expression often heard in Sh¯ıE¯ı cir-
stairway. Very few interior details of the temples have sur-
cles. The word Sh¯ı E¯ı (anglicized as Shiite) has often been
vived, but the exterior walls were embellished with various
used to designate all followers of EAl¯ı; but in a more restricted
patterns of projecting and recessed paneling. Outside the
sense, its application is limited to the so-called Twelvers
temples were votive stelae and offering tables, many of them
(Ithna¯ EAshar¯ıyah) of Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, and elsewhere,
commemorating the military victories of particular rulers.
while EAlaw¯ı is taken to refer exclusively to the EAlaw¯ı
Animal and also human sacrifices were apparently a regular
Nus:ayr¯ıyah of northwestern Syria. The indigenous sources,
feature of the victory celebrations.
past and present, do not make such clearcut distinctions,
The most extraordinary monuments of Aksumite reli-
however. The other two leading Sh¯ıE¯ı sects, the Zayd¯ıyah
gious architecture are the great stone stelae erected over the
and the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah, have had significant historical and doc-
tombs of many rulers. They are elaborately carved in the
trinal differences with the mainstream Twelvers. Finally,
form of miniature skyscrapers, with a false door at the bot-
there exists a group of extremist Sh¯ıE¯ı sects known collective-
tom and row upon row of false windows above. They are,
ly as the Ghula¯t (“exaggerators”), to which the EAlaw¯ı
however, devoid of inscription. Underground, the royal dead
Nus:ayr¯ıyah of Syria belong. While the Sh¯ıEah in general hold
were interred in large rock-cut burial chambers, but these
EAl¯ı and his immediate family in high esteem, the Ghula¯t
have been so thoroughly plundered that no offerings have
have gone beyond veneration, often considering EAl¯ı a mani-
ever been found in them. For this reason, and in the absence
festation of the deity.
of inscriptions, it is difficult to form an impression of the
ORIGINS. The majority of Muslims, called Sunn¯ıs, accepted
part that mortuary ritual played in the religious life of the
the early settlement on the succession (caliphate) to the
ancient Ethiopians.
Prophet’s leadership, and their religious scholars ( Eulama¯D)
subsequently arrived at a doctrinal position which states that
BIBLIOGRAPHY
“God’s religion is the middle ground between exaggerated
There is no general work on ancient Ethiopian religions. Very
zeal [ghulu¯w] and negligence [jaf a¯ D].” It was left to the schol-
brief popular accounts can be found in Jean Doresse’s
ars to interpret God’s word in the QurDa¯n. The Sh¯ıEah, on
L’Empire du Prêtre-Jean, vol. 1, L’Éthiopie antique (Paris,
the other hand, would accept only the leadership of EAl¯ı as
1957), pp. 138–140, and in Ethiopia (London, 1959),
imam par excellence, and, to satisfy the need for someone
pp. 21–27, by the same author. By far the most detailed de-
scription of ancient temples and shrines, as revealed by ar-
who would be specially endowed to understand the esoteric
chaeology, is that of Daniel Krencker in his Ältere Denkmäler
(ba¯t:in¯ı) meaning of God’s injunctions, they elevated EAl¯ı to
nordabessiniens (Berlin, 1913). For a brief popular descrip-
the position of wal¯ı of God: the “friend” of the Almighty and
tion of temples and other religious monuments, see David
“custodian” of the faith. With time, the Sh¯ıE¯ı scholars devel-
Buxton’s The Abyssinians (New York, 1970), pp. 86–97.
oped an elaborate theological system which featured such
concepts as ima¯mah (leadership of the Muslim community),
New Sources
Burstein, Stanley, ed. Ancient African Civilizations: Kush and
Eis:mah (infallibility of the imam), nas:s: (attested succession),
Axum. Princeton, N.J., 1998.
taq¯ıyah (religious dissimulation), and ghaybah (occultation).
Thus the Sunn¯ıs and the Sh¯ıEah became two dimensions of
Munro-Hay, Stuart. Aksum: An African Civilization of Late Antiq-
uity. Edinburgh, 1991.
the Islamic dispensation.
Phillipson, David W. Ancient Ethiopia: Aksum, Its Antecedents and
With the Ghula¯t, the excessive veneration of EAl¯ı took
Successions. London, 1998.
a different turn long before the EAlaw¯ı Nus:ayr¯ıyah came on
Phillipson, David W. Archaeology of Aksum Ethiopia, 1993–7.
the scene. Ghulu¯w manifested itself in a long series of extrem-
London and Oxford, 2000.
ist movements, the earliest of which was perhaps that of
al-Mukhta¯r (AH 66, 685/6 CE), who claimed to be an incar-
WILLIAM Y. ADAMS (1987)
nation of Muh:ammad ibn al-H:anaf¯ıyah, a son of EAl¯ı by a
Revised Bibliography
woman from the H:an¯ıfah tribe. Toward the end of the ninth
century, the Qara¯mit:ah offered another example of religious
and social extremism; the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı Sh¯ıE¯ı state of the Fatimids
EALAW¯IYU¯N (sg., EAlaw¯ı; modern English rendering,
was founded on the ruins of this movement. A major phase
Alawis, Alawites; French, Alaouites; sometimes called
of religious extremism appeared following the decline of Fat-
Nus:ayr¯ıyah). The Arabic word EAlaw¯ı designates, broadly
imid power in the eleventh century. This development coin-
speaking, a follower of EAl¯ı ibn Ab¯ı T:a¯lib. Next to the
cided with the resurgence of Byzantine power south of the
prophet Muh:ammad, EAl¯ı, Muh:ammad’s paternal cousin
Taurus Mountains along the traditional limes (thughu¯r,
and son-in-law, is perhaps the most important personality in
Eawa¯s:im) in the northern Syrian borderlands, the weakening
the religious and political history of Islam. He remains a
position of the Sh¯ıE¯ı Hamdanids in Aleppo and the Buyids
force to contend with in the daily life of Muslims today, es-
in Baghdad, and most of all, the influx of Crusader armies
pecially among the Sh¯ıEah (from sh¯ı Eat EAl¯ı, the “party” or
along the Syrian coastlands and their final occupation of Je-
followers of EAl¯ı): “Ya EAl¯ı, madad” (“O EAl¯ı, help!”) is a
rusalem in 1099.
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226
EALAW¯IYU¯N
This unsettled situation engendered three curious reli-
who passed through Nus:ayri territory, observed that they be-
gious factions: the EAlaw¯ıyu¯n proper in the northwest region
lieved in EAl¯ı as their god and that they did not pray, nor
of Syria, the Druze sect of southern geographic Syria, and
did they perform ablutions or observe the fast incumbent
the movement of H:asan-i S:abba¯h: (the so-called Assassins)
upon all Muslims. According to Ibn Bat:t:u¯t:ah, who was a
who ultimately established themselves in such mountain
Ma¯lik¯ı jurist, they used the mosques, which the Mamluk rul-
strongholds as Alamu¯t and elsewhere. While the Druze and
ers had forced them to build, as stables for their animals. At
the Assassins were direct splinters from the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı Fatimids
one time, he reports, the sultan had ordered their extermina-
of Egypt, the EAlaw¯ıyu¯n were grounded in Twelver thought
tion but was reminded by his chief minister that the
with syncretic Christian accretions.
Nus:ayr¯ıyah were still needed to till the land.
HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT. Almost every founder of a
In the sixteenth century, the Ottomans under Sultan
Sh¯ıE¯ı movement, including the Ghula¯t sects, claimed some
Selim fought Shiism on all fronts: against a large-scale Sh¯ıE¯ı
attachment to, or direct genealogical descent from, EAl¯ı or
rebellion in Anatolia, against the Safavids of Iran, and against
his immediate descendants, the twelve imams. The EAlaw¯ı
the EAlaw¯ıyu¯n of Syria. Once victory was attained, however,
Nus:ayr¯ıyah, though claiming no direct descent from any of
the issue was allowed to fade, and during the next four centu-
the imams, believed that each of the twelve imams had a
ries the EAlaw¯ı communities suffered the benign neglect of
“gate” (ba¯b), beginning with Salma¯n al-Fa¯ris¯ı, who was the
Ottoman rule. They were not treated as a millet (autono-
“gate” of EAl¯ı ibn Ab¯ı T:a¯lib, and ending with Abu¯ ShuEayb
mous religious community), and their affairs were left in the
Muh:ammad ibn Nus:ayr, the “gate” to the eleventh imam,
hands of their tribal chieftains. Midhat Pasha, the nine-
al-H:asan al-EAskar¯ı (d. 874). The twelfth imam had no
teenth-century reform-minded governor of Syria, attempted
“gate”; however, Muh:ammad ibn Nus:ayr continued to as-
to institute a separate administration (liwa¯ D) for the
sume that position during the period of occultation. The
E
EAlaw¯ıyu¯n. Under the French Mandate after the First World
Alaw¯ıyu¯n consider the office of the ba¯b one of their basic
War, they were treated as an “independent” state within
religious institutions, and since they claim Ibn Nus:ayr as
Syria and were referred to as the “Alaouites” for the first time.
their founder, they are sometimes known as the Nus:ayr¯ıyah.
The French drafted many of their young men for what came
Ibn Nus:ayr was succeeded by Muh:ammad ibn Jundub, then
to be called the Troupes Spéciales du Levant. This special
by Muh:ammad al-Jina¯n al-Junbula¯n¯ı. It was at about this
status survived into the late twentieth century with an EAlaw¯ı
time that a certain H:usayn ibn H:amda¯n al-Khas:¯ıb¯ı, origi-
circle dominating the Syrian military government, led by
nally from Egypt, was attracted to northern Syria and be-
President Hafiz al-Asad, himself an EAlaw¯ı.
came the ideological leader of the movement. He was active
at the courts of the Hamdanids of Aleppo and the Buyids
RELATION TO SHIISM. Inasmuch as the EAlaw¯ı Nus:ayr¯ıyah
of Baghdad. The center for EAlaw¯ı activity, however, moved
profess allegiance to EAl¯ı ibn Ab¯ı T:a¯lib, they share many of
to Latakia when these Twelver Sh¯ıE¯ı states succumbed to the
their beliefs and practices with the rest of the Sh¯ıEah. Within
Sunn¯ı Seljuk Turks.
Shiism, however, two traditions have survived: a high Islam,
“orthodox,” scribal tradition which has been preserved in the
During the early Mongol period the EAlaw¯ı community
writings of the three main Sh¯ıE¯ı groups, the Twelvers, the
witnessed a short revival under Emir H:asan al-Makzu¯n
Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı Seveners, and the Zayd¯ıyah, and a folk Islam, “pop-
al-Sinja¯r¯ı, “one of the greatest and most pious shaykhs of the
ular,” nonscribal, secretive tradition which is the hallmark of
sect, who rescued EAlaw¯ı authority, organized the affairs of
the Ghula¯t. The EAlaw¯ı Nus:ayr¯ıyah of northwestern Syria
the community, and provided his followers with a comfort-
belong to the latter tradition. The idea of the ba¯b as the
able way of life” (T:aw¯ıl, pp. 309–310). Soon, however, the
“gate” to the imam appears to have been an attempt to pre-
region fell under Mamluk domination. The H:anbal¯ı scholar
serve Twelver continuity, which the mainstream Sh¯ıE¯ı schol-
Ah:mad ibn Taym¯ıyah (d. 1328) wrote a scathing refutation
ars resolved through the concept of occultation. In any case,
of the EAlaw¯ı Nus:ayr¯ıyah (Risa¯lah f¯ı al-radd Eala¯
the Sh¯ıE¯ı EAlaw¯ıyu¯n had no chance to further develop high
al-Nus:ayr¯ıyah) in which they are said to believe in the drink-
Islam ideas since their patrons in Aleppo and Baghdad (the
ing of wine, the reincarnation of the soul, the antiquity of
Twelver Hamdanids and Buyids respectively) had just lost
the world, and the fact that their god who created the heav-
their power to the ardent Sunn¯ı Seljuks, and the EAlaw¯ıyu¯n
ens and the earth is EAl¯ı ibn Ab¯ı T:a¯lib, who to them is the
were left essentially on their own.
imam in heaven and the imam on earth; and to claim that
Muh:ammad the prophet is only the “name” while EAl¯ı is the
At exactly the same time, moreover, the EAlaw¯ı lands
“meaning” and essence. Condemning the EAlaw¯ıyu¯n along
were invaded by the Christian knights of the Crusader ar-
with other sects such as the Malahidah Assassins, the
mies. Hence, in addition to their original extremist views
Qara¯mit:ah, the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah, and all types of ba¯t:in¯ı esoterics,
about EAl¯ı and the imams, the EAlaw¯ıyu¯n inherited Christian
Ibn Taym¯ıyah accuses them of kufr (“unbelief”) worse than
elements which they incorporated into their folk Islam be-
that of the Jews and Christians, calls them mushriku¯n
liefs (although the Islamic core remained predominant).
(“polytheists”), and prohibits marriage with them, partaking
Ideas of a trinity (a concept abhorred in official Islam) be-
of their food, or allowing them to guard the frontiers of
came current, with EAl¯ı as the ma Ena¯ (esoteric meaning and
Islam. The North African traveler Ibn Bat:t:u¯t:ah (d. 1377),
essence), Muh:ammad as the ism (outward exoteric name),
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EALAW¯IYU¯N
227
and Salma¯n al-Fa¯ris¯ı as the ba¯b (gate to EAl¯ı’s esoteric es-
the community with the mainstream Twelvers. (A preface to
sence). Joined together, the three appear in a profession
this publication, written by a Twelver scholar, H:asan Mahd¯ı
(Shaha¯dah) of the faith: I testify that there is no god but EAl¯ı
Sh¯ıra¯z¯ı, avers that “the words EAlaw¯ı and Sh¯ı Eah are inter-
ibn Ab¯ı T:a¯lib al-ma Ebu¯d (“the worshiped one”), no veil
changeable.”) Developments such as these may suggest a
(h:ija¯b) but Muh:ammad al-mah:mu¯d (“the praised one”), and
shift in EAlaw¯ı orientation from the Ghula¯t to “orthodox”
no gate but Salma¯n al-Fa¯ris¯ı al-maqs:u¯d (“the intended one”).
Twelver Shiism.
In addition to the traditional Sunn¯ı and Sh¯ıE¯ı holidays,
Christian feast days such as Christmas, Epiphany, and Pente-
SEE ALSO Assassins; Druze; Taqiyah.
cost are celebrated. There are also several mass-type ceremo-
nies, such as the incense mass and the adha¯n mass (for the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Muslim call to prayer), during which the congregation
Older published works on the EAlaw¯ı Nus:ayri sect, though slightly
chants hymns said to have been composed by one of the early
dated, contain much useful information on the origins, be-
liefs, and practices of the community. See, for example, René
fathers, al-Khas:¯ıb¯ı, although the Arabic language of the orig-
Dussaud’s Histoire et religion des Nosairis (Paris, 1900); Louis
inal indicates a more popular folk-literary hand. Belief in re-
Massignon’s “Nus:air¯ı,” in The Encyclopaedia of Islam (Lei-
incarnation is widespread: Muslims returning as donkeys,
den, 1913–1934); René Basset’s résumé of Dussaud’s His-
Christians as pigs, Jews as monkeys. This syncretic mixture
toire in the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. 9, edited
of ideas has led one French authority on the EAlaw¯ıyu¯n to
by James Hastings (Edinburgh, 1917); Samuel Lyde’s The
describe their beliefs as “a deformation of Christianity or a
Asian Mystery: Ansaireeh or Nusairis of Syria (London, 1860);
survival of ancient paganism” (Weulersse, 1946; p. 271). An-
and Sulaymân Effendi of Adhanah’s Al-ba¯ku¯rah
other work, based substantially on polemical material, seems
al-Sulayma¯n¯ıyah f¯ı kashf asra¯r al-diya¯nah al-Nus:ayr¯ıyah,
to be in partial agreement: “From an Islamic standpoint, the
translated and partially presented by Edward E. Salisbury in
religious beliefs and practices of the Nus:air¯ıs set them off as
the Journal of the American Oriental Society (1868): 227–308.
Of special importance is Louis Massignon’s “Esquisse d’une
a distinct religion, neither Islamic nor Christian nor Jewish,
bibliographie nus:ayrie,” in Mélanges syriens offerts à Monsieur
and it has always been the consensus of the Muslim Eulama¯D,
René Dussaud, vol. 2 (Paris, 1939), pp. 913–922, containing
both Sunn¯ı and Sh¯ıE¯ı, that the Nusairis are kuffa¯r (disbeliev-
a list of manuscripts on the EAlaw¯ıyu¯n which still await the
ers, rejectors of the faith) and idolaters (mushriku¯n)”
specialized scholar.
(EAbd-Alla¯h, p. 48).
More recent French works on the subject include Jacques Weuler-
CONTEMPORARY IMPORTANCE. The importance of the
sse’s Les pays des Alaouites, 2 vols. (Tours, 1940), his Paysans
EAlaw¯ı Nus:ayri community now derives largely from the
de Syrie et du Proche-Orient (Paris, 1946), and Munir M.
widespread contemporary revival of Islam. Their numbers
Mousa’s “Étude sociologique des EAlaouites ou Nus:airis”
(Ph.D. diss., 2 vols., Sorbonne, 1958). For important infor-
have always been small: 300,000 according to Gha¯lib
mation on the EAlaw¯ıyu¯n during the thirteenth and four-
al-T:aw¯ıl in the 1920s; 225,000 according to Weulersse in
teenth centuries, see Ibn Taym¯ıyah’s “Risa¯lah f¯ı al-radd Eala¯
1943–1944; 325,311 according to Hourani in 1946;
al-Nus:ayr¯ıyah,” in Majmu¯ E al-rasa¯ Dil (Cairo, 1905),
600,000 or 700,000 according to Petran in 1972; and at
pp. 94–102, and Ibn Bat:t:u¯t:ah’s Travels, translated by
most a “million or so” according to Batatu in 1981 (the last
H. A. R. Gibb (London, 1962).
figure probably includes EAlaw¯ıs throughout the world). In
Special mention should be made of the first book in Arabic by a
the “independent” Alaouite state under French administra-
member of the EAlaw¯ı community, Muh:ammad Am¯ın
tion, the Representative Council of 1930, for example, in-
Gha¯lib al-T:aw¯ıl’s Ta Dr¯ıkh al- EAlaw¯ıyin, originally written in
cluded ten EAlaw¯ı members, two Orthodox Christians, one
Turkish and recast in Arabic (Latakia, Syria, 1921); the sec-
Maronite Christian, three Sunn¯ıs, and one Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı. In more
ond edition (Beirut, 1966) contains a sixty-page critical in-
recent times, EAlaw¯ı leaders, both religious and secular, have
troduction by the Twelver Sh¯ıE¯ı writer EAbd al-Rah:ma¯n al-
been making outward attempts to gain acceptance among
Khayr. T:aw¯ıl’s work is somewhat polemical but is neverthe-
the rest of the (largely Sunn¯ı) population of Syria. In 1973,
less full of valuable source material. Some largely unreliable
statistics on the EAlaw¯ıyu¯n are found in such works as Albert
for example, an official statement was issued by as many as
Hourani’s Minorities in the Arab World (1947; reprint, New
eighty EAlaw¯ı religious leaders proclaiming the adherence of
York, 1982) and Tabitha Petran’s Syria (New York, 1972).
the community to the teachings and legal practices of
Twelver ShiEism and adding that “whatever else is attributed
Serious modern writings on the EAlaw¯ıyu¯n are scarce. See Claude
Cahen’s “Note sur les origines de la communauté syrienne
to them has no basis in truth and is a mere invention by their
des Nus:ayris,” Revue des études islamiques 38 (1970): 243–
enemies and the enemies of Islam” (Batatu, p. 335). Mu¯sa¯
249, and Hanna Batatu’s “Some Observations on the Social
al-S:adr, a politico-religious leader of Lebanon’s Twelver
Roots of Syria’s Ruling Military Group and the Causes for
Sh¯ıE¯ı community and founder of the Amal movement in the
Its Dominance,” Middle East Journal 35 (1981): 331–344;
1970s, included a number of representatives of the Lebanese
also Nikolaos van Dam’s The Struggle for Power in Syria: Sec-
EAlaw¯ı community in his Sh¯ıE¯ı Council, while a recent book-
tarianism, Regionalism, and Tribalism in Politics, 1961–1978
let, Al- EAlaw¯ıyu¯n sh¯ı Eat ahl al-bayt (a title that identifies the
(London, 1979).
EAlaw¯ıyu¯n with the “party of the house of the Prophet,”
Finally, owing to contemporary attempts to rehabilitate the
namely, EAl¯ı and the imams), indicates a rapprochement of
EAlaw¯ı Nus:ayr¯ıyah within the Sh¯ıE¯ı fold, several works of a
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
228
A¯LAYA-VIJÑA¯NA
largely polemical nature have been produced; see, for exam-
ports (a¯´sraya) and informs all occurrences of manifest con-
ple, EAbd Alla¯h al-H:usayn¯ı’s Al-judhu¯r al-taDr¯ıkh¯ıyah lil-
sciousness.
Nus:ayr¯ıyah al- Ealaw¯ıyah (Dubai, 1980), and EAbd al-H:usayn
Mahd¯ı al-EAskari’s
Al- EAlaw¯ıyu¯naw al-Nus:ay-
Also consonant with traditional characteristics of con-
riyu¯n (n.p., 1980), both of which quote extensively from the
sciousness (S II 65, 101; III 54), a¯laya-vijña¯na is said in the
early heresiographical literature. Umar F. Abd-Allah’s The Is-
Sam:dhinirmocana Su¯tra to “grow, develop, and increase” due
lamic Struggle in Syria (Berkeley, 1983), with foreword and
to the seeds (b¯ıja) of karmic potential and the predispositions
postscript by Hamid Algar, outlines the attempt by the pres-
(va¯sana¯) of the afflictions that have accumulated “since
ent EAlaw¯ı military regime in Syria to control the activities
beginningless time” from the karmic activities associated
of the Muslim Brotherhood there.
with the six modes of manifest cognitive awareness. The po-
MICHEL M. MAZZAOUI (1987)
tential or “seeds” for the future arising of afflictions or of kar-
mically resultant dharmas, such as sensations or conscious-
ness itself, are thereafter “stored” in this evolving a¯laya level
of mind.
A¯LAYA-VIJÑA¯NA (Tib., kun gzhi rnam par shes pa;
While this subliminal a¯laya consciousness thus enjoys
Chin., a lai ye shi) is the Sanskrit term denoting, roughly,
a simultaneous and causally reciprocal relationship with the
“storehouse” consciousness, a conception of unconscious
manifest modes of cognitive awareness, it still retained, in
mental processes developed by the Yoga¯ca¯ra school of Indian
most Indian Yoga¯ca¯ra treatises, its original character as the
Buddhism in the third to fifth centuries CE. A¯laya-vijña¯na
locus of accumulated karmic potential and latent afflictions,
appears in such “Yoga¯ca¯ra” scriptures as the
virtually defining one’s samsaric existence and serving, in ef-
Sam:dhinirmocana Su¯tra and the Lan˙ka¯vata¯ra Su¯tra, but is
fect, as the “subject” of sam:sa¯ra (also similar to earlier notions
most systematically treated in the scholastic treatises of
of vijña¯na). Sentient beings therefore typically (mis)take
Asan˙ga (c. 315–390) and Vasubandhu (c. mid-fourth to
a¯laya consciousness as a substantive self (a¯tmadr:s:t:i), a form
mid-fifth centuries). It originally addressed problems sur-
of ignorance so continuously present that it too soon came
rounding the continuity of karmic potential (karma-upacaya)
to be conceived as a distinct strata of subliminal—and karmi-
and the latent afflictions (anu´saya) that had been generated
cally neutral—afflictions called “afflictive mentation” (Skt.,
by the abhidharma emphasis upon momentary, manifest
klis:t:a-manas; Tib., nyon mongs pa can gyi yid; Chin., ran wu
processes of mind. How, after all, could these two essential
yi), now considered a “seventh consciousness,” making
aspects of one’s samsaric existence—the potential for karma
a¯laya-vijña¯na the eighth.
to ripen and for the afflictions to arise—be uninterruptedly
present until their elimination far along the path to libera-
More broadly, Asan˙ga’s Maha¯ya¯na-sam:graha describes
tion if one’s mind (or, more precisely, one’s “mental stream,”
how the “common aspects” (sa¯dha¯ran:a-laks:an:a) of a¯laya con-
santa¯na) were comprised solely of whatever phenomena
sciousness help to structure the arising of our common
(dharma) were manifest at the present moment? Their mani-
“world” (bha¯jana-loka). Our distinctively human world ap-
fest presence would preclude any salutary states of mind from
pears similarly to us because we have accumulated similar
arising, and thus prevent progress along the path, while their
karma, which results in both our similar cognitive faculties
complete absence would be tantamount to liberation itself.
as well as whatever cognitive and affective formations simi-
The a¯laya-vijña¯na thus came to comprise the various poten-
larly condition the arising of each individual’s a¯laya-vijña¯na,
tialities that must continuously underlie each moment of the
such as the impressions of language (adhila¯pa-va¯sana¯). To-
traditional six modes of cognitive awareness—now called
gether, these conditions delimit the range of stimuli that may
manifest, arising, or functioning consciousnesses
instigate manifest consciousness, and thus also the very forms
(pravr:tti-vijña¯na) in contradistinction to the continuous yet
in which our common, species-specific world (loka) typically
subliminal a¯laya, the home, base, or storehouse conscious-
appear. In this way, the a¯laya-vijña¯na—“the mind with all
ness (a¯laya-vijña¯na).
the seeds” (sarvab¯ıjaka-citta) that represents our accumu-
lated potentialities for karmic results—serves as the “com-
Combining traditional analyses of consciousness
mon support (sama¯´sraya) of all phenomenal experience
(vijña¯na) as an awareness (not a faculty) that arises either in
(dharma).”
dependence upon karmic formations (sam:ska¯ra¯) or as a result
of the concomitance of one’s cognitive faculties and their
Although in its systematic treatments the a¯laya-vijña¯na
correlative objects, a¯laya consciousness is described in classi-
is largely commensurate with traditional Indian Buddhist
cal Yoga¯ca¯ra treatises as arising from moment to moment in
analyses of samsaric consciousness, as we have seen, the very
dependence on the material sense faculties and the various
metaphors used to describe the a¯laya-vijña¯na—an evolving
cognitive and affective formations (sam:ska¯ra¯) that constitute
“repository” form of mind (citta) that receives and “stores”
one’s ongoing existence, as well as on its own subliminal cog-
karmic seeds and thereby serves as both support and cause
nitive object: an indistinct (aparicchinna) or imperceptible
(hetu) of all dharmas—invited its interpretation as a founda-
(asam:vidita) apprehension of an external world
tional mind serving as the sole basis or ground from which
(bha¯jana-loka). A¯laya-vijña¯na is thus a complexly condi-
the entire phenomenal world arises. These tendencies were
tioned mode of cognitive awareness that simultaneously sup-
particularly pronounced in certain Chinese and Tibetan tra-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AL-AZHAR
229
ditions, influenced no doubt by the explicit identification—
2000. A translation of Xuanzang’s Chinese rendition of this
in scriptures such as the Lan˙ka¯vata¯ra Su¯tra and, more impor-
indispensable Yoga¯ca¯ra text.
tantly, the apocryphal Awakening of Faith—of a¯laya-vijña¯na
Lamotte, Étienne, trans. La somme du Grand Véhicle d’Asan˙ga
with tatha¯gatha-garbha, the womb or matrix of the
(Maha¯ya¯na-sam:graha). Louvain, Belgium, 1938–1939. A de-
Tatha¯gatha. Although this identification went largely un-
finitive translation accompanied by extensive selections from
challenged in later Chinese Buddhism, it is not found in the
its traditional commentaries.
classic treatises of Indian Yoga¯ca¯ra. The sixth-century Indian
Pruden, Leo, trans. Karmasiddhiprakaran:a: Treatise on Action by
translator Parama¯rtha’s response to this discrepancy was to
Vasubandhu. Berkeley, Calif., 1980. An English translation
preserve the a¯laya-vijña¯na as a defiled eighth consciousness,
of Lamotte’s French translation of Vasubandhu’s most ab-
which is eliminated upon awakening, while interpolating
hidharmic treatment of the a¯laya-vijña¯na.
into his translations an additional, undefiled ninth con-
Schmithausen, Lambert. A¯layavijña¯na. Tokyo, 1987. This
sciousness, an *amala-vijña¯na, which persists after the
groundbreaking and painstaking philological study recon-
structs the initial occurrence and subsequent development of
a¯laya-vijña¯na ceases. One of seventh-century Xuanzang’s
the a¯laya-vijña¯na within Indian Yoga¯ca¯ra texts.
aims in retranslating Yoga¯ca¯ra texts was to recover the earlier,
Stearns, Cyrus. The Buddha from Dolpo. Albany, 1999. A study
and to his mind orthodox, interpretation of a¯laya-vijña¯na as
of the founder of the Tibetan zhen stong view and the theory
a locus of defiled consciousness unrelated to the notion of
of primordial laya wisdom.
tatha¯gatha-garbha. Similar tendencies occurred in the Tibet-
Suzuki, Daisetz Teitaro, trans. Lan˙ka¯vata¯ra Su¯tra. London, 1932.
an schools that teach “extrinsic emptiness” (gzhan stong),
A translation and study of this important Yoga¯ca¯ra scripture.
which extrapolating upon Indian Yoga¯ca¯ra models, posited
Waldron, William S. “Buddhist Steps to an Ecology of Mind:
a primordial a¯laya wisdom (Skt., *a¯laya-jña¯na; Tib., kun gzhi
Thinking about ‘Thoughts without a Thinker.’” Eastern
ye shes) prior to and apart from all defiled and discursive
Buddhist 34, no. 1 (2002): 1–52. Analyzes the a¯laya-vijña¯na
modes of consciousness (Skt., vijña¯na; Tib., rnam shes), such
in relation to scientific perspectives on the evolution and aris-
as a¯laya-vijña¯na.
ing of consciousness.
These varying notions of post- (or non-) samsaric forms
Waldron, William S. The Buddhist Unconscious: The
of consciousness, typically expressed as transformations of
A¯laya-vijña¯na in the Context of Indian Buddhist Thought.
vijña¯na into jña¯na, echo similar ideas found in the earliest
New York and London, 2003. Treats the antecedents to an
Buddhist texts in which the consciousness of a buddha or
early development of the a¯laya-vijña¯na, up to Asan˙ga’s
Maha¯ya¯na-sam:graha.
arhat is no longer bound by grasping or appropriation
(anupa¯da¯na), but is said to be “non-abiding” or “unsupport-
WILLIAM S. WALDRON (2005)
ed” (appatit:t:hita-viñña¯n:a; D III 105; S I 122; S II 66, 103;
S III 54).
In sum, this core Yoga¯ca¯ra concept touches upon some
AL-AZHAR. Literally al-Azhar means “most luminous”
of the central concerns of Buddhist soteriology and analyses
(an allusion to the prophet Muh:ammad’s daughter Fa¯t:ima,
of mind, but its interpretation varies considerably depending
nicknamed al-Zahra¯D, the eponymous ancestor of the
upon which century, which school, and even which text one
Fa¯t:imids). Al-Azhar is the world’s oldest mosque-university
is investigating.
and Sunn¯ı Islam’s foremost seat of learning. Following his
conquest of Egypt, Jawhar, the Sicilian commander of the
SEE ALSO Asan˙ga; Dharmapa¯la; Soteriology; Soul, article on
army sent by the Fa¯t:imid caliph-ima¯m al-MuEizz li-D¯ın
Buddhist Concepts; Tatha¯gata-garbha; Vasubandhu;
Alla¯h (r. 953–975 CE) from North Africa, founded this
Vijña¯na; Yoga¯ca¯ra.
mosque on Saturday, 24 Juma¯da¯ I 359/April 4, 970 CE, after
having laid the foundations of a new capital, Cairo
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(al-Qa¯hira, meaning “the victorious”). Al-Azhar, situated
Cook, Francis, trans. Three Texts on Consciousness Only. Berkeley,
near the royal palace at the southeast corner, was intended
Calif., 1999. English translations from the Chinese of three
to serve as the official congregation mosque of the new
Yoga¯ca¯ra treatises: two by Vasubandhu—the Trim:´sika
(Thirty verses) and the Vim:´sika (Twenty verses); and one by
dynasty, which was competing with the EAbba¯sid caliphs of
Xuanzang—the Cheng wei-shi lun (Demonstration of con-
Baghdad for control of the Muslim world. The first Friday
sciousness only).
prayer in the mosque was inaugurated during Ramad:a¯n 972
Hakamaya, Noriaki. Yuishiki Shiso¯ Ronko¯. Tokyo, 2001. A collec-
CE. In addition to being a house of worship and a sanctuary
tion of fifty articles by a leading Japanese scholar analyzing
like most major mosques, it soon became a place of learn-
many Yoga¯ca¯ra texts and concepts, including the
ing. Except for the eighty-year rule of the Ayyu¯bids
a¯laya-vijña¯na, from a text-critical perspective.
(1171–1252), who supplanted the Fa¯t:imids, al-Azhar has re-
Hakeda, Yoshito, trans. The Awakening of Faith, Attributed to
mained throughout the centuries a focal point of Islamic reli-
As:vaghosha. New York, 1967. An apocryphal treatise im-
gious and cultural life not only for Egypt but also for the en-
mensely influential in Chinese interpretations of Yoga¯ca¯ra.
tire Muslim world.
Keenan, John, trans. The Scripture on the Explication of Underlying
During the early period of Islamic history, memoriza-
Meaning (The Sam:dhinirmocana Su¯tra). Berkeley, Calif.,
tion of the QurDa¯n, the study of h:ad¯ıth (traditions of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
230
AL-AZHAR
Prophet), and the science of jurisprudence (fiqh) were con-
in 1415–1416 the number of indigent students, both provin-
ducted in the mosque. The mosque was therefore the first
cial and foreign, residing in quarters around the mosque and
stage in the development of the college in Islam. Al-Sha¯fiE¯ı
grouped according to their provinces and nationalities
(d. 820 CE), for example, taught various subjects in the
(riwa¯qs), was 750. Subjects taught included the art of recit-
mosque of EAmr b. al-EA¯s:. Most of those mosque-based insti-
ing the QurDa¯n, jurisprudence of the four Sunn¯ı schools of
tutions of learning became extinct over a period of time. Al-
law, the traditions of the Prophet, exegesis of the QurDa¯n, Ar-
Azhar, however, continued to flourish, developed into a col-
abic language and grammar, and preaching. At times dhikr
lege, and became a university.
sessions (literally “remembering God,” a religious service
HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT. Information about the curricu-
common to all the mystical fraternities) were also held.
lum in the early years of the Fa¯t:imids and the Mamlu¯ks is
The famous historian Ibn Khaldu¯n (d. 1406) taught at al-
fragmentary. However, from the available sources one could
Azhar when he arrived in Cairo in 1383. Generous endow-
infer that Sh¯ıE¯ı–Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı law was regularly taught there.
ments and gifts from notables provided the funds for these
Al-Maqr¯ız¯ı (d. 1442), a noted historian who had access to
activities.
earlier sources and contemporary documents that are no lon-
Although the center of gravity during the Ottoman pe-
ger extant, stated that the chief judge and chief missionary
E
riod (1517–1805) shifted to Istanbul, al-Azhar remained the
Al¯ı, the son of al-Qa¯d:¯ı al-NuEma¯n, the founder of Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı
preeminent seat of Arabic and Islamic learning. Probably to-
jurisprudence, sat in al-Azhar and lectured his audience on
ward the end of the seventeenth century the position of
Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı law. Lecturing soon became dictation when the stu-
Shaykh al-Azhar (rector or grand ima¯m) was created to pre-
dents began to write down what was said. Subsequently EAl¯ı
side over the affairs of al-Azhar. The position was generally
dictated his father’s Kita¯b al-Iqtis:a¯r, an abridged version of
filled by a leading member of the Eulama¯D. Shaykh
Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı law, to a large gathering. Ibn Killis, the vizier of the
Muh:ammad EAbd Alla¯h al-Khurash¯ı (d. 1690), a Ma¯lik¯ı ju-
Fa¯t:imid caliph-ima¯m al-EAz¯ız (r. 975–996 CE), was the first
rist, was the first to hold this office. Al-Azhar had neither for-
to establish al-Azhar as a regular institution of learning where
mal procedures for admissions nor grade levels, it had no re-
Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı law was taught. The vizier, who was known for his
quired courses and no written examinations, and it did not
patronage of scholars, poets, and jurists, obtained a royal de-
grant official diplomas. However, a student could obtain a
cree to build a large house near the mosque to provide living
certificate (ija¯za) of proficiency from his or her teacher upon
quarters for thirty-five jurists in addition to their salaries. On
completion of a prescribed course of study. Professors lec-
Fridays, between the midday and afternoon prayers, those ju-
tured at different corners of the mosque, and the students
rists sat in the mosque surrounded by circles of listeners and
gathered around them. Memorization played an important
instructed them in matters of religion and law. Describing
part. The curriculum, in addition to Arabic language and
the Fa¯t:imid palaces where “the sessions of wisdom” (maja¯lis
grammar, consisted mainly of theology and law. Priorities
al-h:ikma) were held, al-Maqr¯ız¯ı stated that separate sessions
were given to the above-mentioned religious sciences, the ac-
of wisdom for women were held in al-Azhar. In Ramad:a¯n
quisition of which would guarantee one’s success in the here-
1010 the caliph-ima¯m al-H:a¯kim provided large endowments
after. Although the rational sciences were not rejected, they
for the maintenance of this mosque. Al-Maqr¯ız¯ı preserved
were neglected. Many Azhar¯ıs were also active S:u¯f¯ıs. For
the official decree with all the details. Besides endowments,
them pursuing rational sciences was not conducive to culti-
rich individuals, princes, and princesses made gifts and be-
vating a pious spiritual life. Learning and teaching therefore
quests. Thus one can conclude that during the Fa¯t:imid rule
remained traditional.
al-Azhar had already become an important mosque and ma-
drasah, a college of higher studies.
As legal and religious authorities, Azhar¯ı scholars were
The Sunn¯ı Ayyu¯bids who terminated Fa¯t:imid rule not
greatly respected by the people, hence they exerted immense
only neglected al-Azhar but supplanted it by creating Sunn¯ı
influence over the masses. At times they championed the
madrasahs under their patronage to stamp out all traces of
rights of the Egyptian exploited classes and acted as media-
Sh¯ıE¯ı Fa¯t:imid influence. During the Mamlu¯k period al-
tors between the rulers and the ruled. During the French oc-
Azhar regained its central place. Al-Malik al-Z:a¯hir Baybars
cupation of Egypt (1798–1801) al-Azhar not only acted as
(r. 1260–1277) repaired the mosque, and the Friday sermon
an intermediary between the Egyptian masses and the for-
was resumed 1266. Am¯ır B¯ılbak al-Kha¯zinda¯r provided
eign occupiers but also became a rallying point for revolt
funds to support a group of jurists to teach Sha¯fiE¯ı law, a
against the French. As a result it was bombarded, occupied,
muh:addith to instruct the people about proper conduct
and desecrated. Al-Jabart¯ı (d. c. 1825) left a vivid description
based on the traditions of the Prophet and about the spiritual
of those events.
doctrines of Islam, seven QurDa¯n reciters (according to the
AL-AZHAR BETWEEN REFORM AND RESISTANCE. The long
seven authorized methods of recitation) to recite and teach
campaign to subordinate al-Azhar to the state began with the
the QurDa¯n, and a mudarris (professor of law) for overall su-
rise of Muh:ammad EAl¯ı to power (1805–1848). He confis-
pervision. Women were permitted to study in the mosque.
cated many of its endowments, fixed government stipends,
In 1359–1360 a QurDanic school for orphans and a
and chose the rectors himself. His reforms, particularly the
course on H:anaf¯ı law were initiated. Al-Maqr¯ız¯ı stated that
founding of numerous secular schools and technical institu-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AL-AZHAR
231
tions and the sending of missions to Europe for higher study,
of Mad¯ınat al-Nas:r, away from the mosque. Besides its main
woke al-Azhar from its deep slumber. Government interfer-
campus in Cairo, al-Azhar also operates several campuses
ence with the affairs of al-Azhar continued under the subse-
throughout Egypt. Admission is open to all Muslim students
quent Khedive rulers. In 1872 Khedive Isma¯E¯ıl installed the
who wish to study a particular academic discipline or to fur-
first non-Sha¯fiE¯ı rector in over a century and instituted a rig-
ther and deepen their knowledge of Islam.
orous oral examination in various subjects for candidates
Outside of Egypt al-Azhar is known as a champion of
who wished to teach at al-Azhar. In 1876 al-Azhar had 361
Sunn¯ı Islam and the Arabic language. Azhar¯ı professors and
teachers and 10,780 students. Among the four Sunn¯ı schools
preachers are in demand throughout the Islamic world. The
of law, Sha¯fiE¯ıs represented the largest number, followed by
number of foreign students at al-Azhar in 1955 reached more
Ma¯lik¯ıs and H:anaf¯ıs, whereas the H:anbal¯ıs were poorly rep-
than four thousand, while in 1990 that number peaked at
resented. In 1885 a formal system of registration of students
six thousand, representing seventy-five countries.
in each residential quarter was instituted. New students who
had not completed certain requirements during two years of
Because al-Azhar shunned Islamist activists like Jama¯l
study were not eligible to receive their ration of food. Atten-
al-D¯ın al-Afgha¯n¯ı, Muh:ammad EAbduh, and Rash¯ıd Rid:a¯,
dance was accurately recorded. During the 1890s a central
some people consider it a conservative institution, whereas
library was founded with a rich collection of manuscripts, a
many Islamists disparage it as subservient to the state. On
salary scale for teachers was established, and a countrywide
the other hand, Islamists approve of al-Azhar’s condemna-
network of preparatory religious institutions under the care
tion of controversial books. In the 1920s it stripped EAl¯ı EAbd
of al-Azhar was established.
al-Ra¯ziq of his Azhar¯ı degree for reinterpreting the Islamic
caliphate as a secular institution. T:a¯ha¯ H:usayn was forced
During the 1930s al-Azhar became a modern university
to withdraw his provocative book on pre-Islamic poetry. A
with the College of Theology, the College of Law, and the
number of other books were banned or condemned. Shaykh
College of Arabic Language, each with a state-appointed
Muh:ammad Sayyid T:ant:a¯w¯ı (b. 1928) assumed the leader-
dean. Soon all three colleges were moved to new buildings
ship position on March 27, 1996. Prior to this appointment
behind the mosque. The curriculum was clearly described.
he served as muft¯ı of Egypt from 1986 to 1996. He is known
Postgraduate work of two to three years was established for
for his courage in airing his frank views on various issues con-
specializations in Islamic law, preaching, and guidance. A
fronting the Muslim world. His statement in support of the
student was required to pass written and oral examinations
right of the French government to prohibit Muslim women
and present a thesis for the postgraduate degree. For the title
from wearing the h:ija¯b (head covering) in public schools pro-
of “professor” (usta¯dh), an equivalent of a Ph.D., more grad-
voked strong opposition.
uate work, a passing grade on a difficult examination, and
a substantial thesis were required. The diploma granted at
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the end of four years of undergraduate study was called
Taq¯ı al-D¯ın Ahmad al-Maqr¯ız¯ı is the main source of information
shaha¯dat al-dira¯sa al- Ea¯liya, the certificate of specialization
from al-Azhar’s foundation to the Mamlu¯k period. Shiha¯b
was called al-shaha¯da al- Ea¯lim¯ıya ma E al-ija¯za, and the high-
al-D¯ın Ahmad al-Qalqshand¯ı (d. 1418), a secretary in the
est diploma, similar to that of a doctorate, was called
chancery of the Mamlu¯k administration, citing the earlier
al-shaha¯da al- Ea¯lim¯ıya ma E darajat usta¯dh.
authority Am¯ır Mukhta¯r Muh:ammad al-Mus:abbih:¯ı
(d. 1030), a court chronicler of the Fa¯t:imid caliph al-H:a¯kim,
In 1930 al-Azhar acquired its own press and started
confirms al-Maqr¯ız¯ı’s reports. Life at al-Azhar during the
publishing a journal, the Light of Islam; a few years later the
nineteenth century is vividly described by EAl¯ı al-Muba¯rak
title was changed to Journal of al-Azhar. The university’s
in Arabic and by Stanley Lane-Poole and Edward Lane in
Preaching and Guidance section dispatched preachers and
English. EAbd al-Rahma¯n Jabart¯ı, EAl¯ı al-Muba¯rak, and later
lecturers throughout Egypt. More reforms were carried out
authors give a complete list of the officeholders of shaykh al-
under the reign of Jama¯l EAbd al-Na¯s:ir. The Islamic Research
Azhar. EAbd al-MutEa¯l al-S:aE¯ıd¯ı, who was an Azhar¯ı shaykh
Academy, the Department of Cultural and Islamic Missions,
and taught in the College of Arabic Language, gives the most
interesting account of reforms until 1950. An extensive bibli-
and the Supreme Council under the shaykh al-Azhar were es-
ography of these older sources as well as new studies is pro-
tablished. The curriculum of all the colleges was revised; for
vided by J. Jomier, “Al-Azhar,” in The Encyclopaedia of Islam,
example, non-shar¯ı Ea law and Sh¯ıE¯ı-Ima¯m¯ı law (called fiqh
new ed. (Leiden, 1960–). Al-Maqr¯ız¯ı’s Itti E a¯z: al-h:unafa¯ D
Ja Efar¯ı, after Ima¯m JaEfar al-S:a¯diq) were added to the College
bi-akhba¯r al-a Dimma Dl-Fa¯t:imiyy¯ın al-khulafa¯ D, edited by
of Law, and courses on social sciences and Western languages
Jama¯l al-D¯ın al-Shayya¯l and Muh:ammad H:ilm¯ı (Cairo,
were added to the College of Theology. In addition to estab-
1967–1973); and George Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges: Insti-
lishing the women’s colleges, al-Azhar university’s legislation
tutions of Learning in Islam and the West (Edinburgh, 1981),
of 1961 created new colleges of engineering, medicine, com-
should be consulted. For the modern period and a selected
merce, science, agriculture, and education. These new col-
bibliography, mostly in English, see Donald M. Reid, “Al-
leges were not duplicates of their counterparts in secular uni-
Azhar,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic
World, edited by John L. Esposito (New York, 1995).
versities; rather they combined both the empirical as well as
the religious sciences. A new campus was built in the suburb
ISMAIL K. POONAWALA (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
232
ALBERTUS MAGNUS
ALBERTUS MAGNUS (c. 1200–1280), also known
October 1264 he was the official papal preacher throughout
as Albert the Great; German Dominican theologian and phi-
German-speaking lands for a crusade to the Holy Land.
losopher, doctor of the church, patron of natural scientists,
With the death of Urban IV, Albert’s commission ended,
and Christian saint. Today he is best known as the teacher
and he retired to Würzburg, where he worked on paraphrases
of Thomas Aquinas.
of Aristotle’s Metaphysics and other works until 1269, when
Master General John of Vercelli asked him to reside at the
Born in Lauingen on the Danube in Bavaria, Albert be-
studium in Cologne as lector emeritus. From then until his
longed to a distinguished military family in the service of the
death, Albert lived at Cologne, writing, performing para-
Hohenstaufens. While a student at Padua, he entered the
episcopal duties, arbitrating difficult cases, and serving as an
mendicant Order of Preachers (Dominicans) in spring 1223,
example of religious piety to all. His last will, dated January
receiving the religious habit from Jordan of Saxony, succes-
1279, testified that he was “of sound mind and body,” but
sor to Dominic. Assigned to Cologne, he completed his early
from August on he seems to have become progressively senile
theological studies in 1228, then taught at Cologne, Hildes-
until his death on November 15, 1280, at the age of “eighty
heim, Freiburg, Regensburg, and Strassburg. Around 1241
and some.”
he was sent by the master general to the University of Paris
for his degree in theology, which he obtained in the summer
DOCTRINE AND INFLUENCE. In recent centuries Albert has
of 1245, having lectured on the Sentences of Peter Lombard
been presented as a magician or an eclectic encyclopedist
and begun writing his Summa parisiensis in six parts: the sac-
with Platonic and mystical tendencies. His writings are said
raments, the incarnation, the resurrection, the four coevals,
to defy analysis, not only because of their gigantic bulk but
man, and good. In 1248 Albert returned to Cologne with
also because of their nature in most cases as paraphrases of
Thomas Aquinas and a group of Dominican students to
mainly Aristotle’s writings. Although Albert was a bishop
open a center of studies for Germany.
who wrote many theological works and biblical commen-
Toward the end of 1249, Albert acceded to the pleas of
taries, he was known in his own day principally as a philoso-
his students to explain Aristotle’s philosophy. His intention
pher, and his authority ranked with that of Aristotle, Ibn
was, first, to present the whole of natural science, even parts
S¯ına¯ (Avicenna), and Ibn Rushd (Averroës). Roger Bacon,
that Aristotle did not write about or that had been lost, and,
a younger Franciscan contemporary, complained that such
second, to make all the books of Aristotle “intelligible to the
pretensions were unbecoming to anyone who was still living
Latins” by rephrasing arguments, adding new ones from his
and in fact self-taught. But it was precisely to obviate such
own experience, and resolving new difficulties encountered
suspicions that Albert disavowed originality in his writings
by other schools of philosophy, notably the Platonist and Ep-
by referring readers back to original sources by name, to ex-
icurean schools.
perience, and to human reason.
From 1252 until 1279 Albert was frequently called
Albert was the only Scholastic to be called “the Great,”
upon to arbitrate difficult litigations on behalf of the pope
a title that was used even before his death. His prestige con-
or emperor. In June 1254 he was elected prior provincial of
tinued to be recognized not only among Albertists in France
the German province of the Dominican order for three years.
and Germany in the fifteenth century, but also among phi-
The most important event during Albert’s term of office was
losophers of the Italian Renaissance in the sixteenth century.
the struggle for survival between the mendicant orders and
Among his immediate students, apart from Thomas and Ul-
the secular clergy from the University of Paris. With Bona-
rich, were Hugh of Strassburg, John of Freiburg, John of
venture and Humbert of Romans in 1256, he represented
Lichtenburg, and Giles of Lessines. Other German Domini-
the mendicant orders at the papal curia at Anagni against
cans, more favorably disposed toward Platonism, developed
William of Saint-Amour and his colleagues from Paris. The
the mystical elements in Albert’s thought. These were trans-
controversy was resolved in favor of the mendicants and the
mitted through Theodoric of Freiberg and Berthold of Moss-
condemnation of William’s book on October 5, 1256. Also
burg to Meister Eckhart, Johannes Tauler, Heinrich Süse,
during Albert’s term as provincial he wrote his paraphrases
and Jan van Ruusbroec. In the early fifteenth century a dis-
of Aristotle’s On the Soul (Albert considered this paraphrase
tinctive school of Albertists (who opposed the Thomists) de-
one of his most important), On Natural Phenomena, and On
veloped in Paris under Jean de Maisonneuve and was pro-
Plants.
moted by Heymerich van den Velde in Paris and Cologne.
It quickly spread throughout German, Bohemian, and Polish
Resigning as provincial in June 1257, Albert returned
universities; in Italian universities, however, it was the philo-
to teaching in Cologne, but he was appointed bishop of Re-
sophical opinions of Albert himself that were kept alive.
gensburg by Pope Alexander IV on January 5, 1260, much
against his inclinations. He was at the episcopal castle on the
Numerous miracles were attributed to Albert, and many
Danube when he wrote his commentary on book 7 of On
spurious works—devotional, necromantic, and Scholastic—
Animals, but in December he set out for the papal curia at
were ascribed to him. Late in the fifteenth century his cause
Viterbo to submit his resignation. The new pope, Urban IV,
for canonization was well advanced until charges of sorcery
accepted his resignation around November 1261, and a suc-
and magic were raised; to refute these, Peter of Prussia wrote
cessor was confirmed in May 1262. From February 1263 to
the first really critical biography of Albert (about 1487). The
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALBO, YOSEF
233
Protestant Reformation in the early sixteenth century tempo-
rent and Yves Congar, Revue thomiste 36 (1931): 422–462,
rarily diverted interest in Albert. He was quietly beatified by
covering works published up to 1930; “Bibliographie philo-
Gregory XV in 1622.
sophique de saint Albert le Grand,” by M. Schooyans, Revista
da Universidade Católica de Sa˜o Paulo 21 (1961): 36–88,
His extensive writings, occupying more than forty vol-
covering the years from 1931 to 1960; and “Bibliographie,”
umes in the critical edition (Cologne, 1951ff.), touch the
in Albertus Magnus: Doctor Universalis 1280/1980, edited by
whole of theology and scripture, as well as almost every
G. Meyer and A. Zimmerman (Mainz, 1980), covering the
branch of human knowledge in the Middle Ages, such as
years from 1960 to 1980.
logic, natural science, mathematics, astronomy, ethics, and
Among the basic modern studies that should be noted are Paulus
metaphysics. Ulrich of Strassburg, a Dominican disciple, de-
von Loë’s “De vita et scriptis B. Alberti Magni,” Analecta
scribed him as “a man so superior in every science that he
Bollandiana 19 (1900), 20 (1901), and 21 (1902); Gilles
can fittingly be called the wonder and miracle of our time.”
Meersseman’s Introductio in opera omnia B. Alberti Magni
Siger of Brabant, a young contemporary of Thomas Aquinas
(Bruges, 1931); Franz Pelster’s Kritische Studien zum Leben
at Paris, considered Albert and Thomas to be “the principal
und zu den Schriften Alberts des Grossen (Freiburg, 1920); and
men in philosophy.”
H. C. Scheeben’s Albert der Grosse: Zur Chronologie seines Le-
bens (Vechta, 1931).
Albert is best known for his belief in (1) the importance
of philosophy for theology and (2) the autonomy of each sci-
English biographies and studies that can be consulted with profit
ence in its own field by reason of proper principles and meth-
are Hieronymus Wilms’s Albert the Great, Saint and Doctor
of the Church (London, 1933), Thomas M. Schwertner’s
od. He paraphrased the whole of Aristotle’s philosophy for
Saint Albert the Great (New York, 1932), and Lynn Thorn-
beginners in theology (1249–1270); he taught and promoted
dike’s A History of Magic and Experimental Science, vol. 2
philosophy in his own school of theology (1248–1260); and
(Baltimore, 1923), pp. 517–592, 692–750. Noteworthy too
he chaired the Dominican commission of five masters estab-
is Albertus Magnus and the Sciences: Commemorative Essays,
lished to draw up the first program of study in the order that
1980, a collection of writings edited by me (Toronto, 1980).
made the study of philosophy mandatory (1259). He never
JAMES A. WEISHEIPL (1987)
tired of promoting secular learning for the clergy and de-
nouncing lazy friars who did no more than criticize others.
As for his view of the sciences, he defended the ability of
human reason to know natural truths distinct from revela-
ALBIGENSIANS SEE CATHARI
tion and divine faith; he promoted and cultivated the study
of the natural sciences distinct from metaphysics; and he
considered mathematics an autonomous field that was sim-
ply a tool for natural science, not its organizing principle, as
ALBO, YOSEF (fl. fifteenth century), Spanish Jewish
it was for the Platonists. In philosophy Albert was a moderate
philosopher. Albo was a student of the last major medieval
realist and fundamentally an Aristotelian, but he did not hes-
Jewish philosopher, H:asdai Crescas (1340–1410), and a de-
itate to reject certain statements when he thought Aristotle
fender of Judaism in the Disputation of Tortosa (1413–
was in error, nor was he averse to incorporating into his Aris-
1414). He is known for his Sefer ha- Eiqqarim (The book of
totelianism compatible truths expounded by others.
principles), which owes its popularity to an easy style (with
multiple homiletical digressions) and a moderately conserva-
By the decree In thesauris sapientiae (December 15,
tive theological stance.
1931), Pius XI declared Albert a saint with the additional
title of doctor. By the decree Ad Deum (December 16,
As its name indicates, Sefer ha- Eiqqarim deals with dog-
1941), Pius XII constituted him the heavenly patron of all
matics, a common theme in fifteenth-century Jewish
who cultivate the natural sciences. His body is buried in Co-
thought. Albo took issue with Moses Maimonides (1135/8–
logne, and his feast is observed on November 15.
1204), who had proposed thirteen principles of faith, and
with Crescas, who had listed six. Apparently borrowing from
BIBLIOGRAPHY
his contemporary ShimEon ben Tsemah: Duran (1361–
Apart from numerous early printed editions of both authentic and
1444), Albo reduced the principles of any divine religion to
spurious writings ascribed to Albert, two editions of his
three: the existence of God, divine revelation, and reward
“complete works” have been published: one in twenty-one
and punishment. These major principles entail eight further
folio volumes edited by Pierre Jammy, O.P. (Lyons, 1651),
derivative principles. The existence of God implies belief in
the other in thirty-eight quarto volumes edited by Auguste
his unity, incorporeality, independence of time, and freedom
Borgnet (Paris, 1890–1899). A third, critical edition, under
the auspices of the Albertus-Magnus-Institut of Cologne, is
from defects. Revelation includes the principles of God’s
now being issued (Münster, 1951–) and is projected at forty
knowledge, prophecy, and the authenticity of God’s messen-
volumes. The only authentic work of Albert available in En-
ger. Reward and punishment entail belief in individual prov-
glish is his Book of Minerals, translated by Dorothy Wyckoff
idence. Thus, in reality, there are eleven principles of divine
(Oxford, 1967).
religion. In addition, Judaism teaches six specific articles of
Consecutive bibliographies are provided by three complementary
faith: creation ex nihilo, the superiority of Moses to other
works: “Essai de bibliographie albertinienne,” by M.-H. Lau-
prophets, the continued validity of the Torah of Moses, the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
234
ALCHEMY: AN OVERVIEW
attainment of human perfection by the observance of even
ples, 5 vols. (Philadelphia, 1929). Eliezer Schweid edited a
one of the commandments, resurrection, and the coming of
condensed version of the book with a useful introduction (in
the Messiah. An examination of the nature of these principles
Hebrew), Sefer ha- Eiqqarim le-Rabbi Yosef Albo (Jerusalem,
and beliefs forms the bulk of Sefer ha- Eiqqarim.
1967), pp. 7–30. A discussion of Albo’s attitude to natural
law can be found in Ralph Lerner’s essay “Natural Law in
Albo’s work is best understood against the background
Albo’s Book of Roots,” in Ancients and Moderns, edited by Jo-
of the physical and spiritual crisis of fifteenth-century Span-
seph Cropsey (New York, 1964), pp. 132–148. For further
ish Jewry. There were many Jews at that time who felt that
analysis of Albo’s thought, see my article (in Hebrew with
no religion was rationally superior to another, and that loyal-
an English summary) “Joseph Albo’s Theory of Verifica-
ty to Judaism was therefore a superfluous encumbrance. Ad-
tion,” Da Eat 5 (Summer 1980): 5–12.
dressing himself to this attitude, Albo sets out to show that
New Sources
Judaism is preferable to Christianity. While reason cannot
Harvey, Warren Zev. “Albo on the Reasonlessness of True Love”
prove the truth of Judaism, it can demonstrate the falseness
(in Hebrew). Iyyun 49 (2000): 83–86.
of Christianity; by examining the criteria that reason de-
Rauschenbach, Sina. Josef Albo (um 1380–1444): jüdische Philoso-
mands of any religion claiming to be divine, Albo attempts
phie und christliche Kontroverstheologie in der frühen Neuzeit.
to demonstrate that Christianity falls short of the mark (espe-
Studies in European Judaism, vol. 3. Leiden and Boston,
cially in regard to God’s unity and incorporeality) and hence
2002.
cannot be considered a divine religion. In addition, Chris-
Shatz, David Freedom. “Repentance and Hardening of the
tians are required to hold beliefs that are logically impossible
Hearts: Albo vs. Maimonides.” Faith and Philosophy 14
and, therefore, false. At most, Albo claims, Christianity is a
(1997): 478–509.
conventional religion, one that promotes societal well-being
DANIEL J. LASKER (1987)
but not individual immortality. Judaism, on the other hand,
Revised Bibliography
fits the requirements of a divine religion exactly, in that it
adheres to the three principles as he has defined them. In ad-
dition, it includes no beliefs that are contrary to logic. Loyal-
ALCHEMY
ty to Judaism is thus the reasonable course of action for the
This entry consists of the following articles:
wavering Jew. Over and over, Albo subtly polemicizes
AN OVERVIEW
against the majority religion and then, for good measure, de-
CHINESE ALCHEMY
votes a lengthy chapter to a specific rebuttal of Christianity
INDIAN ALCHEMY
(which, despite its form, is not an account of an actual
HELLENISTIC AND MEDIEVAL ALCHEMY
disputation).
ISLAMIC ALCHEMY
RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY
In addition to its polemical value, Albo’s work provides
a summa of medieval Jewish philosophy, discussing all the
ALCHEMY: AN OVERVIEW
major philosophical and theological issues that had been
The vocable alchemia (or some alternate form such as ars
raised in the previous five hundred years. Albo was not a doc-
chemica) appears in the West from the twelfth century on-
trinaire member of any particular philosophical school; he
ward in reference to the medieval quest for a means of trans-
took liberally from his predecessors without fully adopting
muting base metals into gold, for a universal cure, and for
the system of any of them. On most questions Albo tends
the “elixir of immortality.” The origin of the root chem is not
toward eclecticism and compromise. For instance, he first
yet satisfactorily explained. In Chinese, Indian, and Greek
agrees with Maimonides that only active and negative attri-
texts alchemy is referred to as “the Art,” or by terms indicat-
butes can be assigned to God, but then he switches to Cres-
ing radical and beneficial change, for example, transmutation.
cas’s view that there are some essential attributes also. Proph-
Until quite recently, historians of science have studied alche-
ecy is totally dependent upon God’s will (the traditional
my as a protochemistry, that is, an embryonic science. In-
view), but the prophet must have the requisite rational facul-
deed, like the early chemist, the practitioner of “the Art”
ties in order to prophesy (the philosophical view). Human
made use of a laboratory and of certain specific instruments;
perfection consists of the realization of intellectual potential
more important, alchemists were the authors of a number of
(the philosophical view), but immortality depends on doing
discoveries that later played roles in the development of the
God’s will as outlined in the Torah (the traditional view).
science of chemistry. To quote only a few examples: the isola-
Albo’s Sefer ha- Eiqqarim has been published often and
tion of mercury around 300 BCE; the discovery of aqua vitae
has maintained its popularity in traditional Jewish circles to
(alcohol) and of the mineral acids, both before the thirteenth
this day.
century; the preparation of vitriol and the alums.
But the methods, the ideology, and the goals of the early
BIBLIOGRAPHY
chemists did not prolong the alchemical heritage. The alche-
Albo’s major work was published in a critical edition of the He-
mists were not interested—or only subsidiarily—in the sci-
brew text with English translation, notes, and indexes by
entific study of nature. Where the early Greek mind applies
Isaac Husik under the title Sefer ha- EIkkarim: Book of Princi-
itself to science it evinces an extraordinary sense of observa-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALCHEMY: AN OVERVIEW
235
tion and argument. Yet the Greek alchemists show an inex-
ing, and metallurgy to medicine and mathematics. The secret
plicable lack of interest in the physico-chemical phenomena
transmission of methods, tools, and recipes is abundantly
of their work. To cite a single example, no one who has ever
documented in China and in India, as well as in the ancient
used sulfur could fail to observe “the curious phenomena
Near East and Greece. Even so late an author as Galen warns
which attend its fusion and the subsequent heating of the liq-
one of his disciples that the medical knowledge that he com-
uid. Now, while sulphur is mentioned hundreds of times [in
municates must be received as an aspirant receives the telet¯e
Greek alchemical texts], there is no allusion to any of its
(initiation) in the Eleusinian mysteries. As a matter of fact,
characteristic properties except its action on metals” (Sher-
being introduced into the secrets of a craft, of a technique,
wood Taylor, quoted in Eliade, 1978, p. 147). As we shall
or of a science was tantamount to undergoing an initiation.
see presently, the alchemist’s quest was not scientific but
It is significant that the injunction to secrecy and occul-
spiritual.
tation is not abolished by the successful accomplishment of
ESOTERIC TRADITIONS AND THE IMPORTANCE OF SECRECY.
the alchemical work. According to Ko Hung, the adepts who
In every culture where alchemy has flourished, it has always
obtain the elixir and become “immortals” (hsien) continue
been intimately related to an esoteric or “mystical” tradition:
to wander on earth, but they conceal their condition, that
in China to Taoism, in India to Yoga and Tantrism, in Hel-
is, their immortality, and are recognized as such only by a
lenistic Egypt to gno¯sis, in Islamic countries to Hermetic and
few fellow alchemists. Likewise, in India there is a vast litera-
esoteric mystical schools, in the Western Middle Ages and
ture, both in Sanskrit and in the vernaculars, in relation to
Renaissance to Hermetism, Christian and sectarian mysti-
certain famous siddhis, yogin-alchemists who live for centu-
cism, and Qabbalah. In brief, all alchemists have proclaimed
ries but who seldom disclose their identity. One encounters
their art to be an esoteric technique pursuing a goal similar
the same belief in central and western Europe: certain Her-
or comparable to that of the major esoteric and “mystical”
metists and alchemists (such as Nicolas Flamel and his wife,
traditions.
Pernelle) were reputed to have lived indefinitely without
being recognized by their contemporaries. In the seventeenth
For this reason, great emphasis is placed by the alche-
century a similar legend circulated about the Rosicrucians
mist on secrecy, that is, the esoteric transmission of alchemi-
and, in the following century, on a more popular level, in
cal doctrines and techniques. The oldest Hellenistic text,
relation to the mysterious Comte de Saint-Germain.
Physik¯e kai mystik¯e (probably written around 200 BCE), re-
ORIGINS OF ALCHEMY. The objects of the alchemical
lates how this book was discovered hidden in a column of
quest—namely, health and longevity, transmutation of base
an Egyptian temple. In the prologue to one of the classical
metals into gold, production of the elixir of immortality—
Indian alchemical treatises, Rasa¯rnava, the Goddess asks S´iva
have a long prehistory in the East as well as in the West. Sig-
for the secret of becoming a j¯ıvanmuleta, that is, one “liberat-
nificantly, this prehistory reveals a specific mythico-religious
ed in life.” S´iva tells her that this secret is seldom known,
structure. Innumerable myths, for instance, tell of a spring,
even among the gods. Again, the importance of secrecy is
a tree, a plant, or some other substance capable of bestowing
emphasized by the most famous Chinese alchemist, Ko
longevity, rejuvenation, or even immortality. Now, in all al-
Hung (260–340 CE), who stated that “secrecy is thrown over
chemical traditions, but particularly in Chinese alchemy,
the efficacious recipes. . . . The substances referred to are
specific plants and fruits play an important role in the art of
commonplaces which nevertheless cannot be identified with-
prolonging life and recovering perennial youth.
out knowledge of the code concerned” (Pao-p Eru-tzu, chap.
16). The deliberate incomprehensibility of alchemical texts
But the central aim of the alchemist was the transforma-
for the noninitiate becomes almost a cliché in Western post-
tion of ordinary metals into gold. This “noble” metal was im-
Renaissance alchemical literature. An author quoted by the
bued with sacrality. According to the Egyptians, the flesh of
fifteenth-century Rosarium philosophorum declares that “only
gods and of pharaohs was made of gold. In ancient India,
he who knows how to make the Philosophers’ Stone under-
a text from the eighth century BCE (S´atapatha Bra¯hman:a
stands the words which relate to it.” And the Rosarium warns
3.8.2.27) proclaims that “gold is immortality.” Interpreting
the reader that these questions must be transmitted “mysti-
alchemy as a mere technique for “turning base metals into
cally,” just as poetry uses fables and parables. In short, we
precious ones,” that is, for imitating gold, H. H. Dubs has
are confronted with a secret language. According to some au-
suggested that the technique originated during the fourth
thorities, there was even an oath not to divulge the secret in
century BCE in China, where the test for gold (which had
books (texts quoted in Eliade, 1978, p. 164).
been practiced in Mesopotamia since the fourteenth century
BCE) was unknown. This hypothesis has been rejected, how-
The stages of the alchemical opus constitute an initia-
ever, by most scholars. According to Nathan Sivin, the belief
tion, a series of specific experiences aimed at the radical trans-
in physical immortality is documented in China by the
formation of the human condition. But the successful initi-
eighth century BCE, but not until the fourth century was im-
ate cannot adequately express his new mode of being in a
mortality considered attainable through the use of drugs and
profane language. He is compelled to use a “secret language.”
other techniques, and “the transformation of cinnabar into
Of course, secrecy was a general rule with almost all tech-
gold is not spoken of as possible, according to extant sources,
niques and sciences in their early stages—from pottery, min-
before 133 BC ” (Sivin, 1968, p. 25).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
236
ALCHEMY: AN OVERVIEW
MINING, METALLURGY, AND ALCHEMY. Even if the histori-
expounded by Ben Jonson in his play The Alchemist (1610).
cal beginnings of alchemy are as yet obscure, parallels be-
One character says that “lead and other metals . . . would
tween certain alchemical beliefs and rituals and those of early
be gold if they had time,” and another adds, “And that our
miners and metallurgists are clear. Indeed, all these tech-
Art doth further.”
niques reflect the idea that man can influence the temporal
flux. Mineral substances, hidden in the womb of Mother
Moreover, the elixir is said to be capable of accelerating
Earth, shared in the sacredness attached to the goddess. Very
the temporal rhythm of all organisms and thus of quickening
early we are confronted with the idea that ores “grow” in the
their growth. In a text erroneously attributed to Ramón Lull,
belly of the earth after the manner of embryos. Metallurgy
one can read that “in Spring, by its great and marvelous heat,
thus takes on the character of obstetrics. The miner and met-
the Stone brings life to the plants: if thou dissolve the equiva-
alworker intervene in the unfolding of subterranean embry-
lent of a grain of salt in water, taking from this water enough
ology: they accelerate the rhythm of the growth of ores; they
to fill a nutshell, and then if thou water with it a vinestock,
collaborate in the work of nature and assist it in giving birth
thy vinestock will bring forth ripe grapes in May” (quoted
more rapidly. In a word, man, with his various techniques,
in Ganzenmüller, 1940, p. 159). Furthermore, Chinese as
gradually takes the place of time: his labors replace the work
well as Islamic and Western alchemists exalted the elixir for
of time.
its universal therapeutic virtues: it was said to cure all mala-
dies, to restore youth to the old, and to prolong life by several
With the help of fire, metalworkers transform the ores
centuries.
(the “embryos”) into metals (the “adults”). The underlying
belief is that, given enough time, the ores would have become
ALCHEMY AND MASTERY OF TIME. Thus it seems that the
“pure” metals in the womb of Mother Earth. Further, the
central secret of “the Art” is related to the alchemist’s mastery
“pure” metals would have become gold if they had been al-
of cosmic and human time. The early miners and metallur-
lowed to “grow” undisturbed for a few more thousand years.
gists thought that, with the help of fire, they could speed up
Such beliefs are well known in many traditional societies. As
the growth of ores. The alchemists were more ambitious:
early as the second century
they thought they could “heal” base metals and accelerate
BCE, Chinese alchemists declared
that the “baser” minerals develop after many years into “no-
their “maturation,” thereby transmuting them into nobler
bler” minerals, and finally become silver or gold. Similar be-
metals and finally into gold. But the alchemists went even
liefs are shared by a number of Southeast Asian populations.
further: their elixir was reputed to heal and to rejuvenate men
For instance, the Annamites were convinced that the gold
as well, indefinitely prolonging their lives. In the alchemist’s
found in mines is formed slowly in situ over the course of
eyes, man is creative: he redeems nature, masters time; in
centuries, and that if one had probed the earth long ago, one
sum, he perfects God’s creation. The myth of alchemy is an
would have discovered bronze in the place where gold is
optimistic myth; it constitutes, as it were, a “natural escha-
found today.
tology.”
These beliefs survived in western Europe until the in-
It is certainly this conception of man, as an imaginative
dustrial revolution. In the seventeenth century one Western
and inexhaustibly creative being, that explains the survival
alchemist wrote:
of the alchemist’s ideals in nineteenth-century ideology. Of
course, these ideals were radically secularized in that period.
If there were no exterior obstacles to the execution of
Moreover, the fact that they had survived was not immedi-
her designs, Nature would always complete what she
ately evident at the moment when alchemy itself disap-
wishes to produce. . . . That is why we have to look
peared. Yet the triumph of experimental science did not
upon the birth of imperfect metals as we would on
abolish the dreams and ideals of the alchemist; on the con-
abortions and freaks which come about only because
trary, the new ideology of the nineteenth century crystallized
Nature has been, as it were, misdirected or because she
around the myth of infinite progress. Boosted by the devel-
has encountered some fettering resistance or certain ob-
stacles which prevent her from behaving in her accus-
opment of the experimental sciences and the progress of in-
tomed way. . . . Hence although she wishes to pro-
dustrialization, this ideology took up and carried forward—
duce only one metal, she finds herself constrained to
radical secularization notwithstanding—the millenarian
create several. Gold and only gold is the child of her de-
dream of the alchemist. The myth of the perfection and re-
sires. Gold is her legitimate son because only gold is a
demption of nature has survived in camouflaged form in the
genuine production of her efforts. (quoted in Eliade,
Promethean program of industrialized societies, whose aim
1978, p. 50)
is the transformation of nature, and especially the transmuta-
THE ALCHEMIST COMPLETES THE WORK OF NATURE. The
tion of matter into energy. It was also in the nineteenth cen-
transmutation of base metals into gold is tantamount to a
tury that man succeeded in supplanting time. His desire to
miraculously rapid maturation. As Simone da Colonia put
accelerate the natural tempo of organic and inorganic beings
it: “This Art teaches us to make a remedy called the Elixir,
now began to be realized, as organic chemists demonstrated
which, being poured on imperfect metals, perfects them
the possibility of accelerating and even eliminating time by
completely, and it is for this reason that it was invented”
preparing in laboratories and factories substances that would
(quoted in Eliade, 1978, p. 166). The same idea is clearly
have taken nature thousands of years to produce. With what
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALCHEMY: CHINESE ALCHEMY
237
he recognizes as most essential in himself—his applied intel-
ALCHEMY: CHINESE ALCHEMY
ligence and his capacity for work—modern man takes upon
Definitions of alchemy have generally been based on the ex-
himself the function of temporal duration; in other words,
perience of a single civilization—usually but not always Eu-
he takes on the role of time.
rope—and tend to imply that traditions that do not follow
the chosen pattern are not the real thing. The sole exception
SEE ALSO Elixir; Gold and Silver; Metals and Metallurgy;
is the definition of H. J. Sheppard: “Alchemy is the art of
Nature, article on Religious and Philosophical Speculations.
liberating parts of the Cosmos from temporal existence and
achieving perfection which for metals is gold, and, for man,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
For the earliest relations between the rituals and mythologies of
longevity, then immortality, and finally, redemption.” This
mining, metallurgy, and alchemy, see my book The Forge and
definition might be slightly qualified. Longevity and material
the Crucible: The Origins and Structures of Alchemy, 2d ed.
immortality may or may not accompany salvation in a given
(Chicago, 1978); critical bibliographies are given therein.
time and place. The evolution of other substances from base
For a cultural history of mining, see T. A. Rickard’s Man and
materials may be more important than that of gold. In
Metals: A History of Mining in Relation to the Development of
China, for instance, cinnabar was the prototype of elixir sub-
Civilizations, 2 vols. (New York, 1932). For the history of
stances. Adding the specification that the alchemical art uses
metallurgy, see R. J. Forbes’s Metallurgy in Antiquity: A Note-
chemical change to symbolize the processes by which perfec-
book for Archaeologists and Technologists (Leiden, 1950) and
tion is attained, one can recognize a pattern common to Hel-
Leslie Aitchison’s A History of Metals, 2 vols. (London,
lenistic Alexandria, China, Islam, India, and early modern
1960).
Europe.
The origin and development of alchemy are presented from differ-
ent perspectives by several authors: by Edmund von Lipp-
The alchemy of each of the great civilizations was dis-
mann in a three-volume work, Entstehung und Ausbreitung
tinct in the knowledge on which it drew, in the symbols it
der Alchemie (Berlin, 1919–1954), of which volume 3 is in-
created, and in the purposes for which it was used. These pe-
dispensable; by John Reed in Through Alchemy to Chemistry
culiarities depended on public structures of meaning as
(London, 1957); by Eric John Holmyard in Alchemy (Balti-
well as on the private discourse of the groups that took up
more, 1957); and by Robert P. Multhauf in The Origins of
alchemy.
Chemistry (London, 1966). On origins and development, see
also three articles by Allan G. Debus: “The Significance of
Alchemy began in close alignment with popular reli-
the History of Early Chemistry,” Cahiers d’histoire mondiale
gion, especially among educated groups in the Yangze re-
9 (1965): 39–58; “Alchemy and the Historian of Science,”
gion. It was considered one of several disciplines that could
History of Science 6 (1967): 128–138; and “The Chemical
lead to individual spiritual perfection and immortality. Some
Philosophers: Chemical Medicine from Paracelsus to van
Daoist movements took up its practice after about 500 CE;
Helmont,” History of Science 12 (1974): 235–259.
it influenced both Buddhist and Daoist symbolism and litur-
The works cited in this article on specific alchemical traditions are
gy. The aims and means of alchemy, some important issues
Wilhelm Ganzenmüller’s Die Alchemie im Mittelalter (Pader-
in its history, and its far from clear-cut relations with Daoism
born, West Germany, 1938), translated into French as
and with science are discussed below.
L’alchimie au Moyen-Âge (Paris, 1940), and Nathan Sivin’s
Chinese Alchemy: Preliminary Studies (Cambridge, Mass.,
AIMS AND MEANS. Chinese ideals of individual perfection
1968).
combined three ideas that would have been incompatible in
New Sources
Egypt or Persia. The desire for immortality, which long pre-
Dobbs, Betty Jo Teeter. The Janus Faces of Genius: The Role of Al-
ceded formal philosophy or religion, was the first of these
chemy in Newton’s Thought. New York, 1991.
ideas. In popular culture, ideals of long life evolved into the
Heinrich, Clark. Strange Fruit: Alchemy, Religion, and Magical
notion that life need not end. This was not immortality of
Foods: A Speculative History. London, 1995.
the soul in isolation, but immortality of the personality—of
Marshall, Peter H. The Philosopher’s Stone: A Quest for the Secrets
all that selfhood implied—within an imperishable physical
of Alchemy. London, 2001.
body. In the most elaborate doctrines of immortality, this
new physical self was nurtured within by a variety of disci-
Newman, William R. Promethean Ambitions: Alchemy and the
Quest to Perfect Nature. Chicago, Ill., 2004.
plines including alchemy until, at the moment the “naked
child” was fully formed, it would burst forth like a butterfly
Newman, William R., and Lawrence M. Principe. Alchemy Tried
in the Fire: Starkey, Boyle, and the Fate of Helmontian Chym-
leaving behind an empty chrysalis, an almost weightless
istry. Chicago, Ill., 2002.
corpse.
Szulakowski, Urszula. The Alchemy of Light: Geometry and Optics
The potent personal force that may linger on after
in Late Renaissance Alchemical Illustration. Boston, 2000.
someone dies was undifferentiated in the thought of the un-
Von Martels, Z. R. W. M., ed. Alchemy Revisited: Proceedings of
educated, but in the conceptions of specialists it was separat-
the International Conference on the History of Alchemy at the
ed into ten “souls” (three yanghun and seven yinpo). Their
University of Gronigen, 17–19 April, 1989. New York, 1990.
normal postmortem dissipation could be prevented only if
MIRCEA ELIADE (1987)
the body, their common site, could be made to survive with
Revised Bibliography
them. That, as Lu Gwei-djen and Joseph Needham have sug-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
238
ALCHEMY: CHINESE ALCHEMY
gested, is why Chinese immortality was bound to be ma-
of these two substances from base starting points was an ob-
terial.
vious metaphor for the process that made mortals immortal.
A second implication of immortality was perfection of
The elixir (dan), originally cinnabar perfected by the Way of
the spirit. Because there was no dichotomy between the spiri-
nature, came to embody in alchemical thought the potential
tual and the somatic, the refining of the body was not dis-
of humans for perfection. Thus the elixir and the art of mak-
tinct from the activity of spiritual self-cultivation. Immortali-
ing it came to be named for cinnabar (dan), even in instances
ty was salvation from decrepitude and death. Piety, ritual,
when the latter was not an ingredient.
morality, and hygiene were equally essential to the prolonga-
The work of the alchemist reproduced the perfecting ac-
tion of life. Regardless of whether one considers popular
tivity of nature. As a text of circa 900 puts it, “natural cycli-
views or those of Daoist, Buddhist, or Confucian initiates,
cally transformed elixir is formed when flowing mercury,
all these kinds of striving were also requisite for the proper
embracing [lead], becomes pregnant. . . . In 4,320 years
orientation of the individual toward the transcendent Way,
the elixir is finished. . . . It embraces the qi of sun and
the Dao, as each tradition defined it.
moon, yin and yang, for 4,320 years; thus, upon repletion
A third implication of immortality, alongside spiritual
of its own qi, it becomes a cyclically transformed elixir for
and physical perfection, was assumption into a divine hierar-
immortals of the highest grade and for celestial beings.
chy. This hierarchy was bureaucratic, a mirror of the tempo-
When, in the world below, lead and mercury are subjected
ral order. In fact, the bureaucratic ideal—of a symmetrical
to the alchemical process for purposes of immortality, [the
organization in which power and responsibility belonged to
artificial elixir] is finished in one year. . . . What the alche-
the post, and only temporarily to the individual who filled
mist prepares succeeds because of its correspondence on a
it—evolved more or less simultaneously in politics and
scale of thousandths” (Dan lun jue zhi xin jian, p. 12b). In
religion.
other words, the alchemist accomplishes in one year of 4,320
hours (12 Chinese hours per day for a round year of 360
There were many paths to simultaneous longevity, sal-
days) what takes nature 4,320 years.
vation, and celestial appointment. Meditational, devotional,
and ascetic exercises carried out communally by organized
The alchemical process thus is a kind of pilot model of
religious movements or privately by individual initiates could
cosmic evolution. The seeker not only shrank time but re-
be supplemented by physiological disciplines, sexual tech-
produced the dimensions of the universe within the confines
niques for augmenting the vital forces, dietary regimens, or
of his laboratory. He reduced the operation of the Way to
alchemy.
spatial and temporal dimensions that he could encompass in
contemplation, in the hope of becoming one with it.
Why should alchemy have a part to play in this spiritual
quest? To rephrase the question, what could the symbology
The alchemist used a great variety of means—mainly
of chemical interaction contribute? Despite the worldly im-
quantitative and qualitative correspondences—to manipu-
plications of appointment in the divine order, this aim was
late space and time in this way. His laboratory might be ori-
reached by a mystic path, a process in which the individual
ented to the cardinal directions, his furnace at the very cen-
attained union with the Way. This process, itself called the
ter, both replete with uranic diagrams. The dimensions of
Way, perfectly integrated the cosmos, society, and the
the furnace, the emplacement of steps in its platform, the
person.
number and placement of doors for firing, all aligned it with
To embody the Way one had to experience it, whether
respect to sky and earth.
through direct illumination or through insight. This experi-
Because the heat of the fire stood for the nurturant cos-
ence might begin with knowing, but deepened far beyond
mic forces, recreating these forces required that he bind fire
the limits of rational cognition. As an early alchemical poem
by time. He thus gradually increased and decreased the in-
from the Arcane Memorandum of the Red Pine Master (Chi-
tensity of the fire in carefully timed cycles, using weighed
songzu xuan ji, probably seventh century or earlier) put it,
amounts of fuel. He reproduced the seasonal cycle of warmth
The Perfect Dao is a perfect emptying of heart and mind.
and cold, in the absence of thermometers, using the one pre-
Within the darkness, unknowable wonders.
cision measuring instrument readily available, the balance.
When the wise man has attained the August Source
Several carefully designed schedules for increasing and de-
In time he will truly reach the clouds. (Yun ji qi qian
creasing the weight of charcoal, and charging it into the fur-
66.14a)
nace through a succession of doors, survive. They are not
simple cycles, in which the end point is the same as the be-
Adepts saw the nurturant aspect of the Way—activity that
ginning. Successive end points slowly increase, embodying
brings about perfection in the macrocosm or microcosm—in
the notion of a change in the alchemical ingredients at once
the life cycles of living things in nature. One could speak of
cyclic and progressive.
life cycles not only in plants and animals but in minerals,
which, as in Aristotle, matured from earth. Mineral evolu-
This cyclic approach to modeling was also apparent in
tion could transcend decay and death, for its end point was
the ingredients. The most influential early processes used
the immutable perfection of cinnabar or gold. The evolution
two ingredients or two main ingredients that were yin and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALCHEMY: CHINESE ALCHEMY
239
yang with respect to each other. They were conjugated and
body is a microcosm, its vital processes corresponding to
separated through one cycle after another, yielding (in the
those of the physical world, its spirituality embodied in inner
eyes of the alchemist) a series of progressively more perfect
gods organized as a mirror image of the celestial and terrestri-
products. The mercury and lead mentioned earlier are exam-
al bureaucracies.
ples; another frequently encountered pair is mercury and sul-
In the pursuit of these disciplines it is not the product
fur, which combine to form vermilion (artificial cinnabar),
that matters but the process. Even some texts of external al-
from which, by heating at a higher temperature, mercury can
chemy either say nothing about ingesting the elixir, or assert
be recovered. As an alchemist about a thousand years ago
that immortality results from witnessing the “great work.”
phrased it, “That cinnabar should emerge from mercury and
Some descriptions of the forms and colors of the elixir when
again be killed by mercury; this is the mystery within the
the reaction vessel is opened suggest that alchemists contem-
mystery” (Bi yu zhu sha han lin yu shu gui of Chen Dashi,
plated the product in a heightened state of consciousness.
in Zhengtong dao zang, vol. 587). Sometimes the progressive
cycle-by-cycle changes were achieved by adding additional
If a protracted personal experience is the means to im-
ingredients, but in the alchemist’s eyes the process remained
munity from death, the benefits of alchemy cannot be trans-
in principle dyadic.
ferable. But alchemy had other dimensions that made the
transfer of elixirs highly desirable. This art could be a source
This does not exhaust the metaphors available to the al-
of patronage, whether to underwrite its substantial expenses
chemist for his use in reproducing the cyclical energetics of
or to yield profit. A pre-alchemical tradition in medicine
the Way. The figure of the cosmic egg, nurturing from the
made natural drugs of the highest grade effective means to
yolk the gradual differentiation of the fully formed chick, is
immortality (the two lower grades of drugs replenish deplet-
familiar in all the great alchemical traditions. The alchemical
ed vitalities and cure illness). By a natural extension of this
vessel is often referred to as an egg. Persistently in China the
line of thought, many physicians studied alchemy as a source
alchemical ingredients were actually sealed inside an eggshell;
of new medicines, and alchemists adapted established drugs
the earliest detailed instructions come from the ninth centu-
to their work.
ry CE or somewhat later, the latest from the mid-seventeenth
century. A Ming imperial prince of the early fifteenth centu-
Many surviving alchemical writings aim at the straight-
ry carried this approach to its logical conclusion by incubat-
forward preparation of economically or therapeutically desir-
ing his cinnabar-filled eggshell under a hen.
able substances. Such sources tend naturally to discuss the
Cosmic process could be reenacted not only in a single
preparation of alchemical gold as well as elixirs related to cin-
room but entirely within the adept’s body. Meditative tech-
nabar. Gold is a matter of relatively minor concern in the
niques of self-cultivation that involve visualizing the circula-
central tradition of laboratory alchemy that emphasizes indi-
tion of vital energies or cosmic effluvia within the body are
vidual self-cultivation.
ambiguously documented in the fourth century BCE. By the
HISTORY. This section will explore three issues pertinent to
first century CE, adepts were establishing relations with a hi-
the relations of religion and alchemy: the beginnings of al-
erarchy of gods within their bodies.
chemy in China, the character of change in alchemy, and the
historical relations of external and internal alchemy.
There is nothing intrinsically alchemical (or Daoist)
about these exercises, but they provided a basis for internaliz-
Whether alchemy originated earlier in Hellenistic Egypt
ing the alchemical process. Metaphors were borrowed from
or China remains uncertain. The earliest testimony from ei-
the work of the furnace to express the union of opposites in
ther society has not yet been rigorously dated to within a cen-
full realization of the Way. As Farzeen Baldrian-Hussein puts
tury. Differing views about Chinese origins vary largely with
it, “it is from his own body that the adept of internal alchemy
willingness to accept legends as historical statements.
(neidan) constructs his laboratory. In fact he finds within
Cinnabar and similar blood-colored compounds have
himself all the ingredients and apparatus of traditional alche-
been connected with ideas of death and immortality since the
my: furnace, reaction vessel, mercury, cinnabar, lead, and
Neolithic period; that is how most scholars interpret the ar-
other minerals. By a mental and physiological process he fur-
chaic custom of sprinkling red powders on corpses to be bur-
nishes the laboratory, lights the fire of the furnace, keeps
ied. The splendidly preserved corpse of the Lady of Dai (died
watch over the heat, brings about the marriage of the ingredi-
shortly after 168 BCE, excavated 1972) contained high con-
ents in the reaction vessel and, once the desired result has
centrations of mercury and lead. These elements were dis-
been obtained, begins the process anew on a different level”
tributed in a way consistent with ingestion before death.
(Hussein, 1984, p. 14).
Traces in the intestines include native cinnabar, frequently
In an important scripture revealed around 300 CE, the
prescribed by physicians as an immortality drug, rather than
adept controls the movement of the solar pneuma connected
an artificial elixir. Some historians claim that an edict dated
with cardiac functions and the lunar pneuma connected with
144 BCE against falsifying gold proves the prevalence of al-
renal functions. The first of these pneumas is called “divine
chemy, but it presents no evidence that anything more was
elixir” and the second “liquefied gold.” This interiorization
involved than artisans’ use of alloys. In 133 BCE the Martial
of alchemy grew naturally out of the prevalent belief that the
Emperor was told by an occultist that eating from plates of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
240
ALCHEMY: CHINESE ALCHEMY
artificial gold would lengthen his life so that he could seek
Nevertheless, when a modern scientist reads them, al-
out certain immortals and, with their help, become an im-
chemical writings over the centuries exhibit an increasingly
mortal himself by performing certain rituals. This request for
comprehensive knowledge of chemical processes. They were
patronage links gold indirectly with immortality and suggests
also increasingly able to accommodate new impulses from
that the direct alchemical linkage had not yet been made. As
popular religion. Some adepts were aware of this new con-
patronage increasingly became available in the decades that
tent in alchemy. They attributed it to additional (but in prin-
followed, the lore of immortals with whom patrons could be
ciple timeless) revelations. It is often immortals in disguise,
put in touch proliferated. “Medicines of immortality” were
“remarkable men” met in strange circumstances or seen in
frequently mentioned, but without calling them artificial.
dreams or visions, who grant them. The static ideal did not
Critical scholars find clear proof of the emergence of alchemy
rule out change.
only in the earliest treatises on the subject: the first chapter
Current understanding suggests that, although the earli-
of the Huangdi jiuding shendan jing (Canon of the nine-
est alchemy was that of chemical processes, external and in-
vessel divine elixir of the Yellow Lord), before the second
ternal alchemy fused by the time of the Zhouyi cantong qi.
century CE, and Zhouyi cantong qi (Token of the concor-
This book brings an elaborate symbolism to bear on process-
dance of the three; the title originated by c. 140 CE, and the
es that can be understood equally well as external or internal
text after 700).
to the body. The book refers not only to the internal alchemy
The chronological priority of East or West is not in fact
of imaginative visualization but also to sexual disciplines that
a pressing issue unless the undertaking in question is substan-
give the marriage of opposites its ultimately literal expres-
tially the same in both parts of the world. That is not the
sion. Later alchemists disagree about whether sexual practices
case. Needham pinpoints one significant difference when he
further or hinder immortality, but a number of important
defines Chinese alchemy as a combination of macrobiotics
adepts follow the Zhouyi cantong qi in seeing external, inter-
(the quest for material immortality through drugs) and auri-
nal, and sexual alchemy as aspects of a single process. In fact,
the language of certain texts makes it impossible to be certain
faction (the attempt to make true gold by artificial means,
whether they are concerned with operations on mineral in-
as distinguished from “aurifiction,” in which gold is con-
gredients.
sciously faked). These definitions ignore the centrality of cin-
nabar. Needham notes that macrobiotics was conspicuously
External alchemy did not retain the vitality of its inter-
missing from the early occidental art, which he therefore
nal analogue. Writings that reflect new knowledge of chemi-
does not consider “true” alchemy.
cal processes became rare after about 1000. Later writers
often said that only outsiders believe that alchemy is to be
Other scholars evaluate not only the techniques of the
done—or was ever done—in the laboratory. It thus appears
alchemists but also their beliefs. The types of spiritual experi-
that innovation in the procedures of external alchemy—
ence outlined above and the relation of alchemical success
although not in their meanings—had largely ceased. This has
to appointment in a divine hierarchy are unique to China.
been explained by a revival of Confucian ideals that discour-
They suggest that the alchemical quest in East Asia, as in Al-
aged educated people from doing artisanal work. Another
exandria, cannot be adequately defined by technical goals.
reason may be the ascendancy of meditation and visualiza-
Both civilizations used chemical methods and metaphors for
tion over practical operations in the Daoist movements that
redemptive ends. The goals differed because Chinese and
attracted elite enthusiasts in the eleventh and twelfth centu-
Hellenistic Egyptian structures of meaning and values dif-
ries. Occult and manual practices, as noted above, were not
fered. It is fitting to speak of the corresponding arts of both
mutually exclusive earlier. Another likely cause is widespread
as “true” alchemy and to conclude that—on present knowl-
awareness that a number of emperors and high officials had
edge—they emerged at roughly the same time.
died as a result of taking alchemical elixirs. To the adept the
The alchemists, unlike modern historians, did not be-
appearance of death was a sign that the perfected self had
hatched out of the old body and taken office among the im-
lieve that their art evolved or changed. As in any other Chi-
mortals. To secular humanists intolerant of popular beliefs,
nese religious or technical tradition, its practitioners assumed
this seemed a foolish rationale for suicide.
that its every possibility had been laid out in the archaic, di-
vine revelations that founded it. In alchemy there were sever-
ALCHEMY, SCIENCE, AND RELIGION. Alchemy has been
al of these seminal works, including the two already men-
studied mainly by historians of chemistry, who have shown
tioned. These scriptures were to be passed down intact to
that the Chinese art exploited the properties of many chemi-
those worthy to receive them, supplemented by oral explana-
cal substances and even incorporated considerable knowl-
tions. Much explanation was needed, for the Zhouyi cantong
edge of quantitative relations. Scholars of medical history
qi was packed with metaphor and symbol, its density mul-
have demonstrated close connections between alchemy and
tilayered. In a degraded age, alchemists could grasp the inex-
medicine, in the substances and processes on which both
haustible meanings of the Sages only approximately. The
drew and in the use of artificial, mainly inorganic “elixirs”
issue was not progress in knowledge but regaining ancient
by physicians to treat disease and lengthen life. Historians
wisdom.
have tended to see alchemy as a fledgling science, a pre-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALCHEMY: INDIAN ALCHEMY
241
cursor of modern inorganic chemistry and iatrochemistry.
Chinese alchemy is in Joseph Needham’s Science and Civili-
Lu and Needham speak of internal alchemy as “proto-
sation in China (Cambridge, 1954-), vol. 5, pts. 2–5, but
biochemistry.”
much of it is now obsolete. See the discussion of research is-
sues in Sivin, “Research on the History of Chinese Alchemy,”
This view overlooks the fact that the goals of alchemy
in Alchemy Revisited. Proceedings of the International Confer-
were not cognitive. They were consistently focused on spiri-
ence on the History of Alchemy at the University of Groningen.
tual cultivation and immortality, and largely concerned with
17–19 April 1989, edited by Z.R.W.M. von Martels,
reenacting cosmic process for purposes of contemplation. It
pp. 3–20 (Leiden, 1990). For a comprehensive and regularly
is impossible to be certain that alchemists discovered any new
updated bibliography of recent studies see Fabrizio Pregadio,
chemical interaction or process. Because alchemists were lit-
“The Golden Elixir,” at http://helios.unive.it/~dsao//
erate and craftsmen were not, it is only to be expected that
pregadio/index.html. The best scholarly introductions are
innovations by the latter would be first recorded by the for-
the essays on alchemy and related topics in Daoism Hand-
mer (who were almost the only members of the elite greatly
book, edited by Livia Kohn (Handbuch der Orientalistik. IV.
interested in the chemical arts). Claims that alchemists
China. 14; Leiden, 2000), and the discussions of alchemy
and spiritual cultivation in Lowell Skar, “Golden Elixir Al-
played major roles in developing gunpowder and distillation
chemy: The Formation of the Southern Lineage and the
apparatus are not supported by independent evidence about
Transformation of Medieval China. Asian Studies”
the state of contemporary industrial processes, which are still
(Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2003). For discus-
poorly explored for the first millennium CE. Similarly, too
sion of of internal alchemy, see Farzeen Baldrian-Hussein’s
little of the medical literature has been studied to confirm
Procédés secrets au Joyau magique: Traité d’alchimie daoïste du
that alchemists gave more to medicine than they took
onzième siècle (Paris, 1984) and Skar. I discuss the symbolic
from it.
structures used in alchemy at length in volume 5 of Science
The idea that alchemy is Daoist by nature, or was in-
and Civilisation in China, pt. 4, pp. 210–305, summarized
in more final form in “Chinese Alchemy and the Manipula-
vented by Daoists, has not survived advances since about
tion of Time,” Isis 67 (1976): 513–526, and reprinted in Sci-
1970 in historical studies of Daoism. In the Celestial Master
ence and Technology in East Asia, edited by me (New York,
sect and other early Daoist movements drugs (including arti-
1977).
ficial preparations) were forbidden; only religious rituals and
Pre-Daoist southern occult traditions, including alchemy, are dis-
confession of sins could procure health and salvation. Upper-
cussed in Isabelle Robinet’s “La revelation du Shangqing
class initiates gradually began to use immortality drugs al-
dans l’histoire du taoïsme” (Ph.D. diss., University of Paris,
ready fashionable in the north. As refugees after the fall of
1981). The relation between alchemy and Daoist move-
Loyang in 311 they encountered elixirs in the Yangtze re-
ments has been trenchantly analyzed in Michel Strickmann’s
gion, where alchemy had long been established among popu-
“On the Alchemy of Tao Hongjing,” in Facets of Daoism: Es-
lar immortality practices. The aristocratic southerners they
says in Chinese Religion, edited by Holmes Welch and Anna
displaced in positions of temporal power invented new reli-
Seidel (New Haven, Conn., 1979), pp. 123–192; see also his
gious structures to assert, by way of compensation, their spir-
Le taoïsme du Maozhan: Chronique d’une révélation, 2 vols.,
itual superiority. Michel Strickmann has demonstrated that
Mémoires de l’Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises, no. 17
in doing so they adapted northern Daoist usages to local
(Paris, 1981).
popular practices, in which immortality and alchemy were
NATHAN SIVIN (1987 AND 2005)
central, and in which the religious use of inorganic drugs was
usual. Tao Hongjing, a man of noble southern antecedents,
drew on revelations inherited from fourth-century predeces-
sors when he founded the Supreme Purity (or Maoshan)
ALCHEMY: INDIAN ALCHEMY
Daoist movement under imperial patronage in about 500.
In South Asia, alchemy is inseparable from its religious con-
Tao adapted not only old southern techniques but elaborate
texts. Apart from Islamic alchemy, largely imported from
structures of alchemical and astral imagery. He thus formed
Persia, nearly all of the documented alchemical traditions of
a movement that captured upper-class allegiance, supported
the Indian subcontinent have been Hindu. The sole extant
state power, and was supported in return for more than five
indigenous non-Hindu works containing significant alchem-
centuries. He incorporated alchemical practices and symbols
ical data are the Buddhist Ka¯lacakra Tantra with its eleventh-
with Daoism—the particular Daoism that he created—for
century CE Vimalaprabha¯ commentary, and an eleventh- or
the first time. Alchemy did not originate in the Daoist mi-
twelfth-century CE Jain text, the Rasaratnasamucchaya of
lieu, and was never confined to it. Similarly, the role of alche-
Ma¯n:ikyadeva Su¯ri. Therefore, the focus of the present article
my in movements other than Dao’s varied too greatly to con-
will be Hindu alchemy.
stitute a fixed relationship.
A number of scientific subfields and disciplines, linked
S
with a body of religious practices and techniques, comprise
EE ALSO Dao and De; Soul, article on Chinese Concepts.
Hindu alchemy. These include metallurgy, traditional Indi-
B
an medicine in its northern (a¯yurveda) and southern
IBLIOGRAPHY
Primary sources are cited from the Daoist Patrology (Zhengtong
(siddhacikitsa¯) forms, iatrochemisty (rasa ´sa¯stra, the “science
dao zang, 1445), s.v. The most detailed modern study of
of essential substances”), rejuvenation therapy (rasa¯yana, the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
242
ALCHEMY: INDIAN ALCHEMY
“path of essential substances”), sexual rehabilitation therapy
diate elements water, fire, and air. The same capacity of the
(va¯j¯ıkaran:a), transmutational alchemy (dha¯tuva¯da, the “doc-
higher tattvas of the Samkhyan hierarchies—to reintegrate
trine of the elements”), elixir alchemy (dehava¯da, the “doc-
their lower devolutes into themselves without themselves
trine of the body”), hat:hayoga, and Tantra. Although rasa
being modified—applies to the hierarchized elements
´sa¯stra, which persists as a subfield of A¯yurveda, has incorpo-
(dha¯tus) of Hindu alchemy. In the words of the tenth-
rated many of the old alchemical formulas, apparatuses, tech-
century CE Rasahr:daya Tantra of Govinda, arguably the earli-
niques, and nomenclatures into its production of plant- and
est systematic work on Hindu alchemy, “Woody plants are
mineral-based pharmaceuticals for therapeutic use, there are
absorbed into lead; lead into tin, and tin likewise into cop-
no practitioners of elixir or transmutational alchemy on the
per. Copper [is absorbed] into silver, silver into gold, and
Indian subcontinent today. Moreover, there are virtually no
gold is absorbed into mercury” (1:12). A parallel dynamic is
archaeological or inscriptional data related to the practice of
observable in the cakra system of Hindu hat:hayoga, a tradi-
alchemy. Therefore, any historical reconstruction of the
tion that emerged in approximately the same period.
Hindu alchemical tradition, which flourished between
At the heart of tantric alchemy are eighteen operations
around 900 and 1300 CE, will of necessity be based on textu-
(sam:ska¯ras) leading to the “perfectioning” of chemical re-
al data; that is, on what may be termed the Hindu alchemical
agents, and most especially of naturally occurring mercury,
canon.
which must be purified and potentiated before it can be ap-
BASIC PRINCIPLES. The polyvalent term rasa is central to an
plied to other bodies, both metallic and human. The first six-
understanding of Hindu alchemy. From the time of the
teen of these sam:ska¯ras prime mercury for the final two oper-
Vedas, rasa has signified “fluid, juice, sap” (it is a cognate of
ations, vedha (transmutation: literally “penetration,
the English “resin”). With the emergence of the alchemical
piercing”) and ´sar¯ırayoga (transubstantiation, bodily trans-
tradition, the term took on a number of specialized uses, in-
formation: literally “body work”), in which mercury truly
cluding “essential element” and “mercury.” The former is a
confounds itself with the metallic or flesh-and-blood “bo-
general term, applied to a group of alchemical reagents usual-
dies” in question, ultimately replacing them with a mercurial
ly described as consisting of eight primary (maha¯rasas) and
or alchemical body.
eight secondary (uparasas) elements, while the latter consti-
The Hindu alchemical and hathayogic scriptures repeat-
tutes the supreme fluid that is quicksilver, identified by S´iva,
edly invoke the goal of becoming “a second S´iva,” which ech-
the supreme alchemical deity, as his own essential element,
oes the goal of mainstream medieval S´aiva practice as de-
i.e., his semen. (In the eleventh-century CE alchemical classic
scribed in the A¯gamas: one does not seek to become S´iva, but
the Rasa¯rn:ava, S´iva reveals that “because it is the rasa [essen-
rather to become intimately close to S´iva, or to become like
tial element, vital fluid] of my body, one is to call it rasa
S´iva. Similarly, the alchemist’s goal is not to become mercu-
[mercury]” [1:36].) Mercury, purified and potentiated
ry, but rather, to become like mercury—capable of transmut-
through its interactions with sulfur and mica—the maha¯rasas
ing base metals into gold and human bodies into superhu-
that are the mineral homologues of the female discharge
man bodies—to become mercurial. It is in this way that
(rajas) of S´iva’s consort, the Goddess—effects the transfor-
transmutation is described in Hindu alchemical texts. Puri-
mation of both metals and the human body into their higher
fied and potentiated mercury simultaneously penetrates and
essences in the Indian great chain of being. Because the uni-
absorbs base metals into itself, causing them to become their
verse in all its parts is constantly being regenerated out of the
higher evolutes, until alchemical gold is realized. At the end
sexual union of the divine in its male and female hypostases,
of the process, the transmuting mercury has itself disap-
all vital animal, mineral, and vegetable substances are ema-
peared: there is only gold, the noble, “immortal” metal,
nates or devolutes of divine sexual emissions; and because all
which can never be further transmuted into mercury itself.
participate in the same flow of the godhead, all are inter-
The relationship between transmutation and bodily transfor-
changeable, recombinatory, and perfectible. Therefore, elixir
mation, in which the alchemist’s body is itself transformed
therapy, transmutation, hat:hayoga, and the erotico-mystical
into an immortal, unaging, perfected, golden or adamantine
elements of Tantra are all interpenetrating and mutually re-
body, is explained in the Rasa¯rn:ava: “As in metal, so in the
inforcing bodies of practice that fall under the general rubric
body. Mercury ought always to be employed thusly. When
of Hindu alchemy.
it penetrates a metal and the body, [mercury] behaves in an
The theory and practice of Hindu alchemy is predicated
identical way: first test [mercury] on a metal, then use it in
on the concept of the perfectibility of matter, as found in
the body” (17:164–165). The relationship of these processes
both the emanationist metaphysics of Veda¯nta philosophy
to S´aiva metaphysics is clearly stated in the thirteenth- or
and in certain elements of dualist Sa¯m:khya philosophy. Ac-
fourteenth-century CE Kula¯rn:ava Tantra: “Just as penetra-
cording to Samkhyan metaphysics, prakr:ti, materiality, the
tion by mercury brings about aurifaction [in metals], so the
“stuff” of the universe, has disintegrated into twenty-five cat-
self, penetrated through initiation, attains S´iva-hood”
egories (tattvas) that can be reintegrated back into their
(14:89). Ultimately, the transmutation of base metals into
higher evolutes. Therefore earth, the lowest of the five gross
gold was, for the alchemist (although perhaps not for his
elements (maha¯bhu¯tas), has the potential to be reintegrated
royal clients), but a means to the higher end of bodily im-
into ether, the highest element in the series, via the interme-
mortality and perfectibility, to becoming a second S´iva.
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ALCHEMY: INDIAN ALCHEMY
243
HISTORICAL PARAMETERS. Although nearly every aspect of
a staple of secular adventure and fantasy literature in this pe-
Indian alchemy is Hindu in its worldview and metaphysical
riod, with kings and princes often cast in the roles of alchem-
assumptions, it remains a fact that mercury, the materia
ical seekers.
prima of alchemy, does not occur naturally anywhere on the
Tantric alchemy bursts upon the scene in the tenth cen-
subcontinent, except in trace quantities, in the form of cin-
tury, and the four hundred years that follow constitute
nabar (mercuric sulfide) in zones of geothermal activity.
India’s alchemical “golden age.” There are a number of rea-
Some Sanskrit terms for mercury indicate the foreign origin
sons for referring to this period and its collection of alchemi-
of the metal, which likely came to India overland or by sea
cal classics as “tantric. ” Not only are the goals of tantric al-
from China, Tibet, or the Mediterranean world. These terms
chemy consistent with those of the broader Hindu tantric
include c¯ınapis:t:a (“Chinese powder”), pa¯rada (a reference to
tradition, but so too are the means it employs to attaining
either the Parthian or Pa¯rada lands of Transoxiania or Balu-
those goals. The alchemical Tantras abound in references to
chistan), and mleccha (“barbarian”). South Indian Sittar al-
tantric formulae (mantras) and diagrams (man:d:alas), as well
chemy likely received its mercury through such port cities as
as in descriptions of divine pantheons, yogic and meditative
Surat and Madras, which remain centers for the fabrication
techniques, sexual and ritual practices, and the S´a¯kta-S´aiva
of synthetic cinnabar and calomel (mercurous chloride) from
devotionalism that are the hallmarks of Hindu Tantra. Many
imported mercury and indigenous Indian minerals. Sittar
of the major alchemical works of the period call themselves
tradition maintains that its founding alchemists Nandi and
Tantras, and are cast as the revealed teachings of S´iva (often
Bogar both traveled to China.
in his tantric Bhairava form) to one or another tantric form
The most remarkable evidence of cultural exchanges in
of the Goddess (Pa¯rvat¯ı, Ka¯kacan:d:e´svar¯ı, etc.).
matters alchemical is a body of instructions for the extraction
What truly sets tantric alchemy apart from magical al-
of quicksilver from the “wells” in which it naturally occurs.
chemy is the rigor of its method and the remarkable breadth
Virtually identical instructions are found in a fourth-century
of the botanical, mineralogical, chemical, geographical, reli-
CE Syriac recension of the alchemical corpus attributed to the
gious, and technical knowledge it mobilizes in the pursuit of
Greek Pseudo-Zosimus, in the twelfth- or thirteenth-century
its ambitious ends. While Chinese and Persian alchemical
CE Rasendracu
¯d:a¯man:i of Somadeva, and in the seventeenth-
traditions no doubt interacted with tantric alchemy, the con-
century CE Chinese encyclopedia, the Ho han san cai tu hui.
tent of the Indian alchemical classics is so specifically Indian
In all three sources, mercury is induced to rise up out of its
(and Hindu) as to preclude any possibility of wholesale bor-
well when a naked maiden rides or walks past it: when the
rowing. The roots of the revolution that was tantric alchemy
flowing metal pursues her, it is captured by alchemists and
may be traced back to the powerful impact of Tantra on me-
“killed” by them. Furthermore, the Chinese source identifies
dieval Indian technologies of power on the one hand, and
the land in which this mercurial well is found as fou lin, i.e.
to developments within the medical schools on the other. In
Syria, “far to the west.” Clearly, the details of this fantastic
this latter context, a gradual phasing out of the practice of
extraction technique traveled along the same trade routes—
surgery (´salyatantra)—a development some attribute to the
via the Silk Road and China ships—as mercury itself. Simi-
pervasive influence of the Buddhist ideal of noninjury
larities between Indian, Greek, and Chinese alchemical appa-
(ahim
˙ sa¯)—seems to have been compensated for by discover-
ratuses and laboratory procedures are striking, but are best
ies and innovations in the field of mercury- and mineral-
explained by the chemical behavior of the reagents them-
based pharmacy.
selves, and by the similar results of trial-and-error experi-
ments with techniques of distillation, amalgamation, fixa-
An explanation for the near absence of South Asian
tion, and so in the allied technologies of metallurgy, coinage,
Buddhist alchemical literature is in order here. Two reasons
and perfumery.
may be adduced, the first of which is historical. By the time
tantric alchemy emerged in India, Buddhism was very much
The history of Indian alchemy may be broken down
on the wane on the subcontinent. Two relatively early Bud-
into three chronological phases—of magical, tantric, and
dhist works, the Suba¯huparipr:ccha (pre-726 CE) and
Siddha alchemy. In the first of these phases, dating from
S´a¯ntideva’s S´¯ıks:a¯samucchaya (eighth century CE), contain
about 300 to 900 CE, alchemy is the stuff of fairy tales.
short passages on magical alchemy; but apart from the sec-
Transmutation and bodily immortality are its stated goals,
ond chapter of the Ka¯lacakra Tantra (likely composed in
but the means to these ends are a matter of serendipity: no-
twentieth-century Pakistan), the only post-tenth-century
where are laboratory techniques for the processing of mercu-
Buddhist discussions of external alchemy come from Tibet,
ry or the production of alchemical gold broached. Its watch-
Burma (Myanmar), or east Asia. The second reason is philo-
word is rasa-rasa¯yana—a miraculous elixir and one of the
sophical. Generally speaking, the focus of Buddhism is more
eight supernatural powers (siddhis) of Gupta-age and early
psychological than that of Hinduism, and so it is that much
medieval Indian mysticism. Most often, this is an elixir or
of what constitutes Indo-Tibetan Buddhist alchemy is of an
power that one wins or spirits away from gods, demigods
internal, symbolic order. Through yogic practice, mercury,
(called Siddhas), or demons, often by traveling to their atmo-
identified with male Skill in Means (upa¯ya), and sulfur, iden-
spheric or subterranean worlds. Alchemy of this sort becomes
tified with female Wisdom (prajña¯), are united internally, ef-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
244
ALCHEMY: HELLENISTIC AND MEDIEVAL ALCHEMY
fecting a bodily transformation conceptualized as the fixing
Gorakhna¯th’s Bhu¯tiprakaran:a and Somadeva’s Rasendra-
of the Thought of Enlightenment (bodhicitta). This is not
cu¯d:a¯man:i, both from the twelfth or thirteenth century;
to say that mercury-based alchemy (called “gold-making”)
Ya´sodhara Bhat:t:a’s Rasapraka¯´sasudha¯kara, Nityana¯tha’s
had no place in Indo-Tibetan Buddhism: rather, because the
Rasaratna¯kara, and the Ma¯tr:kabheda Tantra, all from the
practitioner was dependent on external elements rather than
thirteenth century; Na¯ga¯rjuna’s Rasendraman˙gala and
his own contemplative practice, it was deemed inferior.
Va¯gbhat:t:a the Second’s Rasaratnasamucchaya, both from the
thirteenth or fourteenth century; the fourteenth-century
In India, external, laboratory-based Hindu alchemy
A¯nandakanda, and A¯dina¯tha’s Khecar¯ı Vidya¯, also from the
would also become internalized from the thirteenth century
fourteenth century.
onward. No original works on the subject appear after 1300
CE, and much of elixir alchemy becomes applied to more
SEE ALSO A¯yurveda; Gorakhna¯th; Na¯ga¯rjuna.
modest therapeutic ends in the emergent field of iatrochem-
istry. There was, however, a final phase in the history of Indi-
an alchemy that may be referred to as Siddha alchemy. This
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The most comprehensive studies of Indian alchemy are David
is most readily identified by its emphasis on combining the
Gordon White’s The Alchemical Body: Siddha Traditions in
use of mercurial preparations with the practice of external
Medieval India (Chicago, 1996) and the rich survey of the
sexual and internal yogic techniques, with the aim of attain-
alchemical canon found in G. Jan Meulenbeld’s A History of
ing both an immortal, unaging body and the status or mode
Indian Medical Literature, 5 vols. (Groningen, Netherlands,
of being of a semi-divine Siddha. Practitioners of Siddha al-
1999–2003). Several outstanding articles on Indian alchemy
chemy often referred to themselves as Siddhas—that is, the
have been authored by Arion Ro¸su, among which are “Alche-
“Perfected Beings” they aspired to become through their
my and Sacred Geography in the Medieval Deccan,” Journal
practice. This two-pronged approach is already alluded to in
of the European Ayurvedic Society 2 (1992): 151–156, and
the Rasa¯rn:ava: “Mercury and breath [control] are known as
“Mantra et Yantra dans la médecine et l’alchimie indiennes,”
the Work in two parts” (1:18). Over time, the external, labo-
Journal Asiatique 274, nos. 3–4 (1986): 205–268. A useful
ratory techniques, as well as the use of mercury-based com-
compendium of Indian alchemical texts in Sanskrit, with
commentary and selected English-language translations, is
pounds as elixirs and agents of transmutation would come
Bhudeb Mookerji’s Rasa-jala-nidhi; or, Ocean of Indian
to be fully internalized in the various techniques of
Chemistry and Alchemy, 5 vols. (Calcutta, 1926–1938). Ex-
hat:hayoga; however, a close examination of the terminology
cellent historical studies of Indian alchemy, in Hindi, are
and dynamics of the latter tradition shows that it developed,
Satya Prakash’s Pra¯c¯ın Bha¯rat mem: Rasa¯yan ka¯ Vika¯s (Allah-
at least in part, out of the former.
abad, India, 1960) and Siddhinandan Mísra’s A¯yurved¯ıya
Ra´sa¯sastra, Jaikrishnadas A¯yurveda Series no. 35 (Banaras,
One may deduce from internal textual references,
India, 1981).
manuscript colophons, and Siddha lists that most of the au-
thors of the major tantric alchemical works were either court
DAVID GORDON WHITE (1987 AND 2005)
physicians or members of one of the medieval S´a¯kta-S´aiva
or tantric religious orders. Many of these authors had names
ending in the -na¯tha suffix, and their names figure in a num-
ALCHEMY: HELLENISTIC AND MEDIEVAL
ber of lists of Siddhas found in both Indo-Tibetan Buddhist
ALCHEMY
and Hindu sources. These include lists of the Buddhist
Maha¯siddhas and of a number of Hindu groups: the Tamil
By the beginning of the Christian era, a change in secular and
Sittars of the eastern Deccan, the Ma¯he´svara Siddhas of the
religious attitudes can be discerned. The rationalism that had
western Deccan, the alchemical Rasa Siddhas, and the
guided the thinking of the elite in previous times waned, and
hathayogic Na¯th Siddhas. Internal geographical references
the rise of skepticism and loss of direction led to a philosoph-
point to the Vindhya region and western Deccan as the
ical vacuum that stimulated a recourse to mystic intuition
heartland of Indian alchemical practice, in spite of the fact
and divine mysteries. The area of the Roman Empire in
that the literature identifies the Himalayan region and Inner
which this process became primarily manifest was Egypt,
Asia as the source of many of its botanical and mineral re-
where, after the conquest by Alexander the Great (in 332
agents. S´ri´sailam, a sacred S´aiva mountain located in the
BCE), the culture of Hellenism with its fusion of Greek and
eastern Deccan, is the most frequently mentioned “paradise”
Eastern features was centered. The fashionable mystery be-
of Indian alchemy, and it is here, on the outer walls of the
liefs subsumed under the names of Gnosticism and Herme-
Mallika¯rjuna Temple, that one finds the sole extant sculpted
tism exerted a strong attraction for practitioners of the occult
images of Siddha alchemists and their apparatuses. These
sciences (astrology, magic, and medicine) as well as alchemy,
bas-reliefs date from about 1300 to 1400
the art of making gold: previously, men of science had by
CE.
thought process and investigations obtained what they now
Apart from the foundational Rasahr:daya Tantra and
expected to receive through divine revelation or supernatural
Rasa¯rn:ava already mentioned, the “canonical” works of Indi-
inspiration. In short, science—as revealed knowledge and,
an alchemy include the following, all from the common era:
for the alchemist, as a means of creating gold—turned into
the twelfth-century Ka¯kacan:d:e´svar¯ımata and Rasopanis:at;
religion.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALCHEMY: HELLENISTIC AND MEDIEVAL ALCHEMY
245
Such a link between alchemy and Gnosticism and Her-
ens (Sheppard, Ambix 7, p. 46) embraced, in addition to
metism is most tangibly documented in the occult literature
“above” and “below,” also elements, metals, and colors.
of Hellenistic Egypt from about the second to the fourth cen-
Already Maria Prophetissa (fl. early third century), also
tury. This emphasizes, first, the fact that alchemy, beyond
known as the “founding mother of alchemy,” heralded the
being a craft devoted to changing matter, has a place also
principle of parallelism: “Just as man results [from the associ-
within the history of religions and, second, that in the alche-
ation] of liquids, of solids, and of spirit, so does copper.” Zo-
mist’s religious beliefs the general Gnostic tenets blended
simos of Panopolis in Egypt (fl. c. 300), recognizing the
with his specific alchemical approach to the world. The im-
identity between the behavior of matter and the events in his
pact of the craft can be discerned in four aspects of the cult:
own (unconscious) psyche, condensed this complex insight
its doctrine, its ritual, its language, and its roots.
into the formula “What is within is also without.”
DOCTRINE. The soul is enchained in matter and is to be
Transmutation. The third facet of alchemical religiosi-
freed. Science as traditionally expounded in the schools was
ty was also linked to the alchemist’s practice. A basic alchem-
unable to liberate it. Only gnosis, the knowledge of God,
ical tenet stated that all substances could be derived through
could accomplish the task, and to convey gnosis, alchemy
transmutation from primal matter. The technique of change
transformed itself into an esoteric religion. The beliefs were
consisted essentially in “coloring”: the Egyptian alchemists
fantastic: visions, the chemical apparatus as a temple, the al-
did not intend to “make” gold but to color (baptein) metals
chemical operation as a sacrificial act, mental baptism in the
and textiles through tinctures and elixirs so that they would
Hermetic vessel called the krat¯er, and the ascension to God
“appear” like gold (or silver or some other metal). A
by means of a mystic ladder that transports the soul from the
“changed” metal, then, was a “new” metal. The technique
discord and suffering below to the divine order above. The
of coloring evolved, in the end, into a powerful symbol of
doctrines of alchemy as a religion echoed the principles of
alchemical doctrine; for just as the alchemist transformed
alchemy as a science. These were essentially three: primal
lead into silver, and silver into gold, so too he posited for
matter, sympathy, and transmutation.
matter, in his anthropomorphic view of it, a similar change,
from body to spirit to soul. And in the frame of his doctrine,
Primal matter. The opus alchimicum, (“the alchemist’s
he identified this escalation with the renewal of man, to
labor”) centered on matter. Nobody knew, of course, what
which he assigned the same chain of transmutations to reach
matter was, and it remained a secret of alchemy, although
the goal of redemption.
many chemical, mythological, and philosophical definitions
were ventured in the course of time (Jung, 1953, p. 317).
The ritual. Although the alchemist, who represented
Thus, the Tabula Smaragdina (the revelation of secret al-
the religious bent of his profession, has been viewed as a
chemical teaching, of the ninth century but based on Her-
priest, the identity of his congregation remains unknown.
metic sources) identified matter with God, because all creat-
The sources, reading somewhat like tracts of edification,
ed objects come from a single primal matter; and Comarius,
transmit no detail. Some have sensed in the texts evidence
an alchemist-philosopher (first century
of the existence of a loosely structured brotherhood. Others,
CE?) identified it with
Hades, to whom the imperfect souls were chained (Jung,
above all Festugière (1950, pp. 427–428), took the alchemi-
pp. 299, 319). Such perceptions of matter echo the alche-
cal devotion (like the Hermetic) to be a cult adhered to by
mist’s craft: his operation was, in mythical terms, a replica
individuals or groups who practiced the “sacred art” and
of divine creativity, aiming at the liberation of imprisoned
came under the spell of the mystic beliefs inherent in their
matter. The inherent anthropomorphic view of matter, the
work. Those nonpractitioners of alchemy who felt attracted
“vitalist hypothesis,” was going to play a fundamental role
were possibly members of the intelligentsia drawn to that
in the “sacred art,” alchemy: metals, that is, matter, were
particular version of modish Gnosticism.
considered living organisms, which are born, grow, and mul-
The code that the devotee observed had various specific
tiply. With the alchemist’s preoccupation with matter and
features. They concern the transmission of the creed, first to
his belief that the divine soul is enchained in matter, he
him and then from him, and the way of life expected of a
“takes upon himself the duty of carrying out the redeeming
spiritual father.
opus” (Jung, p. 306). Thus seen, the alchemist evolves into
The mystagogues. The myth of transmission added the
a priest.
religious component to alchemical mysticism. The spokes-
Sympathy. The anthropomorphic perception of matter
men invoked the authority of the supreme being, or its
that assigned to the metal a human soul correlated with an
prophets, or the sages of old: “Behold [says Isis to her son
occult system according to which the supposed affinity be-
as alchemist], the mystery has been revealed to you!” (Festu-
tween substances expressed itself in a mutual attraction or re-
gière, 1950, p. 260). Maria Prophetissa claimed that alchem-
jection, that is, either “sympathy” or “antipathy.” Such a
ical secrets were revealed to her by God. The Byzantine
bond linked, in particular, our world “below” to the world
monk Marianus quoted alchemists saying to Maria: “The di-
“above,” the microcosm of man to the macrocosm of plane-
vine, hidden, and always splendid, secret is revealed to you.”
tary divinities. The system of correspondences elaborated, for
With Egypt providing the setting of the cult, Egyptian
example, by the second-century astrologer Antiochus of Ath-
mythical figures and divinities were the prime well-spring of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
246
ALCHEMY: HELLENISTIC AND MEDIEVAL ALCHEMY
inspiration: chiefly Thoth (Hellenized as Hermes Trismegis-
to esoteric experience it yielded the hidden meaning, the sen-
tos), the legendary author of the Hermetica, and Isis, turned
sus allegoricus.
into the creators and teachers of alchemy to whom alchemi-
Many lexical items were drawn into the process: thus,
cal sayings and doctrines were attributed. Various Greek
in the Valentinian system of Gnosticism (deriving from the
writings on alchemy that contained traces of Jewish mono-
second-century Egyptian Valentinus), metallurgical terms
theism were ascribed to Moses, probably in a homonymic
such as the following symbolized spiritual concepts. Pneuma
transfer from the alchemist Moses of Alexandria. Later on,
signified, first, the product of natural sublimation, then, “di-
Jewish alchemical tradition evoked Enoch, the Jewish coun-
vine spirit”; ebullient (“boiling up”), referring to the alchemi-
terpart to Hermes. The Greek alchemist Pseudo-
cal process of “separating the pure from the impure,” was ap-
Democritus, looking in Memphis for enlightenment, con-
plied to wisdom; sperma (the “embryonic germ”) yielded the
jured the ghost of the Persian Ostanes, the “Hellenized
“seed” of gnosis; in a similar way, such terms as refine, filter,
magus” of alchemy, who advised him: “The books are in the
and purify acquired spiritualized meanings. The transfer,
temple.” Zosimos, our major source, owed his knowledge to
through alchemy, from the literal to the symbolic realm con-
the wisdom of Hermes.
tributed richly to the language of religion and, generally, ab-
Traditio mystica. The “sacred craft” was a secret craft.
straction. It indicates a conscious effort of the alchemist to
The goddess Isis instructs her son Horus: “Keep it a great se-
frame his views in the terms of his craft.
cret [megalomusterion].” The initiated were forbidden to di-
Antonyms. Hellenistic alchemy tended to emphasize
vulge their knowledge; they could pass it on only to their “le-
the varied contraries inherent in the craft: hot/cold, moist/
gitimate sons” and to those who were “worthy.” Alchemy,
dry, earth/air, fire/water. Antonymic structure was symboli-
known through revelation, remained a privilege of the few,
cally superimposed on matter: Maria Prophetissa distin-
and the taboo of disclosure, well guarded through the ages,
guished metals as male and female as if they were human,
in an impressive example of traditio mystica, a very Hermetic
and Zosimos distinguished between the metals’ souls and bo-
feature.
dies. The same antonymy, but with the focus on man him-
Portrait of the alchemist. Just as revelation strikes the
self, characterizes Gnostic dualism with its model of spiritual
priest, so the divine mystery overwhelms the alchemist and
versus carnal man.
shapes his way of life. His opus is not so much determined
Aphorisms. Technical prescriptions, and in particular
by technical knowledge and manual skill but, rather, by its
those that aimed at the transformation of matter, tended to
true goal, redemption. His soul is to be saved. He has to
be sharpened and honed so as to sound, in their lapidary
strive for detachment from matter, for liberation from his
style, like keys to mysteries. Such aphorisms, often bordering
passions, and for suppression of his body. He is spiritual
on the abstruse, were a favored feature of alchemical doc-
man, alone, in search of himself, on a silent quest for God.
trine. For example, the first commandment requires secrecy
THE LANGUAGE OF ALCHEMY. Alchemy, like every other
and elitism: “One man to one man.” Pseudo-Democritus, on
movement in the history of civilization, found its own forms
the subject of liberating the imprisoned soul, declared
of expression. Their pseudoscientific orientation imparted to
“Transform the nature and make the spirit that is hidden in-
the alchemical writings the stamp of mystery, and by display-
side the body come out.” Maria Prophetissa said likewise,
ing the “jargon of mysteries” (Festugière, 1950, p. 82) these
“Invert nature and you will find that which you seek.”
texts produced the effect of liturgy and secured a screen
Transmutation was tied to the law of sympathy and an-
against the profane. Three stylistic markers stand out:
tipathy: “One nature rejoices in another nature; one nature
Symbols. The alchemist, in the formulation of Wayne
triumphs over another nature; one nature masters another
Shuhmaker, “did not analyze but analogized,” and his own
nature.” One of Maria’s axioms that subsumed a complex al-
universe, metallurgy, provided the mythical imagery and
chemical procedure was read by Jung (1953, p. 23) in psy-
stimulated new meanings. The alchemical opus centered on
chological terms, according to which the even numbers signi-
the change of matter, and transmutation of matter turned
fied the female principle and the odd numbers the male, the
into the recurrent theme of the alchemist’s cult. To him, the
latter overwhelming the former: “One becomes two, two be-
soul imprisoned in matter symbolized the spirit striving to
comes three, and by means of the third the fourth achieves
purify itself from the roughage of the flesh. Matter was repre-
unity; thus two are but one.” Maria focuses also on an analo-
sented above all by metal and symbolized life and man, its
gy made between metals and humankind: “Join the male and
growth comparable to the growth of the fetus. “The achieve-
the female, and you will find what you seek.” A well-known
ment of metallic transmutation became symbolic of the reli-
aphorism expresses the analogy between macrocosm and mi-
gious regeneration of the human soul” (Sheppard, Ambix 17,
crocosm: “That which is above is like to that which is below,
p. 77). With technical alchemy providing the similes that ex-
and that which is below is like to that which is above.” Sever-
pressed Gnostic religiousity, the two-tiered semantic con-
al maxims rest on the principle of antonymy. The symbol of
struct evolved that was characteristic of Hellenistic and me-
the serpent biting its tail is used to circumscribe diversity in
dieval mystic language: the worldly, exoteric lexicon
unity: “The All is one and the All is through itself and the
furnished the “surface,” the sensus litteralis, but when applied
All goes to itself, and if it had not the All there would be no
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALCHEMY: HELLENISTIC AND MEDIEVAL ALCHEMY
247
All.” The philosophers’ stone is simply defined as “a stone
“Matter” evolved as a name for the “self.” It represented an
that is not a stone.”
unconscious archetype, primordial images, and the alchemi-
cal opus, aiming at freeing, saving, and perfecting matter, and
ROOTS. The essence of the strange and complex phenome-
was a symbolic replica of the universal quest for the Self. Jung
non of alchemy is elusive, and its various interpreters were
called it the “individuation” process.
inclined to stress the feature that each considered, in genetic
terms, to be its foundation. In particular, four possible
Convergence. These four components of spiritual al-
sources have been isolated: classical philosophy, mystery
chemy can be traced in Hellenistic Egypt. The craft of the
creeds, the lore of the craft, and the workings of the uncon-
goldsmith was flourishing, and metallurgy yielded the imag-
scious.
ery while boosting, by its very nature, the identification, ever
present in the human mind, of self and matter; Greek philos-
Classical philosophy. The great cognitions of the clas-
ophy, in a stage of revival then and there, provided the basic
sical tradition, from the pre-Socratics to Plato, Aristotle, and
concepts of the doctrine; and Hermetism supplied the vital
the Stoics, resurfaced in eclectic Hellenistic philosophy. Nu-
climate of mystery.
merous doctrines prefigured crucial phases of the alchemical
worldview: the concept of a primal matter; the unity of mat-
Alchemy is described here as a facet of the ancient mys-
ter (seen in, say, water or fire); cosmic correspondences; the
tery religions, and this description centers on its style and
affinity of the similar; the microcosm reflecting the macro-
manifestations in the Hellenistic period. But other cultures,
cosm; the notion of sympathy; transformation through pneu-
tending in a similar direction, produced other varieties of
ma, the all pervading spirit; genesis, that is, the origin of one
spiritual alchemy. In China, it aimed at physical immortality
element from another, proceding by way of opposites.
and thus came into the orbit of medicine, with some link to
the religious movement of Taoism. In India, as Eliade has
Mystery creeds. Hermetism and the alchemical cult
shown, alchemy evolved as an analogue to the mystic disci-
overlap in various features. The tie between them is substan-
pline of yoga: that purification sought by the yogin for the
tiated in the writings of Zosimos, the “divine,” the “highly
body, the alchemist seeks through the purification of metals.
learned,” and the outstanding representative of both creeds.
The relationship (involving the question of polygenesis or
The common ground consisted of “mystic reveries” (Festu-
monogenesis) between the Chinese, Indian, and Hellenic
gière): observation and inquiry were rejected, and intuition
forms of spiritual alchemy is not very clear. Islamic culture,
replaced science; the “sacred craft” was revealed through di-
on the other hand, played a vital role in the transmission of
vine grace; the chosen were few, bound to secrecy; and the
alchemical knowledge; many of the Greek texts were translat-
goal was the liberation of the soul from the body.
ed into Arabic and through this link, reached the West dur-
The lore of the craft. Alchemy, hopelessly aiming at the
ing the late Middle Ages. Thus, the transmutation of matter
transformation of metals into gold, has often been viewed as
continued, with its occult framework, into the Renaissance
something like a misguided application of chemistry. Yet its
and beyond. But then modern science rejected ideology, and
significance lies, indeed lay even for its practitioners, not so
with the loss of its “exoteric” component to chemistry, alche-
much in the experimental method and the outcome of metal-
my was reduced to its “esoteric” questions about man’s rela-
lic transmutation as in other spheres, notably anthropology,
tion to the cosmos. In our day the mystic movement of the
religion, and folklore. The story has been reconstructed by
Rosicrucians, which appeared during the seventeenth centu-
Mircea Eliade: it goes back to archaic times and surfaced in
ry, is a typical relic—and faint echo—of the vanished Helle-
Hellenistic Egypt. Its protagonist was the smith, the adept
nistic cult.
who dominated matter by transforming it. The insights de-
SEE ALSO See also Gnosticism; Hermetism; Rosicrucians.
riving from his work gave rise to new meanings and symbols:
matter was suffering; transmutation perfected matter; re-
B
demption was freedom from matter. In short, the primary
IBLIOGRAPHY
The literature is large and rapidly growing. A comprehensive bibli-
function of alchemy, physical transmutation, escalated into
ography is Alan Pritchard’s Alchemy: A Bibliography of En-
metaphysical transmutation: the opus alchimicum became a
glish-Language Writings (London and Boston, 1980). The
symbol of the opus divinum. The title of one of the promi-
previous standard, Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs, ed-
nent alchemical works of the early post-Christian era by
ited and translated by Marcellin P. E. Berthelot and Charles-
Pseudo-Democritus (and ascribed to Bolos from Mendes, in
Émile Ruelle, 3 vols. (1887–1888; reprint, Osnabrück,
Egypt) stressed the dichotomy: Phusika kai mustika (Natural
1967), will be superseded by Les alchimistes grecs, 12 vols.
and Mystical Matters).
(1981–), a comprehensive edition of the texts, with French
translations.
Depth psychology. The attribution of life to matter
Good surveys, from varying standpoints and usually with biblio-
was the foundation of alchemical belief. Enticed by the re-
graphical information, may be consulted in the standard cy-
semblances between the dreams of his patients and alchemi-
clopedias: Wilhelm Gundel’s “Alchemie,” in Reallexikon für
cal symbols, C. G. Jung read this belief from his psychoana-
Antike und Christentum (Stuttgart, 1950); Franz Strunz’s
lytic standpoint as the projection of inner experience onto
“Alchemie,” in Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 3d
matter, and thus as the identification of matter with the Self.
ed., vol. 1 (Tübingen, 1957); René Alleau’s “Alchimie,” in
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
248
ALCHEMY: ISLAMIC ALCHEMY
Encyclopaedia Universalis, vol. 1 (Paris, 1968); Bernard
highest form of perfection. The word k¯ımiya¯ D also refers to
Suler’s “Alchemy,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 2 (Jerusa-
the agent or catalyst that effects the transmutation and hence
lem, 1971); Manfred Ullmann’s “Al-Kimiya,” in The Ency-
is used as a synonym for al-iks¯ır (“elixir”) and h:ajar
clopaedia of Islam, new ed., vol. 5 (Leiden, 1979); and Robert
al-fala¯sifah (“philosopher’s stone”). The search for the ideal
P. Multhauf’s “Alchemy,” in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th
elixir has been an ancient quest in many cultures of the
ed., vol. 1 (Chicago, 1983).
world; it was supposed to transform metals to their most per-
The present overview draws, in particular, on the studies by A.-J.
fect form (gold) and minerals to their best potency and, if
Festugière, La révélation d’Hermès Trismégiste, vol. 1 (Paris,
the correct elixir were to be found, to achieve immortality.
1950), and “Alchymica” (1939), reprinted in Hermétisme et
All matter of a particular type, metals for example, were sup-
mystique païenne (Paris, 1967); Mircea Eliade’s The Forge and
the Crucible, 2d ed. (Chicago, 1978); C. G. Jung’s Psychology
posed to consist of the same elements. The correct k¯ımiya¯ D
and Alchemy, translated by R. F. C. Hull (Princeton, 1953);
or iks¯ır would enable the transposition of the elements into
and the various articles and reviews by H. J. Sheppard in the
ideal proportions and cause the metal concerned to be
journal Ambix, listed in the index for volumes 1–17.
changed from a base form to a perfected form, for instance,
copper to gold.
New Sources
Primary literature
On another level, the philosophical theory of alchemy
Mertens, Michèle. Les alchimistes grecs. Paris, 1995.
was used to conceptualize the purification of the soul. The
Zosimos of Panopolis. On the Letter Omega, edited and translated
terminology and procedures of alchemy were allegorized and
by Howard M. Jackson. Missoula, Mt., 1978.
applied to the transformation of the soul from its base, earth-
Secondary literature
ly, impure state to pure perfection. Elementary psychological
Edwards, Mark J. “The Vessel of Zosimus the Alchemist.”
postulations were allegorized as chemical properties. For the
Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 90 (1992): 55–64.
mystics, the iks¯ır served as a symbol of the divine truth that
Faivre, Antoine. The Eternal Hermes. Grand Rapids, Mich., 1995.
changed an unbeliever into a believer. In S:u¯f¯ı literature, the
Haage, Bernhard Dietrich. Alchemie im Mittelalter. Düsseldorf
spiritual master purifies the soul of the adept via various pro-
and Zürich, 1996.
cesses of spiritual alchemy. This usage of alchemical princi-
Idel, Moshe. “The Origin of Alchemy according to Zosimos and
ples in the spiritual realm reflects the worldview of the an-
a Hebrew Parallel.” Revue des Etudes Juifs 145 (1986):
cients, including those of medieval Islam, whereby the
117–124.
human soul was regarded as a microcosm of the forces and
Kahn, Didier, and Sylvain Matton, eds. Alchimie: art, histoire et
principles contained in the macrocosm of the universe.
mythes. Actes du 1er colloque international de la Société d’étude
de l’histoire de l’alchimie (Paris, Collège de France, 14–15–16
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND. In Muslim tradition, alchemy
mars 1991). Milan, 1995.
enjoys ancient roots. The cultivation of alchemy is traced
Matton, Sylvain. “Le commentaire dans la littérature alchimique.”
back to Adam, followed by most of the major prophets and
In Le commentaire entre tradition et innovation. Actes du collo-
sages. This chain of transmission is then connected to the
que international de l’Institut des traditions textuelles, Paris et
“masters” from the ancient world, including Aristotle, Galen,
Villejuif, 22–25 septembre 1999, edited by Marie-Odile Gou-
Socrates, Plato, and others. Muslims are considered to have
let-Cazé et al., pp. 437–453. Paris, 2000.
received the art from these masters. In Islamic times, the
Meinel, Christoph, ed. Die Alchemie in der europäischen Kultur-
prophet Muh:ammad (d. 632 CE), is said to have endorsed
und Wissenschaftsgeschichte. Wiesbaden, 1986.
the art, lending it grace and power; his cousin and son-in-
Von Martels, Z.R.W.N., ed. Alchemy Revisited. Proceedings of the
law, EAl¯ı ibn Ab¯ı T:a¯lib (d. 661), is regarded as its patron.
International Conference on the History of Alchemy at the Uni-
EAl¯ı’s descendant JaEfar al-S:a¯diq (d. 765) is portrayed as the
versity of Groningen. 17–19 April 1989. Leiden, 1990.
next major transmitter. The Umayyad prince Kha¯lid ibn
H
Yaz¯ıd (660–704) is depicted as both a practitioner and a pa-
ENRY KAHANE (1987)
RENÉE KAHANE (1987)
tron of alchemy who encouraged the translation of relevant
Revised Bibliography
Greek and Syriac texts into Arabic. Legendary tales indicate
that he learned the art from a Syrian monk named Marianos,
whom he sought out on long journeys to strange lands. Ja¯bir
ALCHEMY: ISLAMIC ALCHEMY
ibn H:ayya¯n (d. c. 815), who is held to be the disciple of JaEfar
The Arabic term for alchemy is al-k¯ımiya¯ D. The word k¯ımiya¯D
al-S:a¯diq, is credited with more than three hundred treatises
is alternately derived from the Greek chumeia (or ch¯emeia),
on alchemy; consequently, the name of this quasi-historical
denoting the “art of transmutation,” or from kim-iya, a
figure came to imply the authority and teacher par excel-
South Chinese term meaning “gold-making juice.” Greek
lence.
and later Hellenistic writings are generally regarded as the
The Jabirian corpus. By contrast with these legendary
initial impetus behind Muslim learning, thus the wide accep-
accounts, modern scholarship places the development of Is-
tance of the Greek origin of the word.
lamic alchemy in the ninth century. Ja¯bir ibn H:ayya¯n is in-
In the Islamic context, al-k¯ımiya¯ D refers to the “art” of
deed recorded as the first major alchemist, but the writings
transmuting substances, both material and spiritual, to their
attributed to him are mainly pseudepigraphical, and many
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALCHEMY: ISLAMIC ALCHEMY
249
appeared as late as the tenth century. The Book of Mercy, the
their extensive pursuit of the elixir that the Jabirian treatises
Book of the Balances, the Book of One Hundred and Twelve,
resemble those of al-Ra¯z¯ı.
the Seventy Books, and the Five Hundred Books are some of
the important works in the collection. Movements such as
Al-Ra¯z¯ı. The physician and philosopher Muh:ammad
the Ikhwa¯n al-S:afa¯D (Brethren of Purity) probably influenced
ibn Zakariya¯D al-Ra¯z¯ı (d. 925) is the next Muslim alchemist
or even contributed to some of the treatises in the Jabirian
who made a major impact on the art. To the sulfur-mercury
corpus, which forms an important source of information on
theory of the constitution of metals he added the attribute
alchemic techniques, equipment, materials, and attitudes.
of salinity. The popular conception of alchemy with three
elements—sulfur, mercury, and salt—reappeared in Europe
According to the sulfur-mercury theory of metals intro-
and played an important role in Western alchemy. Accord-
duced in the corpus, all metals were considered to possess
ing to al-Ra¯z¯ı, bodies were composed of invisible elements
these two elements, or the two principles they represent, in
(atoms) and of empty space that lay between them. These
varying proportions, the combination of which lends each
atoms were eternal and possessed a certain size. This concep-
metal its peculiarities. Sulfur was responsible for the hot/dry
tion seems close to the explanation of the structure of matter
features and mercury, the cold/moist ones. (Aristotle consid-
in modern physics. Al-Ra¯z¯ı’s books, Sirr al-asra¯r (The secret
ered these four features to be represented by fire, earth, air,
of secrets) and Madkhal al-ta El¯ım¯ı (Instructive [or Practical]
and water respectively.) Sulfur and mercury embody the pos-
introduction), are important sources for understanding the
itive and negative aspects of matter, also referred to as male
principles and techniques of alchemy as practiced in the
and female properties.
tenth-century Muslim world, specifically Iran. In them, he
provides a systematic classification of carefully observed and
The Book of the Balances theorizes that the metals are
verified facts regarding chemical substances, reactions, and
generated from contrary elements. Each body expresses an
apparatus, described in language that is free of mysticism
equilibrium of the natures composing it, and this harmony
and ambiguity. Of the voluminous Jabirian writings only the
can be expressed numerically by the musical harmony that
Book of Mercy is mentioned by al-Ra¯z¯ı, perhaps because the
governs the heavens. The qualitative differences and degrees
other works were composed after his lifetime.
of intensity of the natures are analogous to the differences
of tone in the musical scale. Further, each body represents
Other masters. Muh:ammad ibn EUmayil (tenth centu-
a balance between internal and two external qualities, with
ry) was famous for his Kita¯b al-ma D al-waraq¯ı (The book of
each metal characterized by two internal and two external
the silvery water and the starry earth) and Kita¯b al Eilm al-
qualities. The transmutation of one metal into another is
muktasab, two of his main works on alchemy. The writings
thus an adjustment of the ratio of the latent and manifest
attributed to EAli ibn Wah:sh¯ıya¯D (a legendary figure of the
constituents of the first to the second, an adjustment to be
tenth century) provided encyclopedic information on the
brought about by an elixir. Each metal is regarded as an in-
tradition of alchemy in Islam. He is an important source of
version of one of the others, and transmutation is a simple
information on the alchemists and their art. He also provides
changing of qualities, which could be accomplished the same
the views of prominent nonalchemists on the subject. Anoth-
way that a physician cures by counterbalancing an excessive
er important work compiled at this time is the Mus:h:af
humor with one of contrary quality. The elixirs, in other
al-jama¯ Eah, known as the Turba philosophorum in its famous
words, were the alchemists’ medicines.
Latin translation; here the author, who has yet to be definite-
ly identified, describes an ancient congress of alchemists
According to the Jabirian corpus, there are various elix-
chaired by Pythagoras, with Archelaus recording the doc-
irs suitable for specific transmutations, but transmutations
trines expounded by nine pre-Socratic philosophers. Masla-
of every kind could be brought about by a grand or master
mah al-Majr¯ıt:¯ı (d. 1007?) was the author of the famous al-
elixir, the prime focus of the alchemists’ endeavors. An im-
chemical guide Rutbat al-h:ak¯ım (The step of the sages); his
portant and original link between theory and practice is pro-
book on practical magic, Gha Eyat al-h:ak¯ım (The limit of the
vided by the Jabirian author of the Seventy Books, who ex-
sages), was also very popular and was translated in the West.
plains that material phenomena can be separated not only
A notable figure in the following century is H:usayn EAli
into their elements but into the contrary qualities by distilla-
al-Tughra¯Di (d. 1121?), author of the important defense of
tion. The inflammable and nonflammable vapors that are
alchemy Kita¯b h:aqa¯ Eiq al-isthisha¯d f¯ı-al-k¯ımiya¯D (Truths of
usually evolved when organic matter is subject to heat for dis-
the evidence submitted with regard to alchemy). Written in
tillation are considered to represent “fire” and “air.” The
1112, the work is a strong refutation of the negative polemics
condensable liquid that follows from the process is called
of Ibn S¯ına¯. Later documentation of the practice of alchemy
“water,” and the residue “earth.” The author then attempts
is provided by the Egyptian Aydamir ibn EAl¯ı al-Jildak¯ı
the division of these elements into the pair of qualities of
(d. 1360), whose encyclopedic works provide summaries of
which each was made. He claims not only that this process
and commentaries upon everything that had been written on
is applicable to organic matter but that even the hardest
alchemy and magic before him.
stones are distillable. The use of elixirs from the distillation
of organic materials, which has been called a Jabirian innova-
OPPOSITION TO THE ART. Although widespread, alchemy
tion, indicates the medical orientation of alchemy. It is in
did not have the approval of all Muslim scholars. Thus Ibn
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
250
ALCHEMY: RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY
S¯ına¯ (d. 1035) censured it as a futile activity and contested
1960–). As yet no comprehensive critical study of the origin,
the assertion that humans are able to imitate nature. He as-
development, and practices of traditional Islamic alchemy is
serted that the alchemists were only able to make something
available.
that externally resembles the precious metals, because the ac-
Overviews of Islamic alchemy within the context of global surveys
tual substance of base metals remained unchanged. The great
of alchemy or chemistry can be found in Eric J. Holmyard’s
North African historian Ibn Khaldu¯n (d. 1406) also made
Alchemy (Baltimore, 1957), chap. 5; George Sarton’s Intro-
a critical assessment of Arab-Islamic alchemical activities. He
duction to the History of Science, 3 vols. in 5 (Washington,
characterized alchemy as the study of the properties, virtues,
D.C., 1927–1948); Robert P. Multhauf’s The Origins of
and temperatures of the elements used for the preparation
Chemistry (London, 1966); Studien zur Geschichte der Che-
mie, edited by Julius Ruska (Berlin, 1927); and Homer H.
of and search for an elixir that could transform lesser metals
Dub’s “The Beginnings of Alchemy,” Isis 38 (November
into gold. Elements used for the elixir included animal re-
1947): 62–86. Dubs argues that alchemy in Islam originated
fuse, urine, manure, bones, feathers, blood, hair, eggs, and
in China.
nails, as well as minerals. Distillation, sublimation, calcina-
Julius Ruska and Karl Garbers discuss the mutual relation of the
tion, and other techniques were used to separate elements in
corpus Jabirian and the writings of al-Ra¯z¯ı, large alchemical
the extracts used in the preparation of the elixir. Alchemists
works written at the end of the ninth and tenth centuries,
believed that if the correct elixir could be obtained by these
in “Vorschriften zur Herstellung von scharfen Wässern bei
methods, it could then be added to concocted lead, copper,
Gabir und Razi,” Islam 25 (1938): 1–35. Some of the prob-
or tin over fire to yield pure gold. For his part, Ibn Khaldu¯n
lems surrounding these writings are studied in Ruska’s
rejected the alchemists’ claims that their transmutations were
Cha¯lid ibn Jaz¯ıd ibn Mu Ea¯wija and Ga¯ Dfar al-Sa¯diq der sech-
intended to perfect the work of nature by mechanical and
ste Ima¯m, volumes 1 and 2 of Arabische Alchemisten (Heidel-
technical procedures. He also criticized the authenticity of
berg, 1924); in Paul Kraus’s “Studien zu Jâbir Ibn Hayyân,”
works ascribed to Kha¯lid ibn Yaz¯ıd and argued that the elab-
Isis (February 1931): 7–30; and in Gerard Heym’s “Al-Ra¯z¯ı
orate sciences and arts of Islam had not been developed in
and Alchemy,” Ambix 1 (March 1938): 184–191.
that early time.
A valuable study of the secret names used by Arab alchemists is
Julius Ruska and E. Wiedemann’s “Alchemistische Deckna-
INFLUENCE ON THE WEST. Islamic alchemy was brought to
men,” in Sitzungsberichte der physikalisch-medicinische Sozi-
the West in the twelfth century, mostly through translations.
etät (Erlangen, 1924). Their study partially utilizes
The earliest extant Latin translation of an Arabic treatise on
al-TugraE¯ı’s Kita¯b al-Jawhar al-na¯dir (Book of the brilliant
alchemy is generally considered to be Robert of Chester’s
stone).
work De compositione alchemiae, dating from 1144. Some
HABIBEH RAHIM (1987)
scholars consider it as a possible later Latin forgery, but this
issue is very complicated and requires further study. About
the same time, Gerard of Cremona (1114–1187) translated
the Jabirian Seventy Books into Latin; De aluminibus et salibus
ALCHEMY: RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY
and Liber luminis luminum are considered his translations.
The Renaissance and post-Renaissance period marked both
Other works that seem to be translations from Arabic prior
the high point and the turning point of alchemy in the West.
to the appearance of the first indigenous European alchemi-
During the same years in which Kepler, Galileo, Descartes,
cal writing (the Ars alchemia, c. 1225, attributed to Michael
Boyle, and Newton wrote their revolutionary scientific
Scot, d. 1232) were the De anima of Ibn S¯ına¯, the Turba
works, more alchemical texts were published than ever be-
philosophorum, the Emerald Tablet, the Secret of Creation, and
fore. But under the impact first of the Reformation and later
al-Ra¯z¯ı’s Sirr al-asra¯r. Thus it seems that the majority of cele-
of the seventeenth-century scientific revolution, alchemy was
brated Islamic alchemical works were known in Europe by
profoundly changed and ultimately discredited. The organic,
the middle of the thirteenth century.
qualitative theories of the alchemists were replaced by an at-
omistic, mechanical model of change, which eventually un-
SEE ALSO Elixir.
dermined the alchemical theory of transmutation. The bal-
ance between the spiritual and the physical, which had
BIBLIOGRAPHY
characterized alchemical thought throughout its long histo-
For general surveys of Islamic alchemy, the following essays are
ry, was shattered, and alchemy was split into two halves, the-
useful: Salimuzzaman Siddiqi and S. Mahdihassan’s “Chem-
osophy and the practical laboratory science of chemistry.
istry,” in A History of Muslim Philosophy, edited by M. M.
THE PRACTICE OF ALCHEMY. For the most part Renaissance
Sharif (Wiesbaden, 1966), vol. 2, pp. 1296–1316; Seyyed
alchemists accepted the theories and practices of their ancient
Hossein Nasr’s “Alchemy and Other Occult Sciences,” in his
and medieval predecessors. By the time the study of alchemy
Islamic Science: An Illustrated Study (Westerham, U.K.,
1976), pp. 193–208; Eric J. Holmyard’s “Alchemy in Medi-
came to Europe, it was already an established discipline with
eval Islam,” Endeavour 14 (July 1955): 117–125; Julius
a respected past. The theories upon which it was based were
Ruska’s Turba Philosophorum: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der
an integral part of ancient philosophy. Western scientists ac-
Alchemie (Berlin, 1931); and Manfred Ullmann’s
cepted these theories precisely because they provided plausi-
“al-K¯ımiya¯,” in The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed. (Leiden,
ble explanations for the way events were observed to occur
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALCHEMY: RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY
251
in nature and the laboratory. Transmutation was seen to be
(8) separation (Scorpio)
an aspect of all forms of change. Caterpillars turn into butter-
(9) ceration (Sagittarius)
flies; ice melts; food becomes flesh. Long before there were
practicing alchemists, the mechanism behind these transfor-
(10) fermentation (Capricorn)
mations was investigated. The ancients had supplied expla-
(11) multiplication (Aquarius)
nations that satisfied most alchemists up to the seventeenth
century. By combining Aristotelian physics, Stoicism, and
(12) projection (Pisces)
Hermetism, Western alchemists evolved a vitalistic philoso-
Alchemy had always been profoundly influenced by astrolo-
phy that viewed all phenomena as alive and striving for per-
gy. Since the alchemical signs of the seven metals were those
fection. Whatever is imperfect (the base metal lead, for exam-
of the seven planets, it seemed reasonable to assume that in
ple) will eventually become perfect (gold) in the course of
their reactions they would respond to the movements of their
time or with the help of the mysterious substance known to
namesakes in the heavens above.
alchemists as the philosopher’s stone.
It is not easy to describe and distinguish all the different
Although transmutation appeared straightforward on a
alchemical processes. Calcination is simple enough: it in-
theoretical level, it proved more difficult to accomplish in
volved heating a substance in an open or closed vessel and
practice. Thomas Norton, a famous fifteenth-century En-
usually included oxidation and the blackening of the sub-
glish alchemist whose Ordinall of Alkimy was one of the most
stance. (This process may have given alchemy one of its
popular alchemical works of the period, describes how frus-
many names, “the black art.”) Calcination was described by
trating the work of an alchemist could be. Just finding the
alchemists as “mortification,” “death,” or “putrefaction,” and
appropriate raw materials was difficult enough. Norton gives
the alchemical vessel in which it occurred was the “tomb,”
a poignant portrait of an alchemist who has fallen into de-
the “coffin,” even “Hades” or “Hell.” Congelation and fixa-
spair because after years of fruitless experimenting he cannot
tion consisted of making the substances solid and nonvola-
decide what to try next. Even if an alchemist was lucky
tile. This essential step brought the alchemist closer to gold,
enough to choose the right ingredients, there arose the addi-
the most stable and “fixed” of all the metals. Dissolution and
tional problem of determining what to do with them.
digestion were connected with the white stage and purifica-
The steps of transmutation were laid out clearly in re-
tion. Distillation and sublimation were confused by alche-
spect to color. The work had to proceed from the black stage,
mists until the eighteenth century, but both processes awed
during which time the alchemists believed they killed the
them. When they saw vapors rise, condense, and revaporize,
substances in their vessels, through the white stage, during
they thought they were witnessing a miraculous transforma-
which the ingredients were purified, to the final red stage,
tion in which the “soul” of matter separated from its “body”
which marked the successful fabrication of the philosopher’s
and reunited with it in a purer state.
stone. As Norton explains, “Red is the last work in Alkimy.”
Separation was an elastic term describing the filtration,
Although the color sequence was well established, Re-
decantation, or distillation of a liquid from its residue. With
naissance alchemists could not agree on the chemical pro-
fermentation, multiplication, and projection, one arrives at
cesses necessary to produce the change from black to white
the heart of the alchemical work of making the philosopher’s
to red. The most optimistic practitioners said the stone was
stone. Through fermentation, the stone became akin to yeast
made from one substance in one vessel in one operation, but
and acquired the power to transmute substances. Multiplica-
judging from pictures depicting the cluttered array of appara-
tion augmented the power of the stone to such a degree that
tus littering laboratory floors, most alchemists took a less san-
it could transmute many times its weight of base metal with-
guine and simplistic view of their task. Daniel Stolcius illus-
out losing its strength. In the final process, projection, the
trates eleven chemical processes in his book on alchemical
stone was made into a powder and thrown on whatever was
emblems (Viridarium chymicum . . . , 1624). Salomon Tris-
to be transmuted.
mosin reduced the number to seven in his Splendor Solis.
Estimates about the length of time it took to make the
George Ripley, another respected English adept, describes
philosopher’s stone varied from one day to twelve years. The
twelve steps in his Twelve Gates of Alchemy. Dom Pernety,
common analogy between the stone and a child (the stone
a French alchemist living in the eighteenth century, asso-
was often referred to as the “royal child” or “son”) explains
ciates each process with one sign of the zodiac:
why nine months was frequently cited. The conflicting esti-
(1) calcination (Aries)
mates lead one to agree with Norton that for the alchemist
(2) congelation (Taurus)
patience was a preeminent virtue.
(3) fixation (Gemini)
Another difficulty facing the alchemist was regulating
(4) dissolution (Cancer)
the fire. Since a practical thermometer was not invented until
the eighteenth century, this was an almost impossible task.
(5) digestion (Leo)
Many alchemists inadvertently blew up their experiments by
(6) distillation (Virgo)
applying too much heat or ruined months of work by allow-
(7) sublimation (Libra)
ing the fire to die out. The problem of heat was so crucial
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
252
ALCHEMY: RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY
that Norton devoted a chapter of his Ordinall to the subject
and peace. The various alchemical processes had nothing to
and describes the alchemist who properly controls the fire as
do with chemical change; they were steps in the mysterious
“a parfet Master.”
process of spiritual regeneration. Spiritual alchemists con-
stantly stress the moral requirements of their art. The author
The obscurity of alchemical texts provided a final and
of Aurora Consurgens, for example, insists that alchemists
often insurmountable obstacle facing Renaissance alche-
must be humble, holy, chaste, virtuous, faithful, charitable,
mists. Alchemists were masters of metaphor. They dressed
temperate, and obedient. These are not qualities expected of
up their instructions in parables and allegories, veiled them
a practical chemist. That they were emphasized by spiritual
in symbols, delighted in enigmas, and preferred to call a sub-
alchemists demonstrates how dominant the religious aspects
stance by any name other than its common one. Even the
of alchemy had become.
great genius Newton found himself baffled by the obscurity
of alchemical literature and symbolism.
The interpretation of alchemy as a spiritual discipline
The opacity of alchemical writings was partly a response
offended many churchmen, who viewed the combination of
to opposition from the church, which was suspicious of the
alchemical concepts and Christian dogma in the writings of
religious implications of alchemical symbolism. Alchemists
spiritual alchemists as dangerous heresy. One of the most
were also justifiably afraid of running afoul of national laws
daring appropriations of Christian symbolism was made by
against counterfeiting; they were afraid of being kidnapped
Nicholas Melchior of Hermanstadt, who expounded the al-
as well. Alchemical literature is filled with stories of adepts
chemical work in the form of a mass. Melchior had been an-
captured by impoverished adventurers intent on wresting the
ticipated to some extent by Norton, who had called his book
secret of transmutation from them. It was therefore only pru-
an “Ordinall.” Heinrich Khunrath (1560–1601) provides
dent for alchemists to disguise their secret wisdom as well as
another example of alchemy’s spiritual extremists. In his The
their own identities.
Amphitheatre of Eternal Wisdom, Khunrath interprets trans-
mutation as a mystical process occurring within the adept’s
Aside from the real dangers of imprisonment, excom-
soul. He calls the alchemist’s laboratory a Lab Oratorium.
munication, or capture, there were other reasons for the ob-
Spiritual alchemists like Khunrath often identified the phi-
scurity of alchemical writings. Over the centuries, the mean-
losopher’s stone with Christ on the grounds that both re-
ing of many alchemical terms changed, and the continual
deemed base matter. Hermann Kopp, the nineteenth-
translation of alchemical texts (from Greek to Arabic to Latin
century historian of alchemy, was scandalized by the parallel
and then into the vernaculars) compounded the confusion.
drawn between Christ and the philosopher’s stone, which
The most important reason for their obscurity, however, is
subject took up more than fifty pages in the alchemical tract
rooted in the nature of alchemy itself. Alchemy shared the
Der Wasserstein der Weysen (Die Alchemie in älterer und neuer
same mystical associations that surrounded mining and met-
Zeit, 1886, vol. l, p. 254). Not only did spiritual alchemists
allurgy among ancient and primitive peoples. Alchemy was
identify the philosopher’s stone with Christ, but they identi-
as much a spiritual process as a physical one, and the obscuri-
fied themselves with both. The heresy involved is obvious.
ty of alchemical language reflects its religious orientation.
Luther was one of the few highly placed churchmen to praise
ALCHEMY AS A SPIRITUAL DISCIPLINE. Mystery and religion,
alchemy both for its practical uses and for its verification of
which were a part of alchemy from its beginnings, gained in
Christian doctrine.
importance from the Renaissance onward. In many cases al-
Alchemists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
chemy moved out of the laboratory altogether and into the
drew many of their ideas from Renaissance Neoplatonism
monk’s cell or philosopher’s study. “Our gold is not com-
and Hermetism. In all three systems, the world was seen as
mon gold,” wrote the sixteenth-century author of the Rosary
a single organism penetrated by spiritual forces that worked
of Philosophers. The popularity of alchemy as a spiritual disci-
at all levels, the vegetable, animal, human, and spiritual.
pline coincided with the breakdown of religious orthodoxy
Frances Yates has brillantly described the “magus” mentality
and social organization during the Renaissance and the Ref-
that evolved from these ideas and encouraged people to be-
ormation. Petrus Bonus was one of the many alchemists to
lieve they could understand and control their environment.
emphasize the spiritual nature of alchemy. It was, he says in
This state of mind is illustrated in the writings of Paracelsus
his work The New Pearl of Great Price, revealed by God, not
(1493–1541). For Paracelsus, God was the divine alchemist,
for humanity’s material comfort, but for its spiritual well-
who created the world by calcinating, congealing, distilling,
being. For these spiritual alchemists, alchemy had nothing
and sublimating the elements of chaos. Chemistry was the
to do with the making of gold. (They dismissed those alche-
key to the universe, which would disclose the secrets of theol-
mists benighted enough to think it did as “sooty empiricks”
ogy, physics, and medicine. The alchemists had only to read
or “puffers.”) All the ingredients mentioned in alchemical
the reactions in their laboratories on a grand scale to fathom
recipes—the minerals, metals, acids, compounds, and mix-
the mysteries of creation.
tures—were in truth only one, the alchemist, who was the
base matter in need of purification by the fire; and the acid
RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY AND MODERN SCIENCE. By instill-
needed to accomplish this transformation came from the al-
ing some of the grandiose ideas of spiritual alchemy into the
chemist’s own spiritual malaise and longing for wholeness
practical study of chemical reactions, Paracelsus and his fol-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALCHEMY: RENAISSANCE ALCHEMY
253
lowers transformed alchemy into a universal science of mat-
brought all the wisdom of past ages into doubt. Although
ter concerned with every aspect of material change. “Chemis-
skepticism was bitterly opposed by philosophers and theolo-
try is nothing else but the Art and Knowledge of Nature
gians on the grounds that it undermined the very possibility
itself,” wrote Nicolas le Fèvre in his popular book, A Com-
of rational knowledge, it paradoxically contributed in the
pleat Body of Chemistry (1670). This greatly expanded vision
long run to the development of a constructive scientific
of alchemy’s role struck a responsive cord in the millenarian
method that benefited all the sciences. Observation and ex-
movements prevalent in Europe during the sixteenth and
periment became the shibboleths of the new science and,
seventeenth centuries. The Rosicrucian manifestos were typi-
eventually, the cause of alchemy’s undoing. As more and
cal of the utopian visions in the air. Using the language and
more negative evidence was gradually accumulated through
imagery of spiritual alchemy, they called for the regeneration
careful laboratory experiments, the alchemical dream of
of society and outlined in broad strokes the social, economic,
transmutation faded into the recesses of history.
political, and religious reforms necessary.
SEE ALSO Metals and Metallurgy.
No one knows who wrote the Rosicrucian manifestos.
They have been attributed to Johann Valentin Andrea
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(1586–1654), whose acknowledged writings contain a simi-
General accounts of the history of Renaissance alchemy and the
lar blend of utopianism and spiritual alchemy. In his most
emergence of chemistry may be found in my Alchemy: The
famous work, Christianopolis, Andrea describes an ideal soci-
Philosopher’s Stone (Boulder, Colo., 1980); Allen G. Debus’s
ety organized to promote the health, education, and welfare
The Chemical Philosophy: Paracelsian Science and Medicine in
of its citizens. One of the institutions in this society is a “lab-
the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, 2 vols. (New York,
oratory” dedicated to the investigation of nature and to the
1977); Eric J. Holmyard’s Alchemy (Baltimore, 1957); John
application of useful discoveries for the public good.
Read’s Through Alchemy to Chemistry (London, 1957); and
J. R. Partington’s A History of Chemistry, 4 vols. (London,
Francis Bacon (1561–1626) was one of the many phi-
1961–1970). Ambix: The Journal for the Society for the Study
losophers influenced by the Rosicrucian manifestos. Bacon
of Alchemy and Early Chemistry (Cambridge, 1937–1979)
looked forward to what he called a “Great Instauration” of
contains important specialized articles. Maurice P. Cros-
learning that would herald the return of the Golden Age. He
land’s Historical Studies in the Language of Chemistry (Lon-
described this in his own utopia, The New Atlantis.
don, 1962) provides an invaluable guide to the intricacies of
alchemical terminology. Betty J. Dobbs’s The Foundations of
Neither Andrea nor Bacon said much that was new or
Newton’s Alchemy (Cambridge, 1975) sheds light on the peri-
significant in terms of science. What was novel in their vi-
od of transition from alchemy to chemistry. The best intro-
sions was the idea of a scientific institution whose members
duction to Paracelsus is Walter Pagel’s Paracelsus (New York,
worked by a common method toward a common goal. The
1958). Renaissance Neoplatonism, Hermetism, and the
secrecy and mystery that had been such a basic part of alche-
Qabbalah are brilliantly described and analyzed in Frances
my played no role in the scientific societies each describes,
Yates’s Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (London,
1964). She discusses the Rosicrucian manifestos in The Rosi-
although their visions had been sparked by the utopian
crucian Enlightenment (London, 1972). H. J. Sheppard has
schemes of spiritual alchemists. This was one of the most im-
published important articles on alchemical symbolism in
portant innovations to emerge in all the utopian literature
Ambix. Jacques van Lennep’s L’art et l’alchimie (Paris, 1966)
of the seventeenth century and the one that had the greatest
is also useful. J. W. Montgomery discusses Luther’s views on
impact on the decline of alchemy. Once alchemists openly
alchemy in “Cross, Constellation and Crucible: Lutheran As-
communicated their discoveries, the stage was set for the tre-
trology and Alchemy in the Age of Reformation,” Ambix 11
mendous advances that have come to be expected from the
(1963): 65–86.
natural sciences.
There are several collections of Renaissance alchemical texts.
Thomas Norton’s Ordinall and George Ripley’s Twelve
In 1655 a small book was published entitled Chymical,
Gates can be found in Elias Ashmole’s Theatrum Chemicum
Medicinal, and Churgical Addresses: Made to Samuel Hartlib,
Britannicum (1652; reprint, New York, 1967). Theatrum
Esquire. Between the covers of this slim volume, the old and
Chemicum (1659–1661) provides six volumes of alchemical
the new alchemy lie side by side. The arcane and bombastic
writings. Another collection, the Musaeum Hermeticum Re-
variety of spiritual alchemy is represented by Eirenaeus Phi-
formatum (Frankfurt, 1678) has been translated by Arthur E.
lalethes’s Ripley’s Epistle to King Edward Unfolded; but the
Waite as The Hermetic Museum, 2 vols. (London, 1893).
new alchemy, dedicated to the cooperative investigation of
New Sources
nature for the public good, is advocated in a treatise by Boyle
Beitchman, Philip. Alchemy of the Word: Cabala of the Renaissance.
significantly entitled An Invitation to a free and generous
Albany, N.Y., 1998.
Communication of Secrets and Receits of Physick. Boyle urged
Debus, Allen G., and Michael T. Walton, eds. Reading the Book
alchemists to share their secrets for the sake of common char-
of Nature: The Other Side of the Scientific Revolution. Kirksvil-
ity and scientific advancement.
le, Mo., 1998.
The Reformation was both a cause and a consequence
Dee, Arthur. Fasciculus Chemicus. Translated by Elias Ashmole.
of a growing attitude of philosophical skepticism, which
Edited by Lyndy Abraham. New York, 1997.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
254
ALCUIN
Hakansson, Hakan. “Seeing the Word: John Dee and Renaissance
sometimes claimed for him is questionable. He supervised
Occultism.” Ph.D. diss., Lund University, Sweden, 2001.
the production of an excellent working text of the Vulgate,
Linden, Stanton J. Darke Hierogliphicks: Alchemy in English Litera-
widely disseminated in the ninth century by Tours scribes.
ture from Chaucer to the Restoration. Lexington, 1996.
One of his last works was a substantial handbook for private
devotion. Much of his teaching was quickly out-of-date be-
Secret, François. Lectures on the Rosticrucian Enlightenment, the
History of Alchelmy in the Renaissance, Guillaume Postel en
cause his own pupils improved on it, but his personal reputa-
1981, Christian Kabbalah, Postel’s Kabbaslistic Mysticism.
tion began to diminish only in the later ninth century. His
[Calgary], 1981.
pedagogic works were used by some eleventh- and twelfth-
century cathedral schools, and ordinary parish priests read
Szulakowska, Urszula. The Alchemy of Light: Geometry and Optics
in Late Renaissance Alchemical Illustration. Leiden and Bos-
his work on the Trinity throughout the Middle Ages. Clergy
ton, 2000.
and laity have prayed in Alcuin’s words down to the present.
ALLISON COUDERT (1987)
Revised Bibliography
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bullough, Donald A. “Alcuin and the Kingdom of Heaven: Litur-
gy, Theology and the Carolingian Age.” In Carolingian Es-
says: Andrew W. Mellon Lectures in Early Christian Studies,
ALCUIN (730/40–804), also known as Albinus; educator,
edited by Uta-Renate Blumenthal, pp. 1–69. Washington,
D.C., 1983. A reassessment of Alcuin’s achievement on the
poet, theologian, and liturgist successively at York, the Caro-
basis of the textual and manuscript evidence.
lingian court, and Saint-Martin’s, Tours. The son of a
Northumbrian small landowner, Alcuin joined the York ca-
Gaskoin, C. J. B. Alcuin: His Life and Work (1904). Reprint, New
thedral community in boyhood; he maintained a lifelong de-
York, 1966. Still the best book-length biography, although
in need of correction in both emphasis and detail.
votion to it and to its magister Ælbert, whose influence on
him was rivaled only by the writings of Bede. When Ælbert
Godman, Peter, ed. Alcuin: The Bishops, Kings and Saints of York.
was archbishop (767–778/80), the deacon Alcuin was en-
Oxford, 1982. A fine edition of Alcuin’s longest poem with
trusted with the teaching of adolescents (age fourteen and
an important introduction.
upward), including some attracted from other lands. His de-
Wallach, Luitpold. Alcuin and Charlemagne: Studies in Carolin-
votion to York’s “saints” (e.g., its bishops) but also his con-
gian History and Literature. 2d ed. New York, 1968. A major
cern about the failures of recent Northumbrian kings were
contribution by a philologist and textual scholar, although
expressed in a long poem written in the 780s. In 781, while
at times wrongheaded. Excellent bibliography.
in Italy, Alcuin met Charlemagne, who invited him to his
DONALD A. BULLOUGH (1987)
court. By the late 780s he stood out from other clerics and
scholars there because of his influence on royal administra-
tive and other texts, and because of his qualities as a teacher.
He was again in York from 790 to 793, trying to guide a
ÁLFAR (elves) are a supernatural race in Scandinavian my-
weak king; and while there he was asked by Charlemagne to
thology. Old Norse álfr corresponds to Old English ælf and
comment on the problem of images. Returning to Francia,
Old High German alp, designating a spirit with a nature
he was responsible for the Synod of Frankfort’s major state-
both beautiful and monstrous. Snorri Sturluson (1179–
ments against the Spanish adoptionist heresy (794).
1241) divides the elves into two groups. The light elves are
allied with the gods and share their dwellings in the sky (for
The teaching Alcuin provided in the spelling (and pro-
example, the home of the god Freyr is called Álfheimr, “elf
nunciation) of Latin, in grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic, was
home”). A poetic circumlocution for “sun” was álfroðull (ray
partly written down in the mid-790s. In the same period he
E
of the elves). Although the function of sky-dwelling elves is
was composing or adapting earlier prayers for private use and
not specified, eddic poetry accentuates their alliance with the
for new masses; the contention that he was responsible for
gods through the recurrent phrase “Æsir and elves” (e.g.,
the Supplement to the Roman Gregorian sacramentary can-
Voluspá, st. 48, and Þrymskviða, st. 7). (The Æsir are the
not be supported. He argued strongly that conversion from
E
dominant group of gods.) An Old English charm also cou-
paganism could only be by conviction and not imposed.
ples them with the Æsir, suggesting that in early times they
Moving to Saint-Martin’s as its abbot in 796/7, Alcuin en-
had stood nearly on a par with the gods. The dark elves are
gaged in an extensive correspondence with the king, fellow
skilled in smithcraft like the dwarves and are sometimes in-
scholars, and former pupils; he also attracted younger schol-
distinguishable from them. Late medieval prose narratives
ars to Tours, in whose circle ancient logic was applied to
depict the álfar as earth-dwelling spirits of great potency and
theological problems. He produced increasingly elaborate
sometimes describe female álfar as skilled in weaving magic
critiques of adoptionism, drawing on a wide range of patris-
cloth or as endowed with seductive beauty.
tic and other texts; he wrote useful if hardly independent
works of exegesis and a substantial work on the Trinity. He
Elves were the recipients of cultic worship. The álfablót
played a formative part in the preparation for the Imperial
(sacrifice to the elves) was performed in Sweden in late au-
Coronation of 800, although the uniquely important part
tumn on individual farmsteads, according to the Icelander
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALFASI, YITSH:AQ BEN YAEAQOV
255
Sighvatr Þórðarson, who in 1018 was traveling there on a
at Lucena), and was described by the twelfth-century histori-
mission for King Olaf Haraldsson of Norway. Coming to
an Avraham ibn Daud as the leading scholar of his time. Al-
one farm, he found the housewife standing in the doorway.
fasi’s exposure to Spanish Jewry came at the end of his long
She told him to make off; she feared the wrath of Óðinn if
life; he was not attracted to the philosophy and belles lettres
he stayed, as she was holding a sacrifice to the elves. The ac-
characteristic of Spain but remained a towering Talmudist.
count gives the impression that the housewife herself was
Alfasi’s major achievement was his digest of Talmudic
conducting the sacrifice and that it was a private ceremony
law, Sefer ha-halakhot (Book of Laws; Jerusalem, 1969),
to which no strangers were admitted. From the tone of the
which encompassed all topics relevant to Jewish practice of
poem that Sighvatr composed about the Swedes’ lack of hos-
his time, thus eliminating materials connected with the
pitality on the occasion, it appears that the álfablót was not
Temple and its system of priestly dues, sacrifices, and related
performed in Christian Norway or Iceland. An earlier Nor-
purities. Coming toward the end of the geonic period, Alfasi
wegian king, Olaf, ruler of the district of Geirstaðir during
perfected the digest form pioneered by the eighth-century
the pagan era, was believed to bring prosperity and good har-
Halakhot gedolot and others. Like them, he retains the struc-
vests if sacrifices were made at his burial mound; this led to
ture of the Talmud itself, which he condenses, rather than
his posthumous nickname Geirstaðaálfr (elf of Geirstaðir).
presenting a topical discussion (for which some precedent al-
This suggests that elves, dwelling in mounds, had come to
ready existed) or a code. Nonetheless, Alfasi’s work overshad-
be identified with the dead.
owed that of his predecessors completely. In essence, he man-
Scholars consider the álfar to be forces either of sterility
aged to strike a balance between the prolix, often indecisive
or death. But the álfar show such divergent qualities that it
Talmudic discussion and the brief, intellectually unsatisfying
is not possible to obtain a clear image of their nature, al-
digest of earlier authorities. Alfasi’s digest provided the
though they were obviously potent forces of enduring signifi-
halakhic decision through its careful elimination and shaping
cance. The West Germanic concept of elves began to differ
of materials, yet it also retained the basic Talmudic discus-
from the Scandinavian one even in the early Middle Ages,
sion. Thus, his work satisfied the needs of authorities and
and in the Anglo-Saxon area an independent tradition in
students alike. Indeed, Alfasi’s work was often studied in
folklore developed as a result of Celtic influence. But as in
place of the Talmud, inasmuch as it presented the most sig-
the Scandinavian sources, the elves are grouped with the
nificant aspects of the Talmudic discussion and guided the
monsters eotenas and orcneas in the Old English poem Beo-
student toward a conclusive position on the given issue. Ibn
wulf, whereas other Old English texts preserve the term
Daud appropriately termed the digest a “miniature Talmud,”
ælfsciene (beautiful as an elf).
and the name stuck.
S
The degree and nature of Alfasi’s independence was al-
EE ALSO Dvergar; Germanic Religion.
ready a topic of discussion in late medieval times. It would
appear that Alfasi occasionally adopted a critical stance to-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ward certain Talmudic materials, and this evaluative posture
See John Lindow’s Scandinavian Mythology: An Annotated Bibliog-
is a component of his decision-making process. This aspect
raphy (New York, 1988). Among the handbooks, Hilda R.
Ellis Davidson devotes a chapter to the álfar in The Road to
of his work came to the fore when he decided on the status
Hel: A Study of the Conception of the Dead in Old Norse Liter-
of various Talmudic comments, a technique apparently uti-
ature (1942; reprint, New York, 1968), and the álfar are also
lized later by Maimonides. Alfasi was a central figure in as-
discussed in Gabriel Turville-Petre’s Myth and Religion of the
suring the Babylonian Talmud’s ascendency over the Pales-
North (London, 1964). The encyclopedia-style entries of Ru-
tinian Talmud: his statement (at the close of his digest of
dolf Simek’s Dictionary of Northern Mythology (Cambridge,
EEruvin) that the Babylonian Talmud, being the later work,
UK, 1993) and John Lindow’s Handbook of Norse Mythology
knew and incorporated all that was valuable in the Palestin-
(Santa Barbara, Calif., 2001) are very detailed.
ian had great circulation and influence. Nonetheless, modern
ELIZABETH ASHMAN ROWE (2005)
scholars are divided as to the extent of Alfasi’s own rejection
of the Palestinian Talmud. Alfasi’s attitude toward the nonle-
gal (aggadic) portions of the Talmud is also noteworthy: un-
like his predecessors, he included moral and theological ma-
ALFASI, YITSH:AQ BEN YAEAQOV (1013–
terials that bore on actual practice.
1103), also known by the acronym RIF (Rabbi Yitsh:aq al-
Alfasi’s digest became a major force in the subsequent
Faasi); North African–Spanish Talmudist. Alfasi spent the
shaping of Jewish law. Maimonides considered himself to be
majority of his life in North Africa, where he headed the
in the line of Alfasian tradition, claiming that he was in basic
school in Fez (Fas in Arabic, hence his name). At the age of
disagreement with Alfasi on only ten issues. Yosef Karo
seventy-five he was forced by political intrigues to leave for
named Alfasi as one of the three authoritative medieval
Spain, where he presided over the school at Lucena. Despite
sources for his Shulh:an Earukh, the basic code of Jewish law
the hostility of some native scholars, the aged Alfasi gained
that Karo compiled in the sixteenth century.
wide recognition in his new home, attracted many disciples
(among them the brilliant Yosef ibn Migash, his successor
SEE ALSO Halakhah, article on History of Halakhah.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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EAL¯I IBN AB¯I T:A¯LIB
BIBLIOGRAPHY
standard-bearer, EAl¯ı’s most famous military success was in
The best overall discussion of Alfasi remains the detailed treat-
the Battle of Khaybar in 629, where victory against the hith-
ment of Isaac Hirsch Weiss, Dor dor vedorshav, vol. 4 (Vien-
erto impregnable fortresses was achieved through his heroic
na, 1887), pp. 281–290. Salo W. Baron’s A Social and Reli-
leadership. The Prophet declared, when the Muslims were
gious History of the Jews, 2d ed., rev. & enl., vol. 6 (New York,
unable to penetrate the defenses, that he would give his stan-
1958), pp. 84–90, 367–370, provides an intelligent histori-
dard to one who “loves God and His Messenger and is loved
cal overview as well as an ample bibliographical survey.
by God and His Messenger,” and through him victory would
GERALD J. BLIDSTEIN (1987)
be granted. He sent for EAl¯ı, who led the Muslims to victory.
It was at Khaybar that EAl¯ı’s strength attained legendary sta-
tus: he is said to have used as a shield a gate that, after the
EAL¯I IBN AB¯I T:A¯LIB (c. 599–661
battle, could only be lifted by eight men.
CE) was the cousin
and son-in-law of the prophet Muh:ammad through his mar-
Early merits. EAl¯ı is regarded as the first male to enter
riage to Fa¯t:imah. As father of the prophet’s two grandsons,
the religion of Islam, though he was but a youth of nine or
al-H:asan and al-H:usayn, he was forefather of the descen-
ten years old. When the Prophet was instructed by the revela-
dants of the Prophet (known as the shurafa¯D, sing. shar¯ıf; or
tion to warn his near kin (QurDa¯n 26:214), he invited the
sa¯da¯t, sing. sayyid); fourth of the four “rightly guided” ca-
leading members of his clan to a feast, and asked who among
liphs; and first of the ima¯ms for Sh¯ıE¯ı Muslims—the very
them would be “my brother, my executor, and my succes-
term Sh¯ı Ea being originally sh¯ı Eat EAl¯ı, the “partisans of
sor.” EAl¯ı, then still only about thirteen years old, was the
EAl¯ı.”
only one who replied, and the Prophet affirmed him in all
EAl¯ı is seen within the Islamic tradition as both a heroic
three respects, adding “Hearken to him and obey him” (Ibn
warrior and an eloquent saint. Accorded deep veneration by
Is:h:a¯q, 1968, pp. 117–118).
Muslims generally, EAl¯ı has also elicited sharply contrasting
When in 622 the Prophet migrated from Mecca to Me-
passions: on the one hand, cursed by official decree in Umay-
dina, EAl¯ı offered to take the place of the Prophet, sleeping
yad mosques for decades after his death; on the other hand,
in his bed on the night the Prophet departed, thus risking
divinized by his extremist followers—the ghula¯t—to the
his life in order to thwart an assassination attempt by the
present day. The life of this seminal figure of nascent Islam
Prophet’s enemies. EAl¯ı then joined the Prophet and the
was controversial, and his influence has been, and remains,
Muslims in Medina, after having distributed to their owners
pervasive.
in Mecca all the property held in trust by Muh:ammad. In
LIFE. EAl¯ı’s life can be viewed in terms of three distinct
Medina, the Prophet instituted a pact of brotherhood be-
phases: the first, from his birth (c. 599) to the death of the
tween the emigrants from Mecca and the “helpers,” the Mus-
Prophet (632); the second, from the death of the Prophet to
lims of Medina; he himself adopted EAl¯ı as his brother (Ibn
EAl¯ı’s assumption of the caliphate (656); the third consists
Is:h:a¯q, 1968, p. 234),
of his own brief caliphate (656–661), a period characterized
The Prophet gave EAl¯ı the honor of marrying his daugh-
by the first civil wars of Islam.
ter, Fa¯t:imah—considered, with her mother, Muh:ammad’s
Life with the Prophet, c. 599–632. Tradition relates
first wife, Khad¯ıjah, as the paradigm of saintly womanhood
that EAl¯ı had the unique distinction of being born in the
in Islam. The Prophet’s ahl al-bayt (people of the House),
KaEbah in Mecca. His mother was Fa¯t:imah bint Asad; and
the members of which the QurDa¯n refers to in 33:33 as being
his father, Abu¯ T:a¯lib, son of EAbd al-Mut:t:alib, was a leading
purified of all defilement, was indicated by the Prophet as
member of the clan of the Hashimites. Abu¯ T:a¯lib took care
consisting of himself, EAl¯ı, Fa¯t:imah, and their two sons,
of the young orphan, Muh:ammad, son of his brother EAbd
al-H:asan and al-H:usayn. (Sh¯ıE¯ı sources add to this group the
Alla¯h, and he was later to be Muh:ammad’s chief protector
ima¯ms, and attribute to all members of this category the sta-
when the message of Islam was openly being preached in
tus of inerrancy [Eis:mah], while certain Sunn¯ı sources deem
Mecca.
the Prophet’s wives to be the referents of QurDa¯n 33:33.) It
was in his capacity as leading member of the Prophet’s ahl
When he was about five years old, EAl¯ı was taken into
al-bayt that EAl¯ı was instructed to recite the Su¯rah al-Bara¯Da
Muh:ammad’s household in order to relieve Abu¯ T:a¯lib dur-
(The immunity, IX) to the pilgrims at Mecca in 631, even
ing a famine. From this time until the death of the Prophet,
E
though Abu¯ Bakr was leading the pilgrimage. It was EAl¯ı who
Al¯ı was constantly at the Prophet’s side, first as a member
the Prophet instructed to destroy the idols in the KaEbah
of the household, later as a leading companion, confidant,
when Mecca was conquered in 629. When the Prophet died
son-in-law, and scribe. EAl¯ı wrote down not only the verses
in 632, EAl¯ı washed his body and led the funeral rites.
of the QurDanic revelation at the Prophet’s dictation, but also
several letters and treaties. As a warrior, EAl¯ı was at the fore-
EAl¯ı according to the Prophet. Numerous sayings attri-
front of nearly all the major battles fought under the Proph-
buted to the Prophet affirm EAl¯ı’s high spiritual rank. Sh¯ıE¯ı
et’s banner, and he always emerged victorious in the single
and Sunn¯ı sources alike affirm the following sayings: “I am
combat duels with which the battles began. His courage and
the city of knowledge, and EAl¯ı is its gate” (al-H:a¯kim, 2002,
skill as a warrior became legendary. Frequently fighting as
p. 929); “Looking at EAl¯ı is an act of worship” (al-Suyu¯t:¯ı,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
EAL¯I IBN AB¯I T:A¯LIB
257
1970, p. 97); “Verily, EAl¯ı is from me, and I am from him,
or downplay the disagreements between EAl¯ı and the first
and he is the spiritual guardian (wal¯ı) of every believer after
three caliphs in the effort to present as harmonious a picture
me.” (al-Nasa¯D¯ı, 1998, p. 129); and “EAl¯ı is with the QurDa¯n
as possible of what later was to be labeled the period of the
and the QurDa¯n is with EAl¯ı” (al-H:a¯kim, 2002, p. 927). The
four orthodox or “rightly guided” caliphs (al-khulafa¯D
Prophet is also recorded as having said to EAl¯ı the following:
al-ra¯shidu¯n). By contrast, Sh¯ıE¯ı works on the whole accuse
“You have, in relation to me, the rank of Aaron in relation
the first three caliphs of usurping the authority granted by
to Moses—except that there is no prophet after me”
the Prophet to EAl¯ı, and exaggerate the differences of opinion
(al-Nasa¯D¯ı, 1998, p. 76). Several verses of the QurDa¯n were
between EAl¯ı and his predecessors. However, it is clear that,
commented upon by the Prophet with reference to EAl¯ı. For
on the one hand, EAl¯ı adopted a policy of passive acceptance
example, in connection with 13:7 (“Verily thou art a warner,
of the rule of the first two caliphs, coupled with a withdrawal
and for every people there is a guide”) the Prophet was re-
from public affairs—in marked contrast to his prominent
ported as saying, “I am the warner. . .you are the guide, O
role in all the major events in the Prophet’s lifetime; and on
EAl¯ı. After me, the rightly guided shall be guided by you”
the other hand, he voiced his disagreement with his predeces-
(al-Suyu¯t:¯ı, 1896, vol. 4, p. 45).
sors over certain policies and decisions.
The most important and oft-debated prophetic saying
Such disagreement became more intense during the rule
relating to EAl¯ı, however, was expressed during the sermon
of the third caliph, EUthma¯n ibn EAffa¯n, who was elected by
of Ghad¯ır Khumm. This was delivered after the Prophet’s
the council or shu¯ra¯, which EUmar established shortly before
final pilgrimage to Mecca in 632 CE, at a pool midway be-
his death in 644. This council was charged with the task of
tween Mecca and Medina, known as Ghad¯ır Khumm. He
selecting EUmar’s successor from six of the leading compan-
assembled all the pilgrims, had a pulpit erected, and delivered
ions. At this council, evidence is given of EAl¯ı’s disagreement
an address to the thousands assembled. The address culmi-
with at least certain aspects of the policies of the first two ca-
nated in the statement: “For whomever I am the mawla¯
liphs. Upon being asked by EAbd al-Rah:ma¯n ibn EAwf, the
[guardian, master, close friend], EAl¯ı is his mawla¯.” For
head of the council—who had the deciding vote in case the
Sh¯ıEah, this is regarded as a clear designation (nas:s:) of EAl¯ı
six were equally divided—whether he was willing to assume
as successor to the Prophet; for Sunn¯ıs it indicates the special
the caliphate on the basis of the QurDa¯n, the sunnah (con-
proximity of EAl¯ı to the Prophet, but not his nomination as
duct) of the Prophet, and the precedent of Abu¯ Bakr and
successor in political terms. That the reference to EAl¯ı as
EUmar, EAl¯ı replied by saying he would rule solely on the
mawla¯ (in some versions, as wal¯ı) is of the highest spiritual
basis of the QurDa¯n and the sunnah of the Prophet. When
significance, however, is not seriously disputed. The debate
EUthma¯n was asked the same question he replied uncondi-
that continues to this day hinges on the implications of EAl¯ı’s
tionally in the affirmative and was duly appointed caliph.
spiritual authority, his wala¯yah.
The caliphate of EUthma¯n (r. 644–656) became increas-
The Caliphate of Abu¯ Bakr, EUmar, and EUthma¯n,
ingly compromised, principally by the corruption that char-
632–656. EAl¯ı was not consulted during the political crisis
acterized the rule of his governors—most of whom were fel-
that was precipitated by the death of the Prophet and that
low members of the Umayyad clan. EAl¯ı, along with several
resulted in the election of the first caliph, Abu¯ Bakr; his ab-
leading companions, such as Abu¯ Dharr al-Ghifa¯r¯ı, Talh:a
sence at this crucial event set the tone for EAl¯ı’s role in public
ibn EUbayd Alla¯h, al-Zubayr ibn al-EAwwa¯m, and EA¯Disha,
affairs until his own assumption of the caliphate twenty-two
had severely criticized the policies of EUthma¯n and the ac-
years later. He refrained from recognition of Abu¯ Bakr for
tions of his governors. EAl¯ı played a leading role as mediator
six months, that is, until after the death of Fa¯t:imah, between
between the rebels and the caliph, indicating to the latter the
whom and Abu¯ Bakr there was a major disagreement. Her
just nature of many of the grievances being presented. His
claim on the orchard of Fadak as part of her inheritance from
efforts failed, however, and opposition to EUthma¯n turned
the Prophet was rejected by Abu¯ Bakr on the basis of a saying
into outright revolt; the caliph was besieged in his home,
attributed to the Prophet to the effect that the Prophets do
and, despite the efforts of EAl¯ı and his sons to protect him,
not leave any inheritance.
EUthma¯n was killed by the rebels. EAl¯ı was then prevailed
upon by the rebels and other factions in Medina to assume
This disagreement was but one overt expression of a
power, which he did, albeit reluctantly according both to
fundamental difference of conception in regard to the spiri-
early reports and to his own sermons, as recorded in the Nahj
tual and political prerogatives of the ahl al-bayt, a difference
al-bala¯ghah.
later to be elaborated in terms of the Sunn¯ı-Sh¯ıE¯ı divergence.
The earliest historical sources indicate that EAl¯ı never ceased
The Caliphate of EAl¯ı, 656–661. EAl¯ı’s short caliphate
to believe that, on the basis of his kinship with the Prophet
of just over five years was marked in political terms by the
and his unique merits, he was the most appropriate person
eruption of civil wars within the early Muslim polity; it was
to succeed the Prophet. The relationship between EAl¯ı and
characterized in ethical terms by EAl¯ı’s unflinching adherence
his predecessors in the caliphate is one of the most sensitive
to strict Islamic principles, frequently at the expense of
issues in Islamic history, and it has been subject to tenden-
worldly success. This aspect of his rule became apparent from
tious reporting in the sources. Sunn¯ı works tend to overlook
the very beginning. When advised by his cousin and close
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258
EAL¯I IBN AB¯I T:A¯LIB
confidant, Ibn al-EAbba¯s, to temporarily confirm in power
representative in the arbitration. MuEa¯wiya appointed EAmr
all of EUthma¯n’s governors, and then replace them later with
as his representative.
his own appointees when his own power was consolidated,
E
Arbitration and the “seceders.” The text of the arbitra-
Al¯ı adamantly refused to compromise on principles. This at-
tion agreement was drawn up on 15 S:afar 37 (August 2,
titude ensured that EAl¯ı’s rule would be challenged by the
657). It called merely for the arbitrators to arrive at a decision
governors whom he dismissed.
binding on all, doing so on the basis of the QurDa¯n, and to
The Battle of al-Jamal. The first challenge to EAl¯ı’s rule
resort to the prophetic sunnah (conduct) if they were unable
arose from two senior companions of the Prophet, T:alh:a ibn
to find the necessary ruling in the QurDa¯n. They were to seek
EUbayd Alla¯h and al-Zubayr ibn al-EAwwa¯m, together with
peace, but apart from that, no other matter for arbitration
EA¯Disha, one of the widows of the Prophet, and some of the
was specifically mentioned. The arbitrators met at Du¯mat al-
governors ousted by EAl¯ı. They accused EAl¯ı of failing to pun-
Jandal for about three weeks in the spring of 658. This meet-
ish the murderers of EUthma¯n; certain reports indicate that
ing was held against the background of increasing discontent
a charge of complicity in the murder was also made by some
in the ranks of EAl¯ı’s army. Many of those who had initially
in this group. They mounted a revolt against him in the
supported the arbitration now felt that it was not only an
name of vengeance for the murdered caliph. EAl¯ı reminded
error to have resorted to arbitration, but a sin; it was tanta-
T:alh:a and al-Zubayr that they had pledged allegiance to him,
mount to leaving to men a right that pertained only to God,
and were now breaking their oaths, and he insisted that he
whence their cry: “No judgment but that of God” (La¯ h:ukm
would bring the murderers to justice as soon as he could find
illa¯ li-Lla¯h). Although EAl¯ı succeeded in bringing most of the
them. The ensuing battle, which took place near Basra on
malcontents back into the fold at this stage, the seeds of a
15 Juma¯da¯ I 36 (December 8, 656), was the first civil war
wider rebellion were sowed.
of Islam. It was named al-Jamal (the camel) after the camel
The arbitration process was almost immediately under-
litter of EA¯Disha, which became the focus of the fighting. It
mined by the proposal of EAmr that the issue of EUthma¯n’s
resulted in the victory of EAl¯ı’s army, the death of T:alh:a
innocence of deviant innovations be decided before anything
(killed treacherously by his own ally, Marwa¯n ibn al-H:akam,
else. This effectively changed the focus of the arbitration, for
who held T:alh:a personally responsible for the murder of the
once it was decided that EUthma¯n had been wrongfully
caliph), the death of al-Zubayr (killed also by one of his al-
killed, the legitimacy of MuEa¯wiya’s claim for revenge was
lies, after fleeing from the battlefield), and the surrender of
upheld; it was thus implicit that EAl¯ı was wrong in prevent-
EA¯Disha.
ing this right of lex talionis from being exercised, and thus
forfeited his right to rule. EAl¯ı’s representative, Abu¯ Mu¯sa¯,
MuEa¯wiya and the Battle of S:iff¯ın. Having defeated the
failed to see through this strategy and, though the decision
Bas:ran rebels, EAl¯ı now turned to face the far more serious
on EUthma¯n’s innocence was supposed to be kept secret, it
threat posed by MuEa¯wiya, governor of Syria. Like T:alh:a and
became widely known, resulting in the dismissal of the whole
al-Zubayr, MuEa¯wiya used the cry of vengeance for the mur-
arbitration process by EAl¯ı. When EAl¯ı then proceeded to call
dered caliph as the pretext for his opposition to EAl¯ı. In their
his men to arms, he was confronted by the growing ranks
exchange of letters, EAl¯ı reminded MuEa¯wiya that he was
of the “seceders” (al-Khawa¯rij). Despite EAl¯ı’s insistence that
obliged to accept the election of EAl¯ı, based as it was on the
the arbitration was now effectively abandoned, the seceders
collective decision of the Ans:a¯r (Medinan companions) and
demanded that he repent of the “sin” of having accepted it
the Muha¯jiru¯n (Meccan companions). MuEa¯wiya’s response
in the first place. Through dialogue a large number of the
was to insist that he, as EUthma¯n’s kin, had the right of retali-
seceders were reconciled, but the hard core resisted and re-
ation prescribed in the QurDa¯n (17:33). Meanwhile, in a clear
solved to fight to the finish.
indication of the real motive of his opposition, he enlisted
the help of the former governor of Egypt, EAmr ibn al-EA¯s:,
Given the murderous tactics used by this group against
E
who had been deposed by EUthma¯n and then became the
Al¯ı’s supporters, and their declaration that all those who op-
chief inciter of the rebels against the besieged caliph. Follow-
posed them were ka¯firs (unbelievers), whose blood was licit,
E
ing minor skirmishes, all-out battle at S:iff¯ın began on 8 S:afar
Al¯ı had no choice but to fight them, despite his great reluc-
37 (July 26, 657). After some days, and much bloodshed on
tance to engage so many of the apparently pious
both sides, EAl¯ı’s army was on the point of victory.
“QurDa¯n-readers” (al-qurra¯D) in their ranks. After further dia-
MuEa¯wiya, on the advice of EAmr, resorted to the strategy of
logue, which reduced their ranks considerably, the Khawa¯rij
hoisting copies of the QurDa¯n on spears and calling for arbi-
numbered no more than 1,500 men, led by EAbd Alla¯h ibn
tration according to God’s word. Though clearly a ruse,
Wahb. The resulting battle at Nahrawa¯n (probably in Dhu¯
many in EAl¯ı’s army who were lukewarm in their support for
al-H:ijjah 37/May 658, but reports are contradictory; see Ma-
his cause laid down their arms; led by AshEath ibn Qays, the
delung, 1997, pp. 254–255) is said to have resulted in their
most powerful tribal chief of Ku¯fah, they insisted on accept-
all but total annihilation.
ing this call for arbitration. EAl¯ı was also compelled by the
The final stage of the arbitration was held at Adhruh: in
same elements within his ranks to appoint Abu¯ Mu¯sa¯
ShaEba¯n 38 (January 659). Largely irrelevant, as EAl¯ı had al-
al-AshEar¯ı—whose loyalty to EAl¯ı was in question—as his
ready denounced the process and was preparing to resume
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EAL¯I IBN AB¯I T:A¯LIB
259
hostilities, it ended in fiasco. Abu¯ Mu¯sa¯ and EAmr agreed to
declared that only the caliphate of the first three caliphs was
depose both their candidates and to allow a new consultative
legitimate, not that of EAl¯ı. This position prevailed for almost
body to elect the caliph. The former held to the agreement,
a century, and it was largely through the influence of Ibn
deposing EAl¯ı, while EAmr simply confirmed his candidate,
H:anbal that EAl¯ı’s caliphate was deemed to be fully legiti-
MuEa¯wiya, as the new caliph. Although EAl¯ı attempted to
mate, and the definitive tenet of the four “rightly guided”
mount a fresh campaign against MuEa¯wiya’s forces, there was
caliphs gradually became incorporated thereafter within the
little enthusiasm in his ranks. Before the morning prayer of
developing religio-political orthodoxy of Sunnism
19 Ramad:a¯n 40 (January 28, 661) at the congregational
(JaEfariya¯n, 2001, pp. 209–220).
mosque in Ku¯fah, EAl¯ı was struck by the poisoned sword of
Ibn Muljam, one of the surviving Khawa¯rij, who was intent
Extremist Sh¯ıE¯ı sects. EAl¯ı was the focus of various cults
on avenging his slain companions at Nahrawa¯n. EAl¯ı died
that attributed to him superhuman, angelic, or divine attri-
two days later.
butes. Referred to as the ghula¯t (sing. gha¯l¯ı) by both main-
E
stream Sh¯ıE¯ıs and Sunn¯ıs alike, these extremist sects included
AL¯I AND SHIISM. EAl¯ı is considered to be the first ima¯m or
such groups as the Ghora¯biyya, Mans:u¯riyya, and
spiritual leader of all the various branches of Sh¯ıE¯ı Islam—
Ra¯wandiyya in the early period. In the present, such sects as
the majority Ithna¯Eashar¯ıs, the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıs, the Zayd¯ıs, and
the Nus:ayr¯ıs/EAlaw¯ıs in Syria and Turkey and the EAl¯ı
other smaller sects. Although the theologically elaborated
Alla¯h¯ıs, or Ahl-i H:aqq, in Iran continue to regard EAl¯ı as
definition of the function of the imamate came much later,
God incarnate. Despite being regarded as heretical by ma-
this function is seen in Shiism as embodied in the person
joritarian Sh¯ıE¯ı groups, some of the characteristic tenets es-
of EAl¯ı. The three principal functions of the Sh¯ıE¯ı
poused by these sects are also present in more mainstream
ima¯m—spiritual guidance of the believers, interpretation of
Sh¯ıE¯ı and S:u¯f¯ı theosophical trends, where they are given
revelation and law, and political rule—were implicit or ex-
more nuanced metaphysical exposition.
plicit in the pronouncements, attitudes, and actions of EAl¯ı.
Thus the later Sh¯ıE¯ı doctrine of the imamate can be seen as
SPIRITUAL AND INTELLECTUAL LEGACY. After the QurDa¯n
a systematic articulation, in idealized form, of the actual con-
and the sayings of the Prophet, no text is more revered by
duct of EAl¯ı. His historic refusal to abide by the precedent
the Sh¯ıEah than the Nahj al-bala¯ghah, attributed to EAl¯ı. The
of the first two caliphs, noted above, was “a cornerstone in
text, comprising sermons, letters, and aphorisms, was com-
the development of Sh¯ıE¯ı legal thought. . .the idea ex-
piled by al-Shar¯ıf al-Rad:¯ı (d. 1016), a renowned Sh¯ıE¯ı schol-
pressed by EAl¯ı in the Shu¯ra¯ took at least 50 years to become
ar of Abbasid Baghdad. In addition to providing specific
manifest in a distinguishable independent form, and was not
ideas that served as seeds for theological elaboration in such
fully developed until the imamate of JaEfar al-S:a¯diq” (Jafri,
crucial issues as the transcendence and oneness of God, the
1978, pp. 75–76).
emphasis in the Nahj upon the importance of the intellect
and knowledge greatly enhanced the receptivity of Sh¯ıE¯ı
There is evidence of the use of the term sh¯ı Eat EAl¯ı in
Islam to philosophical speculation and theosophical medita-
the lifetime of the Prophet. For example, in his commentary
tion. In terms of Arabic literature, few texts have exerted a
on the QurDa¯n, al-T:abar¯ı records that the Prophet interpret-
greater influence than the Nahj. Important technical terms
ed the phrase “best of created beings” (khayr al-bariyyah) in
were introduced by this work into literary and philosophical
98:7 as referring to EAl¯ı and his “sh¯ı Ea” (al-T:abar¯ı, 2001, vol.
Arabic, independently of the translation into Arabic of Greek
30, p. 320). Four individuals, in particular, were renowned
texts (Corbin, 1993, p. 35). Despite doubts raised about the
for their attachment to EAl¯ı in the lifetime of the Prophet,
authenticity of the text, recent scholarship indicates that
and might be referred to as the prototypes of later Shiism:
most of the sermons and sayings can in fact be traced to EAl¯ı
Salma¯n al-Fa¯rs¯ı, Abu¯ Dharr al-Ghifa¯r¯ı, EAmma¯r ibn Ya¯sir,
(Djebli, 1992, p. 56).
and Miqda¯d ibn EAmr. These were the foremost members of
the group that believed EAl¯ı to be the legitimate successor to
The main didactic themes of the Nahj include: the un-
the Prophet. It was, however, with EAl¯ı’s assumption of the
fathomable nature of the divine oneness, expressed through
caliphate that more explicit reference is made to EAl¯ı’s status
striking paradoxes and flashes of rhetorical genius; the func-
as the heir (was:¯ı) of the Prophet, and as the inheritor (wa¯rith)
tion and meaning of prophecy; the supreme value of the in-
of not only his knowledge, but also that of all the Prophets.
tellect; the necessity of renunciation, this being expressed in
The second oath of allegiance made to EAl¯ı by his supporters
powerful imagery conveying the vanity of the life of this
in Ku¯fah in 658 was worded according to the h:ad¯ıth of
world; complementing this theme, the marvels of creation,
Ghad¯ır (Madelung, 1997, p. 253). And it was during the ca-
all of which are so many “signs” pointing to the Creator; the
liphate of EAl¯ı that the term sh¯ı Eat EAl¯ı arose, largely in con-
dangers of falling into hypocrisy and superficiality in the per-
trast to the sh¯ı Eat EUthma¯n comprising all those who refused
formance of religious duties; and the indispensability of jus-
to recognize EAl¯ı’s rule, claiming instead to be following in
tice at all levels. One of the most influential letters of the
the footsteps of the murdered caliph, revenge for whose mur-
Nahj was that written to Ma¯lik al-Ashtar, one of EAl¯ı’s closest
der was incumbent upon them. With the victory of
companions, appointing him governor of Egypt. It has been
MuEa¯wiya and the establishment of the Umayyad dynasty,
the subject of dozens of commentaries through the ages and
the political orthodoxy of the ruling “EUthma¯n¯ı” position
is still regarded as one of the most important expressions of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
260
EAL¯I IBN AB¯I T:A¯LIB
an ideal Islamic political constitution. A large number of pro-
sites for Muslims—Sh¯ıEah and Sunn¯ı alike—in the Islamic
found aphorisms are also attributed to EAl¯ı. Many of these
world.
sayings are contained in the eleventh-century compilation,
Ghurar al-h:ikam (Exalted aphorisms). Several moving sup-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
plications are also attributed to EAl¯ı; these have come to play
A¯mid¯ı, EAbd al-Wa¯h:id. Ghurar al-h:ikam wa durar al-kalim (Ex-
a major role in the devotional life of Sh¯ıEah, the most famous
alted aphorisms and pearls of speech). Qom, Iran, 2001.
supplication being the DuEa¯D Kumayl, which is recited by de-
This is an eleventh-century compilation of aphorisms attri-
vout Sh¯ıEah every Thursday evening. A d¯ıwa¯n of poems is
buted to EAl¯ı. It is a compendium of pithy, profound sayings
dealing with diverse subjects of an ethical and spiritual order.
also attributed to EAl¯ı.
Chirri, Mohammad Jawad. The Brother of the Prophet Mohammad
EAl¯ı played a fundamental role in the genesis of Islamic
(the Imam Ali): A Reconstruction of Islamic History and an Ex-
intellectual and spiritual culture. He is deemed to have pro-
tensive Research of the Shi-ite Islamic School of Thought. 2 vols.
vided impetus and content for a wide range of disciplines,
Detroit, 1979–1982. This nonpolemical presentation of the
including QurDa¯n exegesis (tafs¯ır), theology (kala¯m), juris-
life of EAl¯ı by a contemporary Sh¯ıE¯ı religious scholar remains
prudence (fiqh), rhetoric (bala¯ghah) and grammar (nah:w),
the best single biographical source for EAl¯ı in English.
and calligraphy (khat:t:), not to mention various arcane sci-
Corbin, Henri. The History of Islamic Philosophy. Translated by
ences, such as numerology (jafr) and alchemy (al-k¯ımiya¯D).
Liadain Sherrard. London, 1993.
Tales of his feats and miracles have been told and adorned
Djebli, Moktar. “Encore à propos de l’authenticité du Nahj
by popular storytellers and poets throughout the Muslim
al-Bala¯gha!” Studia Islamica 75 (1992): 33–56. This is an im-
world; his persona was thus imbued with magical and mysti-
portant scholarly affirmation of the authenticity of the attri-
bution of most, if not all, of the material in the Nahj
cal elements, as well as with heroic and saintly qualities. EAl¯ı
al-bala¯ghah to EAl¯ı.
was also the role-model for the chivalric orders (futu¯wwa)
H:a¯kim, Abu¯ EAbd Alla¯h al-. Al-Mustadrak Eala¯’l-s:ah:¯ıh:ayn (Supple-
that emerged towards the end of the Abbasid period (twelfth
ment to the “two sound collections”). Beirut, 2002. This im-
to thirteenth century), being seen as the chivalric knight
portant collection of h:ad¯ıths, accepted as authoritative with-
(fata¯) par excellence. This association between EAl¯ı and chiv-
in Sunn¯ı Islam, contains many of the most important sayings
alry was summed up in the formula, attributed to a heavenly
of the Prophet relating to EAl¯ı, sayings that were not included
voice heard during the Battle of Uh:ud: “No chivalric knight
in the s:ah:¯ıh:ayn, that is, the “two sound collections,” meaning
but EAl¯ı, no sword but dhu’l-faqa¯r” (La¯ fata¯ illa¯ EAl¯ı, la¯ sayf
those of Bukha¯r¯ı and Muslim.
illa¯ dhu’l-faqa¯r—the latter being the name of EAl¯ı’s sword).
Hujw¯ır¯ı, EAl¯ı. Kashf al-Mah:ju¯b. Tehran, 1997. English transla-
It is often as a knightly warrior, paragon of all virtues, that
tion by R. A. Nicholson. Cambridge, U.K., 1936.
EAl¯ı, one of whose honorifics was H:aydar (“the lion”), is por-
Ibn Is:h:a¯q. The Life of Muhammad. Translated by Alfred Guil-
trayed in S:u¯f¯ı poetry.
laume. London, 1968. This fundamental text contains most
of the significant historical details pertaining to EAl¯ı during
Within the S:u¯f¯ı tradition generally, EAl¯ı is almost uni-
the lifetime of the Prophet.
versally affirmed as the first “Pole” (qut:b) of Sufism after the
JaEfariya¯n, Rasu¯l. TaDr¯ıkh wa s¯ırih-yi siya¯s¯ı-yi am¯ır al-muDmin¯ın
Prophet, an embodiment of the “perfect man” (al-insa¯n
EAl¯ı b. Ab¯ı T:a¯lib (The life and political history of the com-
al-ka¯mil), the “friend/saint of God” (wal¯ı Alla¯h), and as the
mander of the faithful, EAl¯ı b. Ab¯ı T:a¯lib). Qom, Iran, 2001.
spiritual forebear of the S:u¯f¯ıs, standing at the head of all the
This is an excellent political biography of EAl¯ı, in Persian, by
“chains” (sala¯sil, sing. silsilah) by which the S:u¯f¯ı orders trace
one of the foremost contemporary authorities on Islamic and
their initiatic genealogy back to the Prophet. EAl¯ı is regarded
especially Sh¯ıE¯ı history in Iran.
both as the repository of esoteric science (maErifa/ Eirfa¯n/ Eilm
Jafri, Seyed Muh:ammad Husayn. Origins and Early Development
al-ba¯t:in), and also a master of the spiritual path leading to
of Sh¯ıEah Islam. London, 1978. A pioneering study of the es-
the realization of that science, this path centering on the
tablishment of Shiism, dealing with both historical and doc-
practice of the “remembrance of God” (dhikr), into which
trinal themes of central importance.
the Prophet initiated EAl¯ı. According to AbuEl-Qa¯sim al-
Kohlberg, E. “EAl¯ı b. Ab¯ı T:a¯leb.” In Encyclopedia Iranica, edited
Junayd of Baghdad (d. 910), one of the greatest authorities
by Ehsan Yarshater, pt. 2, pp. 843–848. London and Boston,
of early Sufism, “EAl¯ı is our Shaykh as regards the principles
1982.
and as regards the endurance of affliction.” This statement
Landolt, Hermann. “Wala¯yah.” In The Encyclopedia of Religion,
is recorded by EAl¯ı Hujw¯ır¯ı in his highly regarded S:u¯f¯ı man-
1st ed., edited by Mircea Eliade, vol. 15, pp. 316–323. New
ual Kashf al-mah:ju¯b (Disclosure of the veiled); he sums up
York, 1987.
the attitude of the S:u¯f¯ıs to EAl¯ı in asserting that he was “the
Madelung, Wilferd. The Succession to Muh:ammad: A Study of the
leader of the saints and the pure ones. In this Path he holds
Early Caliphate. Cambridge, UK, 1997. The most compre-
a place of tremendous honour and elevated degree.”
hensive analytical account in English of EAl¯ı’s caliphate,
(Hujw¯ır¯ı, 1997, p. 84)
drawing on the earliest sources.
E
MasEu¯d¯ı, AbuDl-H:asan al-. Muru¯j al-dhahab wa maEa¯din al-jawhar
Al¯ı’s shrine is in Najaf, near Baghdad; it continues to
(Meadows of gold and mines of jewelry). Beirut, 1965. Vol-
attract millions of pilgrims worldwide, being regarded, after
ume two of this important general history deals with the life
Mecca and Medina, as one of the most important pilgrimage
of EAl¯ı.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALINESITOUE
261
Mut:ahhar¯ı, Murtad:a¯. Glimpses of the Nahj al-Bala¯gha. Tehran,
agronomists as the best wet rice farmers in West Africa, even
1997. A good introduction and overview of the significance
though droughts are common and often result in crop fail-
of the Nahj, with a useful and concise analysis of its principal
ures. Prior to the time of Alinesitoue, the Diola had a long-
themes.
standing tradition of direct revelation from the supreme
Nasa¯D¯ı, Ah:mad ibn ShuEayb al-. Khas:a¯Dis: Am¯ır al-muDmin¯ın EAl¯ı
being Emitai, yet most of these prophets had been men.
b. Ab¯ı T:a¯lib (Distinctive qualities of the commander of the
(Emitai dabognol translates as “prophet”—an epithet mean-
faithful, EAl¯ı b. Ab¯ı T:a¯lib). Tehran, 1998. One of the most
ing “whom God has sent.”) Alinesitoue introduced to the
important collections of prophetic sayings on EAl¯ı, by a high-
Diola a series of new spirit shrines that were focused on the
ly respected Sunn¯ı authority.
procurement of rain, which she claimed were given to her
Poonawala, I. K. “EAl¯ı b. Ab¯ı T:a¯leb.” In Encyclopedia Iranica, ed-
by Emitai. She also introduced a series of religious reforms
ited by Ehsan Yarshater, pt. 1, pp. 838–843. Boston and
and provided a series of teachings that were highly critical
London, 1982.
of French colonial agricultural policies. Since the time of Al-
Rad:¯ı, al-Shar¯ıf al-. Nahjul Bala¯ghah. Translated by Sayed Ali Reza
inesitoue, most Diola prophets have been women who self-
as The Peak of Eloquence. New York, 1996. A complete, but
consciously proclaimed their prophetic calling in the tradi-
not always satisfactory, translation of this seminal text.
tion of Alinesitoue Diatta.
Rasha¯d, EAl¯ı-Akbar, ed. Da¯nish-na¯mih-yi Ima¯m EAl¯ı. Tehran,
THE BEGINNINGS OF A PROPHET. Alinesitoue’s visions
2001. This is a very useful twelve-volume collection of essays
began during the period of Vichy occupation of French West
in Persian on the life, thought, and influence of EAl¯ı from a
traditional Sh¯ıE¯ı point of view.
Africa, a particularly repressive time when Senegalese who
had enjoyed the status of citizens were reduced to “native”
Rayshahr¯ı, Muh:ammad, ed. Mawsu¯Eat al-Ima¯m EAl¯ı b. Ab¯ı T:a¯lib.
status and when government requisitions of rice and live-
Qom, Iran, 2000. A twelve-volume sourcebook on EAl¯ı, con-
stock from Diola communities dramatically increased. Aban-
sisting of primary Arabic texts pertaining to the life and
thought of EAl¯ı, arranged thematically, drawn mostly from
doning long-standing French traditions of secularism, the
traditional Sh¯ıE¯ı works.
local Vichy regime supported efforts at Christian proselytiza-
tion among the predominantly traditionalist (awasena)
Sobh:a¯n¯ı, JaEfar. Furu¯gh-i wila¯yat: Ta¯r¯ıkh-i tah:l¯ıl¯ı-yi zindiga¯n¯ı-yi
Diola. This, coupled with severe drought, created a spiritual
Am¯ır al-mu Dmin¯ın EAl¯ı (The resplendence of sanctity: An an-
alytical history of the life of the commander of the believers,
crisis of conquest, in which Diola questioned a wide range
EAl¯ı). Tehran, 1999. The most comprehensive contemporary
of recent community borrowings from the colonial society,
biography of EAl¯ı in the Persian language.
from conversion to Christianity or Islam, to the cultivation
of peanuts as a cash crop.
Suyu¯t:¯ı, Jala¯l al-D¯ın al-. History of the Caliphs. Translated by
H. S. Jarrett. Amsterdam, 1970.
Alinesitoue Diatta had her first visionary experience in
Suyu¯t:¯ı, Jala¯l al-D¯ın al-. Al-Durr al-manthu¯r fi Dl-tafs¯ır biDl-maDthu¯r
1941, while working as a maid in the French West African
(Scattered pearls of transmitted exegesis). 6 vols. Beirut,
capital of Dakar. Walking through the crowded Sandaga
1896. This important commentary on the QurDa¯n, by one
market, she heard a voice calling to her, commanding her to
of the most eminent Sunn¯ı authorities, records many of the
go to a nearby beach and to dig in the sand. As water filled
Prophet’s sayings relating QurDanic verses to EAl¯ı.
the hole, she realized that she had been commanded by
T:abar¯ı, Abu¯ JaEfar Muh:ammad ibn Jar¯ır al-. The History of
Emitai to introduce a new series of spirit shrines (ukine) fo-
al-T:abar¯ı. See in particular vol. 16, The Community Divided:
cused on obtaining rain to end the drought and to nurture
The Caliphate of EAl¯ı I, A.D. 656–657/ A.H. 35–36. Translat-
the rice crops. Initially reluctant to teach, she returned home
ed by Adrian Brockett. New York, 1997; and vol. 17, The
to the southern Senegalese township of Kabrousse. When she
First Civil War: From the Battle of S:iff¯ın to the Death of EAl¯ı,
began to share her message, she was able to link the increas-
A.D. 656–661/ A.H. 36–40. Translated by G. R. Hawting.
ing hardships imposed by the French colonial regime, the
New York, 1996.
challenges of Christian and Muslim proselytization, and the
T:abar¯ı, Abu¯ JaEfar Muh:ammad ibn Jar¯ır al-. Ja¯mi Eal-baya¯n Ean
drought to the erosion of Diola communitarian values and
taDw¯ıl al-QurDa¯n (Explanatory synthesis of QurDanic exege-
the abandonment of traditional crops and religious practices.
sis). Beirut, 2001.
By introducing a new spirit shrine, Kasila, she renewed an
REZA SHAH-KAZEMI (2005)
emphasis on community-based ritual while underscoring the
role of the supreme being and challenging the hegemony of
community elders and wealthy individuals.
ALINESITOUE Diatta (1920–1944) was a young West
Alinesitoue emphatically rejected the claims of priestly
African woman prophet who gained a substantial following
groups to control ritual practice and the specialized knowl-
among the Diola ethnic group of Senegambia and Guinea-
edge of the shrines. She opened her shrines to full participa-
Bissau during the early years of the Second World War. She
tion by women and men, young and old, rich and poor.
also attracted followers among other ethnic groups of south-
Priests were chosen by divination; as one song of Alinesitoue
ern Senegal and Guinea-Bissau. The people of rural Diola
described it, even an idiot could be chosen. Everyone in the
work primarily as rice farmers and are often described by
community was expected to participate in the community
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
262
EAL¯I SH¯IR NAVA¯D¯I
sacrifices, feasting, and dancing for six days and nights, eat-
the Diola day of rest, and rejecting economic dependence on
ing and sleeping in the public squares for the duration of the
external groups, be they European or Senegalese. Sixteen
ritual. Kasila’s emphasis on shared experience without the
such prophets are active today, one of whom played the role
usual hierarchies based on age and gender revitalized Diola
of Alinesitoue in a play performed by a Diola theater group
religion by creating a new structure for the renewing qualities
in Dakar (twenty years before she began to have visions her-
of what Victor Turner has termed “communitas.” It so hap-
self). Another woman had a vision of a night journey to Ka-
pened that the rice harvest of 1942 to 1943, nurtured by
brousse where she received the blessings of Alinesitoue’s
abundant rainfall, was the best in years.
widower.
Alinesitoue’s teachings provided more than a new ritual
CONCLUSION. Although there had been prophets before the
for the supplication of the supreme being to provide life-
time of Alinesitoue, she gave new prominence to this tradi-
giving rain. She explained that the causes of the drought were
tion, insisting that Emitai was directly involved in the lives
rooted in Diola people’s neglect of a day of rest every sixth
of Diola communities. She emphasized the role of Emitai in
day (Huyaye). Those who chose to work in the rice paddies
empowering the spirit shrines and a kind of covenant in
on Huyaye denied the land its day of rest. Furthermore, the
which Diola farmed rice and performed the required rituals
planting of new varieties of what were seen as European rice
in exchange for life-giving rain from Emitai. It may well be
(actually Asian forms of oryza sativa) disrupted what she de-
that this prophetic tradition is a primary reason why the
scribed as a spiritual link between rice, the land, and Emitai.
Diola contain the largest number of adherents of traditional
While permitting the continued planting of foreign rices, Al-
religion in Senegambia. Others have sought to appropriate
inesitoue insisted that only Diola rice (African, oryza glaberri-
Alinesitoue’s memory for their own causes. Senegalese offi-
ma) could be used in rituals, thus requiring continued culti-
cials and northern Senegalese literati have hailed her as a
vation of what was seen as a gift from Emitai.
heroine of resistance to European colonialism. A separatist
movement in the Casamance region of southern Senegal
Alinesitoue banned, however, the new cash crop of pea-
claims her as the Joan of Arc of Casamance and leader of a
nuts, which French agricultural agents had been pressuring
Diola specific resistance movement, not only against the
Diola farmers to plant. Communities that accepted peanut
French, but against all groups that have tried to establish po-
cultivation found that it undermined family farmers’ sexual
litical, economic, or religious control over the Diola.
division of labor, leading men to abandon their tasks of
building dikes and irrigation systems and of doing the ardu-
SEE ALSO African Religions, overview article, and articles
ous work of plowing by hand. Whereas men concentrated
on Mythic Themes and New Religious Movements; Diola
on the new cash crop, women were left to do the plowing,
Religion; Gender and Religion, article on Gender and Afri-
sowing, transplanting, and harvesting. Dikes and irrigation
can Religious Traditions; Prophecy, article on African
were neglected, harvests declined, and farmers used their
Prophetism.
earnings to buy the rice that they had not planted. Alinesi-
toue argued that Emitai had made Diola—both men and
BIBLIOGRAPHY
“Alinesitoue: A West African Woman Prophet.” In Unspoken
women—plant rice, claiming that this was their central task.
Worlds: Women’s Religious Lives, edited by Nancy A. Falk and
Furthermore, she argued that the forest land used for peanut
Rita M. Gross. Belmont, Calif, 2001.
cultivation should be left for the harvesting of palm wine and
Fall, Marouba, Aliin Sitooye Jaata ou la Dame de Kabrus. Dakar,
other forest products. These teachings brought her into di-
Senegal, 1993.
rect conflict with the French administration.
Girard, Jean. Genèse du pouvoir charismatique en Basse Casamance
HER LEGACY. As people flocked to Alinesitoue’s community
(Sénégal). Dakar, Senegal, 1969.
of Kabrousse, French officials worried about the possibility
Waldman, Marilyn R. with Robert M. Baum. “Innovation as
that she would lead a revolt. Catholic church officials saw
Renovation: The Prophet as an Agent of Change.” In Inno-
churches emptying of catechumens and converts alike as Al-
vation in Religious Traditions, edited by Michael A. Williams,
inesitoue’s movement gained strength. In January of 1943,
et al. Berlin, 1992.
a French expedition proceeded to Kabrousse and arrested her
ROBERT M. BAUM (2005)
and a number of her assistants. They were taken to the state
capital of Ziguinchor, tried under the Native Law Code (In-
digènat), and sentenced to various terms of exile. Alinesitoue
EAL¯I SH¯IR NAVA¯D¯I (AH 844–906/1441–1501 CE),
was exiled to the city of Timbuctou, in French Sudan, where
more fully M¯ır Niz:a¯m al-D¯ın EAl¯ı Sh¯ır Nava¯D¯ı; Central
she died of starvation in 1944. No one, not even her hus-
Asian poet, biographer, and patron of arts, letters, and Islam-
band, was told of her death. It was only in 1987 that it was
ic institutions. Nava¯D¯ı was a man of versatile accomplish-
revealed that she had died over forty years before.
ments who, born into the upper aristocracy of the city of
Within a few months of her arrest, two other women
Hera¯t (now in Afghanistan), devoted his life to public service
rose to prominence, claiming to be prophets sent by Emitai.
and the arts. Honored in the eastern Islamic world, he is re-
Since then, more than thirty other prophets—mostly
garded as the greatest classical poet of the Soviet Uzbek peo-
women—have taught about reviving rain rituals, observing
ple and a significant contributor to Persian cultural history.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALKALAI, YEHUDAH BEN SHELOMOH
263
The period during which Nava¯D¯ı lived saw much politi-
The best source for understanding Nava¯D¯ı within the cultural con-
cal conflict owing to the disintegration of rule by the descen-
text of his period is Edward G. Browne’s A Literary History
dants of Timur (Tamerlane). Small princedoms, chiefly of
of Persia, vol. 3, The Tartar Dominion, 1265–1502 (1920;
Turkic origin, intrigued for domination and caused much
reprint, Cambridge, U.K., 1951).
instability among the upper classes. In Nava¯D¯ı’s family,
EDEN NABY (1987)
changing fortunes gave the young boy opportunities to meet
a variety of scholars and mystics who shaped his intellectual
and religious development. For most of his adult life he was
ALKALAI, YEHUDAH BEN SHELOMOH
a political and personal intimate of Sultan H:usayn Ba¯yqara¯
(1798–1878), rabbi and writer, one of the forerunners of
(d. 1506), who provided him with further opportunity for
modern Zionism. Born in Sarajevo and raised in Jerusalem,
interaction with men of letters and led to the writing of his
Alkalai became the rabbi of Semlin (modern-day Zemun),
biographical collection, Maja¯lis al-nafa¯ Eis (Gathering of
the capital of Serbia, in 1825. His interest in nationalism was
spirits), composed in Chaghatai, the eastern Turkic literary
probably sparked by the nationalist ferment in the Balkans
language.
in the wake of the Greek struggle for independence. He was
During this period, Hera¯t was not only the leading cen-
also influenced by Yehudah ben Shemu’el Bibas, the rabbi
ter for the arts but also a place where mysticism, and especial-
of Corfu, who was one of the earliest nineteenth-century
ly the Naqshband¯ı S:u¯f¯ı order, flourished. Nava¯D¯ı, who has
proponents of Jewish national settlement in the Land of
been described as a man spiritual rather than public by incli-
Israel.
nation, appears to have been an initiate into the Naqshband¯ı
Alkalai’s first nationalist writing was his 1834 pamphlet
kha¯nga¯h (S:u¯f¯ı hospice) headed by his friend, the great mystic
Shema E YisraDel (Hear O Israel), in which he called for Jews
poet EAbd al-Rah:ma¯n Ja¯m¯ı (d. 1492). Although he did not
to establish colonies in the Land of Israel as the first step in
follow the ascetic path, Nava¯D¯ı never married and professed
the messianic redemption. Alkalai thus argued for human
to be a dervish. Since he was a Sunn¯ı Muslim, his lack of
initiative in a process that most religious Jews considered the
prejudice toward Sh¯ıE¯ı Muslims has led to speculation that
province of God.
he may have favored that sect. His friendliness toward the
Sh¯ıEah, however, probably reflects the relatively tranquil reli-
He further developed this idea in his 1839 Ladino-
gious atmosphere of his day, particularly in contrast to the
Hebrew textbook, Darkhei no Eam (Paths of peacefulness). By
early sixteenth century, when bitter Sunn¯ı-Sh¯ıE¯ı political
interpreting the word teshuvah (“repentance”) according to
struggles rent the natural cultural and socioeconomic rela-
its literal sense to mean “return,” he turned the traditional
tionships that had existed across the Iranian plateau.
doctrine that repentance was a necessary precondition for the
messianic redemption into a requirement that the Jews first
Nava¯D¯ı’s devotion to public and religious affairs is dem-
“return” to the Land of Israel.
onstrated by the fact that during his lifetime he restored and
endowed about 370 mosques, madrasahs (Islamic colleges),
Alkalai’s nationalist thinking took on much greater ur-
caravansaries, and other pious institutions; the M¯ır EAl¯ı Sh¯ır
gency as a result of the Damascus Affair of 1840, when the
Mosque in Hera¯t was named for him. He wrote a total of
Jews of Damascus were accused of using the blood of non-
twenty-nine literary works, mainly poetical, and some in imi-
Jews for ritual purposes. Alkalai held the event to be proof
tation of mystical texts. Most of these are in Chaghatai, but
that the Jews needed to regain their homeland. His first re-
a few are in Persian, under the pen name Fa¯n¯ı. Because of
sponse to the Damascus Affair was the Ladino work Shelom
his position as an early champion of Chaghatai, Nava¯D¯ı has
Yerushalayim (The peace of Jerusalem); it was followed in
held a special place in modern Central Asian culture. His life
1843 by his first Hebrew work, Minh:at Yehudah (The offer-
story, embellished with apocryphal tales, has penetrated into
ing of Judah), in which he developed his nationalist thinking
the folk literature, theater, and opera of the Perso-Turkic cul-
in a more systematic way.
ture of the region.
Traveling throughout Europe, Alkalai devoted the rest
of his life to attempts to set up societies that would foster set-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
tlement in Palestine. These efforts bore little fruit. He also
The most comprehensive historical study of Nava¯D¯ı remains V. V.
advocated the establishment of an international Jewish orga-
Barthold’s Russian-language essay that appears in Four
nization, which eventually came into being with the found-
Studies on the History of Central Asia, vol. 3, M¯ır EAl¯ı-Sh¯ır:
ing of the Alliance Israélite Universelle in 1860. Alkalai,
A History of the Turkmen People, translated by Vladimir Mi-
norsky and Tatiana Minorsky (Leiden, 1962). Uzbek, Rus-
however, played almost no role in the developments of the
sian, and Tajik literary studies of Nava¯D¯ı of more recent vin-
1860s and 1870s that laid the groundwork for later Zionism.
tage share with Barthold’s essay a reluctance to discuss the
He died a forgotten figure in Jerusalem in 1878. Only after
religious aspects of Nava¯D¯ı’s life, focusing instead on his con-
the establishment of the Zionist movement at the end of the
tributions to art, architecture, music, calligraphy, painting,
nineteenth century was Alkalai remembered as a religious
and especially literature. Of these a prominent example is Ev-
precursor to modern Jewish nationalism.
genii E. Bertel’s’s Izbrannie Trudy: Navoi i Dzhami, 4 vols.
(Moscow, 1965).
SEE ALSO Zionism.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
264
ALLA¯H
BIBLIOGRAPHY
to move further to the rear of the balcony. Jones refused, and
In addition to Getzel Kressel’s article “Alkalai, Judah Ben Solo-
a scuffle ensued as the ushers tried to forcibly remove Jones
mon Hai,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971), fur-
from his seat. Jones, Allen, and the other black worshippers
ther biographical information as well as an example of Al-
left the sanctuary.
kalai’s writings can be found in The Zionist Idea, edited by
Arthur Hertzberg (Philadelphia, 1959), pp. 102–107.
Jones and Allen subsequently led regular worship ser-
New Sources
vices in what was called the African Church, and by 1792
Penkower, Monty Noam. “Religious Forerunners of Zionism.”
their group’s members were raising funds to construct a
Judaism 33 (1984): 289–295.
church building. The worshippers differed, however, over
D
the choice of denominational affiliation. Most of the mem-
AVID BIALE (1987)
Revised Bibliography
bers voted for affiliation with the Episcopal Church. Jones
went with the majority and eventually became an Episcopal
priest, but Allen went with the minority that favored Meth-
odism.
ALLA¯H SEE ATTRIBUTES OF GOD, ARTICLE ON
ISLAMIC CONCEPTS; GOD, ARTICLE ON GOD IN
Allen reclaimed an old blacksmith’s shop and renovated
ISLAM
it into a chapel for those who preferred the Methodist style
of worship. Work on the church was delayed for several
months, because much of the energies of members of the
Free African Society were required to help minister among
ALLEN, RICHARD (February 14, 1760–March 26,
the sick and tend to the dead during the yellow fever epidem-
1831), minister and businessperson, is regarded as the found-
ic that struck Philadelphia in 1793. Bishop Ashbury dedicat-
er of the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church—the
ed Allen’s chapel as Bethel Church on July 29, 1794, twelve
first African American denomination. Although he is gener-
days after Jones’s Saint Thomas African Episcopal Church
ally regarded as the first bishop of the African Methodist
was dedicated.
Episcopal denomination, in actuality he was the second bish-
op. Daniel Coker was elected before Allen but was more con-
Because Bethel was a part of the Methodist system of
cerned about African missions, and therefore Allen was elect-
government, and because Allen lacked ordination, the
ed as Coker’s replacement.
church was still subject to white control and influence. Even
though Allen was Bethel’s leader, the church had to cooper-
Allen was born a slave but gained his freedom around
ate with visiting white preachers assigned to its pulpit. Allen
1781 by working during his free hours as a woodcutter,
was ordained as a deacon in 1799, but this still restricted his
bricklayer, and wagon driver. He converted to Methodism
authority to celebrate the Lord’s Supper and perform the sac-
during his late teens, and following his emancipation he
rament of baptism or weddings beyond his assignment or
began preaching during his travels around Delaware, New
when the ruling white elder was absent.
Jersey, and Pennsylvania while working odd jobs to support
himself. In 1785 Allen was frequently assigned by Francis As-
A number of events arising out of the contestation for
hbury to fill preach, and he also accompanied Richard What-
power led eventually to Allen’s members securing congrega-
coat on the Baltimore circuit.
tional autonomy through the courts. On April 7, 1816, Allen
Allen moved to Philadelphia in 1786 and began to asso-
presided over the first convention that created the African
ciate with Absalom Jones (1746–1818) and other free blacks
Methodist Episcopal Church. He was consecrated bishop on
at Saint George’s Methodist Church. Allen and Jones started
April 11, 1816, with Absalom Jones participating in the
a prayer group among the free black population and orga-
ceremony.
nized the Free African Society in 1787 for the purpose of
Although Allen and Jones had parted ways denomina-
mutual aid, support, and ministry to widows, orphans, and
tionally, they continued to work closely together in many
the sick. This was the first African American society orga-
other endeavors, such as the founding of Philadelphia’s Afri-
nized in the United States. Philadelphia had the largest free
can Masonic Lodge in 1798, petitioning Congress and the
African American population in the country, and the Free
state legislature to end slavery in 1800, and founding of the
African Society was one of the major public gathering places
Society for the Suppression of Vice and Immorality in 1808.
for black people.
In 1812 they, along with James Forten, were asked by the
The success of Jones and Allen’s ministry and preaching
Vigilance Committee to organize the black Philadelphia
precipitated a crisis at Saint George’s—what to do with the
population to help with the city defenses, and they complied
increased number of black worshippers. The white church
by recruiting 2,500 blacks into that effort. Allen and Jones
leaders attempted to resolved the issue by segregating black
also combined their forces to organize a convention held in
worshippers in the balcony. However, on a Sunday in No-
Philadelphia in January 1817 to oppose the goals of the
vember 1787, after Jones seated himself in one of the front
American Colonization Society that had been formed to pro-
pews of the balcony, he was instructed by one of the ushers
mote the emigration of blacks to Liberia.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALL-FATHER
265
BIBLIOGRAPHY
More rewarding to consider than questions of definition
Allen, Richard. The Life, Experience, and Gospel Labors of the Rt.
is the All-Father’s role in Aboriginal life (in the past, that is,
Rev. Richard Allen. Philadelphia, 1793; reprint, Philadelphia,
for the belief is almost certainly now moribund). Here schol-
1888.
ars are especially indebted to Howitt and his younger con-
Campbell, James T. Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal
temporary Robert Hamilton Mathews (1841–1918), also an
Church in the United States and South Africa. New York,
amateur anthropologist. All southeastern Aborigines knew
1995.
something of the All-Father, but deeper knowledge was re-
George, Carol V. R. Segregated Sabbaths: Richard Allen and the
vealed to those who went through the man-making ceremo-
Emergence of Independent Black Churches, 1760–1840. New
nies. An old Theddora woman told Howitt that the spirit
York, 1973.
came down with a noise like thunder when boys were initiat-
Murphy, Larry G., J. Gordon Melton, and Gary L. Ward, eds. En-
ed. The ceremonies themselves were, for most men, the main
cyclopedia of African American Religions. New York, 1993.
avenue of knowledge about the All-Father. Not only were
Pinn, Ann H., and Anthony B. Pinn. Fortress Introduction to Black
they said to have been instituted by him, but they included
Church History. Minneapolis, Minn., 2002.
many symbolic references to him, and sometimes the fiction
Richardson, Harry V. Dark Salvation: The Story of Methodism as
of an actual encounter with him was maintained. The
It Developed among Blacks in America. Garden City, N.Y.,
Wiradthuri people’s Burbung, for example, was an initiation
1976.
cermony that was supposed to have been set up by the All-
JAMES ANTHONY NOEL (2005)
Father after he slew a lesser spirit who used to kill and eat
some of the boys whom the All-Father took for tooth avul-
sion (the man-making operation). Having put the monster’s
ALL-FATHER.
voice in the trees, the All-Father found that he could repro-
Nineteenth-century reports on south-
duce it in a bull-roarer. He told the leading men that from
eastern Australia showed a widespread belief in a male spirit
then on they should initiate boys and use bull-roarers.
who transcended others in this part of the continent. Known
Women and children were to continue to believe that the
by diverse names, including Baiame, Bunjil, Daramulun,
monster destroyed the boys and then restored them to life.
Kohin, and Munganngaua, he was said to live in the sky (al-
though earlier he had been on earth). The Aborigines credit-
The All-Father’s appearance was shown by images made
ed him with great achievements—laying down laws, institut-
of him in this and other ceremonies. In a Burbung attended
ing man-making ceremonies, shaping the earth, and teaching
by Mathews in 1893 a figure of a man was molded from
the arts of life. The amateur anthropologist A. W. Howitt
earth to represent the All-Father. Lying face down with arms
(1830–1908), who collected much of the data on the topic,
outflung, the figure had tripped and fallen while chasing an
saw through differences in name and detail to underlying re-
emu he had speared. The figure was 6.6 meters long, 1.7 me-
semblances in the various tribal conceptions and suggested
ters across, and 0.5 meters at the highest point. The anthro-
that this spirit be identified by the term All-Father. Howitt
pomorphic conception is also confirmed by rock engravings
denied the being’s divinity, while others voiced the suspicion
and by outlines cut into trees.
that such a spirit must reflect Christian influence on the Ab-
An even more esoteric communication between human
origines. The extent of the area over which beliefs in the All-
and supernatural (one which even the most knowledgeable
Father were known made this implausible even then (al-
men seemed to regard as literal and not merely symbolic or
though it is likely that some of the descriptions were colored
fictional) took place in the making of magicians. It was be-
by Christianity). Since the 1940s a high degree of circum-
lieved in at least parts of southeastern Australia that the All-
stantial probability has been lent to the All-Father’s authen-
Father played an essential part in this process, which itself
ticity by reports of an All-Mother from northern Australia.
was a foundation of the moral and political order. Postulants
Evidently Aborigines have had no difficulty in conceiving of
appeared before the All-Father (no doubt in dream or trance
a spirit who stands above the social order in the sense of hav-
state), were shown how to use quartz crystal for magical pur-
ing the same relation to all persons—for obscure reasons this
poses, and had this and other objects “sung” into their bodies
being is male and paternal in some regions, female and ma-
by him. A Wiradthuri man who underwent the experience
ternal in others.
described the All-Father to Howitt as “a very great old man
Howitt’s denial of the All-Father’s divinity appears to
with a long beard . . . from his shoulders extended two great
have rested on the absence of worship and, perhaps more
quartz crystals to the sky above him” (Howitt, 1904,
subtly, on the absence of the elevated properties ideally as-
p. 408).
cribed to the Christian God. Yet in his Native Tribes of
South-East Asia (1904), he readily admitted the All-Father to
SEE ALSO Australian Indigenous Religions, overview article.
be supernatural, and he propounded a theory of his genesis
as an otherworldly embodiment of a tribal headman—“full
BIBLIOGRAPHY
of knowledge and tribal wisdom, and all-powerful in magic,
The most important single source for the All-Father’s role in
of which he is the source, with virtues, failings and passions,
magic, cosmology, and ritual is A. W. Howitt’s The Native
such as the aborigines regard them” (pp. 500–501).
Tribes of South-East Australia (London, 1904). He collected
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
266
ALL FOOLS’ DAY
many observations by others as well as recording his own.
sisted the change or failed to remember when the year was
For the heated debate over the All-Father’s significance and
to begin. This confusion led to the practice of exchanging
authenticity, the most accessible source is Mircea Eliade’s
false greetings for the first of the year on the old day of its
Australian Religions: An Introduction (Ithaca, N.Y., 1973),
observance (April 1) and of sending false gifts, as a joke, to
which gives valuable bibliographical references to the ethno-
those who expected the customary holiday presents on that
graphic and polemical literature. My own work, The Austra-
day. Thus some scholars believe that jests of all sorts soon
lian Aborigines: A Portrait of Their Society (London, 1972),
came to be associated with this date. The term poisson d’avril,
puts the All-Father beliefs and the associated man-making
ceremonies in a wider Australian mythical and ritual context.
literally translated as “an April fish,” is still used to describe
Ernest A. Worms’s “Australische eingeborenen Religionen,”
the foolish victim of an All Fools’ Day prank.
in Hans Nevermann, Ernest A. Worms, and Helmut Petri’s
The custom of “April fooling,” known and practiced in
Die Religionen der Südsee und Australiens (Stuttgart, 1968),
many European countries, was brought by English settlers
pp. 125–322, may also be consulted with advantage, espe-
to the United States of America. There, any person of any
cially for its stimulating linguistic explorations.
age or rank is susceptible to being made a fool on April first;
KENNETH MADDOCK (1987)
tradition demands, however, that these jokes take place only
within the twelve-hour period from midnight to noon (with
the rest of the day reserved, no doubt, for apologies). Today,
the practice is usually observed by children, although some
ALL FOOLS’ DAY. The first day of April, known as
adults continue to perpetrate both simple and complex jests
All Fools’ Day or April Fools’ Day, is traditionally marked
and hoaxes on unsuspecting individuals on this day.
by the custom of playing jokes (usually on friends) and en-
gaging in frivolous activities. It stands as one of the few
BIBLIOGRAPHY
spring festivals in Christian Europe unaffected by the date
Little worthwhile scholarly work has been done on the subject of
of the celebration of Easter. All Fools’ Day should not be
All Fools’ Day. A valuable English antiquarian source of in-
confused with the Feast of Fools, the medieval mock-
formation on the day’s customs is The Book of Days, 2 vols.,
religious festival involving status reversals and parodies of the
edited by Robert Chambers (1862–1864; Philadelphia,
official church by low-level cathedral functionaries and oth-
1914). A more contemporary reflection on April Fools’ Day
ers (held on or about the Feast of the Circumcision, January
traditions, especially in Great Britain, can be found in Chris-
1). April Fools’ Day activities, however, are related in spirit
tina Hole’s British Folk Customs (London, 1976). Hertha
to this once-licensed kind of revelry. The actual origins of
Wolf-Beranek’s “Zum Aprilscherz in den Sudetenländern,”
April Fools’ practices and their connection to the first of
Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 64 (1968): 223–227, provides a
April are unknown. The day and its traditions appear to re-
short but useful summary of the changes that have taken
place, in European usage, in the term describing individuals
flect some of the festive characteristics of such non-Christian
who are fooled on April 1. Catherine H. Ainsworth’s “April
religious celebrations as the Hilaria of ancient Rome (March
Fools’ Day,” in volume 1 of her American Calendar Customs
25) and the Holi festival of India (ending March 31). Tradi-
(Buffalo, N.Y., 1979), inadequately explains the origins of
tional celebrations related to the vernal equinox and to the
the observance, but her collected accounts of the day as cele-
arrival of spring in the Northern Hemisphere, as well as that
brated in the United States are informative.
season’s playful and often fickle weather, may also have
New Sources
contributed to the timing and persistence of April Fools’
Aveni, Anthony. The Book of the Year: A Brief History of Our Sea-
customs.
sonal Holidays. New York, 2003.
The development of All Fools’ Day has been the subject
Farrell, James J. “April Fool’s Day.” Clergy Journal 77 (April
of much popular speculation. The day has been seen as com-
2001): 12.
memorating the wanderings from place to place of the raven
LEONARD NORMAN PRIMIANO (1987)
and dove Noah sent from the ark to search for day land after
Revised Bibliography
the biblical flood. It has also been thought to memorialize
in an irreverent way the transfer of Jesus from the jurisdiction
of one governmental or religious figure to another in the last
hours before his crucifixion. In either case, the events in
ALMSGIVING may be defined as unilateral gifts to the
question were believed to have occurred on or near the first
poor or the religious. In its purest form, the gift of alms is
of April. An intriguing explanation for April Fools’ Day cus-
given gratuitously without expectation of return, and is in
toms in France, on the other hand, concerns confusion over
this sense “free.” Almsgiving thus stands apart from recipro-
the change in the date for the observance of the New Year.
cal gifts, which forge human relationships of solidarity by
Those who recognized March 25 as the beginning of their
principles of give-and-take. Moreover, alms are praiseworthy
year (a number of different dates were used to mark this oc-
when given voluntarily, out of the free will and generosity
casion in medieval Europe) culminated their eight-day cele-
of the donor; yet almsgiving is often configured as a binding
bration of this event on April 1. When in 1564 Charles IX
religious duty. Deliberation on almsgiving raises intriguing
changed the official date to January 1, some people either re-
questions about whether purely gratuitous charity is possible,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALMSGIVING
267
or whether it is always at bottom motivated by consider-
At the same time, within religious traditions there oc-
ations of reciprocity, spiritual reward, or simply the fulfill-
curs frequent discussion on whether such calculations are ap-
ment of obligations. Reflections on almsgiving have also
propriate. For some, almsgiving is a purely magnanimous
stimulated considerations of the plight of the poor and how
act, a complete and genuine expression of compassion for the
to best serve their needs.
poor, esteem for the religious, contempt for worldly goods,
or devotion and gratitude to God. Many South Asian theo-
A FREE GIFT? For some, gifts should be given freely and dis-
rists posit almsgiving (da¯na) as a gesture toward the recipient
interestedly by the donor, yet should simultaneously inspire
in which either esteem or compassion—rather than interest
reciprocation by the recipient. The Roman philosopher Sen-
in merit—prevails. Simultaneously, da¯na is an act of renun-
eca (4 BCE–65 CE) praised the graciousness of the uncondi-
ciation, of loosening one’s attachments to material posses-
tional gift, even while enjoining the recipient to respond
sions. Hindu discourses on da¯na, for example, rate gifts made
with gratitude and, in turn, future service. This view of gift
to worthy brahmans out of a sense either of rightness
giving as a form of gracious exchange finds modern expres-
(dharmada¯na) or relinquishment (tya¯gada¯na), as estimable
sion in studies of gift behavior inspired by Marcel Mauss’s
above all gifts. Certain Therava¯da Buddhist texts assert that
classic The Gift (1923). Noting that in many tribal societies,
the ideal generous intention is entirely suffused with esteem
social cohesion is made possible through the back-and-forth
toward the monastic community or compassion toward the
flow of gifts, Mauss saw the gift as a circuit or loop entailing
needy. Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism, which Jacques Gernet has de-
three obligations: to give, to receive, and to reciprocate.
scribed as by its nature “antieconomic” and “avid for the in-
Mauss and his followers were skeptical of the free gift because
commensurable” (1995, p. 241), regards lavish unilateral
it appears to be free of social obligations; in not eliciting a
and disinterested generosity as a supreme moral and religious
return it interrupts the mutuality on which social solidarity
achievement.
rests, leaving asymmetry and imbalance.
In the Western religions—Judaism, Christianity, and
Others have doubted whether a gift can truly be free of
Islam—almsgiving is a declaration of devotion and gratitude
any expectation whatsoever. While it may not result in direct
to God. It thus expresses intentions of the highest order,
material recompense by the recipient, every gift returns some
aimed not so much toward the earthly recipient as the divine
benefit to the giver, whether that benefit arrives in the form
one. The Christian Gospels make such sentiment explicit
of enhanced social prestige, a position of dominance over the
when Jesus declares that “what is done for the least of my
recipient, or merely a sense of self-congratulation.
brethren, that is done unto me” (Mt. 25:40). Judaism and
Islam too find God present in the recipient; a Talmudic pas-
Amid these interpretations of the gift, we find religious
sage states that one who gives to the poor receives “the face
ideologies proposing that not only are free gifts possible, they
of the Presence of God” (Avery-Peck, 1999, p. 54), and the
are highly commendable. Alms are aimed in two directions:
Islamic scholar al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s eleventh-century On the Myster-
to the poor and dispossessed and to religious professionals
ies of Almsgiving asserts that the poor recipient “has made his
living in voluntary poverty, such as priests, monastics, re-
hand a substitute for that of God” (Faris, 1966, p. 36).
nouncers, or the institutions that support them. Such benefi-
Moreover, for all these traditions, since God has given all
ciaries are little expected to make a direct return on the gifts
that one possesses, almsgiving is merely furthering God’s
offered. The resulting asymmetry is part of what make such
work of distributing the bountiful creation. It purifies the
gifts laudable: they appear to be made without calculation
donor of stinginess and gives lie to the pretension of human
or anticipation of return.
autonomy. Almsgiving is not a matter of self-
Yet, the absence of direct reciprocity from the recipient
aggrandizement, but rather of humility and purification.
may not always entail that the giver be entirely free of inter-
One of the most poignant ruptures in theologies of cal-
est. Almsgiving may bear the imprint of an older sacrificial
culated giving occurred within Christianity through the
order that in many traditions it supplanted: explicit bartering
Protestant Reformation. In The Gift in Sixteenth-Century
with the gods is replaced by more implicit arrangements.
France (2000), Natalie Zemon Davis suggests that in a “pro-
Almsgiving gratifies the cosmic order, which in turn grants
found sense, the religious reformations of the sixteenth cen-
further bounty. A donor might legitimately engage in alms-
tury were a quarrel about gifts” (p. 100). Reformers were of-
giving as a form of merit-making, with an eye fixed on future
fended by the Mass as a sacrifice and source of grace, priests
meritorious rewards bestowed, for example, through the cau-
trafficking in indulgences, and gifts edging, in their view, to-
sality of karma in the religions originating in South Asia, or
ward heretical reciprocity with God. For reformer John Cal-
in the form of God’s blessings in the Western monotheisms.
vin (1509–1564), since God gives utterly gratuitously, grace
Almsgiving may thus be regarded as a spiritual investment
cannot be won by pious acts. All gifts can only be free and
wherein sacrifices and good deeds in this life are amply re-
unidirectional, flowing “downward from the Lord and out-
warded in the hereafter. Almsgiving may also be motivated
ward from us” (Davis, 2000, p. 118).
by a desire for atonement; here the gift may balance the kar-
mic “bank account” by offsetting bad deeds, or offer repara-
A VOLUNTARY OBLIGATION? Covenantal theologies depict
tions and expiation for sins committed.
almsgiving as a binding human obligation to God. In the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
268
ALMSGIVING
Torah, God commands the Israelites to “open wide your
It is noteworthy that both Maimonides and al-Ghaza¯l¯ı
hand to your brother, to the needy and to the poor, in the
recognize anonymous giving, especially when we notice co-
land” (Dt. 15:11). The practice of zaka¯t, prescribed as one
vert giving in other traditions, such as the secret gift
of the five pillars of Islam, makes almsgiving obligatory for
(gupta-da¯na) admired in South Asian traditions, and Mat-
every Muslim; in some Muslim countries it is enforced as a
thew’s instruction that in giving “do not let your left hand
legal obligation. In addition to legal sanctions, severe public
know what your right hand is doing, so that your alms may
opprobrium may attach itself to those who resist almsgiving,
be in secret” (Mt. 6:3). The secret gift spares the recipient
enforcing charity by the mandate of social pressure.
disgrace and arrests the donor’s vanity. Yet even while hid-
den, this most meritorious gift does not go unseen or unre-
Ritual obligations also call forth gifts. Entry into ritual
warded by God, nor by the workings of karma.
spaces often entails passing through the gates of charity. The
ritual calendars in many of the world’s religious traditions
Crucial considerations in grasping the voluntary nature
build ritual almsgiving into festival occasions; the hungry
of almsgiving concern socioeconomic realities and the possi-
know a meal may always be had during Lent and Easter, the
bility that unilateral giving, especially in class-stratified socie-
Jewish holiday of Purim, the Buddhist celebration of Vesak,
ties, may be an imperative placed on the rich by the social
and the Muslim ¯Id al-Ad:h:a¯. They might also gather at sacred
pressure of the poor. Acts of charity maintain the status quo
sites where pilgrims are compelled to be free with alms: sup-
by legitimizing the wealth of the haves while softening (but
plicants await at the banks of the Ganges in Va¯ra¯n:as¯ı to offer
seldom fundamentally altering) the lot of the have-nots (see
themselves as auspicious occasions for pilgrims’ devotion. In-
Bowie, 1998). Jean Starobinski (1994) has suggested that
stitutionalized ritual practices, such as the passing of the col-
both largesse and charity may always contain an element of
lection plate during the weekly service, ingrain routine pat-
darkness in that they expose inequalities without eradicating
terns of giving.
them. Religious ideologies celebrating charity may be merely
giving a religious and moral gloss to what is in fact driven
Where conceived as an obligation compelled by external
by forces of class appeasement.
demands, the element of voluntarism may be obscured. Only
W
in granting the deed an element of free will can it exhibit the
HERE DO ALMS GO? Alms are received in different ways
by strangers, neighbors, monks, nuns, holy men and women,
appropriate spirit of generosity. Paradoxically, it may be that
the displaced, and the poor. Alms may engender affection
gifts can be simultaneously obliged and voluntary. Religious
and gratitude or they might give rise to humiliation and re-
discourses on almsgiving often detect nuances in intention
sentment. Some recent fieldwork studies in India have re-
that are explored in rankings of gifts. The twelfth-century
vealed considerable ambivalence for those on the receiving
Jewish theologian Maimonides’ eight degrees of charity cap-
end of certain types of gifts that bring “poison” and depen-
ture many of the subtleties of almsgiving that allow for gra-
dency with them (Raheja, 1988; Parry, 1994). In some con-
cious intentions within the context of carrying out duties. At
texts, recipients may resent the paternalism of those who seek
the highest level, the donor strengthens the poor Jew, putting
the recipients’ moral betterment through charity. Converse-
him beyond a condition of dependence; next best is the
ly, the poor may distrust the gift that traps them in depen-
anonymous gift where neither the donor nor the recipient
dency and degradation, given by those who accept the condi-
knows the other; after this comes the gift where the donor
tion of poverty as part of the created order or as a necessary
knows the recipient, but the recipient does not know who
backdrop for the expression of their good deeds.
the donor is; then, the gift where the recipient knows the
donor, but the donor does not know the recipient; then the
Also important is to consider the trajectory of alms that
gift of one who gives before being asked; then the gift of one
enrich institutions and transform societies. For example,
who has been asked; then the gift of less than is fitting, but
almsgiving practices associated with the arrival of Buddhism
given gladly; and lastly, the gift given morosely.
in China stimulated the development of an advanced econo-
my through the accumulation of great wealth by monastic
An intriguing counterpart to Maimonides’ eight degrees
institutions. Monastic riches were not hoarded, but were in
and another list that detects nuances in the donor’s inten-
turn transformed into productive capital that was then redis-
tionality may be found the eight duties of almsgiving out-
tributed to the poor or deployed for the purposes of conver-
lined by al-Ghaza¯l¯ı, which explore the mysteries of both
sion and propagation, magnifying Buddhism’s reach.
zaka¯t and voluntary giving (s:adaqah). These duties include
Through investing in what came to be called the “Inexhaust-
understanding why zaka¯t is obligatory, respecting the time
ible Treasuries”—inexhaustible in that they increase wealth
and etiquette of paying zaka¯t, giving in secrecy, giving in
and in turn dispense it in every direction—the pious donor
public (in order to provide an example for others), refraining
could become a bodhisattva perfecting infinite generosity (see
from taunting or reproaching the beneficiary, belittling the
Gernet, 1995). No political, social, or economic institution
gift (in order to guard against self-congratulation and vani-
in Tang dynasty China remained unaffected by these devel-
ty), giving what is best and dear to the donor, and seeking
opments.
out particularly worthy recipients (within the prescribed cat-
egories of recipients of zaka¯t). Here too we find sensitivities
Gifts in the modern world too have the potential to
that ennoble the fulfillment of duty.
transform or constrain the lives of individuals as well as effect
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALPHABETS
269
great historical change. In modern contexts of tremendous
ters in the civilizations and religious traditions that use them.
global economic disparities, almsgiving may play a crucial
The term alphabet generally refers to those scripts derived
role in rectifying the gross injustices and exploitations of the
from the original Phoenician aleph-bet that have roughly one
world. Yet the free, unilateral gift does not arrive without
sign and only one sign for every phoneme, or at least, as in
complications. Even when given with the noblest of inten-
Phoenician, Hebrew, and Arabic, every consonant phoneme.
tions, alms take different courses as they reach the recipient,
Logographic writing such as Chinese, and syllabaries such as
sometimes leading to help and self-determination, other
the Maya “glyphs” (largely deciphered in recent decades),
times to a labyrinth of dependence. A central question from
Japanese katakana and hiragana, Indian devana¯gar¯ı, and the
a modern perspective concerns how best to channel human
Ethiopian “geDez” are therefore excluded from the following
charitable impulses not merely to offer relief, but to effective-
discussions, even though the last two derive ultimately from
ly dismantle social and economic structures that create op-
the Phoenician script. However, Near Eastern precursors of
pression and poverty in the first place.
the alphabet, such as cuneiform and Egyptian hieroglyphics
and their offshoots, will be discussed.
SEE ALSO Charity; Hospitality; Merit, overview article;
Zaka¯t.
ORIGIN OF WRITING. The beginnings of writing can be
traced back to the fourth millennium BCE and earlier in Mes-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
opotamia and in Kurdistan, the Zagros Mountains, and the
Seneca’s De Beneficiis, translated by John Cooper and J. F. Pro-
Iranian plateau to the east and north. Subsequently, the idea
copé in Moral and Political Essays (New York, 1995), offers
of writing (however different the forms it took in each area)
a nuanced appreciation of the intricacies of the gift. For Mai-
spread eastward to the Indus Valley and China, and west-
monides’ eight degrees of charity, see Isadore Twersky, ed.,
ward to Egypt, Anatolia, and Minoan Crete. Though the ear-
A Maimonides Reader (New York, 1972), pp. 134–139; for
liest uses of writing appear to have been economic—the re-
al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s book on almsgiving in the Ih:ya¯ D Eulu¯m al-d¯ın,
cording of mundane trade transactions—it quickly became
see Nabih Amin Faris, trans., The Mysteries of Almsgiving
(Beirut, 1966). A thorough overview of Jewish almsgiving
so central to civilized life that every aspect of human endeav-
can be found in Alan Avery-Peck’s entry “Charity in Juda-
or was written down, from the deeds of kings and priestly
ism” in The Encyclopedia of Judaism (New York, 1999), vol.
rituals to the most sacred myths of the people.
1, pp. 50–63. See P. V. Kane’s chapter on da¯na for Hindu
MYTHS OF ORIGIN. Myths soon evolved in literate cultures,
textual reflections on the gift in History of Dharmashastra
attributing to gods or heroes the origin of writing and its
(Poona, India, 1975), pp. 837–888; and Ethics, Wealth, and
transmission to human beings. In Mesopotamia, the cradle
Salvation: A Study in Buddhist Social Ethics, edited by Russell
Sizemore and Donald Swearer (Columbia, S.C., 1990), for
of writing, Nabu (Nebo)—son of Marduk, king of the Baby-
several chapters on Buddhist da¯na. Superb historical explora-
lonian pantheon—was credited with the invention of writ-
tions of almsgiving include Natalie Zemon Davis’s The Gift
ing, which he used to record the fates of men. This notion
in Sixteenth-Century France (Madison, Wis., 2000); Jean
of the function of writing, represented in the Book of Daniel
Starobinski’s Largesse (Paris, 1994), translated by Jane Marie
5:5–28 (cf. the English expressions hand of fate and hand-
Todd (Chicago, 1997); and Jacques Gernet’s Buddhism in
writing on the wall), is still alive today in the Middle East and
Chinese Society: An Economic History from the Fifth to the
the Balkans.
Tenth Centuries, translated by Franciscus Verellen (New
York, 1995). Social sciences approaches stimulated by
According to Egyptian mythology, the god dhwtj
¯
Mauss’s The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Ar-
(Thoth) discovered writing. This attribution is known to the
chaic Societies, translated by W. D. Halls (London and New
West through Plato (Phaidros 274c) and was accepted even
York, 1990), and particularly fascinating when explored in
by the church, as proved by the floor mosaic in Siena Cathe-
contemporary South Asia include Gloria Raheja’s The Poison
dral, which depicts Hermes Trismegistos (Thoth) giving
in the Gift: Ritual, Prestation, and the Dominant Caste in a
writing to the Egyptians. Titles of this divinity include sˇs
North Indian Village (Chicago, 1988) and Jonathan Parry’s
(scribe) and nb sˇs.w (lord of writing); he was naturally patron
Death in Banaras (Cambridge, U.K., 1994). For a clear-eyed
of scribes. Perhaps because the pictographic appearance of
study of the social and economic pressures bearing on alms-
the hieroglyphic script (actually a consonantal system with
giving in rural Buddhist Thailand, see Kathleen Bowie’s
“The Alchemy of Charity: Of Class and Buddhism in North-
some logograms) facilitated the belief that word and thing
ern Thailand,” American Anthropologist 100, no. 2 (1998):
were essentially identical, writing was closely linked to magic
469–481. Finally, for a useful anthology with both secular
in ancient Egypt, and Thoth was the god of sorcery as well.
and religious writings on charity and philanthropy, see Amy
He was reputedly the author of the Hermetic corpus (first
Kass, ed., The Perfect Gift: The Philanthropic Imagination in
to third century CE), which influenced Christians, Jews, and
Poetry and Prose (Bloomington, Ind., 2002).
Muslims alike in the Middle Ages and Renaissance.
MARIA HEIM (2005)
The Bible (Ex. 31:18; 32:15–16) has God himself in-
scribe the two stone Tablets of the Law that he gives to
Moses with the “writing of God.” If this is a memory of the
ALPHABETS. This article concerns lore, mystical be-
Sinaitic script, possible ancestor of the Phoenician alphabet,
liefs, and magical practices involving the alphabet and its let-
Yahweh may figure here as the inventor of writing. Later, the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
270
ALPHABETS
Paleo-Hebrew script acquired sanctity; some scrolls from
of Magna Graecia, where the western Greeks tended to reject
Qumran, though written in Square Aramaic letters, write the
Ionian rationalism.
tetragammaton (YHWH) in Paleo-Hebrew. Postbiblical Jew-
Pythagoras founded his religious-philosophical school at
ish tradition often refers to Adam or Enoch as discoverer of
Krotona in southern Italy around 531
the alphabet, magic, alchemy, and astrology.
BCE. The complex sys-
tem he taught gave a central place to numbers (expressed ei-
In the QurDa¯n also, writing is provided a divine associa-
ther by dots or by letters of the alphabet); these he believed
tion. God begins his revelation when Gabriel orders
to underlie the phenomenal universe. Confirming him in
Muh:ammad to recite from writings the angel has brought
this conviction was his discovery that the principal intervals
down with him from heaven (su¯rah 96): “Recite thou! For
of the musical scale could be expressed by arithmetic ratios.
thy Lord is the most Beneficent, / who hath taught the use
From him or his school probably derives the seven-note scale
of the pen— / Hath taught Man that which he knoweth
that is still used today and is still noted after the Greek fash-
not.” Shanawa¯n¯ı (c. 1610 CE) specifically states that God cre-
ion with letters (A, B, C, D, E, F, G). Later thinkers connect-
ated the alphabet and revealed it to Adam.
ed the seven tones with the seven known “planets” (hence
the expression music of the spheres), the seven days of the week
The Greeks generally did not attribute their alphabet to
(named for the deified “planets”), and the seven vowels of
deities; most were aware of its foreign, and often of its specif-
the Greek alphabet (Α, Ε, Η, Ι, Ο, Υ, Ω); all these came to
ically Phoenician, origin. Herodotos, perhaps following
play an important role in magic and mysticism.
Hekataios, states that “the Phoenicians who came with Kad-
mos . . . introduced the Greeks to many skills and, what is
Pythagoras strongly influenced Plato, who spent much
more, to the alphabet, which I believe had not previously ex-
time in Syracuse with the Pythagorean Archytas of Tarentum
isted among the Hellenes” (5.58). As for writing in general,
(Taranto). Plato popularized Pythagorean ideas such as
some sought the source in Egypt: Antikleides names the early
mind-body dualism and reincarnation and prepared the in-
pharoah Menes (first dynasty) as heuret¯es (discoverer), and
tellectual ground for letter and number mysticism. A genera-
Plato assigns to Thoth the same role. (Plato, who rebels
tion later, the conquests of Alexander brought the Pythagore-
against the materialism of the pre-Socratics, becomes, signifi-
an-Platonic strain in Greek thought face to face with the
cantly, the first Greek to make a daimo¯n invent writing,
philosophies and religions of the East, rife with speculation
though he tells his Egyptian tale to denigrate the invention
concerning writing. The subsequent Hellenistic and Roman
and probably does not believe it himself.) Under Near East-
periods are the formative eras for letter mysticism of all
ern or Egyptian influence, some Greeks attributed writing
kinds.
to the three Fates (cf. Nabu) or to Hermes (cf. Thoth), but
L
these authors are Hellenistic or later.
ETTER MYSTICISM. Letter mysticism includes several kinds
of speculations associated with the alphabet. These conjec-
In Norse tradition, Óðinn (Odin), King of the Gods—
tures are associated with the shapes of the letters; the signifi-
known as Woden to Angles and Saxons and Wotan to the
cance of the various vowels, consonants, and syllables as well
Germans—is the discoverer, though not the inventor, of the
as the enigmas connected to the alphabetic system as a whole.
runic alphabet. The runes are endowed with supernatural
These include the number of letters in the alphabet; the
power and Óðinn/Woden, like Mercury, Hermes, Thoth,
nexus between the letters and the constellations; alphabetic
and Nabu, is a god of magic. This is the reason Mercury’s
numerology; and symbolic characteristics of the letters.
day (cf., French, mercredi, Spanish, miercoles) in English is
Shapes of letters. Speculation about the shapes of the
Wednesday, from Woden’s day.
letters has existed since very early times. In the Greek system
Christian traditions attribute a number of national al-
Pythagoras himself is said to have used the upsilon (Υ) to
phabets to saints and missionaries. Wulfila (Ulfilas) devised
symbolize the initially similar, but ultimately radically diver-
a script for Gothic and used it for his translation of the Bible
gent, paths of virtuous and wicked lives. Proklos in his scholia
into that tongue. Saints Cyril and Methodios are usually
on Plato’s Timaios (3.225) therefore calls upsilon the gram-
credited with the creation of Cyrillic, named for the former,
ma philosopho¯n (philosopher’s letter); in the Middle Ages,
which they used for their rendering of the Scriptures into Sla-
“ad Pythagorae literae bivium pervenire” (“to come to the
vonic, but some scholars believe that the saints actually de-
crossroads of Pythagoras’s letter”) became proverbial for
signed Glagolithic, a rival early Slavonic script. Saint Mesrob
“coming to a moral crux.” Similarly, the psi (Ψ) on an Attic
Maˇst’oç (Mesrop Mashdotz) invented not one, but three
relief may represent the golden mean followed by the philos-
scripts: one for his native Armenian, still in use today; one
opher, who avoids extremes on either side.
for Georgian; and one for the extinct Alwan (Albanian), a
Epsilon (Ε), if turned on its back (3), resembles a scale,
Caucasian language once spoken in modern Azerbaijan.
and thus represents justice. This, too, may be ultimately Py-
ROOTS OF MYSTICAL SPECULATION. Mystical speculation
thagorean, especially since Ε=5 in the Milesian system; it is
on the alphabet and its letters stems principally from two
midway between alpha (Α=1) and theta (Θ=9) and therefore
sources. The first is the Near East and Egypt—for magic,
signifies balance. With this may be connected the famous
mainly the latter. The second is the Pythagorean tradition
Delphic Ε about which Plutarch wrote an essay.
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ALPHABETS
271
The early Christians, too, saw religious significance in
signs of the zodiac (Aries: ΑΝ; Taurus: ΒΞ; Gemini: ΓΟ;
the shapes of the Greek letters. Alpha (Α) and delta (∆), each
etc.); these were then read as numerals and formed the basis
with three lines, represent the Trinity. Tau (Τ) is recogniz-
for complex arithmetic and geometrical calculations of horo-
able as the cross, as that inveterate skeptic Lucian (c. 117–
scopes.
c. 180 CE) had already pointed out (Letters at Law 61). Theta
Syllables. On the walls of an archaic Etruscan tomb, an
(Θ) is the world (round with an equator). Thus Isidore of
inscription (IG XIV 2420) lists letters of the Greek alphabet
Seville (c. 560–636) was combining Christian with Pythago-
and under them, syllables consisting of a consonant plus a
rean symbolism when he declared that five letters are mysti-
vowel: MA, MI, ME, MY, NA, etc. (Etruscan lacks O). Some
cal: ΑΘΤΥΩ (for Ω, see below).
have seen this as an echo of Aegean syllabaries from the
Such speculation is also found in Jewish tradition: in the
Bronze Age (e.g., Linear A, B), which were similarly of con-
Zohar (part of the Qabbalah), the letter he’ (h) is called heik-
sonant-plus-vowel type; others consider the inscription to be
hal (“palace, temple”) because its shape suggests one.
a magical incantation. Certainly magic papyri from Hellenis-
tic and Roman Egypt (e.g., Leiden Papyrus Y) such syllables
Vowels and consonants. By the time of Alexander the
as incantations: Α, ΒΑ, ΓΑ, and so forth; Ε, ΒΕ, ΓΕ, and
Great (356–323 BCE), the Ionian alphabet, with its seven
so on. Marcellus Empiricus (10.70), a medical writer of the
vowels, had spread throughout the Greek world. Athens had
fourth and fifth centuries, recommends such a set of syllables
adopted it in 403–402 BCE. These vowels were soon the cen-
(ΨΑ, ΨΕ, etc.) to stop bleeding. The Etruscans may have
ter of much mystical speculation, in good part because they
originated the magical use of syllables or inherited it from
numbered seven, which also designated the seven known
the Aegean syllabaries; Etruscan refugees from Roman con-
“planets.” Vowels were thought to possess enormous power
quest could have introduced them to Egypt. (Compare the
and were used on Coptic and Greek papyri from Egypt to
Etruscan book of rituals—and perhaps magic formulas—
invoke the gods. Certain combinations of vowels were
found on the wrappings of the famous Zagreb Mummy.)
deemed so potent that they could create gods. The first, mid-
dle, and last characters in the vowel series—Α, Ι, Ω—were
The whole alphabet. The number of letters in the al-
also the first three letters of ΑΙΩΝ. Moving iota into first po-
phabet was widely held to be significant. Early Christian
sition, we have ΙΑΩ, identified with Yahu, a short form of
writers, following Jewish originals, saw the twenty-two letters
the all-powerful name Yahweh. The magical Eighth Book of
of the Hebrew alphabet as representing the twenty-two cre-
Moses says that the name ΙΑΩ is so mighty that God came
ations of God, the twenty-two books of the Old Testament,
into existence from its echo. Fuller forms are ΙΑΕΩ,
the twenty-two virtues of Christ, and the twenty-two thou-
ΙΗΩΥΟ, and ΙΕΟΥΩΗΙ (this last has all seven vowels). One
sand cattle of Solomon (1 Kgs. 8:63; 2 Chr. 18.5). The twen-
repeated formula is ΤΟΝ ΙΑΩ ΣΑΒΑΩΘ ΤΟΝ Α∆ΟΝΑΙ,
ty-four letters of the Greek alphabet corresponded to the
where ΙΑΩ (Sabaoth, “hosts”), and Α∆ΟΝΑΙ (Adonai, “my
twenty-four hours of the day and night, which in turn are
lord”), are well-known epithets of Yahweh. ΣΑΒΑΩΘ was
double the number of months in the year. Alexandrian schol-
etymologized by vowel mystics as ˇsäba’ Eo¯t (bad Hebrew for
ars divided the Iliad and the Odyssey into twenty-four books
“seven letters,” i.e., the seven in the Greek alphabet). Proba-
each, with each represented by a Greek letter. It might seem
bly Α and Ω (Rev. 1:8f.) were meant as the first and last of
far-fetched to link this with solar symbolism, but some have
all letters, though Clement of Alexandria (c. 150–215) be-
compared the 350 cattle of Helios, the sun god (Odyssey
lieved that the vowel series were meant. Given the impor-
12.127–130) to the 365 days of the solar year. Alexander of
tance of the number seven in the Book of Revelation, that
Aphrodisias, commenting on Aristotle, suggests that the
most mystical of New Testament books, he may have been
twenty-four letters express the total of the twelve signs of the
right.
zodiac, the eight spheres (seven planets plus Earth), and the
four elements (excluding ether).
The seven vowels often were equated with the seven
planetary spheres; Clement added that the vowels are the
The close link between the alphabet and the cosmos is
sounds of the planets, hence the Α and Ω of Revelation.
well illustrated by the semantic field of the Greek word
When Hyginus (Fabulae 277) attributed the invention of the
stoicheion; it means “element, sound, letter of the alphabet;
vowels to the Fates, he was thinking of the planets’ role in
astrological sign; proposition in geometry; number.” The
astrological determinations of individual fates.
Latin equivalent, elementum, may derive from the letter
names L, M, N plus the suffix -tum. Everything had a name
The consonants play a much smaller role in magic and
and a number, so the universe was built of letters as well as
mysticism than do vowels. If the seven vowels in the Greek
physical elements. The alphabet contained all the letters nec-
alphabet corresponded to seven planets, then perhaps the
essary to spell and utter all the names, known or unknown,
seventeen consonants represented the twelve signs of the zo-
of all the deities in the universe, and thus to possess power
diac plus the five elements. The names of the five elements,
ΑΗΡ
over them.
(air), Υ∆ΩΡ (water), ΠΥΡ (fire), ΑΙΘΗΡ (ether), and
ΓΗ (earth), were spelled with exactly five consonants
Since the alphabet was endowed with such enormous
(Γ∆ΘΠΡ) and five vowels (ΑΗΙΥΩ). The twenty-four letters
power, its first and last letters could be thought of as contain-
of the Greek alphabet were assigned in pairs to the twelve
ing and encapsulating that power. The Hebrew word j/a (ot)
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ALPHABETS
means both “sign, token, divine portent” and “letter of the
Gnosticism. The Epistle to Barnabas (9.8) explains the 318
alphabet”; significantly, it begins with alef, the first letter of
servants of Abraham (Gn. 14:14) as the ΙΗ=18 of the
the alphabet, and ends with taw, the last. The alphabet came
ΙΗΣΟΥΣ plus Τ (the Cross)=300.
to represent the whole universe, and ot came to signify “name
The formulation of isops¯ephoi (two or more words with
of God” or “God.” One magical papyrus (Leiden Papyrus 5)
the same numerological value) became a central numerologi-
refers to ΑΩΘ, “before which every god falls down and every
cal practice. It was believed that, should the ps¯ephoi of two
daimo¯n cringes”; ΑΩΘ transcribes j/a, while also comprising
words be equal, the words themselves must have a similar sig-
the first letter of both Hebrew and Greek alphabets (Α/a)
nificance. A favorite Byzantine isops¯ephos was ΘΕΟΣ
plus the last of each (Ω and Θ=j). The statement “I am the
(God)=ΑΓΑΘΟΣ (good)=ΑΓΙΟΣ (holy)=284. Suetonius
Alpha and the Omega, the beginning and the end” of Revela-
(69–after 122
tion 1:8, 21:6, and 22:13 should probably be understood in
CE), author of The Lives of the Twelve Caesars,
records a Roman political isops¯ephos, ΝΕΡΩΝ=1005=Ι∆ΙΑΝ
this light.
ΜΗΤΕΡΑ ΑΠΕΚΤΕΙΝΕ (killed his own mother), directed
Gematria, or numerology. The word gematria, used to
against the matricide emperor Nero. A sexual isops¯ephos was
allude to the numerical significance of letters, comes from
offered by the poet Straton (second century CE): ΠΡΩΚΤΟΣ
the Hebrew gemat:riyyah, or gimat:riyyah, derived from the
(rectum)=1570=ΧΡΥΣΟΣ (gold).
Greek geo¯metria (geometry), mirroring the origins of this oc-
cult discipline. Though there are cuneiform parallels, the use
To make more isops¯ephoi, Jewish arithmomancers intro-
of alphabetic signs as numerals is a Greek invention. The ar-
duced elaborate variations. One gives each letter the sum of
chaic epichoric alphabet of Miletos had twenty-seven letters:
the Milesian values of the letters in its name (e.g.,
the familiar twenty-four plus digamma, or wau (c, represent-
pla=80+30+1=111). Another reckons a–f=1–9, y–x=1–9,
ing /w/); qoppa (%, representing /q/); and sampi (", or t, rep-
and q–t=1–4; therefore hwhy (Yahweh)=bwf (t:ob, “good”)=17.
resenting /ts/). It lent itself to serving as a numerical syatem,
No numerological mystery has held more fascination
with Α–Θ standing for numerals 1–9, Ι–% for 10–90, and
than the “number of the beast” of the Christian apocalypse.
Ρ–" for 100–900. Other numbers were expressed by the ad-
Revelation 13:18 exhorts the wise to “calculate [ps¯ephisato¯]
ditive principle ΙΑ=11, ΙΒ=12, ΡΝΖ=100+50+7=157;
the number of the beast, for it is the number of a man [arith-
1000=,Α, 2000=,Β, and so on (the strokes are later addi-
mos . . . anthro¯pou].” This can only mean that the number
tions). This Milesian system became dominant in the Helle-
666 (616 and 646 are manuscript variants) is the ps¯ephos of
nistic period and was applied to the Hebrew, Coptic, and Ar-
a man’s name. Revelation 17:9 shows that the beast is Rome
abic alphabets, even though it fit them less well because they
(7 heads = 7 hills), so the man must be an emperor. ΓΑΙΟΣ
did not have exactly twenty-seven letters.
ΚΑΙΣΑΡ (Gaius Caesar “Caligula,” r. 37–41 CE) fits 616
With this additive principle, names and words could be
perfectly; and for 666 there are several candidates. Nero’s
read as numbers. The Pythagoreans argued that every man,
name in Greek (ΝΕΡΩΝ ΚΑΙΣΑΡ=Nero Caesar, r. 54–68)
animal, plant, and city had its mystical number (ps¯ephos; pl.
[mis]spelled in Hebrew rsq ˆwrn, totals 666 (“Caesar” should
ps¯ephoi), which determined the course of its existence. It was
be rsyq). Titus (ΤΕΙΤΟΣ) took Jerusalem in 70 CE, destroy-
a small step to identify this ps¯ephos with the sum of the letter-
ing the Temple; identify him as a Titan, and we have
numerals in that name or word. This system of arithmoman-
ΤΕΙΤΑΝ=666. Marcus Cocceius Nerva (r. 96–98), first of
cy spread rapidly in the Hellenistic period and plays a vital
the Five Good Emperors, seems an unlikely candidate for
part in Egyptian and Jewish religious practice and later in
“the beast”—unless he was considered Nero redivivus—but
Christianity and Islam.
Μ. ΝΕΡΟΥΑ and Κ(ΑΙΣΑΡ) Κ(ΟΚΚΕΙΟΣ) ΝΕΡΟΥΑ
both =666. The equation ουλπιος (for Emperor Marcus Ul-
The ps¯ephoi played an important role in both religious
pius Traianus, r. 98–117)=666 must be rejected; it depends
and secular life. The Sibylline Oracles (8.148) predicted that
on final small sigma (ς)=6, but neither –ς nor ς=6 are attest-
Rome would last 948 years; this is the ps¯ephos of ΡΩΜΗ. The
ed before the high Middle Ages. The true solution to this rid-
great Gnostic aio¯n Abraxas may owe the exact form of his
dle has not been established, though Μ. ΝΕΡΟΥΑ as Nero
name to its ps¯ephos: 365. In the second and third centuries
revived fits best with the traditional date for the composition
CE, Romans identified Mithra, the Persian god of light, with
of Revelations.
their Sol Invictus (Invincible Sun), patron deity of the army.
Contributing to this syncretism is the ps¯ephos of
It is noteworthy that the ps¯ephos of ΙΗΣΟΥΣ is 888=4
ΜΕΙΘΡΑΣ=365.
x 222; 666=3 x 222. While 222=2 x 111 (cf. alef=111 above),
3+4=7; three, four, and especially seven pervade Revelation.
Even fragments of words were added up and considered
Thus the sum of the ps¯ephoi of Christ and antichrist, divided
to be significant. Apion of Alexandria (first century CE)
by 222, equals seven.
thought that the first two letters of the Iliad, ΜΗ (ΝΙΝ)=48,
represented the forty-eight total books of the Iliad and Odys-
LATER NUMEROLOGICAL SPECULATION. Numerological
sey together. The Gnostic Valentinus saw in the first two let-
speculation has continued to this day. The Gnostic Marcus’s
ters of Jesus’ name, ΙΗ(ΣΟΥΣ)=18, a reflection of the eigh-
complex system of numerology and other occult uses of the
teen aio¯nes, the emanations of Divinity central to
alphabet had wide influence in the Middle Ages, especially
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ALPHABETS
273
among Jews and Muslims. In medieval Judaism numerology
82=BOURBON and therefore believed that he would one
flourished, and the H:asidim cultivate it in present times as
day rule France.
well. Numerology also played a prominent role in medieval
T
Islam, as for example in the Haft Paykar of the Persian poet
EMURAH, ACRONYMS, AND ACROSTICS. The significance
given to letters led to the devising of alphabetic ciphers; ex-
Niz:a¯m¯ı. When used as numbers, the Arabic letters were ar-
amples are temurah (simple substitution ciphers), acronyms,
ranged in the traditional order (Arabic Dabjad) familiar from
and acrostics.
Hebrew and Greek, and their values followed the Milesian
system. The usual order of the Arabic alphabet is based on
A largely Jewish practice, temurah (exchange) is found
sound and letter shape. In the West, a different system was
in the Bible but was most highly developed by the Qabbal-
used (A=1, B=2 . . . Y=25, Z=26), but psephological specu-
ists. Letters of the alphabet are represented by other letters
lation thrived there, too. One whose destiny was influenced
according to a definite scheme. The Datbaˇs (vBta) exchanges
by it was Napoleon Bonaparte (1769–1821); long before he
the first letter a for the last j, the second B for the penulti-
attained power, he discovered that BONAPART(E)=
mate ç, and so on. The results are significant: ˚vv=SˇSˇK, “op-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
274
ALPHABETS
pressed,” for lbB=BBL (Babel) (Jer. 25:26), and ymq Bl=LB
The importance of the alphabet to mysticism and occult
QMY, “heart of my enemy,” for µydck=KSDYM, “Chal-
science may have weakened in modern times, but alphabets
daeans” (Jer. 51:1) are early and well-known examples. The
remain closely associated with religion. Roman Catholic
variant Dalbam switches the first letter (a) with the twelfth
bishops still trace the alphabet on church floors during con-
(l), the second (B) with the thirteenth (m), and so on. Ziruf,
secration rites, and Jews and Muslims adorn their temples
or gilgul, involves anagrams of single words; there were, for
with writings from their scriptures. Until recently, non-Arab
example, twelve possible permutations (haviyyot) of hwhy, the
Muslim peoples all used the Arabic alphabet for their lan-
tetragrammaton YHWH.
guages, no matter how badly it suited them phonetically.
Similarly, Yiddish, originating in a Middle High German di-
An acronym is a word each of whose letters is the first
alect, and Ladino Spanish are written in Hebrew letters be-
letter of another word; the words represented by the acronym
cause their speakers are Jewish. Slavic peoples use Latin let-
usually form a title or phrase. Hellenistic Alexandrines
ters where Roman Catholic Christianity took root, but
thought the designations of the five districts of their city Α,
Cyrillic, a development of Byzantine Greek script, in areas
Β, Γ, ∆, Ε (i.e., A, B, C, D, E, or 1, 2, 3, 4, 5) represented
where Orthodoxy triumphed. In nations of the former Yugo-
ΑΛΕΞΑΝ∆ΡΟΣ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΥΣ ΓΕΝΟΣ ∆ΙΟΣ ΕΚΤΙΣΕΝ
slavia, the language formerly known as Serbo-Croatian is
(“Alexander, king, [of the] race of Zeus, founded [it]”). Jews
written in the Latin alphabet by Catholic Croats and called
saw in the sobriquet of the great liberator Yehudah ha-
Croatian; in Cyrillic by Orthodox Serbs and called Serbian;
Makkabi (Maccabee, from Aramaic makkaba¯, “hammer,”)—
and formerly in Arabic script, but today in Latin, by Bosnian
spelled MKBY—an acronym of the phrase in Exodus 15: 11
Muslims and called Bosnian. Since the breakup of the Soviet
“Mi Kamokah Ba-elim, Yahweh?” (“Who among the gods
Union in 1991, although most Central Asian republics are
is like thee, Yahweh?”). The most famous acronym is the
replacing the Cyrillic script with the Latin, Tajikistan, the
Greek word ΙΧΘΥΣ (fish), standing for ΙΗΣΟΥΣ
most strongly Muslim republic, announced plans to go back
ΧΡΙΣΥΟΣ ΘΕΟΥ ΥΙΟΣ ΣΩΤΗΡ (Jesus Christ, Son of
to the Arabo-Persian alphabet. Even in a secular age, the reli-
God, Savior). This meaning is probably secondary; the origi-
gious associations of writing are still apparent.
nal idea is a reference to Matthew 4:19: “I shall make you
fishers of men.”
SEE ALSO Astrology; Hermes Trismegistos; Names and
Naming; Numbers, overview article.
Acrostics begin each line or verse of a poem with the
successive letters of the alphabet. The oldest examples are in
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Jeremiah 1–4, but acrostic poems occur elsewhere in the
Franz Dornseiff’s Das Alphabet in Mystik und Magie (1922; Leip-
Bible and are frequent in Jewish and Christian writings
zig, 1975) remains the definitive work on the alphabet in
throughout late antiquity and the Middle Ages.
mysticism and magic. Every aspect of the question is dis-
cussed in thorough and rational fashion. In addition to a cor-
ISLAMIC SPECULATION INVOLVING LETTERS. QurDanic
pus of abecedaria (“Corpus der ABC–Denkmäler”), Dorn-
verses are often preceded by unexplained letters (e.g., Dalif,
seiff provides a section of “Additions and Corrections” that
la¯m, m¯ım, before su¯rah 2), a phenomenon about which there
is rich in fascinating information. Dornseiff’s book serves as
has naturally been much speculation and to which mystical
the basis of most works on the topic. Alfred Bertholet’s Die
meaning has often been attached. The seven letters absent
Macht der Schrift in Glauben und Aberglauben (Berlin, 1949)
from su¯rah 1 have special sanctity and are connected with the
should also be consulted for its general treatment of the
seven major names of God, seven angels, seven kings of the
subject.
jinn, seven days of the week, and the seven planets.
The origin of writing in the ancient Near East is treated by Denise
Shanawa¯n¯ı noted that both the Bible and the QurDa¯n begin
Schmandt-Besserat in “The Earliest Precursor of Writing,”
with the letter B. A mystical thirteenth-century S:u¯f¯ı text
Scientific American 238 (1978): 50–59, and in “Reckoning
holds that all God’s secrets are hidden in the QurDa¯n, the en-
before Writing,” Archaeology 32 (May–June 1979): 22–31.
tire meaning of which is contained in that letter, u (ba¯=B),
A lucid account of the Milesian system of alphabetic numerals is
and specifically in the dot underneath it.
given in Herbert Weir Smyth’s incomparable Greek Gram-
mar (1916; rev. ed., Cambridge, Mass., 1956); pages 102–
Offshoots of Islam carried such speculations further,
104 and 347–348 are especially helpful. Peter Friesenhahn’s
particularly in Persia and Turkey. Fad:l Alla¯h of Astara¯ba¯d
Hellenistische Wortzahlenmystik im Neuen Testament (1935;
(late fourteenth century), founder of the H:uru¯f¯ı sect (from
Amsterdam, 1979) is a thorough, although overenthusiastic,
h:uru¯f, pl. of h:arf, “letter of the alphabet”), taught that God
attempt to find ps¯ephoi and isops¯ephoi everywhere in the
reveals himself to the world through the thirty-two letters of
Greek text of the New Testament, using the system Α=1,
Β=2, . . . Ω=24, instead of the Milesian. Vincent Foster
the Persian alphabet; the totality of these letters—and their
Hopper offers a competent exploration of numerical symbol-
numerical sum—is God himself manifest. The Bekta¯shiyyah,
ism of the period, including gematria, in Medieval Number
a dervish order prominent in Ottoman Turkey, adopted
Symbolism (New York, 1938). For an example of current
H:uru¯f¯ı letter mysticism as a basic tenet. In the nineteenth
popular literature on numerology, look at Martin Gardner’s
century, the founders of the Baha¯D¯ı faith gave an important
The Incredible Dr. Matrix (New York, 1976), which is inter-
place to alphabet mysticism and numerology.
esting but, unlike many works on the topic that repeat wild
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275
speculations with passionate conviction, does not take itself
cred spot. Used as a table, it invited the god to partake of
too seriously.
the offering; used as a throne it bade the god take his place.
Concerning aspects of the alphabet in Judaism and Islam, articles
The shape of the hearth reflected the transformation of the
in the Encyclopedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971) and the Ency-
sacrifice, through fire, into matter appropriate for the spiritu-
clopedia of Islam, new ed. (Leiden, 1960–) are very informa-
al world. It also reflected the role of the hearth as the hal-
tive, especially Gershom Scholem’s “Gematria” and Samuel
lowed and central place both within the family and in soci-
Abba Horodezky’s “Alphabet, Hebrew, in Midrash, Talmud,
ety. The altar could also take the form of a burial mound in
and Kabbalah” in the former and, to a lesser extent, G. Weil’s
which the hole or duct that drained the sacrificial blood to
“Abdjad” in the latter. These encyclopedias are especially
¯
the interred bodies within corresponded to the pit formerly
valuable to the English-speaking reader, for serious literature
used in sacrifices to the dead. Homer uses the word to mean
on religious and occult uses of the alphabet in that language
“fireplace,” indicating that burnt offerings and an ash altar
is scarce. Georg Krotkoff illustrates the uses of letter and
had been part of the cult of the dead.
number mysticism in the Islamic Middle Ages in his analysis
of the Haft Paykar by the Persian poet Niz:a¯m¯ı in “Colour
The above differentiations and functions apply to altars
and Number in the Haft Paykar” in Logos Islamikos: Studia
in general, regardless of how they were constructed or shaped
Islamica in honorem Georgii Michaelis Wickens (Toronto,
within different cultures and religions: whether boulders,
1984).
mounds, or piles of rocks; the stepped altars of the Akkadians
For Norse beliefs about the runes, see Lee M. Hollander, The Poet-
and Cretans; the sacrificial tables of the Minoans; the sacred
ic Edda (Austin, Tex., 1999), especially the Sigrdrífumál,
hearth of the megaron, the male gathering room of ancient
verses 6–22. Regarding the translator saints and their alpha-
Greece and the prototype of the temple; the retables of the
bets, consult the relevant sections of Hans Jensen, Sign, Sym-
Mycenaean pit or cupola graves; or the table and grave altars
bol, and Script (New York, 1969). On the current status of
of the Christian cult of the dead (Fauth, 1964). In a Pawnee
alphabets—and other writing systems—in the world, a help-
house, a wealth of cosmic symbols surround the buffalo skull
ful guide is Kenneth Katzner, The Languages of the World
(London and New York, 2002).
displayed on an earthen platform—a raised place that West-
ern scholars commonly refer to as an altar (Weltfish, 1965,
JON-CHRISTIAN BILLIGMEIER (1987 AND 2005)
pp. 63, 66f., 266; cf. Reichard, 1950, pp. xxxv, 334).
PAMELA J. BURNHAM (2005)
Egyptian ritual worship included both portable and sta-
tionary altars. The former had no sacred function but were
simply cult accessories such as tables or stands used for hold-
ALTAR. The English word altar, meaning “a raised struc-
ing a tray of food, an incense bowl, or a libation cup (accord-
ture on which sacrifices are offered to a deity,” derives from
ing to the type of sacrifice involved). Such portable altars
the Latin altare (“altar”) and may be related to altus (“high”).
were kept in great numbers in the temple stores. Most of the
This ancient meaning has been further verified by the corre-
extant stationary altars were used in the sun temples. These
sponding Classical Greek term bo¯mos (raised platform, stand,
altars were surrounded by a low wall indicating the special
base, altar with a base, i.e., the foundation of the sacrifice).
sacred nature of their place during sun rites that were devoid
The Latin altaria is, in all likelihood, related to the verb ad-
of imagery. A large obelisk further underscored the impor-
olere (“to worship”; originally, “to burn, to cause to go up
tance of the place in the ancient temples dedicated to Re.
in smoke or odor”), so that the word has come to signify a
Monuments of that size could only be contained in the
“place of fire” or “sacrificial hearth.”
courtyard of an ordinary temple (“the place of sacrifice”),
THE CLASSICAL WORLD AND ANCIENT NEAR EAST. The
whereas the holiest of holies, which was inside the temple
above etymology implies both burnt offerings and incense.
and harbored the cult image, had to make do with a portable
Nowhere—neither in ancient Greece or Rome nor anywhere
sacrificial table (Bonnet, 1952, pp. 14f.).
else—is the altar necessarily associated with a temple. It is
HINDUISM. The Sanskrit word vedi refers to “an elevated
important to distinguish between house altars and public al-
piece of ground serving as a sacrificial altar” or “a clay sacrifi-
tars, as well as between stationary and portable altars. Both
cial altar.” It is synonymous with p¯ıt:ha (“seat, throne”), an
classical antiquity and the ancient Near East offer a rich vari-
altar stand or pedestal with places for several idols, each
ety of altars having diverse uses. Attempts at systematization
backed with a prabha¯val¯ı, or “halo” (Liebert, 1976, p. 334).
have resulted in a clear understanding of the basic functions
Vedi may also designate a shallow trench constructed espe-
of the altar.
cially for offerings.
Greeks and Romans made careful distinctions between
The nomadic Indo-Aryans who invaded India around
different altar forms: the raised altar site where sacrifices to
1500 BCE carried with them a portable fire altar drawn on
the heavenly gods were performed; the pit (Gr., bothros; Lat.,
a chariot (ratha) and protected by a canopy that marked the
mundus) that was dug to receive the offerings to the deities
holiness of the shrine. This eternally burning fire on a rolling
of the underworld; and the level ground where gifts to the
base was eventually replaced by fires kindled for the occasion
earth gods were deposited. The altar was a symbol of the un-
by rubbing sticks together. In the case of domestic sacrifices,
seen presence of the gods and was therefore considered a sa-
the head of the family made the fire in the home hearth
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276
ALTAR
(a¯yatana). For communal offerings, a fire was made on a spe-
gether with the senses. The fire, taken from the a¯havan¯ıya
cially consecrated spot (sthan:d:ila).
altar to the uttaravedi, lifts the master of the offering to heav-
en, making him immortal. His spiritual flight is sometimes
There were no temples during the Vedic period, but a
symbolized by an altar built in the shape of a flying bird. He
sacrificial hall (ya¯ga´sa¯la¯) could be erected on holy ground
thus manifests himself simultaneously in time, space, and
that had first been thoroughly leveled. It consisted of a
creation/creator (Gonda, 1960, pp. 141, 190ff.; Hopkins,
framework of poles covered with thatching. The sacred area,
pp. 18f.).
which like the domestic hearth was called a¯yatana, included
subsidiary enclosures and a sacrificial stake (yu¯pa) to which
The Agnicayana ritual may still be studied in India as
the victim was tied. This stake, which represented the cosmic
a living tradition. Its principles, as manifested in the
tree, constituted an intermediate station between the divine
Va¯stupurus:aman:d:ala, a diagram of the incarnation of Purus:a
world and life on earth. The vedi was constructed either in-
(Primordial Man), are found in the building symbolism of
side or outside the sacrificial hall, as a mound of bricks or
the Hindu temple (Gonda, 1960, p. 328; cf. Eliade, 1958,
as a shallow pit where the sacred fires were lit. Burnt sacrifices
secs. 142, 154, 171; 1978, secs. 76ff.).
and libations were offered to the gods who were supposed
ISRAELITE RELIGION AND EARLY JUDAISM. The Hebrew
to attend the ceremonies, sitting on sacred grass (ku´sa)
term for altar is mizbeah: (“a place of sacrificial slaughter”),
spread over part of the altar or on its sides. The vedi was con-
which is derived from zabah (“to slaughter as a sacrifice”).
structed so as to be narrower in the middle and was likened
In time, the animal slaughter came to be performed beside,
to a female torso with a womb (Walker, 1968, vol. 1, p. 30).
not on, the altar. Other kinds of oblations offered on the
The ´srauta sacrifice, performed by priests, was founded
altar were grain, wine, and incense. The altar sometimes
on Vedic ´sruti (“heard”) revelation; it is the subject of much
served a nonsacrificial function as witness (Jos. 22:26ff.) or
discussion, especially in S´atapatha Bra¯hman:a. The practice
refuge (1 Kgs. 1:50f.) for most crimes except murder.
calls for three different fire altars arranged around the vedi,
The altars, if not made from natural or rough-hewn
which serves to hold oblations and sacrificial utensils not in
rocks, were constructed from unhewn stone, earth, or metal.
use. The circular ga¯rhapatya altar located to the west symbol-
The tabernacle, or portable desert sanctuary of the Israelites,
izes the earth and its fire; it holds the “fire belonging to the
had a bronze-plated altar for burnt offerings in the court and
lord of the house” that is used for preparing the sacrificial
a gold-plated incense altar used within the tent. Both of these
food. The quadrilateral a¯havan¯ıya altar to the east represents
altars were constructed of wood, and each was fitted with
the sky with its four directions. It usually holds “the fire of
four rings and two poles for carrying. The altar for burnt of-
offering.” The semicircular daks:in:a¯, or southern altar, sym-
ferings was hollow, like its Assyrian counterpart, to make it
bolizes the atmosphere between the heavens and the earth.
lighter. Both had horns on all four corners, offering refuge
It wards off hostile spirits and transmits the offering to the
to anyone who grasped them.
ancestors. The fire god Agni is thus present on all three altars
in three different manifestations—as terrestrial, celestial, and
The description of the altars in King Solomon’s temple
aerial fire—uniting the three worlds on one sacred plane.
(the First Temple) is incomplete (cf. 1 Kgs. 6ff.; 2 Chr. 4:1).
The omnipresent Agni, as all gods in one, provides the link
Two hundred years later Ahaz replaced the sacrificial altar of
between heaven and earth by conveying the food cooked on
Solomon with a copy of a Damascene altar (2 Kgs. 16:10ff.)
earthly fire to the heavenly fire, the sun.
that resembled an Akkadian temple tower not only in its sto-
ried structure but also in references to the top as “the moun-
All sacrificial rites are said to be included in and
tain of God.”
summed up by the stratification of the agnicaya (fireplace)
or the uttaravedi (high altar) to the north with its rich sym-
Ezekiel’s vision of the altar of the new temple may be
bolism. It represents the rejuvenation of the exhausted cre-
directly modeled on that of Ahaz, unless it refers to the post-
ator god Praja¯pati, “the lord of offspring,” and hence of all
exilic altar dating from 515 BCE or is a free construction. Eze-
the cosmos, his body. The Agnicayana sacrifice re-creates the
kiel calls the incense altar “the table that is before the Lord”
cyclic rhythm of the universe: from birth or coming into
(Ez. 41:22). The Temple Scroll of the Qumran texts from
being to death or annihilation, at which point life begins
the beginning of our own era contains a detailed description
anew. The sacrificial ceremonies thus serve a triple purpose:
of the true Temple and its rites, presented as the original rev-
at the same time they restore Praja¯pati himself, the universe,
elation of God to Moses that was never realized. Unfortu-
and the master of the offering (yajama¯na).
nately, the text dealing with the altar is badly damaged
(Maier, 1978, pp. 67, 76).
The fire altar in this case is constructed of five layers of
bricks, 10,800 in number (one for every hour of the Hindu
The function of the Israelite altar was essentially the
year). The creator god represents the year with its five sea-
same as in other sanctuaries of the ancient Near East but with
sons. The five layers also symbolize the five regions of the
some important differences. While sacrifices were still re-
universe. The basic notion behind these cosmic representa-
ferred to as “the bread of your God” (Lv. 22:25) and “a pleas-
tions is of Praja¯pati himself: his hair, skin, flesh, bone, and
ing odor to the Lord” (Lv. 1:17), the notion of actually feed-
marrow, as well as another pentad: the god’s spiritual self to-
ing Yahveh was not implied. This ancient pagan idea has
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277
acquired with the passage of time a strictly metaphorical
further developed this correspondence: the archangel
meaning, as in later references to “the Lord’s table” (e.g. Mal.
Mikha’el, serving as high priest, is described as celebrating
1:7). Furthermore, the altars of Yahveh could be erected only
a heavenly rite on the altar before God, offering the souls of
in the Promised Land.
the saints who after death have found rest under the heavenly
altar (Kohler, 1901, p. 467; cf. Rv. 6:9).
The altar itself was sanctified in extensive consecration
rites culminating in a theophany described in Leviticus 9:23–
The Jewish table has been looked upon as a kind of altar
24: “The glory of the Lord appeared to all the people. Fire
ever since the destruction of the Second Temple by the Ro-
came out from before the Lord and consumed the whole-
mans. The saying “Now that there is no altar, a man’s table
offering and the fatty parts on the altar. And all the people
atones for him” helps explain many of the table customs in
saw, and they shouted and fell on their faces.” When, at a
halakhah (Milgrom and Lerner, 1971, cols. 767ff.).
later stage in history, only the name of God was believed to
CHRISTIANITY. Paul contrasted the Christian service with the
dwell in the sanctuary, no theophany could occur. The altar
pagan sacrificial meal by stating that we cannot partake of
nevertheless represented the place where heaven and earth
the Lord’s table and the devil’s table at the same time (1 Cor.
met, the place from which prayers ascended to God—even
10:21). He thus distinguished between pagan sacrificial altars
in foreign battles, provided that the worshipers turned to-
and the table at which Christ celebrated the last supper with
ward the sacred land, the sacred city, and the Temple (1 Kgs.
his disciples. The New Testament constitutes the dividing
8:44, 8:48).
point between Judaism and Christianity: Christ has, once
The general prohibition against blood was also related
and for all, made the full and sufficient sacrifice of himself
to the sacrificial altar. Blood represented the life of the ani-
(Heb. 8–10). The terminology of the sacrifice is used figura-
mal that must return to its creator. Thus the slaughter of an
tively in reference to the dedication of Christian life (Rom.
ox, a goat, or a sheep had to be undertaken at the altar as
12:1) and to the mission of Paul himself (Phil. 2:17).
an offering to God, lest it be regarded merely as the taking
The early church was thus able to refer to the Eucharist
of life (Lv. 17:3ff.; cf. Dt. 12:13ff.). The altar was the “di-
as thusia, (Gr., “sacrifice”). The table at which it was cele-
vinely-appointed instrument of effecting expiation for taking
brated was the thusiast¯erion (“place of sacrifice”), the term for
animal life” (Milgrom and Lerner, 1971, col. 765). The sanc-
altar first used in the Septuagint. The commonly used term
tity of the altar forbade stepping on it and required that the
among the Christians was trapeza (“table”). We find the term
priests wear breeches to cover their nakedness (Ex. 20:26,
bo¯mos used throughout the Bible to designate the altars of
28:42f.). Talmudic sources maintain the distinction between
the pagan gods (Behm, 1964–1976 p. 182).
the sacrificial bronze altar in the Temple court and the gol-
den incense altar in the sanctuary by referring to them as
Construction of separate rooms for the divine service
“outer” and “inner” altars.
was a rather late development owing to the persecutions of
the first few centuries. The early Christians used portable ta-
Iron could not be used in the construction of an altar,
bles that possessed no special sacred or ritual connotations
according to rabbinical literature, since the iron sword repre-
for the eucharistic meals. This did not change until around
sented disaster while the altar was a symbol of atonement and
200 CE, when the altar became stationary and was sanctified
peace between Israel and God. The word mizbeah: resembles
by a special anointment with oil (muron). Under Constan-
four other words meaning “removes evil decrees,” “sustains,”
tine, Christianity became first a tolerated and later a favored
“endears,” “atones.” The four consonants of mizbeah: are
religion, resulting in a rapid rise in church construction.
sometimes also interpreted as the initial letters of four words
meaning “forgiveness,” “justification,” “blessing,” “life.”
The Western church eventually settled on the Latin
Both the terminology and the legends associated with the
term altare (“a raised place”) since it corresponded not only
altar have given rise to countless metaphors.
to the sacrificial altars of the Temple-centered Israelite reli-
gion but also to the various non-Christian cults of the
Abraham’s binding of Isaac on the altar in the land of
Roman world. The Christians differentiated their altars from
Moriah is considered the supreme example of self-sacrifice
pagan ones by using the terms altare and mensa instead of
in obedience to God’s will, and the symbol of Jewish martyr-
ara, and by referring to their altar in the singular, reserving
dom throughout the ages. Abraham himself was, from this
the plural altaria for pagan places of sacrifice. As late as the
point of view, the first person to prepare for martyrdom, and
fourth century, Christian apologists listed the specific charac-
his offering was the last of the ten trials to which he was ex-
teristics of Christianity: there were no temples, no altars, and
posed. According to Jewish tradition, the Temple was later
no sacrificial rites, that is, in the pagan sense (see Stuiber,
built on that very spot (Jacobs, 1971, cols. 480f.); hence the
1978, p. 309).
expression “Whoever is buried in the land of Israel is as if
he were buried beneath the altar.” Already in Exodus 25:9
Following the adoption of the altar by the early Chris-
and 25:40 we read of a heavenly pattern for the tabernacle
tian churches, its sacred nature became increasingly empha-
and its furniture. Earlier still, the Sumerian king Gudea (fl.
sized. It was the foundation of the elements of the Eucharist,
c. 2144–c. 2124 BCE) had built a temple in Lagash in accor-
and the special presence of Christ was expressed in the epicle-
dance with a divinely inspired plan. Rabbinical sources have
sis of the eucharistic liturgy. A rich symbolism could there-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
278
ALTAR
fore develop. The altar could be seen as a symbol of the heav-
was furthered during the Renaissance and the Baroque era,
enly throne or of Christ himself: the altar is made of stone,
when the focus increasingly shifted to the sacramental pres-
just as Christ is the cornerstone (Mt. 21:42). It also could
ence of Christ in the Eucharist.
be his cross or his grave. The martyr cult of the period lent
yet another symbolic dimension to the altar: it was shaped
SEE ALSO Agni; Fire; Hestia; Sacrifice; Shrines; Stones.
like a sarcophagus, on top of which the communion table
was placed. The statement in Revelation that the prophet sees
BIBLIOGRAPHY
under the altar the souls of those who were martyred for the
Behm, Johannes. “Thuo¯, thusia, thusiaste¯rion.” In Theological
Dictionary of the New Testament, edited by Gerhard Kittel
Word legitimized the practice of incorporating relics in the
and Gerhard Friedrich, vol. 3. Grand Rapids, Mich., 1966.
altar. This latter development may be illustrated by Saint
A standard work; the supplementary bibliography published
Peter’s Basilica in Rome. Excavations have shown that a
in 1979 contains only works on sacrifice.
small funeral monument was erected on the simple earthen
Bonnet, Hans. “Altar.” Reallexikon der ägyptischen Religionsgesch-
tomb of the apostle Peter around 150 CE. The altar in Con-
ichte, pp. 14–17. Berlin, 1952.
stantine’s fourth-century basilica and later the main altar of
Eliade, Mircea. Patterns in Comparative Religion. New York, 1958.
the sixteenth-century cathedral were centered on top of the
original tomb. During the construction of the former, the
Eliade, Mircea. A History of Religious Ideas, vol. 1, From the Stone
bones of Peter were wrapped in a gold-embroidered purple
Age to the Eleusinian Mysteries. Chicago, 1978.
cloth and deposited in a marble niche. On the wall an un-
Fauth, Wolfgang. “Altar.” In Der Kleine Pauly, vol. 1, cols. 279–
known hand has carved the following words in fourth-
281. Stuttgart, 1964. Although brief, refers to the authors of
century Greek: “Peter inside.” An altar of this kind was also
classical antiquity.
referred to as confessio (“witness”) after the witness to the
Galling, Kurt. “Altar.” In Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, vol.
faith or the martyr buried there.
1, pp. 96–100. A German Old Testament scholar summa-
rizes his important contributions to the discussion of the
During the Middle Ages a document giving the year of
altar in the ancient Near East.
dedication was often placed along with the main relic in a
Gonda, Jan. Die Religionen Indiens, vol. 1, Veda und älterer
hollow place in the top of the altar. This was covered with
Hinduismus (1960). 2d rev. ed. Stuttgart, 1978. By the lead-
a stone and referred to as a sepulcrum (“grave”). In conjunc-
ing Dutch Indologist.
tion with the dedication ceremony it was customary to chisel
Gray, Louis H., et al. “Altar.” In Encyclopaedia of Religion and Eth-
a cross in each corner and one in the middle of the stone top.
ics, edited by James Hastings, vol. 1. Edinburgh, 1908. Al-
though largely outdated, some sections are still useful (e.g.,
The Middle Ages added little that was new to the sym-
Christian, Greek).
bolism of the altar but rather served to reiterate and sum up
Hopkins, Thomas J. The Hindu Religious Tradition. Belmont,
the thinking of the church fathers on the subject. The great-
Calif., 1971.
est popular preacher of the German Middle Ages, Berthold
von Regensburg (c. 1220–1272), provides a good summary
Jacobs, Louis. “Akedah.” In Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 2, cols.
480–487. Jerusalem, 1971.
of the Christological interpretation:
Kirsch, Johann P., and Theodor Klauser. “Altar: Christlich.” In
The altar manifests Christ. It is built of stone, anointed
Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, edited by Theodor
in a holy way; it stands in an exalted place and serves
Klauser, vol. 1, cols. 334–354. Stuttgart, 1950. Well docu-
as a container for the relics of the saints. So is Christ
mented, with a lengthy bibliography.
too a rock (1 Cor. 10:4); anointed with the Holy Ghost
Kohler, Kaufmann, and George A. Barton. “Altar.” In Jewish En-
(Ps. 44:3); the head of the whole church (Col. 1:18), in
cyclopedia, edited by Isidore Singer, vol. 1, pp. 464–469.
him the life and glory of the saints lie hidden (Col. 3:3).
New York, 1901. Relates Jewish to Christian material.
To the extent that it is sacrificed on the altar, it signifies
the cross on which Christ offered himself, not only for
Liebert, Gösta. Iconographic Dictionary of the Indian Religions:
our sins but for the sins of the whole world. (quoted in
Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism. Leiden, 1976. Definitions
Maurer, 1969, p. 36)
with references to literature.
Maier, Johann. Die Tempelrolle vom Toten Meer. Munich, 1978.
After the Reformation, with its opposition to relic worship
Translates and comments upon the Hebrew text.
and to the conception of the Mass as a sacrifice, it was pri-
Maurer, Gerd J. Der Altar aber ist Christus: Zur symbolischen
marily the Eucharist of the early church that came to be asso-
Bedeutung des christlichen Altares in der Geschichte. Sankt
ciated with the altar table. The reformers emphasized the im-
Augustin, West Germany, 1969. A popular but good survey.
portance of the true and pure preaching of the word of God,
Meyer, Jeffrey F. Peking as a Sacred City. Taipei, 1976. Cosmic
with the result that the pulpit gained a more prominent posi-
symbolism of various altars.
tion, sometimes at the expense of the altar.
Milgrom, Jacob, and Bialik M. Lerner. “Altar.” In Encyclopaedia
The altar also came to be relegated to a secondary role
Judaica, vol. 2, cols. 760–771. Jerusalem, 1971. Stresses Isra-
within the Roman Catholic Church during the Middle Ages,
elite uniqueness.
when the increasingly opulent ornamentation of screens,
Reichard, Gladys A. Navaho Religion: A Study of Symbolism
paintings, and sculptures was introduced. This development
(1950). 2 vols. Princeton, 1974. A classic.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
A¯LVA¯RS
279
¯
Staal, Frits, ed. Agni: The Vedic Ritual of the Fire Altar. 2 vols.
as incarnations of Vis:n:u’s heavenly weapons and compan-
Berkeley, 1983. Collective work of specialists on Indology.
ions many thousands of years ago, and their life stories are
Stuiber, Alfred. “Altar: Alte Kirche.” In Theologische Realenzyk-
punctuated by miraculous events inevitably interpreted as ex-
lopedie, edited by Gerhard Krause and Gerhard Muller, vol.
pressions of S´r¯ı Vais:n:ava religious ideals and thought.
2, pp. 308–318. Berlin, 1978. A fine piece by a well-known
While a critical appreciation of the Prabandham inde-
patrologist, with an exhaustive bibliography. The preceding
pendently from the S´r¯ı Vais:n:ava tradition has only just
section contains a short introduction from the point of view
of comparative religion.
begun, the picture thus revealed is very different, though no
less colorful. Traditionally, twelve A¯lva¯rs are listed, but in
Walker, George B. Hindu World: An Encyclopedic Survey of Hin-
¯
the Prabandham only eleven works bear a poet’s name (yield-
duism. 2 vols. New York, 1968. Rather general, without ref-
ing a total of seven different authors), while the remaining
erences, and based on a sometimes antiquated literature.
twelve works are anonymous. These seven poets provide in-
Weltfish, Gene. The Lost Universe: Pawnee Life and Culture
formation in their verses from which we can infer that two
(1965). Lincoln, Neb., 1977. Based on many years of field-
were brahman temple priests, Vit:t:ucittan (or Periya¯lva¯r in
work and linguistic training.
¯
¯
familiar S´r¯ı Vais:n:ava parlance) and Ton:t:arat:ippot:i
Yavis, Constantine G. Greek Altars: Origins and Typology. Saint
(Bhakta¯n˙ghriren:u); one a brahman woman, Ko¯tai (A¯n:t:a¯l:,
Louis, 1949.
“the lady”); two chieftains; Kulacekaran (almost certainly not
Ziehen, Ludwig. “Altar: Griechisch-Römisch.” In Reallexikon für
the author of the Mukundama¯la¯) and Kalikanri
¯¯
Antike und Christentum, edited by Theodor Klauser, vol. 1,
(Tiruman˙kai-a¯lva¯r, a “robber knight” in hagiography); one
cols. 310–329. Stuttgart, 1950. Well documented, with a
¯
a regional landlord, Cat:ako¯pan (Namma¯lva¯r); and one a
lengthy bibliography.
¯
¯
bard, Maturakavi. According to legend, the remaining five
poets were all male low-caste bards and yogins. Geographical
CARL-MARTIN EDSMAN (1987)
Translated from Swedish by Kjersti Board
references in the poems cover most of what is today Kerala
and Tamil Nadu, along with the southern part of Andhra
Pradesh. The period from the sixth to the tenth century CE
is the most likely one for the composition of the poems in
A¯LVA¯RS. The A¯lva¯rs are a group of Hindu religious poets
the Prabandham.
¯
¯
of South India. Their name in Tamil means “sages” or
Against the background of the bhakti yoga as found in
“saints.” As devotees of Ma¯l, a deity who combines attributes
the Bhagavadg¯ıta¯, that of Veda¯nta, Pa¯ñcara¯tra, and
of the Kr:s:n:a of the Bhagavadg¯ıta¯ and earlier Pura¯nas with
¯
Vaikha¯nasa ritualism, of earlier folk Kr:s:n:aism and sophisti-
those of Vis:n:u and Na¯ra¯yana, they differ from a second, con-
¯
cated secular Tamil culture, the A¯lva¯rs evolved a form of reli-
temporary group of poets, the S´aiva Na¯yana¯rs. Yet in other
¯
¯
gion with intense emotive flavor. Ma¯l (also known as
respects both groups are closely related and together must be
Tiruma¯l, Ma¯yo¯n, Peruma¯l, etc.), who is the object of this de-
regarded as responsible for the formation of a devotional,
¯
votion, manifests himself on earth in three different modes.
vernacular Hinduism.
There are his mythical exploits, many of them known from
The only reliable source on the A¯lva¯rs is the corpus of
stories of the classical avata¯ras, especially the amorous Kr:s:n:a.
¯
their own poetry, which the semilegendary Na¯thamuni com-
Then there are his incarnations in the statues of numerous
piled in the early tenth century CE (and which was somewhat
South Indian temples (approximately ninety-five such
modified in the twelfth century). This corpus is known as
shrines are mentioned by the poets), and finally there is his
the Na¯la¯yira-divya-prabandham (Sacred poetic collection of
dwelling within the hearts of his devotees. These three modes
four thousand); “four thousand” refers to the total number
provide the emotional and intellectual stimuli that gave rise
of stanzas. The Prabandham consists of twenty-three separate
to Tamil songs and poems (which in turn were intended as
works, arranged in four books (in imitation of the four
further stimuli). The characteristics of eroticism and ecstatic
Vedas), among which the Tiruva¯ymoli by “Cat:ako¯pan” (as
drive, which were subdued in the terse earlier anonymous
¯
¯
the poet calls himself) is the longest and most important.
poems, reached their culmination when Nammalvar drew on
This compilation and the preservation of the poems were
Tamil secular love poetry and transformed it into a novel
among the achievements of S´r¯ı Vais:n:avism. This
type of mystical literature. Later A¯lva¯rs such as A¯n:t:a¯l:,
Vis:n:u-devoted religious movement, which was led by brah-
¯
Kalikanri, and Vit:t:ucittan developed this genre further and
mans and oriented itself toward Brahmanical values, had its
¯¯
¯
gave it new shape in the form of folk songs and children’s
beginnings in South India during the tenth century and as-
songs. The Prabandham contains no systematic theology or
sumed its classic expression in the eleventh and twelfth cen-
philosophy, but its general orientation of thought is in the
turies. In fact, the movement looked back upon the vernacu-
direction of S´r¯ı Vais:n:avism. This latter school, however, had
lar A¯lva¯rs as its spiritual ancestors. Consequently, S´r¯ı
little scope for an ecstatic form of devotion. It was the
¯
Vais:n:avism produced an A¯lva¯r hagiography, institutionaliz-
Bha¯gavata Pura¯na (a South Indian text of about the tenth
¯
ing these saints and the Prabandham itself, and commented
¯
century CE, by an unknown author) that adopted the A¯lva¯rs
and reflected on it through an enormous exegetical literature
¯
devotion and gave it a Sanskrit mold, in fact by translating
in heavily sanskritized Tamil. The poets are envisaged here
or paraphrasing poems of the A¯lva¯rs.
¯
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
280
AMATERASU O
¯ MIKAMI
S´r¯ı Vais:n:avism was affected in many ways by its A¯lva¯r
“sun goddess.” The Nihongi states that her earlier name was
¯
heritage; through the Bha¯gavata Pura¯na, these poets also ex-
Amaterasu O
¯ hirume no Muchi. Muchi is a suffix used for a
¯
ercised an enormous influence on Hinduism generally. But
respected person or a deity. According to Origuchi, o¯hirume
the sophistication and often extreme complexity of the non-
means “wife of the sun,” not the sun itself. In Japanese, hi
brahman poets, and the cultivation of simpler folk genres by
means “spirit” as well as “sun,” and me means “woman” as
brahman A¯lva¯rs speak against any notion of them as leaders
well as “wife.” Some confusion has resulted from this prob-
¯
of a rebellion by the oppressed, exploited masses, or as leaders
lem of multiple meanings. It seems that originally the name
of a movement in favor of simple theistic faith and against
of this deity meant “great spirit woman,” but later the hi was
the teachings of the Upanis:ads. The antagonism they express
misinterpreted as “the sun,” and eventually this deity came
is directed against Buddhists and Jains, S´aivas, folk religious
to be called the sun goddess. While hundreds of rituals have
practices, and occasionally against a Brahmanical establish-
been retained at the Ise shrine where Amaterasu has been
ment.
deified, none of them is related to the sun. This fact supports
the above statement that amaterasu did not mean “sun
SEE ALSO S´aivism, article on Na¯yana¯rs; S´r¯ı Vais:n:avas.
goddess.”
¯
No doubt the most dramatic event in Japanese mytholo-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
gy was Amaterasu’s retreat into the Rock Cave of Heaven,
Most of the popularly available information on the A¯lva¯rs is di-
¯
precipitated by the behavior of Susano-o, her younger broth-
rectly or indirectly derived from J. S. M. Hooper’s Hymns of
the A¯lva¯rs (New York, 1929), a slender work that is now out-
er. First, he broke down the division of the rice fields laid
¯
dated. Samples of Namma¯lva¯r’s poetry, in attractive English
out by Amaterasu, filled up the ditches, and strewed excre-
¯
translation, are found in Hymns for the Drowning: Poems for
ment in the palace. While she was sitting in her weaving hall
Vis:n:u by Namma¯lva¯r, translated by A. K. Ramanujan
overseeing the weaving of the deities’ garments, he broke a
¯
(Princeton, 1981). For a detailed study of the A¯lva¯rs, their
hole in the roof, and through it let fall a piebald horse that
¯
background and treatment in the Bha¯gavata Pura¯na, see my
he had flayed. The woman weaving the heavenly garments
¯
book Viraha-Bhakti: The Early History of Kr:s:n:a Devotion in
was so alarmed by this sight that she struck her genitals
South India (Oxford, 1983). An illustration of how S´r¯ı
against the shuttle and died. Terrified, Amaterasu hid herself
Vais:n:avism dealt with its A¯lva¯r heritage is found in my essay
¯
in the Rock Cave of Heaven, and the heavenly world became
“The Tamil Veda of a S´u¯dra Saint,” in Contributions to South
dark. Eight hundred myriad deities gathered to lure Ama-
Asian Studies, edited by Gopal Krishna (Delhi, 1979), vol.
terasu out of the cave. Among them, Ame no Uzume, a fe-
1, pp. 29–87.
male deity, played the most important role: “She became di-
New Sources
vinely possessed, exposed her breasts, and pushed her
Dehejia, Vidya. Slaves of the Lord: The Path of the Tamil Saints.
skirtband down to her genitals. Then the heavenly world
New Delhi, 1988.
shook as the eight hundred myriad deities laughed at once.”
Srinivasa Chari, S. M. Philosophy and Theistic Mysticism of the Al-
Her curiosity aroused, Amaterasu opened the door of the
vars. Delhi, 1997.
Rock Cave of Heaven and came out.
FRIEDHELM E. HARDY (1987)
Revised Bibliography
While the Kojiki states that the woman who was weav-
ing the garments was struck in the genitals, the Nihongi says
that Amaterasu herself was injured, without specifying how.
The Nihongi also does not mention the details of the activi-
AMATERASU O
¯ MIKAMI is the supreme deity in
ties of Ame no Uzume. Probably because of Confucian influ-
Japanese mythology and the ancestor goddess of the imperial
ences, the editors of the Nihongi moderated the sexual mate-
family. Amaterasu was born when the creator god Izanagi
rial in the original texts. Nevertheless, the basic motif of this
washed his left eye. According to the Nihongi, Izanagi then
myth is the termination of reproduction through destruction
said, “Do thou, Amaterasu O
¯ mikami, rule the High Celestial
of the female genital organs and the reappearance of the fe-
Plain.” The Nihongi further states that her grandson, Amat-
male, which suggests the resumption of reproduction. This
suhiko Hiko-hononinigi no Mikoto, descended to the earth
myth would have almost certainly been accompanied by a
and that one of his descendants, Jimmu (Kamu-yamato-
ritual celebrating the advent of spring, the season of rebirth
iwarehiko), acceded to the throne as the first emperor of
in nature. After the rebirth in spring, Amaterasu carefully
Japan in 660 BCE. This explanation, however, has been chal-
watches the development of the agricultural activities as the
lenged by modern historians because, among other things,
guardian of the crop until the autumn.
no central government capable of controlling local leaders
Amaterasu is closely linked in Japanese mythology with
existed at that time.
mirrors. She is said to have given a precious bronze mirror
The word amaterasu literally means “shining in heaven,”
to Ame no Oshiho-mimi, saying: “My child, let it be as if
and o¯mikami means “great goddess.” Therefore, Chamber-
thou wert looking on me.” This mirror, according to the Ni-
lain’s “heaven-shining-great-august-deity” is a more accurate
hongi, was then passed from emperor to emperor as one of
translation of amaterasu o¯mikami than the more common
the Three Imperial Regalia, symbols of imperial legitimacy.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AMAZONIAN QUECHUA RELIGIONS
281
Hundreds of bronze mirrors have been found at early tombs
many core beliefs but also variants of the same terms for these
in western Japan, and the Sanguo zhi (History of Three King-
beliefs, even though their languages are completely unrelat-
doms), a Chinese dynastic history, states that in 239 the Jap-
ed. The specific people referred to here are the Canelos
anese queen was given one hundred mirrors because they
Quichua and the Achuar Jivaroans of Ecuador. (Quichua,
were her favorite objects. These accounts suggest that mirrors
pronounced Kichua, is one proper spelling of the name for
were extremely important religious objects for the early Japa-
speakers of northern Quechua dialects.) The Canelos
nese. Early peoples, including the Japanese of ancient times,
Quichua inhabit the region drained by the Bobonaza and
regarded mirrors with awe and often believed that the reflec-
Curaray Rivers and the regions that radiate out of urban
tion in the mirror was the spirit of the person. In this way,
Puyo, Ecuador. The Achuar discussed here are those who in-
the tradition of mirrors as objects of worship was established.
habit the regions of the Copataza, Capahuari, and Conanbo
It then became linked with the earlier “spirit woman” wor-
Rivers and also those who live in the vicinity of urban Puyo,
ship, and finally the mirror came to be regarded as Amaterasu
including those living on the Llushín River. Many Achuar
herself.
and Canelos Quichua people intermarry. Many of the Ach-
uar are fluent in Canelos Quichua and in Spanish, and many
SEE ALSO Izanagi and Izanami; Japanese Religions, article
of the Canelos Quichua are fluent in Achuar and in Spanish.
on Mythic Themes; Susano-o no Mikoto.
Cultural congeners who speak Jivaroan include the Ag-
uaruna, Huambisa, and Achuar (including Maina-Achuar)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
of Peru; the Shuar of Ecuador; and the Murato Candoshi
Aston, W. G., trans. Nihongi: Chronicles of Japan from the Earliest
and Shapra Candoshi of Peru. The two latter Candoan-
Times to A.D. 697 (1896). Reprint, 2 vols. in 1, Tokyo,
speaking people may or may not speak Jivaroan, but their
1972.
cultural and religious systems are virtually the same as the Ji-
Chamberlain, Basil Hall, trans. Kojiki: Records of Ancient Matters
varoans and Canelos Quichua. Zaparoans of Peru and Ecua-
(1882). 2d ed. With annotations by W. G. Aston. Tokyo,
dor (including Andoa-Shimigae, Záparo, Iquitos, and Ara-
1932; reprint, Rutland, Vt., and Tokyo, 1982.
bela) also share this religious complex, though there is no
Kakubayashi Fumio, “A Study of the Historical Developments of
known linguistic relationship between Zaparoan, Jivaroan,
the Yayoi Period with Special Reference to Japanese-Korean
and Quechua languages. The Quijos Quichua and Napo
Relations.” Ph.D. diss., University of Queensland, 1980.
Quichua of Ecuador, the Inga of Colombia, and the Napo
Matsumoto Nobuhiro. Essai sur la mythologie japonaise. Paris,
Quichua of Peru also share segments of this complex.
1928.
Origuchi Shinobu. Origuchi Shinobu zenshu, vols. 1–3. Tokyo,
The history of the Canelos Quichua intertwines with
1975.
the history of Catholic mission expansion in a manner dis-
Philippi, Donald L., trans. Kojiki. Princeton, 1969.
tinct from the history of the Achuar. Nonetheless, the prima-
ry streams of traditional culture and the primary emphases
KAKUBAYASHI FUMIO (1987 AND 2005)
of contemporary ethnic affiliation that constitute modern
Canelos Quichua culture stem from Achuar, Zaparoan, early
Canelos Quichua, and Quijos Quichua peoples. The Ca-
AMAZONIAN QUECHUA RELIGIONS. Per-
nelos Quichua, in myriad ways, provide ample evidence by
sistent confusion permeates the comparative study of the reli-
which to refute the spurious but pervasive dichotomy made
gious beliefs and practices of the peoples of Upper Amazo-
by many scholars between cultural orientations and reli-
nian rain forests that abut the foothills of the Andes
gious-cosmological structures of the “Andean,” or highland,
Mountains. This is because Quechua-speaking peoples of
regions and the “Amazonian,” or lowland, regions of western
that region and Quechua-speaking people of the Andes share
South America.
a religious complex, which, in turn, is also shared with Ji-
Control of power and recognition of the devastating
varoan-speaking and Zaparoan-speaking peoples of the
consequences of its release are fundamental to Canelos
Upper Amazonian region. This article deals with some com-
Quichua and Achuar Jivaroan cultures. Concepts of such
monalities of Quechua and Jivaroan religious concepts. The
control are embedded in a paradigm centered on knowledge-
Quechua language has long been associated with the Andes
able ones: shamans for men, potters for women. Strong sha-
Mountains and with the Inca conquest of the Central Ande-
mans and master potters continuously increase their knowl-
an peoples radiating out of Cuzco in the late fifteenth centu-
edge of spirit forces that exert control in human affairs. Spirit
ry. Jivaroan peoples have long been associated with the
forces configure—especially for the Canelos Quichua—into
Upper Amazonian rain forests and with resistance to Inca
three dominant images: Amasanga, forest spirit master;
conquest, and, thereby, to the permeation of the conquest
Nunkwi, spirit master of garden dynamics and of pottery
religion borne by the Inca northward to what is now Colom-
clay; and Tsunki, spirit master of water, or the hydrosphere.
bia and southward into what, today, is Bolivia.
Whereas Tsunki and Nunkwi are dominant images in all or
In Ecuador and Peru, Jivaroan and Quechua-speaking
most of the aforementioned cultures, Amasanga is specific to
peoples of the Upper Amazonian rain forest share not only
the cosmogony of the people addressed in this article.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
282
AMAZONIAN QUECHUA RELIGIONS
The concepts of these dominant spirit beings (supai),
which knowledge from the experiential world (bound to the
each with a soul (aya) and life force (causai), evoke mythic
concepts ricsina, “to experience, to perceive, to compre-
and legendary imagery to illuminate the known and un-
hend,” and yuyana or yuyarina, “to think, to reflect”) is
known cosmos and to relate cosmic networks of souls, spirits,
shaped by all individuals. Such shaping is bound to another
beings, forces, and events to contemporary and past quotidi-
concept, muscuna (“to dream, to perceive”). Muscuna and ya-
an life. Each dominant image evokes and indexes a myriad
chana are, in turn, closely associated with the spirit-master
of spirit beings specific to various natural and supernatural
images Amasanga and Nunkwi, both of which are thought
domains. For example, imagery of Amasanga not only evokes
to be from datura (Datura suaveolens), a narcotic plant of the
the spirits of thunder and lightning above and within the
nightshade family.
rain-forest canopy but also the spirit of the mighty trees that
dominate sectors of the forest.
When a man or woman ingests datura (called huanduj
in Quichua, maikua in Jivaroan), he or she “perceives” and
The imagery of Amasanga (called Amasank in Achuar)
“knows” human self, human soul, human substance, others,
also includes principles of transformation, called tucuna in
spirits, and all entities and beings in existence. Domains and
Canelos Quichua. For example, for a given group of Canelos
boundaries that are part of everyday life dissolve in a datura
Quichua speakers, Amasanga represents the master spirit
trip as the questing individual enters mythic time-space,
force of their own territory. One powerful transformation of
called unai in Canelos Quichua. Reincorporation into the
Amasanga is that of the feared spirit Jurijuri (called Jirijri in
world of humans, souls, spirits, and beings takes place
Achuar). Jurijuri is the master of monkeys. All monkeys are
through reordering by the individual of the relationships pre-
associated with other peoples. But Jurijuri is not a “separate”
viously characterized in his or her life. For example, after tak-
spirit, he/she is a transformation of Amasanga, a transforma-
ing datura the individual may “know” that someone he
tion from “ours,” who protects, to “theirs,” who harms. Juri-
thought was his trading partner and true kin is, in this newly
juri spirits dwell in hillside caves and move under the forest’s
found reality, an enemy who seeks to harm him. According-
surface. As the shaman of the forest, Amasanga sits on an ig-
ly, the domains of kinship and trade are reordered by the in-
uanid or tortoise seat of power; his/her corporeal manifesta-
dividual, who now “sees” the entire kinship network and re-
tion is the black jaguar, and he appears in humanlike form
lations of trade in a new light. Such reordering of domains
in deep purple garb wearing a red and yellow toucan head-
spreads to other domains, as well. For example, if an individ-
dress.
ual now perceives another as his enemy rather than his
Tsunki evokes spirits of the water world—the entire hy-
friend, then the powerful shaman who is father or uncle to
drosphere of airborne and undersoil moisture—which must
the new-found enemy becomes a major threat to the health
be kept under spirit or human control if catastrophe is to be
of the questing individual’s kinship system, rather than, as
avoided. Tsunki is chthonic in association with dwelling sites
previously thought, one of its buttressing ancestors. As the
under rivers or lakes; aquatic in association with waterfalls,
individual continues to reorder the relationships within such
rapids, and whirlpools of rivers and with quiet lakes; celestial
domains as kinship, economics, and shamanic protection
and radiating in association with the rainbow and, tenuously,
and harm, his thought patterns and convictions continue to
with the sun. As first shaman, Tsunki sits on the Amazon
branch out to others both near and far, extending the effects
turtle (charapa) as his seat of power; his/her corporeal mani-
of domain reordering further and further.
festation is the mighty anaconda (amarun in Quichua, panki
A successful datura trip gives the questing individual a
in Jivaroan). He sometimes appears as one dressed in rain-
sense of power. This sense is derived from knowledge of con-
bow colors, or as a naked white man. (Anaconda symbolism
trol of spirit, soul, life force, body, and visionary or imagined
permeates the cosmography of power in the rain-forest terri-
features of cosmic beings and events in mythic time-space,
tories of Upper Amazonia, Central Amazonia, the Northwest
and in various past times. For example, a Jivaroan seeks the
Amazon, the Guianas, and beyond.)
vision of an ancient being (arutam) in such quests and may
Nunkwi is associated with feminine dynamics of under-
acquire, thereby, a second soul that “locks in” his own im-
soil and leaf-mat-root-fungi systems by day, and with growth
mortal soul. If a person correctly perceives the image-vision,
and renewed fecundity of manioc (cassava) by night. Her
the lock-in mechanism prevents his death, so long as he tells
corporeal manifestation is the black coral snake with mouth
no one of the vision of the acquired soul. Such a lock-in of
too small to bite. She may appear to women as one garbed
one’s soul gives to others in association with the individual
in deep purple who dances with hopping steps while tossing
a sense of pending power that must be controlled.
her hair to and fro.
As a questing individual and his or her immediate asso-
Knowledge (yachana), which is fundamental to the con-
ciates seek to control the power rising from the datura experi-
trol of power, derives from ancient cultural mythology and
ence, they maintain a sense of religious community in the
historical legend. It is shaped by strong shamans and by mas-
face of, or in the midst of, possible chaos. To the extent that
ter potters to resonate with immediate historical events and
a person speaks of, or otherwise releases, such newly acquired
current activities. Knowledge of the cosmos (bound to the
power, he or she loses control of the knowledge manifest in
concept yachana, “to know, to learn”) provides the basis by
a successful quest; the results of such release and consequent
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AMAZONIAN QUECHUA RELIGIONS
283
loss can be devastating. For example, increased shamanic ac-
Muscana
Ricsina
tivity aimed at harming those perceived to be enemies, and/
“To dream, to see”
“To know, to experience,
or physical violence against such enemies, may erupt from
to perceive, to comprehend”
such a release. This eruption causes social and political up-
Yachaj
Shuj
“One who knows”
Shimita
heaval that can alter quotidian life and cosmic networks suf-
(Shaman , Master Potter )
Yachai
ficiently to produce a historical marker.
“Other people’s
speech
knowledge”
Knowledge derived from cultural mythology and histor-
Yachana
Yuyana
ical legend is fundamental to Quichua and Jivaroan senses
“To know, to learn”
(Yuyarina)
of “ours” and “others.’” Figure 1 illustrates how, from Ca-
“To think, to reflect”
Nunanch Yachai
nelos Quichua perspectives, knowledge of “our” culture is
“Our cultural knowledge” or
juxtaposed to knowledge from “other” cultures. Here the
Nunanch Ricsiushca Runa
yachaj, or more properly sinchi yachaj (uwishin in Achuar)
“Our people’s perception”
has attained a level of control such that he is sufficiently
strong to balance his knowledge with his visions, to relate his
visions to cultural knowledge, and to relate his thoughts and
F IGURE 1 . Canelos Quichua perspectives on “our” culture and
reflections to his knowledge and his visions. He acquires the
“other” cultures.
ability to cure by sucking out magical substances (tsintsak)
and to harm others by blowing projectiles into them. Sha-
manic performances take place at night, while the shaman
designs on the containers link cosmic networks to quotidian
is in self-induced trance aided by ayahuasca (soul vine).
events, the general to the specific, the ancient to the present,
Among the Canelos Quichua the soul vine is Banisteriopsis
the mysterious to the mundane. A female paradigm-
caapi. Juice from the vine is brewed with the leaves of anoth-
manipulator may, in Canelos Quichua, be called sinchi
er Banisteriopsis vine, or with Psychotria viridis leaves, to pro-
muscuj huarmi (“strong image-shaping woman”), or even
duce the chemical bonding necessary for visionary experi-
yachaj huarmi (“woman who knows”).
ence. The shaman, seated on a turtle seat of power, is visited
Among the Canelos Quichua, every master potter is re-
by spirits as he—the shaman—visits spirits seated on their
lated closely to a strong shaman. In some cases the shaman
seats of power.
is a father, in some cases a father-in-law. In many cases there
To know more about that which is within, the shaman
is a complex of shamanic males and master-potter females.
must increasingly know more about that which is without.
Cultural transmission is parallel: female paradigm-
The shaman becomes a paradigm manipulator. His knowl-
manipulators pass their skills to women, male paradigm-
edge of the cosmos and his perceptions derived therefrom are
manipulators transmit to men. But men and women are con-
stronger than the knowledge and perceptions embodied in
versant with the alter-gender paradigm and, upon the death
other minds and psyches. He moves into a shaman’s class
of a strong shaman, a wife may assume the shamanic activi-
(yachaj sami) of humans, which parallels a similar class of
ties of her deceased husband.
spirits. He continuously reproduces cultural knowledge, con-
Male shamanic performance and female ceramic manu-
tinuously transforms that very knowledge, and imbues it
facture draw in a parallel way on certain concepts that are
with novel insights. He also maintains the contrast between
fundamental to religious convictions and insights. One of
“our culture” and “other cultures” (from Quichua and Ji-
these is that everything is sentient and that, accordingly, ev-
varoan perspectives) while transcending the very boundaries
erything has a soul (aya). Another is that differential power
that he enforces.
imbues various objects in manners relatively analogous to the
The work of the shaman must, in part, be based on his
ways by which differential power of humans vis-à-vis one an-
experience with other peoples who speak other languages;
other is organized. Inasmuch as power is shaped and orga-
this kind of contact gives the shaman “other-speech knowl-
nized into various hierarchies by different humans, human
edge.” The shaman maintains Canelos Quichua and/or Ach-
groups, spirits, and beings, there is no single power-pyramid;
uar paradigms while expanding the paradigms by drawing
rather, there are many overlapping and interfacing power-
from his knowledge of other cultures. The shaman controls
pyramids through which humans, spirits, beings, and the
the process of syncretism. In this control lies the interface be-
souls of each may move.
tween cultural continuity (or reproduction) and cultural
Another fundamental concept of Canelos Quichua and
change (or transformation).
Achuar Jivaroan religion is that all life exists on different
Among the Canelos Quichua, master potters, all of
planes of existence at the same time. For example, in the
whom are women, do the same thing. Working with designs
thought of the Canelos Quichua, unai refers to mythic time-
that signal the anaconda, the Amazonian turtle, the tortoise,
space. In unai everything was (or is) human, and people (like
and the iguanid—all representing imagery of shamanic
those in present time-space) crawled on their hands and
power—master potters produce an array of decorated ceram-
knees like babes and spoke only in a two-tone hum:
ic containers for storing and drinking manioc porridge. The
mm
mm
mm
mm. One enters different planes of existence through
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
284
AMAZONIAN QUECHUA RELIGIONS
dreams associated with sleep, through insight, through con-
Amasanga. Instead of controlling Tsunki’s domain (the hy-
scious imagery constructed deliberately or accidentally,
drosphere), Amasanga releases it. Instead of the externally
through imagery induced by the ingestion of Banisteriopsis
imposed social control (dominario) represented by the
or datura hallucinogens, through shamanic instruction,
church, indigenous power becomes an embodied apotheosis
through fatigue, through accident or by shamanic (human
of stylized resistance. As the Dominario begins, an outsider,
or spirit) design, and recently by drinking alcohol. In the
downriver (deeper Amazonian), powerful shaman gently
transformation from unai to ancient times, spirits, animals,
plays a combination of flute and drum associated with Ande-
trees, celestial bodies, colors—everything—underwent refor-
an masked ceremonies. The melody itself is a skillful blend
mulation to something other than human. Today, in the
of his private Amazonian shaman’s song (taquina) and a pub-
worldview of the Canelos Quichua, it is not altogether cer-
lic Andean ceremonial melodic motif. As the four men come
tain that people speaking other languages emerged fully
forth bearing a bamboo pole with four copal fires burning
“human” from unai.
within it (the stylized anaconda brought from the water), fes-
The sentient power of breath (samai, in Canelos
tival participants begin dancing through arches constructed
Quichua) is another key Jivaroan and Quichua religious con-
for the Catholic mission. Then the transformation, called
cept; the powers embodied in breath must be carefully con-
tucuna, begins. The pole, as amarun (anaconda), Tsunki’s
trolled. In the transformation from unai to ancient times,
corporeal form, is carried in a lurching, going-out-of-control
once-human beings blew on one another and on other beings
manner. It becomes destructive; the bearers and the pole
and spirits, causing them to “stay that way,” to be as human
crash right into and through the church, slamming, falling,
beings know and perceive them today. Male shamans breathe
rising again, running, frightening everyone, going complete-
gently onto polished stones to “see” whether the stone
ly out of control while still in a cultural domain characterized
“lives.” Female potters breathe on their pottery-burnishing
by Catholic mission control, or domination.
stones for the same purpose. A strong shaman must have the
inner ability to sing his shaman’s song well enough to control
Acting against such domination within a domain of
the spirit defenses needed to thwart incoming shamanic pro-
domination, the festival reaches a crescendo that is, quite lit-
jectiles from rival shamans, which all shamanic songs invoke.
erally, terrifying to the participants. Women dance with their
Similarly, a master potter must control the breath of fire that
hair flying to and fro, their sideways motion being the analog
releases the souls imparted to, and the spirits associated with,
of the male-performed two-tone hum of shamanic chanting
her ceramics, or retribution from the imparted and subse-
that evokes the imagery of mythic time-space (unai). Men
quently liberated souls may result. A man must also control
beat snare drums, circling and circling while producing a res-
the sounds of spirits that come from unai to pass outward
onating pulse-tremolo signifying Amasanga’s rumble of ap-
on his breath when he plays a flute or musical bow, while
proaching thunder. All souls and spirits and beings are indis-
women control analogous sounds that come to them from
criminately summoned. As escalating chaos reigns, the
unai when they sing songs. The specific knowledge of songs
church is said to be destroyed in one great transformation
comes to them from other forebear women in other times
of the world of forest and garden and earth and mire into
and places.
an encompassing, rushing, surging, eastward-flowing sea.
When performing this event, the Canelos Quichua say that
Male/female parallelism in cultural transmission is en-
they fear tucurina, which derives from tucuna
acted annually by the Canelos Quichua in a ceremony that
(“transformation”), and means “ending everything.” The
expands the universe to include all spirits, souls, beings, and
concept of tucurina is one of the most powerful ones in Ca-
people. Enactment takes place only in hamlets with a Catho-
nelos Quichua thought, particularly when applied reflexively
lic church or chapel, where the chaotic and destructive merg-
to one’s own group. It means, in this sense, that to truly de-
er of “outside” foreigner’s force and “inside” native power
stroy the dominating authority of the church by the invoca-
may merge. All facets of Canelos Quichua cosmology are en-
acted as, for three days and nights, celebrants pass back and
tion of the ultimate power of Tsunki, as devouring anacon-
forth from the male festival house (ritual enclosure of the
da, the Canelos Quicha may also destroy themselves,
Moon) to the female festival house (ritual enclosure of
embedded as they are—in a revelatory manner through the
Moon’s sister-lover, the whippoorwill-like potoo). The cere-
vehicle of this ritual—in that very domination.
mony ends with a powerful and palpable ritual reversal. In
The festival sketched here embodies and syncretizes
this enactment, which the Canelos Quichua call Dominario
many elements of Andean and Amazonian symbolism, as
(from the Spanish word dominar, “to control”), the mighty
well as wide-flung Catholic and indigenous symbolism. The
anaconda is brought from the water to move on the land.
controlled analysis of its structure and enactment in terms
In Canelos Quichua thought, the anaconda (amarun, or
of Andean/Amazonian religions and Christian/animistic reli-
amaru, as in the Andes) only comes on land to devour hu-
gions should take the comparative study of religion far to-
mans. In the Dominario, the anaconda, corporeal represen-
ward dissolving such rigid polarities by establishing new,
tative of master-spirit Tsunki, is borne on the back of four
more productive bases for deep and meaningful comparative
men who represent jaguars, corporeal representatives of
understanding.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AMBEDKAR, B. R.
285
BIBLIOGRAPHY
of Ecuador. Urbana, Ill., 1985. Script of a thirty-minute
Bottasso B., Juan. Los Shuar y las misiones: Entre la hostilidad y el
video documentation of the key concepts set forth in this ar-
diálogo. Quito, 1982. An accurate portrayal of the historical
ticle, thoroughly and dramatically illustrated through Ca-
relationships between the Shuar Jivaroans of Ecuador and
nelos Quichua art and music.
the Salesian mission.
Whitten, Norman E., Jr., with the assistance of Marcelo Na-ranjo,
Brown, Michael Forbes. “Magic and Meaning in the World of the
Marcelo Santi Simbaña, and Dorothea S. Whitten. Sacha
Aguaruna Jivaro of Peru.” Ph.D. diss., University of Michi-
Runa: Ethnicity and Adaptation of Ecuadorian Jungle
gan, 1981. A highly readable doctoral dissertation that seeks
Quichua. Urbana, Ill., 1976. Definitive ethnography of the
to understand the cosmology of the Aguaruna together with
Canelos Quichua culture area based on modern techniques
the ecological imagery that such a cosmology organizes.
of description and analysis.
Chumap Lucía, Aurelio, and Manuel García-Rendueles. “Duik
Whitten, Norman E., Jr. Sicuanga Runa: The Other Side of Devel-
Múun . . .”: Universo mítico de los Aguaruna. 2 vols. Lima,
opment in Amazonian Ecuador. Urbana, Ill., 1985. Deals ex-
1979. A splendid two-volume rendition of Aguaruna my-
tensively with the cosmological underpinnings of remarkable
thology.
endurance in Canelos Quichua culture. Relationships be-
Harner, Michael J. The Jívaro: People of the Sacred Waterfalls. 2d
tween women’s art and male shamanic performance profuse-
ed., rev. Berkeley, 1983. Pioneering ethnography of the Ec-
ly illustrated by over 150 plates, drawings, photographs, and
uadorian Shuar with an easy-to-read description and analysis
other illustrations.
of the famous arutam (ancient image) and tsantsa (human
New Sources
trophy head) complex.
Harrison, Regina. Signs, Songs, and Memory in the Andes: Translat-
Karsten, Rafael. The Head-Hunters of Western Amazonas: The Life
ing Quechua Language and Culture. Austin, Tex., 1989.
and Culture of the Jibaro Indians of Eastern Ecuador and Peru.
Hess, David J. Spirits and Scientists: Ideology, Spiritism, and Brazil-
Helsinki, 1935. A weighty tome that deals with the Canelos
ian Culture. University Park, Pa, 1991.
Quichua, the Achuar, and the Shuar of Ecuador. Oscillations
between firsthand data and speculations are disconcerting, as
Hill, Jonathan, ed. Rethinking History and Myth: Indigenous South
is the excessive lumping together of data apparently gleaned
American Perspectives on the Past. Champaign, Ill., 1988.
from bilingual Achuar-Canelos Quichua at Canelos and
Mills, Kenneth. Idolatry and Its Enemies: Colonial Andean Religion
other Bobonaza River sites with those from a non-Jivaroan
and Extirpation, 1640–1750. Princeton, 1997.
informant in Sucúa about the Shuar. This book must be used
Skar, Sarah Lund. Lives Together—Worlds Apart: Quechua Coloni-
with care, and information in it must be cross-checked
zation in Jungles and City. Oslo, 1994.
against other sources.
“Mundo Shuar.” Quito, 1976–. Series F is devoted to mono-
Thomson, Sinclair. We Alone Will Rule: Native Andean Politics in
graph-length publications on key Shuar images, including
the Age of Insurgency. Madison, 2003.
Arutam (no. 1) and Tsunki (no. 2), and on shamanism, as
Urban, Greg. A Discourse-Centered Approach to Culture: Native
in El Uwishin (no. 3).
South American Myths and Rituals. Austin, Tex., 1991.
Reeve, Mary-Elizabeth. “Identity as Process: The Meaning of
Urban, Greg, and Joel Sherzer, eds. Nation-States and Indians in
Runapura for Quichua Speakers of the Curaray River, East-
Latin America. Austin, 1991.
ern Ecuador.” Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Urbana-
Champaign, 1985. The history and identity system of the
NORMAN E. WHITTEN, JR. (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Canelos Quichua of the Curaray River region are portrayed
from indigenous and Catholic mission perspectives. Con-
vincingly demonstrates close relationships between Canelos
Quichua, Zaparoan, and Achuar cultures and identity sys-
AMAZONS SEE GENDER AND RELIGION,
tems, as well as the striking parallels between Andean Que-
ARTICLE ON GENDER AND ANCIENT
chua and Canelos Quichua social structure and ritual enact-
ment.
MEDITERRANEAN RELIGIONS
Taylor, Anne-Christine. “God-Wealth: The Achuar and the Mis-
sions.” In Cultural Transformations and Ethnicity in Modern
Ecuador, edited by Norman E. Whitten, Jr., pp. 647–676.
AMBEDKAR, B. R. (1891–1956), statesman, writer,
Urbana, Ill., 1981. A sensitive portrayal of Achuar cosmolog-
reformer, and creator of a new Buddhist movement in India;
ical transformations in the face of radical social, economic,
and political change.
member of an untouchable caste. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar,
affectionately known as Babasaheb, was born in Mhow (now
Whitten, Dorothea S. “Ancient Tradition in a Contemporary
Mahu), India, where his father was headmaster of an army
Context: Canelos Quichua Ceramics and Symbolism.” In
Cultural Transformations and Ethnicity in Modern Ecuador,
normal school. A member of the untouchable caste of maha¯rs
edited by Norman E. Whitten, Jr., pp. 749–775. Urbana,
of Maharashtra, who traditionally worked as village menials,
Ill., 1981. A penetrating look at the symbolism embedded
Ambedkar lived at a time when his outstanding personal ca-
in Canelos Quichua ceramics not only in terms of traditional
pabilities, in conjunction with a strong sentiment for reform
cosmology but also by reference to radical social change.
then emerging among caste Hindus and the beginnings of
Whitten, Dorothea S., and Norman E. Whitten, Jr. Our Beauty,
a movement for rights within his own caste, could effect ex-
Our Knowledge: The Expressive Culture of the Canelos Quichua
traordinary progress and change in the status of untouch-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
286
AMBEDKAR, B. R.
ables. In his early years he suffered prejudice in school, but
opposition to the Indian National Congress. The year 1937
was also aided in his education by caste Hindu reformers.
brought eleven Scheduled Castes (so called because the gov-
K. A. Keluskar encouraged him in his studies when the fami-
ernment placed untouchable castes on a schedule to receive
ly moved to Bombay, and gave him a copy of his book in
representation in parliamentary bodies and government em-
Marathi on the life of the Buddha. Two non-brahman
ployment) into the Bombay Legislative Assembly. Although
princes, the Gaikwad of Baroda and Shahu Chhatrapati of
Ambedkar was to found two other political parties, the
Kolhapur, helped finance his education, which eventually in-
Scheduled Castes Federation in 1942 and the Republican
cluded a Ph.D. from Columbia University in New York, a
Party in 1956, he never again achieved such a large number
D.Sc. from the University of London, and the title of barris-
of seats.
ter from Grey’s Inn in London.
Ambedkar himself was able to effect legislation guaran-
In 1917 Ambedkar returned to Bombay for a three-year
teeing rights for untouchables as well as measures affecting
period in the midst of his education abroad. During this time
all India in the appointed positions of Labour member in the
he participated in two conferences for the Depressed Classes,
viceroy’s executive council (1942–1946) and as minister for
testified to the Government Franchise Commission on the
law in India’s first independent ministry (1947–1951). He
rights of untouchables, and began a newspaper entitled
was also chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Consti-
Mu¯knaya¯k (The voice of the mute). All three activities—
tution (1947–1948), hailed as the “modern Manu.” Among
conferences to organize and inspire, attempts to use the par-
the tenets of the Indian constitution is one outlawing the
liamentary process for political and social rights, and educa-
practice of untouchability, a tribute to the work of both Am-
tional work—were to become hallmarks of his lifelong efforts
bedkar and Gandhi.
at reform. Upon his return permanently to India in 1923,
Ambedkar earned a living from teaching and law but spent
Underlying Ambedkar’s social and political work was a
a major part of his energies on building a movement among
constant effort to educate his people. The newspapers Bah-
untouchables and creating political and social opportunities
ishkrit Bha¯rat (Excluded India), Janata (People), and Pra-
for them, chiefly through pressure on government. He made
buddha Bha¯rat (Awakened India) succeeded Mu¯knaya¯k and
efforts to secure religious rights such as participation in pub-
were widely circulated in spite of an extremely low literacy
lic festivals, temple entry, Vedic wedding rituals, and the
rate among the Untouchables. A modest beginning of build-
wearing of the sacred thread, but these ended in 1935 when
ing hostels so that untouchable children could attend gov-
he declared that although he was born a Hindu he would not
ernment schools in towns culminated in the People’s Educa-
die a Hindu, and that untouchables could be free only out-
tion Society, which opened Siddharth College in Bombay in
side the Hindu religion. Earlier, at a conference called at
1946 and Milind College in Aurangabad in 1951. The soci-
Mahad, a small town south of Bombay, he had burned those
ety runs two dozen institutions in the early twenty-first cen-
portions of the classic Hindu law book, the Manusmr:ti, that
tury and in 1982 laid the foundation stone for Dr. Ambed-
discriminated against low castes.
kar College in Poona. The stress on literacy and learning also
encouraged creative writing, and since Ambedkar’s death the
His unshakable faith in parliamentary democracy led
movement called Dalit Sahitya (“the literature of the op-
Ambedkar to testify at every opportunity before the commis-
pressed”) has become an important new facet of Marathi lit-
sions that investigated the furthering of democratization in
erature and has influenced similar schools of literature in
British India. The prominence he gained in these lengthy
oher languages. Dalit writers pay tribute to Ambedkar as
and sophisticated statements resulted in his being named a
their chief inspiration and ascribe to the Buddhist conversion
representative to the Round Table conferences in London in
movement that he set in motion shortly before his death
1930 and 1931. Faced there with the demands of Muslims,
their sense of freedom from the psychological bonds of un-
Sikhs, and other minorities for separate electorates, he began
touchability.
to advocate separate electorates for untouchables also. This
led him into direct opposition with Mohandas K. Gandhi,
Although Ambedkar’s interest in Buddhism was evident
who fasted in prison in Poona against such separation of un-
all his life, he did not convert until October 14, 1956, less
touchables from the main Hindu body of voters. Although
than two months before his death on December 6. The cere-
the Poona Pact of 1932 brought about a compromise with
mony, held at Nagpur, was witnessed by more than half a
Gandhi consisting of an exchange of separate electorates for
million people, and in the conversion movement that fol-
more reserved seats for the Depressed Classes, Ambedkar
lowed, more than six million people, most of them from for-
continued to regard Gandhi’s belief in a “change of heart,”
mer untouchable castes, declared themselves Buddhists. In
rather than legal measures, as a deterrent to real change, as
his talks and in his book The Buddha and His Dhamma, Am-
a cure for untouchability. His 1945 book, What Congress and
bedkar stressed a rational, humanitarian, egalitarian Bud-
Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables, indicted the Gandhi-
dhism drawn chiefly from Pali texts. Hindu beliefs and prac-
an form of paternalism.
tices and any supernatural Buddhist ideas were eliminated
from the Buddhism propounded by Ambedkar. He himself,
During the British governmental reforms of the mid-
however, was regarded as the savior of the untouchables and
1930s, Ambedkar founded the Independent Labour Party in
came to be held by many as a bodhisattva. In the years since
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AMBROSE
287
his death, dozens of Buddhist vihara¯s (temple compounds)
in the Christian faith. His life mirrors the social, political,
have been built across the face of the state of Maharashtra,
and religious tensions of the Constantinian era. His fame
and hundreds of books have been written on Buddhist faith
rests largely on his work as churchman and practical adminis-
and practice, chiefly in Marathi.
trator. A son of the praetorian prefect of Gaul, Ambrose was
Ambedkar’s fame as an emancipator has grown con-
educated in Roman law, which he practiced as governor of
stantly since his death. His statue can be found in almost
Emilia-Liguria in Milan before being called to a Christian
every city and many villages in India and generally he is
bishopric by popular demand in 374. He brought the confi-
shown carrying a copy of the constitution of India. His birth
dence of his social class and training in Roman rhetoric to
day, conversion day, and death day are observed by millions
his ecclesiastical duties. Although he underwent instruction
and the Buddhist conversion movement continues to grow.
and baptism only after being named bishop, Ambrose con-
tributed significantly to the settlement of Nicene orthodoxy,
SEE ALSO Gandhi, Mohandas.
especially concerning the doctrines of Christ and the Holy
Spirit, while imparting moral-ascetical instruction and vigor-
B
ously defending the church’s moral-spiritual authority in re-
IBLIOGRAPHY
lations with the state. Ambrose’s life, recorded by his con-
Works by Ambedkar
temporary biographer Paulinus, was one of simplicity and
The Buddha and His Dhamma. Bombay, 1957. Ambedkar’s basic
austerity. A popular and powerful figure in Milan, which in
presentation of Buddhist stories and tenets. The volume has
his time was the center of Western Roman rule, Ambrose was
also appeared in Hindi and Marathi.
“court theologian” to a series of notable figures, including
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches. 18 vols. to date.
the emperors Valentinian I (364–375), Gratian (375–383),
Compiled and edited by Vasant Moon. Bombay, 1979–.
and Valentinian II (383–392) as well as Theodosius (379–
Volume 1 contains “Castes in India” (pp. 3–22) and “Anni-
hilation of Caste” (pp. 23–96), first published in 1917 and
395, sole ruler of the empire 392–395). In his political deal-
1936, respectively, which represent Ambedkar’s pre-
ings Ambrose effectively appealed to Roman legal structures
conversion thought on the genesis and removal of caste.
and symbols while invoking the symbolic and sacramental
The Untouchables. 2d ed. Shravasti, 1969. Ambedkar’s thesis that
power of the new faith.
the untouchables had been Buddhists, isolated and despised
Having begun his formal theological training at age thir-
when India returned to Hinduism.
ty-four, Ambrose produced a series of notable works that re-
What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables. 2d ed.
flect his active life amid the stresses of the age. He was more
Bombay, 1946. Ambedkar’s most thorough indictment of
a consolidator and a creative transmitter than an original in-
the failure of Congress to deal realistically with the problems
tellect. His chief models were Philo Judaeus and Origen on
of untouchability.
exegetical, dogmatic, and ascetical teachings and Cicero on
Works about Ambedkar
morals. Although an important transmission of Neoplatonic
Ahir, D. C. Buddhism Vol. 6 in India: 50 Years of Independence:
thought occurs in his sermons (which deeply impressed Au-
1947–97. Delhi, 1998. Hundreds of books and pamphlets
gustine), his Platonizing insight is more evident in spiritual
in Marathi and Hindi have been produced by Ambedkar’s
and allegorical interpretations of scripture than in strict
Buddhist conversion movement, but D. C. Ahir is the only
convert who writes extensively in English.
philosophical arguments.
Keer, Dhananjay. Dr. Ambedkar: Life and Mission. Bombay, 1954,
Major exegetical works include Hexaemeron, six books
with many reprints. The most basic life of Ambedkar avail-
on the creation epic of the Old Testament; On Paradise; On
able in English, always kept in print.
Cain and Abel; On Isaac and the Soul; a meditation on Psalm
Moon, Vasant. Growing Up Untouchable. Lanham, Maryland,
118; and a lengthy commentary on Luke, which arose largely
2001. An autobiography that tells of the importance of Am-
from sermons. A series of works in defense of the ideal of
bedkar to untouchables.
chastity characterizes Ambrose’s rigoristic moral thought in
Queen, Christopher S., “Dr. Ambedkar and the Hermeneutics of
an age of rampant self-indulgence. These include On Virgini-
Buddhist Liberation” in Engaged Buddhism: Buddhist Libera-
ty, To Sister Marcellina on Virginity, On Widows, and Exhor-
tion Movements in Asia, edited by Christopher S. Queen and
tation to Virginity. Ambrose never worked out a formal Mari-
Sallie B. King. Albany, 1996.
ology, but he resolutely championed devotion to the Virgin
Zelliot, Eleanor. From Untouchable to Dalit: Essays on the Ambed-
Mary. His best-known moral work, On the Duties of the Cler-
kar Movement. 3d ed. New Delhi, 2001.
gy (386), is a lightly but significantly reworked moral hand-
ELEANOR ZELLIOT (1987 AND 2005)
book for clergy that is modeled on Cicero’s On Duties. Much
debated as a key instrument for transmission of classical
Greco-Roman culture, this work is the first comprehensive
ethical treatise by a Christian writer. Ambrose’s main dog-
AMBROSE (c. 339–397), church father, bishop, theolo-
matic works are On Faith and On the Holy Spirit, both of
gian, and Christian saint. Ambrose is distinguished by being
which mediate and defend Nicene orthodoxy to the Western
the first Latin church father to have been born and reared
world and mark its full victory over the Arian heresy. Two
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
288
AMEER ALI, SYED
other theological writings, On the Sacraments and On Pen-
never forgot the work and example of the bishop of Milan,
ance, arose directly from catechetical needs.
even while towering over his mentor intellectually.
Ambrose had a large impact on his contemporaries
BIBLIOGRAPHY
through his person and his exercise of church office. He
Texts of Ambrose in Patrologia Latina, vols. 14 and 15, edited by
championed what was virtually a monastic clergy under his
J. P. Migne (Paris, 1845), are being superseded by those in
spiritual direction. In defending the new order of Christian
“Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina.” Of the several vol-
life against lingering influences of a dying paganism, Am-
umes that are planned, only volume 14, Sancti Ambrosii
brose was without compromise. His removal of the pagan
Medio-lanensis Opera (Turnhout, 1957), containing his ex-
altar of victory from the Senate house symbolizes this ten-
position of Luke and fragments on Isaiah, has appeared to
dency. Ambrose’s dedication to Christian primacy is also
date. English translations of works and letters are found in
demonstrated by his sanctioning of the burning of a syna-
Some of the Principal Works of Saint Ambrose, “The Nicene
gogue in Callinicum by Christians, a deed that he zealously
and Post-Nicene Fathers,” 2d series, vol. 10 (1896; reprint,
Grand Rapids, Mich., 1955), and in “Fathers of the
defended when Theodosius initially required the Christians
Church,” vols. 26, 42, 44, and 65 (1954–1972). The con-
to rebuild it.
temporary biography by Paulinus, a classic among “lives of
the saints,” is printed in The Western Fathers, edited by F. R.
In his admiration for Cicero’s On Duties, Ambrose as-
Hoare (New York, 1954), while the comprehensive modern
sumes a place in company with Luther, Melanchthon,
biography is the two-volume work by Frederick H. Dudden,
Hume, Kant, and Frederick the Great, all of whom recog-
The Life and Times of Saint Ambrose (Oxford, 1935). The
nized in Cicero’s work a common, practical Stoic wisdom
work of Hans von Campenhausen, Ambrosius von Mailand
that lies at the heart of Western humanistic thought. This
als Kirchenpolitiker (Berlin, 1929), is still the formative study
Stoicism took seriously the ability to pattern a life after one’s
of Ambrose’s activities as church politician; Campenhausen’s
own nature. The notion of “the fitting” (decorum) loomed
vivid interpretation is restated in his biographical portrait,
large as an aspect of the classical virtue of moderation. Am-
“Ambrose,” chapter 4 of The Fathers of the Latin Church
brose christianized classical ideals, defending the four cardi-
(London, 1964). For an account of “middle Stoic” influences
nal virtues (wisdom, fortitude, and justice, in addition to
and their significance in Western thought, see my “Am-
moderation) and the classical “just war” theory, and he per-
brose’s ‘On the Duties of the Clergy’: A Study of Its Setting,
Content, and Significance in the Light of Its Stoic and Cic-
petuated a Ciceronic way of resolving the clash between duty
eronian Sources” (Ph.D. diss., Union Theological Seminary,
and expediency by appealing to moral (in his case, biblical)
1968). Ernst Dassmann’s Die Frömmigkeit des Kirchenvaters
examples.
Ambrosius von Mailand (Münster, 1965) constitutes a well-
balanced, chronologically arranged study of Ambrose’s mys-
Like Augustine, Jerome, and Gregory I, Ambrose is con-
tical theology and biblical interpretations.
sidered one of the four major doctors of the Latin-speaking
church and a towering figure of the age. From 374 until his
RICHARD CROUTER (1987)
death in 397 he held undisputed sway over affairs of the
Latin church through the force of his personality and his
courage, as seen during the repeated crises between church
AMEER ALI, SYED (1849–1928), Indian Muslim his-
and state. His most celebrated appeal to ecclesiastical inter-
torian, jurist, and politician. Ameer Ali was born in Chin-
ests in dealing with the state, his humbling of Theodosius
sura, Bengal, a suburb of Calcutta. His family spoke Urdu,
when the emperor, in a fit of rage, ordered a massacre of
having migrated from Avadh shortly before his birth to join
seven thousand citizens as a reprisal for unrest in Thessaloni-
a small community of fellow Sh¯ıE¯ı Muslims of Iranian de-
ca, echoes the Old Testament prophet Nathan’s rebuke of
scent. Ameer Ali never had any significant contact with Ben-
King David. Ambrose’s actions provided a momentous pre-
gali or substantial training in Arabic; his education was in
cedent for later church-state relations.
English, supplemented with Persian and Urdu. He was also
Church tradition remembers Ambrose as a founder of
greatly influenced by Sayyid Kara¯mat EAli (1796–1876), a
Latin hymnody. A number of well-known hymns (e.g., Ae-
family friend who had written an Urdu treatise in the ratio-
terne rerum conditor, Deus Creator omnium) reflect his poetic
nalistic MuEtazili tradition of Sh¯ıE¯ı scholasticism. After re-
skill and indicate something of his contribution to the life
ceiving degrees in law and history from Calcutta University
of liturgy and worship. His effectiveness in acting on practi-
in 1868, he went to London on a government scholarship
cal moral concerns, as seen in the writing on duties and his
and qualified as a barrister in 1873. From 1890 to 1904 he
sermons on behalf of the oppressed (e.g., On Naboth), set an
was a judge of the Calcutta High Court, after which he re-
enduring pattern for church engagement in public life.
tired to England, where he served from 1909 until his death
Whether it was Ambrose’s moral concerns, his platonizing,
as a member of the Judicial Committee of the Royal Privy
his elevated scriptural interpretations, or his vital strength of
Council.
character that led to the conversion in 387 of Augustine of
During Ameer Ali’s student years in England he wrote
Hippo cannot be easily determined. Ambrose’s influence
The Critical Examination of the Life and Teachings of Moham-
lived on in Augustine, his greatest convert and a figure who
mad (1872), the first version of what in three subsequent re-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AME NO KOYANE
289
visions was to become famous as The Spirit of Islam. More
for English-educated Muslims. Although treated with con-
than an apologetic response to Christian polemics and the
tempt by Islamic scholars, his ideas and style have played a
challenge of nineteenth-century empiricism, as in the writ-
significant part in shoring up the self-confidence of Muslims
ings of Sayyid Ahmad Khan, The Spirit of Islam (1922) por-
not only in South Asia but throughout the Islamic world.
trays Islam as a dynamic force, the ultimate generator of “re-
ligious progress among mankind” (p. xix). Ameer Ali sees
BIBLIOGRAPHY
“the achievement of Mohammad in the moral world” in
In addition to The Spirit of Islam: A History of the Evolution and
terms of the traditional concept of his role as last of the
Ideals of Islam, rev. ed. (1922; reprint, London, 1974), which
prophets, the culmination and synthesis of all previous reli-
centers on the life of Muhammad, Ameer Ali’s other major
gious discoveries. But he also argues that the initial revelation
works are A Short History of the Saracens, rev. ed. (London,
of Islam is a continually creative “spirit,” the source of the
1921), and Mahommedan Law, 2 vols., 5th ed., edited by
ongoing progress of universal human understanding and
Raja Said Akbar Khan (Lahore, 1976). K. K. Aziz’s Ameer
moral sensibility. Ameer Ali attributes “the present stagna-
Ali: His Life and Work (Lahore, 1968) reprints many of his
tion of the Mussulman communities” to an unwillingness to
writings, including the “Memoirs,” and contains a useful
bibliography.
allow the inspiration of Islam to guide private judgment, to
adapt the universal teachings of the Prophet to “the necessi-
DAVID LELYVELD (1987)
ties of this world of progress with its ever-changing social and
moral phenomena” (pp. 182–183). At the same time, he in-
sists that inspiration be constrained by rationalism and warns
against “vulgar mysticism,” which “unsettles the mind and
AME NO KOYANE is one of the four deities (kami)
weakens the foundations of society and paralyses human en-
enshrined at Kasuga Shrine in Nara. The deities worshiped
ergy” (pp. 477–478).
at Kasuga Shrine, who were venerated by the Fujiwara (for-
merly, Nakatomi) clan, include Takemikazuchi no Mikoto,
As a major figure in the development of “Anglo-
Iwainushi no Mikoto (Futsunushi no Mikoto), and Ame no
Muhammadan Law,” that is, the adaptation of Islamic ethi-
Koyane no Mikoto and his wife, ancestral kami of the Fuji-
cal and legal principles to British judicial institutions and
wara clan.
procedures, Ameer Ali made similar arguments for a contin-
ually adaptive reading of scriptural sources in the light of
According to a myth recorded in the Nihonshoki,
“changed circumstances.” On this basis he argued against po-
Takemikazuchi and Iwainushi were commanded by Ama-
lygamy and female seclusion. In making these interpreta-
terasu O
¯ mikami (the sun goddess and the ancestral kami of
tions, he claimed for himself, as well as for the non-Muslim
Japan’s imperial house) to descend from the Heavenly Plain
judges of the British courts, the right to override traditional
to earth and subjugate the Japanese domain. At the descent
Muslim authorities.
of Ninigi no Mikoto, a grandson of the sun goddess, Ame
no Koyane was directed by Amaterasu to thenceforth attend
Throughout his adult life Ameer Ali was an active politi-
and protect her descendants (tenno¯), who were to live in the
cal publicist and organizer on behalf of what he deemed to
palace hall with the sacred mirror (yata no kagami), one of
be a homogeneous Indian Muslim community. In 1878 he
her divine regalia, and to worship it. By enshrining the four
founded the National Muhammadan Association, the first
kami mentioned in the above myth at their clan-shrine at Ka-
All-Indian Muslim political organization, with over fifty far-
suga, the Fujiwara attained religious authority to receive su-
flung branches. He was instrumental in formulating consti-
preme political power at the imperial court.
tutional arrangements for separate Muslim electorates and
weighted political representation, on the grounds that Mus-
By the end of the Heian period the entities enshrined
lims had once ruled India. In 1924 he joined the Aga Khan
at Ise (Amaterasu), Hachiman (Hachiman), and Kasuga (the
in appealing to the Turkish Republic to maintain the caliph-
four deities mentioned above) Shrines came to be referred
ate, an intervention that Kemal Atatürk took as sufficient
to as the “kami of the three shrines” (sanja no kami) as a sign
grounds for its final abolition. Ameer Ali defended the Sunni
of special respect. During the Muromachi period the “three
institution of the Ottoman caliphate as a “pontifical” head-
shrine oracle” (sanja ta-kusen) was popularly venerated. Ame
ship of a world Muslim polity, but he remained ultimately
no Koyane’s prestige as a mythic figure was enhanced during
committed to the “apostolic” Sh¯ıE¯ı imamate—a contrast be-
the thirteenth century with the publication of the Gukansho¯,
tween democratic consensus “however obtained” and those
an interpretive history of Japan by the Tendai abbot Jien,
truly qualified on the basis of intrinsic superiority (see his
himself a member of the Fujiwara line. The Gukansho¯, mar-
Mahommedan Law, 1912 ed., vol. 1, p. 6). His strong advo-
rying certain eschatological notions found in Buddhist scrip-
cacy of British rule in India and opposition to Indian nation-
ture with the myths of the founding the Japanese state, de-
alism, especially insofar as it consigned Muslims to minority
clared that during the so-called era of the True law (sho¯bo¯),
status, were founded on similar antidemocratic principles.
Amaterasu had formulated a system of government in which
there was direct administration by the tenno¯, but that in the
Except for some minor writings in Urdu, Ameer Ali
subsequent eras of human history other forms of political or-
wrote in English for a British public and, only secondarily,
ganization had been sanctioned by her. During the era of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
290
AMESHA SPENTAS
Counterfeit Law (zo¯bo¯), Amaterasu had collaborated with
“life”). Many of these notions are present in Vedic religion.
Ame no Koyane to create the regent-chancellor system, in
Thus Zarathushtra (Zoroaster), in developing his doctrine,
which the tenno¯ was assisted by a regent from the Fujiwara
was following a tendency, already present in the older Indo-
clan (the descendants of Ame no Koyane herself). For the era
European tradition, toward the spiritualization of abstract
of the Latter Days of the Law (mappo¯), the Gukansho¯ contin-
concepts that, according to the Indo-European tripartite ide-
ues, when human institutions have degenerated from their
ology, corresponded to functional divinities (Dumézil, 1945;
original integrity, Amaterasu consulted with Ame no Koyane
Duchesne-Guillemin, 1962; Widengren, 1965; et al.).
and Hachiman to establish the regent-shogun system (com-
Zarathushtra, however, took this tendency in a new and orig-
bining the institutions of regent and shogun), in which the
inal direction. The Bundahishn (Book of primordial creation;
tenno¯ is assisted by the regent-shogun of the Fujiwara clan,
ninth century CE) gives us a picture of correspondences be-
the descendants of Ame no Koyane.
tween the Amahraspanda¯n and the elements: cattle corre-
Thus, until the end of World War II Ame no Koyane
spond to Vohu Manah, fire to Asha, metal to Khshathra,
served as a legitimizer of the imperial system. Kasuga Shrine,
earth to A¯rmaiti, and water and plants to Haurvata¯t and
which honors her, was accordingly revered by the imperial
Amereta¯t.
house and protected by the majesty and power of the state.
Vohu Manah is simultaneously divine and human;
through “good thought” humans recognize divinity and di-
SEE ALSO Amaterasu O
¯ mikami; Japanese Religions, articles
vinity indicates to them the way, the goal, and their origins.
on Religious Documents, The Study of Myths; Jien;
It is, then, an intermediary between the divine and the
Mappo¯.
human. Asha is the Iranian equivalent of the Indian R:ta
(“truth”) and personifies the cosmic, social, ritual, and moral
BIBLIOGRAPHY
order. A¯rmaiti is humankind’s devotion to divinity, their re-
Brown, Delmer, M., and Ishida Ichiro¯, eds. The Future and the
ceptive and obedient behavior. Khshathra is the power that
Past: A Translation and Study of the Gukansho¯, an Interpretive
comes to a person from his or her state of union (maga) with
History of Japan Written in 1219. Berkeley, 1979.
divinity—a special power used to conquer the malefic forces
Ishida Ichiro¯. Shinto¯ shiso¯shu¯. Tokyo, 1970.
and establish the rule of Ahura Mazda¯. Haurvata¯t and
Ishida Ichiro¯. Kami to Nihon bunka. Tokyo, 1983.
Amereta¯t are the drink and food of divinity (offerings are
I
made to them of various kinds of drink and plants) and of
SHIDA ICHIRO
¯ (1987)
Translated from Japanese by Jenine Heaton
humans, for whom they represent a reward for a correctly
lived life of good thoughts, good words, and good actions.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
AMESHA SPENTAS. In the Zoroastrian tradition, the
de Jong, Albert. Traditions of the Magi. Zoroastrianism in Greek
Amesha Spentas (Av.; MPers., Amahraspanda¯n), or “benefi-
and Latin Literature. Leiden, 1997.
cent immortals,”are an important group of entities surround-
Duchesne-Guillemin, Jacques. The Western Response to Zoroaster.
ing Ahura Mazda¯ and figuring significantly in the Ga¯tha¯s.
Oxford, 1958.
From one point of view, they are aspects of divinity; from
Duchesne-Guillemin, Jacques. La religion de l’Iran ancien. Paris,
another they are personifications of abstract concepts. They
1962.
do not exist independently but find their raison d’être in a
Dumézil, Georges. Naissance d’Archanges. Paris, 1945.
system of interrelations and correlations among themselves.
Geiger, Bernhard. Die Ameˇsa Spentas: Ihr Wesen und ihre urs-
Since the divine is mirrored in the corporeal world, they
prüngliche Bedeuntung. Vienna, 1916.
gradually assumed, in theological speculations, correspon-
Gershevitch, Ilya. “Zoroaster’s Own Contribution.” Journal of
dences with material elements as well. This explains the later,
Near Eastern Studies 23 (1964): 12–38.
Manichaean use of amahraspanda¯n to refer to the five lumi-
Gershevitch, Ilya, trans. and ed. The Avestan Hymn to Mithra.
nous elements: ether, wind, light, water, and fire. The collec-
Cambridge, 1959.
tive name of the Amesha Spentas and their definiton as a set
Gray, Louis H. The Foundations of the Iranian Religions. Bombay,
of six or seven immortals (if the two spirits Spenta Mainyu
1930.
and Ahura Mazda¯ are included) is found in the non-Gathic
Kellens, Jean. Le panthéon de l’Avesta ancien. Wiesbaden, 1994.
Avesta, in which the adjectives amesha (“immortal”) and
Lommel, Herman. “Die Elemente im Verhältnis zu den Ameˇsa
spenta (“beneficent”) are sometimes used to describe various
Spenta’s.” In Feschrift für Ad. E. Jensen, vol. 1, edited by Eike
entities. The words do not, however, occur in the Ga¯tha¯s
Haberland et al., pp. 365–377. Munich, 1964.
(Narten, 1982).
Narten, J. Die Amesa Spen:tas im Awesta. Wiesbaden, 1982.
The entities positively identified as Amesha Spentas are
Nyberg, H. S. Irans forntida religioner. Stockholm, 1937. Trans-
a well-defined group: Vohu Manah (“good thought”), Asha
lated as Die Religionen des alten Iran (1938; 2d ed., Uppsala,
Vahishta (“best truth”), Khshathra Vairya (“desirable
1966).
power”), Spenta A¯rmaiti (“beneficent devotion”), Haurvata¯t
Schlerath, Bernfried. “Die Gathas des Zarathustra.” Orientalistis-
(“wholeness” or “health”), and Amereta¯t (“immortality” or
che Literaturzeitung 57 (1962): 565–589.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AMITA¯BHA
291
Thieme, Paul. “Die vedischen A¯ditya und die zarathustrischen
Amita¯bha devotionalism is based on a few rather short
Ameˇsa Spenta.” In Zarathustra, “Wege der Forschung,” no.
scriptures of two types: one concerning Amita¯bha’s spiritual
169, edited by Bernfried Schlerath, pp. 397–412. Darm-
career, the glories of the western Buddha world, and the
stadt, 1970.
promise of rebirth in that region, the other devoted to the
Widengren, Geo. Die Religionen Irans. Stuttgart, 1965. Translated
technique of “visualization” of Amita¯bha by a process of
as Les religions de l’Iran (Paris, 1968).
mental concentration performed before an icon that repre-
GHERARDO GNOLI (1987)
sents the Buddha in his paradise. The first Chinese transla-
Translated from Italian by Roger DeGaris
tion of an Amita¯bha scripture dates from the first part of the
third century CE. This scripture already contains the story of
the Buddha Amita¯bha’s original resolution to save all beings.
AMITA¯BHA
A famous episode that has remained the basic theme of
(“immeasurable light”), or Amita¯yus
Amidist soteriology, this tale recounts how, many aeons ago,
(“immeasurable lifespan”), are the Sanskrit names of a Bud-
the monk Dharma¯kara, the being destined to become the
dha who in Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism is represented as the super-
natural ruler of “the Land of Bliss” (Sukha¯vat¯ı), a paradise-
Buddha Amita¯bha, had pronounced a series of forty-eight
like world in the western part of the universe. According to
vows and declared that he would not realize Buddhahood
the doctrine associated with his name and commonly called
unless he could fulfill all these vows by the force of his own
Amidism (from the Japanese form, Amida), he is a superhu-
karmic merit, to be accumulated in future lives. He vowed
man savior who, by the force of his “original vow,” has creat-
to create a Buddha world of unparallelled splendor and to
ed an ideal world into which all those who surrender to his
open it to all beings who sincerely believe in his saving power
saving power are reborn, to stay there until they reach
and express their faith by the invocation of his holy name.
nirva¯n:a. In India and Central Asia, the complex of beliefs
With the exception of the gravest sinners, all beings may
centered on Amita¯bha never appears to have given rise to a
enter that realm of ethereal beauty and spiritual bliss, where
distinct sect within Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism. In East Asia, how-
even the birds sing hymns in praise of the Doctrine. Sincere
ever, the cult of Amita¯bha (Chin., Emituo; Kor., Amit’a;
faith is especially important at the moment of death: To the
Jpn., Amida) eventually led to a characteristic form of popu-
one who at his death surrenders to Amita¯bha’s grace, the
lar Buddhism, especially as manifested in the various sects
Buddha himself will appear, and his soul (a basically non-
and movements known collectively as Pure Land (Chin.,
Buddhist notion) will be transported to Sukha¯vat¯ı, there to
jingtu; Kor., chongt’o; Jpn., jo¯do).
be born from the bud of a supernatural lotus flower. In some
of these scriptures, Amita¯bha is already represented as form-
ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT. The figure of Amita¯bha
ing a triad with the two powerful bodhisattvas who in later
belongs wholly to the Maha¯ya¯na tradition, for he is nowhere
iconography are his constant acolytes—Avalokite´svara
mentioned in the Therava¯da canon. The religious lore con-
(Chin., Guanyin, since the tenth century mostly represented
nected with Amita¯bha and Sukha¯vat¯ı contains a number of
as a female bodhisattva) and Maha¯stha¯mapra¯pta; these two
elements common to Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism as a whole: the
represent the two main aspects of his being, mercy and wis-
idea that in the universe there are many regions in which “ex-
dom. From the late fourth century onward, the cult of
traterrestrial” buddhas are active; the belief that some of these
Amita¯bha, with its characteristic features (devotionalism; “vi-
Buddha worlds are regions of great beauty and spiritual bliss,
sualization”; beatific visions at the moment of death; invoca-
as a result of the karmic merit accumulated by the Buddha
tion of the Buddha’s name), is attested in Chinese sources,
in the course of past lives; and the conviction that pious be-
lievers can be reborn there to listen to his teachings. In this
but it is generally combined with other Buddhist beliefs and
general context, Amita¯bha and his Buddha world in the west
practices. It was only in the sixth century that Pure Land
are mentioned a number of times in early Maha¯ya¯na scrip-
Buddhism became established as a distinct religious move-
tures, where, however, he is not singled out for special wor-
ment.
ship. At the same time, the figure of Amita¯bha and the cult
EARLY PURE LAND BUDDHISM IN CHINA. Pure Land Bud-
specifically rendered to him show a number of features that
dhism as founded by Tanluan (c. 488–c. 554) and elaborated
are so far removed from Indian Maha¯ya¯na that several schol-
by Daochuo (562–645) and Shandao (613–681) must be
ars have sought their origin outside India, in the northwest-
viewed against the background of eschatological beliefs con-
ern borderlands where Buddhism was exposed to strong Ira-
cerning “the final phase of the Doctrine” (Chin., mofa; Jpn.,
nian influence. There its rise was probably also stimulated
mappo¯). These were widespread in sixth-century China, par-
by the popularity of eschatological ideas around the begin-
ticularly after the severe persecution of Buddhism in the
ning of the common era. There was a belief that the world
years 574–578. Mofa thought implied an extremely pessimis-
had degenerated to a point where humanity could no longer
tic view of society as made up of a world of sinners, a degen-
be delivered by its own effort and must rely on faith and on
erate clergy, and a tyrannical government—in other words,
devotion to a powerful savior in order to be released from
a situation in which it was impossible to practice the doctrine
sin and suffering. A similar idea, that of the “last phase of
to its full extent and complexity. Instead of individual effort
the Doctrine,” was to play an important role in the develop-
to reach the ideal of saintliness and enlightenment and the
ment of Amidism in China and Japan.
arduous task of studying the complicated teachings of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
292
AMITA¯BHA
Buddhist scriptures, humankind needed a simple way to sal-
cult of Amita¯bha, resulting in the beliefs that the true Pure
vation, and if humans were unable to tread it alone, the
Land is to be found within oneself and that the formula of
power of the Buddha’s compassion would be there to help
the Holy Name can be used as a theme (Chin., gongan; Jpn.,
them.
ko¯an) in Chan meditation.
The rise of Pure Land Buddhism was no doubt also
AMIDISM IN KOREA AND JAPAN. Following the official adop-
stimulated by indigenous Daoist thought. Since early times,
tion of Buddhism as the state religion by the Korean king-
Sukha¯vat¯ı appears to have been associated with one of the
dom of Silla (528 CE), the various schools of Chinese Bud-
Daoist terrestrial paradises, also located in the far west. This
dhism, including the Pure Land sect, were introduced into
was the fabulous Kunlun mountain where Xi Wang Mu, the
Korea, where they reached their highest development in the
divine Queen Mother of the West, ruled over a population
seventh and eighth centuries. From Korea, Amidism soon
of immortals. Furthermore, both the repeated invocation of
reached Japan; it is known to have been expounded at the
the esoteric name of a deity and the visualization of supernat-
Japanese court before the middle of the seventh century.
ural beings were well-known Daoist practices. It was no coin-
However, as in China, Japanese Amidism only slowly be-
cidence that the founder of the Pure Land movement, Tan-
came a distinct sect. As a sectarian movement, it clearly
luan, had been deeply interested in Daoism before he became
showed the characteristics of a popular, almost protestant, re-
a Buddhist.
action to the more sophisticated and aristocratic doctrines
By the middle of the Tang dynasty (eighth century),
and institutions of the established sects, and, once more, this
Amidism had become a powerful movement, as is attested
reaction was largely inspired by eschatological beliefs con-
by the popularity of Amidist literature and the innumerable
cerning the “final stage of the Doctrine.”
icons and votive inscriptions devoted to the Buddha of the
In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the popularity of
western paradise. In spite of the simplicity of its message, it
Amidism rose with the activities of popular preachers such
attracted followers from all classes, including the cultured
as Genshin (942–1017) and Ku¯ya (Ko¯ya), the “saint of the
elite of courtiers and scholar-officials.
marketplace,” both of whom preached the principles of “re-
LATER DEVELOPMENTS IN CHINA: RITUALIZATION AND
lying on the strength of the Other One” (tariki) and the in-
SYNCRETISM. The basic expression of faith and devotion in
vocation of the Sacred Name (nembutsu). In the late twelfth
Pure Land Buddhism consisted of mental concentration on
century the Jo¯do sect was formally established by Genshin’s
Amita¯bha’s saving power and on the mercy of the bodhisattva
disciple Ho¯nen (1133–1212), who attracted a huge follow-
Guanyin, who in due course became as prominent as the
ing from all classes in spite of growing resistance on the part
Buddha himself. This was accompanied by the unceasing
of the Buddhist establishment. In Ho¯nen’s Pure Land devo-
repetition of the formula “Homage to the Buddha
tionalism, centered on the idea that salvation can be reached
Amita¯bha” (Skt., “Namo Amita¯bha-buddha¯ya”; Chin.,
by nembutsu while everything else may be left to Amita¯bha’s
“Namu Emituofo”; Jpn., “Namu Amida Butsu”), sometimes
saving grace, there is found already the tendency toward ex-
up to a hundred thousand times a day. However, in spite of
treme reductionism that would culminate in the True Jo¯do
its doctrinal simplicity, Amidism in China developed an
sect (Jo¯do Shinshu¯) founded by the great reformer Shinran
elaborate and characteristic liturgy, with hymn singing, the
(1173–1263). According to Shinran, Amita¯bha’s “original
chanting of spells, collective prayer, and penitential ceremo-
vow” implied that salvation was open to all sincere believers.
nies that in many variations have continued until the present.
Thus not nembutsu but faith must be the basis of religious
In iconography, Amidism gave rise to a special type of
life. Humanity can only be redeemed by a single and total
religious art that takes as its basic theme an extremely elabo-
act of surrender to Amita¯bha’s grace; the invocation of his
rate representation of Amita¯bha and his acolytes in the splen-
name is not a means by which to achieve salvation, but rather
dor of the western paradise. As may be expected, Pure Land
a constant expression of gratitude for the gift of faith from
devotionalism appealed to the lay public, and the collective
Amita¯bha. Amita¯bha’s all-embracing grace erases all distinc-
activities of lay believers, both male and female, often in the
tions, including even the distinction between “own effort”
form of pious societies or congregations organized for com-
(jiriki) and “relying upon the Other One” (tariki). Shinran
mon prayer and the performance of good works, always have
also stressed the fact that Amita¯bha is the only Buddha who
played an important role. Over time a tendency developed
should be worshiped. All other Buddhist teachings and prac-
to supplement the simple message of Pure Land Buddhism
tices are secondary, or even irrelevant. Because there must be
with a philosophical superstructure borrowed from other,
no separation between religion and ordinary life, even the
more sophisticated systems of Buddhist thought such as the
principle of celibacy is rejected. Like their founder who de-
“One Vehicle” doctrine of the Lotus Su¯tra, the esoteric sym-
scribed his own status as being “neither priest nor layman,”
bolism of Tantric Buddhism, and Chan (Jpn., Zen) intu-
Shinshu¯ priests may marry. It is in this extremely reduced
itionism. In late imperial times, Chan-Pure Land syncretism
and “congregational” form that Amidism has become the
could be found in most Chinese monasteries. The Chan
most widespread variety of Buddhism in Japan. At present,
ideal of inner enlightenment, attained through the realiza-
the Jo¯do and Jo¯do Shinshu¯ sects (the latter in two main
tion of one’s own “Buddha nature,” was combined with the
branches) together have a following of about twenty million.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AMOGHAVAJRA
293
SEE ALSO Celestial Buddhas and Bodhisattvas; Daochuo;
Mysteries” and the method of the “five divisions” of the
Genshin; Ho¯nen; Iconography, article on Buddhist Iconog-
Sarvatatha¯gatatattvasam:graha, but Vajrabodhi was reluctant
raphy; Ippen; Jingtu; Jo¯do Shinshu¯; Jo¯doshu; Nianfo; Pure
to instruct him. Thus, Amoghavajra made plans to return to
and Impure Lands; Shandao; Shinran; Tanluan; Worship
India to seek the teachings from another master, but before
and Devotional Life, article on Buddhist Devotional Life in
he could announce his plans Vajrabodhi dreamed of
East Asia; Xiwangmu.
Amoghavajra’s departure and relented. After Vajrabodhi’s
death in 732 Amoghavajra made a pilgrimage to India and
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Sri Lanka, where he made further studies in the Vajraya¯na.
The basic scriptures of Amidism have been published in an En-
He returned ladened with texts and spent much of his life
glish translation in the series “Sacred Books of the East,” vol.
in the Da Xingshan Temple, translating and performing rites
49 (1894; reprint, New York, 1969). These are two versions
for members of the imperial family.
of the Sukha¯vat¯ıvyu¯ha, both translated from Sanskrit by F.
Max Müller, and the Scripture of the Visualization of
After the death of Vajrabodhi and his own return from
Amita¯bha, Guan wuliangshoufo jing, translated from Chinese
India Amoghavajra set about furthering the influence of the
by Takakusu Junjiro. See also Fujita Kotatsu’s invaluable
Zhenyan school. Under the patronage of the emperor Xuan-
study, Genshi jo¯do shiso¯ no kenkyu¯ (Tokyo, 1970). The most
zong (r. 713–756) he met with a modicum of success. But
comprehensive treatment of Amita¯bha is to be found in vol-
under Suzong (r. 756–763) and Daizong (r. 763–779),
ume 2 of Henri de Lubac’s Aspects du bouddhisme (Paris,
Amoghavajra led the Zhenyan school to wide popularity and
1955), translated by George Lamb as Aspects of Buddhism
great power. Amoghavajra was both friend and teacher to
(New York, 1963). For a possible Iranian influence on the
Daizong; under his patronage he established a Vajrayana
cult of Amita¯bha and Avalokite´svara, see Marie-Thérèse de
headquarters on Mount Wutai and instituted a variety of
Mallman’s Introduction à l’étude d’Avalokiteçvara (Paris,
1948). The early history of Pure Land Buddhism is summa-
public rites for the welfare of the emperor and the state.
rized in Kenneth Chen’s Buddhism in China (1964; reprint,
Amoghavajra retranslated the Sarvatatha¯gatatattvasam:graha
Princeton, N. J., 1972), pp. 338–350. For Amidism in Japan
(T.D. no. 865), which had been partially translated by his
(Jo¯do and Jo¯do Shinshu¯), see Harper H. Coates and
own teacher, Vajrabodhi. He outlined the larger Vajrosnisa,
Ryu¯gaku Ishizuka’s Ho¯nen, the Buddhist Saint, 5 vols.
¯
of which the Sarvatatha¯gatatattvasam:graha is the first part,
(Kyoto, 1949), and A. Bloom’s Shinran’s Gospel of Pure Grace
in his Shibahuizhigui (Outlines of the essentials of the eigh-
(Tucson, Ariz., 1965).
teen assemblies; T.D. no. 869). Amoghavajra produced vol-
New Sources
umes of translations of Esoteric scriptures and rites as well
Aoki, A. Kenkoin Amida Nyoraizo zonai nonyuhin shiryo. Kyoto,
as new Esoteric versions of old scriptures, such as the
1999.
Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯ Su¯tra for Humane Kings Who Wish to Protect
Kainuma, Y. “Kaikei and Early Kamakura Buddhism: A Study of
Their States (T.D. no. 246). His output as a translator was
theAn’amiyo Amida Form.” Ph.D. diss., University of Cali-
second only to that of the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang (596–
fornia, Los Angeles, 1994.
664). Amoghavajra’s public preeminence is chronicled in a
Kaneko, Daiei, and W. S. Yokoyama.“Rennyo the Restorer.” East-
collection of his memorials to the throne and other docu-
ern Buddhist 31, no. 1 (1998): 1–11.
ments, the Biaozhiji (T.D. no. 2120), assembled by his disci-
Payne, R. K., and K. K. Tanaka. Approaching the Land of Bliss: Re-
ple Yuanzhao.
ligious Praxis in the Cult of Amitabha. Honolulu, 2004.
Amoghavajra was repeatedly honored by the emperor
Schopen, Gregory. “The Inscription on the Kusan Image of
and courtiers, who built him temples and sponsored Esoteric
Amitabha and the Character of the Early Mahayana in
rites. He was appointed Guoshi, “Teacher of the Realm,”
India.” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist
and had free access to the emperor’s private chapel. He was
Studies 10, no. 2 (1987): 99–137.
even enfeoffed as a duke shortly before his death in 774. No
ERIK ZÜRCHER (1987)
monk in Chinese history, either before or since, has wielded
Revised Bibliography
such immense power.
Amoghavajra promoted the Tattvasam:graha as the fast
way to enlightenment, but he also taught the techniques of
AMOGHAVAJRA
the Maha¯vairocana Su¯tra. Indeed, it was either Amoghavajra
(705–774), known to the Chinese
or his immediate disciples who paired the teachings and the
as Bukong or, more fully, as BukongjinEgang; propagator of
man:d:alas of the two texts, a pairing that marks Zhenyan and
Zhenyan Buddhism. Apparently born of a North Indian
its Japanese offspring, Shingon, as a distinctive branch of the
brahman family, Amoghavajra became the disciple of the
Vajraya¯na.
Vajraya¯na master Vajrabodhi at fifteen and traveled with him
to S´r¯ıvijaya and then on to China in 720. Like other Zhen-
Through his astute use of Esoteric rites and “powers”
yan masters, Amoghavajra is credited with wide learning in
(siddhi), Amoghavajra led the Zhenyan school to a unique
the Buddhist tradition and is thought to have especially ex-
position in Chinese religious history. In doing so,
celled at the study of Vinaya (monastic discipline). Accord-
Amoghavajra enhanced the dimension of Vajraya¯na practice
ing to one account, Amoghavajra wished to learn the “Three
both as a path to enlightenment and as the best way to pro-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
294
AMORAIM
mote the goals of the state. Like S´ubha¯karasim:ha and Vajra-
the ideal that all should become rabbis, masters of God’s
bodhi—and, indeed, like Padmasambhava, who later mis-
Torah, which contains the key to health and happiness.
sionized Tibet—Amoghavajra sought to demonstrate that
Their devotion to Torah study brought them great respect,
the practice of enlightenment entailed the exercise of siddhi,
and since they were believed to be able to help the common
or wondrous salvific powers.
folk and intercede with God, they were seen as holy men.
Their influence was reinforced by their roles as judges and
SEE ALSO Maha¯siddhas; Zhenyan.
community administrators, especially in Babylonia, as collec-
tors of charity, and as teachers who were responsive, for ex-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ample, to the social and economic crisis that affected the
A carefully annotated translation of the standard biography of
third-century eastern Mediterranean Roman world.
Amoghavajra, as well as notes on other sources for his life,
can be found in Zhou Yiliang’s “Tantrism in China,” Har-
The amoraim continued as a group longer in Babylonia
vard Journal of Asiatic Studies 8 (March 1945): 241–332.
than in Palestine, expanding and redacting the Babylonian
gemara D into the fifth century, at a time when their rabbinical
New Sources
Amoghavajra, and Charles D. Orzech. “The Legend of the Iron
colleagues in Palestine, where the Jerusalem Talmud was al-
Stupa.” In Buddhism in Practice, edited by Donald S. Lopez,
ready closed, were apparently primarily engaged in transmit-
Jr., pp. 314–317. Princeton, 1995.
ting and redacting Midrashic teachings and possibly develop-
Hunter, Harriet. “A Late Heian Period Reinterpretation of
ing practical halakhic guides. Thus the amoraim creatively
the Rishukyo Mandara.” Japanese Religions 27, no. 1 (2002):
applied the scriptural and tannaitic tradition to differing
69–98.
Babylonian and Palestinian post-Mishnaic contexts—one a
pagan Persian world and the other a pagan and then Chris-
CHARLES D. ORZECH (1987)
Revised Bibliography
tian Roman world, the one in the Diaspora and the other
in the Holy Land. Although still valuing cultic notions,
amoraim in both lands were able to dissociate ideas and insti-
tutions from the Temple; for example, separating features of
AMORAIM. The Aramaic word amoraDim (sg., amoraD),
the Passover evening celebration from its origins as a sacrifi-
meaning “speakers,” generally refers to those masters who in
cial ritual meal, they emphasized the symbolic significance
explaining and applying the earlier teachings of the Palestin-
of the protocol especially in terms of freedom and liberation.
ian tannaim (c. 70–200 CE) contained in the Mishnah (and
A comparable variation is discernible in the attempts to bol-
in its related collections, such as the Tosefta), made rabbinic
ster the practice of saying blessings before eating food with
Judaism into a wider social movement. Occasionally the
the argument that the omission of a blessing constitutes a sin.
term may denote the individual who repeated a rabbi’s state-
While the tannaim, by drawing on the idea of trespass against
ment. The significance of the amoraim lies in what they ac-
the Temple cult, suggested that the individual would be per-
complished in their own day and in the impact on later gen-
forming the sin of sacrilege against the Lord, the amoraim
erations of Jews of the collection of their teachings in the
first defined the terms so that they might be meaningful to
gemara D (which combined with the Mishnah is the Talmud)
those who had not experienced the Temple cult and then re-
and in the Midrash.
vised the metaphors, speaking of robbing the Holy One and
The amoraim are conventionally divided into genera-
the congregation of Israel (B.T., Ber. 35a–b). Responsive to
tions demarcated by the life span of several prominent teach-
the nation’s political situation, the amoraim amplified tradi-
ers: three to five generations of Babylonian and Palestinian
tional redemptive motifs, though they held that these hopes
masters (c. 220–375) and two or three longer additional
for divine intervention were contingent on human deeds.
Babylonian generations (375–460/500). Recently scholars
They thus asserted that the divine redemption celebrated
have suggested that Ashi (375–424/7) should be considered
during Passover took place because the people had merited
the last of the amoraim proper, after whom (to 500) flour-
it and thereby taught contemporary Jews awaiting an eventu-
ished those authorities who generally taught anonymously.
al redemption that they too must become worthy.
Following the enumeration of Moshe Beer (Amora Dei Bavel,
The emphasis on the study of Torah and on the impor-
Ramat Gan, 1974), the amoraim cited in the two Talmuds
tance of personal action and fulfillment of the command-
number 773 masters: 371 in Palestine and 402 in Babylonia,
ments caused the amoraim to stress love of one’s neighbor
or 74 masters per generation in Palestine and 57 in Babylonia
and the importance of law, order, and justice. Likewise, in
with a generation spanning approximately thirty-one to thir-
responding to contemporary intellectual challenges, they
ty-five years. Hardly a mass movement in their own right,
drew on, yet transformed, many Hellenistic ideas, such as
they formed an elite group that was able to influence Jewry
those concerning astrology and notions of an afterlife, and
at large.
customs, such as in popular modes of taking oaths and vows.
According to Jacob Neusner (1966–1970) and David
To be sure, rabbis differed on small and sometimes larger
M. Goodblatt (1975), the amoraim, aided by a band of stu-
matters, but since rabbinic teachings were constantly revised
dents, eventually transformed Jewish society by presenting
in the process of transmission to make them address more
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AMOS
295
directly whatever contemporary issue seemed most pressing,
Rabbinic Instruction in Sasanian Babylonia (Leiden, 1975), a
their original nuances often became obfuscated. Because the
model study on the institutions of teaching. See also Jacob
teachings were given a literary framework when woven to-
Neusner’s Judaism in Society (Chicago, 1984), a study of the
gether and fashioned into the larger whole of the gemara D,
self-images of Palestinian amoraim; my The Origins of the
they appeared to form part of a collective effort.
Seder (Berkeley, Calif., 1984); and David Weiss Halivni’s
Midrash, Mishnah, and Gemara (Cambridge, Mass., 1986).
The advances in the efforts of Talmudic criticism to un-
New Sources
ravel what happened to the teachings during the processes
Bader, Gershom. The Encyclopedia of Talmudic Sages. Translated
of transmission and redaction (e.g., of David Weiss Halivni)
by Solomon Katz. Northvale, N.J., 1988.
should enable a more accurate recognition of the fundamen-
tal form of a teaching and the meanings it gained in subse-
Berger, Michael S. Rabbinic Authority. New York, 1998.
quent generations. This should further enable scholars to an-
Breuer, Yohanan. “On the Hebrew Dialect of the ‘AmoraDim’ in
alyze the distinct amoraic approaches and thus surpass the
the Babylonian Talmud.” Scripta Hierosolymitana 37 (1998):
important though highly selective earlier work of scholars
129–150.
from Wilhelm Bacher to E. E. Urbach.
Kalmin, Richard Lee. Sages, Stories, Authors, and Editors in Rab-
binic Babylonia. Brown Judaic studies, no. 300. Atlanta,
The amoraic heritage came to be transmitted through
1994.
the text of the Talmud: because the Talmud became the cen-
tral book of study in later Judaism, its literary and method-
Kalmin, Richard Lee. The Sage in Jewish Society in Late Antiquity.
New York, 1999.
ological traits rival its substantive content in importance.
The Talmud’s process of inquiry inculcates a critical intellec-
BARUCH M. BOKSER (1987)
tual approach that uses the mind to evaluate the significance
Revised Bibliography
and appropriateness of ideas. This outlook characterizes
Torah study as an encounter with the divine—an act of on-
going revelation—so that reason, reflection, and rational dis-
AMOS (fl. eighth century
course are the means both to approach life and to imitate
BCE) is considered the first classi-
cal prophet, the first whose words are preserved in writing,
God, hence to become holy. Amoraic biblical exposition, or
the biblical Book of Amos. Whereas other books of the He-
midrash, which makes use of the imaginative faculty, also in-
brew Bible such as Samuel and Kings contain numerous indi-
culcates these traits, for even interpretations and homilies are
rect prose reports of earlier prophets’ activities, the books of
grounded in scripture and must often withstand a process of
the classical prophets, beginning with Amos, focus on the
questioning and challenge. Both the Talmudic and the Mid-
prophets’ words, usually recorded in poetic form.
rashic literature inculcated later generations with the value
of study and critical thinking, supplementing the substantive
As a rule, the early prophets addressed a specific person,
rabbinic teachings on human action, social order, compas-
often the king himself, while the classical prophets addressed
sion, and justice.
a wide audience. Hence they were not merely God’s messen-
gers but also speakers, or orators. The call for justice, which
SEE ALSO Abbahu; Abbaye; Ashi; ElEazar ben Pedat; HunaD;
earlier had been directed primarily toward the king (by Na-
Midrash and Aggadah; Rabbah bar Nahmani; Rabbinic Ju-
than to David, by Elijah to Ahab) was now directed toward
daism in Late Antiquity; Rav; RavaD; ShemuDel the Amora;
the rulers and the social elite and was in the form of a public
ShimEon ben Laqish; Talmud; YehoshuEa ben Levi; Yehudah
address. It has been suggested that the development of this
bar Yeh:ezqeDl; Yoh:anan bar NappahaD.
prophetic oratorical style is connected with the Assyrians’ use
of propaganda (see Rabshakeh’s speech in 2 Kings 18:28–35
BIBLIOGRAPHY
[citations herein follow the English version]).
Analytical bibliographic information can be found in my article
HISTORICAL CONTEXT. As the superscription to the Book of
“An Annotated Bibliographical Guide to the Palestinian Tal-
Amos (1:1) reveals, Amos prophesied during the reign of Jer-
mud” and David M. Goodblatt’s “The Babylonian Talmud,”
oboam II (787/6–747/6 BCE). The superscription also states
both in Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, vol.
that he was active “two years before the earthquake” (see also
2.19.2 (Berlin and New York, 1979), pp. 139–256, 257–
336, and both reprinted in The Study of Ancient Judaism, ed-
Zec. 14:5), which, by means of the archaeological evidence
ited by Jacob Neusner, vol. 2, The Palestinian and Babylonian
at Hazor, has been dated to 760 BCE. Jeroboam’s forty-year
Talmuds (New York, 1981). Note in particular Saul Lieber-
reign was a period of political stability, military success, and
man’s Greek in Jewish Palestine, 2d ed. (New York, 1965),
economic prosperity. The biblical historiographer (2 Kgs.
and Texts and Studies (New York, 1974); Jacob Neusner’s A
14:23–29; cf. 2 Kgs. 13:24–25) reports on Jeroboam’s terri-
History of the Jews in Babylonia, 5 vols. (Leiden, 1966–1970),
torial expansions and the strength of his kingdom.
which treats comprehensively the rabbinic sources from the
perspective of their late antique social, religious, and histori-
Nevertheless, this period of prosperity had apparently
cal context; E. E. Urbach’s The Sages, 2 vols., 2d enl. ed. (Je-
created severe social tensions. Although the social elite, who
rusalem, 1979), which remains useful despite its insufficient
prospered, were content, the people of the land, the small
differentiation between sources; and David M. Goodblatt’s
farmers, suffered greatly from the upper classes’ pursuit of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
296
AMOS
luxury (for the social structure, see 2 Kings 24:14). It may
an expectation that there would be a sign, by means of revela-
be that the sudden increase in the standard of living resulted
tion, of God’s victories over Israel’s enemies. Amos rejects
in greater taxation, which led to further oppression of the
this and argues that “the day of the Lord is darkness, and not
poor, who then became even poorer (see Am. 1:6–7a, 3:9,
light” (Am. 5:18–20); the day will be one of punishment, not
4:1–2, 5:11, 6:4–6, 8:4–6).
salvation. Introducing the idea of God’s punishment, he
connects it with social crimes and the corruption of ritual.
AMOS’S BACKGROUND AND MESSAGE. The social inequities
Amos is rooted in the sacred traditions of Israel (e.g., Am.
and oppression of the time precipitated Amos’s protest and
2:9–10, 3:1, 4:10, 4:11, 5:25, 9:7), and mentions them as
call for justice. The prophet’s concern, however, was not
proof of God’s past and continuing involvement with Israel;
merely social injustice but religious practice as well. Amos
but he emphasizes that this involvement is only in response
saw the religious practices of the elite as mirroring their per-
to Israel’s social and moral behavior.
petuation of social injustice, as indicated in his accusation in
2:7–8, and he labels the religious behavior of the leaders
In his autobiographical account, Amos mentions his oc-
meaningless (4:4ff., 5:4–6, 5:21–27, 8:10).
cupation as a dresser of sycamore trees (7:14). This is a trade
that required travel, especially since Tekoa, Amos’s home-
The question arises: what does Amos’s sharp criticism
town (located about 8 miles [12.9 km] south of Jerusalem),
of the cult and its ritual mean? Does he intend to deny the
is in an area where the sycamore does not grow (cf. 1 Kgs.
efficacy of cultic worship? Is he opposed to the cult of specific
10:27). Amos’s travels may shed light on his broad education
shrines, such as Bethel and Gilgal? Is he calling for another
and deep knowledge of world affairs (see 1:2–2:16), as well
type of worship (cf. 5:16)? In responding to these questions,
as his contacts with the northern kingdom of Israel. It has
scholars have intensively investigated Amos’s social back-
also been suggested that Amos’s Tekoa was somewhere in the
ground. Who was he? The superscription refers to him as one
north, which might explain his prophetic activity there; how-
of the noqdim, “shepherds” (sg. noqed), and this remark is
ever, no evidence of a northern Tekoa has been found.
echoed (though in another term, boqer) in 7:14. But in the
Bible noqed does not refer to a simple shepherd; Mesha, king
Sociologically, one must realize that many prophets
of Moab, bore the same title (2 Kgs. 3:4). Attention has been
(e.g., Amos, Micah, Jeremiah) came from the periphery to
called to a Ugaritic text in which nqd is parallel to khn
preach against urban centers. Villages and small towns pre-
(“priest”), which may suggest that Amos himself was from
served a traditional, clear view of the world. Cities, such as
a priestly family.
Samaria, were centers (especially during Amos’s time) of
prosperity, new developments, and social change. Social re-
Amos definitely does not repudiate the cult, but calls for
search reveals that it is not unusual for a visitor from a tradi-
his audience to approach God. In his vision in 9:1, Amos re-
tional area to be incensed by the breaking of traditional con-
ports that “I saw my Lord standing by the altar” (JPS). That
ventions in the city. Thus the changes that defied his
is, God revealed himself to the prophet in the cultic center
traditional views kindled in Amos the fire of criticism and
that is God’s house. Amos’s repeated reproach, “yet you did
the desire to punish the evildoers.
not return to Me” (Am. 4:6, 4:8, 4:10, 4:11) and his demand
to “seek Me” (5:4, 5:14), which has a cultic connotation (cf.
LITERARY STYLE AND STRUCTURE. There have been many
1 Sm. 9:9), may be understood as a call for purification of
discussions of Amos’s language. Although he was the first lit-
the worship. It can also be argued that Amos felt that the cul-
erary prophet, his style is well developed. Does this mean
tic centers of Bethel and Gilgal should cease to function as
that Amos followed a specific literary tradition, and if so,
God’s temples because their worshipers had demonstrated
which? This question should not be of great concern to the
their insincerity through their pursuit of luxury and pleasure.
modern reader, since in antiquity there was not a significant
Thus, Amos does not call for totally abstract worship and
difference between an oral address and a written speech.
does not oppose the cult in principle. He harshly criticizes,
Both genres were designed stylistically to be heard, not read
however, the shrines that legitimate social oppression and
silently by an individual reader. Thus Amos did not start a
thus the existence of religious hypocrisy.
new written tradition but continued a well-developed tradi-
tion of oratory.
Furthermore, the leaders toward whom Amos directs his
An analysis of Amos’s style reveals impressive literary
criticism seem to be devoted worshipers (8:5). One may as-
variations. He employs the conventional prophetic patterns
sume that the political and economic success of the state was
of speech, such as “Thus says the Lord” (e.g., 1:3, 1:6, 1:9,
taken by the ruling class as a sign of God’s protection of Isra-
1:11, etc.); the prophetic formula for a conclusion, “Says the
el. In essence, the cult that assured its worshipers of the sta-
Lord” (2:3, 2:16); and the prophetic verdict, “Therefore”
bility of their way of life served as religious protection for the
(3:2). He uses specific conventions of the wisdom literature,
social elite. Amos attacks this self-serving belief, pointing out
for example, the formula 3 x 4 (repeated in chaps. 1–2), com-
that daily deeds and social justice are inseparable from the
parisons, and rhetorical questions (3:3–8), the latter two re-
cult and, in fact, dominate God’s demands of his worshipers.
flecting secular language. He also employs ritualistic lan-
Amos attacks as well the common belief that God’s
guage, such as the hymn (4:13, 5:8–9, 9:5–6) and the lament
function is merely to save and protect his people. There was
(e.g., 5:2; see also 5:16–18, 6:1). Amos reveals himself to be
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AMULETS AND TALISMANS
297
a great poet, a master of language with creative skills who
reform (cf. 2 Kgs. 23:15). Later there was a fifth, Deuterono-
knows how to use various modes of speech effectively. His
mistic, redaction, which occurred in the exilic period and
objective is to appeal to his audience. Thus, for instance, in
added the oracles against Tyre (1:9–10), Edom (1:11–12),
3:3–6 and 3:8 he utilizes a series of rhetorical questions, a
and Judah (2:4–5). Finally, there was a postexilic redaction
most effective device since its function is to emphasize, and
that added themes of salvation and eschatology so that the
it is stronger than a direct statement. Amos’s use of figurative
book would conclude on a positive note. Another suggestion,
language enables him to describe the disaster he encounters
by Coote, is that the Book of Amos is the product of three
in concrete terms; see, for example, his use of simile in 2:13
stages of redaction: (1) the words of judgment by Amos de-
and 3:12.
livered against the ruling class; (2) the period of Judah’s re-
form, which added oracles of reinterpretation concerning the
The Book of Amos is divided into four main parts: (1)
possibility of repentance; and (3) another series of reinterpre-
the superscription plus the chain of oracles against the na-
tations for Judahites who were in exile or who had returned
tions, including Judah and Israel (1:1–2:16); (2) a series of
to the homeland.
speeches (chaps. 3–6); (3) the vision accounts (7:1–3, 7:4–6,
7:7–9; 8:1ff., 9:1ff.); and (4) a prophecy of salvation (9:11–
These theories of redactional history are nonetheless
15). It has been suggested that the first three visions are
speculative, since they consider certain thematic develop-
ments or changes in the genre of prophetic speech to be indi-
Amos’s call and should be placed at the beginning of the
cations of later accretions. They assume that changed histori-
book. In the vision (8:1ff.) of the basket of summer fruit
cal conditions led to new theological interpretations. This
(keluv qayits), the word summer (qayits) is a pun on the word
notion of systematic change and reinterpretation may be
for “destruction” (qets), which symbolizes the end of Israel.
challenged, however, in light of Amos’s intention to appeal
This wordplay may shed light on the psychology of prophet-
to his audience, which required stylistic and emphatic variety
ic revelation, in which the viewing of an object of daily life
as well as sensitivity to the audience’s mood. He may some-
is interpreted in a vision or dream as a symbol. The series
times have called for repentance or perhaps delivered an ora-
of vision accounts is interrupted by a biographical account
cle of salvation based upon his overall religious worldview.
(7:10–17), which reports on the conflict between Amaziah,
Still, this does not mean that Amos was the sole author of
priest of Bethel, and Amos, in which the priest demands that
the entire book. There may have been specific insertions
Amos go to Judah. In response to the question of why this
(e.g., 5:13), which, however, do not imply a systematic edito-
account was inserted among the visions, scholars have sug-
rial process.
gested that the conclusion of Amos’s attack on Amaziah, “Is-
rael shall surely go into exile away from its land” (7:17), cor-
responds to the vision “The end has come upon my people
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Israel” (8:2) and that an editor, who some forty years later
Coote, R. B. Amos among the Prophets. Philadelphia, 1981.
witnessed the exile of the priest of Bethel and his people by
Kapelrud, Arvid S. Central Ideas in Amos. 2d ed. Oslo, 1961.
the Assyrians, inserted his account of this event as a sign of
Mays, James Luther. Amos: A Commentary. Philadelphia, 1969.
prophetic fulfillment.
Wolff, Hans Walter. Joel and Amos. Edited by Dean McBride and
translated by Waldemar Janzen. Philadelphia, 1977.
Nineteenth-century scholarship assigned most of the
material in the Book of Amos to Amos himself (except, per-
New Sources
haps, the prophecy of comfort at the end of the book). Cur-
Hasel, Gerhard F. Understanding the Book of Amos: Basic Issues in
rent scholarship, however, is more skeptical and suggests a
Current Interpretations. Grand Rapids, Mich., 1991.
lengthy and complex redactional history. It has long been ar-
Hayes, John Haralson. Amos, the Eighth-Century Prophet: His
gued that the book’s conclusion (9:11–15), a prophecy of
Times and His Preaching. Nashville, 1988.
comfort focusing on the house of David (and not on the
Polley, Max E. Amos and the Davidic Empire: A Socio-historical Ap-
northern kingdom or its rulers), reflects a later period. The
proach. New York, 1989.
prophecy against Judah in 2:4–5, which is foreign in its con-
Rosenbaum, Stanley Ned. Amos of Israel: A New Interpretation.
text, is also considered to be late. Recent scholarship has been
[Louvain, Belgium] Macon, Ga., 1990.
attempting to organize the editorial layers in order according
Watts, John D. W. Vision and Prophecy in Amos. Macon, Ga.,
to the occurrence of political developments. Wolff has sug-
1997.
gested that six stages of redaction took place, with the first
YEHOSHUA GITAY (1987)
three stages in the eighth century: the collection of the ora-
Revised Bibliography
cles in chapters 3–6 (the words of Amos himself); the incor-
poration of the oracles directed against the nations at the be-
ginning of the book and the visions at the end of the book;
and the insertion of the prose account of the Bethel episode.
AMULETS AND TALISMANS. An amulet is an
In the fourth stage, in the time of Josiah, the doxologies
object, supposedly charged with magical power, that is car-
(hymns) were added, as well as an elaboration of Amos’s cri-
ried on the person or displayed in a house, barn, or place of
tique of Bethel and the local cult corresponding to Josiah’s
business in order to ward off misadventure, disease, or the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
298
AMULETS AND TALISMANS
assaults of malign beings, demonic or human. A talisman is
Of salient importance is the material out of which an
an object similarly used to enhance a person’s potentialities
amulet or talisman is made, since the magic power is inher-
and fortunes. Amulets and talismans are two sides of the
ent in, not merely associated with, the object itself. Gems
same coin. The former are designed to repel what is baneful;
have to be of substances and colors believed to convey quali-
the latter, to impel what is beneficial. The employment of
ties efficacious for particular needs and written texts have to
both (which is universal) rests on the belief that the inherent
be inscribed on specified skins and in special inks or
quality of a thing can be transmitted to human beings by
pigments.
contact.
Amulets and talismans borne on the person take the
The choice of objects used as amulets and talismans is
form of ornaments—brooches, lockets, pendants, seals, and
determined by several different criteria. They may be (1) of
sachets. Indeed, it is maintained by several authorities that
unusual form, such as perforated stones; (2) rare, such as
what came eventually to be mere decorations were originally
four-leaved clovers; (3) medicinal herbs or flowers, such as
designed for protection.
mugwort (thought to ease childbirth) or various kinds of feb-
A cardinal feature of amulets in many cultures is that
rifuges; (4) parts of animals exemplifying certain characteris-
they are esoteric and although, to be sure, they are often ex-
tics (for example, of a hare for swiftness or a bull for
hibited in full view on the walls of rooms and buildings,
strength), or deemed potent in protecting from attacks by
when they are carried on the person it is often a requirement
those animals; (5) relics of holy or heroic persons, or even
that they must not be revealed to anyone except to the one
dust from their graves, regarded as imbued with those per-
who uses them on a specific occasion, to the magicians who
sons’ “numinous” charisma; (6) figurines of gods and god-
make and dispense them, and to the hostile beings against
desses; (7) models of common objects to which a symbolic
whom they are directed. For this reason they are commonly
significance is attributed, such as miniature ladders exempli-
concealed in the clothing or tucked away in bags or small
fying the means of the soul’s ascent to heaven; (8) exotic ob-
cases. Moreover, in the case of written texts, they frequently
jects of foreign provenience, which are held to contain pow-
employ cryptic alphabets or are couched in gibberish (known
ers not normally available in a given society. The color of an
as ephesia grammata—perhaps a distortion of aphasia gram-
object may also be decisive, on the basis of “like affects like”;
mata, i.e., “unutterable letters”), supposed to be the scripts
a red stone, for instance, may be thought to relieve bloody
and languages of gods and demons. (These can sometimes
flux or menstrual disorders and a yellow stone, to ward off
be identified as genuine ancient scripts and tongues garbled
jaundice. Ubiquitous also are models of the male and female
in the course of the ages.) Signs of the zodiac and conven-
genitalia, to increase procreation and sexual pleasure, and
tional symbols of constellations and metals also appear, be-
threads, to bind evil spirits.
cause such signs are, like names, part and parcel of what they
Nor is it only in material things that magical power is
represent and because the inherent properties of constella-
thought to reside. Since, in primitive thought, the name of
tions and metals are believed to control human fate and for-
a person is not a mere verbal appellation but an essential
tune. Common too are permutations of letters spelling out
component of his being (like his shadow or voice), that of
in esoteric fashion the words of the text. Thus (to use English
a god or demon written on a slip or engraved on a gem or
equivalents) z will substitute for a, y for b, and so forth. In
a medallion can serve as an effective amulet or talisman. Sim-
much the same way, the initial or final letters of words in a
ilarly, a text relating some feat or special benefit, especially
scriptural verse will be used instead of writing it out in full,
the discomfiture of a demon, dragon, or monster, associated
and in alphabetical systems (like Hebrew) where each letter
in traditional myth and folklore with a god or hero, may be
also possesses a numerical value (i.e., a = l, b = 2, etc.), a com-
regarded as charged with the power that accomplished that
bination of letters that add up to the same total as those of
deed, so that to carry such a text on one’s person transmits
the word intended—a device known as gematria (probably
that power and perpetuates it. Scrolls or scripts containing
a distortion of the Greek grammateia)—is employed. (The
excerpts from scriptures accepted as divinely inspired and
Library of Congress possesses the manuscript of a complete
therefore instinct with the divine essence, or (in medieval
Hebrew Bible so written as a manual for the preparation of
Christian usage) copies of letters said to have fallen from
amulets!) A further device is the use of magical squares, each
heaven are likewise favored.
vertical column and each horizonal line of which adds up to
the same sum, and all of them together spelling by gematria
Sometimes, however—especially when an amulet is di-
the name of God or of a protective angel.
rected against human rather than demonic enemies—the
The esoteric character of amuletic texts, it may be
procedure adopted is not to enlist the influence and charisma
added, is matched in oral spells by having them recited in
of gods or “numinous” objects but to scare potential attack-
a whisper or crooned in a low voice. Indeed, this is the prima-
ers by exhibiting in houses statuettes or figurines of mon-
ry meaning of the term incantation.
strous, terrifying creatures. The Babylonians, for instance,
fashioned models of the head and body of the grim demon
Written amulets frequently express their numinous
Pazuzu, and one form of Greek amulet was the head of a gor-
character by beginning with the words “In the name of [this
gon whose eye could petrify would-be assailants.
or that god]” (e.g., the Arabic Bismillah, “In the name of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AMULETS AND TALISMANS
299
God, the Merciful, the Compassionate”) and by being inter-
quished. A Canaanite version of this myth has recently been
spersed with religious signs (e.g., the cross, swastika, or shield
recognized in a Canaanite magical text from Ras Shamra
of David), and their efficacy is increased by marks or letters
(Ugarit) in northern Syria. The cippi were displayed to ward
(ss or kh) indicating that their recitation is to be accompanied
off malign spirits.
by hissing and spitting to ward off demons. They also feature
Other ancient Near Eastern amulets, common among
strings of vowel letters standing cryptically for the powers of
the Babylonians, Assyrians, Canaanites, and Hittites, take
angels or planets. Sometimes too the power of a written amu-
the form of cylinder seals, usually made of diorite or hema-
let is conveyed not simply by wearing it but by immersing
tite, engraved with mythological scenes depicting the dis-
it in water that is then drunk.
comfiture of demonic monsters by gods or the vanquishing
Amulets and talismans seem to have been in use even
of the formidable Huwawa, guardian of the sacred forest of
in prehistoric times, for cowrie shells, celts, arrowheads, and
cedars, by the heroes Gilgamesh and Enkidu. Sometimes,
stones buried with the dead (a practice surviving throughout
too, pictures of men supplicating gods, the beneficent sun
the ages) were evidently intended to protect them in the af-
rising between mountains, or a goddess bountifully pouring
terworld. Amuletic too were the pictures of eyes painted on
water from two jugs are featured. In interpreting these
prehistoric walls and monuments; these represented the
“mythological” amulets it is important to bear in mind that
providential vigilance of benevolent gods or spirits, counter-
the scenes depicted may be simply mythologizations of gen-
ing the evil eye of the malevolent demons.
eral principles. Thus the goddess who pours water may be
simply an illustration of bountiful profusion. Often, indeed,
It is obviously impossible in the space of this article to
the basic meaning may be elicited by matching the glyptic
describe in detail the whole host of amulets and talismans
portrayal with a corresponding verbal metaphor.
current all over the world. We shall therefore confine our-
selves to representative examples of the principal types drawn
Another popular Mesopotamian and Canaanite amulet
from various cultures ancient and modern.
was a plaque portraying the ravages and eventual dispatch of
a demonic hag or wolf who stole newborn babes. This has
Historically, the oldest amulets came from Egypt. Dat-
analogues in many parts of the world, for example, in Arme-
ing as far back as the fourth millennium BCE, these take the
nia, Ethiopia, and the Balkans, and especially in a Jewish
form of images and figurines made of faience, feldspar, car-
charm, the so-called Kimpezettl (a Yiddish distortion of the
nelian, obsidian, jasper, and the like wrapped in the bandages
German Kindbettzettel, “childbirth note”), in which the bel-
that swathed mummies. Each limb of the corpse had its ap-
dam is identified with Lilith.
propriate amulet, usually placed over it. In addition to figu-
rines of gods and goddesses there are miniature hearts, eyes
Despite the monotheistic orientation of the writers of
of Horus, frogs, ladders, and steps. The eyes of Horus (usual-
the Old Testament, amulets seem to have been used by the
ly a pair), made of gold, silver, lapis lazuli, hematite, or por-
masses in ancient Israel. The prophet Isaiah castigates
celain, represented the all-powerful might and watchfulness
women who wore charms (3:20), and a silver amulet in-
of that god and were worn also by the living to bring health
scribed with the words of the Priestly Blessing (Nm. 6:24–
and protection. The frog, emblematic of teeming abundance,
27) and purportedly dating to the sixth century BCE has been
symbolized life in the broadest sense, including resurrection
found in Palestine. On the other hand, a figurative reference
of the body. The miniature ladder stood for the means of as-
to amulets in Deuteronomy 6:8 was later taken literally and
cent to heaven. Miniature ladders are still set up beside graves
led to the modern Jewish practise of affixing to doorposts a
by the Mangors of Nepal, and a ladder made of dough was
small cylinder (mezuzah) containing excerpts from the Pen-
traditionally placed next to coffins in some parts of Russia.
tateuch and of wearing phylacteries (tefillin) on the brow and
One recalls also Jacob’s ladder in the Bible (Gn. 28:12) and
arm at morning prayer.
the reference to the same notion in Dante’s Paradiso
More modern Jewish amulets are the hexagram, fanci-
(21.25ff.)
fully termed the shield, not star, of David. This, however,
is simply a Judaized version of a magical symbol of disputed
Ubiquitous also was the familiar ankh. What it actually
meaning that is widely used elsewhere. Its counterpart is the
portrays is uncertain; some say it represents a combination
equally universal pentagram, known to Jews as the seal of
of the male and female genitalia and hence (eternal) life. It
Solomon. Common too are metal amulets in the shape of
was carried also in the right hand of deities, where, of course,
the divine hand (likewise fairly universal), often engraved
it was not amuletic but a symbol of immortality. Scarabs (a
with the letter h, an abbreviation of JeHovah. A favorite writ-
species of beetle) were also interred with the dead. This par-
ten amulet is a strip of paper on which is inscribed the legend
ticular type of beetle, one that continually rolls pellets of
“Abracadabra” (variously interpreted) in a series of lines, each
dung until they become larger and larger, symbolizes the pro-
of which has one more letter cut off at the end, so that the
cess of continuous creation.
whole forms an inverted triangle ending with the single letter
Mention should be made also of the so-called Horus
a. In recent times a further popular amulet is a golden pen-
cippi, stelae or plaques inscribed with legends of that god and
dant or brooch shaped in the form of the letters of the He-
portraying him standing on, or beside, serpents he had van-
brew word h:ai (“life, living”).
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AMULETS AND TALISMANS
Of special interest is a class of gems or semiprecious
found that several of them included a pouch worn on the
stones (sard, beryl, chalcedony, onyx, etc.) found mainly in
breast. Opening these, he discovered that their contents con-
Egypt of the Greco-Roman period (but later also in other
sisted mainly of European hairpins, scissors, cigarette butts,
lands), featuring fantastic images—often part human and
London omnibus tickets, and similar foreign paraphernalia
part animal—of Egyptian and other gods accompanied by
deemed magical.
magical inscriptions such as the mysterious “Ablalhanalba,”
which is said to be a distorted palindrome of the Hebrew
Like myths and popular tales, the actual forms of amu-
phrase “Av lanu [Aram., lan] attah,” “Thou art a father to
lets migrate from one culture to another as the result of trade
us.” Prominent among the deities depicted is a certain Abrax-
relations, conquests, importation of captives, intermarriage,
as (or Abrasax), who is an important figure in the teachings
voyages, and the like, but new meanings are then read into
of the Gnostics. These have therefore been termed Gnostic
them in order to accommodate them to the beliefs and tradi-
amulets, but the attribution is increasingly questioned by
tional lore of those who adopt them. Thus (as we have said)
modern scholars. When these amulets came to be current in
the hexagram became to Jews the shield of David, the cross
Christian circles the mysterious name Ablalhanalba was ex-
to Christians a symbol of Christ, and the dung-rolling beetle
plained as equivalent by gematria to Jesus.
(heper) to the Egyptians the emblem of the creator god Hep-
era and the pellet as the orb of the sun that he rolled across
In many countries, written amulets are more common
the sky. It is necessary, therefore, in interpreting these vehi-
than any other. Among Muslims, for instance, the most pop-
cles of magic, to get behind such particular local explanations
ular type is a small case containing excerpts from the QurDa¯n
of them and to attempt to recover their underlying, sublimi-
or a list of the ninety-nine epithets of God. The Copts use
nal significance. This approach, however, is inevitably
pictures illustrating the defeat of a monster by Saint George
fraught with the perils of subjectivism and has led, indeed,
of Lydda, and the Ethiopians, scrolls relating the praises of
to any number of psychological fantasies and absurdities. But
the Virgin Mary, or grotesque representations of the divine
abusus non tollit usum; a spurious coin does not invalidate
eye or face. This, however, by no means precludes the use
currency, and the basic nature of amulets will never be un-
of ornamental amulets. Christians most often carry minia-
derstood unless the attempt is made to do so.
ture crosses or crucifixes, but equally common is the written
legend “Sator Arepo,” which is really “Paternoster” spelled
SEE ALSO Images; Relics; Stones.
cryptically.
The Japanese use, besides relics, two forms of amulet
BIBLIOGRAPHY
that deserve mention. One of these is an image, painted on
For English readers the most serviceable survey and discussion is
pillows, of an animal who swallows bad dreams. The other
E. A. W. Budge’s Amulets and Talismans (reprint, New Hyde
amulet is a pair of dead sardines affixed to a stick of holly
Park, N.Y., 1961), originally entitled Amulets and Supersti-
at the entrance to a house to keep away noxious spirits at the
tions. Useful also is Frederick Thomas Elworthy’s The Evil
annual festival of Setsubun. (This finds a parallel in the use
Eye (New York, 1970), although this work tends at times to
of garlic elsewhere.)
go too far afield and to indulge in untenable theories. C. W.
The use of colors in amulets is influenced also in medi-
King’s The Gnostics and Their Remains, Ancient and Mediae-
val, 2d ed. (London, 1881), gives a good survey of the
eval magic by the belief that they carry the charisma of the
“Abrascas” and kindred amulets, but it is a bit antiquated in
sun, moon, and the seven planets. Thus, yellow stones
its interpretations. Arabic amulets are treated fully in Edward
(amber, topaz) bear the “influence” of the sun; whitish stones
W. Lane’s classic An Account of the Manners and Customs of
(diamond, mother-of-pearl), of the moon; red stones (ruby),
the Modern Egyptians, 5th ed. (New York, 1973), and in Ed-
of Mars; green stones (emerald), of Venus; black stones (jet,
mond Doutté’s Magie et religion dans l’Afrique du Nord (Al-
onyx, obsidian), of Saturn; and so forth. Moreover, each
giers, 1909). Jewish amulets are discussed in Joshua Trach-
stone “controlled” a specific condition. Agate, in Italy, is
tenberg’s Jewish Magic and Superstition (1939; New York,
deemed efficacious against the evil eye, and in Syria against
1982).
intestinal disorders. Crystal cures dropsy and toothache; dia-
New Sources
mond neutralizes poisons and also averts thunderstorms.
Blair, Nancy. Amulets of the Goddess: Oracle of Ancient Wisdom.
Furthermore, gems promote human passions and affections.
Oakland, Calif., 1993.
Beryl gives hope; carbuncle, energy and assurance; ruby,
love; and of coral it is said that it fades when a friend dies.
Fulghum, Mary Margaret. “Coins Used as Amulets in Late Antiq-
There is also a stone for every month, and these are often fea-
uity.” In Between Magic and Religion. See pages 139–147.
tured in brooches inscribed with zodiacal signs portraying a
Lanham, Mass., 2001.
person’s horoscope.
Leland, Charles Godfrey. Etruscan Roman Remains and the Old Re-
Lastly, with regard to the use of exotic objects as amulets
ligion: Gods, Goblins, Divination and Amulets (1892). Lon-
don and New York, 2002.
and talismans, a curious fact is worth mentioning. Many
years ago the present writer had occasion to examine a num-
Tambiah, Stanley J. Buddhist Saints of the Forest and the Cult of
ber of ceremonial costumes worn by African shamans and
Amulets. Cambridge, U.K., 1984.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AN
301
Wardwell, Allen. Tangible Visions: Northwest Coast Indian Sha-
portant additions were made by the Greek rulers after Alex-
manism and Its Art. New York, 1996.
ander’s conquest.
THEODOR H. GASTER (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SEE ALSO Akhenaton.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Otto, Eberhard. Osiris und Amun: Kult und heilige Stätten. Mu-
AMUN was originally one of the eight primordial gods of
nich, 1966. Translated by Kate B. Griffiths as Ancient Egyp-
Hermopolis in Middle Egypt. Together with his consort
tian Art: The Cult of Osiris and Amon (New York, 1967).
Amaunet, Amun represented the precreation chthonic aspect
Sethe, Kurt H. Amon und die acht Urgötter von Hermopolis: Eine
of “hiddenness.” This pair, with the three other pairs com-
Untersuchung über Ursprung und Wesen des ägyptischen Göt-
prising the Hermopolitan ogdoad, produced the egg from
terkonigs. Berlin, 1929.
which the creator god came forth.
LEONARD H. LESKO (1987)
In the Middle Kingdom (2050–1756 BCE), when a The-
ban family took the throne of Egypt their local god, Montu,
a war god, became assimilated with Amun and also with
Min, the ithyphallic fertility god of Coptos, Thebes’ neigh-
AN is the head of the Sumerian pantheon. In the initial
bor and ally. This new, all-powerful, anthropomorphic god
stages of the writing system his name was represented graphi-
also incorporated the attributes of his predecessor, Re, the
cally by a star, which the writers interpreted as either the ac-
chief god of the Egyptian pantheon in the later Old King-
tual name of the god, as the sky, or as an element indicating
dom (2686–2181 BCE). Amun-Re, “king of the gods,” who
the divine essence (the general name to indicate god). If it
was sometimes represented as a ram-headed sun god, had as
was intended to emphasize the divine nature of a character,
his consort Mut (“mother”); their son, Khonsu, was the local
the name was prefixed with the sign of an. This determina-
moon god.
tive does not predate the god An, however, so that it is some-
times difficult to decide whether writers are referring to the
The cult center and chief temple of Amun-Re, at Kar-
god or the sky. The relationship between the god An and the
nak in the Theban nome of Upper Egypt, was begun in the
sky has been interpreted in different ways. For some scholars
Middle Kingdom and was added to and greatly enlarged
An is identical with the sky; for others they are two distinct
through the next two thousand years. This cult temple be-
entities. The absence of the determinative before his name
came the religious center of Egypt; it benefited greatly from
means, furthermore, that it is impossible to know for certain
the victorious campaigns of New Kingdom pharaohs (1567–
whether or not An is mentioned in the earliest list of gods,
1160 BCE) and eventually was controlled by a family of
the List of Fara (c. 2600 BCE). This begins by mentioning
priests who also became kings of Egypt in the twenty-first
AN, which could be understood as an element indicating di-
dynasty.
vinity or as the god An whom the others follow. Scholars
Henotheistic hymns to Amun-Re were very near to the
hold different opinions on this matter.
tone of Akhenaton’s hymn to Aton. The so-called Amarna
The Akkadian equivalent of the god An is Anu. In the
Revolution that Akhenaton fostered seems to have been as
earliest sources this name indicates the head of the Assyro-
much a political move against the growing power of the
Babylonian pantheon, a position subsequently occupied by
priesthood of Amun as a religious move to supplant Amun-
Marduk among the Babylonians and by Ashur among the
Re, though the reaction to Akhenaton’s changes appeared as
Assyrians. In later texts he is represented by the divine num-
a condemnation of heresy.
ber d60, the largest number of the sexagesimal Mesopota-
The chief festivals of Amun-Re included the Opet Feast
mian system. The abstract, encompassing all the essential
and the Beautiful Feast of the Valley. In the former the image
characteristics of Anu’s role, is denoted in Akkadian texts by
of the god in his shrine was carried in procession on a bark
the term anu¯tu and only bestowed upon other gods in order
between Karnak and the Luxor temple, which was known as
to stress their particular relative importance.
the Southern Harem. For the Feast of the Valley, the statue
The laudatory epithets of An/Anu place particular em-
of the god was ferried to the west bank of the Nile for visits
phasis upon his position as the god and ruler of the skies, the
at several of the royal mortuary temples and shrines in this
father of the gods and supreme creator of the world, the first
vast Theban necropolis.
and most important of the cosmic triad consisting of Anu,
To the south of Egypt, in Nubia, devotion to Amun was
Enlil, and Enki/Ea. An/Anu determines fate along with
at least as fervent as it was in Egypt during the Late Period.
them. It is An/Anu who retains the original divine ordi-
When Piye (Piankhy) conquered Egypt (c. 750 BCE) he in-
nances—the me, and he holds the archetypal royal insignia,
tended to set things right for Amun in his native land. He
which he grants to the chosen sovereign. It is not mere
even left his own daughter to serve as Divine Adoratress of
chance that literary texts often assert that the power of king-
Amun at Karnak. Some of the largest additions to the Karnak
ship descends (or descended) from the sky. According to the
temple were made during the last native dynasties, and im-
Code of Hammurabi, as a member of the triad, An/Anu sup-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
302
AN
ports the king in the exercise of power and represents part
of some of the gods who were regarded as their children, such
of the divine protection of curses turned upon those who
as Enlil, Enki/Ea, Inanna, and Nergal. There is no complete
break or revoke laws passed by the sovereign.
list of the children of An/Anu, but the lists differ, just as he
has different wives. In the Sumerian religion, Ki, Ninhursag,
Both Sumerian and Akkadian sources constantly stress
Urash, and Nammu are mentioned, while in Assyro-
the superiority of the supreme triad, even when Marduk is
Babylonian versions, the wife of An/Anu is Antu, a name
elevated to head of the Akkadian pantheon. The latter did
analogous to his own, but also Ishtar. The lists reflect the di-
not depose the three great gods, but rather, according to the
verse pantheons of the cities, or their different national
Enuma elish, it was they who elevated the young Marduk and
histories, or, ultimately, the historical development of the
chose him as their leader. The other gods revolved around
various kingdoms that came one after another in the Fertile
this triad and their tasks were closely defined and constantly
Crescent.
directed by the assembly of the gods, presided over by An.
This divine trio devised and carried out the plans that govern
According to a Sumerian theo-cosmogonic tradition ex-
heaven and earth, the microcosmos and macrocosmos—
pressed in the Song of the Hoe, Enlil separated the sky and
“When the gods Anu, Enlil, and Ea planned heaven and
the earth, and An took the sky for himself, while Enlil took
earth” (astrological series Enuma, Anu, Enlil, thirteenth cen-
the earth. It has been proposed that the tool used to effect
tury BCE)—and they were also in charge of omens.
this separation was the hoe, but this is not universally accept-
ed (Wilcke, 1972/1975, p. 36). If it were so, it would be pos-
Epigraphic sources frequently mention the statue of An/
sible to make comparisons with the Hittite version of the
Anu, although as with many other gods, his exact representa-
Song of Ullikummi (c. 1200 BCE, belonging to the so-called
tion is unclear. There has been some discussion as to whether
Kumarbi cycle) and with the Greek Theogony of Hesiod. In
he appears among relief figures of the neo-Assyrian period
the current state of scholarship, such theories do not seem
(probably from the reign of Sennacherib, c. 704–681 BCE)
tenable, since the hoe appears to have been created by Enlil
from Maltai (around 40 kilometers north of Mosul). These
not to separate the earth and sky, but to allow the creation
include a god represented standing and on the mushhushshu
of the human race and as a working tool for humankind, to
dragon, holding a rope and a hoop in his left hand. Some
whom it had been given. In contrast to the Sumerian texts,
scholars regard this as An, others Enlil, but the fact that An
in the Akkadian work Atrahasis (1800 BCE onwards) the ori-
is mentioned much more often than Enlil in the list of cult
gin of the allocation of the sky to the god An came about
statues drawn up in the reign of Sennacherib certainly sup-
via the “casting of lots” by An, Enlil, and Enki.
ports the idea that it is indeed An. The Kudurru of the Kas-
site period (thirteenth–eleventh centuries BCE) portray the
Still, in the realm of theo-cosmogony, the Akkadian
symbol of Anu as a headdress with horns. This originally in-
documents, especially the god lists, provide various lists of
dicated generic divine status.
Anu’s ancestors. The two most famous are the TCL XV from
the Old Babylonian period (nineteenth to sixteenth centuries
Understanding his role in Sumerian theo-cosmogony is
BCE) and An=Anum from Babylon, which was edited during
complex. It is clear from diverse sources that he is a first prin-
various periods from the Old Babylonian onwards. The latter
ciple, together with the earth (as well the Kur, the cosmic
opens with a list of twenty-one divine couples, “fathers and
mountain from which every form of life originated, and the
mothers of Anu,” with the following section devoted to the
abyssal regions).
ancestors of Enlil (forty-two in all). TCL XV, after a list of
According to Jan van Dijk, who retraces the existence
fourteen pairs of divine ancestors, mentions Anu, several of
of two Sumerian theo-cosmongonies on the basis of the god
his epithets, and his court. Four ancestors of An also occur
lists from the theological schools of Nippur and Eridu, the
in the Babylonian poem Enuma elish: Lahmu and Lahamu,
god An did not exist ab aeterno. According to the theology
and Anshar and Kishar. Of these, only Anshar (but with the
of Nippur, before heaven and earth came into being, there
name Alla) is also mentioned in the short version, edited in
existed a undeveloped world, called uru-ul-la, an “ancient
Akkadian, concerning the birth of the worm.
city” that contained “life” in hidden form. The Numina who
The reference in An=Anum to the god A-la-la—one of
produced An (the sky), Ki (the earth), and Nammu (the
the ancestors of Anu, as well as the theomachy described in
flowing waters) lived here. In contrast, the school of Eridu
Enuma elish, indicates that the latter work may have been
proposed a dualist first principle, Abzu (the sweet waters)
linked with Hesiod’s Theogony and the Hittite theogony
and Tiamat (the salt waters), which produced the sky, the
known as the Kingship in Heaven. The Hittite text tells of
earth, and the flowing waters.
a struggle for divine succession as follows: Alalu r Anu r Ku-
The Sumerian literary texts relate that the earth and sky
marbir the storm god. Anu is not regarded as the son of
were directly connected in primordial times. Only after their
Alalu, however, while in the An=Anum list he is listed among
separation—apparently brought about by An, regarded as
Alalu’s twenty-four ancestors. Furthermore, according to the
the sky yet at the same time distinct from it—and their sub-
Hittite text, Alalu is the father of Kumarbi, the god who cas-
sequent union did the actual cosmic process itself begin,
trated and overthrew Anu. Diverging from the Hittite poem,
bringing about the birth of life on earth, along with the birth
the Enuma elish does not describe a single removal or over-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AN
303
throw, in that Anu is here portrayed as the first ancestor of
and to the Ugaritic El. An shares various aspects with the Se-
a divine generation that will emerge victorious in the struggle
mitic El: their names contain the idea of god and the abstract
against the primordial gods, headed first by Apsu and then
shows the essential aspects of their function. Both are regard-
by Tiamat.
ed, albeit in different ways, as the father and king of the gods,
they are both the final divine court of appeal, and they both
Only in the theological commentaries of the Achae-
preside over the assembly of the gods. This last point is stan-
menid (seventh to fourth centuries BCE) and Greek periods
dard in Mesopotamia among the Hittites, at Ugarit, in the
(fourth century BCE) do the principal gods of the pantheon,
Bible, and in Greece (Burkert, 1999, pp. 26–27). An, as the
including Anu, meet a violent end at the hands of
sky, may be linked with similar cosmic entities in the Near
Be¯l-Marduk. In contrast, in the Seleucid period (fourth to
East, in Anatolia, and in Greece, but their roles are not abso-
first centuries BCE), Anu, Enlil, and Ea return to the head of
lutely comparable with An’s, even if in some cases they are
the pantheon.
considered divine, receive offerings, govern treaties, and are
Only in two Sumerian works is the appearance of hu-
associated with swearing oaths.
mankind upon the earth attributed to An, namely in the pro-
S
logue of the Hymn to Eengurra and in the Sumerian King List.
EE ALSO Mesopotamian Religions, overview article; Sky,
article on Myths and Symbolism.
In the latter, An re-creates humankind after the flood and
in conjunction with Enlil.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
An/Anu was the poliad god of the city of Uruk, the seat
Bauer, Josef. “Der vorsargonische Abschnitt der mesopotamischen
of his main sanctuary, Eanna (house of heaven). He was also
Geschichte.” In Mesopotamien: Späturuk-Zeit und Früdynas-
honored in other cities, such as Lagash, Ur, Dilbat, Kish,
tische Zeit, edited by Joseph Bauer, Robert K. Englund, and
Ashur, and Nippur. It has been debated whether his cult was
Manfred Krebernik, pp. 431–585. Fribourg, Switzerland,
1998.
already in evidence during the age of Fara; it has been docu-
mented from the third millennium
Beaulieu, Paul-Alain. “Antiquarian Theology in Seleucid Uruk.”
BCE. Even if changing
Acta sumerologica 14 (1992): 45–75.
events led to a diminution of its importance, though never
to its complete oblivion, An’s cult nonetheless remained
Black, Jeremy, and Anthony Green. Gods, Demons, and Symbols
strong until the Seleucid era. Documents of this period de-
of Ancient Mesopotamia: An Illustrated Dictionary. London,
1992. See pages 30, 102–103.
scribe in detail his cult and the ritual of the New Year’s festi-
val of Ak¯ıtu.
Burkert, Walter. Da Omero ai Magi: La tradizione orientale nella
cultura Greca. Venice, 1999.
As far as personal theophoric names are concerned, it
Casadio, Giovanni. “A ciascuno il suo: Otium e negotium del dio
is difficult to retrace An’s name with certainty, since it is dif-
supremo dalla Siria alla Mesopotamia.” Studi e Materiali di
ficult to determine whether the sign AN represents the sky
Storia delle Religioni 58 (1992): 59–78.
or the god. Nonetheless, it has been found in Sumerian, Ak-
Cliffort, Richard. Creation Accounts in the Ancient Near East and
kadian, and Aramaic theophoric sources, as well as in Hittite,
in the Bible. Washington, D.C., 1994.
Hurrite, and Ugaritic ones. As far as Sumeria is concerned,
Hutter, Manfred. “Heaven.” In Dictionary of Deities and Demons
it is worth recalling that many sovereigns of the first dynasty
in the Bible, edited by Karel van der Toorn, Bob Becking,
of Lagash had the sign AN contained within their names. Be-
and Pieter van der Horst, pp. 739–742. Leiden, 1995.
sides, an analysis of these theophoric names shows that the
Lambert, William. “Göttergenealogie.” In Reallexikon der As-
god has an active role in the sphere of kingship (Bauer, 1998,
syriologie, edited by Ernest Weidner and Wolfram von
pp. 514–515). This aspect brings us to the problem of the
Soden, vol. 3, pp. 469–470. Berlin, 1957/1971.
so-called inactivity of An/Anu. In the current state of schol-
Lambert, William. “Götterlisten.” In Reallexikon der Assyriologie,
arship, An/Anu does not seem to fall into such a category,
edited by Ernest Weidner and Wolfram von Soden, vol. 3,
since he has a cult, is mentioned in personal names, and is
pp. 473–479. Berlin, 1957/1971.
also in evidence outside of Mesopotamia. Although there is
Litke, Richard. A Reconstruction of the Assyro-Babylonian God-Lists,
a lack of documented hymns and prayers addressed to him,
An: dA-nu-um and An: Anu sha ameli. New Haven, Conn.,
he plays a full, active, and central part in the myths, even if
1998.
contemporary scholars do not associate them with him. His
Pettinato, Giovanni. Mitologia sumerica. Turin, Italy, 2002.
presence is constantly seen at all the worldly events in which
Pettinato Giovanni. Mitologia accadica. Turin, Italy, 2003.
the gods intervene, so that he cannot be defined as an ab-
Tallqvist, Knut. Akkadische Götterepitheta. Helsinki, 1938, see
stract and elusive god. It should also be mentioned that in
pages 251–254; reprint, New York, 1974.
a prayer for the king (RS 79.025) found at Ugarit and Emar
van Dijk, Jan. “Le motif cosmique dans la pensée sumérienne.”
and written in Sumerian, in the section “Blessing of Gods
Acta orientalia 28, nos. 1–2 (1964): 1–59.
with their Special Gift,” Anu and his gift are invoked: “May
Wilcke, Claus. “Hacke.” In Reallexikon der Assyriologie, edited by
Anu satiate you (the king) with opulence of life!”
Dietz Otto Ezdard, vol. 4, pp. 33–38. Berlin, 1972/1975.
Because of his supposed inactivity, An has been likened
SILVIA MARIA CHIODI (2005)
to the Hittite god of the same name, to the Greek Uranus,
Translated from Italian by Paul Ellis
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
304
ANABAPTISM
ANABAPTISM. Anabaptist comes from the Greek word
only Swiss Brethren but also spiritualists and other “free spir-
meaning “rebaptizer.” It was never used by the Anabaptists,
its,” as well as the major Strasbourg reformers Martin Bucer
for whom baptism signified the external witness of an inner
(1491–1551) and Wolfgang Capito (1478–1541). Hofmann
faith covenant of the believer with God through Jesus Christ.
left the city the same year, under the duress of the reformers
Baptism was always administered in the name of the Trinity,
and the city council, because of an inclination to Anabap-
usually by pouring water, but sometimes by sprinkling or im-
tism, although it is not clear whether he himself received be-
mersion.
lievers’ baptism. On arrival in the northern city of Emden
The Anabaptist movement had multiple origins. An ear-
he soon attracted a large following, in part at least because
lier view saw it primarily as an effort on the part of Conrad
of his apocalyptic message of the imminent return of Christ;
Grebel (c. 1498–1526), Felix Mantz (c. 1498–1527), and
and in a short time more than three hundred persons had
other co-workers of Huldrych Zwingli (1484–1531), the
been baptized. Selected leaders were ordained, and they in
Zurich reformer, to complete the reformation of the church.
turn ordained others to help bring in the Kingdom.
Researchers are now aware, however, of additional influences
Hofmann was pacifistic, content to await God’s own
in bringing the movement to birth. These include peasant
time, but others armed themselves to bring in the Kingdom
unrest brought on by social and economic injustice; the rhet-
by force. In May 1530 there was an abortive attempt to take
oric of the fiery German peasant leader Thomas Müntzer
the city of Amsterdam. Other incidents followed. In 1534
(1488?–1525); the writings of Martin Luther (1483–1546)
the city of Münster in Westphalia was declared to be the
and, especially, Andreas Karlstadt (1480–1541); the influ-
New Jerusalem and fell under the control of the Melchio-
ence of late medieval mysticism and asceticism; and the dy-
rites, though Hofmann himself had returned to Strasbourg
namics of reform in specific monasteries. Anabaptism arose
and lay in prison there. In 1535 Münster fell before the on-
as a radical reform movement out of the economic, social,
slaught of the regional bishop’s troops, and most of its inhab-
political, and religious situation in early sixteenth-century
itants were killed. The Münster episode was in large part re-
Europe.
sponsible for the centuries-long designation of Anabaptism
Anabaptism began formally in Zollikon, near Zurich,
as violent and revolutionary. It was also in response to these
on January 21, 1525, when Grebel, Mantz, Georg Blaurock
events that Menno Simons left his nearby Roman Catholic
(c. 1492–1529), and others baptized each other on confes-
parish and, after going underground for a time of reflection
sion of faith, thus forming a separatist congregation. This
and writing, emerged as the primary leader of peaceful Ana-
event, however, was preceded by debates with Zwingli and
baptism.
the Zurich city council, beginning in 1523, over the nature
of desired reforms. On issues like abolition of the Mass, di-
Meanwhile, the Swiss and South German Brethren grew
etary regulations, the authority of scripture over tradition,
in numbers even as persecution increased. As a result, many
and the veneration of relics, these first Anabaptists were in
migrated to other areas, particularly Austria and Moravia. As
complete agreement with Zwingli. Nor was infant baptism,
refugees arrived, a sharing of goods with them seemed both
which they believed to be contrary to scripture, a critical
practical and biblical. This practice began in 1529, and by
issue, although it had great implications for the nature of the
1533 it had become normative for many in the area under
church. The ultimate break with Zwingli concerned the au-
the leadership of Jacob Hutter (d. 1536), who made it a cen-
thority of the city council (the state) over the church, which
tral article of faith. Those who followed this group became
Zwingli affirmed and his disciples denied. The immediate
known as Hutterian Brethren, or Hutterites. Numerous con-
and final event that precipitated the first baptismal ceremony
gregations also emerged in south-central Germany under the
was a decree issued by the city council demanding the bap-
leadership of Hans Hut (d. 1527), Hans Denk (c. 1500–
tism of all infants within eight days, on pain of banishment
1527), Pilgram Marpeck (d. 1556), the more radical Melchi-
of the persons involved.
or Rink (c. 1494–1545), and others.
The (Swiss) Brethren, as the new group preferred to be
The variety of centers from which Anabaptists emerged
called, found strong support among the people, not so much
and the various influences upon them make it difficult to talk
on the issue of baptism but in the Brethren’s anticlericalism,
about one all-encompassing faith to which all confessed.
their desire for local congregational autonomy, their rejec-
There was a great deal of pluralism. Nevertheless, there was
tion of excessive taxation, and their involvement in small
in all the sixteenth-century Anabaptists a common core of
Bible-study groups and other practices that met apparent
beliefs by which they recognized one another and that in
spiritual needs of the people. As a result, the movement grew
time became normative. The elements of this core came from
rapidly, and with its growth there was increasingly severe per-
their statements of faith, the testimony of martyrs, court re-
secution. Mantz became one of the first martyrs when he was
cords, hymns, letters, records of disputations held with au-
drowned in the Limmat River at Zurich in January 1527.
thorities and others, and the writings of major leaders. The
In 1530, Melchior Hofmann (c. 1495–1543), a widely
extent to which the ideals of these affirmations of faith were
traveled Lutheran preacher with chiliastic tendencies, came
practiced in daily life, or were simply held as embodying an
to Strasbourg, where his contacts must have included not
ideal vision, also varied from person to person.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANA¯HITA¯
305
In September 1524, Grebel and his friends wrote to Lu-
has edited a convenient collection of source translations on
ther, Karlstadt, and Müntzer to seek counsel. Only the two
most Anabaptist theological themes in his Anabaptism in
letters to Müntzer are extant. In them several emphases are
Outline (Scottdale, Pa., 1981). For all of this literature,
already clear: the primary authority of the scriptures; the
George H. Williams’s massive The Radical Reformation (Phil-
Lord’s Supper conceived as a memorial and a sign of love
adelphia, 1962) provides an indispensable contextual frame-
among believers; the importance of redemptive church disci-
work, as does his edited volume Spiritual and Anabaptist
Writers, “Library of Christian Classics,” vol. 25 (Philadel-
pline according to Matthew 18:15–18; the belief that bap-
phia, 1957). In The Believers’ Church: The History and Char-
tism must follow a personal profession of faith and that it
acter of Radical Protestantism (New York, 1968), Donald F.
is a sign of such faith rather than a saving sacrament; the be-
Durnbaugh places the various movements within Anabap-
lief that children are saved by the redemptive work of the sec-
tism into a narrower and more definitive context.
ond Adam, Christ; a conviction that weapons of violence
CORNELIUS J. DYCK (1987)
have no place among Christians; and the belief that the
church is called to be a suffering church.
In 1527 the Anabaptists convened a conference at
ANA¯HITA¯. Along with Mithra and Ahura Mazda¯,
Schleitheim, on the Swiss-German border. The death of
Ana¯hita¯ is one of the major divinities of ancient Iran. Her
many early leaders led to some discontinuity with their
cult grew from the Achaemenid to the Parthian period and
thought and spirit. A more separatist-sectarian view emerged.
extended beyond Iran during the rule of the Sasanids. In Ar-
Seven articles constituted the “Brotherly Union,” as it was
menia and in Asia Minor it flourished near Persian commu-
called, a statement summarizing the central issues of faith in
nities and was spread through the syncretic and eclectic activ-
which the framers of the statement differed from the “false
ities of the Magi. As the Iranian great goddess, Ana¯hita¯ has
brethren.” Who these brethren were is not clear. The prime
multivalent characteristics: she is the divinity of royalty, of
mover at the meeting and the author of the articles was Mi-
war, and of fertility, with which she is especially associated
chael Sattler (c. 1490–1527), a former Benedictine monk
(Dumézil, 1947).
from Saint Peter’s monastery near Freiburg, Germany. In ad-
As Herodotos testifies, Ana¯hita¯ was of foreign origin,
dition to most of the above emphases, three others were
Assyrian and Arab. This is confirmed by the fact that her cult
added: a radical church-world dualism that asserted complete
was not aniconic: according to Berossus, Artaxerxes II (404–
separation of believers from all others; the importance of
359 BCE) proclaimed the cult of the goddess throughout the
church order and the necessity of pastoral leadership as dis-
empire, erecting statues of her. The Mesopotamian Ishtar,
cerned by the congregation; and rejection of the oath as an
the divinity of the planet Venus, and the Elamite Nana¯ cer-
affirmation of truth.
tainly exerted a strong influence on her development.
The other documents mentioned above amplify but do
Ana¯hita¯ is an amalgam of an Iranian or Indo-Iranian di-
not add significant new doctrinal affirmations to the two
vinity, the spirit of the waters that run down from the mythi-
early statements from Grebel’s letter and the Brotherly
cal Mount Hara¯, and the great goddess of Near Eastern tradi-
Union. The primacy of the New Testament over the Old
tion. Perhaps originally named *Harahvat¯ı (“rich in
Testament is affirmed, as well as the doctrine of separation
waters”), she is analogous to the Indian goddess Sarasvat¯ı
that naturally excludes participation in civil or political of-
(Lommel, 1954). The Avesta mentions the yazata Aredv¯ı
fice. Simons stressed that the church, as the bride of Christ,
Su¯ra¯ Ana¯hita¯—a name comprising three designations that
must be pure; he also stressed the importance of witness and
reflect her multivalent character: “moist, strong, immacu-
mission, which most Anabaptists took for granted as a part
late”—to whom the important hymn “of the waters” (Yashts
of discipleship. Dirk Philips (1504–1568) affirmed the ordi-
5) is dedicated. Achaemenid inscriptions, beginning with Ar-
nance of foot washing. In their verbal and written state-
taxerxes II, invoke Ana¯hita¯ along with Mithra and Ahura
ments, most Anabaptists confirmed their intention of restor-
Mazda¯. Classical sources, especially Strabo, document the
ing the church to its early New Testament pattern and
importance of the goddess’s cult in the Parthian period. She
practice.
had many Greek interpretations: from Aphrodite Ourania to
Hestia, from Artemis to Athena.
SEE ALSO Mennonites; Müntzer, Thomas; Simons, Menno.
Ana¯hita¯ gained in importance with the accession of the
Sasanids, linked by tradition to the goddess’s sanctuary at
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Stakhr, in Fa¯rs. According to various sources at our disposal
The standard reference work in English is The Mennonite Encyclo-
(Syriac, Armenian, and Arabic), the warlike character and
pedia, 4 vols. (Scottdale, Pa., 1955–1959). A helpful biblio-
regal nature of the great goddess are prominent under Sa-
graphical tool is A Bibliography of Anabaptism, 1520–1630,
sanid rule. She appeared at the sovereigns’ investiture (Göbl,
compiled by Hans J. Hillerbrand (Elkhart, Ind., 1962). In
1960) and played a major role, not inferior to that of
the area of historiography, James M. Stayer’s “The Anabap-
O
¯ hrmazd himself, as royal divinity, the source and protector
tists,” in Reformation Europe: A Guide to Research, edited by
of sovereignty.
Steven Ozment (Saint Louis, 1982), pp. 135–159, indicates
the direction of present research generally. Walter Klaassen
SEE ALSO Sarasvat¯ı.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
306
ANALYTIC PHILOSOPHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
be concerned with delineating the meaning of key concepts
Boyce, Mary. “B¯ıb¯ı Shahrba¯nu¯ and the Lady of Pa¯rs.” Bulletin of
like “piety,” “justice,” or “soul.” In the Phaedo, Socrates, in
the School of Oriental and African Studies 30 (1967): 30–44.
one of his last moments with his disciples, is shown teasing
Boyce, Mary. “Iconoclasm among the Zoroastrians.” In Christian-
Crito about the corrupting power of familiar but misleading
ity, Judaism and Other Greco-Roman Cults, edited by Jacob
language. Crito has asked how Socrates should be buried.
Neusner, vol. 4, pp. 93–111. Leiden, 1975.
Socrates points out that one should not confuse the person
Boyce, Mary. A History of Zoroastrianism, vol. 2. Leiden, 1982.
designated “Socrates” with his body and thus should not
Boyce, Mary, and Frantz Grenet. A History of Zoroastrianism, vol.
speak of burying a “you,” a person. Unanalyzed speech, as
3. Leiden, 1991.
in this case, Socrates warns, can lead to unreflective material-
Chaumont, Marie-Louise. “Le culte d’Ana¯hita¯ à Staxr et les pre-
ism in thought and life. A major strand or concern in the rest
miers Sassanides.” Revue de l’histoire des religions 153 (1958):
of the history of Western philosophy can be read in a similar
154–175.
light, as overt or covert analysis of language.
Chaumont, Marie-Louise. “Le culte de la déesse Ana¯hita¯ (Anahit)
dans la religion des monarques d’Iran et d’Arménie au pre-
The more immediate origins of analytic philosophy,
mier siècle de notre ère.” Journal asiatique 253 (1965): 167–
however, lie in the reaction of British philosophers at the be-
181.
ginning of the twentieth century against the then-dominant
de Jong, Albert. Traditions of the Magi: Zoroastrianism in Greek
Hegelianism of such thinkers as F. H. Bradley (1846–1924),
and Latin Literature. Leiden, 1997.
who placed all emphasis on finding meaning in the “whole”
Dumézil, Georges. Tarpeia. Paris, 1947.
rather than any partial expressions and thus placed in jeopar-
Gnoli, Gherardo. “Politica religiosa e concezione della regalità
dy, it was feared, all finite human understanding. Leaders in
sotto i Sassanidi.” In La Persia nel Medioevo, pp. 225–253.
the attempt to counter the exaggerated stress on “synthesis”
Rome, 1971.
with clarifying analyses of philosophical obscurities were
Gnoli, Gherardo. “Politica religiosa e concezione della regalità
G. E. Moore (1873–1958) and Bertrand Russell (1872–
sotto gli Achemenidi.” In Gurura¯jamañjarika¯: Studi in onore
1970). Moore, appealing to “common sense” arguments,
di Giuseppe Tucci, pp. 23–88. Naples, 1974.
provided detailed ordinary language analyses of such impor-
Göbl, Robert. “Investitur im sasanidischen Iran und ihre numis-
tant terms as “good” and what it means to have “certain
matische Bezeugung.” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des
knowledge” of something. Russell, on the other hand, of-
Morgenlandes (Festschrift Herbert W. Duda) 56 (1960):
fered more technical translations, using the symbolic logic
36–51.
he had created with Alfred North Whitehead to express, for
Gray, Louis H. The Foundations of the Iranian Religions. Bombay,
instance, his “theory of definite descriptions” as a means of
1930.
analyzing problematic sentences about nonexistent but still
Hoffmann, Georg, ed. Auszüge aus syrischen Akten persischer Mär-
meaningful entities (like “Hamlet” or “the present king of
tyrer. Leipzig, 1880.
France”) and thereby of removing puzzlements and para-
Lommel, Herman. “Ana¯hita¯-Sarasvat¯ı.” In Asiatica: Festschrift
doxes.
Friedrich Weller, pp. 404–413. Leipzig, 1954.
Ringbom, Lars I. Zur Ikonographie der Göttin Ardvi Sura Ana¯hita¯.
To this philosophical context Ludwig Wittgenstein, a
Turku, 1957.
former student of Russell’s, returned in 1929, to Cambridge
from Vienna, fresh from conversations with members of the
Shepherd, Dorothy G. “The Iconography of Ana¯hita¯.” Berytus 28
(1980): 47–86.
Vienna Circle, with whom he had helped to develop the logi-
cal rule (“the verification principle of meaning”) that the
Wikander, Stig. Feuerpriester in Kleinasien und Iran. Lund, 1946.
meaning of all nontautological statements is to be identified
GHERARDO GNOLI (1987)
with the method of their sensory verification. Wittgenstein’s
Translated from Italian by Roger DeGaris
Tractatus logico-philosophicus (completed in 1918 and first
published in 1921) had carried to its limit the quest for a
powerful and simple formalization of ideal language, rooting
ANALYTIC PHILOSOPHY. In a broad sense, the
all factual meaning in basic propositions naming atomic
practice of seeking better understanding through the analysis
facts. These ultimate simples had later been identified with
(i.e., the breaking down and restatement) of complex, ob-
sensory observations by the radical empiricists of the Vienna
scure, or problematic linguistic expressions has been present
Circle in the creation of logical positivism. Now Wittgen-
within philosophy from its pre-Socratic origins to the pres-
stein began to have misgivings, not only about the empirical
ent. More narrowly considered, analytic philosophy
interpretation given to his more general theory of language
(“linguistic analysis”) is a style of philosophizing originating
but also about the theory itself. In its simplicity lay its great
within twentieth-century English-language philosophy and
power, but its application in logical positivism showed also
drawing much of its inspiration from the later thought of
its oversimplicity when compared to the many actual uses of
Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889–1951).
human language—for instance, in asking, thanking, cursing,
The remote ancestry of analytic philosophy is well illus-
greeting, praying. The assertion of sensorily verifiable fact,
trated in the dialogues of Plato, where Socrates is shown to
Wittgenstein saw, is only one among a vast range of func-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANALYTIC PHILOSOPHY
307
tions of language. Such a function is doubtless of great im-
carbon rings? In both cases there is a picture in the fore-
portance in natural science and in ordinary life, but even
ground, but the sense lies far in the background; that is, the
such an important function hardly begins to exhaust the
application of the picture is not easy to survey” (PI, 422).
richness of speech.
One answer attempting to penetrate beyond the logical
Wittgenstein’s subsequent meditations on the limita-
positivist’s analysis of religious utterance as merely emotive
tions of his own Tractatus and on the rich complexity of lan-
was offered in 1955 by R. B. Braithwaite (b. 1900) after his
guage, published posthumously in 1953 as Philosophical In-
conversion to Christianity. Though remaining a philosophi-
vestigations (henceforth abbreviated as PI), were enormously
cal empiricist, and on such grounds finding it impossible to
influential, particularly after World War II. Philosophically
affirm the doctrines of his religion in a traditional sense of
puzzling expressions, Wittgenstein contends, did not need
belief, Braithwaite suggested that Christian speech can in fact
verification so much as analysis of their use. In the use would
function otherwise, by making and supporting ethical com-
be found the meaning. “Look at the sentence as an instru-
mitments to the “agapeistic” way of life. Images of Christian
ment,” he advises, “and at its sense as its employment” (PI,
love (agape¯) are vividly presented in the sacred writings, all
421). In this way philosophical confusions can be eliminated
of which, he claimed, refer to or reduce to the love com-
by the method of returning a puzzling expression to its ori-
mandment. Uttering words from these writings is not like
gins in ordinary use. “The confusions which occupy us arise
asserting a matter of fact—though the form of the words may
when language is like an engine idling, not when it is doing
suggest this—but is committing oneself to a way of life au-
work” (PI, 132). This method will not involve the applica-
thoritatively pictured in these stories. Such is the legitimate
tion of a single procrustean technique, like the verification
“work” of religious speech, which thus supplies the needed
principle, but a generally open attitude toward the various
“application of the picture.”
uses that language may be given. Thus philosophical method
Braithwaite’s analysis, though not widely accepted as
will be fitted to each occasion. “There is not a philosophical
adequate to the full functioning of Christian language,
method, though there are indeed methods, like different
showed how a more flexible approach to “how we do things
therapies” (PI, 133). Wittgenstein liked and repeated his
with words” could be applied to the theological context. The
therapeutic analogy: “The philosopher’s treatment of a ques-
highly regarded Oxford philosopher J. L. Austin (1911–
tion is like the treatment of an illness” (PI, 255).
1960) further spurred such attempts with his stress on the
“performative” significance of language. His influence
The application of this style of philosophical analysis to
brought much attention to the fact that sometimes we are
theological and religious speech differs in tenor depending
not so much describing the world as performing in it when
on whether the assumption is made that theological dis-
we speak: making promises, uttering commands, taking
course is, ipso facto, an “idling” form of language or whether
oaths, naming, bidding at auctions, pronouncing marriage
it is capable of “doing work.” If the former, then the “thera-
vows, accepting invitations, and the like. In Canada, Donald
py” called for might be termed “eliminative analysis.” If the
Evans (b. 1927) offered a detailed account of religious
latter, however, then the point of analysis will be to show
speech, demonstrating the logic of “self-involvement” as per-
what sort or sorts of “work” constitute the meaning of theo-
formative.
logical utterances. These, which might be termed “illumina-
tive analyses,” further divide according to the range of func-
To such analyses were added others aiming to show how
tions found.
the belief-statements of theology might also play an impor-
tant role, though not, of course, in making simple empirical
For the most part the philosophical climate created by
claims. R. M. Hare (1919–2002), in Oxford, provided an
linguistic analysis is not hospitable to eliminative analysis.
analysis of religious belief-statements as “bliks,” or unshak-
Such an enterprise would bear too much resemblance to the
able preconditions for seeing the world in a certain way.
pugnacious days of logical positivism. Indeed, most attempts
Some “bliks” might be insane, as in delusional paranoia, but
to show that a “systematic misuse of language” necessarily in-
others might be both sane and essential, as in the conviction
fects theological talk, and that people should not talk that
that the world is causally bound together in a regular way.
way, rest on verificationist assumptions. On the other hand,
Neither kind is falsifiable, like an empirical hypothesis, but
“illuminative” analysis can be perceived by believers as no less
either may function to shape a world-picture within which
threatening than eliminative analysis if the linguistic func-
particular empirical observations make sense in one way or
tions identified are too meager to accord with the user’s own
another. Likewise John Wisdom (1904–1993), at Cam-
sense of the dignity or importance—or intent—of the
bridge, stressed the way in which certain utterances, though
speech-act involved. The logical positivists themselves had
not themselves factual, may direct attention to patterns in
granted at least that the utterances of religious people per-
the facts that otherwise might be missed. A metaphor of the
form the function of expressing or evoking emotion. The
Taj Mahal, applied to a woman’s hat, could change not
shift to linguistic analysis from logical positivism called for
the facts but the way the facts were seen; the metaphor of
penetration. As Wittgenstein himself said: “What am I be-
the world as a garden could have a similar effect in directing
lieving in when I believe that men have souls? What am I
attention to patterns among the facts of everyday life as well
believing in, when I believe that this substance contains two
as in influencing attitudes toward them.
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308
ANALYTIC PHILOSOPHY
Such analyses of the heuristic power of theological im-
or falsification than the logical positivists had claimed—are
ages, especially if they are taken (as with Wisdom) as illumi-
always kept deliberately close to some specifiable observa-
nating or (with Hare) as potentially sane or insane, go far to-
tional domain. This is typically not the case with the “omni-
ward reestablishing theological discourse, with regard to at
relevant” concepts of theology. Another key difference is that
least one aspect of its “work,” as making claims that could
the sacred stories, myths, and “pictures” of religious thinking
be supported or attacked in normative ways. That such
play a more important, historically and valuationally prima-
claims are often in fact intended by religious believers had
ry, role in the discourse of religious communities than do
long been evident to any analyst who might care to ask (or
models in scientific discourse. Both considerations help one
to participate in) the community of religious-language users;
understand why religious concepts are not used to make
but, perhaps because of the legacy of logical positivism’s ani-
readily falsifiable claims. At the same time, however, such
mosity to metaphysics, some analytical philosophers were
considerations show that theological theory based on the im-
slow to shake the curious supposition that analyses of linguis-
agery of primary religious speech may function to aid in ef-
tic use might proceed as though the intentions of the primary
forts of conceptual synthesis, the attempt to hold together
users could be ignored or corrected. Genuine analysis aims
a unifying world-picture that is both theoretically intelligible
at revealing, not changing, what the user is doing with words.
and framed in terms of sacred values.
A linguistic philosophy that is not tied to an a priori
Linguistic analysis is not merely “about language,” then,
supposition that certain functions of speech, such as meta-
as one unfortunate misconception would have it. The aim
physical ones, are “impossible” will be hospitable to all the
of analytic philosophy pursued in the spirit of the later Witt-
various sorts of “work” that are done by religious utterances.
genstein is to illuminate the varied functions of speech and
These will include, among others, factual claims (e.g., “The
the many meanings of “meaning.” Its efforts are spent in al-
Shroud of Turin dates from early in the first millennium
lowing whatever is said to be said more effectively and with
AD”), historical claims (e.g., “Ramses III was the pharaoh of
greater awareness for both speaker and listener. Like all phi-
the Exodus”), poetic utterances (e.g., “My yoke is easy, and
losophy, it is engaged in the serious exercise of consciousness-
my burden is light”), ethical prescriptions (e.g., “Turn the
raising. This does not entail, of course, that analytic philoso-
other cheek”), parables, folk tales, and complex theoretical
phy must somehow “oppose” movements toward conceptual
doctrines. Several functions may be performed by a single
synthesis. All of metaphysics and much of science are en-
type of utterance. Telling the parable of the prodigal son
gaged in conceptual synthesis. Just as analysis is identifiable
under certain circumstances, for example, may involve at the
from the beginning as a major strand or concern in Western
same time the act of self-commitment to a way of life, the
philosophy, so also is the quest for synthesis found in all peri-
receiving of emotional support, the expression of remorse
ods. Mature analytic philosophy recognizes that analysis and
and hope for personal forgiveness, and the affirmation of a
synthesis need one another as poles in never-ceasing interac-
doctrine of God’s nature. Standing in church and reciting
tion. Overweening claims on behalf of synthesis helped to
an ancient creed, on the other hand, may sometimes func-
tion more as a ritual of group-membership and reverence for
stimulate analytic philosophy early in the twentieth century,
continuity with the past than as an assertion. Part of the work
but similar overweening attitudes, though sometimes unfor-
of linguistic philosophy as applied to religion is to clarify the
tunately encountered today, have no proper place among the
subtle differences between these functions and to help the
analysts who themselves have become dominant in English-
users themselves see more clearly the range of lively possibili-
speaking philosophy.
ties afforded by their speech.
For theologians, as for simple religious believers, then,
At least in some important cases, as we have seen, reli-
there is nothing to fear and much to be gained from analyti-
gious discourse makes claims and bears resemblances to other
cal philosophy. Properly construed, linguistic analysis claims
putatively referential speech. This was acknowledged by
only at lifting to clarity and self-awareness the complex and
Wittgenstein in the passage (PI, 422), cited above, in which
powerful human acts of speech. Sometimes, no doubt, self-
he compared belief in the soul with belief in carbon rings.
awareness may lead some persons in good conscience to a
In both cases a model, or a “picture,” must be connected by
questioning of hitherto unreflective uses of speech, perhaps
indirect means to a sense that lies “far in the background.”
to a restatement, perhaps even to abandonment. At other
Another part of the work of linguistic philosophy, therefore,
times self-awareness may allow for ever more meaningful re-
is to trace the similarities and differences between such puz-
affirmations. Analytic philosophy is not a doctrine either in
zling cases. Perhaps the vivid poetical “pictures” of religious
favor of or opposed to religious belief or metaphysical think-
first-order discourse provide conceptual parallels to the scien-
ing. Its prime objective is, in the Socratic mood, the preven-
tific models “in the foreground” that interpret theoretical
tion of intellectual confusion due to language and the conse-
concepts functioning to unify and illuminate experience. If
quent “corruption of the soul.”
so, the range of relevant data to be organized is typically
much broader for religious concepts, since scientific con-
SEE ALSO Logical Positivism; Socrates; Wittgenstein,
cepts—though often less open to observational verification
Ludwig.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANAMNESIS
309
BIBLIOGRAPHY
realm of meaning to which the term anamnesis
The indispensable book for understanding analytic philosophy is
(“recollection”) could be applied. In many ways anthropo-
Ludwig Wittgenstein’s Philosophical Investigations, 2d ed.
gonic and cosmogonic theories everywhere can be interpret-
(Oxford, 1968); it is a posthumously published compilation
ed as recollections of a communal group about its origins,
of Wittgenstein’s thoughts from various years after 1929,
the origins of the universe, the existing world, and the role
many of which (part 1) were prepared by him for publication
of humankind in it. We find mythical tales of this kind in
in 1945 but were not actually brought out at that time. For
a useful aid to the understanding of Wittgenstein’s philoso-
social groups everywhere, along with related ritual action.
phy and the Investigations, see part 2 of George Pitcher’s The
Both forms of recollection, the recital and the dramatic per-
Philosophy of Wittgenstein (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., 1964). A
formance and re-creation of events in the beginning of time,
succinct history of the transition to analytic philosophy can
can be seen as forms of the mythology of remembering. In
be found in J. O. Urmson’s Philosophical Analysis: Its Devel-
order to be able to use the term anamnesis for such commem-
opment between the Two World Wars (Oxford, 1956). Good
orative and re-creative acts, a careful analysis of the connota-
examples of the analytical style on general topics are repre-
tions of recollection in Plato’s philosophical system is indis-
sented in J. L. Austin’s How to Do Things with Words, 2d ed.,
pensable.
edited by J. O. Urmson (Cambridge, Mass., 1975), and Gil-
bert Ryle’s Dilemmas (1954; reprint, Cambridge, 1966).
PLATO’S EPISTEMOLOGY OF REMEMBERING AND ITS THEO-
Specifically directed to cosmological and religious issues, the
LOGICAL BASIS. Plato’s doctrine about the nature of the soul
book Metaphysical Beliefs (London, 1957), by Stephen Toul-
and its connection to the notion of the realm of ideal forms
min, Ronald W. Hepburn, and Alasdair MacIntyre, offers
are both intertwined with the key concept of recollection.
three rather extended treatments, all with a critical stance.
The Greek term anamn¯esis achieves its specific meaning of
Tending to show the use of analysis in defense of religious
“recollection” in the dialogues of Plato as that particular fac-
concerns are the essays in Faith and Logic: Oxford Essays in
ulty of the soul that enables it to remember those things that
Philosophical Theology, edited by Basil Mitchell (London,
it has seen when residing in the realm of eternal forms or
1957). The application of performative analysis to theologi-
Ideas; it is, as Plato formulates this vision, “recollection of
cal questions is shown in Donald D. Evans’s The Logic of Self-
the things formerly seen by our soul when it traveled in the
Involvement: A Philosophical Study of Everyday Language with
Special Reference to the Christian Use of Language about God
divine company” (Phaedrus 249b). However, through re-
as Creator (London, 1963). A treatment of the emergence of
peated incarnations in new bodies (metempsychosis, “soul
analytic philosophy from logical positivism and the possibili-
migration,” or, rather, metensomatosis, “reembodiment”)
ties for constructive theological applications of functional
the soul forgets most of the things it has seen or contemplat-
rather than verificational analysis may be found in my Lan-
ed in the divine sphere, as mortal bodies with their imperfec-
guage, Logic and God (New York, 1961).
tions, base desires, and passions dull the sensibilities of the
New Sources
soul that is chained to, and thus takes on a portion of, the
Badious, Alain, Oliver Feltham, and Justin Clemens, eds. Infinite
nature or characteristics of the material bodies. As Plato puts
Thought: Truth and the Return to Philosophy. New York,
it through the voice of Socrates in the Phaedo, forgetting be-
2003.
gins because the soul is “nailed to the body through pleasure
Dejnozka, Jan. The Ontology of the Analytic Tradition and Its Ori-
and pain” (Phaedo 83d).
gins: Realism and Identity in Frege, Russell, Wittgenstein, and
Thus the true knowledge of the things seen by the soul
Quine. Lanham, Md., 1996.
between different incarnations or materializations in consec-
Heck, Richard, Jr., and Michael Dummett, eds. Language,
utive bodies is never quite lost; it is hidden but still latently
Thought, and Logic: Essays in Honour of Michael Dennett. Ox-
there, and it can be regained, recovered, brought to con-
ford, 1998.
sciousness. It is at this point that the true vocation of the phi-
Levine, Michael P. “Contemporary Christian Analytic Philosophy
losopher comes to the fore, because it is through his method-
of Religion: Biblical Fundamentalism, Terrible Solutions to
a Horrible Problem, and Hearing God.” International Jour-
ical questioning that the philosopher can recover such eternal
nal for Philosophy of Religion 48 (October 2000): 89–119.
truths that are beyond the varied sense experiences and thus
lead the intelligent soul away from the world of varied opin-
Prado, C. G., ed. A House Divided: Comparing Analytical and Con-
tinental Philosophy. Amherst, N.Y., 2003.
ions (doxa) to that form of true knowledge (no¯esis or
epist¯em¯e) that is beyond the empirical world and that con-
Schneewind, J. B. “Recovering the Pastness of the Past.” Journal
cerns the very essence of things, which is eternal, indivisible,
of Religious Ethics 28 (June 2000): 285–294.
and pure, being removed from birth and decay, from becom-
Smith, Quentin. Ethical and Religious Thought in Analytic Philoso-
ing, and from the temporal and spatial contingencies of all
phy of Language. New Haven, 1998.
matter. The philosopher, who in Plato’s thought has special
FREDERICK FERRÉ (1987)
abilities and is gifted through his search for eternal truths (a
Revised Bibliography
giftedness that, as shall be seen, has specific implications for
the forms that the reincarnation of philosophers takes, thus
setting him apart from the rest of humankind), can make
ANAMNESIS. The close tie of philosophical inquiry
people aware of their divine ancestry through his method of
with theological and religious thinking points to a wide
questioning, the art of midwifery (maieutic art) referred to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
310
ANAMNESIS
by Socrates in the Theaetetus. Plato starts his reasoning with
tues (justice, goodness, truth) that are not tangible in this
the analogy of the normal working of our memory when the
world of the senses becomes finally a guide for action for
mind is “pregnant” or “in labor with” a thought that presses
those who have achieved the vision of the eternal forms, in
to awareness or “birth.” The philosopher as midwife merely
particular of the ultimate virtue, wisdom, through divine in-
brings the thoughts to full consciousness; he does not put
spiration. As Plato expresses it in the Meno, virtues are not
into the mind anything that was not there already. We there-
that kind of knowledge that can be taught (as the Sophists
fore do not learn new things about this world from the inves-
had argued) but a knowledge that is inherent in the soul and
tigations of existing matter through reflection about sense ex-
can be recovered through recollection (these are the implica-
periences, arriving at generalizations (as Aristotle would later
tions of the conclusions in Meno 98d–e). Knowledge does
teach); we only recollect what we always knew.
start with experience, but it does not derive from it, particu-
Plato thus puts humankind in a middle position be-
larly not that knowledge that concerns the virtues. It is rather
tween the category of all-knowing gods (after all, Zeus had
a knowledge, as Plato puts it, “which we own from our back-
swallowed Metis, intelligence personified, as the theogony of
ground” (oikeia epist¯em¯e; Phaedo 75). We see again that the
Hesiod relates and as diverse Orphic theogonies were to my-
foundations of such ultimate knowing are put into the sphere
thologize about the nature of the gods later) and the category
of the divine through the still unproved hypothesis about the
of animals who have souls but do not participate in intelli-
nature of the soul, its origin and fate before and after death
gence. Plato thus also answers the logical dilemma posed first
of the earthly body.
by the Sophists who had maintained that either we know
Taken from this vantage point, the suggestion put for-
what we are looking for, and thus we do not need to search,
ward by Guardini (that Plato’s notion about the immortality
or we do not know what we are trying to find and we are
of the soul and the concomitant notion that the soul is only
therefore doomed to eternal ignorance. Plato rejects the “ei-
passing through the stages of corporeal incarnation in order
ther-or” of ignorance versus complete knowledge to which
to arrive at its true home denigrate historicity and the
humankind would be condemned; he deals in degrees of
uniqueness of the individual’s existence) seems not quite as
knowledge. For Plato the device of anamnesis therefore be-
pronounced when the ethical orientation of Plato is taken
comes the cornerstone for the two major assertions that he
into consideration. If a person through recollection can find
puts forward in the Phaedo dialogue: one is the assertion that
the insight and vision of the ultimate foundations of virtues,
humankind has the ability to know the essence and form of
he would, so Plato repeatedly argues, strive to fulfill the re-
things in their true reality of divine origin and that there are
quirements of a virtuous life. Besides, as we will see, Plato
essences behind the contingent things of the world of the
also holds out different fates for each soul, according to its
senses; the other is that there is an indivisible soul substance
conduct in this life, in regard to the form and duration of
that participates in the divine sphere, a soul that descends
reincarnations.
from that sphere into embodiment and returns to that divine
realm after death.
We thus see that in the dialogues of the middle period
Before entering into a discussion of the reasoning that
(from the Meno and Symposium to the Phaedo, Phaedrus, and
Plato employs to prove the existence of the metaphysical,
Republic) the search for the foundations of the knowing sub-
eternal kingdom of forms or ideas, it is useful to remind our-
ject (the soul with intelligence and possessed with a drive to
selves of the main aim of his philosophical enterprise. It has
find its home) as well as of the known things (the objects in
often been assumed that the main purpose of Plato was to
the tangible world as well as the generalizations of the mind,
establish a tightly reasoned scheme for the foundation of
namely the virtues), of the subject and object of the episte-
knowledge, a knowledge understood as the theoretical justifi-
mological equation, are but the tools for establishing the
cation for science. However, as Romano Guardini (1943)
truth about the reality of the divine sphere and the ground-
and others have pointed out, Plato does not look for an ideal-
ing of subject and object in it. When this has happened and
ist (or rather realist) epistemology for its own sake. Rather,
when the total structure of reality is known, action would be
Plato’s whole endeavor is aimed at a reality that goes beyond
informed by this insight. For Plato the proof of the ability
the knowledge that can be gained through the analysis of ma-
and effectiveness of anamn¯esis as a faculty of the soul and
terial forces. Furthermore, the knowledge he is aiming for is
mind of humankind therefore becomes the key for the proof
that knowledge that is a virtue, namely wisdom, and this im-
of the kingdom of ideal forms and of ultimate truth.
plies the search for the original constitution of things beyond
The focal point, where the argument about the immor-
their shifting and variable appearances. The knowledge that
tality of the soul and its reincarnations is joined to the proof
is wisdom, being aware of its divine origin or model of which
through the notion of anamn¯esis, occurs in the dialogue that
the material representations are but mirror images, would
is set around the occasion of the imminent death of Socrates,
lead ultimately to the virtue that becomes the foundation
the Phaedo. Socrates has just proved by analogy that the soul
stone for an ethics of action in this world, namely the knowl-
is immortal, everlasting, and reincarnated in successive bo-
edge of truth.
dies: in much the same way, as the unity of the personality
What appears at first sight as a specious argument about
is still there through the various stages of sleep and waking,
the reality of generalizations such as those about values or vir-
the soul must be a unifying principle surpassing birth and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANAMNESIS
311
death. It just participates for a while in the life of mortal mat-
discussion of anamnesis ends in the assertion that the essence
ter but discards the body like a worn garment and returns
of the soul is of the same kind as the essence of the object
from where it came.
of thought processes, the idea. True knowledge surpasses the
empirical in two ways: from its object, it is the idea; from
Socrates uses the further analogy that if there were only
its subject, it is the pure thought of the soul, both being non-
a movement from birth to death, all life would come to an
empirical, immortal, indivisible, and indestructible (Phaedo
end. There must be a countermovement from death to life,
79a–c).
and this is the reincarnation of the soul after death into new
bodies (Phaedo 70c–72a). Plato reformulates here insights
GNOSTICISM, MANICHAEISM, SUFISM, AND QABBALAH.
that were common stock since the teachings of Empedocles
Plato’s thought system underwent various modifications in
and Heraclitus about the impermanence of things, of the
the following centuries that cannot be followed here in a sys-
constant change of conditions and aggregates, and about the
tematic manner. Under the impact of Oriental religions and
cyclical repetition of natural processes, an impermanence of
influenced by Christian soteriology, Hellenistic thinking
the world of experience that, however, has an underlying un-
brought forth a number of doctrines that occupied them-
changing structure. While Ionian nature philosophy looked
selves much with the question of the nature of the soul and
for the underlying permanency in the laws of matter, Plato
its relation to the body as well as with its fate after death.
makes the radical change by asserting that what is permanent
These various doctrines, which in the first few centuries after
is the perceiving subject and at the same time the ideal form
the beginning of the Common era were considered by the
behind the empirical reality. Since matter is perpetually
Church Fathers as a dangerous challenge to Christian ortho-
dying and being reborn in different form, Plato declares that
doxy, are generally labeled the Gnostic movement. The aim
a permanent reality can only be an immaterial one that is
of this many-sided movement of speculative thought was co-
only accessible to pure thought.
gently summed up in the following statement: gnosis is “the
knowledge of who we were, what we have become, where we
It is now up to Plato, through the words of Socrates, to
were, into what place we have been thrown . . . what is
prove these assertions. Kebes, one of the dialogue partners,
birth, what is rebirth” (Clement, Excerpta ex Theodoto 78.2).
gives him the entry by referring to Socrates’ often-used adage
Although the term gno¯sis connotes “knowledge,” the
that “learning is nothing but remembering” (Phaedo 72e).
Gnostics meant by it not the intellectual process but rather
This refers to the previous experiment, where Socrates had
wisdom gained through mystical insight or enlightenment by
an untutored slave arrive at the proof of a Pythagorean math-
an immediate vision of truth. For the Gnostics, this knowl-
ematical paradigm (Meno 82ff.). The objects of mathematics
edge was designed to help to liberate as well as to redeem
are similar to the moral forms, the virtues, and it is indeed
mankind from its confinement in a material world. For those
these that Plato recognizes as having the necessary attributes.
men who possessed the knowledge of the true nature of the
As Cornford pointed out, this implies that memory, which
world and of the soul, the knowledge itself is the redeeming
contains such knowledge, cannot be a personal or individual
factor, or as one of the tractates found at Nag Hammadi ex-
memory but must by necessity be an impersonal memory:
pressed it, if anyone has gnosis, he knows from where he
all individuals can potentially arrive at the same truth, the
comes and where he goes, and, so the Gospel of Truth contin-
only difference being to which extent the latent knowledge
ues, “he knows like someone who was drunk and has become
has been recovered (Cornford, 1952, p. 56). This might
sober from his drunkenness, and, restored again to himself,
imply that Plato’s notion of the soul as perceiving agent is
has again set his own in order.” The same text refers to igno-
akin to the Hindu proposition (of the Upanis:ads) that the
rance as forgetfulness and annihilation. The Gnostics be-
a¯tman (personal soul) and brahman (universal soul) are iden-
lieved that there were three diverse classes of people: the elect
tical. As shall be shown, there are some reservations with this
(the pneumatics or “spirituals”) had divine inspiration; a sec-
view, as Plato also has recourse to the myth of retribution
ond class were the psychics, who possessed soul but as yet
after death and to the karmic notion of the influence of the
no insight; the third class, the carnal ones, were beyond re-
conduct in the present lifetime upon the form of reincarna-
demption.
tion, as extolled in the Phaedrus.
Without delving deeper into the often contradictory
Before embarking upon that discussion, I shall return
tales of cosmogony and anthropogony that the diverse Gnos-
to the Phaedo, where Socrates now resumes his proof about
tic schools developed, the basic doctrine is one of the fall of
the latent memory of the soul: he states that our ability to
parts of the light through error, variously attributed, into the
discern equal things (and contrasts as well) presupposes the
world of matter and coming to rest in primordial man. The
idea of equality itself (or of sameness and difference). In the
whole soteriology of the Gnostic movements is then con-
same way as there is no empirical equivalent to a geometrical
cerned with the reascent of the light to its original source.
form (as proved in the Meno), there are no two things in our
However, the soul, which is the light particle lost in the
empirical world that are exactly the same. But the sight of
world of matter, cannot achieve this ascent unaided, because
approximately equal things revives the thought of perfect
she is drunken or asleep, as the abundant metaphorical im-
equality, the knowledge of which must be inborn, be previ-
ages put it. To this purpose the godhead sends out the re-
ous to sense experience (Phaedo 75c–76d). This part of the
deemer, identified with Christ in Christian circles.
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312
ANAMNESIS
It is the prerogative of the adherent of the Gnostic
sel, though needing perfection. The whole atmosphere of the
movement to be awakened, to have insight into the process
doctrine of forgetting of the Gnostics seems often contrived
of the fall of the light and the redemption attempt of Christ.
and complicated as well as convoluted beyond logical needs
However, he has to prove his mettle in the fight in this world,
and far indeed from the splendid vision of the power of the
in his fight with matter, in particular against the snares and
mind as taught by Plato, for whom the world with its beauty
traps of bodily passions. The purpose of all the ascetic prac-
of bodies was after all the instigator of the drive of Eros to
tices with which Gnosticism abounds is the training of the
strive for perfection.
spiritual or pneumatic aspects of oneself for the final ascent
A far more consistent religious principle arose with the
to the divine light (Gr. pl¯ero¯ma). One of the major doctrines
emergence of Islamic mysticism, or Sufism (tas:aw-wuf), in
of most Gnostic schools was the strong reliance on self-
the eighth century. The original core of Sufism is the asceti-
redemption through the insight that the soul of the elect had
cism of a life in poverty through which man is better able
gained through instant revelation. It seems clear from the
to meditate on the QurDa¯n and so to draw near to God
sources that the concept of self-redemption of the man of su-
through prayer or repetitive chanting of religious formulas.
perior knowledge and the redemption through a helper, the
(This process is called dhikr, lit., “remembrance.”) The for-
redeemer sent by the deity, remained one of the points of
mulas were accompanied by a variety of rules about body
contention between different Gnostic schools (and remains
posture and breathing techniques. All these techniques aim
also a problem for modern research into Gnosticism).
to empty the mind so that it can be filled with the presence
The mythology of remembering, waking up from sleep
of God.
or drunkenness, is put into different terms in the doctrines
For most of Islamic history, the S:u¯f¯ıs were anathema to
of the Manichaeans, who start from the primordial dualism
orthodox theology, as they stressed inner qualities more than
of two forces, light and darkness, spirit and matter (due to
outer action, the practical example more than strict adher-
Iranian-Zoroastrian influence, no doubt; see Widengren,
ence to the letter of the law propounded by theologians, and
1961). Matter in this system desires to engulf the light, and
the spirit of the principles of Islam more than the strict obser-
after succeeding in the battle, light has to send out various
vance of ritual.
messengers and emissaries or mercenaries who, however, get
This tendency led to statements that outraged tradition-
trapped by the forces of darkness. One of these emissaries is
alists, such as that of al-H:alla¯j, crucified in 922, who pro-
primordial man, Adam, who, when put into sleep or uncon-
claimed: “I am the truth.” In the same spirit, Ibn al-EArab¯ı,
sciousness by engulfing matter, is wakened by a call from
whose work influenced the later development of Qabbalah
above. Here the strategies of light are finally victorious, as
considerably, once stated: “My heart has become capable of
matter that has partaken of light and thus has the powers of
every form . . . a temple for idols, and the pilgrim’s kaaba,
light, its own enemy “ingested,” as it were, is defeated from
and the tables of the Torah and the book of the QurDa¯n. I
inside. But before this plan of light can succeed, matter has
follow the religion of love” (trans. Reynold A. Nicholson).
established its rule by creating the figure of libido or concu-
While al-EArab¯ı’s statement may be interpreted as simple
piscence, which through constant copulation binds the light
universalism or pantheism, in connection with the disdain-
particles to bodies (the cannibalistic and sexual stigmata that
ing of bookish knowledge, sayings of this kind are more akin
remain with humankind as reminders of their beastly descent
to the jolting of the mind as practiced by Daoists and Zen
from demonic powers). But light now sends out further em-
Buddhists, who also seek through the disorientation of habit-
issaries to free the divine spark that is indestructibly present
ual thinking to open the mind to ultimate truth. It is in this
in Adam and humankind from the world of demons by re-
vein that we have to take the following statement by Abu¯
minding Adam and humankind of their own true essence
SaE¯ıd of Nishapur: “Books, ye are excellent guides, but it is
(see Widengren, 1961; Puech, 1937).
absurd to trouble about a guide after the goal has been
Although the Manichaean system appears generally
reached”; or again, “I practiced recollection [dhikr] uninter-
more clear in its exposition than other Gnostic movements,
ruptedly . . . only after all these trials do we realize self-
all of them are often intellectually and ritually contradictory;
conceit” (Nicholson, 1921, pp. 15, 21). Such utterances of
they remained hybrid systems due to their tendency of syn-
paradox align the S:u¯f¯ıs squarely with the Greek Cynics; their
cretistic merging of various religious and cultural traditions,
varied expressions of the yearning for unification with the di-
ranging from Greek philosophy, Jewish biblical traditions,
vine through love show their Platonic affinity.
Christian eschatology, and Persian dualism (a variability re-
The techniques of dhikr were intended to induce a form
flected in the many languages in which the documents of
of ecstasy or trance in which the soul would then be able to
these traditions have come down to us, from Greek to Ui-
conduct a dialogue with God (the final aim of “the search
ghur, Coptic, and Chinese). All Gnostic traditions are artifi-
for the real [al-H:aqq],” as al-Ghaza¯l¯ı called it). As an alterna-
cial mythologies and are a far cry from the intellectual enter-
tive there exists the technique of fikr, meaning contempla-
prise of Plato. This was clearly perceived by the late follower
tion and reflection. The whole idea of recollection appears
of Plato, Plotinus (third century CE), for whom the world
most clearly in poetic formulations such as the following by
was, if not perfect, at least beautiful, and man a complete ves-
Ibn al-Fa¯rid: (1181–1235): “In memory of the Beloved we
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANAMNESIS
313
quaffed a vintage that made us drunk before the creation of
halakhic orthodoxy. The aim of life is spiritual perfection
the vine.” The commentator Na¯bulus¯ı says that this means
and ultimate union and communion with God. The way to
nothing but that the soul was intoxicated with the wine of
this is through the ten gates, such as sincerity of purpose, hu-
divine love during its existence before the creation of the
mility, repentance, self-examination, asceticism, and love of
body (Nicholson, 1921, pp. 184ff.). S:u¯f¯ı brotherhoods can
God. In accordance with Platonic principles, the soul is of
be differentiated as to their final aim: some aim for
celestial origin, placed into material bodies where it begins
ilha¯m¯ıyah, or inspiration by God, others for ittih:a¯d¯ıyah, the
to forget its nature and mission. The soul receives great help
mystical union with God.
from the intellect, since in it all the duties of the heart are
grounded. There has to be a perfect correspondence of be-
Many S:u¯f¯ıs were definite adherents of a theory of trans-
havior and conscience. Paquda is far from advocating asceti-
migration of souls (tana¯sukh), though there were exceptions.
cism but opts for the middle way: live in temperance but ful-
The doctrine of metempsychosis was also adhered to by
fill your duties in social life (see Scholem, 1954, 1965).
other Muslim groups, such as the Nus:ayr¯ıyah, the Kurds,
and the Druze, as was reported by the historian of religion
There are considerable differences between Sufism and
al-Shahrasta¯n¯ı, from Khorasan (1076–1153). The S:u¯f¯ıs ad-
Qabbalah, in particular in regard to the strong reliance on
hered to the theory of the transmigration of souls because
exegesis among Jewish thinkers and in regard to the down-
they believed that before the creation of bodies the souls were
playing of ascetic practices. However, Qabbalah took some
illuminated by divine light; therefore affinal souls can smell
notions of metempsychosis, which play a great role in the
each another out, as was formulated by Abu¯ SaE¯ıd (Nichol-
later movement in Safad, from Sufism. Early Qabbalah of
son, 1921, p. 56). This notion appears clearly also in the po-
the twelfth century is more restrictive in the use of the term:
etry of Ibn al-Fa¯rid:, who like many other S:u¯f¯ı mystics ac-
it uses the notion of gilgul or ha Dataqah (“transference”) as
cords great importance and proof for the preexistence of the
a translation of the Arabic tana¯sukh (which in turn is also a
soul to dream states: “In dreams the soul knows itself as it
translation of the Stoic concept of aposakatastasis) for certain,
was in the state of preexistence” (v. 669), or again, “In the
mostly sexual, offenses. The decisive turn occurs in the six-
world of reminiscence the soul has her ancient knowledge”
teenth century, when a system of moral causes and physical
(v. 759; Nicholson, 1921, pp. 265).
effects, similar to the Hindu karman, takes root. The other
very specific Jewish notion concerns the metaphorical equiv-
In any case, the aim of the S:u¯f¯ı is the unification with
alence of the exile of the soul from its divine spiritual abode
God and a cessation of transmigration and, by total absorp-
and the exile of the chosen people from its homeland.
tion into the deity, the extinction of existence (fana¯ E). Some
of the most evocative lines of poetry combining the idea of
Behind the Jewish idea of transmigration stands the
fana¯ E with that of tana¯sukh have come down to us from Jala¯l
doctrine of the creation of the world as a series of emanations
al-D¯ın Ru¯m¯ı, who founded the Mevlev¯ı order in Konya in
from the godhead (Ein Sof), which is symbolized by the ten
the late thirteenth century: “I died as mineral and became
sefirot that contain as vessels the divine light. In particular
a plant, I died as plant and rose to animal.” This poem ends
the tenth sefirah, the female Shekhinah, is responsible for re-
in the rapt cry “Oh, let me not exist!” (The Ascending Soul,
ceiving and distributing the divine light-essence to earth. It
trans. Nicholson, 1964, p. 103).
is through man’s sinful nature and his fall from grace that
the energy flow was interrupted, leading to disharmony as
The mystical tendencies of Islamic Sufism—such as its
well as evil in the world. The deed is traced to primordial
emotional and inner devotion to the divine agency, contem-
man, Adam Qadmon, whose fall brought about the breaking
plative and prayerful, together with a strong ethical orienta-
of the vessels, so that the divine essence became dispersed in
tion that could almost be labeled pietist—passed relatively
innumerable fragments as light particles, which are contami-
early into the developing Jewish Qabbalah. One of the most
nated with matter (the closeness to some Gnostic notions is
influential works in this connection was the H:ovot ha-levavot
noticeable). This basic system was further elaborated by the
(Duties of the heart) by Bah:ye ibn Paquda in 1080, translat-
Palestinian qabbalist Isaac Luria (1534–1572) but also flour-
ed into Hebrew in 1161. The underlying theme of this work
ished in Italy.
finds its strongest expression in the later Lurianic movement
It is with the thirteenth-century founder of Ashkenazic
as well as in the Hasidic tradition in Spain and in central and
Hasidism, ElEazar of Worms, that we find one of the strong-
eastern Europe. For Paquda there are two kinds of duty: one
est reminiscences of the doctrine of transmigration and Pla-
that relates to the body and that concerns man’s overt ac-
tonic anamn¯esis. In an interpretation of the Midrash on the
tions, and the other that relates to the heart and concerns
Creation of the Child, he expostulates that after the guardian
man’s inner life. To the first belong the ethical commands
angel has given the newborn child a tap on the upper lip, it
of the Torah, the observance of the Sabbath, prayer, and
forgets all the infinite knowledge it had acquired before its
charity. To the latter belong the belief in the existence and
birth in the celestial house of learning. And why does the
singleness of God, the fear and love of him as well as the trust
child forget? asks ElEazar. Because, he answers, if the child
in him.
did not forget, the course of the world would drive it mad
Paquda warned against overemphasis on the duties of
in the light of what it knows from its former existence in di-
the body, thus advocating a countermovement against
vine grace. (The relation to Job is evident.)
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314
ANAMNESIS
The whole purpose of man’s existence on earth is the
including humankind, because they are thought of as en-
restoration of the ideal order and the collection of the pure
dowed with the power of the culture heroes of the Dreaming.
divine light in the vessels. Salvation thus means nothing but
restitution or reintegration of the original whole (tiqqun). In
In a similar fashion, the whole earth and all its features,
Lurianic Qabbalah, transmigration, as for some S:u¯f¯ı broth-
such as rocks, indentations, but especially waterholes, are
erhoods, is not just a result of evil or of the sinful nature of
considered sacred substances or emanations of the creative
man, but it is actually one chance, a boon, to achieve the goal
thoughts of the ancestral heroes and divinities. The creator
of self-emancipation, defined here as being freed from trans-
ancestors walked the earth in primordial times and created
migration. The souls of the emancipated ones then wait, each
every animate and inanimate object through externalizing,
in its blessed house, to be reunited with the soul of Adam,
objectifying, and materializing their thoughts in the act of
the first man.
dreaming. Man is the paramount agent who either through
ceremonies or dreaming guarantees the continuation of these
However, and here we also get a unique variation of the
creative acts.
theme of transmigration and redemption, while the purpose
of reincarnation is always purification or atonement for the
Aboriginal religious thought thus perceives a very inti-
sins of mankind, the role of the suffering of the righteous is
mate relation between man and environment in what has be-
of the greatest importance, because they help with the resto-
come known as a totemic thought system, where each indi-
ration of the universe. Here the universal effect of good deeds
vidual and each group becomes closely linked to a feature of
and thoughts, of a devout life in the pietist sense, is com-
the external world (landscape, plants, animals). While these
bined with the ancient notion of the efficacy of ritual to re-
features of the external world are the self-manifestations of
store the proper functioning of universal forces and energies.
the creator deities of the Dreaming, man has to identify
The notion of metempsychosis, also called “impregnation”
through ritual and through dreaming with these features and
(Dibbur in early Qabbalah), is taken to its furthest extent
internalize them. The continuation of the visible reality de-
when it is stated that a soul, in particular that of an ethically
pends on the meticulous performance of rites at the ceremo-
advanced person, can enter, even temporarily, another man’s
nial centers of the diverse totemic ancestor beings; individu-
body and thus help his soul come closer to perfection. The
als and groups are thus (as reincarnations of the supernatural
universe can only be restored to its original purity when all
beings) guardians and connective links to the eternal order
people have reached perfection. In spite of this seemingly
that, though once established in its final form, needs the
unified system, we find in Qabbalah the same major splits
constant renewal in the present. This belief explains also the
of interpretation as in the S:u¯f¯ı tradition. Two basic aims are
frequent handling of sacred objects (for which the Aranda
given as the highest goal for the life of man: Maimonides ad-
term tjurunga has become synonymous) by young initiates,
vocates the knowledge of God, while his son opts for union
who through this action try to keep in touch with the essence
with God. We thus find in all traditions so far discussed the
of that being of which they are the spiritual double them-
same split between knowledge and devotion as the main aims
selves (see Elkin, 1954, p. 186).
of life.
There exists in Aboriginal thinking no clear delineation
AUSTRALIAN ABORIGINAL BELIEFS IN RITUAL ACTION AND
between eternity and temporality, between now and the past:
REBIRTH PROCESSES. In most systems discussed so far we
the eternal order is not only the basis for the re-creation
find a tendency to identify the realm of the spirit with the
through ritual in the present, as laid down by the law of the
notion of essence or form, abstracted from all material dis-
ancestor deities, but is inseparably linked with the present
crete reality: the bodies of humans and other animate beings
through the sacred agency of humankind, which carries
are perceived as prisons for the divine element, life force, or
within its individuals and groups the spark of life derived
soul. Matter is thus seen as inimical to the soul’s attainment
from the original creative beings through constant reincarna-
of its true state, in which it is a part of, or is united with,
tions. In short, in ritual action, eternity is here and now and
the godhead.
merging with the present. The cosmic dimension of the
The religious systems of the Australian Aborigines de-
maintenance of the world through ritual finds its correlate
veloped a different, almost diametrically opposed, notion.
in the notion of the constant reincarnation of a personal
Here the divine element is embodied in a diversity of materi-
soul-entity. In most Aboriginal systems of thought the spiri-
al objects, ranging from features of the geographical land-
tual essence enters man through dreaming at a totemic cen-
scape to such items as bull-roarers. Man himself is a divine
ter. These totemic centers are the places into which the an-
being and agent, either as an individual or as a member of
cestor spirits disappeared when they had finished creation
a social group; and particular social groups as much as partic-
and to which the souls of the dead depart and become depos-
ular individuals are identified or correlated with features in
ited, there to await rebirth. When a man sleeps at such a
the landscape. The social groups such as clans are themselves
place, the spiritual essence or soul that has been deposited
sacred corporations in perpetuity. The sacred nature of mate-
in these centers enters him through dreaming, and the
rial items such as bull-roarers is made clear through their use:
male transfers the new soul to his female partner during
they are efficacious for the continued fertility of all nature,
procreation.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANAMNESIS
315
The self-identification of the living persons and groups
the sea, in the sky, or under the ground. While the belief in
of Aboriginal society with the ancestors and their spiritual
reincarnation is general and widespread among Australian
essence is thus achieved through dreaming at the very places
Aborigines, the rebirth is perceived not as that of a previous
where the divine entities externalized and materialized their
particular human personality but as one of primordial exis-
own thoughts in dreaming in very concrete and substantial
tence as creative agent. There exists no retribution for activi-
form. This identity of substance of the living world and of
ties in this life, though the ancestor heroes were not without
man is often expressed by Aborigines when they refer to the
fault or blame. But even their deeds that are wrong by the
sacred totemic places as “my dreaming there.” Thus dream-
standards they laid down themselves are not judged in an af-
ing, life essence or soul, and the supreme creator deities are
terlife, nor do they influence reincarnation.
sometimes called by the same term. This self-identification
However, present Aborigines realize and express the idea
of the individual and of groups with the externalizations of
that their ancestor deities may sometimes have gone wrong
the ancestral heroes, be they features of the landscape or liv-
and may sometimes have been killed for their wrongdoing
ing creatures in nature, is expressed through the concept of
by the original incarnations of present-day people. Although
the birth and rebirth at particular centers and, more pointed-
killed, these ancestor heroes did not die in spirit; as the
ly, through initiation rituals. The aim of initiation rituals is
Berndts note, they remain part of the “Eternal Dreaming
not only to remind the young initiand of the significance of
stream” (Berndt and Berndt, 1977, p. 418). The religious
the sacred landscape but even more to teach him his own lost
systems of all Aboriginal groups seem to be what W. E. H.
knowledge, to actually make him aware of his own sacredness
Stanner once called an “affirmation of life” (see Stanner,
(females are in some parts of Australia considered sacred by
1959–1963). There is certainly no trace of asceticism or de-
nature).
nial of the body to be found in Aboriginal beliefs. There is
As each individual represents the reborn ancestor, he is
no need for such abasement, for the divine eternity is con-
thus learning what he always actually knew but forgot when
cretely realized in material form in this world and can always
he rested in the spirit places after death in his last incarna-
be made present through ritual action.
tion. As T. G. H. Strehlow put it about the understanding
The comparison with the Platonic system of recollec-
of this process among the Aranda: “At the time of birth the
tion cannot be fully developed (see also Eliade, 1973,
totemic ancestor who has undergone re-incarnation is totally
pp. 58–59). Yet one point is worth emphasizing: for Aborigi-
unaware of his former glorious existence. For him the pre-
nes, the manifestations of the ancestor heroes of the Dream-
ceding months have been a ‘sleep and forgetting.’ If he is
ing, such as features of the landscape, become the outward
born as a boy, the old men will later on initiate him and rein-
sign to recall the deeds of these ancestors. This comes close
troduce him into the ancient ceremonies which he himself
to Plato’s notion about the efficacy of objects of beauty to
had instituted in his previous extence” (Strehlow, 1947,
arouse in humans the desire of Eros to attain absolute beauty,
p. 93).
the desire to attain something that one lacks, in particular
We would scarcely find anywhere else a stronger resem-
to attain immortality.
blance to the Platonic notion of anamn¯esis, yet in Australian
It might not be too farfetched to extend this philosophi-
Aboriginal thought the living human is even more pro-
cal interpretation to the mytho-ritualistic identification that
nouncedly part of the divine, being, if not the divinity, at
the Aborigine intends when handling sacred objects, per-
least the ancestor hero. When a grown adult performs the in-
forming the ancient sacred increase rituals or learning about
crease ceremonies as laid down by the ancestor deities, he is
his oneness with the Dreaming and its objects or emanations.
reperforming his own law, for he, in his former incarnation
This, and more, is revealed to the Aborigine in the long
as ancestor, had a part in devising the law.
drawn-out process of initiation and achievement of adult-
It is from this vantage point that the merging of the
hood and is regularly made clear in ritual action, when each
present and the past—of concrete reality and actions within
participant becomes an ancestor. Each, too, will thereby re-
it with the original and therefore not only past but ever-
create the universe, but none will attempt to change it. The
present essential foundations of reality—can be understood.
ritual recollection of the Australian Aborigines and of other
As Strehlow has it: “The whole countryside is his living, age-
tribal societies is replaced in Plato’s system by the philoso-
old family tree. The story of his own totemic ancestor is to
pher through the daimo¯n of Eros. Both forms of recollection
the native the account of his own doings at the beginning
seem to share the same aim: through ritual the paradigmatic
of time, at the dim dawn of life, when the world as he knows
model is repeated over and over again and made present and
it now was being shaped and moulded by all-powerful hands.
efficacious forever; through the drive of Eros the philosopher
He himself has played a part in that first glorious adventure,
aims at gaining what he has not yet obtained, namely, im-
a part smaller or greater according to the original rank of the
mortality and divine status. Both Eros and ritual action are
ancestor of whom he is the present re-incarnated form”
creative.
(ibid., pp. 30–31).
A member of the Murinbata once said to Stanner:
At death the immortal part of the human reincarnation
“White man got no dreaming, him go ’nother way. White
returns to the abode of the primordial state, either beyond
man, him go different. Him go road belong himself.” Our
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
316
ANAMNESIS
comparison about the notion of recollection from Platonic
opened the way for many new interpretations, such as the
anamn¯esis to Aboriginal beliefs in reincarnation and remem-
separation of a Hellenistic from an Iranian stream of Gnosti-
bering of their own divine status has shown that a reminder
cism, is presented by Hans Jonas in Gnosis und spätantiker
of our own roots might instill in us a sense of humility. Were
Geist, 2 vols. (Göttingen, 1934–1954; vol. 1, 3d ed., 1964;
we to recollect our Platonic heritage, we might perceive the
vol. 2, 2d ed., 1966).
Australian Aborigine as a related soul. We might realize that
The variety of influences on Gnosticism is excellently shown by
Europe since ancient times has been working toward the
Gilles Quispel in Gnostic Studies, vol. 1 (Istanbul, 1974). A
same goal as the Aborigines: only our methods differ.
stimulating work, although often theoretically speculative, is
Richard Reitzenstein’s Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen,
S
3d ed. (Leipzig, 1927; Eng. trans., Pittsburgh, 1978). The
EE ALSO Dhikr; Dreaming, The; Exile; Knowledge and Ig-
norance; Soul.
Manichaean variant of the Gnostic movements is traced to
their Iranian roots by Geo Widengren in Mani und der
Manichäismus (Stuttgart, 1961; Eng. trans., New York,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1965). For a survey discussion on the Manichaean soteriolo-
The most lucid treatment of recollection in the framework of the
gy in the light of the Turfan fragments, see H. C. Puech’s
whole of Plato’s middle dialogues is found in F. M. Corn-
“Erlosung im Manichaismus,” in Eranos Jahrbuch 1936 (Zu-
ford’s Principium Sapientiae: The Origins of Greek Philosophi-
rich, 1937).
cal Thought, edited by W. K. C. Guthrie (Cambridge, U.K.,
On S:u¯f¯ı movements, the works of Reynold A. Nicholson are clas-
1952). A careful reading, line by line, of the Phaedo is given
sics. His Studies in Islamic Mysticism (1921; Cambridge,
by Romano Guardini in Der Tod des Sokrates (Berlin, 1943),
U.K., 1976) and Personality in Sufism (Cambridge, U.K.,
translated as The Death of Socrates: An Interpretation of the
1923) offer interpretations fully embedding the sectarian de-
Platonic Dialogues (Cleveland, 1948). The problem of Plato’s
velopment in a linguistic and cultural analysis of the whole
notion of beauty in the context of European art theory is de-
of Islam; his Rumi, Poet and Mystic, 1207–1273, 3d ed.
veloped by Ernesto Grassi in Die Theorie des Schönen in der
(London, 1964), displays his skill in poetic translation.
Antike (Cologne, 1962). For pre-Platonic ideas about soul
migration, three authors make a strong case for the existence
On Qabbalah in its various extensions in Spain, Safad, Italy, and
of Orphic and Pythagorean cult doctrines to be found in Pla-
central Europe, the most profound interpretation is that of
tonic writings: W. K. C. Guthrie, in Orpheus and Greek Reli-
Gershom Scholem, set forth in his Major Trends in Jewish
gion (1935: 2d ed., rev., London, 1952); E. R. Dodds, the
Mysticism, 3d rev. ed. (Jerusalem, 1954), and Jewish Gnosti-
most skeptical of the three, in The Greeks and the Irrational
cism, Merkabah Mysticism, and Talmudic Tradition, 2d ed.
(Berkeley, 1951); and Ivan M. Linforth, in The Arts of Or-
(New York, 1965).
pheus (1941; reprint, New York, 1973). A balanced account
The earliest comprehensive work on Australian Aboriginal reli-
of Pythagorean-Orphic practices and a meticulous source
gion is A. P. Elkin’s The Australian Aborigines (1938; 3d ed.,
criticism can be found in Walter Burkert’s Lore and Science
Sydney, 1954). A more recent survey is Ronald M. Berndt
in Ancient Pythagoreanism (Cambridge, Mass., 1972).
and Catherine H. Berndt’s The World of the First Australians,
2d ed. (Sydney, 1977). On particular Aboriginal concepts in
Many of the Platonic and pre-Platonic ideas of soul migration
various regions, T. G. H. Strehlow’s Aranda Traditions (Mel-
have been traced back to shamanistic practices by Karl Meuli
bourne, 1947) is a classic of exposition. W. E. H. Stanner’s
in his now-classic interpretation “Scythica,” Hermes 70
“On Aboriginal Religion,” Oceania 30–34 (1959–1963), in
(1935): 121–176; his line of thought is taken up by Walter
seven parts, is also valuable. A complete survey of Aboriginal
Burkert in “Go¯es: Zum griechischen ‘Schamanismus,’”
religious beliefs, with a cross-cultural phenomenological ori-
Rheinisches Museum für Philologie 105 (1962): 36–55, and by
entation, is provided by Mircea Eliade’s Australian Religions
Mircea Eliade in Myth and Reality (New York, 1963). For an
(Ithaca, N. Y., 1973).
anthropological notion of possession states and the Greek ev-
idence, see my essay “Individual and Collective Possession:
On ritual processes, an easy introduction is given by Paul Radin
The Shaman as Primeval Healer and Artist in Modern Japan
in Primitive Religion (New York, 1937). A more recent struc-
and Ancient Greece,” in Under the Shade of a Coolibah Tree,
tural approach can be found in Victor Turner’s The Ritual
edited by Richard A. Hutch and Peter G. Fenner (Lanham,
Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Chicago, 1969). The
Md., 1984), pp. 279–321. For the extant sources, Erwin
application of the notion of anamnesis to an epistemology
Rohde’s Psyche (Leipzig, 1894; Eng. trans., London, 1925)
of cultural translation has been undertaken by Hans P. Duerr
is still useful and readable. The interpretations in Jane Ellen
in his Traumzeit (Frankfurt, 1978).
Harrison’s Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion (Cam-
New Sources
bridge, U.K., 1903) now appear dated and marred by a too
Michèle Simondon, La mémoire et l’oubli dans la pensée grecque
literal application of Frazerian anthropology. For the impor-
(Paris, 1982) and Giovanni Pugliese Carratelli, “Mnemosyne
tance of Mnemosyne, the well-known dictionary of myths of
e l’Immortalità,” Archivio di Filosofia 51 (1983), 71–79, re-
antiquity by W. H. Roscher, Ausführliches Lexikon der gr-
printed in Tra Cadmo e Orfeo (Bologna, 1990), 379–389
iechischen und römischen Mythologie (Leipzig, 1897–1909),
deal with the Greek idea of memory.
vol. 3, is still indispensable.
On Platonic and Pythagoric theories of anamnesis see also: C. E.
On Gnosticism, the most understandable survey of the sources,
Huber, Anamnesis bei Plato (Munich, 1964); Domnic Scott,
with an excellent bibliography and a history of research, re-
“Platonic Anamnesis Revisited.” Classical Quarterly 37
mains Kurt Rudolph’s Die Gnosis (Göttingen, 1977; Eng.
(1987): 346–366; Theodor Ebert, Sokrates als Pythagoreer
trans., San Francisco, 1983). A full introduction, which
und die Anamnesis in Platons Phaidon (Stuttgart, 1994).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
EANAN BEN DAVID
317
For similar theories in Gnosticism, concerning memory, fate, rein-
the names of some leaders of such antitraditionalist move-
carnation and salvation as return to the self, see Aldo Magris,
ments have been preserved. These movements were found
La logica del pensiero gnostico (Brescia, 1997), pp. 333–429.
mostly in the outlying provinces of the Muslim Empire,
On Sufism and Islamic mysticism see some of the numerous
among Jewish communities apparently composed to a con-
works by Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam
siderable degree of emigrants from metropolitan Iraq; they
(Chapel Hill, 1975); Sufi Literature (New York. 1975); Tri-
belonged to the poorer classes of artisans and farm laborers
umphal Sun: A Study of the Works of Jalaloddin Rumi (Lon-
and felt themselves sorely oppressed by the rabbinic religious
don, 1978); Muhammad Iqbal: prophetischer Poet und Philo-
and secular bureaucracy, which overburdened them with
soph (Munich, 1989); I Am Wind, You Are Fire: The Life and
special taxes imposed for its own maintenance.
Work of Rumi (Boston, 1992); The Secrets of Creative Love:
The Work of Muhammad Iqbal (Wimbledon, 1998); Gesang
What seems to be certain is that EAnan was a man of
und Ekstase: Sufi-Texte des indischen Islam (Munich, 1999);
aristocratic Rabbinite descent and of considerable learning
Sufismus: Eine Einführung in die islamische Mystik (Munich,
and that he was the first to lend these two prestigious qualifi-
2000).
cations to the contemporary sectarian leadership. He was also
Avicenna’s doctrine of illumination, which follows the Neopla-
apparently the first to compose a comprehensive scholarly
tonic development of anamnesis, is outlined by Herbert A.
code of sectarian (nonrabbinic) law based formally only on
Davidson, Alfarabi, Avicenna, and Averroes on Intellect: Their
the Bible. This was written in Aramaic, the language of much
Cosmologies, Theories of the Active Intellect, and Theories of
of the Talmud, but is known under the Hebrew title Sefer
Human Intellect (New York, 1992).
ha-mitsvot (Book of precepts). Only fragments of this work
See also: Henry Corbin, The Man of Light in Iranian Sufism, trans-
have been discovered so far. Containing concise formulations
lated by Nancy Pearson (Boulder, 1978). Timothy
of law, but no polemics against rabbinic dogma or law, they
J.Gianotti, Al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s Unspeakable Doctrine of the Soul:
reveal EAnan as a rigorous and ascetic teacher rather than an
Unveiling the Esoteric Psychology and Eschatology of the Ihya¯,
ambitious seeker after secular power.
(Leiden, 2001). Suhraward, The Philosophy of Illumination
(Hiqmat al-ishra¯q), translation and comment by John Wal-
That EAnan was influenced to some extent by earlier an-
bridge and Hossein Ziai (Provo, Utah, 1999). John Wal-
titraditionalist teachings seems fairly certain, although this
bridge, The Wisdom of the Mystic East: Suhraward¯ı and Pla-
influence should not be exaggerated. He was a self-assured
tonic Orientalism (Albany, 2001).
and independent thinker. Later Karaite scholars disagreed
KLAUS-PETER KÖPPING (1987)
with him on many points of law and chided him for what
Revised Bibliography
they considered his excessive borrowing from rabbinic law.
His predilection for the analogical method in deducing new
rules from the biblical text may indicate some influence from
E
Muslim jurisprudence.
ANAN BEN DAVID (fl. Baghdad, second half of the
eighth century CE), titular founder of the Karaites, a Jewish
Later accounts credit EAnan with a work on the transmi-
sect. According to a rabbinic-Jewish (Rabbinite) tradition
gration of souls and state that he regarded Jesus and
cited first by the twelfth-century Karaite author Eliyyahu ben
Muh:ammad as inspired prophets sent to their respective na-
Avraham, EAnan was rejected for the position of exilarch (sec-
tions, but these are not supported by any reliable evidence.
ular head of the Jewish community in Iraq and its representa-
The Ananites, never numerous, were eventually ab-
tive before the Muslim caliph’s court) on the ground of he-
sorbed by the Karaites. EAnan’s direct male descendants bore
retical tendencies. When the office went to his younger
the honorific title of prince (nasi D) and were treated accord-
brother H:ananyah, EAnan’s followers (styled Ananites, or
ingly by the Karaites, but they apparently wielded little actual
EA¯na¯n¯ıyah in Arabic) declared him their own exilarch. Since
power and, with one or two exceptions, did not distinguish
this action amounted to open defiance of the caliph’s cus-
themselves as scholars.
tomary right to confirm a newly elected exilarch, EAnan was
cast into prison and faced execution. A Muslim fellow-
SEE ALSO Karaites.
prisoner (according to Jewish sources, Abu¯ H:an¯ıfah, the
founder of the H:anaf¯ı school of Muslim jurisprudence) ad-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
vised him to bribe his way before the caliph and then to plead
Nemoy, Leon. “Al-Qirqisa¯n¯ı’s Account of the Jewish Sects and
that the Ananites were a religious denomination distinct
Christianity.” Hebrew Union College Annual 7 (1930): 317–
397. For al-Qirqisa¯n¯ı’s summary of Ananite teachings, see
from the Rabbinites and were therefore entitled to have their
pages 383–386.
own exilarch. EAnan followed this advice, was acquitted, and
was set free.
Nemoy, Leon. “Anan ben David: A Reappraisal of the Historical
Data.” In Semitic Studies in Memory of Immanuel Löw, edited
The historicity of this account is open to challenge,
by Alexander Scheiber, pp. 239–248. Budapest, 1947. Re-
however. Opposition to postbiblical, or Talmudic, tradition
printed in Karaite Studies, edited by Philip Birnbaum (New
(so-called oral law, distinct from written law in the Old Tes-
York, 1971).
tament) and the cry “Back to the Bible!” antedated EAnan by
Nemoy, Leon. Karaite Anthology. New Haven, 1952. See especial-
several centuries, and for the period immediately before him,
ly pages 3–20, 51–52, and 395. Includes a list of published
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
A¯NANDAMAY¯I MA¯
318
fragments of the Book of Precepts. The fragment published by
sociated with them seemed to come effortlessly to her as she
Sokolov was reprinted by Zvi Harkavy, with English transla-
followed her spiritual impulse, which she called kheya¯la. One
tion by Leon Nemoy, in the Jewish Quarterly Review 66 (Oc-
night, she initiated herself onto the meditative path in a
tober 1975): 109–119.
unique manner: She played the roles of both the guru¯ and
Poznanski, Samuel. “Anan et ses écrits.” Revue des études juives
the disciple, establishing nondifferentiation between the two.
44/45 (1902).
A few months later she initiated her husband and became his
New Sources
guru¯, inverting the norm for Hindu women of the time.
Ben-Shammai, Haggai. “Between Ananites and Karaites: Observa-
During this period of her intense sa¯dhana¯ (1918–1924), she
tions on Early Medieval Jewish Sectarianism.” In Studies in
was often found in ecstatic states, viewed by some as signs
Muslim-Jewish Relations, edited by Ronald L. Nettler, vol. 1,
of mental disturbance. With her husband’s support, howev-
pp. 19–29. Chur, Switzerland, 1993.
er, she continued her practice.
Cook, Michael. “Anan and Islam: The Origins of Karaite Scrip-
By 1924, when her husband accepted a job on the Shah-
turalism.” JSAI 9 (1987): 161–182.
bag estates in Dhaka, she had attracted a considerable follow-
Margolies, Morris B. Twenty/Twenty: Jewish Visionaries through
ing. Her husband welcomed in their home crowds of people,
Two Thousand Years. Northvale, N.J., 2000.
including scholars and professionals who were amazed at
LEON NEMOY (1987)
Nirmala’s succinct answers to their complex philosophical
Revised Bibliography
queries. Here, Nirmala also led worship ceremonies (pu¯ja¯)
for the goddess Ka¯l¯ı, departing from the tradition by exclud-
ing animal sacrifice. From 1926 Nirmala came to be called
A¯NANDAMAY¯I MA¯ (the bliss-permeated Mother,
A¯nandamay¯ı Ma¯ by her disciples, for they saw her in a state
1896–1982) was a leading Hindu spiritual master in twenti-
of constant bliss. They built a small a¯´srama (retreat center)
eth-century India. She was regarded a divine manifestation
near Dhaka that became the first of the thirty established be-
by her disciples, who came from all strata of the Indian soci-
fore the end of her life. Around the same time she began to
ety and from around the world. A number of them were well-
refer to herself as “this body,” indicating detachment from
known scholars, artists, as well as social and political leaders,
it, and declared that her true self was unchanging.
including Indira Gandhi (1917–1984), the former prime
From the early 1930s until her passing away in 1982,
minister of India. At the core of A¯nandamay¯ı Ma¯’s teaching
like a Hindu renunciant, she ceaselessly traveled across India
was the identity of the individual Self (a¯tman) with the Abso-
imparting spiritual guidance to a wide range of people. She
lute (brahman) and the unity of all existence. She recom-
was, however, not a traditional renunciate. Her husband,
mended a fundamental reorientation of life in order to realize
now called Bhola¯na¯th, accompanied her until his death in
one’s identity with the Absolute. While these precepts have
1938. During his last illness, A¯nandamay¯ı Ma¯ served him
long been a part of Hindu philosophical thought, what drew
as a devoted wife, but continued her work after his death.
people to her was her powerful yet gracious presence that
Through example and conversations in everyday language
seemed to bear a living testimony to them. The course of her
she taught her followers to make Self-realization the main
life seemed to flow from a deep spiritual awareness that often
goal of life. She did not prescribe a specific method for all
led her to deviate from the norms of contemporary Hindu
for the attainment of this goal and recognized that each indi-
society. Her life, like lives of many Hindu women saints, was
vidual had to follow the path suitable for him- or herself. The
marked by enigma and paradoxes.
only spiritual program that she guided yearly was a weeklong
A¯nandamay¯ı Ma¯ was born to a devout but poor brah-
retreat in one of her a¯´sramas that emphasized self-restraint
man couple, Bipin Bihari Bhattacharya and Mokshada Devi,
and meditation. Her femininity imparted a grace and gentle-
in the village of Kheora in East Bengal (now Bangladesh) and
ness to her spiritual mentoring that touched everyone who
was given the name Nirmala Sundari (the one of taintless
came to her.
beauty). She was indeed very beautiful. Even as a child, she
A¯nandamay¯ı Ma¯ did not recognize sectarian, religious
surprised elders by going into trancelike states during ses-
caste, or gender differences at the level of the Self. She blessed
sions of devotional singing and showing deep affinity with
and guided all who approached her. Her followers included
animals and trees. As was customary at the time, after receiv-
Hindus across caste boundaries, non-Hindus, and a large
ing little formal education, Nirmala was married to Ramani
number of women who found her especially inspirational.
Mohan Chakravarti at the age of twelve. When she joined
She, however, did not intervene in the working of her
her husband five years later, she excelled in performing
a¯´sramas, where the administrators followed purity/pollution
household duties, but declined to have a physical relation-
rules that mark the Hindu caste system. For this, she was crit-
ship. Instead, she asked permission to engage in spiritual ex-
icized by some as the guru¯ of the elite and the high caste.
ercises (sa¯dhana¯) every night after finishing her domestic
Some remark that her teaching did not emphasize charitable
work.
work, even though schools, hospitals, and veterinary clinics
Nirmala had had no formal training in spiritual matters,
were and still are run by her a¯´sramas. Others explain that in
yet various yogic postures and the states of mind (bha¯vas) as-
A¯nandamay¯ı Ma¯’s inherently spiritual view, the solution to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANAT
319
human suffering had to be sought through spiritual advance-
argue that the extant Ugaritic texts never depict her as sexual-
ment. This would lead people to see others as a part of the
ly active. While some scholars have erroneously identified
self. Charity would not be needed then. A¯nandamay¯ı Ma¯ is
Anat with the cow that mates with and bears an heir for Baal,
recognized as a mystic of rare spiritual insight in India. Hold-
the Ugaritic narratives clearly distinguish between Anat and
ing together the roles of wife, renunciate, and spiritual guide
Baal’s cow. As his devoted sister, Anat actively supports
in a seamless manner, her life pointed out the possibilities
Baal’s quest for kingship among the gods. She serves as a dip-
for spiritual life that are open for women in the Hindu milieu
lomatic intermediary in securing the support of El, her elder-
despite the restrictive norms set for them by the orthodoxy.
ly father, for the establishment of his royal palace. The war-
rior Anat boasts of having vanquished many of Baal’s foes,
SEE ALSO Guru.
including Yamm (the Canaanite primordial sea), the Twist-
ing Serpent, and the Seven-Headed Dragon. Whether or not
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anat is the consort of Baal, the maiden goddess maintains
Banerjee, Shyamananda. A Mystic Sage: Ma Anandamayi. Calcut-
her autonomy and independence from male control. She
ta, 1973.
lives in her own palace on her sacred mountain Inbb rather
Chaudhuri, Narayan. That Compassionate Touch of Ma Ananda-
than in the household of her father, brother, or consort. Uga-
mayee. Delhi, 1980.
ritic poetry venerates Anat as the “Mistress of Kingship, Mis-
Ganguli, Anil. Anandamayi Ma: The Mother Bliss-Incarnate. Cal-
tress of Dominion, and Mistress of the High Heavens.” The
cutta, 1983.
meaning of her epithet ybmt limm remains uncertain, but it
Hallstrom, Lisa Lassell. Mother of Bliss: A¯nandamay¯ı Ma¯ (1896–
most likely refers to her position within the pantheon’s kin-
1982). New York, 1999.
ship structure.
Kaviraj, Gopinath, ed. Mother as Seen by Her Devotees. 2d ed. Va-
ranasi, India, 1976.
Anat displays her malevolent aggression in two encoun-
Lannoy, Richard. Anandamayi: Her Life and Wisdom. Shaftesbury,
ters with El, in which she threatens to drag him from his
UK, 1996.
throne “to the ground like a lamb” for slaughter. She prom-
Lipski, Alexander. The Life and Teaching of ’Sr¯ı A¯nandamay¯ı Ma¯.
ises to smash his skull and to make his “gray hair run with
Delhi, 1977.
blood and his gray beard with gore” unless he agrees to her
Maschmann, Melita. Encountering Bliss: Journey through India
demands. El’s response to his belligerent daughter seems
with A¯nandamay¯ı Ma¯. Translated by Shridhar B. Shrotri.
more indulgent than fearful, “I know, my daughter, that you
Delhi, 2002.
are incorrigible, and that among the goddesses there is no
Mukerji, Bithika. From the Life of Anandamayi Ma. 2 vols. Calcut-
rancor like yours.” While El apparently denies her request
ta, 1980–1981; 2d ed., 1996.
in one text, in the other he yields to her rash demands, “De-
part, my daughter; haughty is your heart. Take what is in
NEELIMA SHUKLA-BHATT (2005)
your mind, carry out [what] is in your breast. Whoever hin-
ders you will be destroyed.” El’s words are perhaps reflected
in an eighth-century Akkadian text that praises Anat, “whose
ANAT. The maiden Anat (btlt Ent) is a West Semitic or Ca-
heroism among the goddesses has no equal.”
naanite warrior-goddess known for her violent temperament
and volatile emotions. Although her name and cult are attest-
Another famous scene from Ugaritic myth depicts
ed from the late third millennium BCE to the fourth century
Anat’s bloodthirsty nature as she gleefully slaughters armies
BCE, Anat plays a prominent role only in the Late Bronze Age
of human warriors. Delighting in the carnage of battle, Anat
mythological texts from the Syrian city of Ugarit (modern-
“wades in their blood up to her thighs.” She adorns herself
day Ras Shamra). These poetic narratives, written in an al-
by placing her enemies’ severed heads on a garland around
phabetic cuneiform script, depict Anat as a fierce and impet-
her neck and their severed hands on a belt around her waist
uous goddess who delights in bloodshed. As a hunter and
before she exultantly wades into the gore of battle a second
protector of wild animals, Anat also functions as a “Mistress
time. Possibly a description of ritual cannibalism, this grisly
of Animals” in Canaanite tradition. Anat’s primary epithet
scene clearly portrays the murderous quality of Anat’s martial
in Ugaritic sources is btlt (maiden), which identifies her as
enthusiasm.
an adolescent female, a girl of marriageable age. Iconographic
In contrast with her warlike attributes, Anat is also por-
representations from Egypt and Syria-Palestine depict the
trayed in Ugaritic myth as a compassionate goddess who pa-
goddess as young and nubile, with small breasts and a thin
thetically grieves the death of her brother: “Like the heart of
body. Called “the loveliest of the sisters of Baal,” Anat is also
a cow for its calf, like the heart of a ewe for its lamb, such
a player of the lyre and singer of love songs in Ugaritic narra-
is the heart of Anat for Baal.” On hearing of his death, Anat
tive. Although female, the adolescent goddess engages in the
scours the earth in search of her slain brother’s corpse, which
traditionally masculine pursuits of warfare, hunting, and po-
she then buries with elaborate funerary sacrifices and mourn-
litical intrigue.
ing rites. Anat “gashes her cheeks and her chin” in a heartfelt
Earlier studies often assume that Anat is Baal’s consort.
display of ritual bloodletting. She then humbly entreats Mot,
More recent studies by Peggy Day and Neal Walls, however,
the Ugaritic god of death, to return her brother to her. After
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
320
ANCESTORS: ANCESTOR WORSHIP
her diplomatic efforts have failed, however, Anat reverts to
K. Gottwalk on His Sixty-fifth Birthday, edited by David Jo-
her more characteristic mode and viciously attacks Mot: “She
bling, Peggy L. Day, and Gerald T. Sheppard. Cleveland,
seizes divine Mot; with a blade she splits him, with a sieve
1992.
she winnows him, with fire she burns him, and with mill-
Day, Peggy L. “Anat.” In Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the
stones she grinds him.” Anat scatters his pulverized remains
Bible. 2d ed. Edited by Karel van der Toorn, Bob Becking,
in a field for the birds to consume. This scene of utter annihi-
and Pieter W. van der Horst, pp. 36–43. Leiden, 1999. An
lation demonstrates Anat’s impulsive ferocity, but it also
excellent overview with bibliography.
leads to Baal’s restoration as ruler of the earth. Although the
Parker, Simon B., ed. Ugaritic Narrative Poetry. Atlanta, 1997. Ex-
text is broken at this point, it is clear that Baal returns to
cellent and accessible English translations of the Ugaritic
mythological texts.
power, bringing his fertilizing rains to the thirsty fields in a
Walls, Neal H. The Goddess Anat in Ugaritic Myth. Atlanta, 1992.
renewal of natural fecundity. The maiden Anat’s hostile ac-
tions are thus crucial to the balance of cosmic power and the
NEAL H. WALLS (2005)
continuation of life on the earth in Ugaritic myth.
Anat’s passionate disposition takes on a more sinister
ANCESTORS
quality in the Ugaritic epic of Aqhat. In a scene that is per-
This entry consists of the following articles:
haps related to Hellenistic accounts of Artemis and the Baby-
ANCESTOR WORSHIP
lonian account of Ishtar’s failed seduction of Gilgamesh,
MYTHIC ANCESTORS
Anat attempts to wrest a divinely crafted bow from the
BALTIC CULT OF ANCESTORS
young hero Aqhat. He disdains her offer of gold, silver, and
immortality in exchange for the composite bow and insolent-
ANCESTORS: ANCESTOR WORSHIP
ly informs her that females are not meant to be warriors.
The term ancestor worship designates rites and beliefs con-
Seeking revenge for the insult, Anat eventually has her
cerning deceased kinsmen. Rites of ancestor worship include
henchman murder Aqhat. The bow, however, is lost, and
personal devotions, domestic rites, the ancestral rites of a kin-
Anat tearfully regrets her impulsive actions in killing the
ship group such as a lineage, periodic rites on the death day
young man, an injustice that causes drought and famine in
of the deceased, and annual rites for collectivity of ancestors.
the land. The conclusion to this epic has yet to be recovered.
Generally excluded from the category are rites for the dead
having no specific reference to kinsmen, and beliefs about
Anat was introduced into Egypt during the Hyksos peri-
the dead in general that lack any special reference to kinship.
od (c. 1650–1550 BCE) and became a patron goddess of the
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS AND RESEARCH PROBLEMS.
Ramesside era (c. 1295–1069 BCE) as the “Mistress of the
Ancestor worship has attracted the enduring interest of
Heavens,” a martial goddess who gives victory in battle. Ara-
scholars in many areas of the study of religion. In the late
maic texts from the fifth-century BCE Jewish community in
nineteenth century, it was identified as the most basic form
Elephantine, Egypt, refer to Anat-Bethel ( EntbytDl) and Anat-
of all religion, and subsequent studies of the subject in specif-
Yahu ( Entyhw), which some scholars interpret as references
ic areas have provided a stimulating point of access to related
to the goddess Anat as the consort of the gods Bethel
problems of religion, society, and culture.
(“House of God”) and Yahweh, respectively. Other scholars
translate the word Ent as “providence” or “sign” and under-
The worship of ancestors is closely linked to cosmology
stand it as the cultic hypostasis of the male deity rather than
and worldview, to ideas of the soul and the afterlife, and to
the appearance of Anat in the syncretistic Jewish literature.
a society’s regulation of inheritance and succession. In East
Anat-Bethel also appears in the list of divine witnesses to the
Asia ancestor worship is found combined with the practice
seventh-century Assyrian treaty between King Baal of Tyre
of Buddhism, and ancestral rites compose a major part of the
and Esarhaddon. Hellenistic sources sometimes equate Anat
practice of Confucianism. It is generally acknowledged that
with the virgin warrior Athena, as in a fourth-century BCE
ancestor worship functions to uphold the authority of elders,
bilingual inscription in Phoenician and Greek from Lapethos
to support social control, and to foster conservative and tra-
on Cyprus. Later traditions often identify Anat with other
ditionalist attitudes. In addition, ancestor worship is clearly
Canaanite goddesses, such as Astarte and Atargatis-Derketo.
linked to an ethic of filial piety and obedience to elders.
The institution of ancestor worship is properly regarded
SEE ALSO Baal.
as a religious practice, not as a religion in itself. It is generally
carried out by kinship groups and seldom has a priesthood
BIBLIOGRAPHY
separable from them. It is limited to the practice of the ethnic
Cornelius, Izak. “Anat and Qudshu as the ‘Mistress of Animals’:
group; there is no attempt to proselytize outsiders. Its ethical
Aspects of the Iconography of the Canaanite Goddesses.”
dimension primarily refers to the proper conduct of family
Studi Epigrafici e Linguistici 10 (1993): 21–45.
or kinship relations. It does not have formal doctrine as such;
Day, Peggy L. “Anat: Ugarit’s ‘Mistress of Animals.’” Journal of
where texts exist, these are mainly liturgical manuals. In most
Near Eastern Studies 51 (1992): 181–190.
cases ancestor worship is not the only religious practice of a
Day, Peggy L. “Why Is Anat a Warrior and a Hunter?” In The
society; rather, it exists as part of a more comprehensive reli-
Bible and the Politics of Exegesis: Essays in Honor of Norman
gious system.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANCESTORS: ANCESTOR WORSHIP
321
The meaning of worship in ancestor worship is problem-
wrote that “ancestor worship is the root of every religion.”
atic. Ancestor worship takes a variety of forms in different
According to his view, the cult of heroes originated in the
areas, and its attitudinal characteristics vary accordingly. The
deification of an ancestor, and in fact all deities originate by
ancestors may be regarded as possessing power equivalent to
an analogous process. Spencer’s euhemerist theory rested on
that of a deity and hence may be accorded cult status and
the idea, familiar in the scholarship of his day, that religion
considered able to influence society to the same extent as its
as a whole has a common origin from which its many forms
deities. Typically, the conception of ancestors is strongly in-
derive. Knowledge of this original form would provide the
fluenced by ideas of other supernaturals in the society’s reli-
key to understanding all subsequent developments.
gious system. Ancestors may be prayed to as having the
Somewhat earlier Fustel de Coulanges wrote in La cité
power to grant boons or allay misfortune, but their effective-
antique (1864) that the ancient societies of Greece and Rome
ness is regarded as naturally limited by the bonds of kinship.
were founded upon ancestor worship. Furthermore, when
Thus, a member of a certain lineage prays only to the ances-
the beliefs and practices of ancestor worship were weakened,
tors of that lineage; it would be regarded as nonsensical to
society as a whole was entirely transformed. In the view of
pray to ancestors of any other lineage. Accordingly, members
de Coulanges, Greece and Rome were founded upon a com-
of other lineages are excluded from the ancestral rites of kin-
mon belief in the soul’s continued existence after the body’s
ship groups of which they are not members. The religious
death. The family that continued to worship its ancestors be-
attitudes involved in the worship of ancestors include filial
came society’s basic unit, expanding gradually to the clan di-
piety, respect, sympathy, and sometimes, fear.
visions of gens, phratry, and tribe. Eventually cities were
The rites of death, including funerary and mortuary rit-
founded, governed as quasi-religious associations by patri-
uals, are regarded as falling within the purview of ancestor
cian families.
worship only when memorial rites beyond the period of
death and disposition of the corpse are carried out as a regu-
In Totem and Taboo (1913), Sigmund Freud postulated
lar function of a kinship group. Thus, the funerary rites and
that the belief that the living can be harmed by the dead
occasional memorials common in Europe and the United
serves to reduce guilt experienced toward the dead. That is,
States are not regarded as evidence of ancestor worship.
in kinship relations characterized by conscious affection
However, when ancestors are collectively and regularly ac-
there is inevitably a measure of hostility; however, this hostil-
corded cult status by their descendants, acting as members
ity conflicts with the conscious ideal of affectionate relations
of a kinship group, such practices are regarded as ancestor
and hence must be repressed. Repressed hostility is then pro-
worship.
jected onto the dead and takes the form of the belief that the
dead are malevolent and can harm the living.
Dead or stillborn children, miscarriages, and abortions
are generally conceptually distinguished from ancestors. For
Meyer Fortes considerably refined Freud’s hypothesis
the most part these exceptional deaths are accorded very ab-
on the basis of African material. In Oedipus and Job in West
breviated funeral rites, if any, and they generally receive little
African Religion (1959), Fortes found that among the Tallen-
memorial ritual. Like those who die in youth before mar-
si belief in the continued authority of ancestors, rather than
riage, their fate is regarded as especially pitiable and as a
fear of them, is the principle means of alleviating guilt arising
source of possible harm to the living.
from repressed hostility.
The study of ancestor worship involves several different
Among the Tallensi relations between fathers and sons
questions. How are the ancestors viewed in relation to their
are affectionate, but, because a son cannot attain full jural
descendants? Is ancestor worship in some sense a reflection
authority until his father’s death, sons bear a latent resent-
of actual relations between fathers and sons? In what circum-
ment of their fathers. However, this resentment does not
stances are the ancestors viewed as capable of harming their
manifest itself as belief in the malevolence of the dead. In-
descendants, and is the ancestors’ benevolence or malevo-
stead, the Tallensi believe that the authority of the father is
lence linked to descendants’ sense of guilt toward them?
granted to him by his ancestors, who demand from the son
What can be learned about relations of jural authority from
continued subordination. Thus the function of ancestor wor-
studies of ancestor worship? What is the character of domes-
ship is to reinforce the general, positive valuation of the au-
tic rites? These often seem to reflect a feeling that the dead
thority of elders, quite apart from the individual personality
are still “living” in some sense, that they can be contacted
of any specific ancestor. A related function is to place a posi-
and their advice sought. Studies in this area illumine atti-
tive value upon subordination of the desires of the individual
tudes toward death and reveal a very general perception that
to the collective authority of tribal elders. This value is useful
the dead gradually lose their individual characteristics and
in ensuring the continued solidarity of the group.
merge into an impersonal collectivity. A recent topic of re-
In Death, Property, and the Ancestors (1966), Jack Goody
search concerns the differing attitudes of women and men
studied ancestor worship among the LoDagaa of West Afri-
toward ancestors.
ca. Property to be inherited by descendants is not distributed
ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN THE HISTORY OF THE STUDY OF
until the death of the father. Prevented from commanding
RELIGION. In Principles of Sociology (1877) Herbert Spencer
the full possession of this property, a son experiences a sub-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
322
ANCESTORS: ANCESTOR WORSHIP
conscious wish for the father’s death. Repression of this guilt
entire religious system and a point of reference for the con-
takes the form of the belief that the dead have eternal rights
ceptualization of all social relations. The Ewe believe that the
to the property they formerly held. In order to enjoy those
human being has two souls. Before birth the being resides
rights, the dead must receive sacrifices from the living. If sac-
in the spirit world; it comes into this world when it finds a
rifices are not forthcoming, the ancestors will afflict their de-
mother, and it returns to the spirit world at death. This cycle
scendants with sickness and misfortune. Thus beliefs con-
of movement through the realms is perpetual. The ancestors
cerning ancestral affliction are inextricably linked to social
are invoked with libations on all ceremonial occasions. Rites
issues of inheritance and succession.
range from simple, personal libations to complicated rituals
In “Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors,” Arthur Wolf (1974)
involving an entire lineage. During a ritual, the soul of the
shows how Chinese concepts of a variety of supernatural be-
ancestor returns to be fed through the ceremonial stool that
ings closely correspond to social reality. In particular, the
serves as its shrine. In addition to individual stools, there is
conception of ancestors replicates perceptions of parents, el-
a lineage stool for lineage ancestors that is kept wrapped in
ders, and other kin. This is not to say that the living and dead
silks or velvet.
are not distinguished, but that the same relations of authority
The studies of Igor Kopytoff (1971) on the Suku of
and obedience are found among the living and in their rites
Zaire raise the question of the appropriateness of the term
for their ancestors.
ancestor worship. The Suku have no term that can be translat-
ANCESTOR WORSHIP IN PRACTICE. This section describes
ed as “ancestor”; they make no terminological distinction be-
the practice of ancestor worship in various cultural areas and
tween the dead and the living. A single set of principles regu-
in relation to several religious traditions.
lates relations between seniors and juniors. The dividing line
Africa. Ancestor worship normally forms only one as-
between living and dead does not affect those principles.
pect of an African people’s religion. A person without de-
Thus it may be said among the Suku ancestor worship is an
scendants cannot become an ancestor, and in order to
extension of lineage relations between elders and their ju-
achieve ancestorhood, proper burial, with rites appropriate
niors. Furthermore, lineages must be considered as commu-
to the person’s status, is necessary. After an interval following
nities of both living and dead. The powers attributed to an-
death, a deceased person who becomes an ancestor is no lon-
cestors can only be seen as a projection of the powers of living
ger perceived as an individual. Personal characteristics disap-
elders. In this sense the term ancestor worship can be mis-
pear from the awareness of the living, and only the value of
leading.
the ancestor as a moral exemplar remains. Ancestors are be-
Melanesia. Ancestors are one of many types of spirits
lieved to be capable of intervening in human affairs, but only
recognized by Melanesian tribal peoples. Regarding the role
in the defined area of their authority, that is, among their
of ancestor worship in tribal life, Roy A. Rappaport’s study
descendants.
Pigs for the Ancestors (1977) presents an innovative approach
In an important study of African ancestor worship, Max
not seen in the study of ancestor worship in other areas.
Gluckman (1937) established the distinction between ances-
Among the highland Tsembaga, ancestral ritual is part of a
tor worship and the cult of the dead. Ancestors represent pos-
complex ecological system in which a balanced cycle of abun-
itive moral forces who can cause or prevent misfortune and
dance and scarcity is regulated. Yam gardens are threatened
who require that their descendants observe a moral code.
by the unhindered growth of the pig population, and human
The cult of the dead, on the other hand, is not exclusively
beings must supplement their starch-based diet with protein.
directed to deceased kinsmen, but to the spirits of the dead
Propelling this cycle is a belief that pigs must be sacrificed
in general. Here spirits are prayed to for the achievement of
to the ancestors in great numbers. These sacrifices provide
amoral or antisocial ends, whereas ancestors can be peti-
the Tsembaga with protein in great quantity. Pigs sacrificed
tioned only for ends that are in accord with basic social prin-
when someone dies or in connection with intertribal warfare
ciples.
supplement the ordinary diet of yams, which is adequate for
Among the Edo the deceased is believed to progress
ordinary activity but not for periods of stress. Thus ancestor
through the spirit world on a course that parallels the prog-
worship plays a vital role in the ecological balance of the tribe
ress of his son and other successors. Events in this world are
in its environment.
punctuated by rites and are believed to have a counterpart
India. Ancestor worship in India takes a variety of
in the spirit world. Thus it may be twenty years before a spir-
forms, depending upon the area and the ethnic group con-
it is finally merged into the collective dead and descendants
cerned; however, providing food for the dead is a basic and
can receive their full complement of authority. In this sense
widespread practice. Orthodox Hindu practice centers on an
the ancestors continue to exert authority over their descen-
annual rite between August and September that includes of-
dants long after death. Until that authority ceases, the son
fering sacred rice balls (pin:d:a) to the ancestors. The Laws of
must perform rites as prescribed and behave in approved
Manu includes specific instructions for ancestral offerings.
ways.
Descendants provide a feast for the brahmans, and the merit
Among the Ewe of Ghana, ancestor worship is an im-
of this act is transferred to the ancestors. The feast itself is
portant focal point of the whole society. It is the basis of the
called the S´ra¯ddha. The form of this rite varies depending
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANCESTORS: ANCESTOR WORSHIP
323
on whether it is observed during a funeral or in subsequent,
enous theories of the soul. First of all, since Zhou times
annual observances. Texts prescribe ritual purifications and
(c. 1123–221 BCE) the idea of the soul as the pale, ghostly
preparations in detail.
shadow of a man has been a perduring notion found in pop-
ular stories. These apparitions are called gui, meaning de-
Buddhism. Based on a canonical story, the All Souls
mons, devils, and ghosts, as opposed to shen, the benevolent
Festival, or Avalambana, is observed throughout Southeast
spirits of ancestors (a word used also to refer to all deities).
and East Asia. The story concerns one of the Buddha’s disci-
ples, Maudgalya¯yana, known for skill in meditation and su-
Together with this idea of the ghostly soul there devel-
pranormal powers. The mother of Maudgalya¯yana appeared
oped a conception of the soul in terms of yin and yang. Ac-
to her son in a dream and revealed to him that she was suffer-
cording to this theory, the yin portion of the soul, called po,
ing innumerable tortures in the blackest hell because of her
may turn into a gui and cause misfortune if descendants do
karman. Through magic Maudgalya¯yana visited his mother
not perform proper ancestral rites. If the po is satisfactorily
in hell, but his power was of no avail in securing her release.
placated, however, it will rest peacefully. Meanwhile, the
Eventually the Buddha instructed him to convene an assem-
yang portion of the soul, called hun, associated with shen, will
bly of the priesthood, which then would recite su¯tras and
bless and protect descendants and their families. Thus Chi-
transfer the merit of those rites to ancestors. In other words,
nese ancestral rites have been motivated simultaneously by
descendants must utilize the mediation of the priesthood in
the fear of the vengeful dead and by the hope for ancestral
order to benefit ancestors. The result is an annual festival,
blessings.
traditionally observed on the day of the full moon of the
Chinese ancestor worship can be seen as two separate
eighth lunar month. At this festival special su¯tra recitations
cults: one that expresses the unity of a lineage of lineage-
and offering rites for the ancestors are held in Buddhist tem-
segment, the so-called hall cult, and another directed to the
ples, and domestic rites differing in each country are per-
recently deceased members of a household, the domestic
formed. In addition to rites for ancestors, observances for the
cult. Lineage observances center upon an ancestral hall in
“hungry ghosts” and for spirits who have died leaving no de-
which tablets representing lineage ancestors are enshrined
scendants are performed.
and worshiped by descendants in a Confucian mode. Do-
Although one of the key concepts in early Indian Bud-
mestic rites center upon daily offerings at a home altar. Lin-
dhism was the idea of no-soul (ana¯tman), in fact the idea of
eage ritual tends to formality and the expression of senti-
a soul is widely accepted in East Asia. The idea of rebirth in
ments of obedience to the authority of ancestors and elders
human, heavenly, and subhuman forms is found combined
as a group, whereas domestic ritual focuses upon the expres-
with the idea that an eternal soul rests in an ancestral tablet
sion of individual sentiments and continued relations be-
or inhabits a world of the dead. The contradictions involved
tween descendants and particular deceased individuals.
in this complex of ideas are not generally addressed as prob-
Chinese ancestor worship is closely linked to property
lematic by those who hold them.
inheritance; every deceased individual must receive offerings
In East Asia today the performance of ancestral and fu-
from at least one descendant who will provide him with sus-
neral ritual provides the Buddhist clergy with one of its great-
tenance in the next life. However, a specific person is only
est sources of revenue, a tendency particularly marked in
required to worship those ancestors from whom he has re-
Japan. The Buddhist clergy is typically employed to recite
ceived property.
su¯tras for the dead and to enshrine ancestral tablets in tem-
Confucianism. Confucianism lays heavy emphasis
ples.
upon the correct practice of ancestral ritual. Special attention
Shamanism. Throughout East Asia ancestor worship is
is given to minute details concerning the content and ar-
found in close association with shamanistic practices. Sha-
rangement of offerings, proper dress, gesture and posture,
manism in East Asia today consists in large part of mediumis-
and the order of precedence in appearing before ancestral al-
tic communications in which the shaman enters a trance and
tars. According to the Book of Family Ritual of the neo-
divines the present condition of a client’s ancestors. These
Confucian scholar Zhu Xi, the Zhuzi jiali, commemoration
practices are based on the folk notion that if a person suffers
of ancestors became primarily a responsibility of eldest sons,
from an unusual or seemingly unwarranted affliction, the an-
and women were excluded from officiating roles in the cele-
cestors may be the cause. If the ancestors are suffering, if they
bration of rites.
are displeased with their descendants’ conduct, or if they are
The highest virtue in Confucian doctrine is filial piety,
offered inappropriate or insufficient ritual, they may cause
quintessentially expressed in the worship of ancestors. When
some harm to come to their descendants. However, it is only
Buddhism was first introduced to China, one of Confucian-
rarely that this belief is straightforwardly expressed as the
ism’s strongest arguments against it was the assertion that
proposition that ancestors willfully, malevolently afflict their
Buddhism was in essence opposed to filial piety and was like-
descendants.
ly to disrupt the practice of ancestor worship. If sons took
Chinese ancestor worship. An important component
the tonsure and failed to perform ancestral rites, then not
at work in the metaphysics of Chinese ancestor cults is indig-
only would spirits in the other world suffer from lack of ritu-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
324
ANCESTORS: ANCESTOR WORSHIP
al attention but social relations in society would also be un-
worship in some form. Reiyukai Kyodan (Association of
dermined.
Friends of the Spirits) represents a rare example of a religious
group in which worship of ancestors is the main focus of in-
In traditional Chinese society gravesites are located
dividual and collective rites. Reverence for ancestors in the
through a geomancer. Based upon the idea that an ideal con-
new religions and in Japanese society in general is closely
fluence of “winds and waters” (feng-shui) benefits the dead
linked to social and political conservatism and to a tradition-
and their descendants, a geomancer seeks a site in which the
alist preference for the social mores of the past.
burial urn can be nestled in the curve of rolling hills and near
running water. This combination of cosmic forces is believed
SEE ALSO Afterlife, article on Chinese Concepts; Domestic
to benefit the dead and to facilitate their progress in the other
Observances, article on Chinese Practices; Family; Genealo-
world. Lineages compete fiercely with one another for these
gy; Soul, article on Chinese Concepts.
scarce resources and may even forcibly remove unprotected
urns so that new ones may occupy auspicious sites.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ahern, Emily. The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village. Stanford,
Korea. In Korea women and men hold quite different
Calif., 1973. A comprehensive study of ancestor worship in
images of ancestors. A woman marries away from her natal
Taiwan that clarifies the relation between lineage and domes-
village and enters her husband’s household under the author-
tic observances.
ity of his mother and father. The wife’s relations with her
Blacker, Carmen. The Catalpa Bow. London, 1975. An evocative
husband’s kin are expected to be characterized by strife and
study of shamanistic and ancestral practices in Japanese folk
competition. Her membership in the husband’s lineage is
religion.
tenuous and is never fully acknowledged in ritual until her
Freedman, Maurice. Lineage Organization in Southeastern China
death. Because women’s relation to the lineage is strained in
(1958). London, 1965. An anthropological study of lineage
these ways, they hold more negative views of the ancestors
organization that establishes the distinction between hall and
than do men. Women’s negative conceptions are expressed
domestic ancestral cults and includes valuable material on
in the idea that ancestors maliciously harm their descendants
geomancy.
by afflicting them with disease and misfortune. Men worship
Gluckman, Max. “Mortuary Customs and the Belief in Survival
ancestors in Confucian rites from which women are exclud-
after Death among the South-Eastern Bantu.” Bantu Studies
ed, while women perform rites for ancestors in a shamanic
11 (June 1937): 117–136.
mode, utilizing widespread networks of shamans, most of
Groot, J. J. M. de. The Religious System of China (1892). 6 vols.
whom are women. This gender-based bifurcation in ancestor
Taipei, 1967. A comprehensive study of Chinese religions
worship is a special characteristic of Korean tradition.
with rich data on ancestor worship, principally from Amoy.
Hardacre, Helen. Lay Buddhism in Contemporary Japan: Reiyukai
Japan. Since the Tokugawa period (1600–1868) Japa-
Kyodan. Princeton, 1984. A study of a new religion of Japan
nese ancestor worship has mainly been carried out in a Bud-
with special reference to ancestor worship.
dhist mode, though Shinto¯ rites also exist. As in China, an-
Janelli, Dawnhee Yim, and Roger L. Janelli. Ancestor Worship in
cestral ritual reflects relations of authority and inheritance,
Korean Society. Stanford, Calif., 1982. A study of Korean an-
but instead of lineage rites, rites are performed by main and
cestor worship with special reference to gender differences in
branch households of the traditional family system, the ie.
belief and practice.
Branch families (bunke) accept the ritual centrality of the
Jordan, David K. Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors: The Folk Religion of
main household (honke) by participating in its rites in a sub-
a Taiwanese Village. Chicago, 1969. A study of ancestor wor-
ordinate status. The honke does not reciprocate. In addition
ship and related phenomena, especially spirit marriage, in
to honke-bunke rites, domestic rites performed before a Bud-
Taiwan.
dhist altar are a prominent feature of Japanese ancestral
Kopytoff, Igor. “Ancestors as Elders in Africa.” Africa 41 (April
worship.
1971): 129–142.
In Ancestor Worship in Contemporary Japan (1973) Rob-
Newell, William H., ed. Ancestors. The Hague, 1976. A useful col-
ert Smith demonstrates that sympathy often provokes the
lection of essays on aspects of ancestor worship, especially in
Africa and Japan.
Japanese to enshrine the tablets of entirely unrelated persons
in their own domestic altars. They may also keep duplicate
Takeda Choshu. Sosen suhai. Tokyo, 1971. A study of Japanese
tablets out of personal attachment to a deceased person and
ancestor worship with special reference to Buddhism.
with no feeling that sanctions will be forthcoming if they fail
Wolf, Arthur P. “Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors.” In his Religion
to do so. Thus, in addition to its reflection of kinship
and Ritual in Chinese Society, pp. 131–182. Stanford, Calif.,
relations, ancestor worship becomes a means of expressing
1974.
affection.
Xu, Francis L. K. Under the Ancestors’ Shadow. New York, 1948.
A classic study of Chinese ancestor worship.
The “new religions” of Japan are a group of several hun-
Yanagita Kunio. Senzo no hanashi. Tokyo, 1946. Translated by
dred associations that have appeared in the nineteenth and
F. H. Mayer and Ishiwara Yasuyo as About Our Ancestors
twentieth centuries. Whether their doctrine is derived from
(Tokyo, 1970). A folkloristic view of Japanese ancestor wor-
Shinto¯ or Buddhism, most reserve a special place for ancestor
ship and its place in Japanese culture.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANCESTORS: MYTHIC ANCESTORS
325
New Sources
mise. Thus, humans are not androgynous but rather com-
Friesen, Steven J. Ancestors in Post-Contact Religion: Roots, Rup-
posed of two sexes; they are not amphibious but essentially
tures, and Modernity’s Memory. Cambridge, Mass., 2001.
terrestrial; they do not live continuously in a perfect state of
Lee, Kwang Kyu. “The Concept of Ancestors and Ancestor Wor-
illumination (composed of equal parts of dark and light), as
ship in Korea.” Asian Folklore Studies 43, no. 2 (1984): 199–
was the original intention of Amma, but in two alternating
214.
modes of full light and darkness. In addition to this, the op-
posing natures of the obedient and the malevolent twin, who
HELEN HARDACRE (1987)
Revised Bibliography
are the ancestors of all human beings on earth, define modes
of life throughout the universe.
In myths of this kind we are able to recognize what Mir-
ANCESTORS: MYTHIC ANCESTORS
cea Eliade (1969) identified as two forms of primordiality.
There is, first of all, the primordiality defined by the great
Cosmogonic myths are narratives that depict the creation of
creator deities who brought the world into being. Their cre-
the world by divine beings. In many cosmogonic myths a su-
ativity is inaccessible to ordinary human beings and they ap-
preme being or high god creates the world, after which other
pear remote and unconcerned with the human condition.
divine beings come into being, who in the form of culture
There is another primordiality that can be recognized in the
heroes or other types of gods reveal the realm of the sacred,
tension and rupture between the creator deities and other de-
death, sexuality, sacred geography, and the methods of food
ities who enter upon adventures and exploits that define the
production. The narrative of the cosmogonic myth moves
archetypal modes for human existence. Through these activi-
from the initial creation of the world to the revelation of the
ties, the creator deities bring the sacred into the existential
archetypal actions and gestures of divine beings and culture
modes of human existence and are seen as the ancestors of
heroes, thus describing a sacred history of primordial times.
human beings.
These divine beings and culture heroes form the ancestral
lineages of the human race. The situation of the human race
In some cultures, the cosmogonic myths make no refer-
is based upon the activities, adventures, discoveries, and dis-
ence to great creator deities. The narrative begins with the
appearance of these first creative ancestors, who appeared in
second primordiality and the action is that of the culture
sacred history.
hero, whose actions create the human condition. Among the
PRIMORDIAL RUPTURES. In the Mesopotamian myth Enuma
Kwakiutl Indians of North America, the culture hero is
elish, a tension develops between the first creators and their
Transformer and comes upon the scene as a human being
offspring. This tension leads to a rupture in the initial cre-
living in a human family. Whenever he discovers human de-
ation and a struggle between its gods and their offspring. In
ceit or error, he transforms the human being into a bird or
the ensuing battle, the foundation is established for human
other animal, thus filling the landscape with the food supply
existence. In the Enuma elish, the god Marduk is the leader
necessary for human existence. In this manner Transformer
of the offspring who fight Tiamat, the mother. In the battle
sets the rules for the production and consumption of food
Tiamat is slain, and her body becomes the earth on which
and for reincarnation (to ensure a continuous supply of
human beings live. Certain archetypes for human existence
food). Prior to the actions of Transformer there is no order
are established as a result of this battle: the cooperation be-
in the cosmos. After his participation in the production of
tween the offspring gods becomes a model for cooperative
the food supply, all other forms of order—within the family,
enterprise among human beings, which the death of Tiamat
society, and so on—come into being. The chiefs of the seg-
affirms. In the biblical myth of the Book of Genesis, Adam
mented social units (numaym) are each related to an animal
and Eve live in Paradise with the creator god. When they sin
ancestor. In fact, following upon the transformation of hu-
they become the archetypal ancestors of the human commu-
mans into animals, the Kwakiutl believe that animals and
nity, for they now must experience sexuality, birth, labor,
spirits lead lives that are exactly equivalent to those of human
and death, the universal lot of all human beings.
beings. Animals are considered to be human beings who are
wearing masks and costumes created by their animal forms.
A Dogon myth from West Africa describes a similar sit-
uation. The god Amma began creation by first forming a cos-
The second primordiality also dominates the myth of
mic egg, in which the embryos of twin deities matured; they
what Adolf E. Jensen (1963) has called “cultivator cultures.”
were to become perfect beings. One of the twins became im-
In a myth cited from the Indonesian island of Ceram, he de-
patient and decided to leave the egg before maturation. In
scribes a type of deity referred to by the indigenous peoples
so doing it tore out part of the placenta and fell to what is
as a dema deity. The activity of these deities goes back to the
now the earth, creating a place of habitation from the torn
end of the first primordial period. They sometimes possess
placenta of the egg. This was an incomplete creation, howev-
human form and at other times animal form. The decisive
er, and Amma, to rectify the situation, sacrificed the other
event in their lives is the killing of one dema deity by another,
twin. Even with this sacrifice, the creation could not be made
which establishes the human condition. Before the death of
perfect. Instead of creating perfect beings who were both an-
the dema, the human condition is not characterized by sexual
drogynous and amphibious, Amma was forced to compro-
differentiation or death; it is only after the death of the dema
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
326
ANCESTORS: MYTHIC ANCESTORS
that these aspects come into existence. The dema come at the
The ancestors as founders of a city establish the arche-
end of primordial time and are thus the first of all human
types for all domesticated space. The normalization of activi-
ancestors. Through the death of the dema, human beings are
ties in the space of the city, whether in terms of family struc-
accepted again within their community. In myths of this
tures or the public meanings of space, are guaranteed by the
kind the ancestors are gods, heroes, or divine beings, who
founding ancestor. All other establishments or reestablish-
through their actions make possible and render meaningful
ments of cities will follow the model of the archetypal ges-
the human condition as it is, with all of its possibilities and
tures of the founding ancestor of the city. The ruler of the
limitations, and it is through them that the human condition
city represents and symbolizes the presence of the divine an-
possesses a divine presence.
cestor, and elaborate rituals of rulership take place at certain
temporal intervals to commemorate and reestablish the
Ancestors not only set forth the general and universal
founding gestures.
human condition; they are also the founders of clans, fami-
DEATH. In some myths death enters the world because of an
lies, moieties, and other segments of the human community.
action, inaction, or quarrel among the creator deities. They
N. D. Fustel de Coulanges’s classic work The Ancient City
may have simply forgotten to tell human beings whether they
(1901) describes how ancient Greek and Roman families
were immortal or not, or the creator deity allows death to
were founded by ancestors who were heroes or divine beings.
enter the world. In a myth from Madagascar two gods create
The family cult was at once the basis for the order and main-
human beings: the earth god forms them from wood and
tenance of the family and a cult of the ancestor. Similar no-
clay, the god of heaven gives them life. Human beings die
tions are present among Australian Aborigines, where each
so that they may return to the origins of their being.
totemic group has its own totemic ancestor who controls the
food supply and is the basis for authority and marriages
In most mythic scenarios, however, death is the result
among the groups. In almost the same manner, the Tucano
of a sacred history that introduces the second meaning of pri-
Indians of Colombia understand their origins as arising from
mordiality. Through ignorance, interdiction, or violence, a
mythical ancestors, the Desána, who revealed all the forms
break is made by the divine offspring from the creator deity,
of nature and modes of being to the human community.
and in this rupture is the origin of death. The origin of the
abode of the dead is equally located in this event, for, in the
An exemplary expression of the cult of ancestors is
mythic scenarios, the rupture creates divisions in space
found in Chinese religions. It is the duty of Chinese sons to
among which a place of the dead comes into being. For ex-
provide for and revere their parents in this life and the life
ample, in the Dogon myth mentioned above, the placenta
after death; this is a relationship of reciprocity. The house-
of the god Amma is the earth, and at death one returns to
hold is composed of the living and the dead; the ancestors
the earth which was the original stuff of creation.
provide and sustain the foundations of spiritual order upon
which the family is based, while the living keep the family
Funerary rituals are very important, for they assure that
in motion. The living are always under the tacit judgment
the dead will arrive in the correct manner at the abode of the
of their ancestors, on account of which they attempt to con-
ancestors. The souls of the dead must be instructed and led
duct their lives in an honorable manner.
on the right path lest they become lost. At death the deceased
is vulnerable and subject to the attack of malevolent spirits.
THE FOUNDING OF CITIES. Not only do divine ancestors
Funerary rituals prescribe the correct behavior and route to
and culture heroes form the lineages of families and totemic
be taken by the dead to the land of the ancestors.
groups, they are equally present at the beginnings of almost
every city foundation in ancient and traditional cultures.
SEE ALSO Animals; Archetypes; Center of the World; Cities;
Cain in the biblical story is the culture hero who founds the
Cosmogony; Culture Heroes; Death; Deus Otiosus; Fall,
city of Enoch; Romulus is the founder of Rome; Quetzal-
The; Funeral Rites; Totemism.
coatl, of Tollan. In Southeast Asia, the founding of states and
kingship follow the archetypes of the Hindu god Indra.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A general discussion of cosmogonic myths can be found in my
The founding of a city may be a response to the experi-
Alpha: The Myths of Creation (New York, 1963). For Mircea
ence of a hierophany. Hierophanies of space, or ceremonial
Eliade’s discussion of the two types of primordiality, see
centers, are revelations of the sacred meaning of space itself.
“Cosmogonic Myth and Sacred History,” in his The Quest
The divine beings or culture heroes who found cities derive
(Chicago, 1969). For ancient Near Eastern myths, see An-
their power from such sacred ceremonial centers. In some
cient Near Eastern Texts relating to the Old Testament, 3d ed.,
cases, a sacrifice is necessary to appease the gods of the loca-
edited by J. B. Pritchard (Princeton, 1969). N. D. Fustel de
Coulanges’s The Ancient City (1901), 12th ed. (Baltimore,
tion; thus, many of the myths involving the founding of cit-
1980), remains the best general introduction to Greek and
ies relate a story of twins, one of whom is killed or sacrificed,
Roman religion dealing with the meaning of ancestors. Jo-
as in the case of Cain’s slaying of Abel, or Romulus’s murder
seph Rykwert’s The Idea of a Town (Princeton, 1976) is a
of Remus. In one of the mythological cycles of Quetzalcoatl,
brilliant discussion of the myths and rituals of the founding
for example, a magical combat takes place in which Quetzal-
of Rome. Paul Wheatley’s The Pivot of the Four Quarters
coatl kills his uncle.
(Chicago, 1971) is the best work on the meaning of the cere-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANCESTORS: BALTIC CULT OF ANCESTORS
327
monial center as the basis for the founding of cities. Robert
most important work on pre-Christian Baltic religion con-
Heine-Geldern’s “Conceptions of State and Kingship in
tinues to be Marija Gimbutas’s The Balts (1963) and Wil-
Southeast Asia,” Far Eastern Quarterly 2 (November 1942):
helm Mannhardt’s Letto-Preussische Götterlehre (Latvian-
15–30, describes state and urban foundation in Southeast
Prussian mythology, 1936), in which Mannhardt analyzes
Asia. Davíd Carrasco presents the full cycle of the myths, his-
works by various authors.
tories, and city foundations of Quetzalcoatl in Quetzalcoatl
and the Irony of Empire (Chicago, 1982). For the Tucano In-
LATVIA. The pre–World War II era is considered the most
dians of Colombia, see Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff’s Amazo-
productive period in research on pre-Christian Baltic religion
nian Cosmos (Chicago, 1971). Adolf E. Jensen’s Myth and
and the cult of ancestors. The most important studies to
Cult among Primitive Peoples (Chicago, 1963), is the best
come out of this period were by Pe¯teris Sˇmits, Ma¯rtin¸ˇs
general work on the religious meaning of culture heroes and
Brun¸enieks, Ka¯rlis Straubergs, and Ludvigs Adamovicˇs.
dema deities. For China, see Raymond Dawson’s The Chinese
Sˇmits, in his 1918 study Latvieˇsu mitolog‘ija (Latvian mythol-
Experience (London, 1978). Dominique Zahan’s The Reli-
gion, Spirituality, and Thought of Traditional Africa (Chicago,
ogy), considers ancestor worship as a particularly important
1979) places the meaning of ancestors within the general
building block in the worldview of humanity. With that in
structures of African religions. Hans Abrahamsson’s The Ori-
mind, he describes Latvian mourning practices, the concept
gin of Death (Uppsala, 1951), is still the best study of the
of an afterlife, and the religious images that link humans to
myths of death in Africa. For the ancestors of the Dinka, a
the world of the dead, and he compares these to traditions
cattle-raising people in Africa, see Godfrey Lienhardt’s Di-
of other cultures. Ma¯rtin¸ˇs Brun¸enieks, in his comparative
vinity and Experience: The Religion of the Dinka (Oxford,
study Senlatvieˇsu relig‘iskais pasaules uzskats (Ancient Latvian
1961). Jack Goody’s Death, Property and the Ancestors (Stan-
religious views of the world, 1937), applies the animism the-
ford, 1962) is a detailed study of death and funerary rituals
ory to analyze the Baltic cult of ancestors and compares it
among the LoDagaa of West Africa. Stanley Wallens’s Feast-
to the religious beliefs of other peoples, such as the Babylo-
ing with Cannibals (Princeton, 1981) is a study of the mean-
nians, the Egyptians, and the Greeks. In Senlatvieˇsu relig‘ija
ing of ancestors among the Kwakiutl.
agr¯ına¯ dzelzs laikmeta¯ (The religion of ancient Latvians in the
CHARLES H. LONG (1987)
early Iron Age, 1930), Adamovicˇs devotes special sections to
ancestor worship, examining archeological materials, written
historical records from the thirteenth century on, document-
ed accounts, ethnographic descriptions and folklore texts,
ANCESTORS: BALTIC CULT OF ANCESTORS
and folk beliefs and songs recorded in the nineteenth
Despite the cultural and historical similarities between the
century.
Baltic peoples of Latvia and Lithuania, several different ap-
proaches to research on Baltic religion have developed. Lith-
Eduards Sˇturms analyzes burial practices of the Baltic
uanian scholars, who consider relics of the cult of ancestors
peoples in Chroniku un senrakstu zin¸as par baltu tautu b¯e¸ru
as part of their pre-Christian world, have primarily studied
paraˇsa¯m (Information on Baltic burial practices sourced
written sources, drawing as well on archaeological, linguistic,
from chronicles and ancient texts, 1938), using historical
folklore, and ethnographic data. By contrast, in reconstruct-
sources from the thirteenth, fourteenth, and first half of the
ing the Latvian religious tradition, Latvian scholars have
fifteenth century. Using archaeological data, Sˇturms sepa-
looked to not only the previously mentioned sources, but
rates out distinct Baltic peoples consisting of Prussians,
they have leaned heavily on information found in a specific
Curonians, Zhemaits, and Aukshtaitians, and he describes
folklore genre, that of poetic quatrains called dainas, the ma-
their burial practices. In Lettisk folktro om de döda (Latvian
jority of which are intended to be sung. Dainas have a specif-
folk beliefs about the dead, 1949), Ka¯rlis Straubergs looks
ic formulaic structure and are characterized by a high level
at burial practices and the Baltic concept of the afterlife with-
of abstraction, as well as a functional realism. These charac-
in the context of ancestor worship by other European na-
teristics allowed strata of archaic, cultural, and historical in-
tions. Similar aspects of the Latvian ancestor cult are dis-
formation to survive up to the time when dainas were first
cussed in other works by the same author. For example,
written down during the second half of the nineteenth centu-
Straubergs deals exclusively with this topic in his essay
ry. In these quatrains are found such religious beings from
“Hanovijs par dve¯se¸lu kultu pie latvieˇsiem” (Hanovijs on the
the pre-Christian era as the mother of the shades, the mother
cult of the dead among Latvians, 1925). Straubergs also in-
of graves, the mother of sand, and the mother of the earth,
cludes material on the cult of ancestors within the larger con-
complete with elaborate character portraits and descriptions
text of Latvian sacral issues in books like Pa¯r devin¸i novadin¸i
of their respective spheres of influence.
(Across the country, 1995) and in his collection of essays,
Latvju kultu¯ra (Latvian culture, 1948).
Few in-depth studies have been done either in Latvia or
Lithuania on the question of ancestor worship. With the ex-
Osvalds L¯ıdaks’s Latvieˇsu sv¯etki: Latvieˇsu svinama¯s
ception of a number of monographs, the most significant
dienas (Latvian feasts: Latvian calendar festivities, 1940s/
work in this field consists of isolated references within de-
1991) describes, based on Latvian folklore material, annual
scriptive and analytical works on Baltic religion and cultural
Latvian celebrations, including those linked to the cult of an-
traditions regarding family feasts and calendar festivities. The
cestors. Haralds Biezais’s Germanische und Baltische Religion
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
328
ANCESTORS: BALTIC CULT OF ANCESTORS
(German and Baltic religion, 1975) offers an in-depth analy-
Beresnevicˇius’s article “Prote˙viu˛ kultas: Ve˙liu˛ maitinimas”
sis of the Baltic and Latvian view of the world, including a
(Ancestor worship: Feeding of the dead, 1996), in which he
discussion of the cult of ancestors and related deities.
interprets the semantics of the Lithuanian cult of ancestors
and the factors behind its development based on historical,
Among later works that include some references to an-
archaeological, ethnographic, and folklore material. Aru¯nas
cestor worship, Ed¯ıte Olupe’s Latvieˇsu gadska¯rtu ierazˇas
Vaicekauskas’s “Nekrokultas kalendorine˙se apeigose” (Cal-
(Latvian calendar festivity traditions, 1992) contains a seg-
endar festivity customs of the cult of ancestors, 1999) em-
ment describing season-based ancestor worship. In a doctoral
phasizes that at the end of the nineteenth century and the
thesis titled “Priekˇsstati par miruˇso pasauli latvieˇsu be¯ru
beginning of the twentieth century the cult of ancestors was
tautasdziesma¯s” (Concepts of the world of the dead in Latvi-
an integral part of agricultural rituals; its followers viewed it
an burial folksongs, 1992) Guntis Pakalns charts the location
as inseparable from nature and the concept of life and death
of the world of the dead in the binary world model as de-
as a unified whole. Daiva Vaitkevicˇiene˙ and Vykintas
scribed in Latvian mythological concepts. The unique fea-
Vaitkevicˇius’s “Mirtis, laidotuve˙s ir atminai” (Death, burial,
tures of Latvian burial practices and afterlife concepts as re-
and prayers for the souls of the dead, 1998) provides an anal-
flected in Latvian folklore have also been examined by Jan¯ına
ysis, based on archeological and historical sources, of ances-
Kurs¯ıte in Latvieˇsu folklora m¯ıtu spogul¯ı (Latvian folklore in
tor cult characteristics, and also interprets mythological and
the mirror of mythology, 1996) and M¯ıtiskais folklora¯,
religious concepts reflected in Lithuanian ethnography.
literatu¯ra¯, ma¯ksla¯ (The mythical in folklore, literature, and
art, 1999). Kurs¯ıte has also delved into the semantics of two
THE CULT OF ANCESTORS AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTY-
Latvian religious beings associated with the worship of ances-
FIRST CENTURY. Socially significant forms of ancestor wor-
tors: Zemes ma¯te (the mother of the earth) and Ve¸lu ma¯te
ship, both in Latvia and Lithuania, fit into Christian-
(the mother of the shades). Additionally, an analysis of the
oriented beliefs and religious practices and are influenced by
comparative Latvian and Lithuanian traditions of the feeding
the traditions of all denominations. In Lithuania, ancestor
of dead souls and the development of those traditions over
worship coincides with the Catholic calendar, according to
time can be found in Ru¯ta Muktupa¯vela’s essay “Ubagu
which November 2 is Ve˙line˙s, a day devoted to the remem-
mieloˇsana: Zˇe¯lsird¯ıba vai kontraktua¯la¯ darb¯ıba”(The feeding
brance of the dead and designated as a national holiday. On
of beggars: Charity or contractual act, 1997).
this day Lithuanians light candles, place flowers on graves,
and attend special church services dedicated to the departed.
LITHUANIA. In Lithuania, Jonas Basanavicˇius was one of the
Within the family the dead are also remembered on Christ-
first scholars to do a comparative analysis of the Baltic per-
mas Eve in a festival called Ku¯cˇios, named for a ritual meal
spective and beliefs on life after death. In Iˇs gyvenimo v˙eliu˛
of sprouted grains and honey. Even today the mistress of the
ir velniu˛ (From the lives of dead souls and devils, 1903)
household will leave a portion of the Christmas feast on the
Basanavicˇius begins his study of an extensive folklore collec-
table all night to feed the souls of the dead.
tion by examining Baltic (Prussian, Latvian, and Lithuanian)
ancestral culture. The book contains information on burial
The Latvian Dead Souls Remembrance Day falls on the
and remembrance practices from the ninth to the nineteenth
last Sunday in November, but it has not been designated a
centuries, drawn from historical sources as well as from ar-
national holiday. However, Latvians, unlike Lithuanians,
chaeological digs of the late nineteenth century. Jonas Balys’s
continue to celebrate Kapu sve¯tki (literally, “graveyard cele-
Dvasios ir zˇmon˙es: Liaudies sakm˙es (Dead souls and people:
bration,” with the meaning of “celebration of ancestral burial
Folk tales, 1951) and Mirtis ir laidotuv˙es (Death and burial,
places”), which includes features of ancestor worship. This
1981) cite and comment on Lithuanian folktales and beliefs
celebration typically takes place in the second half of summer
recorded before World War II about the dead and life after
or at the beginning of autumn. During the celebration,
death, including descriptions of the tradition of feeding the
hymns are sung at the graveyard and ministers hold a service
dead.
and bless the graves. Loved ones and relatives of the dead
usually attend the service in great numbers, and following
For an analysis of ancestor worship as it pertains to con-
the official ceremony they meet in a relative’s home or even
cepts of a chthonic world in traditional culture, an excellent
behind the graveyard wall to partake of a special meal. Re-
source is Norbertas Ve˙lius’s Chtoniˇskasis lietuviu˛ mitologijos
membering the departed and their good deeds, the celebrants
pasaulis (The chthonic world in Lithuanian mythology,
drink beer or spirits. In many cases this celebration is the
1987). This study is particularly useful for its extensive re-
only time during the year when all the extended members
search data on the Baltic cult of ancestors. The same is true
of a family congregate in one place.
of Ve˙lius’s fundamental work Baltu˛ Religijos ir mitologijos
ˇsaltiniai (Baltic religious and mythological sources, 1996/
Elements of the cult of ancestors can be found in some
2001), which has become more and more valued in modern
contemporary religious systems, such as Dievtur¯ıba (literally,
research. Gintaras Beresnevicˇius’s Dausos (The world of the
“religion of those who keep their God”) in Latvia and Romu-
shades, 1990), analyzes individual elements in Baltic afterlife
va in Lithuania, both of which developed in the twentieth
concepts through symbolic images found in folklore related
century. The ideology of these religious movements is based
to death and the dead. Also worthy of mention is
on an attempt to reconstruct the pre-Christian view of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANCESTORS: BALTIC CULT OF ANCESTORS
329
world that included worship of ancient Baltic deities. Fol-
Both words, according to linguists, originated in the com-
lowers of these movements call on the authority of ancestors
mon Indo-European root-form *wel-, which has several
in life’s critical moments, and with the help of ritual practices
meanings, including “to wound” or “to kill.” Many special
and offerings ask for their benevolence.
names that can be traced back to the seasonal remembrance
THE BALTIC CULT OF ANCESTORS IN A CULTURAL AND
period honoring the cult of ancestors have survived in the
HISTORICAL CONTEXT. Ancestor worship in the Baltics has
Latvian language; examples include: Dievin¸i, Pauri, I¸lg‘i, and
survived in the tradition of Indo-European farming cultures,
Ve¸li (different local names for the souls of the dead); and
as evidenced specifically in the view that the dead continue
Te¯vu dienas, I¸lg‘u laiks, and Vec¸lauzˇu dienas (names for the
to be present among the living, at least for a short period,
festival commemorating the dead). For Lithuanians, even
or that after death they periodically leave the netherworld to
the name of their festival honoring the dead has survived to
“return home to take a look,” according to the folklorist
the present time: Ve˙line˙s, originating in the word v˙el˙e. An-
Vaitkevicˇiene˙ (1998). The visiting dead seemingly have the
other name for the festival, Ilge˙s, is mentioned in written his-
power to affect the well-being of the community of the liv-
torical sources, and Lithuanian dialects include various
ing, and to punish violations or disrespectful behavior to-
names for the celebration, such as Diedai, Stalai, Uzˇdu¯ˇsine˙s,
wards the order of things as defined by the ancestors.
Azˇinkai, and Sˇermenia.
There are various cultural and historical reasons—low
The cult of ancestors in the lives of the Balts cannot be
population density, single-family farms, and the presence of
separated from the seasonal cycle because the ancestor cult
xenophobic elements in the traditional culture—why, after
is linked to the beliefs of a farming culture and the influence
the official introduction of Christianity into the Baltics, it
of the dead on fertility and productivity. Thus, in one way
functioned rather formally. As recently as the twentieth cen-
or another, the themes of ancestor worship, or at minimum
tury, ethnologists in Latvia and Lithuania recorded original
their remembrance, show up in all endeavors associated with
eyewitness accounts of practices that do not fit into the offi-
agrarian rites. Moreover, the dominant seasons in the cycle
cial Christian system of practices regarding honoring the
of ancestor worship were primarily autumn and winter.
dead and that are considered remnants of the Baltic cult of
Thus, in Latvia the period of the dead was generally consid-
ancestors.
ered to be from September 29 (Saint Michael’s Day) to Oc-
The Baltics were converted to Christianity relatively
tober 29 (Simjuda’s Day, a folk composite of the words
late: Latvia in the thirteenth century and Lithuania at the
Simon and Judas), or even up to November 10 (Saint Mar-
turn of the fifteenth century. The representatives of this new
tin’s Day). In some places only one night, from November
religion—missionaries, monks, and travelers from Christian
1 to 2, was dedicated to honoring the dead. Likewise, in Lith-
Europe—observed, recorded, and interpreted local religious
uania most rituals relating to ancestor worship took place in
practices within the context of their own experience in the
autumn, particularly in October and the beginning of No-
Baltic milieu. In its directives and edicts, the Christian
vember. Such rituals were also practiced at Christmas. For
Church recorded practices that it unequivocally considered
both Latvians and Lithuanians these were considered to be
pagan and therefore candidates for eradication. For example,
among the most important celebrations. Already in the fif-
it is written in the Riga District Council Statutes (Statuta
teenth century, the historian Jan Długosz wrote in his Hi-
Provincialia Concilii Rigensis) of 1428:
storia Polonica (History of Poland) that the annual October
celebrations with their offerings to the souls of the departed
Up to the present time, certain peasants in this country
were very important and could not be ignored. Latvians of
stubbornly maintain their archaic pagan customs, often
the seventeenth century thought them no less significant, be-
holding feasts in the graveyard for their departed ances-
lieving that “if one does not honor the dead, one will not
tors and friends, leaving them food and drink, in the be-
lief that this will bring them peace. Sincerely hoping to
have a good year but rather will experience a poor harvest
destroy other such signs of paganism as well as this one,
and hunger” (Sˇmits, 1941, 32520).
we order the lords and vassals of this land, particularly
FEEDING OF THE DEAD. Evidently in ancient times in the
the leaders of the church, to make a special effort to
Baltic milieu, the cult of ancestors had not become standard-
threaten and punish these people for such destructive
Godless evil. (Ve˙lius, 1996, p. 614)
ized into one coherent system; hence, a great variety of ritual
forms existed. Ethnographic material indicates that within a
Proof that the Christian church did not have an easy time
single era ancestor worship could take place either in a grave-
destroying these “archaic pagan customs” can be found in
yard, in a birch grove considered to be sacred, or at the foot
seventeenth-century records of church visitations, which
of big rocks or trees. Frequently the worship also took place
admit that Latvian peasants continued to feed the souls of
in living quarters or farm buildings, such as a barn, granary,
the dead and that they could not “be dissuaded” from this
or bathhouse. Ritual practices were harmonized with local
practice (Sˇmits, 1941, 325220).
traditions, and, despite variations in such rituals, historical
HONORING THE DEAD ACCORDING TO THE TRADITIONAL
and ethnographic material allows them to be categorized into
CALENDAR. There are special words in the Baltic languages
specific activities that were considered dominant in the Baltic
to refer to the dead: in Latvian, velis; in Lithuanian, v˙el˙e.
cult of ancestors.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
330
ANCESTORS: BALTIC CULT OF ANCESTORS
One of the important expressions of ancestor worship
them to come dine and drink. The farmers of Vidzeme, hop-
was the feeding of dead souls, a fully developed and logical
ing to receive especially benevolent treatment from the dead,
outcome of traditional culture that aimed to harmonize and
saddled their horses and rode to the graveyard or to the near-
reconcile the world of the living with the netherworld, to
est tavern in order to bring back the dead souls so that they
maintain morality standards, and to guarantee the survival
could partake of the prepared feast.
of existing lifestyle patterns. The dead souls feast was accom-
The purpose of lighting candles or kindling at the be-
panied by prayer, calling out of the names of departed ances-
ginning of the feast was “to provide the dead souls with bet-
tors, and an invitation for them to cleanse themselves in the
ter lighting for dining” (Sˇmits, 1941, 32545), so that “the
bathhouse. Frequently the event also included fire rituals. At
dead souls can see their food” (Balys, 1993, p. 286). If the
times the meal was simply taken to the graveyard, bathhouse,
food was left in the barn or granary, lit candles or kindling
barn, or granary and left there for the night. In the morning
was also left behind. According to nineteenth-century ac-
the mistress of the house would see if the food had been
counts, this custom sometimes caused fires, but the practice
touched in order to learn whether the dead had a benevolent
continued, regardless. The candles and kindling were also lit
or malevolent relationship with the living. The feeding of
at the end of the feast to send the dead souls back to their
dead souls constituted a contractual activity whereby the liv-
graves. If the ancestors dined in the graveyard, certain rituals
ing remembered, honored, and looked after the departed,
associated with fire were practiced as well. In the southern
who in turn were responsible for a good harvest, productivi-
region of Lithuania that meant actually building a bonfire.
ty, and the well-being of the living, protecting them from
cataclysms of nature and other undesirable events. According
According to Vaitkevicˇiene˙, prior to the feast of the
to traditional views, the departed had the ability to accom-
dead the worshipers thought it important to cleanse them-
plish these feats because they existed in a sacral dimension
selves and to heat up the bathhouse for the anticipated visi-
that was superior to the profane. People believed that if the
tors from the netherworld, laying out clean linens and shirts
dead did not adequately fulfill their responsibilities, they
for them. In the Kurzeme region of Latvia the custom was
could be punished: “The master of the house opened the
to leave a pail of milk, clean water, and a clean towel each
door and taking up a whip struck all those places where he
night so that “the dead souls who were walking about that
thought a dead soul sat. . .and thinking that he had suffi-
night could wash themselves” (Sˇmits, 1941, 32535, 32540,
ciently skinned them all, went to the doorway and said ‘Now
32558).
you can leave, but don’t even think of repeating your perfor-
One can also find in both Latvian and Lithuanian eth-
mance of previous years.’” (Sˇmits, 1941, 32541).
nographic accounts the practice of “pouring off” (Latvian,
According to the folklorist Jonas Balys, documented
nolieˇsana). This custom referred to the pouring of a first
ethnographic accounts indicate that the peasants prepared
drink or the throwing of the first or best morsel from the
special dishes to take to the graveyard and leave at the graves
feast under the table, behind the stove, into a corner of the
of their relatives. The worship of the dead was particularly
room, or into the hearth. The practice is also mentioned in
impressive in Lithuania, even as recently as the nineteenth
historical sources, such as Długosz’s Historia Polonica, as well
century. Relatives would gather, and led by the oldest mem-
as the sixteenth-century De diis Samagitarum caeterorumque
ber of the family they would go together to the graveyard,
Sarmatarum et falsorum Christianorum (About gods of Sa-
bringing food and drink and singing special hymns in honor
mogitians, other Sarmats, and false Christians) by Jan Łas-
of the dead. At the cemetery the family elder would point
icki. From the 1593 Annuae Litterae Societatis Jesu (Annual
in all directions of the compass and call out all the names
Jesuit report) we learn that the Zhemaits, the inhabitants of
of the dead that he could remember. Then the family mem-
the western part of Lithuania, were in the habit of throwing
bers would pour, again in all directions, beer, home-made
the first morsel of food under the table, thereby “sending it
spirits, mead, and milk, and they would place bread, meat,
off to the dead” (Ve˙lius, 2001, p. 618).
and other foods on the graves.
In the Zemgale region of Latvia, records show that the
first morsel of food was intended for the deity of horses, the
Information on graveyard feasts honoring the dead in
deity of the barn, and other spirits who lived behind
Latvia can be found in written sources dating back to the fif-
the stove, in the piles of stones of collapsed buildings, or in
teenth century. Seventeenth-century church visitation re-
big old trees with rotted hollows. The master of the house
cords include a reference to food, eggs, and beer being left
himself hid the first morsel of every dish in various places “so
on graves in the region of Vidzeme, with a written request
that no one would see or notice it” (Sˇmits, 1941, 32546).
asking: “Old folks, please help our barley and rye to grow
Similar practices also existed in the Vidzeme region of Latvia.
well, and our horses and farm animals grow strong!” (Sˇmits,
1941, 32523). If the ancestor worship took place in the farm-
The relevance and persistence of this practice of leaving
house or in a farm outbuilding, then one of the first things
food morsels is evident in the following account recorded in
the worshipers did was to invite the dead souls in. When the
1996 in western Lithuania: “During the entire sacred feast
mistress of the house had set the table, the master lit candles
period meat is served but the diners remain standing and do
or kindling and called the dead ancestors by name, asking
not sit. The whole family stands and then the food is served
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANCESTORS: BALTIC CULT OF ANCESTORS
331
and the first spoonful is poured under the table. One spoon-
RELIGIOUS ICONS ASSOCIATED WITH THE CULT OF ANCES-
ful. A second. A third. And only then the people eat for the
TORS. The religious aspect of the cult of ancestors is reflected
food poured under the table is for the dead” (Vaitkevicˇiene˙,
in concrete icons or images whose responsibilities coincided
1998, p. 255).
with those accredited to ancestors, namely, benevolence, fer-
In the nineteenth century another important custom
tility, and productivity. In describing the fifteenth-century
developed as part of the ritual associated with ancestor wor-
dead soul festivities of the Zhemaits, Długosz writes that on
ship. Even though food intended for the dead continued to
October 1 throughout the western region of Lithuania, peo-
be taken to graveyards well into the twentieth century, peo-
ple celebrated “a great festival” during which they made of-
ple also started giving it to beggars. In Dzu¯kija, the south-
ferings to their pagan gods, including first and foremost the
western region of Lithuania, prior to every holy day and
god they called Perkuno (Deo lingua eorum appellato Per-
every day of remembrance for the dead the mistress of the
kuno). Their hope was that through these offerings they
house baked beggar’s bread called dziedu duona. In the
would strengthen their ties with their ancestors (Ve˙lius,
morning, after breakfast, prayers, and various other remem-
1996, p. 560).
brance rituals, she put four loaves of this bread in a basket,
Various Baltic deities and spirits mentioned by the fol-
along with porridge, meat, and other food items; then, in-
lowing folklorists deserve further scholarly research since
stead of taking them to the graveyard, she took them to
their function or role has not yet been fully determined. Al-
church and distributed them to beggars. In return, the beg-
exander Guagnini describes sixteenth-century autumn festiv-
gars would promise to pray for the dead and also for a good
ities during which the first morsels of food were offered to
harvest and a lot of honey in the coming year. Similar ac-
the god Ziemiennik with the words “Haec tibi o Ziemiennik
counts in other regions of Lithuania encourage scholars to
deus” (This is for you, oh God Ziemiennik), (Ve˙lius, 2001,
conclude that the functions of the ancient ancestor cult were
p. 471). Jan Łasicki confirms that offerings were made to the
slowly transferred to beggars. In the nineteenth and early
god Ziemiennik during the festivities of Ilg‘i (Ve˙lius, 1996,
twentieth century, beggars were considered in the traditional
p. 596). Łasicki refers to the god of dead souls as Vielona,
culture as the dregs of society, but also, like departed ances-
to whom offerings were made during the feast of dead souls
tors, as intermediaries between this world and the nether-
(Ve˙lius, 2001, p. 595). Matthäus Prätorius considers the
world.
deity representing dead souls to be a goddess by the name
FOOD AND LIBATIONS SERVED AT THE DEAD SOULS FEAST.
of Z´emine˙le˙ (Mannhardt, 1936, p. 62). The Jesuit Petrus
The remembrance of the dead celebrations typically took
Culesius, in his account of a dead souls remembrance day in
place in autumn, after the harvesting was completed. The
the Rezekne area in the seventeenth century, mentions Lelo
feast for the dead souls was prepared using certain grains and
Deves and Zemes Deves (Straubergs, 1939, p. 777). And
meat from animals raised and slaughtered on the farm. An
Latvian researchers of folklore, such as Sˇmits and Kurs¯ıte, as-
enormous variety of food and drink was included in the feast,
sociate non-Christian deities with the world of the dead, in-
ranging from common milk products, such as cheese and
cluding Zemes ma¯te and Ve¸lu ma¯te, as well as Ru¯ˇsu ma¯te
butter, to more unusual items made from hemp and poppy
(the mother of rusty earth), Kapu ma¯te (the mother of
seeds. Baked goods were common feast items, and included
graves), and Smilˇsu ma¯te (the mother of sand).
pla¯cen¸i or p¯ıra¯gi, types of buns and filled pastries made from
newly harvested grains. Often the dead would be offered le-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
gumes, such as peas and beans. In Latvia the dead dined on
Adamovicˇs, Ludvigs. Senlatvieˇsu relig‘ija agr¯ına¯ dzelzs laikmeta¯.
gru¯sli or p¯ıtes, little round dumplings made of cooked peas,
Riga, Latvia, 1930.
beans, and potatoes mixed with finely chopped hemp seeds.
Balys, Jonas. Dvasios ir zˇmon˙es: Liaudies sakm˙es. Bloomington,
Ind., 1951.
Lithuanians, during the autumn and winter calendar
Balys, Jonas. Mirtis ir laidotuv˙es. Silver Spring, Md., 1981.
festivities, made, and still make, tiny rye and wheat dump-
Balys, Jonas. Lietuviu˛ kalendorin˙es ˇsvent˙es. Vilnius, 1993.
lings called kleckuˇciai, which were eaten accompanied by
hemp or poppy milk. This milk was prepared from seeds that
Basanavicˇius, Jonas. Iˇs gyvenimo v˙eliu˛ ir velniu˛. Vilnius and Chica-
go, 1903.
were roasted, crushed, and mixed with sugared water. It was
considered important during the feast to partake of the meat
Beresnevicˇius, Gintaras. Dausos. Vilnius, 1990.
dishes, along with offering them to dead souls and beggars.
Beresnevicˇius, Gintaras. “Prote˙viu˛ kultas: Ve˙liu˛ maitinimas.” Li-
The meat could be homegrown fowl, pork, or beef. A much
audes Kultu¯ra 1 (1996): 14–16.
valued meat, especially on Saint Martin’s Day, was rooster,
Biezais, Haralds. Germanische und Baltische Religion. Stuttgart,
as well as pork with sauerkraut and blood sausage. Soup
1975.
made from fatty meat, grits, flour, and potatoes was also
Brun¸enieks, Ma¯rtin¸ˇs. Senlatvieˇsu relig‘iskais pasaules uzskats. Riga,
highly regarded in Lithuania. In addition, milk and honey
Latvia, 1937.
are often mentioned as part of the dead souls feast in both
Dunduliene˙, Prane˙. Lietuvos etnologija. Vilnius, 1991.
Latvia and Lithuania. As for alcoholic drinks, beer, mead,
Gimbutas, Marija. The Balts. New York, 1963.
and homemade spirits were all specially prepared and taken
Greimas, Algirdas Julijus. Tautos atminties beieˇskant. Vilnius and
to the graveyard as part of the celebration.
Chicago, 1990.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
332
ANCHOR
Karulis, Konstant¯ıns. Latvieˇsu etimolog‘ijas va¯rdn¯ıca. 2 vols. Riga,
cross. Its function became metaphorical in the New Testa-
Latvia, 1992.
ment in Hebrews 6:19: “We have this as a sure and steadfast
Kurs¯ıte, Jan¯ına. Latvieˇsu folklora m¯ıtu spogul¯ı. Riga, Latvia, 1996.
anchor of the soul, a hope that enters into the inner shrine
Kurs¯ıte, Jan¯ına. M¯ıtiskais folklora¯, literatu¯ra¯, ma¯ksla¯. Riga, Latvia,
behind the curtain where Jesus has gone as a forerunner on
1999.
our behalf.”
L¯ıdaks, Osvalds. Latvieˇsu sv¯etki: Latvieˇsu svinama¯s dienas. Vilnius,
Signifying steadfastness and hope, the anchor became
1991.
one of the commonest symbols in the catacombs and on
early Christian jewelry and seal stones. It was also associated
Mannhardt, Wilhelm. Letto-Preussische Götterlehre. Riga, Latvia,
1936.
with other symbols, as, for example, in the anchor cross,
which combined the two shapes to make one that showed
Muktupa¯vela, Ru¯ta. “Ubagu mieloˇsana: Zˇe¯lsird¯ıba vai
the Christian’s hope firmly joined to Christ.
kontraktua¯la¯ darb¯ıba?” Karogs 6 (1997): 147–157.
The anchor also appeared with the letters alpha and
Olupe, Ed¯ıte. Latvieˇsu gadska¯rtu ierazˇas. Riga, Latvia, 1992.
omega to represent eternal hope, and with the fish to signify,
Pakalns, Guntis. “Priekˇsstati par miruˇso pasauli latvieˇsu be¯ru
again, hope in Christ. In combination with the dolphin, the
tautasdziesma¯s.” Ph.D. diss., 1992, Institute of Literature,
anchor came to mean the Christian soul or the church guid-
Folklore and Art of the Latvian Academy of Sciences.
ed by Christ. The speedy dolphin was represented with the
Sˇmits, Pe¯teris. Latvieˇsu mitolog‘ija. Moscow, 1918.
anchor to illustrate Augustine’s motto Festina lente (“Make
Sˇmits, Pe¯teris, ed. Latvieˇsu tautas tic¯ejumi. 4 vols. Riga, Latvia,
haste slowly”).
1941.
Another early, if odd, use of the symbol was to identify
Straubergs, Ka¯rlis. “Hanovijs par dve¯se¸lu kultu pie latvieˇsiem.”
Clement of Rome, a church father and one of the earliest
Izgl¯ıt¯ıbas ministrijas m¯eneˇsraksts 5 (1925): 492–500.
bishops of Rome. Legend relates that Clement’s persecutors
Straubergs, Ka¯rlis. Latvieˇsu bu¸ramie va¯rdi. Riga, Latvia, 1939.
tied an anchor around his neck and tossed him into the sea.
The prayers of his followers made the waters withdraw, re-
Straubergs, Ka¯rlis. Latvju kultu¯ra. Esslingen, Germany, 1948.
vealing a small temple where his body was found. Clement
Straubergs, Ka¯rlis. Lettisk folktro om de döda. Stockholm, 1949.
was frequently portrayed with an anchor around his neck or
Straubergs, Ka¯rlis. Pa¯r devin¸i novadin¸i. Riga, Latvia, 1995.
beside him.
Sˇturms, Eduards. Chroniku un senrakstu zin¸as par baltu tautu b¯e¸ru
The anchor was popular as a symbol until the medieval
paraˇsa¯m. Riga, Latvia, 1938.
period, at which time it largely disappeared. When it reap-
Vaicekauskas, Aru¯na. “Nekrokultas kalendorine˙se apeigose.” Dar-
peared it was, for example, as a symbol of Nicholas of Myra,
bai ir Dienos 11, no. 20 (1999): 131–155.
because of his patronage of sailors, and as the attribute of
Vaitkevicˇiene˙, Daiva, and Vykintas Vaitkevicˇius. “Mirtis,
hope, one of the seven virtues in Renaissance art.
laidotuve˙s ir atminai.” Tautosakos darbai 9, no. 16 (1998):
Other, more exotic, ideas grew up around the symbol
204–261.
in some forms of magic and mysticism. Evelyn Jobes (1961)
Ve˙lius, Norbertas. Chtoniˇskasis lietuviu˛ mitologijos pasaulis. Vilni-
describes the bottom of the anchor as a crescent moon (ark,
us, 1987.
boat, nave, vulva, yoni, or female principle), in which is
Ve˙lius, Norbertas, ed. Baltu˛ religijos ir mitologijos ˇsaltiniai. Vilni-
placed the mast (lingam, phallus, or male principle), around
us, 1996 (vol. 1), 2001 (vol. 2).
which the serpent (fertility, life) entwines itself. With the
Vyˇsniauskaite˙, Angele˙. Mu¯su˛ metai ir ˇsvent˙es. Kaunas, Lithuania,
crossbeam, the parts add up to the mystic number four, and
1993.
the anchor thus also symbolizes the four quarters of the uni-
verse, as well as both the sun and the world’s center. The en-
RU¯TA MUKTUPA¯VELA (2005)
tire symbol expresses the idea of androgyny and of the union
Translated by Margita Gail¯ıtis and Vija Kostoff
that results in new life. Finally, Ad de Vries (1978) ascribes
to Freud the concept of the anchor as a combination of the
cross (the body of Christ rising) and the crescent (Mary), the
ANCHOR. While the anchor has had some currency in
whole representing life.
various cultures as a symbol relating to the sea and to virtues
like constancy and hope, its religious significance became
BIBLIOGRAPHY
paramount only with the growth of Christianity. In fact, the
The anchor is included in almost any book of Christian symbols.
anchor as we know it and as the object early Christians
An example is Signs and Symbols in Christian Art by George
turned into a symbol did not appear until well into Roman
W. Ferguson (Oxford, 1954). More far-ranging interpreta-
tions can be found in the following: Dictionary of Mythology,
times; the Greeks used an anchor that was essentially an ar-
Folklore and Symbols by Evelyn Jobes (Metuchen, N.J.,
rangement of sandbags.
1961); Dictionary of Symbols and Imagery, rev. ed., by Ad de
Both the appearance and the function of the anchor
Vries (New York, 1978); and Dictionnaire des symboles by
played a role in its development as a religious symbol. Early
Jean Chevalier and Alain Gheerbrant (Paris, 1982).
Christians saw in it an allegorical and disguised form of the
ELAINE MAGALIS (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANDRAE, TOR
333
ANDRAE, TOR (1885–1946), historian of religions
as we know them now are not to be confused with the origi-
and bishop of the Swedish church. Tor J. E. Andrae was born
nal religions.
on July 9, 1885 into a Protestant minister’s family in Hevna.
In 1929 Andrae became professor of religious studies in
After finishing school in Linköping, he began to study hu-
Uppsala, and during the following years some of his best-
manities at Uppsala in 1903 and eventually became profi-
cient in Hebrew as well as Arabic. His degree in humanities
known books were published. Chief among these was
completed, he turned to theology, obtained his candidacy in
Muhammed: Hans liv och hans tro (Muh:ammad: The man
1909, and was, like each of his three older brothers, conse-
and his faith; Stockholm, 1930). This book, which has been
crated a minister of the church. During his theological
translated into several languages, was highly admired for its
studies, Andrae was deeply influenced by Nathan Söder-
sensitive psychological approach to the Prophet of Islam, and
blom, who suggested that he study the Prophet of Islam and
it is still a standard work. In 1931 the death of Archbishop
who was instrumental in shaping his scholarly career. An-
Söderblom, Andrae’s master and friend, caused him to write
drae, interested in religious psychology, turned to the prob-
a fine, deeply felt biography of Söderblom (Uppsala, 1931).
lem of Muh:ammad’s response to the divine call that made
The following year Andrae was elected into the Swedish
him a prophet; in his first steps into Arabic literature, he was
Academy and, as inspector of the Olaus-Petri-Stiftelse, had
guided by Ignácz Goldziher. The young theologian, who
the opportunity of inviting leading historians of religion to
served the church first in Delsbo and then in Gamla Uppsala,
Uppsala in the following years. His monograph on the Swed-
was enabled to spend some time in 1915 in Berlin reading
ish theologian and polyhistor Georg Wallin (d. 1760) shows
Arabic manuscripts. The result of his intense studies was his
him as a historian of high rank. For a brief period in 1936
book Die person Muhammeds in lehre und glauben seiner
Andrae served as minister of ecclesiastic affairs in the Swedish
gemeinde (Stockholm, 1918). For the first time, the develop-
government and was elected bishop in his home province,
ment of the veneration of Muh:ammad in Muslim piety and
Linköping, where he spent the last nine years of his life. He
mystical theory was shown with convincing clarity. Andrae’s
died in January 1946 after expressing his firm faith in God
mastery of the sources is evident, and the book remains to
and in eternal life in his last broadcast sermon on New Year’s
this day the best, and virtually unique, contribution to the
Eve 1946.
important problem of how and why Muh:ammad grew from
“a servant to whom revelation came” into the Perfect Man
For all his deep-rooted love for the Swedish church and
and axis of the universe.
his Christian faith, Andrae was able to appreciate foreign reli-
Andrae was awarded the Th.D. in 1921, and his writ-
gions as well. He was particularly interested in showing that
ings and sermons of the early twenties show his deep concern
Islam, so often maligned as a purely legalist religion of mili-
for the Swedish church, which seemed to him to embody the
tary uniformity, knows the secret of divine grace very well,
Christian ideal of a religious community. He always empha-
because God has revealed himself in Islam as in all other reli-
sized that Christianity is the most perfect religion, a conclu-
gions (a Söderblomian idea). Andrae’s booklet I myrten-
sion that, he admitted, cannot be proved by scientific meth-
trädga˚rden (In the garden of myrtles) was published posthu-
ods but is to be experienced as a result of one’s personal
mously in 1947; it sketches the early development of the S:u¯fi
search for truth.
movement with insight and love. Fascinating are Andrae’s
studies Det osynligas värld (Uppsala, 1934), in which he deals
In the fall of 1923, Andrae was invited to lecture on the
with the problem of immortality and eternal life and holds
history of religions at the University of Stockholm. His lec-
that, if eternal life is real life, it cannot be static but must
tures about the psychology of mystical experience, which
imply a continuing development of the spirit—ideas known
presented a broad survey of unusual experiences on all levels
from Lotze and Eucken and expressed in 1928 by Muham-
of religion, were published as Mystikens psykologi in 1926. In
mad Iqbal, the Indo-Muslim philosopher. Andrae’s convic-
the same year appeared Der Ursprung des Islams und das
tion of an unending life after death was a result of the dyna-
Christentum, a study that takes up one of Andrae’s favorite
mism of his own religion, a dynamism that led him also to
themes, the strong influence of Syrian Christianity on the
dislike all forms of gnostic religions, which, he felt, were too
formation of early Islam. This influence, he pointed out, is
intellectualistic.
also palpable in early Islamic pietistic trends (“Zuhd und
Mönchtum,” Le monde oriental, 1931). In his inaugural lec-
Andrae’s books are fruits of a deep study of the sources,
ture as professor in Stockholm in 1927, Andrae dealt with
combined with a fine understanding of the psychological
the history of religions and the crisis of religions, discussing
roots of religious experience, coupled with respect for the re-
the extent to which the difference between the believer and
ligious personality. Besides, they are stylistically perfect. His
the nonbeliever exists throughout history, an issue that led
contributions to the study of Islam, particularly to a better
him later to write on the “problem of religious propensity”
understanding of the spiritual role of the Prophet in the
(Die Frage der religiösen Anlage, Uppsala, 1932). In his lec-
Muslim community, and his intense work for the Swedish
tures Andrae rejected the purely evolutionist trend in the his-
church are the two most outstanding facets of his life and
tory of religions and stressed the fact that primitive religions
work.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
334
ANDROCENTRISM
BIBLIOGRAPHY
completes rationality. Thus, despite the appearance of bal-
Muhammed: The Man and His Faith, translated by Theophil
ance in such gender complementarity, the female is always
Menzel (1936; reprint, New York, 1956), is the only one of
relative and complementary to the male, rather than herself
Andrae’s books currently available in English. A translation
the one who is complemented or completed in her own right.
of his studies on early Sufism, I myrtenträdga˚rden, is a desid-
eratum. Among German translations are Mohammed: Sein
Androcentrism must be seen as a pervasive influence on
Leben und sein Glaube (Göttingen, 1932); Die letzten Dinge
all religious cultures, having shaped either those religious cul-
(Leipzig, 1940), a translation of Det osynligas värld by Hans
tures themselves or the way they have developed or the way
Heinrich Schaeder, with a good biographical sketch; Islamis-
they have been reported upon and studied, or in many cases
che Mystiker (Stuttgart, 1960), a translation of I
all three. The fact that this influence has remained largely un-
myrtenträdga˚rden by Helmhart Kanus-Credé; and Andrae’s
noticed is itself an expression of its pervasiveness. It has been
biography of Söderblom, translated by E. Groening and A.
so pervasive and normative that it itself has not even been
Volkein (Berlin, 1938). A full account of Andrae’s life and
noticeable, since one cannot notice a given point of view un-
work has been given by Geo Widengren in Tor Andrae (Upp-
sala, 1947).
less another point of view is also possible.
A
Androcentrism pervades all aspects of the religious cul-
NNEMARIE SCHIMMEL (1987)
ture—its view of human nature, its definitions of good and
evil, its creation stories, its images of the divine, its laws, ritu-
als, polity, and practices of worship. One could illustrate this
ANDROCENTRISM refers to cultural perspectives
from many religions, but in this essay the illustrations will
where the male is generically taken to be the norm of human-
be drawn from the Judeo-Christian tradition. In this tradi-
ness. Androcentrism originates from a male monopoly on
tion, although the two creation stories in the Book of Genesis,
cultural leadership and the shaping and transmission of cul-
chapters 1 and 2, offer alternative possibilities, religious an-
ture. In religion this means that males monopolize priestly
thropology has in fact been drawn from the second. Here the
and teaching roles of religion and exclude women both from
male is the norm, the one created first; woman is created sec-
the exercise of these roles and from the education that such
ond and taken by God from man’s rib. This is a very peculiar
roles require. Thus women are prevented from bringing their
story, since it reverses the actual experience of human birth,
own experience and point of view to the shaping of the offi-
in which both males and females are born from the female.
cial public culture of religion, however much they may par-
By making a male God the midwife of the birth of the female
ticipate in the religion as consumers of the public cult or in
from the side of the male, it defines woman’s place as auxilia-
auxiliary cults restricted to women. The official public defi-
ry and secondary to the male. So normative is this assump-
nition of the religion in terms of law, cult, and symbol is de-
tion that few Christians even notice the oddness of the story,
fined both without female participation and in such a way
its reversal of actual human birth.
as to justify their exclusion.
This place of woman as secondary and auxiliary to the
Women’s exclusion from the learning and shaping of
male has been evident in all classical Christian anthropology.
the cult and symbol system also means that they do not par-
Christian anthropology operates within a dualistic frame-
ticipate in the processes by which a religion remembers and
work that sets the good human self, created in the “image
transmits its traditions. As a result, religions or religious prac-
of God,” in tension with an evil self that has lost or dimin-
tices that do not exclude women are forgotten or are remem-
ished its originally good human nature and positive relation
bered in a way that makes this participation appear deviant.
to God. Although the Genesis 1 story defines both male and
Androcentric religious culture makes woman the “other”;
female equally as possessing the image of God, all classical
woman’s silence and absence are normative. Consequently,
Christian anthropology has regarded the male as the norma-
her presence is remarked upon only to reinforce her other-
tive image of God in such a way as to make woman the image
ness, either by definitions of “woman’s place” or by remon-
of either the lower or the fallen part of the self. While it is
strances against women who are deemed to have “gotten out
never denied that women possess some relationship to the
of their place.”
image of God, they are seen as related to that image only
under and through their relationship to the male, rather than
Androcentric culture also translates the dialectics of
in their own right. In themselves, women are said to image
human existence—superiority/inferiority, right/left, light/
the body that is to be ruled over by the mind, or else the sin-
darkness, active/passive, life/death, reason/feeling, and so
prone part of the self that causes sin and the Fall.
forth—into androcentric gender symbolism. In this gender
symbolism the female is always the “other”: inferior in rela-
This androcentric definition of humanity is evident in
tion to superior, weaker in relation to stronger, negative in
Augustine’s treatise on the Trinity (De Trinitate 7.7.10):
relation to positive. Even when the qualities assigned to
How then did the apostle tell us that man is the image
women are positive, such as love or altruism, these are de-
of God and therefore he is forbidden to cover his head,
fined in such a way as to be supplemental or auxiliary to a
but that the woman is not so and therefore she is com-
male-centered definition of the self. The female becomes the
manded to cover hers? Unless forsooth according to
unconscious that completes the conscious, the affectivity that
that which I have said already when I was treating of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANDROCENTRISM
335
the nature of the human mind, that the woman, togeth-
as well, while the woman cannot even represent herself,
er with her own husband, is the image of God, so that
much less the male, as a human being.
the whole substance may be one image, but when she
is referred to separately in her quality as a helpmeet,
This androcentric definition of Christology or the nec-
which regards the woman alone, then she is not the
essary maleness of the incarnation points in two directions.
image of God, but as regards the male alone, he is
On the one side, it reveals the presumed maleness of God.
the image of God as fully and completely as when the
On the other side, it excludes women from the priesthood
woman too is joined to him in one.
and from representation of Christ’s and God’s divine author-
Deeply embedded in this Christian definition of female sub-
ity in church leadership. Although Christian theology does
ordinate and auxiliary existence is the story of female primacy
not claim that God is in a literal sense male, there is an over-
in sin. Although the story of Eve’s role in the expulsion from
whelming bias in Christian theology, itself derived from its
Paradise is by no means a normative story for the Old Testa-
parent religion Judaism, to image God in male form. Male
ment or even for the Christian Gospels, through the Pauline
roles are seen as representing authority and rule, initiation
tradition it assumed normative status for defining the human
and power. Since God is by definition the absolute expres-
predicament in such a way that not only all Christian theolo-
sion of these roles of initiation, power, and sovereignty, only
gy but the Bible itself is read with this presupposition. Fe-
male metaphors are apppropriate for him. Female metaphors
male primacy in sin is the underside of woman’s subordina-
can be used only for what is ruled over, created by, or acted
tion in the divinely ordained nature of things: things got out
upon by God; they cannot signify what acts, rules, or has au-
of hand for humanity and its relationship to God in the be-
tonomous power.
ginning because woman got out of hand. Woman acting on
This gender dualism of God and creation as male and
her own initiative caused sin to come into the world and
female is evident in biblical as well as Christian symbolism.
Adam to be expelled from Paradise. He is punished by the
Although female theological metaphors are not absent from
alienation of his work, but she is punished by the alienation
the Bible and Christian cult and theology, these primarily ei-
of her humanity. She must now bring forth children in sor-
ther symbolize creaturely subordination to God or else point
row and be under the subjugation of her husband.
to evil or negative traits that separate the human from God.
This story operates to justify female subordination in so-
Christian symbolism of the female thus splits into two forms,
ciety and religion. This status of subordination had now
the good feminine and the bad female. The good feminine
been redoubled and reinforced as divine punishment for an
represents creaturely existence totally submissive to divine
original sin of acting on her own. Any efforts of women to
initiative, self-abnegating of any pride or activity of its own.
act on their own, rather than as auxiliaries in a male-defined
Typically, this is also expressed as “purity” or suppression of
social order, can then be seen as new evidence of sinful fe-
sexuality. The Virgin Mary represents the apogee of this
male propensities—propensities that are to be repressed by
ideal. The feminine is also used in both Judaism and Chris-
reference to this original sin that caused everything to go
tianity to image the elect people in relationship to God. The
awry. Woman acting on her own initiative can only do evil
covenant relationship to God is imaged along the lines of a
and cause chaos. She can never do good by herself, but only
patriarchal marriage, with Israel or the church as bride in re-
when she restricts herself to obedient response to male com-
lation to the bridegroom.
mands.
Influenced by ascetic spirituality, Christianity empha-
sizes the virginal character of the church not only in her es-
The androcentric presuppositions of the Christian view
pousal to her Lord, but also in her birthing of the people of
of creation and sin are maintained also in the definitions of
God. Christian baptism is imaged as a new birth that trans-
salvation. The redeemer, the Messiah, the manifestation of
forms and negates the sinfulness of birth through the female.
God in the flesh, appears in male form. This maleness of the
Actual birth destroys virginity and brings forth sinful off-
Christian redeemer could be regarded as a historical or cul-
spring, while through baptism the church remains virginal
tural accident, similar to the fact that he is Jewish and ap-
and brings forth virginal offspring. This baptism symbolism
pears in a particular time and place. These particularities in
illustrates another typical trait of androcentric patriarchal re-
no way limit his ability to represent universal humanity. Yet
ligion: the extent to which its symbols and rituals duplicate
Christian theology has in fact typically treated Jesus’ male-
female biological and social roles—conception, birth, suck-
ness differently from his Jewishness, so as to make that male-
ling, feeding—but in such a way as to negate these roles in
ness ontologically necessary to his ability to represent God.
their female form, while elevating them to a higher spiritual
For Thomas Aquinas, the maleness of Jesus flows directly
plane through the male cultic monopoly on these activities.
from the fact that the male is the normative or “perfect” ex-
pression of the human species, while woman is non-
Female symbolism in Christianity also symbolizes the
normative and defective. Thus to represent the fullness of
soul and its passive reception of divine initiative, as well as
human nature, it is necessary that Jesus be male. Here we see
creation itself or the earth as the object of God’s creative
clearly the androcentric presupposition whereby the male
work. In Proverbs and the wisdom tradition feminine roles
possesses a generic humanity that is both complete in itself
are in the same way ascribed to God. This continues in Juda-
and capable of encompassing the representation of woman
ism in concepts such as the divine Shekhinah, or divine pres-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
336
ANDROCENTRISM
ence. Some minority traditions in Christianity have also im-
ship as priest, teacher, or minister. The identification of male
aged the Holy Spirit as female or revived the wisdom
authority and divine authority excludes women from being
tradition to speak of God as having a feminine side. But in
able to represent God or speak as the voice of God. As a per-
all versions of this notion of divine androgyny, the feminine
son who cannot act autonomously or as an authority in her
roles or aspects of God are thought of as secondary and auxil-
own right, she cannot exercise such authority in human soci-
iary to a male-centered divine fatherhood. Wisdom is seen
ety generally, much less in the church, the restored human
as a secondary and dependent principle that comes forth
society. As one deficient in moral self-control and rationality,
from the divine father to mediate his laws and actions to cre-
she is incapable of teaching and of spiritual government.
ation. Thus she is often pictured as resembling the family
Despite these pervasive androcentric assumptions of
mother who mediates the commands of the father to the
Christian theology, Christianity, as practiced, has been much
children. Thus even these minor instances of feminine imag-
more ambivalent. Androcentrism has partially shaped the
ery for God do not fundamentally break out of the androcen-
practice of biblical and Christian religion, in the sense of ac-
tric patriarchal symbolism that allows the “good feminine”
tual exclusion of women from leadership and the indoctrina-
to image only that which is secondary and auxiliary to a
tion of an androcentric piety accepted as normative by
male-centered ultimacy.
women as well as men. But there have also been many in-
Female participation in Christian redemption has also
stances of female religious power that are by no means con-
been biased by androcentric anthropology. In the ascetic tra-
tained by these definitions: prophetesses in both Old and
ditions of Christian spirituality, the holy woman is defined
New Testaments; female teachers, apostles, and local leaders
as transcending not only her bodily temptations but also her
in the New Testament; and holy women, healers, charismat-
female nature: she is said to have become “virile” and
ics, and mystics who were by no means as submissive to male
“manly.” This peculiar formulation is found in gnosticism
authority as these theories demand. Learned Christian
(see logion 114 of the Gospel of Thomas), but also in ortho-
women have studied scripture, founded religious orders and
dox Christian asceticism (see Leander of Seville’s preface to
movements that they led in their own name, and written reli-
his Institutes on Virginity). It derives from an assumed analo-
gious treatises of all kinds to express their religious experience
gy between maleness and spirituality (or rationality), and be-
and teachings. Yet, the evidence for this alternative history
tween femaleness and corporeality or the passions. Asceti-
has only begun to be discovered in recent times, as the pre-
cism restores the male in his spiritual manliness, but is
suppositions of androcentrism itself are challenged by female
possible for woman only by transcending her “female weak-
religious scholars.
ness.” This notion suggested to many early Christian women
The final expression of androcentrism lies in its com-
that asceticism might be the route to female emancipation.
mand of the transmission of tradition. Tradition is continu-
But the church tradition, as defined by male leadership, has-
ally rewritten to conform to androcentric presuppositions.
tened to add that the true spirituality of woman is expressed
Alternative realities are erased from memory, or they are pre-
only through the most total submission to male authority,
served in such a way as to deny them public authority. Reli-
especially ecclesiastical authority.
giously powerful women are defined in the tradition in such
In the Protestant tradition, where spirituality is reincor-
a way as to make them conform to male definitions of sub-
porated into a familial context, woman’s piety is seen as ex-
mission or else to be remembered in pejorative ways that
pressible only through submission to her husband, as well as
allow this memory to function only as a caveat against female
to church and civil authority (as long as these public authori-
religious leadership. Thus, in the Revelation to John, a female
ties are of the correct Christian sect). Thus, Christian re-
prophet who is the leader of a community rivaling those of
demption does not set woman free, but rather forgives her
the prophet John is termed “Jezebel,” the name by which
for her original sin of insubordination by displaying her as
Old Testament androcentrism rejected a queen who wor-
voluntarily submissive to male authority.
shiped other gods. As long as it is impossible to imagine that
Jezebel’s gods might have been expressions of the divine as
Nevertheless, Christian androcentrism remains deeply
authentic as those of Elijah (or that the Jezebel of the Revela-
suspicious that all women, even holy women, conceal ten-
tion to John was as authentic a prophet as John), androcentric
dencies to insubordination. When these tendencies come out
readings of the Judeo-Christian tradition remain intact.
in the open and are asserted unrepentantly, woman becomes
witch or handmaid of the devil. When she is crushed or sup-
SEE ALSO God, article on God in Postbiblical Christianity;
pressed, as she should be, woman—even if holy—remains
Women’s Studies.
Eve, the punished woman put back in her place. Thus Mary,
image of the ideal woman as totally submissive and purged
of any sexual or willful traits, in effect remains an unattain-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Baer, Richard. Philo’s Use of the Categories of Male and Female. Lei-
able ideal for real women, an ideal by which all women are
den, 1970.
judged and found lacking.
Bo⁄rresen, Kari E. Subordination and Equivalence: The Nature and
All the androcentric presuppositions discussed come to-
Role of Women in Augustine and Aquinas. Washington, D.C.,
gether in the exclusion of woman from ecclesiastical leader-
1968.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANDROGYNES
337
Davies, Stevan L. The Revolt of the Widows: The Social World of
androgynes may be horizontal (with breasts above and a
the Apocryphal Acts. Carbondale, Ill., 1980.
phallus below) or, more often, vertical (with one side, usually
Laeuchli, Samuel. Power and Sexuality: The Emergence of Canon
the left, bearing a breast and half of a vagina and the other
Law at the Synod of Elvira. Philadelphia, 1972.
side bearing half of a phallus). One may also distinguish
Rogers, Katherine. The Troublesome Helpmate: A History of Misog-
“good” and “bad” androgynes in two different senses: moral-
yny in Literature. Seattle, 1966.
ly acceptable and symbolically successful. In the first sense,
Ruether, Rosemary Radford, ed. Religion and Sexism: Images of
it must be noted that although androgynes are popularly sup-
Women in the Jewish and Christian Traditions. New York,
posed to stand for a kind of equality and balance between
1974.
the sexes, since they are technically half male and half female,
Ruether, Rosemary Radford. Sexism and God-Talk: Toward a
they more often represent a desirable or undesirable distor-
Feminist Theology. Boston, 1983.
tion of the male-female relationship or a tension based on
Ruether, Rosemary Radford, and Eleanor McLaughlin, eds.
an unequal distribution of power. Thus in some societies, di-
Women of Spirit: Female Leadership in the Jewish and Chris-
vine or ritual androgynes play positive social roles, affirming
tian Traditions. New York, 1979.
culturally acceptable values, while others are despised as sym-
Schüssler-Fiorenza, Elisabeth. In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theo-
bols of an undesirable blurring of categories.
logical Reconstruction of Christian Origins. New York, 1983.
In the second sense, androgynes may be regarded as
Wemple, Suzanne Fonay. Women in Frankish Society: Marriage
“good,” in the sense of symbolically successful, when the
and the Cloister, 500–900 A.D. Philadelphia, 1981.
image presents a convincing fusion of the two polarities and
ROSEMARY RADFORD RUETHER (1987)
as “bad” when the graft fails to “take” visually or philosophi-
cally—that is, when it is a mere juxtaposition of opposites
rather than a true fusion. “Bad” androgynes often turn out,
ANDROGYNES. The androgyne (from the Greek an-
on closer inspection, to be not true androgynes but pseudo-
dros, “man,” and gune, “woman”) is a creature that is half
androgynes, creatures with some sort of equivocal or ambigu-
male and half female. In mythology, such a creature is usually
ous sexuality that disqualifies them from inclusion in the
a god and is sometimes called a hermaphrodite, after Her-
ranks of the straightforwardly male or female. These liminal
maphroditus, son of Hermes and Aphrodite, who is said to
figures include the eunuch, the transvestite (or sexual mas-
have grown together with the nymph Salmacis (Ovid, Meta-
querader), the figure who undergoes a sex change or ex-
morphoses 4.347–388). In religious parlance, androgyny is a
changes his sex with that of a person of the opposite sex, the
much more comprehensive and abstract concept than is im-
pregnant male, the alternating androgyne (queen for a day,
plied by the literal image of a creature simultaneously male
king for a day), and male-female twins.
and female in physical form. To say that God is androgynous
Perhaps the most important way in which androgynes
is very different from saying that God is an androgyne. But
may be split into two groups, as it were, is in terms of their
if we limit ourselves to the relatively narrow interpretation
way of coming into existence. Some are the result of the fus-
of the bisexual god, usually a creator, we are still dealing with
ing of separates, male and female; others are born in a fused
a very broad and important religious concept.
form and subsequently split into a male and a female. In or-
It is often said that androgynes are universal, or even ar-
thodox mythologies of creation, chaos is negative, something
chetypal. This is not true. It has been demonstrated that the
that must be transcended before life can begin; distinctions
androgyne is confined in its distribution either to areas for-
must therefore be made—male distinguished from female,
merly of the early “high civilizations” or to areas affected by
one social class from another. This corresponds to the Freud-
influences from these centers. Nevertheless, this distribution
ian belief that the desire to return to undifferentiated chaos,
does extend over a very wide area indeed, testifying to the
to return to the womb or the oceanic feeling, is a wish for
great appeal of the image. The myth of the splitting apart
death, for Thanatos (though it has been demonstrated that
of a bisexual creator is implicit in the Hebrew myth told in
this is a facile and incorrect interpretation of the wish to re-
Genesis and is explicit in related texts from ancient Mesopo-
turn to chaos; see Eliade, 1965, p. 119). In the mythology
tamia; it appears throughout the ancient Indo-European
of mysticism, however, chaos is positive; the desire to merge
world and in the myths of Australian Aborigines, African
back into chaos is the goal of human existence, the supreme
tribes, North American and South American Indians, and
integration toward which one strives. In many rituals, too,
Pacific islanders; and it is an important theme in medieval
androgyny is “a symbolic restoration of ‘Chaos,’ of the un-
and Romantic European literature. Yet many religions, par-
differentiated unity that preceded the Creation, and this re-
ticularly “primitive religions,” have managed to survive with-
turn to the homogeneous takes the form of a supreme regen-
out it, and it has very different meanings for many of the cul-
eration, a prodigious increase of power” (ibid., pp. 114, 199,
tures in which it does appear. (See Baumann, 1955, p. 9;
122). The mystic striving toward positive chaos is a clear par-
Kluckhohn, 1960, p. 52; Campbell, 1983, map on p. 142.)
allel to the Jungian integration of the individual, for it cele-
One might attempt to construct a taxonomy of an-
brates the merging of two apparently separate entities (the
drogynes in various ways. Beginning with the visual image,
self and God) that are in fact one. Thus, fusing androgynes
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
338
ANDROGYNES
may be viewed as instances of positive, Jungian chaos, and
hide.” She became a cow; he became a bull, copulated
splitting androgynes may be viewed as instances of negative,
with her, and produced cattle. She became a mare; he
Freudian chaos. Let us consider these two types separately.
a stallion. . . . Thus were born all pairs there are, even
down to the ants. (Br:hada¯ran:yaka Upanis:ad 1.4.3–4)
THE SPLITTING ANDROGYNE. The more dominant of the
two types is the splitting androgyne, which appears in a vari-
The splitting of the androgyne is here tied directly to the
ety of cultures, both Indo-European and “primitive.” A few
more general, and nonsexual, splitting of the primeval man,
examples taken from very many will have to suffice to estab-
Purus:a; androgyny is seen as a variant of sacrificial dismem-
lish the general pattern.
berment. In other Indo-European myths, too, the primordial
dismemberment is not of a man but of an androgyne. The
Greek. Plato depicts Aristophanes as the author of a
incestuous implications of androgynous splitting and procre-
complex myth of the primeval androgyne:
ation are here made explicit; they continue to pose a moral
In the ancient times there were three kinds of beings,
problem for later Indian variants of this myth, in which the
each with four legs and four arms: male, female, and an-
role of the primeval androgyne is played by Brahma¯, and
drogynous. They grew too powerful and conspired
then by S´iva (cf. Lin˙ga Pura¯n:a 1.70).
against the gods, and so Zeus sliced them in two. The
parts derived from the whole males are the ancestors of
North American. The Navajo say that First Man and
those men who tend to homosexuality and pederasty;
First Woman had five sets of twins; the last four sets were
the parts derived from the whole females are the ances-
each composed of a boy and a girl, but the first pair were bar-
tors of women who incline to be lesbians. The an-
ren hermaphrodites (Long, 1963, p. 53). The last four sets
drogynes, who are nowadays regarded with scorn, gave
procreated, but the first set were the first people to die, and
rise to men who are woman-lovers and adulterers, and
“she” (i.e., the female hermaphrodite of the pair) went to the
to women who are man-lovers and adulteresses. (Sym-
underworld to become associated with the dead and the dev-
posium 189e–191e)
ils in the lower world (Spencer, 1947, p. 98). The male her-
The androgyne is explicitly denigrated in this myth, not only
maphrodite simply dies; the female androgyne becomes the
in the statement of reproach for its present-day physical
devil. Both are barren. Among the tribes of the Northwest
manifestations but in the implication that creatures derived
Coast, too, mythic hermaphrodite dwarfs are killers, ban-
from it are excessively lustful; the splitting of the androgyne
ished not to the underworld but to the moon (Boas, 1895,
is responsible for the fact that we expend (and, by implica-
vol. 23, pt. 3, p. 53). Among the Zuni, however, one does
tion, waste) so much time and trouble trying to get back to-
find a central and positive androgynous creator, named
gether again.
Awonawilona (“he-she”; Stevenson, 1887, pp. 23, 37), an
early precursor of nonsexist language and a powerful mytho-
Judaic. No account of the myths of androgyny can fail
logical figure.
to mention Genesis, though we shall discuss the myth of
Adam and Eve at greater length in the context of European
African. Sudanese and Dogon art depicts horizontal an-
myths. The midrash on Genesis 1:27 explicitly states that
drogynes, with breasts as well as penises. These figures may
when God created the first man he created him androgy-
represent the primeval state of androgyny: man the way God
nous; thus Adam gave birth to Eve. If man be made in the
made him, before the intervention of society made possible
image of God, the creator himself would be an androgyne,
the perpetuation of the human race through the reduction
although there is nothing explicit about this in the text of
of dangerously complete creatures to more manageable and
Genesis itself. It is, however, interesting to note that Genesis
useful halves. At birth every Dogon child has both a female
(2:24) does attribute to the origin of Eve from Adam the fact
soul and a male soul; at puberty every child undergoes ritual
that, just as Plato noted in the same context, men and
circumcision or clitoridectomy in order to remove the an-
women have ever since sought to unite physically.
drogyny with which he or she is born.
Indian. The earliest of all Indo-European androgynes,
In so far as the child retains the prepuce or the clitoris—
Sky-Earth (Dya¯va¯-Pr:thiv¯ı in the R:gveda) is a splitting an-
characteristics of the sex opposite to its own apparent
drogyne: the first cosmogonic act is to separate the two
sex—its masculinity and femininity are equally potent.
halves. In the Upanis:ads, Praja¯pati, the Lord of Creatures,
It is not right, therefore, to compare an uncircumcised
becomes a more explicit androgyne:
boy to a woman: he is, like an unexcised girl, both male
and female. If this uncertainty as to his sex were to con-
In the beginning this world was Soul [a¯tman] alone, in
tinue, he would never have any inclination for procre-
the form of Purusa [the Man]. He had no joy, and de-
ation. (Griaule, 1965, pp. 156–158)
sired a second. Now he was as large as a woman and a
The Dogon divine androgyne is a true androgyne, a creative
man in a close embrace, and so he caused his self to fall
into two pieces, which became a husband and wife.
figure containing both male and female physical and psychi-
Therefore it is said, “Oneself is like a half-fragment.”
cal elements; but it must be transformed into a human an-
He copulated with her and produced human beings.
drogyne manqué, a figure whose complete nature has been
But then she thought, “How can he copulate with me
defaced both physically and psychically. God may be an an-
when he has just produced me from himself? I will
drogyne; but man must not.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANDROGYNES
339
THE FUSING ANDROGYNE. The fusing type of androgyne is
picted and the tragedy that follows upon his creative enter-
originally created as a male and female in isolation and must
prises produce a sardonic vision of theological “wholeness”
fuse in order to create. The separate components are barren;
and a satire on human sexual integration. This aspect of his
only the androgyne is creative (in contrast with the splitting
nature has led many scholars to identify him as a devil rather
androgyne, which is creative only when the male and female
than a god, but this is not a useful distinction in dealing with
parts have separated). The most common variant of the
a character who is morally so protean as the androgyne.
theme of the fusing androgyne is the Two-in-One or hiero-
THE PROBLEM OF THE ANDROGYNE: GETTING TOGETHER.
gamy (i.e., sacred marriage). In broader theological terms,
From the preceding survey, selective and sketchy though it
this symbolizes the merging of complementary opposites—
is, it becomes apparent that most cultures have felt more
the conjunctio oppositorum (Eliade, 1965, pp. 103–125). But
comfortable with the concept of the splitting androgyne than
the more straightforward form of the fusing androgyne, in
with that of the fusing androgyne. Androgyny is thus not al-
which the male and female partners each give up one half of
ways a symbol of perfect union and balance. Many myths
their bodies to fuse into a single being, half male and half
point out that the permanently fused androgyne is, techni-
female, is relatively rare.
cally, the one creature in the world who is certain to be un-
Indian. All early myths of the androgynous S´iva are
able to copulate. As Alan Watts has remarked, the androgyne
myths of splitting androgynes; medieval Sanskrit texts and
symbolizes a state “in which the erotic no longer has to be
folk traditions, however, describe a fusing androgyne that
sought or pursued, because it is always present in its totality”
arose when, out of passion, gratitude, or some other emo-
(Watts, 1963, pp. 204–205). Yet the androgyne may also
tion, S´iva embraced Pa¯rvat¯ı so closely that their bodies fused
imply that the greatest longing may be felt in complete
into one. According to one account, S´iva was a beggar, but
union, when satiation is so near and yet so far; water, water
one day he smoked so much hashish that he could not go
everywhere, nor any drop to drink. Thus the androgyne
out on his usual rounds; Pa¯rvat¯ı begged in his place, and
may symbolize satiation without desire or desire without sati-
when she returned she fed him with the food she had collect-
ation.
ed, which so pleased S´iva that he embraced her violently and
Western androgynes, which are usually fused rather
became one with her.
than splitting, are often unsuccessful. Many visual images of
On another occasion, Pa¯rvat¯ı became jealous of S´iva’s
medieval androgynes that express complicated alchemical
infatuation with another woman and left him. S´iva came to
and occult concepts are ludicrous to the eye. Maurice Henry
her and said, “You are the oblation and I am the fire; I am
has produced a brilliant and hilarious series of cartoon an-
the sun and you are the moon. Therefore you should not
drogynes who can neither fuse nor split and who are at last
cause a separation between us, as if we were distinct people.”
driven to saw themselves apart so that they can come togeth-
And as he said this, S´iva caused her to enter the side of his
er. A far more horrible sort of cartoon is Goya’s Disorderly
own body, as if she were hiding there in embarrassment, and
Folly, Also Known as Disparate Matrimonial, depicting a mar-
their paired bodies became one, because of their love (Skanda
ried couple grotesquely joined together back to back, like Si-
Pura¯n:a 1.3.2.18–21).
amese twins.
Elsewhere, it is cynically remarked that Pa¯rvat¯ı took
In our day, androgyny has once again become trendy,
over half of S´iva’s body in order to curb his philandering
particularly in feminist and homosexual circles; but we are
with other women. But the quintessentially fused Saiva an-
still not truly comfortable with the physical androgyne. Mi-
drogyne is the so-called S´iva-lin˙ga, or phallus, which is, in
chel Foucault has pointed out, in his introduction to the
fact, almost always accompanied by the yoni, the symbol of
memoirs of Herculine Barbin, a nineteenth-century French
the Goddess’s sexual organ, and as such is an iconic, though
hermaphrodite, the ironic contrast between the Romantic
not anthropomorphic, androgyne: the male is surrounded by
idea of androgyny and the barbarism with which an actual
the female, in a representation of sexual union.
androgyne was treated. This dichotomy can best be under-
North American. A more complex candidate for an-
stood in the context of the history of modern European and
drogyny is the notorious North American trickster. Even
Christian responses to the androgyne, a subject to which we
though primarily male, he not only masquerades as a female
now turn.
but actually gives birth to children. He normally keeps his
EUROPEAN MYSTICISM AND ESOTERICISM. The Judeo-
detached phallus in a box and is thus self-castrating (like
Christian myth and theology of the androgyny of the primal
many Greek androgynes); in order to have sexual intercourse,
man were successfully reinterpreted and revalorized by Jakob
he removes the phallus from the box and sends it to the
Boehme (1575–1624). For this great mystic and theosophist,
woman. What his character represents, however, is a coinci-
Adam’s sleep represents the first fall: Adam separated himself
dence of opposites far more general than androgyny: it is pri-
from the divine world and “imagined himself” immersed in
meval chaos, in which the basic social, moral, sexual, and
nature, by which act he lowered himself and became earthly.
even gross physical distinctions are yet unmade (Radin,
The appearance of the sexes is a direct consequence of this
1956). The trickster is thus androgynously creative and psy-
first fall. According to certain of Boehme’s followers, on see-
chologically “full,” but the bitter humor with which he is de-
ing the animals copulate Adam was disturbed by desire and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
340
ANDROGYNES
God gave him sex to avoid worse (texts in Benz, 1955,
Wilhelm von Humboldt took up the same subject in his
pp. 60–66). Another fundamental idea of Boehme, Gichtel,
youthful Über die männliche und weibliche Form, in which
and other theosophists was that Sophia, the divine virgin,
he dwells particularly on the divine androgyne. Friedrich
was originally part of the primal man. When he attempted
Schlegel, too, envisaged the ideal of the androgyne in his
to dominate her, the virgin separated herself from him. Ac-
essay “Über die Diotima,” in which he attacks the value at-
cording to Gottfried Arnold (1666–1714), it was carnal de-
tached to an exclusively masculine or feminine character, a
sire that caused the primal being to lose this “occult bride.”
value produced, he charges, only by education and modern
But even in his present fallen state, when a man loves a
custom. The goal toward which the human race should
woman he always secretly desires this celestial virgin.
strive, he believed, is a progressive reintegration of the sexes,
Boehme compared the break-up of Adam’s androgynous na-
ending in androgyny (Eliade, 1965, pp. 98ff).
ture to Christ’s crucifixion (texts in Benz, 1955, pp. 125ff).
FROM BALZAC TO ALEISTER CROWLEY. Balzac’s Séraphita is
Jakob Boehme probably borrowed the idea of the an-
undoubtedly the most attractive of his fantastic novels. Not
drogyne not from Qabbalah but from alchemy; indeed, he
because of the Swedenborgian theories with which it is im-
makes use of alchemical terms. Actually, one of the names
bued but because Balzac here succeeded in presenting with
of the “philosophers’ stone” was Rebis (lit., “two things”),
unparalleled force a fundamental theme of archaic anthro-
the “double being,” or the Hermetic androgyne. Rebis was
pology: the androgyne considered as the exemplary image of
born as a result of the union of Sol and Luna or, in alchemi-
the perfect man. Let us recall the novel’s subject and setting.
cal terms, of sulfur and mercury (Eliade, 1965, pp. 102ff).
In a castle on the edge of the village of Jarvis, near the Strom-
The androgyne as the primal and final perfection be-
fjord, lived a strange being of moving and melancholy beau-
came extremely popular with the theosophists of the eigh-
ty. Like certain other Balzac characters, he seemed to hide
teenth century, from Friedrich C. Oetinger (1702–1782)
a terrible secret, an impenetrable mystery. But here it is not
and Karl von Eckartshausen (1752–1803) to Michael Hahn
a secret to be compared with that of Vautrin, the master
(1758–1819), Pierre-Simon Ballanche (1776–1847), and
criminal who figures in several other Balzac novels. The char-
their disciples (cf. Faivre, 1973, pp. 67ff.). Boehme was the
acter in Séraphita is not a man eaten up by his own destiny
principal source of inspiration, either directly or through
and in conflict with society. He is a being different in quality
Franz von Baader (1765–1841). According to Baader, the
from the rest of mankind, and his mystery depends not on
androgyne had existed at the beginning (Adam) and will be
certain dark episodes in his past but on the nature of his own
again at the end of time. Baader borrowed from Boehme the
being. This mysterious personage loves and is loved by
conception of Adam’s first fall, the sleep in which his celestial
Minna, who sees him as a man, Séraphitus, and is also loved
companion was separated from him. But, thanks to Christ,
by Wilfred, in whose eyes he seems to be a woman,
man will again become an androgyne, like the angels.
Séraphita.
Baader wrote that “the aim of marriage as a sacrament
This perfect androgyne was born of parents who had
is the restoration of the celestial or angelic image of man as
been disciples of Swedenborg. Although he has never left his
he should be.” Sexual love should not be confused with the
own fjord, never opened a book, never spoken to any learned
instinct for reproduction; its true function is “to help man
person or practiced any art, Séraphitus-Séraphita displays
and woman to integrate internally the complete human
considerable erudition; his mental faculties surpass those of
image, that is to say the divine and original image.” Baader
mortal men. Balzac describes with moving simplicity the na-
considered that a theology presenting “sin as a disintegration
ture of this androgyne, his solitary life and ecstasies in con-
of man, and the redemption and resurrection as his reintegra-
templation. All this is patently based on Swedenborg’s doc-
tion” would conquer all other theologies (see the texts repro-
trine, for the novel was primarily written to illustrate and
duced by Benz, 1955, pp. 219ff).
comment on the Swedenborgian theories of the perfect man.
But Balzac’s androgyne hardly belongs to the earth. His spiri-
To the German Romantics the androgyne was the per-
tual life is entirely directed toward heaven. Séraphitus-
fect, “total” human being of the future. J. W. Ritter (1776–
Séraphita lives only to purify himself—and to love. Although
1810), a well-known doctor and friend of Novalis, sketched
Balzac does not expressly say so, one realizes that Séraphitus-
in his Nachlass eines jungen Physikers a whole philosophy of
Séraphita cannot leave the earth before he has known love.
the androgyne. For Ritter the man of the future would be,
This is perhaps the last and most precious virtue: for two
like Christ, an androgyne. “Eve,” he wrote, “was engendered
people of opposite sex to love really and jointly. Seraphic love
by man without the aid of woman; Christ was engendered
no doubt, but not an abstract or generalized love all the same.
by woman without the aid of man; the androgyne will be
Balzac’s androgyne loves two well-individualized beings; he
born of the two. But the husband and wife will be fused to-
remains therefore in the concrete world of life. He is not an
gether in a single flesh.” The body that is to be born will then
angel come down to earth; he is a perfect man, a complete
be immortal. Describing the new humanity of the future,
being.
Ritter uses alchemical language, a sign that alchemy was one
of the German Romantics’ sources for their revival of the
Séraphita (1834–1835) is the last great work of nine-
myth of the androgyne.
teenth-century European literature that has the myth of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANDROGYNES
341
androgyne as its central theme. Toward the end of the centu-
tentums, by Georg Koepgen, published in Salzburg in 1939,
ry, other writers—notably the so-called décadents—returned
with the episcopal imprimatur (but afterward placed on the
to the subject, but their works are mediocre if not frankly
index). The work gained a certain popularity after C. G.
bad. One may mention as a curiosity Péladan’s L’androgyne
Jung discussed it in his Mysterium Coniunctionis. According
(1891), the eighth volume in a series of twenty novels enti-
to Koepgen, “In the person of Jesus the male is united with
tled La décadence latine. In 1910 Péladan treated the subject
the female. . . . If men and women can come together as
again in his brochure De l’androgyne (in the series “Les idées
equals in Christian worship, this has more than an accidental
et les formes”), which is not entirely without interest, despite
significance: it is the fulfillment of the androgyny that was
its confusion of facts and its aberrations. The entire work of
made manifest in Christ” (Die Gnosis, p. 316). With regard
Péladan—whom no one has the courage to read today—
to Revelation 14:4 (“Those are they that were not defiled with
seems to be dominated by the androgyne motif. Anatole
women; for they are virgins”), Koepgen asserts:
France wrote that Péladan was “haunted by the idea of the
Here the new androgynous form of existence becomes
hermaphrodite, which inspires all his books.” But Péladan’s
visible. Christianity is neither male nor female, it is
whole production—like that of his contemporaries and
male-female in the sense that the male paired with the
models, Swinburne, Baudelaire, Huysmans—belongs to
female in Jesus’ soul. In Jesus the tension and polaristic
quite a different category from Séraphita. Péladan’s heroes
strife of sex are resolved in an androgynous unity. And
are perfect only in sensuality; the metaphysical significance
the Church, as his heir, has taken this over from him:
of the perfect man had been degraded and finally lost in the
she too is androgynous. (ibid., p. 31)
second half of the nineteenth century.
As regards her constitution, the church is “hierarchically
French and English décadents have occasionally returned
masculine, yet her soul is thoroughly feminine.” “The virgin
to the theme of the androgyne (cf. Mario Praz, 1951), but
priest . . . fulfills in his soul the androgynous unity of male
always in the form of a morbid or even satanic hermaphro-
and female; he renders visible again the psychic dimension
ditism (as did Aleister Crowley, for example). As in all the
which Christ showed us for the first time when he revealed
great spiritual crises of Europe, here once again we meet the
the ‘manly virginity’ of his soul” (ibid., p. 319; noted by
degradation of the symbol. When the mind is no longer ca-
Jung, 1963, pp. 373ff.). As Jung remarks, for Koepgen not
pable of perceiving the metaphysical significance of a symbol,
only Christ is androgynous but the church as well. In the last
it is understood at levels that become increasingly coarse.
analysis, any Christian is predestined to become an an-
The androgyne has been understood by décadent writers sim-
drogyne.
ply as a hermaphrodite in whom both sexes exist anatomical-
ly and physiologically. They have been concerned not with
SEE ALSO Feminine Sacrality; Gender Roles; Indian Reli-
a wholeness resulting from the fusion of the sexes but with
gions, article on Mythic Themes; Masculine Sacrality;
a superabundance of erotic possibilities. Their subject has
Tricksters.
not been the appearance of a new type of humanity, in which
the fusion of the sexes produces a new, unpolarized con-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
sciousness, but a self-styled sensual perfection, resulting from
The classic study of androgynes remains Hermann Baumann’s
the active presence of both sexes in one.
Das doppelte Geschlecht: Ethnologische Studien zur Bi-
sexualität in Ritus und Mythos (Berlin, 1955), though one
This idea of the hermaphrodite has probably been en-
awaits with interest the promised volume on hermaphrodit-
couraged by the study of certain ancient sculptures. But déca-
ism scheduled to appear in Michel Foucault’s History of Sexu-
dent writers have been unaware that the hermaphrodite rep-
ality. The present article is based in large part upon two pub-
resented in antiquity an ideal condition that men endeavored
lished works by the joint authors: Mircea Eliade’s The Two
and the One (Mephistopheles and the Androgyne) (Chicago,
to achieve spiritually by means of rites; they have not known
1965) and Wendy Doniger O’Flaherty’s Women, An-
that if a child showed at birth any signs of hermaphroditism,
drogynes, and Other Mythical Beasts (Chicago, 1980). Three
it was killed by its own parents. In other words, the ancients
other useful surveys with material on androgyny are Alan
considered an actual, anatomical hermaphrodite an aberra-
Watts’s The Two Hands of God: The Myths of Polarity (New
tion of nature or a sign of the gods’ anger, and they conse-
York, 1963), Joseph Campbell’s Historical Atlas of World My-
quently destroyed it out of hand. Only the ritual androgyne
thology, vol. 1 (New York, 1983), and Clyde Kluckhohn’s
provided a model, because it implied not an augmentation
“Recurrent Themes in Myths and Mythmaking,” in Henry
of anatomical organs but, symbolically, the union of the
A. Murray’s Myth and Mythmaking (New York, 1960),
magico-religious powers belonging to both sexes.
pp. 46–60.
The material on North American and African androgynes in this
SOME MODERN CHRISTIAN THEOLOGIES. In a youthful
article has been taken from Franz Boas’s Indianische Sagen
writing, The Meaning of the Creative Act (1916), Nikolai
von der Nord-Pacifischen Küste Amerikas (Berlin, 1895);
Berdiaev took up again the old theologoumenon; he pro-
Charles H. Long’s Alpha: The Myths of Creation (New York,
claimed with vigor that the perfect man of the future will be
1963); Marcel Griaule’s Conversations with Ogotemmêli: An
androgynous, as Christ was (Eliade, 1965, p. 103, n. 5). An
Introduction to Dogon Religious Ideas (London, 1965); Paul
important ideological contribution was Die Gnosis des Chris-
Radin’s The Trickster: A Study in American Indian Mythology
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
342
ANESAKI MASAHARU
(1956; New York, 1969); Katherine Spencer’s Reflections of
logical processes lay behind the differences in religions. Ane-
Social Life in the Navaho Origin Myth (Albuquerque, 1947);
saki’s psychological ideas were influenced by C. P. Tiele and
and Matilda Coxe Stevenson’s The Religious Life of the Zuñi
William Starbuck, and by Wilhelm Bender and Benjamin
Child, Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology,
Kidd in terms of irrational human desires.
no. 5 (Washington, D.C., 1887).
For further material on Greek androgynes, see Luc Brisson’s Le
In early modern Japan, there was no unified conception
mythe de Tirésias (Leiden, 1976) and his “Aspects politiques
of a “religion” behind religions, or even of “Buddhism” be-
de la bisexualité: L’histoire de Polycrite,” in Hommages à
hind Buddhist sects. It was only in the modern era, with the
Maarten J. Vermaseren, edited by Margaret B. de Beer and
arrival of Christianity and the formation of a nation-state,
T. A. Elridge (Leiden, 1978), pp. 80–122; and Michel Mes-
that the category of “religion” emerged in academic and legal
lin’s “Agdistis ou l’androgynie malséante,” in volume 2 of the
discourse in discussions concerning how to regulate the rela-
Vermaseren festschrift, pp. 765–776. For Indian an-
tionship between Christianity, Buddhism, and Shinto¯, and
drogynes, besides O’Flaherty’s work cited, see also Adalbert
between the different sects in each religion, in order to create
J. Gail’s “Die zweigeschlechtliche Gottheit in Indien,” Kun-
and then support a Westernized nation-state. Anesaki pro-
sthistorisches Jahrbuch Graz 17 (1981): 7–19, and Marguerite
vided a discursive framework for “religion” that could bring
E. Adiceam’s “Les images de S´iva dans l’Inde du Sud,” part
5, “Harihara,” and part 6, “Ardhanarisvara,” Arts asiatiques
all religious phenomena into one and the same category:
13 (1966): 83–98 and 17 (1968): 143–164.
namely, the sui generis “religion.” Furthermore, by interpret-
ing religious categories as a psychological dimension of the
For European androgynes, see Maurice Henry’s The Thirty-Two
human mind, Anesaki relocated the things concerned with
Positions of the Androgyne (New York, 1963); Ernst Benz’s
Adam: Der Mythus des Urmenschen (Munich, 1955), an ex-
the other world (e.g., God, heaven, and hell) into worldly
cellent anthology of the most significant texts; Antoine
civil society. Therefore, it may be said that Anesaki’s idea of
Faivre’s L’esotérisme au dix-huitième siècle (Paris, 1973), a
religious studies provided the Japanese people with a national
concise and learned introduction to a difficult subject; C. G.
identity that transcended individual beliefs by interpreting
Jung’s Mysterium Coniunctionis, 2d ed. (Princeton, 1970);
the category of “religion” as referring to the psychological in-
and Mario Praz’s The Romantic Agony, 2d ed. (Oxford,
teriority that members of a society need to support a nation-
1951).
state. In this, Anesaki was influenced by his nationalist teach-
New Sources
er Inoue Tesujiro¯, a famous scholar who emphasized the im-
Feuerstein, Günther. Androgynos: das Mann-Weibliche in Kunst
portance of national values, and by Raphael von Koeber,
und Architektur. Stuttgart, 1997.
who argued that much of the individual’s interior life could
Zolla, Elémire. “L’androgino: l’umana nostalgia dell’interezza.”
not be reduced to rational terms.
Arte e immaginazione (1989).
In response, religious studies as envisioned by Anesaki
WENDY DONIGER (1987)
granted the sphere of individual consciousness priority of
MIRCEA ELIADE (1987)
uniqueness. This promised a way to guarantee the protection
Revised Bibliography
of individual religious freedom from the power of the state.
At the same time, it included the possibility of connecting
this interiority with enthusiastic nationalism, which had
ANESAKI MASAHARU (1873–1949) is known as
grown after the separation of the church and state in Japan.
the founder of religious studies in modern Japan. Through
In fact, when the government appointed Anesaki a member
his “Introduction to Religious Studies” lectures at Tokyo Im-
of an investigative committee for religious institutions, he
perial University and the publication of his book General In-
criticized the intervention of the state into matters of reli-
troduction to Religious Studies (1900), Anesaki established a
gious beliefs. At the same time, however, at a meeting held
new form of the academic study of religion in Japan. There-
in 1912 consisting of Christians, Buddhists, and Shinto¯ists,
after he became a professor and occupied the chair of reli-
he took the lead in advocating that religious groups support
gious studies (established in 1905) at the Imperial Universi-
the Japanese government. Anesaki was known as a follower
ty. He later became chairman of the Japanese Religious
of Nichiren, whom Anesaki believed was the ideal prophet
Studies Association. Anesaki’s life itself reflects the develop-
who had connected religious devotion to belief in the nation-
ment of religious studies in Japan before the outbreak of
state.
World War II.
In this sense, his admiration during the latter half of his
Anesaki’s early ideas concerning religious studies were
life for Prince Sho¯toku is worthy of note. Throughout his
expressed in his General Introduction to Religious Studies. He
life, Anesaki thought of the emperor as a religious figure who
thought that the subject of religious studies should be consti-
existed as the center of the Japanese people’s interiority.
tuted into three areas: religious psychology, religious ethics,
Prince Sho¯toku was an imperial prince in antiquity and a
and religious sociology. His main goal was to comprehend
noted exponent of the Lotus Su¯tra. This form of Buddhism
religion as an expression of the human desire for the infinite.
sought to save all people who could be saved. Here, one can
From this point of view, all religious phenomena can be un-
see a close relationship drawn between religion and national
derstood equally as one, while the same humanistic psycho-
identity. As such, Anesaki’s vision derived more from the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANGELS
343
early modern Japanese social and political climate than from
Works by Anesaki in English
modern Western thought, where the separation of church
Buddhist Art in Its Relation to Buddhist Ideals, with Special Refer-
and state was the ideal. In fact, Anesaki was born into a fami-
ence to Buddhism in Japan. Boston, 1915.
ly working for a Buddhist temple. His ancestors had worked
Nichiren, the Buddhist Prophet. Cambridge, Mass., 1916.
as servants of the imperial family in Kyoto from the early
The Religious and Social Problems of the Orient. New York, 1923.
modern period. Thus, though Anesaki’s vision of religious
A Concordance to the History of Kirishitan Missions. Tokyo, 1930.
studies as a field was developed under the strong influence
of Western thought, it included native elements that cannot
History of Japanese Religion: With Special Reference to the Social and
Moral Life of the Nation. London, 1930.
be reduced to modern Western concepts.
Art, Life, and Nature in Japan. Boston, 1933.
In addition, his study of Japanese religious history is
worthy of note. He cast a great deal of light on some aspects
Prince Sho¯toku, the Sage Statesman, and His Mahasattva Ideal.
Tokyo, 1948.
of Japanese religious history, including the religious person-
alities of Nichiren and Prince Sho¯toku, Buddhist art, and the
Secondary Works
“hidden Christians” (kakure kirishitan). Interestingly, these
Isomae Jun’ichi. Hidetaka Fukasawa, Kindai Nihon niokeru
works were first written in English and later translated into
Chishikijin to Shukyo: Anesaki masahu no Kiseki. Tokyo,
Japanese. It was while he was a visiting professor at Harvard
2002.
University from 1913 to 1915 that he started to study Japa-
Isomae Jun’ichi. “The Discursive Position of Religious Studies in
nese religious history in earnest. This was during World War
Japan: Masaharu Anesaki and the Origins of Religious
I, and he was exposed to the Yellow Peril campaign in the
Studies.” Method and Theory in the Study of Religion 14, no.
2 (2002): 21–46.
United States. As a result, he felt that the Japanese needed
to explain their cultural character to Westerners in order to
Suzuki Norihisa. Meiji Shukyo Shicho: Shukyogaku Kotohajime.
be understood. For him, religion was an essential common
Tokyo, 1979.
matter among people that informed the Japanese core char-
ISOMAE JUN’ICHI (2005)
acter. Thus, he began to study Japanese religious history in
English. This provided him with a framework to describe
“Japanese” religious history as a unified concept. As a result,
people could describe Japanese religious history as occurring
ANGELS. An introductory overview of the term “angel”
within a circumstantial space where various religions had in-
in a historical and religious context necessitates a preliminary
teracted with each other. However, the question of whether
discussion of the limits and context of this word, which has
it is possible to write about Japanese religious history as a
become deeply entrenched in Western culture. If it is correct
whole is today still a difficult problem for scholars. Anesaki’s
that the word “angel” applies to ranks of spiritual or heavenly
Japanese religious history has also lost some of its significance
beings which serve as intermediaries between the earthly and
because many scholars today question the utility of the very
divine worlds, it would be appropriate to restrict the scope
concept of “Japanese religious history.”
of an investigation to cultural situations that are most gener-
ally associated with monotheistic theological ideas—
Nevertheless, Anesaki’s attempt to describe Japanese re-
Judaism, Christianity, Islam—or else to religions with
ligious history deserves respect and should be reevaluated as
strongly monotheistic leanings, albeit with a mythological
the first attempt to portray Japanese identity through a com-
framework and large number of gods in a secondary role,
parison with the West. Anesaki’s role in establishing the field
such as Zoroastrianism. Religious movements such as Gnos-
of religious studies contributed to the establishment of the
ticism, Manichaeism, and Mandaeism, which have common
idea of representing “Japanese religious history” itself. His
cultural links with both the monotheistic Judeo-Christian
works, incorporating both this notion of “religion” and “Jap-
spirituality, and the diverse world of Greek, Hellenistic, and
anese religious history,” represented an important response
late antiquity culture, should also be examined. Soteriologi-
to the cultural and political conflicts raised within Japanese
cal and eschatological ideas expressed in Neoplatonic and
society by the overwhelming influence of the West. From
hermetic circles should also be considered in any discussion,
this perspective, Anesaki’s publications on religious studies
as should influences produced from links with alchemy, as-
provide us with highly interesting material that can be used
trology, divination, and magic. Of the latter group, in which
to analyze the reactions of members of the Japanese elite un-
angelology centered on a belief in the need for salvation in
dergoing Westernization during the late nineteenth and early
this world or the next, a whole range of exorcistic, prophylac-
twentieth centuries.
tic, and therapeutic attitudes arose which in some cases led
to misunderstanding of the original function of angels and
BIBLIOGRAPHY
its being reduced to superstitious observance.
Collected Works in Japanese
From here proceeds a geographical summary which
Anesaki Masaharu Shu¯. 9 vols. Tokyo, 2002.
ranges from the classical world to the eastern Mediterranean,
Kaitei Anesaki Masaharu chosakushu. 10 vols. Tokyo, 1976, 1982.
its environs, the Middle East, and India. Even Central Asia,
Waga shogai. Tokyo, 1951; reprint, 1993. His autobiography.
when some Manichaeistic angelological ideas are taken into
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
344
ANGELS
account, is also relevant to the summary. The attempt by An-
the final outcome involved the ascent to heaven of the soul
anda Kentish Coomaraswamy to interpret Vedic and Hindu
of the mystic after death, and transformation into one of the
gods in terms of opposition between “Angels” and “Titans”
most important angels of the Ogdoad and of the fixed stars,
seems misleading, and is the product of outstanding scholar-
which stand before God and contemplate him, rejoicing in
ship which has applied the Western category of “angel” to
the arrival of the soul and singing hymns of praise to the
the Hindu mythological heritage, identifying angels with
Father.
gods (daeva) as opposed to ahura (demons, titans), with in-
ZOROASTRIANISM. Angels are a fundamental part of Iranian
teresting if somewhat speculative and intellectually over-
thinking and its perception of the divine in terms of ideas
elaborate results. The etymological parallels between the
and concepts—morality, thought and life—as personified
Greek word aggelos and the Sanskrit an.giras, are rather dif-
not in mythological stories but in intermediate figures assist-
ferent, however, since the word denotes a group of priest-
ing the supreme god Ahura Mazda¯ with the order and main-
singers who occupy an intermediary position in the Vedic
tenance of the cosmos. The religious history of Zoroastrian
cult, as their name shows, but are not to be identified with
Iran has shown interesting ideas concerning angels since the
angels in the metaphysical or theological sense with which
earliest part of the Avesta, containing songs (Ga¯tha¯) attribut-
we are concerned.
ed to Zoroaster himself, in which Ahura Mazda¯ is accompa-
CLASSICAL WORLD. The Greek aggelos and the Latin angelus
nied by an entourage of spiritual beings called the Amesha
form a lexical and conceptual basis which has passed into the
Spentas (the Beneficent Immortals) who are similar to angels.
vocabulary of the majority of European languages. The “god-
They are subordinate to a supreme god and lack a distinct
angels” of funerary inscriptions should be seen as divine epi-
mythology, in contrast to the gods celebrated in the Avestic
thets, personifications of the divine which humankind can
hymns (Yasht). The actual names of these angelic beings—
gain access to and perceive: for example, angels of the under-
Good Thinking (Vohu Manah), Right Mindedness
world, representing the qualities of gods such as Hermes, He-
(A¯rmaiti), Harmony (Asha), Power (Xshathra), Wholeness
kate, Pluto, and Persephone; or the angels of Neoplatonic
(Haurvatat) and Immortality (Ameretat)—illustrate that
thinking, which are invoked by magicians as divine emana-
they represent abstract metaphysical concepts, vaguely per-
tions and representations. These appear to humans as “visible
sonified only by their names. They may intercede in the sac-
gods” with specific characteristics (creative angels, generative
rificial exchange between heaven and earth, to grant the per-
angels, savior angels), which humankind can propitiate with
son performing it the favor of the divine world, spiritual
sympathetic magic, even if their presence is not always be-
energy, and powers such as strength, youth, wealth, vigor,
nign when they are invoked. Both Porphyry and Iamblichus
physical well-being and immortality. Within the psychology
discuss the problem of how someone unskilled can conjure
of Zoroastrian ritual the Amesha Spentas thus symbolize the
up malignant, demoniac spirits. The link with Hermes shows
many different states of the person making the sacrifice.
their position as intermediaries between the world of the liv-
They fulfill important role in angelic mediation, and facili-
ing and the dead. Etymologically speaking, they are “messen-
tate a person’s communion with the divine via a particular
gers” or heralds involved with communications between dif-
kind of consciousness and visionary experience.
ferent worlds and in particular with a psychopompic role in
This important intermediary function would remain a
beliefs concerning the afterlife. One example is the angelus
constant within Zoroastrianism, and can be found in the
bonus in the mysteries of Sabazios, who wears the crown of
Pahlavi texts of the Sassanid period, which refer to a mysti-
immortality and introduces the dead person into the assem-
cism based upon angelic internalization being achieved in the
bly of the Blest. Their intermediary role involves accompany-
inmost consciousness. For example, it is advised to join with
ing the soul at the moment it comes into existence, when the
Good Thinking, in its purely spiritual form, to make it wel-
soul descends and crosses the planetary spheres, taking in a
come, and hence enjoy spiritual benefits. The angelic strain
varying degree of heavenly influences which will determine
existing within Zoroastrian from its philosophical begin-
the character of the person as yet unborn. Thus they are the
nings may be clearly seen from the angelizing process to
soul’s guardian angels throughout its earthly life and its cus-
which its mythology was subject, something which contin-
todians (phulakes) until it returns to heaven, when the angels
ued in the Sassanid period with the recommendation of vari-
are responsible for its purification, breaking the links of the
ous philosophers to “make a home for the gods within the
soul with the world of matter at the moment of its death.
body.” In this instance the gods (yazda¯n) rather than mytho-
The close connection between angels and souls in beliefs
logical deities appear as spiritual personifications, similar to
concerning immortality demonstrates a commonality be-
angelic spiritual beings and subject to the supreme god,
tween these two ideas, since the best souls become angels:
which are realized in the heart of the faithful by means of
hence the explanation, in terms of conduct, that a person
ethical and moral virtue and sacrifice. Further interesting an-
who has been trained in spiritual perfection becomes in es-
gelic qualities may be seen in elements such as fire, a medium
sence similar to the angels. This explains the addition of the
par excellence, since indeed it is actually called “messenger”
word “angel” to the name of the deceased in funeral inscrip-
(du¯ta). Fire plays an essential part in worship and is treated
tions, setting down the good fortune of immortality which
with special reverence—to the extent that it is styled the
may be the fate of the deceased. In hermetic Gnostic belief,
“son” of Ahura Mazda¯—and is a living symbol. The heat and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANGELS
345
light energy which rises upwards conveys offerings on high,
even causes devastation and destruction, as for example when
in the same way as the Vedic god of fire, Agni, also does. It
the people are punished for the sins of David (1 Chr. 21:15).
is not a matter of chance that some scholars link Agni with
an.giras, which is etymologically related to the Greek aggelos.
The history of post-exile Judaism contains interesting
cultural adaptations from Persian angelology. Similarly there
A further kind of angel may be traced in the Fravashi,
arose a demonology which seems to have been influenced by
guardian spirits of society and the individual, from particu-
Iranian and Semitic currents of thought, such as the name
larly mythological treatises which depict them as angels of
of the demon Asmodeus in The Book of Tobit, derived from
the heavenly host and dressed in helmets with armor and
the name of the Zoroastrian god of anger, Aeshmadaeva. In
iron weapons. They group in battalions, advancing with
apocalyptic writing (The Book of Enoch), an elaborate belief
standards unfurled, coming to the aid of those who call upon
system is set out regarding fallen angels who have become
them against demons, and descend from heaven like birds
inferior to humans as a punishment for relations with
with fine wings.
women and for having revealed to humankind the secrets of
the world. This hidden knowledge is revealed to Enoch by
MESOPOTAMIA. In Mesopotamia there were a number of an-
an angel that accompanies him and interprets his visions (an-
gelological ideas which would be transmitted to monotheis-
gelus interpres); the same thing also happens to Levi (Testa-
tic religions, especially their role as intermediaries and per-
ments of the Twelve Patriarchs). Angels are positively de-
sonal guardians of human beings. The “messenger” idea,
scribed in the writings of Qumran, according to a level of
indicated by the term sukkal, refers to a whole group of fig-
participation and communion with them by individual sect
ures—such as Nuska and Kakka—which are connected with
members: warrior angels stand alongside the Essene commu-
the most important gods and acted as messengers and inter-
nity in the eschatological war, fulfilling an important role as
mediaries of the heavenly court. Marduk had Nabu as his
intermediaries revealing heavenly secrets, on the basis of the
sukkal, while Anu and Inanna had Papsukkal and Mummu.
level of purity required for carrying out priestly worship.
This role should be seen as a reflection of the Mesopotamian
Common knowledge about angels in late antiquity aroused
court culture, which would have an enormous influence
the fear of rabbis that it might overshadow the unity and su-
upon the religious and political ideas of the Near East and
premacy of the Lord God, since in a number of passages in
the world of Hellenistic and late antiquity. The role of pro-
the Talmud it is advised to call upon God in case of misfor-
tective spirits is fulfilled by the shedu and lamassu, guardian
tune and not the angels MikaDel or GavriDel.
spirits depicted on house doorposts, who accompany human
beings when they leave the dwelling. The karibu (an Akkadi-
In the Jewish mysticism of the Qabbalah, angelology is
an term meaning “one who prays”) are spirits of intercession
developed starting from the episode of the struggle between
and blessing, represented with hands outstretched in prayer,
Jacob and the angel (Gn. 32: 27); in addition to other specu-
in both human and animal form (body of a bull or lion,
lation on the first chapter of Genesis, there is commentary
wings of an eagle). The representation in animal form of
on the first chapter of Ezekiel (ma Daseh merkavah, or work
these spirits and karibu (from which the name “cherubim”
of the chariot), the basis for the ideas regarding the vision
is derived), depicted with two or three pairs of wings, influ-
of God’s chariot, the throne of His Glory (Kabod), in which
enced the angelic iconography of Judaism, Christianity, and
God is conveyed by Cherubim (Chayyoth), winged creatures
Islam.
in the form of humans, bulls, lions, and eagles. In Hekhaloth
literature, which is based on Old Testament Apocrypha and
JUDAISM. In Judaism, the similarity between the Mesopota-
the Book of Enoch, angels are guardians of the gates of the
mian karibu and the Hebrew kerub is for the most part only
heavenly palace, beings who sing the praises of God and
linguistic, since the biblical kerub is not a deity, has no my-
admit anyone who is worthy, accompanying him into the
thology of its own, and is merely a minister of the one, om-
presence of God; they could also, however, punish humans
nipotent God. In the Old Testament mal Da¯k, from the root
by inflicting madness and death upon anyone who did not
l Dk “to send,” may refer to someone who carries news or mes-
invoke them properly and who had not reached a sufficient
sages and who looks after the interests of the sender, acting
degree of purity to attain the vision of the merkavah. Only
as a spy, an observer, or a negotiator. This role as messenger
minimal study of the Torah allowed one to reach the level
is clearly shown in the Vulgate with a distinction between
of rectitude and purity necessary to distinguish true angels
nuntius (human messenger) and angelus (divine messenger).
from unclean spirits.
In connection with Jhwh, the mal Dak Jhwh is the angel
In Medieval mysticism and amongst the Hasidim we
of Yahweh with particular duties and the divine representa-
find the angel Metatron. This figure was connected with the
tive who conveys God’s words or deeds on earth. He inter-
angels known as the “Princes of the Face,” who may gaze
venes directly in the life of humankind, and is a personal
upon the face of God. Metatron had an important role in
heavenly being at the center of particular events who pro-
esoteric Jewish doctrine—which subsequently passed into
claims salvation (Jgs. 13), rescues from danger and distress
popular religious belief—as an angel who defends Israel in
(Gn. 19, Exod. 14:19) watches over man on his travels (Ps.
the heavenly judgment of Yom Kippur, and carries the
91:11), conveys an instruction to a prophet (Zec. 1:9), and
prayers of the faithful before the throne of God. According
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346
ANGELS
to popular Jewish legend, angels presided over certain natural
The angel Gabriel occupies an important position in
phenomena:
Islam for the audible revelation of the divine words. These
Yurkemi is the prince of hail,
spoken words are the only ones to have divine sanction, and
are thus superior to anything visual. Angels can be distin-
Ridyah, of rain;
guished from the simple spirits (jinn) of popular religion;
Rahav, of the sea;
“faithful spirit” (ru¯h:) does mean angel in various passages of
and Laylah, of birth and death.
the QurDa¯n. According to tradition, Muh:ammad was visited
CHRISTIANITY. Christianity accepted and redeveloped as-
by the angel Gabriel, who revealed to him his role as Messen-
pects of Old Testament angelology according to its new re-
ger, enjoining him to preach while he was resting in the cave
quirements. Angels intervene in the central events involving
where he had gone for a spiritual retreat. While Muh:ammad
the coming of the Messiah: Gabriel is the angel of the An-
was sleeping, the angel Gabriel approached him with a silk
nunciation, while an angelic star, a celestial symbol of power,
cloth covered in writing, which he repeatedly commanded
acts as a heavenly sign guiding the Wise Men who have come
him to read; within this he bound Muh:ammad so tightly
to Palestine from the East in search of the Redeemer. Paul’s
that he was almost suffocated. Muh:ammad woke up, left the
letter to the Colossians (1:16, 2:10) lists the angelic hierar-
cave and saw Gabriel as a man with wings. Gabriel also fea-
chy: Thrones, Dominations, Principalities, and Powers. It
tures in a version of the story of Muh:ammad’s ecstatic ascent
also sets down a central tenet of Christianity, which would
to heaven (Mi Era¯j) as the angel who guides him up the stair-
determine later theological disputes (Col. 2:18): namely, that
way which brings him into the presence of Allah.
care should be taken to avoid idolatry and the worship of
In the realm of eschatology still, two angels called Mun-
angels.
kar and Nakir question the dead person immediately after
The Council of Laodicea in 336 (Canon 35) proscribed
his death and if he does not answer correctly, they will tor-
the invocation and adoration of angels. Patristic efforts con-
ture his body in the grave. There is another tradition con-
centrated on limiting the mythological and poetic develop-
cerning the childhood of Muh:ammad, in which angels also
ments of Judaic and Gnostic angelology and emphasized the
play a part in inaugurating the spiritual career of the future
role of angels as intermediaries in the action of salvation and
Prophet in circumstances rather similar to certain bloody
their role as servants. The very iconography which avoided
shamanistic practices. As a four-year-old child, Muh:ammad
depicting them with wings in early centuries—these would
was seized and thrown to the ground by two angels, who
appear at the end of the fourth century—was driven by the
opened his chest, drew a drop of blood from his heart, and
need to avoid confusing them with winged pagan gods, such
washed his insides with melted snow that they carried in a
as statues of Nike (Victory).
golden cup.
In the sixth-century work of Dionysius the Areopagite,
There are elaborate angelologies to be found in Islamic
Neoplatonic and Christian ideas are put together to create
philosophical and religious writings. In Avicenna, from a
an angelic hierarchy of three sets of three, grouped according
first intelligence emerge a large variety of intermediate spiri-
to their closeness to God: Seraphim, Cherubim, and
tual beings called the ten cherubic intelligences (Angeli intel-
Thrones; Dominations, Powers, and Virtues; and Principali-
lectuales) or celestial Souls (Angeli caelestes). In the philosophy
ties, Archangels, and Angels. These became well-known des-
of Sohrawardi there is a complex and well-developed an-
ignations during the Middle Ages.
gelology which contains elements of Neoplatonic and Zoro-
ISLAM. According to Islam, anyone who denies the existence
astrian influence: from a Light of Glory emerges an emana-
of angels denies the word of God and the Prophet and is re-
tion of beings of light, led by the archangel Bahman,
garded as an unbeliever. Allah created angels with two, three,
equivalent to the Avestic Vohu Manah. All sensible and ma-
or four pairs of wings, the number varying according to the
terial reality is created and controlled by a particular type of
speed with which they carried out divine commands. Angels
archangel. These archangels occupy a mundus imaginalis be-
support God’s throne, they are beside him, they praise and
tween the physical and spiritual worlds and can be perceived
adore him, and they will sound the trumpet at the end of
by the sage by means of imagination.
the world; they are infinite in number. Some are noted for
In the more extreme forms of Sh¯ıE¯ı Islam, such as
carrying out particular tasks, such as Munkar and Nakir,
Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıs, there are enduring Gnostic Hellenistic and Zoroas-
who are responsible for judgment after death; Malik is the
trian ideas; the divine can be made manifest in the world via
guardian of hell; Ridwan the guardian of paradise. Among
angels who can take on a concrete physical form in members
the more important angels, Gabriel occupies the leading
of the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıte hierarchy. According to the beliefs of the
place in terms of angelic power, Michael is a messenger and
Yezidi, incorrectly called “devil-worshippers,” God created
intermediary, Israfil is the angel of the end of the world, and
the world but the task of looking after it was entrusted to
Azrail is the angel of death, not mentioned by name in the
seven divine angels; among these the peacock angel (Malak
QurDa¯n. The angels Harut and Marut, on the other hand,
Ta Dus) is the symbol of immortality and the sun, the supreme
reflect Zoroastrian angelological ideas and are regarded as
angel, and active essence of God, who has declined in power
fallen angels who reveal to humankind the secrets of magic;
but who weeps and cries tears of sorrow, which put out the
they are punished for falling in love with mortal women.
fires of hell.
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ANGELS
347
GNOSTICISM AND MANICHAEISM. In classical gnosis we find
Angelic apparitions can be found in the myth of
a variety of angelological ideas, including angels who create
Manichaean cosmogony: during the first emanation, after
the world and rule it badly by fighting each other (Simon
the Mother of Life has produced Primordial Man, an angel
Magus), with a role not unlike the Demiurge. In this case
emitting light called Nahashbat appears before him with a
the angels are usurpers of power (in the philosophy of Carpo-
crown in his hand. There are also angelic presences that pro-
crates, Menander, Saturninus and Basilides), against whom
vide rewards, fine garments, the diadem, and the crown of
the act of salvation is directed, and therefore ignorant powers
light to the soul after death, when the soul of the Elect is es-
that have forgotten their subordinate place in the hierarchy
corted by gods and angels, who protect it against demons,
of spiritual beings and are thus in the grip of envy and greed;
until it meets its light image. In the universal eschatology of
these beings include the Jewish god who was responsible for
judgment day, Jesus will chair the court, surrounded by the
creation. The Gnostic elect must therefore despise and free
Elect who have become angels. Concerning this angelic
themselves from these powers that control the world, and
court, we have the evidence of Augustine of Hippo (354–
train their souls to avoid the snares of these ruling powers
430) who speaks of ranks of angels (cohortes angelorum),
that block their progress to the celestial planes. In its most
which make up the divine entourage in the paradise that is
positive interpretation, the soul of the elect could directly
the Kingdom of Light. In his work, the Book of Giants, Mani
correspond with the angel that was his transcendental real
retells the story of the fall of the angels (from the first book
self, the eternal prototype of which the soul was an earthly
of Enoch), combining it with other narrative material. The
reflection, image (eikon), and part (meros). The angel could
Egregoroi, for example, who are attracted to women and
also be a heavenly messenger who reveals mysteries and
marry them, become demons imprisoned in the world from
awakens knowledge in humankind. Objects for personal use
which the race of giants originated, and are defeated by the
such as “Gnostic jewels” reveal aspects of a Hellenistic, Her-
archangels Raphael, Michael, Gabriel, and Istrael, as well as
metic syncretism, which blend Christian and pagan ele-
by Uriel and Fanuel.
ments: along with a Iaô (Yahweh) and Abrasax they call upon
MEDIEVAL, MODERN, AND CONTEMPORARY IDEAS. In late
generic Faustian “powers” (dynameis). In other cases the jew-
antiquity and the early Middle Ages, there continued to be
els have the image of a manifold deity Hermes-Phosphoros-
reservations about the role of angels. In the seventh century,
Michael, with inscriptions on the body referring to Yahweh,
Pope Gregory I specified that the name angel should refer
the archangels, and magic spells; these objects were used as
to their role and not their nature (nomen est officii non na-
seals so that the soul would pass over the cosmic planes and
turae). Based upon a passage of Ezekiel (28:13) concerning
eventually reach the spiritual realm. Other images depict
jewels, Gregory theorized a set of links between precious
Olympian gods with the name of an angel inscribed along-
stones and angels according to their essence and spiritual
side: Hermes (with his caduceus wand) and Michael; Iup-
clarity (Sardonyx, Topaz, and Jasper; Crisolite, Onyx, and
piter (armed with lightning and with the eagle) and Satoviel;
Beryl; and Sapphire, Ruby, and Emerald).
and Diana (with bow, arrows and a crown) and Gabriel.
During the Middle Ages, the work of Thomas Aquinas
In a Gnostic religion such as Mandaeism, the priest is
(1225–1274) and Bonaventure marked the high point of the
the earthly representative of messengers and angels (uthrê, lit-
success of Dionysius the Areopagite in scholastic philosophy.
erally “riches”) who live in the world of light. These spiritual
After the Lateran Council of 746, the cult was restricted to
beings surround the supreme god and grant benefits on hu-
the three archangels, thus establishing the preeminence of
mankind, such as baptism, a gift of the divine beings of light
Michael (soldier angel and protector), Raphael (guardian
to Adam and an important ritual which allows the soul to
angel and healer), and Gabriel (the angel of the Annuncia-
ascend to heaven. One important type of Mandaean exorcis-
tion); as a result of the addition of the epithet “Saint,” these
tic text inscribed on cups sets out magic spells used to neu-
angels became humanized and Michael in particular was the
tralize demons and liliths; not just gods but also angels are
subject of a popular cult and devotion with the establishment
invoked who can bless, set free, ward off, and destroy.
of shrines that spread his veneration throughout Europe. Mi-
chael’s protective warlike qualities were appreciated by “bar-
In Manichaeism too, there are also important an-
barian” nations—among them the Celts, Germans, Slavs,
gelological ideas: the angel of Mani is his spiritual twin (syzy-
and Baltic peoples—who gradually converted to the Chris-
gos) who talks to him and provides him with instruction on
tian faith. The cult of Saint Michael resulted in a pilgrimage
the Gnostic mysteries. The syzygos thus reveals to him things
route known as the “way of angels,” which linked Norman-
that have been hidden, raises him up, and takes him to un-
dy’s Mont Saint-Michel with San Michele della Chiusa in
known and indescribable places. Protected from childhood
Piedmont, Italy and San Michele del Gargano in Puglia,
in the baptismal community by guardian angels and divine
Italy.
powers, Mani grows up and eventually meets his “Twin”
(Narjamig in Iranian texts, in Arabic al-Tawm in the Fihrist
The heretical and dualist ideological ideas of religious
of an-Nadim) who enlightens him and encourages him in his
movements such as the Bogomils and Cathars reworked the
missionary vocation. The Twin protects him spiritually
story of the fallen angel, Satan. According to the Cathars, the
against the snares of Greed (Az) and Evil (Ahrmen).
devil created the human body by imprisoning an angel of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
348
ANGELS
light; this soul has an angelic nature which longs to return
Rosicrucians, who were interested in the ideas of theosophy
to heaven, but is condemned to be continually reborn in
and alchemy. Illustrations in alchemical writings from the
bodily form until it discovers the truth. Every angel/soul
fifteenth century (Opera Chemica) attributed to Raimondo
therefore has an individual spirit (Spiritus sanctus); the Virgin
Lullo represent the biblical episode of Tobit and Raphael, the
Mary herself was regarded as an angel in order to justify,
healing angel, and hint that the alchemical Great Work of
from a docetic perspective, the immaterial nature of the body
the philosopher should always take place under the guidance
of the Savior. In the Encratite anthropology of the Bogomils,
of heavenly powers so as not to stray into darkness. In the
imitating the angel-eunuchs who live in heaven was a way
work of Jakob Boehme (1575–1624), angels intervene in the
of attaining, via asceticism, the detachment and sublimation
alchemical work of the Magus and their revelation deter-
of sexuality required to strive against materialism and repro-
mines the success of the work. An account by Johann Georg
ductive instincts.
Gichtel depicts the battle of Saint Michael with the Dragon,
In medieval Grail epics, angels appear in a variety of sit-
symbolizing the struggle between the forces of Love and
uations as beings who impart stories of the Grail to hermits
Anger and between Light and Darkness. In Elizabethan En-
in visions. The Grail itself was originally a precious stone, an
gland there was a kind of angelic spiritualism, particularly il-
emerald, which fell to earth from the crown of Lucifer during
lustrated by the magus John Dee. Dee may have inspired
the battle between the good and bad angels. In this battle,
both the character of Prospero, the master of the sprite Ariel
caused by Lucifer’s rebellion, a number of so-called neutral
in Shakespeare’s The Tempest, as well as the title character
angels did not take part and they became the guardian angels
in Gustav Meyrink’s 1927 novel The Angel of the West Win-
of the Grail. Four angels support the throne on which Joseph
dow. Dee claimed to have been visited by the angel Uriel,
of Arimathea is seated, and this quartet carries two candles,
who brought him a gift of a magic crystal to enable the
the crimson silk, and lance to be placed above the Grail
magus to communicate with him via a supposed language of
which is used to catch the drops of the blood of Christ.
angels.
The Renaissance, with its rediscovery of Neoplatonic
During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries spiri-
theurgy and magic, witnessed a reformulation of various an-
tualism and evocation of angels was widespread: in the writ-
gelological and demonological ideas. These had been inherit-
ings of the Lutheran theologian Emanuel Swedenborg
ed from such ancient philosophers as Iamblichus, Proclus,
(1688–1772) the universe has a spiritual structure and the
and Psellus, and spread until the time of the philosopher
human microcosm is the image of the divine macrocosm; an-
Giordano Bruno (1548–1600). After him there was a gradu-
gels allowed communion with the divine which could be
al censorship by the Counter-Reformation of the phantasia
known via visionary experiences. This theosophy influenced
of Renaissance pagan imagination. In the works of Marsilio
not only philosophers but also artists and writers like Wil-
Ficino (1433–1499) the idea of philosophy is seen as a mys-
liam Blake (1757–1827), who put forward ideas concerning
tery initiation, consisting of meditations and visions intend-
angels in both his engravings and his poetic works. Sweden-
ed to raise the mind to the plane of angels, demons and plan-
borg was identified with an angel in Blake’s Marriage of Hell
ets. Pico della Mirandola asserted that elements of Christian
and Heaven, while the “Four Zoas” in Blake’s poetry are an-
angelology are also present, tinged with Platonism and qab-
gelic and devil images of the four elements. Angelic influence
balism. In the natural philosophy of Paracelsus, magic allows
in romantic and spiritualist imagination was marked in Pre-
control of the world of heavenly, astral, and earthly intelli-
Raphaelite and Impressionist art. Twentieth-century occult
gence as well as the elemental demons connected with the
movements, like the Hermetic Order of the Golden Dawn,
four elements. For Henricus Cornelius Agrippa, the basic an-
practiced a version of angelic spiritualism and provided vi-
gelological hierarchy was divided into four categories of
sionary and poetic inspiration. One of its most famous mem-
angel:
bers was William Butler Yeats (1865–1939); another famous
of Fire (Seraphim, Virtues, Powers);
member of an esoteric brotherhood, the magician Aleister
of Air (Dominations, Principalities);
Crowley (1875–1947), carried out ritual “magick” ceremo-
of Water (Thrones, Archangels);
nies by calling upon an angelic being named Aiwass. In other
cases the subject of angels was the source of philosophical ru-
and of Earth (Cherubim).
minations from the great artistic and cultural figures of the
A system of angel and demon intelligence was linked to the
twentieth century, including Gershom Scholem, Walter
seven planets and to graphic signs and pentacles used in per-
Benjamin, Paul Klee, and Rainer Maria Rilke. Angels have
forming magical ceremonies. Angels were also connected to
also become subject matter for mass-media interpretations,
signs of the zodiac, the four winds, and the four cardinal
perhaps most notably by German filmmaker Wim Wender’s
points of the compass. There were angels that describe the
1987 classic Wings of Desire. Also bearing mention are the
functions and powers of God (Vision, Strength, Virtue,
spiritualist and irrational New Age movements and kinds of
Glory), while three good demons protect humankind by act-
recollective possession and contacts with spirit guides via me-
ing as guardian angels.
diumistic channeling experiments.
In the modern age there have been individuals and se-
cret societies with universalist, utopian systems, such as the
SEE ALSO Demons; Fravashis; Satan.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANGLICANISM
349
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Like her father, Henry VIII (r. 1509–1547), Elizabeth
Anges et Démons: Actes du Colloque de Liège et de Louvain-la-Neuve,
was determined to rule both church and state. The Act of
25-26 Novembre 1987, edited by Julien Ries & Henri Limet,
Supremacy of 1559 changed Henry’s title of “supreme head
Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium, 1989. See pages 383–398.
in earth of the Church of England” (1534) to that of “su-
Bussagli, Marco. Storia degli Angeli: Racconto di Immagini e di
preme governor.” Elizabeth had no intention of submitting
Idee. Milan, 1991.
England to papal authority, which her sister, Mary I
Cacciari, Massimo. L’angelo necessario, 2d ed. Milan, 1998. Trans-
(r. 1553–1558), had restored. She was equally adamant
lated as The Necessary Angels (New York, 1994).
against agitation for a presbyterian form of church govern-
Coomaraswamy, Ananda Kentish. “Angels and Titans.” Journal of
ment that would dispense with the royal supremacy, the epis-
American Oriental Society 55 (1935): 373–419.
copacy, and the liturgy.
Corbin, Henri. Le paradoxe du monothéisme. Paris, 1981.
The two editions of The Book of Common Prayer autho-
Couliano, Ioan. Eros et magie à la renaissance: 1484. Paris, 1984.
rized in 1549 and 1552 under Edward VI (r. 1547–1553)
Couliano, Ioan. Les gnoses dualistes d’occident. Paris, 1989.
were chiefly the work of Archbishop Thomas Cranmer of
Cumont, Franz. “Les anges du paganisme.” Revue de l’histoire des
Canterbury (1533–1556), whom Queen Mary had burned
religions 36 (1915): 159–182.
as a heretic. Both books were Protestant in doctrine, but
Génies, Anges et Démons Egypt-Babylon-Israël-Islam-Peuples
many ceremonies and ornaments from the Latin rites that
Altaïque-Inde-Birmanic-Asie du sud-Est-Tibet-Chine. Paris,
were retained in 1549 were eliminated in 1552. Elizabeth
1971.
preferred the 1549 prayer book. Parliament would accept
Leclercq, Henri. “Anges.” In Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne
only that of 1552, but the queen succeeded in making a few
et de liturgie, edited by Fernand Cabrol and Henri Leclercq,
substantial changes in it. Pejorative references to the bishop
Vol. 1/2, cols. 2080–2161. Paris, 1907.
of Rome were omitted. The 1,549 words of administration
Maier, S.A. “Angel.” In Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the
at Communion were added. Those additions clearly identi-
Bible, edited by Karel van der Toorn, Bob Becking, and
fied the consecrated bread and wine with the body and blood
Pieter W. van der Horst, pp. 81–90. New York, 1995.
of Christ. Elizabeth eliminated a rubric stating that kneeling
Montgomery, A. James. Aramaic Incantation Texts from Nippur.
to receive Communion did not imply adoration of “any real
Philadelphia, 1913.
and essential presence there being of Christ’s natural flesh
Pettinato, Giovanni. Angeli e Demoni a Babilonia: Magia e Mito
and blood,” but she was unable to enforce a new rubric re-
nelle Antiche Civiltà Mesopotamiche. Milan, Italy, 2001.
storing the ornaments of the church as they had been speci-
fied in the second year of Edward VI’s reign.
Piras, Andrea. “Messaggeri e inviati nello zoroastrismo.” Avallon
42 (1997): 17–33.
Many episcopal sees, including Canterbury, were vacant
The Intellectual Heritage of Assyria and Babylonia in East and West.
at Elizabeth’s accession. Most of Mary’s bishops were de-
A Searchable Database of the Legacy of Ancient Mesopotamia
prived of their offices for refusing to accept the new settle-
to Later Civilizations: entry “Angels.” Available from http://
ment. Careful to maintain the episcopal succession, Eliza-
www.aakkl.helsinki.fi/melammu/.
beth chose Matthew Parker, a moderate reformer and a
ANDREA PIRAS (2005)
friend and admirer of Cranmer, to be archbishop of Canter-
Translated from Italian by Paul Ellis
bury. He was consecrated on December 17, 1559, by two
bishops from Henry’s time and two from Edward’s. Vacant
sees were filled with the queen’s supporters.
ANGLICANISM. Anglicanism, also called the Anglican
In 1571 Parliament approved the Thirty-nine Articles,
Communion, is a federation of autonomous national and re-
the only official confessional statement of Anglicanism,
gional churches that are in full intercommunion through the
which are still included in most editions of the prayer book.
archbishop of Canterbury of the Church of England. Angli-
They are not a complete system of doctrine but point out
can churches share a tradition of doctrine, polity, and liturgy
differences from Roman Catholicism and Anabaptism and
stemming from the English Reformation of the sixteenth
indicate nuanced agreement with Lutheran and Reformed
century. Often classified as Protestant, they also claim a
positions. The queen added in Article 20 the statement “The
Catholic heritage of faith and order from the ancient, undi-
Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies.”
vided church.
EARLY HISTORY. The endeavor to hold together in a com-
Elizabeth’s settlement remains the foundation of Angli-
prehensive middle way (via media) the tensions of its Protes-
canism. It affirms the status of the canonical scriptures as the
tant and Catholic elements is characteristic of Anglicanism.
final arbiter in all matters of doctrine and as containing all
This tradition is a legacy of the English Reformation, which
matters necessary to salvation. Traditions of the ancient
was essentially an act of state, not a popular movement.
church and teachings of the early Church Fathers, unless
Without the coercive power of the state Anglicanism might
contrary to scripture, are treasured. The dogmatic decisions
have died aborning. The long reign of Queen Elizabeth I
of the first four ecumenical councils on the Trinity and the
(r. 1558–1603) ensured its survival.
Incarnation are accepted. Anglican liturgies regularly use the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
350
ANGLICANISM
Apostles’ and Nicene creeds and in some places the Athana-
and a primary basis of the spirituality of both the clergy and
sian Creed (Quicunque vult).
the laity. The daily and Sunday liturgies are set within the
THEOLOGY AND CHURCH GOVERNMENT. Today most An-
framework of the traditional seasons of the Christian year
glicans accept modern methods of literary and historical crit-
and the fixed feasts of Christ and the saints. The sacraments
icism of the scriptures and other religious documents. Angli-
of baptism and the Lord’s Supper (also called Holy Commu-
canism has never had a dominant theologian such as Thomas
nion or Eucharist) generally are considered necessary to sal-
Aquinas, Martin Luther, or John Calvin. The apologetic
vation.
work of Richard Hooker (1554–1600), Of the Laws of Eccle-
Valid baptism is by water “in the Name of the Father,
siastical Polity, is still influential with its appeal to scripture,
and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.” When they reach
church tradition, reason, and experience. Anglican theology
a competent age, persons who were baptized in infancy are
tends to be biblical, pastoral, and apologetic rather than dog-
expected to reaffirm the baptismal promises made by their
matic or confessional.
parents or sponsors, at which time they receive confirmation
The Anglican polity is episcopal and preserves the or-
by a bishop. The Eucharist, with invariable elements of bread
dained orders of bishops, presbyter-priests, and deacons that
and wine, consecrated by a thanksgiving prayer that includes
go back to apostolic times. There is no official doctrine of
Christ’s “words of institution” at the last supper, is a memo-
episcopacy. Some Anglicans consider it essential; others feel
rial of Christ’s once-for-all redemptive acts in which Christ
it is needed for the proper ordering or fullness of a truly cath-
is objectively present and effectually received in faith.
olic church. In negotiations for unity or intercommunion
CHURCHES OUTSIDE ENGLAND. For almost three centuries
with other churches Anglicans insist that an unbroken suc-
the expansion of Anglicanism was hindered by the Church
cession of bishops, together with the other two orders, be
of England’s lack of an overall missionary strategy and its
maintained.
concept of a church that must be established by the state and
All Anglican churches are constitutionally governed,
sufficiently endowed. Within the British Isles the Church in
with each church having its own canons for executive and
Wales, whose roots go back to the ancient church in Roman
legislative authorities. Bishops, the clergy, and the laity par-
Britain, was part of the province of Canterbury from the
ticipate in all synodical decision making, but a consensus of
Norman Conquest of 1066 until its disestablishment and
these orders, voting separately, is necessary for decisions
disendowment (the political actions that made the church in-
about major doctrinal, liturgical, or canonical matters. Out-
dependent of the government, and self-supporting) in 1920.
side England bishops generally are elected by a synod of the
It now uses Welsh as well as English in its liturgy.
diocese in which they will serve, subject to confirmation by
The English Reformation was rejected by 90 percent of
other bishops and representative clergy and laity from each
the people in Ireland, yet not until 1870 was the (Anglican)
diocese.
Church of Ireland disestablished and largely disendowed.
The Church of England is the only contemporary An-
Four Anglican dioceses now straddle the border between
glican church that is state-established. The archbishop of
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Old enmities
Canterbury has a primacy of honor among all Anglican bish-
between the Irish church and its predominant Roman Cath-
ops but has no jurisdiction outside his own diocese and prov-
olic neighbor have diminished.
ince. The British Crown, after appropriate consultations,
nominates the English bishops, who then are elected by their
The Reformation in Scotland was predominantly pres-
respective cathedral chapters. Parliament retains final control
byterian. A precarious Anglican episcopate was maintained
over doctrine and liturgy, but the Synodical Government
by the Stuart sovereigns. For its loyalty to James II and his
Measure of 1969 gave the English church the freedom to
male descendants after their deposition by Parliament, the
order its internal life through a general synod of bishops,
Scottish Episcopal Church was disestablished in 1689 and
clergy, and laity.
subjected to penal laws between 1715 and 1792. Yet it main-
tained its episcopal succession, revised its liturgy, and in
In addition to the episcopate, Anglicanism is bonded by
1784 consecrated its first American bishop, Samuel Seabury
a common liturgy that is contained in various recensions of
of Connecticut (1729–1797).
The Book of Common Prayer and is based on either the Eliza-
bethan version of 1559 or that of 1549. Use of the prayer
Beginning in Virginia in 1607, the English church came
book is prescribed in all Anglican churches. With the Bible
to be established in the American colonies from Maryland
and a hymnal, it provides everything needed for the church-
southward and in New York City. Except in Virginia Angli-
es’ rites and ceremonies. The prayer book has been in contin-
cans were outnumbered in the colonies by religious dissi-
uous use since the sixteenth century except for the years of
dents and refugees. The bishop of London exercised general
the English Commonwealth (1645–1660), when it was pro-
supervision, yet no bishop visited America during the colo-
scribed for public and private use. It is the only vernacular
nial period.
liturgy of the Reformation period still in use.
After a brief visit to Maryland the Reverend Thomas
The prayer-book formularies, many of them derived
Bray (1658–1730) founded in 1701 the voluntary Society
from the ancient church, are a principal source of doctrine
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANGLICANISM
351
The Archbishops of Canterbury
Made a
Years as
Made a
Years as
Name
Bishop
Archbishop
Name
Bishop
Archbishop
Augustine
597
601-604
Thomas Bradwardine
1349
Laurentius
604
604-619
Simon Islip
1349-1366
Mellitus
604
619-624
Simon Langham
1362
1366-res. 1368
Justus
604
624-627
William Whittlesey
1362
1368-1374
Honorius
627-653
Simon Sudbury
1362
1375-1381
Deusdedit
655-664
William Courtenay
1370
1381-1396
Theodore of Tarsus
668-690
Thomas arundel
1374
1396-trans. 1397
Beorhtweald
693-731
Roger Walden
1398-depr. 1399;
Tatwine
731-734
d. 1406
Nothelm
735-739
Thomas Arundel
rest. 1399-1414
Cuthbeorht
736
740-760
Henry Chichele
1408
1414-1443
Breguwine
761-764
John Stafford
1425
1443-1452
Jænbeorht
765-792
John Kemp
1419
1452-1454
Æthelheard
793-805
Thomas Bourchier
1435
1454-1486
Wulfred
805-832
John Morton
1479
1486-1500
Feologild
805-832
Henry Dean
1496
1501-1503
Ceolnoth
833-870
William Warham
1502
1503-1532
Æthelred
870-889
Thomas Cranmer
1533-1556
Plegmund
890-914
Reginald Pole
1556-1558
Æthelhelm
909
914-923
Matthew Parker
1559-1575
Wulfhelm
914
923-942
Edmund Grindal
1559
1576-1583
Oda
923
942-958
John Whitgift
1577
1583-1604
Ælfsige
951
942-959
Richard Bancroft
1597
1604-1610
Beorhthelm
956
959-dep. 959
George Abbot
1609
1611-1633
Dunstn
957
960-988
William Laud
1621
1633-1645
Æthelgar
980
988-990
William Juxon
1633
1660-1663
Sigeric
985
990-994
Gilbert Sheldon
1660
1663-1677
Ælfric
990
995-1005
William Sancroft
1678-depr. 1691;
d. 1693
Ælfheah (Alphege)
984
1005-1012
John Tillotson
1691-1694
[martyred]
Thomas Tenison
1692
1695-1715
Lyfing
999
1013-1020
William Wake
1705
1716-1737
Æthelnoth
1020-1038
John Potter
1715
1737-1747
Eadsige
1035
1038-1050
Thomas Herring
1738
1747-1757
Robert of Jumièges
1044
1051-exp. 1052;
d. 1070
Matthew Hutton
1743
1757-1758
Stigand
1043
1052-dep. 1070;
Thomas Secker
735
1758-1768
d. 1072
Frederick Cornwallis
1750
1768-1783
Lanfranc
1070-1089
John Moore
1775
1783-1805
Anselm
1093-1109
Charles Manners Sutton
1792
1805-1828
Ralph d'Escures
1108
1114-1122
William Howley
1813
1828-1848
William de Corbeil
1123-1136
John Bird Sumner
1828
1848-1862
Theobald
1139-1161
Charles Thomas Longley
1836
1862-1868
Thomas Becket
1162-1170
Archibald Campbell Tait
1856
1868-1882
Richard (of Dover)
1174-1184
Edward White Benson
1877
1883-1896
Baldwin
1180
1185-1190
Frederick Temple
1869
1896-1902
Hubert Walter
1189
1193-1205
Randall Thomas Davidson
1891
1903-ret. 1928;

d. 1930
Stephen Langton
1207-1228
Cosmo Gordon Lang
1901
1928-ret. 1942;
Richard le Grant
1229-1231
d. 1944
Edmund Rich
1234-1240
William Temple
1921
1942-1944
Boniface of Savoy
1245-1270
Geoffrey Francis Fisher
1932
1945-ret. 1961;
Robert Kilwardby
1273-1278

d. 1972
John Pecham (Peckham)
1279-1292
Arthur Michael Ramsey
1952
1961-ret. 1974
Robert Winchelsey
1294-1313
Frederick Donald Coggan
1956
1974-ret. 1980
Walter Reynolds
1308
1313-1327
Robert Alexander Kennedy Runcie
1970
1980-1991
Simon Mepeham
1328-1333
George Carey
1987
1991-2002
John Stratford
1323
1333-1348
Rowan Williams
1992
2003-
T ABLE 1 . For those consecrated as bishop prior to becoming Archbishop of Canterbury, the year of consecration is noted.
Abbreviations: d. = died; dep. = deposed; depr. = deprived; exp. = expelled; res. = resigned; rest. = restored; ret. = retired; trans. =
translated to another see.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
352
ANGLICANISM
Until the American Revolution the SPG sent more than
Conferences at approximately ten-year intervals except when
three hundred missionaries into the colonies. The revolution
the two world wars intervened.
undid those accomplishments, with the Anglican clergy and
The encyclical letters, resolutions, and reports of these
laity becoming divided between American patriots and loyal-
conferences have no legislative, but only advisory, authority.
ists to the British Crown.
They deal with internal Anglican affairs, ecumenical rela-
With independence, all SPG support was withdrawn. A
tions, and important social and ethical issues. The 1958 con-
large proportion of the clergy and laity had left for England
ference was the first to invite representative observers from
or Canada. There were no more establishments, and in Vir-
other churches, both eastern and western, to attend. Angli-
ginia disendowment followed. The remaining clergy and
can congresses in Minneapolis (1954) and Toronto (1964)
laity, both patriots and loyalists, began to organize in state
of bishops and clergy and lay delegates from most of the An-
conventions. The consecration of Bishop Seabury for Con-
glican dioceses, along with congresses in Lambeth (1958 and
necticut by Scottish bishops, who were considered schismatic
1968), opened the way to new structures of Anglican inter-
by the Church of England, spurred the English bishops to
communication.
obtain an act of Parliament in June 1786 that enabled them
In 1960 the first Anglican executive officer, serving
to consecrate American bishops without the customary oaths
under the archbishop of Canterbury, was chosen. His duties
of obedience to the royal supremacy and the archbishop of
were to visit and assess the problems of the various Anglican
Canterbury. Three Americans were so consecrated: for Penn-
churches and promote communication and common strate-
sylvania and New York in 1787 and for Virginia in 1790.
gy for missionary work among them. In 1971 the Anglican
Under the leadership of Bishop William White of Penn-
Consultative Council came into being, and the Anglican ex-
sylvania (1748–1836) and Bishop Seabury, a national church
ecutive officer became its secretary general. The council
that was formed at a general convention in 1789 adopted a
meets every two or three years in different parts of the Angli-
constitution, canons, and a revised prayer book. By the Gen-
can world. The archbishop of Canterbury is its president, but
eral Convention in 1835 the Episcopal Church was strong
the council elects its own chairperson; to date three of the
enough to establish a concerted missionary strategy, and it
chairs have been laypersons. Members consist of representa-
organized the Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society,
tive bishops, clergy, and laity of the several Anglican church-
which to this day includes all its baptized members. A bishop
es. Its concerns are much the same as those of the Lambeth
was chosen to organize dioceses on the western frontier, and
Conferences, and like them it has no legislative authority.
a bishop was resident in China in 1844 and in Japan in 1874.
Anglicanism is strongly involved in endeavors for Chris-
Liberia received its first bishop in 1851.
tian unity. The 1888 Lambeth Conference proposed a four-
fold basis for negotiations: the scriptures as “the rule and ulti-
In England evangelical Anglicans, influenced by the re-
mate standard of faith”; the Apostles’ and Nicene creeds as
vival movement of the Wesleys, in the late eighteenth centu-
“sufficient statement of the Christian faith”; the sacraments
ry formed the Church Missionary Society, whose aims were
of baptism and the Supper of the Lord as instituted by
comparable to those of the SPG. Later other voluntary mis-
Christ; and “the Historic Episcopate, locally adapted . . . to
sionary societies with special areas of interest arose. The
the varying needs of nations and peoples.” This “Lambeth
Church of England was slow, however, in providing bishops
Quadrilateral” has been constantly reaffirmed.
for its burgeoning missions overseas, and voluntary societies
could not provide them legally since bishops can be appoint-
The Episcopal Church under the leadership of Bishop
ed only by the church, not by voluntary societies, even if they
Charles Henry Brent (1862–1929) planned the first World
are affiliated with the church. Canada received its first bishop
Conference on Faith and Order at Lausanne in 1927, over
in 1787, followed by India in 1814, the West Indies in 1824,
which Brent presided. Delegates from more than a hundred
Australia in 1836, New Zealand in 1841, and South Africa
Protestant and Eastern Orthodox churches attended. This
in 1847.
movement became part of the World Council of Churches,
constituted in 1948.
CONFLICTS, CONGRESSES, AND INTERFAITH DIALOGUE. By
the 1860s two internal conflicts were disturbing many Angli-
At Bonn in 1931 the Anglican Communion entered
can churches: the emergence in some churches of modern
into an agreement with the Old Catholic churches of the
biblical criticism and the rise of ritual and ceremonial prac-
Union of Utrecht (1889) for full intercommunion, which
tices influenced by the Tractarian (or Oxford) Movement of
stated that this does “not require from either Communion
the 1830s and 1840s, which emphasized the Catholic heri-
the acceptance of all doctrinal opinion, sacramental devo-
tage of Anglicanism. At the request of the Canadian bishops
tion, or liturgical practice characteristic of the other, but im-
and with the counsel of his own convocation, Archbishop
plies that each believes the other to hold all the essentials of
Longley of Canterbury invited all Anglican bishops to meet
the Christian Faith.” This concordat has been the basis of
at his palace at Lambeth in London in 1867 for common
all intercommunion with non-Anglican Episcopal episcopal
consultation and encouragement. Seventy-six bishops at-
churches, which Anglicans call the Wider Episcopal Fellow-
tended. The success of that meeting led to similar Lambeth
ship.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANGLICANISM
353
A member of this fellowship is the Philippine Indepen-
nion during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has been
dent Catholic Church, which split from the Roman Catholic
its growth in African and Asian countries. Whereas there are
Church in 1902 and in 1948 requested and received from
currently about 26,000,000 Anglicans in England;
the Episcopal Church the historical episcopal succession. In
2,400,000 in the United States; about 4,000,000 in Austra-
1961 full intercommunion was established, and in 1965 the
lia, Aotearoa/New Zealand, and Polynesia; and about
Philippine church became a member of the confederation of
700,000 in Canada, the real growth of Anglican churches has
Old Catholic churches. A unique development began when
occurred elsewhere. There are over 41,500,000 Anglicans in
Anglican dioceses joined with other Protestant churches in
Africa, with Nigeria alone accounting for 17,500,000. In-
forming the Church of South India in 1947, with Anglicans
deed, the independence of African countries that was won
providing the historical episcopate. The churches of North
after World War II led to an increased rate of conversion to
India, Pakistan, and (after national independence) Bangla-
Anglican churches even in areas that had never been colonies
desh subsequently were formed on the same basis. Intercom-
of Britain. The leadership and clergy of African Anglican
munion also has been established with the ancient Mar
churches are also indigenous in a way they were not before
Thoma Syrian Church of Malabar in India.
the collapse of nineteenth- and twentieth-century colonial-
ism. At the 1998 Lambeth Conference bishops from Africa
Serious efforts to achieve the future reunion of Angli-
and Asia (224 and 95, respectively) outnumbered those from
canism with the Roman Catholic Church began with an offi-
Europe, the United States, and Canada combined (316). A
cial visit of Archbishop Ramsey of Canterbury with Pope
resolution affirming traditional disapproval of homosexually
Paul VI in March 1966. A joint preparatory commission in
active clergy passed largely because of support from African
1967 and 1968 sorted major theological issues for dialogue
bishops.
and made recommendations for areas of cooperation. Be-
tween 1970 and 1981 the Anglican-Roman Catholic Inter-
Current differences of opinion on ethical issues in the
national Commission published substantial agreements on
Anglican Communion, especially those related to the ordina-
eucharistic doctrine, ministry, and ordination and two agree-
tion of women and the morality of homosexuality, often re-
ments on authority in the church. Those agreements were
flect geographical differences. The General Convention of
gathered, with some elucidations, in the commission’s Final
the Episcopal Church (U.S.A.) first allowed the ordination
Report (1982). When Pope John Paul II visited Britain in
of women in 1976, an event that was prompted by two in-
1982, he and Archbishop Runcie signed the “Common Dec-
stances of retired bishops ordaining female deacons to the
laration” at Canterbury Cathedral on June 29 for a new com-
priesthood without official approval on July 29, 1974, in
mission to study further theological issues, pastoral prob-
Philadelphia and on September 7, 1975, in Washington,
lems, and practical steps for “the next stage” toward unity.
D.C. The first female Episcopal bishop, Barbara Harris, was
Anglican-Lutheran international dialogues took place
elected in 1989. The General Synod of the Church of En-
between 1970 and 1972. The ensuing report has been influ-
gland voted in favor of allowing the ordination of women
ential in an official Lutheran-Episcopal dialogue in the Unit-
on November 11, 1992; in 1975 it had narrowly voted that
ed States. In September 1982 three Lutheran bodies, in the
it had “no fundamental objections” to women’s ordination.
process of uniting, agreed with the Episcopal Church to cele-
However, these developments have not met with ap-
brate an interim shared Eucharist on specified occasions as
proval throughout the Anglican Communion, with the
a step toward closer unity in doctrine, liturgy, and ministry.
churches and bishops in Africa and Asia notably opposed to
Moves toward ecumenism between the the Church of En-
such changes. In 1998 the Eames Commission, the Arch-
gland and other European denominations and between the
bishop of Canterbury’s Commission on Communion and
American Episcopal Church and other denominations con-
Women in the Episcopate, reported that no ordination of
tinued throughout the 1980s and 1990s.
women to any clerical office was at that time allowed in the
Such dialogues recall expectations voiced in the encycli-
provinces of Central Africa, Jerusalem and the Middle East,
cal letter of the 1948 Lambeth Conference that, no doubt,
Korea, Melanesia, Nigeria, Papua New Guinea, South East
was influenced by the formation of the Church of South
Asia, and Tanzania. Other provinces allow women’s ordina-
India the year before:
tion to the deaconate but not to the priesthood. Only a few
provinces allow women’s ordination as both deacons and
Reunion of any part of our Communion with other de-
priests and allow the election of a woman as bishop.
nominations in its own area must make the resulting
Church no longer simply Anglican, but something
Similarly, there has been disagreement about the moral-
more comprehensive. . . . The Anglican Communion
ity of same-sex unions and the ordination of openly gay or
would be merged in a much larger Communion of Na-
lesbian Christians to the priesthood. When the Episcopal
tional or Regional Churches, in full communion with
Church in the United States allowed the election of an open-
one another, united in all the terms of what is known
ly gay man as bishop of Vermont in 2003, that event caused
as the Lambeth Quadrilateral.
much controversy within and among Anglican communions,
In addition to developments related to the ecumenical
with the most vociferous disapproval being voiced by African
movement, a significant change in the Anglican Commu-
bishops.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
354
ANI LOCHEN
Since its beginning as a national, Protestant church in
specialists in Tibet during the mid-nineteenth to the mid-
England in the sixteenth century, the Anglican communion
twentieth centuries.
has grown into a worldwide, diverse federation of churches
In her youth Ani Lochen was an itinerant yogin¯ı; in
bound together by a respect for a common tradition of doc-
midlife she was ordained a nun (a ne); and in her mature
trine, liturgy, and polity. The different churches draw on a
years she became a famous lama (bla ma). Ani Lochen was
past that includes both Protestant and Catholic elements.
addressed as rinpoche (precious), a title reserved for high
The loosely structured, federated nature of the communion
lamas and only exceptionally used for female masters. In pre-
may frustrate some attempts at greater unity and conformity,
modern Tibet, thousands of male yogins, rinpoches, and
but it also may enable survival, and perhaps even flourishing,
learned monks competed for attention and support, and it
of the church in an increasingly international world.
is highly remarkable that a woman of humble origins was
S
able to rise from poverty, physical and psychological abuse,
EE ALSO Cranmer, Thomas; Hooker, Richard.
and ethnic, social, and gender discrimination to become a
treasured teacher of Tibetan Buddhism.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
For official church documents and reports, see the Official Report
At the turn of the twentieth century, Ani Lochen estab-
of the Lambeth Conference for 1988 (London) and 1998
lished one of the largest and most famous nunneries in Tibet,
(Harrisburg, Pa.). See also the Official Year Book of the
Shug gseb (Shugseb), at the mountain Gangri Thokar south
Church of England, published each year. For surveys of Angli-
of Lhasa. Organized as a mountain hermitage, Shug gseb be-
canism with a bibliography, see J. W. C. Wand, Anglicanism
came the refuge of three hundred yogin¯ıs and nuns, who
in History and Today (London, 1961); Stephen C. Neill, An-
practiced meditation and yoga in caves and cells scattered on
glicanism, 3d ed. (Baltimore, 1965). See also Hugh Gerard
the hillside above the convent. Apart from periods of strict
Gibson Herklots, Frontiers of the Church: The Making of the
Anglican Communion (London, 1961); Paul D. L. Avis,
seclusion, Ani Lochen’s door was always open—even during
Church, State, and Establishment (London, 2001); Paul D. L.
the night—for nuns in need of advice and instruction. At
Avis, Anglican Understanding of the Church: An Introduction
Shug gseb the routines of meditation were broken only when
(London, 2000); Christopher Webber, Welcome to the Epis-
famous teachers visited, for common rituals on special days,
copal Church: An Introduction to its History, Faith, and Wor-
and for the daily duties of monastic living.
ship (Harrisburg, Pa., 1999); Andrew Wingate, et al., eds.,
Anglicanism: A Global Communion (London, 1998).
Ani Lochen came to embody important cultural and re-
ligious impulses from all of Tibet, stretching from Amdo and
On The Book of Common Prayer, including its texts and sources
Kham in the east, where her main teachers came from, to the
(1549–1662), see Frank E. Brightman, The English Rite, 2d
holy mountain Kailash in the west, which she visited twice.
ed., 2 vols. (London, 1921); Geoffrey J. Cuming, A History
of Anglican Liturgy, 2d ed. (London, 1980). For Anglican
She also spent years meditating in caves in the Himalayas in
worship from an ecumenical and artistic perspective, see
Nepal. Ani Lochen received her training from masters of the
Horton Davies, Worship and Theology in England, 5 vols.
“old school” of Tibetan Buddhism (Rnying ma [Nyingma]
(Princeton, N.J., 1961–1975). For Anglican–Roman Catho-
pa), which traces its spiritual ancestry back to ancient sources
lic relations, see Bernard Pawley and Margaret Pawley, Rome
of Buddhist wisdom, yoga, and meditation disseminated in
and Canterbury through Four Centuries: A Study of the Rela-
Tibet during the ninth century, possibly earlier. Ani Lochen
tions between the Church of Rome and the Anglican Churches,
combined learning from several Tibetan Buddhist schools
1530–1973, with a large bibliography and an American epi-
and continued an eclectic tradition (ris med) transferred to
logue by Arthur A. Vogel (New York, 1975).
her by her main teacher Pema Gyatso (d. c. 1889), himself
On recent developments regarding the ordination of women, see
a personal disciple of the great yogin Shabkar (1781–1851)
Pamela W. Darling, New Wine: The Story of Women Trans-
from Amdo in northeastern Tibet.
forming Leadership and Power in the Episcopal Church (Cam-
bridge, Mass., 1994); Susan Dowell and Jane Williams,
During Ani Lochen’s lifetime, Shug gseb became a vi-
Bread, Wine and Women: The Ordination Debate in the
brant and active religious community attracting many well-
Church of England (London, 1994).
known yogins and scholars. One of the greatest scholars and
M
adepts in Tibetan history, Klong chen Rab ’byams pa (Long-
ASSEY H. SHEPHERD, JR. (1987)
DALE B. MARTIN (2005)
chen Rabjampa,1308–1363), wrote his main works on Bud-
dhist philosophy in a cave near Ani Lochen’s convent, thus
making the mountain an important site of pilgrimage.
Among religious masters and important persons visiting
ANI LOCHEN (c. 1865–1951) came to achieve the
Shug gseb during Ani Lochen’s days were Rva sgreng rin po
most treasured status of Tibetan culture, that of a religious
che (Reting Rinpoche, (1912–1947), the regent of Tibet; Si
master, and her devotees regard her as an emanation (sprul
tu chos kyi rgya mtsho (Situ Chokyi Gyatso, 1880–1925),
sku) of the the famous eleventh-century yogin¯ı Machig Lab-
the abbot of Kah thog (Kathok) Monastery in Kham; the
dron. An exceptional autobiography, written during her last
king of Gling tshangs (Lingtsang, Kham); Rang byung Rig
years, provides insight into her spiritual achievements, as well
pa’i rdo rje (Rangchung Rigpe Dorje, 1924–1981), the six-
as the more mundane aspects of the life of female religious
teenth Karma pa; and the father of the fourteenth Dalai
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANIMALS
355
Lama. Among Ani Lochen’s teachers were also such “crazy”
In the traditional (pre-1950) Tibetan context, female reli-
siddhas as the tenth ’Khrul zhig rin po che (Trulshig Rinpo-
gious specialists were few in number, and even fewer were
che, d. 1920s) and Stag lung Ma sprul Rin po che (Taklung
famous. They did not have important clerical positions, they
Matrul Rinpoche, 1916–1976), who employed unconven-
were generally not in demand by laypeople, and they were
tional means to reach the Buddhist goal of enlightenment.
poor. Ani Lochen was an exceptional woman in Tibet—one
who painstakingly pursued her spiritual quest, and who was
When Ani Lochen and her religious companions arrived
able, through the practice of yoga and meditation, and with
in Lhasa around 1880—after years of wandering in the Hi-
the help of generous support from her devotees, to become
malayas—people were amazed to see such a group of yogins
the spiritual master of thousands of disciples. Even at pres-
and yogin¯ıs, their hair long and matted, their cotton robes
ent, Ani Lochen’s death is ritually commemorated on the
in rags. In Lhasa word spread quickly of this remarkable
thirteenth day of the month by nuns and yogin¯ıs, but also
yogin¯ı, and soon the aristocracy—particularly the women—
by monks and yogins at rDeng rgyal Ri khrod (Dengyel Her-
took her to their hearts. She was invited to noble mansions
mitage, built near the cave of another famous yogin¯ı, the
like that of the Lha klu (Lalu) family to read su¯tras; she was
eighth-century Ye shes mtsho rgyal), at Zangs ri mKhar dmar
ordained a nun on the terrace of Rag shag (Ragshag) House,
(Sangri Kharmar, the residence of Machig Labdron during
and she became the house-lama of Lady Bshag byang (Shag-
the latter part of her life), and of course, at Shug gseb.
jang) in E-yul. Counted among her devout disciples and sup-
porters were some of the most influential families in Lhasa:
SEE ALSO Nuns, article on Buddhist Nuns.
the Phreng ring (Taring), the Nga phod (Ngaphö), the
Spang mda’ tshang (Pangda Tsang), the Ka shod (Kapshö),
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the ’Brang stod (Drang Tö), the Ragshag, the Lcog bkras
Primary Sources
(Chogdre), the Kun bzang rtse (Kunsangtse), the Pha la
Shortly before Ani Lochen’s death, devotees requested that she tell
(Phala), the Hor khang (Horkang), and the Sne do (Nedo).
the story of her life. The nun Gen Tinley wrote the draft, and
the autobiography was edited by Dawa Dorje. Then it was
Lady Nedo (b. 1917) recalled the following:
carved on woodblocks and printed. The copy used as the
I had heard much about Jetsun [Venerable] Rinpoche
main source here was reproduced from a tracing of a print
in Lhasa, but didn’t really have faith in her. But in 1948
from woodblocks by Sonam Topgay Kazi and published in
281 folios in the Ngagyur Nyingmay Sungrab series, vol. 22
I stayed at her nunnery for more than a month. At
(Gangtok, Sikkim, 1975): Autobiography of the Shug gseb rje
Shugseb there were people from all walks of life: nobles
btsun rig ’dzin chos nyid bzang mo. About half of the text con-
and businessmen, peasants and nomads. They came
sists of spiritual songs presumably composed by the editor
from Lhasa and from different villages in the vicinity:
Dawa Dorje. A new 320-page edition, edited by Lobsang
from Western Tibet (Ngari), Shigatse, Lhoka and
Tsering, was published by the Tibetan People’s Publishing
Kham. I even saw Bhutanese there. The pilgrims gath-
House in Lhasa in 1997: Shug gseb rje btsun sku zhabs kyi
ered in [the] monastery kitchen and in the assembly-
rnam thar.
hall. Jetsun Lochen told the nuns to feed them all. Since
her private quarter was so small, the devotees had to
Secondary Literature
wait in line to receive her blessings and advice. She
Havnevik, Hanna. “On Pilgrimage for Forty Years in the Himala-
treated everyone alike, making no distinction between
yas: The Female Lama Jetsun Lochen Rinpoche’s (1865–
high and low. Jetsun Lochen would say, “yar shog, yar
1951) Quest for Sacred Sites.” In Pilgrimage in Tibet, edited
shog”—“come in, come in!” I was invited one day into
by Alex McKay, pp. 85–107. Richmond, U.K., 1998.
her private room at the time of her morning toilette. I
Havnevik, Hanna. “The Life of Jetsun Lochen Rinpoche (1865–
had heard that Jetsun Lochen liked French perfume,
1951) as Told in Her Autobiography.” Acta Humaniora 50.
and I offered her a small blue bottle of expensive per-
Ph.D. diss., University of Oslo, 1999.
fume which I bought in Lhasa [the perfume was labeled
Horkang, Sonam Pelbar. “Shug gseb rje btsun rin po che rig ’dzin
Evening in Paris and was popular among the noble la-
chos dbyings bzang mo’i rnam thar mdor bsdus.” Bod ljongs
dies in Lhasa at the time]. Jetsun Lochen was so old—
Zhib jug 1 (1989): 124–133. Sonam Pelbar Horkang is the
she could not move or walk. When the nuns lifted her
younger brother of Lady Nedo, whose reminiscences of Ani
naked body—like one does a baby—her legs remained
Lochen are quoted above.
in cross-legged position. When they tried to stretch
Nedo, Tsering Yudron. Interview by Tseyang Changopa in Lady
them out, her legs immediately resumed the meditation
Nedo’s home in Lhasa, May 20, 1999.
position—there were even bumps on them marked by
years of sitting like this. The nuns changed Jetsun Loc-
HANNA HAVNEVIK (2005)
hen’s diapers made of soft wool, and even after days and
nights in meditation, the urine did not smell bad at all.
I had never seen anything like this—suddenly I had
great faith in Jetsun Rinpoche. I thought, “She is the
ANIMALS. According to one prominent definition of the
real Machig Labdron and the real Ta¯ra¯ [goddess of
term animal, religion is both created for and practiced by an-
compassion]!” I still have faith in her—it has not
imals, since humans are, in modern biological terms at least,
changed since then. (Nedo, 1999)
incontrovertibly members of the animal family. But what of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
356
ANIMALS
other animals, ranging from the simplest of creatures to do-
sage from the Majjhima Nika¯ya: “Men are indeed a tangle,
mesticated work partners to large-brained, extravagantly wild
whereas animals are a simple matter. ” The tendency of reli-
creatures who exhibit emotional and intelligent lives in com-
gious traditions to pass judgement on the value of animals’
munity? What part have these beings had in human religious
lives has had a profound impact on human thinking about
life and belief?
the earth and its other inhabitants. The historian of biology
Ernst Mayr argues that Christianity has profoundly influ-
RENEWAL OF AN ANCIENT INQUIRY. At the very end of the
enced biological matters because Christianity “abolished free
twentieth century, scholars of religion renewed and deepened
thinking” by making “the word of God . . . the measure of
the ancient inquiry into other living beings’ place in religious
all things” (1982, p. 307). Mayr believed that Christianity
traditions as a whole. As a result, twenty-first-century schol-
was responsible for establishing Western culture’s controlling
arship on religion and animals continues to develop in a
assumptions about the important notion of species, and that
wide-ranging, inclusive, and interdisciplinary manner. It is
a crucial change in the Christian worldview occurred during
now clearer than ever that the earth’s nonhuman life-forms
the Reformation, by which species came to be seen as unal-
have, from ancient times, had a remarkable presence in reli-
terably static rather than subject to development and change:
gious beliefs, practices, images, and ethics. Engagement with
“The fixity and complete constancy of species now became
these other lives ranges from the belief that some are divini-
a firm dogma . . . [because a] literal interpretation of Genesis
ties who bring blessings into the world to the conviction that
required the belief in the individual creation of every species
the animals are merely unintelligent objects created by a di-
of plants and animals on the days prior to Adam’s creation”
vine power expressly for humans use.
(p. 255).
Other biological beings’ presence in the religious imagi-
Mayr’s comments reflect the interest that many disci-
nation has been neither static nor simple. Ivar Paulson ob-
plines outside religious studies and theology have in the role
serves that with the development of agriculture and animal
religious traditions have played in developing many basic as-
domestication, “much of the earlier numinous power and
sumptions about nonhuman lives. Interest is also spurred by
holiness experienced by the hunter in his encounter with the
the recognition that although religions’ relationships with
game was lost” (1964, p. 213). This altered, nonspiritual sta-
animals are ancient, many religious traditions have, over
tus is carried through in the 1994 Catholic description of the
time, narrowed their already minimal appreciation of non-
place of nonhuman lives in the believer’s world: “Animals,
human creatures. In the Western cultural tradition, for ex-
like plants and inanimate things, are by nature destined for
ample, studies of animals by Christian theologians and inter-
the common good of past, present, and future humanity”
ested believers have declined in the last few centuries.
(Catechism of the Catholic Church, par. 2,415, p. 516).
Nonhuman animals have been broadly dismissed in Western
The story of religion and animals goes well beyond ac-
culture’s secular circles through various developments since
counts of their divinity on the one hand or subservience on
the seventeenth century in philosophy (for example, Des-
the other. Held at times to be individuals in every sense that
cartes’s thesis that other living beings are more like clocks
humans are individuals, and even ancestors, family, clan
than like humans) and scientific experimentation (particular-
members, or separate nations, the life-forms outside the
ly powerful in the late nineteenth and throughout the twenti-
human species have regularly engaged humans at multiple le-
eth century).
vels, and thus at many times and places energized religious
In the latter half of the twentieth century, the place of
sensibilities dramatically.
food animals and laboratory animals in industrialized coun-
A range of issues. Contemporary scholarship on the in-
tries became increasingly that of a mere resource, even as
tersection of religious sensibilities and nonhuman animals
dogs and cats were more and more frequently included as
undertakes the daunting task of engaging the entire gamut
family members. Wild animals held an ambiguous position:
of humanity’s complex relationships with other biological
sometimes thought of as pests or recreational hunting targets;
lives. Beyond the familiar tradition of using animals for food
sometimes as representatives of the natural world’s power
and other material needs, nonhuman creatures have served
and majesty.
as fellow travelers, communal society members and workers,
The forms of religion dominant in most societies where
and, often, intermediaries between the pyhysical world and
animal research and food production became key industries
the supernatural realm. For many peoples, kinship with non-
were amenable to such uses. In addition, religious institu-
humans has been maintained through dreaming and waking
tions remained, on the whole, silent regarding environmental
visions, as well as ritual ceremonies in which interspecies
and habitat damage. As a result, in many ways religious insti-
bonds are honored.
tutions, like secular institutions, failed to notice or take seri-
ously humans’ profound and destructive impact on nonhu-
Many religious traditions have attempted to analyze the
man lives.
essence not only of human lives, but of the relationship be-
tween human and nonhuman lives and even the nature of
Renewal, and even deepening, of the ancient inquiry
nonhuman animals’ daily and existential realities. The his-
into animals’ place in religion occurred in response to this
torical Buddha is quoted on this subject often, as in this pas-
increasing crisis, and for independent reasons as well. Inqui-
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357
ries outside religious circles about nonhuman lives produced
the form of dismissive generalizations found in documents
remarkable information that revealed some nonhuman ani-
held to be revealed. Sometimes a one-dimensional sketch of
mals to be decidedly more complex than Western culture
a few local animals has operated as a definitive assessment of
and science held them to be. The findings of various biologi-
all nonhuman animals’ nature, abilities, and moral signifi-
cal sciences, for example, provided grounds for a more re-
cance.
spectful evaluation of various animals’ complex lives. When
At other times, positive but inaccurate stories have oper-
such details were noticed and taken seriously, the resulting
ated similarly to obscure the actual realities of the local non-
openness had the potential to re-create ancient religious un-
human animals. Custom and tradition that underlie inflexi-
derstandings about the human community with other lives.
ble claims about animals can present severe problems for
Additionally, the interfaith dialogue tradition of the second
historians, theologians, and believers who wish to engage evi-
half of the twentieth century revealed deep concerns for the
dence that contradicts, in letter or spirit, a heritage of views
ethical dimensions of human interactions with other animals
that is inadequate or misleading when assessing empirical re-
and highlighted religions such as Jainism and Buddhism that
alities.
did not share the Western anthropocentric agenda.
A
The religions of the world have had, and will continue
NIMALS AS SYMBOLS. Religious art, writing, dance, and oral
traditions abound with images of the world’s nonhuman liv-
to have, a major impact on the way their adherents, as well
ing beings. Some are connected in one way or another to the
as the secular world, look at the realities and moral responsi-
animals portrayed, but many are not closely related to the
bilities of the human interaction with other animals. Believ-
animals whose images are used. Some studies of religion and
ers, religious leaders, scientists, and scholars of religion now
animals have been confined solely to the study of such im-
have a much keener awareness of how engagement with
ages, thus ignoring the actual biological beings themselves.
other animals will reverberate in a multitude of issues.
Stanley Walens observes that misinterpretations of ani-
Sources of complexity. Many of the issues surrounding
mal symbols have plagued both anthropological and religious
religion’s interaction with animals—ethical matters, symbol-
studies: “The tendency of Western scholars to ascribe to a
ism, rituals—are, when considered individually, extraordi-
particular animal symbol the meaning it has in Western cul-
narily complex. Over the millennia, religious traditions have
ture is one of the fundamental errors of Western comparative
produced an astonishing variety of beliefs, factual claims,
theology.” Scholars now recognize that the alleged simplicity
symbols, and actions on many everyday subjects. Even if the
of early and indigenous religions was more a by-product of
frame of reference is only a single tradition, views of nonhu-
the “coarse analytic methods of researchers and of the inabili-
man animals can, across time and place, be in significant
ty of the outsiders to capture the depth and complexity by
tension.
which people in tribal societies are able to metaphorize them-
Further complexities stem from living beings’ signifi-
selves and their world” (Walens, 1987, p. 293).
cant differences from one another. Some are mentally, social-
Caution is thus in order when dealing with symbols that
ly, and individually extremely simple; others are mentally
use nonhuman animal images, for as Walens notes, “The ca-
and socially complex and so enigmatic that we may not be
pable scholar must look very skeptically at the record of ani-
able to understand their lives at all. Ignorance of the features
mal beliefs in pre-Christian societies” (p. 294). In particular,
of other animals’ lives has often led to crass oversimplifica-
the scholar must also be careful of purporting to talk about
tions both within and outside of religion. Such coarse carica-
“animals” when what is being discussed are animal images
tures are encouraged by the way humans talk about other liv-
that work primarily, even exclusively, to convey some feature
ing beings, for upon careful examination much human
of human complexity rather than any information about the
discourse about other animals is revealed to rely upon pro-
nonhuman beings whose images are being employed for
foundly inaccurate descriptions of their lives.
human-centered purposes.
Religious institutions, as enduring cultural and ethical
ETHICAL CONCERNS. Religion has traditionally been the cra-
traditions, have often been the primary source of answers to
dle of humans’ ability to exercise concerns for “others,” a cat-
a fundamental question: “Which living beings really should
egory that has historically included both humans and nonhu-
matter to me and my community?” The field of religion and
mans. The study of religion and animals has been greatly
animals attempts to assess the many ways in which religious
complicated by the fact that some religious traditions insist
traditions formulate answers to this question, and, in their
that the universe of morally considerable beings includes all
cultural milieux and beyond, to influence how living beings
living beings, while others have had, ethically speaking, a
outside the human species have been understood and treated.
pronounced human-centered bias, asserting that humans are
THE ROLE OF INHERITED PERSPECTIVES. The influence of
the only living beings that really matter. While these compet-
traditional religious doctrines has caused many believers’ per-
ing claims differ radically in how far human concern should
spectives on nonhuman animals to be dominated by some-
reach outside the human species, they share the conviction
thing other than a careful engagement with the animals
that humans are characterized by a profound ethical ability
themselves. Sometimes inherited preconceptions have taken
to care for others. Central questions in the study of religion
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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ANIMALS
and animals are thus these inherently ethical queries: “Who
tion of vigorous debate regarding whether nonhuman ani-
have the others been?” and “Who might the others be?”
mals possessed mental and social abilities, including lan-
T
guage, senses of justice and morality, and even reason.
REATMENT OF OTHER ANIMALS. Because most religious
traditions embrace the insight that actions speak more loudly
Richard Sorabji concludes that Augustine was the pivotal fig-
about what one really believes than do words, any assessment
ure in shutting down the vibrant debate in the Hellenistic
of a religion’s view of animals must be represented, at least
world about the specific abilities of nonhuman animals. The
in part, by some account of how it actually treats other living
result was a broad dismissal in the cultural tradition and, in
beings. If a religion features images of bulls in its temples but
particular, its religious institutions regarding other animals’
allows cattle to be treated with brutality in the world outside
significance. Since the time of Augustine, the vast majority
the temple, this gives us an important insight into their un-
of scholarship in the Western intellectual tradition has gone
derlying beliefs. Another religion may prohibit the harsh
forward on the assumption that humans alone are intellectu-
treatment or killing of cattle but include no images of the
ally complex, capable of emotional depth and commitment,
animal in its worship, rituals, or material culture. The former
characterized by social connections and personality develop-
may leave artifacts that suggest bulls were important, but
ment, and able to develop the kinds of autonomy that moral
daily life in the latter suggests a more respectful engagement
beings intuitively respect.
with cattle. Each religion engages with cattle in its own way.
This dismissal of animals, long a centerpiece in academ-
A careful analysis can provide much information about un-
ic curricula and pedagogy, is now in tension with the rich
derlying social values.
information developed in the life sciences about animals’
LINKED OPPRESSIONS. Religious traditions often suggest
mental, social, and emotional complexities. Even so, aca-
that when a human harms another living being, the actor and
demic expression in the twenty-first century, including reli-
even other humans are desensitized, so that they may subse-
gious studies and theology, continues to reflect the anthropo-
quently do even more harm (Thomas Aquinas made this ar-
centric bias of the Western tradition.
gument, as did Immanuel Kant). This insight has been one
Believers’ engagement with nonhuman lives is an ongo-
of the classic justifications for traditions prohibiting cruelty
ing challenge for religious pedagogy. Sociological studies re-
to animals. Contemporary sociologists and law enforcement
veal that ethical concern for nonhuman animals’ welfare con-
officials advance a modern version of this idea based on evi-
tinue to have a place, subordinated though it may be at
dence that certain instances of human-on-human oppres-
times, in the complex Jewish, Christian, and Islamic tradi-
sion, such as domestic violence, are psychologically linked
tions as they carry their ancient ethical insights forward.
with violence to nonhuman animals. A related insight is ad-
Francis of Assisi and Albert Schweitzer are cited regularly as
vanced by the Oxford historian Keith Thomas, who suggests
examples of believers with a profound concern for other ani-
that in western Europe the domestication of animals “gener-
mals. Influential figures like Ru¯mi, Maimonides, Ibn
ated a more authoritarian attitude” and “became the arche-
Taym¯ıyah, and Isaac Bashevis Singer also included animal-
typal pattern for other kinds of social subordination” (1983,
friendly themes in their works, and Augustine’s fellow Chris-
p. 46). The study of religion and animals can, when it ad-
tians, including Ambrose of Milan, Basil of Caesarea, Martin
dresses the idea that oppression of one kind of living being
Luther, John Calvin, John Wesley, Karl Barth, Paul Tillich,
leads to the oppression of other kinds of living beings, be
Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, and Thomas Berry, have in cre-
closely tied to social justice concerns that now are common
ative ways reflected their tradition’s capacities for seeing and
features of religious institutions.
caring about living beings beyond their own species.
TRANSMISSION OF VIEWS ABOUT ANIMALS. As carriers of a
It is thus misleading to suggest that all who have
culture’s worldviews, religious traditions are ancient educa-
thought about religion and animal issues have, naturally and
tors in cultural, ethical, social, ecological, intellectual, and
obviously, dismissed nonhuman animals in the manner of
political matters. In this role, religious traditions quite natu-
the mainstream Western intellectual tradition that remains
rally have transmitted from generation to generation views
dominant today. The recent emergence of a more systematic
of nonhuman animals, for the latter are inevitably around
and open-minded treatment of nonhuman animals in the
and with us in our local communities. As suggested by Ernst
doctrines, rituals, experiences, ethics, myths, social realities,
Mayr, these views affect the most basic human ideas about
and ecological perspectives of religious traditions suggests
animals’ nature, as well as their place in, or exclusion from,
that when a clearer picture is drawn, it will be a rich tapestry
human communities.
of alternatives for interacting with the earth’s nonhuman
This feature of religion is always a highly contextualized
beings.
piece in any religious tradition’s larger puzzle, and an essen-
INSTITUTIONALIZED RELIGIOUS VIEWS: A SURVEY OF
tial task in the study of religion and animals is to discover
WORLD RELIGIONS. Anthropocentric biases continue to
how a particular human community’s engagement with the
dominate many modern religious institutions’ discourse gen-
local world plays in its larger worldviews and lifeways.
erally, and their official pronouncements and conceptual
PREVIOUS SCHOLARSHIP ON RELIGION AND ANIMALS.
generalities reflect the prevailing assumption that humans
Greek and Roman thinkers were heir to a remarkable tradi-
alone are the appropriate subjects of human ethics. Main-
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ANIMALS
359
stream religious institutions have generally failed to challenge
not created for humans alone, but for other creatures as well.
the frequently cruel way animals are treated in modern in-
Daily life in India, especially at the village level, provides
dustrialized societies. There have been some challenges,
many examples of coexistence with other animals, the best
mostly from indigenous traditions and those of the Indian
known of which is the sacred cow. There are, however, many
subcontinent.
examples of mistreatment as well.
A survey of the views of nonhuman animals that domi-
Humans, even if Hindus believe them to have a privi-
nate major religious traditions reveals that traditional and
leged place in the hierarchy, are also believed to have special
mainstream religious institutions have, on the whole, accept-
obligations to all living beings. This ethical claim is often
ed not only humans’ domestication of some animals for food
buttressed by the close association of many Hindu deities
and work, but also deprecated nonhuman animals generally
with specific animal forms. Ra¯ma and Kr:s:n:a were thought
and scorned the value of careful engagement with other ani-
to have reincarnated as a monkey and a cow. Ganesh, an ele-
mals’ day-to-day realities. Such a survey also shows, however,
phant-headed god, and Hanuman, the monkey god, have
that various subtraditions and prominent figures within the
long been worshiped widely in India.
larger tradition often have questioned whether core values of
Historically, around 500 BCE the animal sacrifice that
the overall tradition aren’t violated by both subordination
dominated the ritual life of the brahminical tradition was
and facile dismissals of nonhuman animals. It is not uncom-
challenged by Buddhists and Jains as cruel and unethical.
mon, then, for some part of religious traditions to have en-
This challenge had a great effect on the later Hindu views
gaged nonhuman beings in some fuller way such that even
of the morality of intentionally sacrificing other animals, and
if their place is not front and center in institutional pro-
ahim:sa¯, the historically important emphasis on nonviolence,
nouncements, ritual, or traditional language, nonhuman ani-
has now become a central feature of the tradition.
mals remain present and relevant to some believers’ spiritual
and ethical lives.
Buddhism. Buddhist ideas about nonhuman animals
share many features with Hindu views, because both reflect
Hinduism. The Hindu tradition offers an immense
cultural assumptions that dominated the religions of the In-
range of views about the living beings who share our ecologi-
dian subcontinent. For example, all animals, human and
cal community. Two general beliefs dominate Hindu con-
otherwise, are viewed as fellow voyagers in sam:sa¯ra (the cycle
ceptions of the human relationship to other animals. First,
of death and rebirth). Compassion toward other animals has
human beings, recognized to be in a continuum with life, are
often produced expressions of concern for other living beings
considered the paradigm of what biological life should be—
in Buddhist literature that lead many believers and scholars
thus one often finds the hierarchical claim that human status
to claim that Buddhism takes a kind, sympathetic view to-
is above that of any other animal. Second, belief in reincarna-
ward nonhuman lives.
tion, a hallmark of most Hindus’ beliefs, includes the notion
that any living being’s current position in the cycle of life is
Alongside this very visible feature of the Buddhist tradi-
a deserved position because it has been determined by the
tion, however, sit complicating features, for in important
strict law of karma.
ways Buddhism has a negative view of nonhuman animals’
existence and abilities. Buddhist thinking groups all nonhu-
These two beliefs have resulted in an ambivalent view
man animals into a single realm or category, which in the
of animals. On the positive side, animals are understood to
hierarchical social structure that dominated the Indian sub-
have souls and be worthy of ethical consideration; the notion
continent meant that other forms of life were inferior to the
of nonharming, or ahim:sa¯, for example, applies to them. On
human realm. Hence, the very fact that a being is born as
the negative side, all of the earth’s numerous nonhuman ani-
any animal other than human is thought of negatively.
mals are understood to be inferior to any human. According
to the sanatana dharma, the eternal law and moral structure
The animal world is viewed as an unhappy place—as the
of the universe, all living beings, human and nonhuman, are
historical Buddha said in the Majjhima Nika¯ya, “so many are
born into that station in life for which their past karma has
the anguishes of animal birth.” Birth at a “subhuman” level
fitted them. Humans who in past lives acted immorally are
in the Buddhist hierarchy is conceived to be the direct result
destined to be born as nonhuman—an inferior life because
of less-than-ideal conduct. A human who violates moral
animals’ lives are thought of as particularly unhappy, at least
norms is constantly threatened with punishment in the next
compared to human existence.
life as a lower animal. Nonhuman animals are regularly de-
scribed by Buddhists as so simple, relative to humans, that
The ambivalence toward nonhuman life is negative in
their lives are easily understood by the superior human intel-
the recurring implicit and explicit scorn shown to animals
lect. Buddhist scriptures characterize animals as pests who are
(as well as to lower-caste humans). The positive side appears
in competition with their human superiors.
in the tradition’s remarkable ethical sensitivity to other ani-
mals as beings who should not be killed. Many Hindu scrip-
Even though these factors lead to descriptions of ani-
tures include the injunction that one should treat other ani-
mals in the Buddhist scriptures that seem fundamentally
mals exactly like one’s own children. Central religious texts,
negative, these views are moderated by central ethical com-
such as the R:gveda and Atharvaveda, hold that the earth was
mitments. The First Precept states that a Buddhist will re-
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360
ANIMALS
frain from killing any life forms. Some portions of the tradi-
Alongside the Hebrew Bible’s dominant view that wild
tion, though not all, emphasize vegetarianism as a means to
animals are evil is the countervailing notion that other ani-
this end. The well-known bodhisattva’s vow to refrain from
mals were created by God, who is proud of them (as ex-
entering nirva¯n:a until all beings are saved reflects one promi-
pressed in various passages in Job) and daily feeds them. Liv-
nent feature of the Buddhist tradition’s deep concern for be-
ing under God’s reign, other living beings at times appear
ings outside the human species.
as examples of right order, in great contrast to humans.
Many provisions, such as the law codes (Exodus 22–23 and
Buddhist engagement with other animals, then, is a
34, Leviticus 22 and 25, and Deuteronomy 14–26) recognize
mixture of the tradition’s heavy investment in hierarchical
the welfare of other animals, at least to some extent. Such
thinking and a strong ethical commitment to the value of life
provisions are limited, however, primarily to: (1) the welfare
in all its forms. Despite all its avowed respect for nonhuman
of domestic animals, that is, those that work for or produce
lives, however, the tradition has never emphasized seeing
benefits for humans, and (2) restrictions on how sacrificial
other animals in terms of their own realities. This leads to
animals could be killed.
a dismissive prejudgment of animal life, which is under-
mined by careful engagement with animals’ actual lives.
Although scholars such as Stephen Webb argue that the
practice of animal sacrifice benefited nonhuman animals in
The Abrahamic traditions. Just as the religions of the
general, the practice raises complex issues, for animal sacri-
Indian subcontinent share many common assumptions, the
fice functioned as an institutionalized means of atoning for
views dominating the Abrahamic traditions also have impor-
human violations of moral rules or purity taboos. The fact
tant assumptions in common. Judaism, Christianity, and
that nonhuman beings suffer because of human wrongs is,
Islam are dominated in many essential respects by what
of course, related to the human evaluation of human and
amounts to ethical anthropocentrism, that is, a pronounced
nonhuman lives. Why only those animals useful to humans
tendency to focus on the members of the human species as
were chosen for sacrifice is worth further inquiry into the role
if they alone should be the object of ethical and moral protec-
that anthropomorphism and anthropocentrism play in the
tion. It is a fundamental article of faith in the Abrahamic tra-
general practice of animal sacrifice.
ditions that the world was designed by a divine creator who
elevated the human species above all other forms of life. This
Judaism arose in geographical areas that afforded believ-
human-centeredness, which manifests itself in a tendency to
ers only limited exposure to the most complex nonhuman
justify practices that harm other animals, is, however (as in
animals (such as elephants, chimpanzees, whales, and dol-
the Indian subcontinent traditions), moderated at critical
phins), a fact that may account for its sometimes one-
points, as when sacrificial rules mandate that the victim’s
dimensional view of nonhuman lives. Jewish materials,
death be brought about as quickly as possible.
nonetheless, particularly by virtue of the body of traditional
Jewish law that concerns itself with animal welfare known
Judaism. Ideas about nonhuman animals are not simple
as tsa Dar baDalei chayim, provides a basis for arguing that care
in the Judaic tradition, in part because the Hebrew Bible
for other animals of all kinds is mandated by the core values
contains diverse and even contradictory views of humans in
and insights of the tradition.
relation to other living beings. A prominent model focuses
on the importance of keeping humans safe from dangerous
Nonhuman forms of life are mentioned in some of the
animals. A more utopian vision is that of peace with and
covenants found in the Hebrew Bible, including the cove-
among wild animals, which can also function as a metaphor
nant with Noah in Genesis 9:9–16. Some theologians, such
for cosmic and social peace among humans. Of these two
as Andrew Linzey, who argues that Christians have a theolog-
views, the first dominates, for human interests are character-
ical duty to protect nonhuman animals, make a great deal
istically seen in Judaism as far more important than animals’
of this in their works. Others have argued that the larger con-
interests. Richard Bauckham has noted that the idea that hu-
text, including the preceding set of verses (Genesis 9:1–7),
mans need “peace from evil animals” is an “ancient tenden-
which mentions that “the dread of you should be upon every
cy” stemming from the Jewish tradition’s decision to see
beast” and “every moving thing that lives shall be food for
“wild animals primarily as threats to human life” (1994,
you” radically qualifies the significance of nonhuman ani-
p. 8).
mals’ inclusion in the covenant established in Genesis 9:9–16
and reflects that other animals are “in the subordinate rela-
Philo Judaeus, a first-century Jewish historian, em-
tionship to humankind which has already been set forth in
ployed an image of a continuous warfare by the animals
Genesis” (Murray, 1992, pp. 33–34).
against humankind. This negative image of animals who are
not under human control is contrasted with the tranquillity
Yet even if humans are conceived in the Jewish tradition
of humans’ relationship with, and domination of, domesti-
as separate from the rest of life in critically important ways,
cated animals. There is some irony in this view, for the no-
an important sense of connection remains by virtue of the
tion that wild animals are evil, a common biblical theme, is
number of specific animals mentioned and observations
rooted in the belief that disorder in nature stems from arche-
about the variety of life these suggest. The early Hebrews no-
typal wrongs committed by human ancestors and the un-
ticed and appreciated the extraordinary diversity and inter-
faithfulness of Israel.
connectedness of human and nonhuman beings.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANIMALS
361
Christianity. The Christian tradition inherited and de-
The result is that there are both negative and positive
veloped the Hebrew vision of humans as distinct from all
views of other animals at the center of the complex Islamic
other animals. Some believe the Christian tradition nar-
tradition. As with Judaism, the ritualized slaughter of ani-
rowed this heritage by its handling of the biblical claim that
mals for food (dhabh) reflects the basic belief that humans
all humans, and only humans, are made in the image of God
are divinely appointed representatives of Alla¯h (Khal¯ıfa,
and have been given dominion over the earth. Some early
often translated as “vice regent” or “steward”). This is one
proponents of Christianity, including Origen and Augustine,
version of the claim that other animals, even if not on earth
asserted that part of Christianity’s basic message is a funda-
solely for human use, are subordinate to humans and in spe-
mental, radical division between human animals and all
cial instances ordained for human use.
other animals. In important ways, this has led to the exclu-
Although humans are, in the Islamic tradition, the cen-
sion of all other animals’ interests when they are in conflict
terpiece of creation, and thus the most important living be-
with even minor, unnecessary human interests.
ings, ethical sensibilities regarding other animals are still
Historically, the expression and development of Chris-
prominent, as in the rules governing the humane killing of
tian views of animals reflects ties to both Hebrew and Greek
sacrificial animals. Thus, the Islamic tradition provides
sources. Early Christians borrowed from them their funda-
moral space, as it were, for the view that other animals have
mental cultural assumptions. The result over time was an
an integrity and inherent value of their own.
amalgam in which connections to nonhuman animals were
THE ANIMAL PRESENCE OUTSIDE THE WORLD RELIGIONS.
subordinated to human superiority. Ultimately, humans
Views of the place of animals in human lives are far different
came to be seen as distinct in every relevant way from other
outside the mainstream religions. Native or indigenous tradi-
animals, and therefore ontologically superior to the rest of
tions worldwide often reflect a spiritual kinship with many
creation.
kinds of nonhuman living beings. John Neihardt begins the
This led prominent sects within Christianity to persis-
now famous account Black Elk Speaks: Being the Life Story
tently refuse to examine other animals’ realities. The extent
of a Holy Man of the Oglala Sioux (1932) with observations
of the denial can be seen in the comment made by Pope Pius
about sharing and kinship with other animals: “It is the story
IX (r. 1846–1878) to English antivivisectionist Anna Kings-
of all life that is holy and is good to tell, and of us two-leggeds
ford: “Madame, humankind has no duties to the animals.”
sharing in it with the four-leggeds and the wings of the air
Pius IX backed this up by “vigorously” opposing the estab-
and all green things; for these are children of one mother and
lishment of a society for the protection of animals in Rome.
their father is one Spirit” (p. 1).
Christianity faces a basic challenge from the developing
Communication with specific kinds of animals, often
body of knowledge about nonhuman animals. Based on data
mammals or birds known to be highly social and intelligent,
from the biological sciences and an appreciation of indige-
such as dolphins or ravens, are often found in nature-
nous cultures’ respectful engagement with life outside our
oriented spiritual traditions. Most show a deep concern for
species, many people now argue that at least some nonhu-
and connection with nonhuman animals as fellow beings or
man life-forms are proper objects of human morality. It re-
even as individuals not unlike humans. Many contemporary
mains to be seen whether the Christian tradition (or any reli-
nature-oriented religions, which tend to be decentralized and
gious tradition) will finds ways to integrate new factual
to give primacy to individual experience, emphasize nonhu-
information into its views of nonhuman creatures.
man animals. Relatedly, respected members of contemporary
Islam. Islamic views often reflect the Abrahamic empha-
scientific communities, such as primatologist Jane Goodall
sis on humans as the centerpiece of a created universe, but
and cognitive ethologist Marc Bekoff, have emphasized the
Islam also shows a countervailing recognition of the moral
relevance to human spiritual quests of studying and under-
dimension of the very existence of other animals. Even
standing animal behaviour. Noticing and taking nonhuman
though the QurDa¯n frequently asserts that other animals have
animals seriously is also evident in the Chinese folk, Daoist,
been placed on Earth solely for the benefit of humans, how
and Confucian traditions, Japanese Shinto¯, the Jain tradition
humans treat other animals, who are deemed creatures of
of India, Sikhism, and many other religious traditions that
Alla¯h, also plays an important role in the tradition. The
offer profound insights into the importance and ethical di-
QurDa¯n and other central writings of Islam reflect numerous
mensions of the human connection with other natural
ways in which believers have recognized that other animals
beings.
have their own importance. For example, su¯rah 6:38 states
CONCLUSION. Considering the seemingly simple question of
that other animals have their own communities: “There is
how the two important topics of religion and animals inter-
not an animal in the earth, nor a flying creature on two
sect raises many possibilities. One of these is a deeper under-
wings, but they are communities like unto you.”
standing of religious traditions’ roles in shaping human con-
Muh:ammad himself commented, “Whoever is kind to the
cepts of, discourse about, and ethical engagements with the
creatures of Alla¯h, is kind to himself.” He also compared the
Earth and its nonhuman inhabitants. The religious compo-
doing of good or bad deeds to other animals to similar acts
nent of a human interaction with other animals can offer sig-
done to humans.
nificant personal value as well. An increasing number of
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ANIMISM AND ANIMATISM
theologians, ethicists, philosophers, poets, and scholars from
Regan, Tom, ed. Animal Sacrifices: Religious Perspectives on the Use
many disciplines have echoed Thomas Berry’s insight: “In-
of Animals in Science. Philadelphia, 1986.
deed we cannot be truly ourselves in any adequate manner
Sorabji, Richard. Animal Minds and Human Morals: The Origins
without all our companion beings throughout the earth.
of the Western Debate. Ithaca, N.Y., 1993.
This larger community constitutes our greater self” (Berry,
Thomas, Keith. Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes
2005).
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Waldau, Paul. “Buddhism and Animals Rights.” In Contemporary
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Lady of the Animals; Lord of the Animals; Monsters; Rab-
bits; Sacrifice; Snakes; Totemism; Tricksters, overview
Waldau, Paul. The Specter of Speciesism: Buddhist and Christian
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Waldau, Paul, ed. “Religion and Animals.” Society and Animals 8,
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ANIMISM AND ANIMATISM. The term animism
properly refers to a theory set forth by the English scholar
Catechism of the Catholic Church. London, 1994.
E. B. Tylor (1832–1917), one of the founders of modern an-
Chalmers, Robert. Further Dialogues of the Buddha, Translated
thropology, in order to account for the origin and develop-
from the Pali of the Majjhima Nikàya by Lord Chalmers. 2
ment of religion. Tylor’s theory was in general harmony with
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the dominant evolutionistic views of his age, as represented
Deen, Samarrai, and Mawil Y. Izzi. “Islamic Environmental Eth-
by the naturalist Charles Robert Darwin (1809–1882) and
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the social philosopher Herbert Spencer (1820–1903). Dar-
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win and Spencer both viewed the development of the natural
J. Ronald Engel and Joan Gibb Engel. London, 1990.
and social world as a movement from lower to higher forms,
Gaffney, James. “The Relevance of Animal Experimentation to
from the simple to the complex.
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The distinctiveness of Tylor’s theory was its assumption
by Tom Regan. Philadelphia, 1986.
that the earliest form of religion was characterized by human
Goodall, Jane, with Phillip Berman. Reason for Hope: A Spiritual
ideas concerning a plurality of spirits and ghosts. In this he
Journey. New York, 1999.
differed from Spencer, who had posited atheism at the begin-
Goodall, Jane, and Bekoff, Marc. The Ten Trusts: What We Must
ning of human culture, although both followed the common
Do to Care for the Animals We Love. San Francisco, 2002.
pattern of their evolutionistic contemporaries in deriving a
most archaic form of religion from humanity’s rational re-
Harrod, Howard L. Renewing the World: Plains Indian Religion
and Morality. Tucson, Ariz., 1987.
flections on the world of nature and on itself.
Hillman, James. “Interview with Thomas Moore.” Parabola 8, no.
Inevitably, each theory of the most archaic form of reli-
2 (1983): 49–53.
gion led to speculations on still earlier stages or other hypo-
Linzey, Andrew. Christianity and the Rights of Animals. New York,
thetical beginnings. One supposed earlier stage that was
1987.
widely accepted among scholars was linked to the name of
Linzey, Andrew. Animal Theology. Chicago, 1994.
R. R. Marett (1866–1943), best known for his The Threshold
of Religion (1909). Marett, who first launched his own theory
Masri, B. A. Animals in Islam. Petersfield, U.K., 1989.
in 1900, saw it as an extension of Tylor’s and for that reason
Mayr, Ernst. The Growth of Biological Thought: Diversity, Evolu-
spoke of preanimism, or animatism. This hypothetical earli-
tion, and Inheritance. New York, 1982.
est stage of “prereligion” was also known as dynamism, a
Murray, Robert. The Cosmic Covenant: Biblical Themes of Justice,
term introduced by the French anthropologist Arnold van
Peace, and the Integrity of Creation. London, 1992.
Gennep in his Les rites de passage (1909). The term dynamism
Neihardt, John G. Black Elk Speaks: Being the Life Story of a Holy
(from the Greek dunamis, “power, energy”) suggests the
Man of the Oglala Sioux. New York, 1932.
presence of a power that is not, or is not necessarily, individ-
Paulson, Ivar. “The Animal Guardian: A Critical and Synthetic
ualized. It is still somehow homogeneous, not yet differenti-
Review.” History of Religions 3, no. 2 (1964): 202–219.
ated as it is in the stage of animism. Marett himself made
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANIMISM AND ANIMATISM
363
the comparison with electricity. His term animatism, like dy-
tween the primitive human and the child and its mentality.
namism, points to a thing, situation, or state of affairs that
His formulation gave the analogy new force, as if it could be
is enlivened or animated, but not in any individual, soul-like
relied on as an established fact, and it would be taken up
manner.
again several decades later by the French philosopher Lucien
Lévy-Bruhl (1857–1939) and the Dutch phenomenologist
The theories of animism and animatism are difficult to
Gerardus van der Leeuw (1890–1959).
take seriously in the present time, given the psychological so-
phistication that has come to be taken for granted in intellec-
Tylor’s evolutionism did not lose touch with all reli-
tual circles since Freud. Assuredly, Tylor’s theory of succes-
gious sentiment, however. Tylor was a Quaker, and in the
sive stages and the production of ever higher religious forms
spirit of his age he associated the evolution of humans with
by the human mind is far too unwieldy to account for the
the natural process of growth and with a general increase in
phenomena history offers. As early as 1887, sixteen years
human understanding and responsibility. The English an-
after Tylor published his influential work Primitive Culture,
thropologist E. E. Evans-Pritchard has suggested that a good
the Dutch historian of religions P. D. Chantepie de la Saus-
many of the anthropologists who theorized on “primitive re-
saye expressed his reservations in his famous Lehrbuch der Re-
ligion,” from the latter half of the nineteenth century to the
ligionsgeschichte. He grouped Tylor together with other evo-
present, were really preparing a means to attack Christianity,
lutionists who, in his opinion, tried too hard to apply a
while they despised the primitive religions they studied as a
mechanical worldview to historical, social, cultural, and reli-
mass of illusions. Such an assessment of Tylor would be un-
gious facts. However, even though Chantepie de la Saussaye
fair. Tylor’s evolutionism was in fact more akin to that of
found support for his criticism in F. Max Müller, the famous
Nathan Söderblom (1866–1931), the Swedish Lutheran
Indologist and historian of religions, and in the philosophies
archbishop and historian of religions, who saw Christianity
of the German thinkers Eduard von Hartmann (1842–1906)
as the most perfect image of the goal toward which all reli-
and R. H. Lotze (1817–1881), he was far from rejecting the
gous evolution headed. Together with this essentially reli-
theory of animism altogether. The influence of Tylor and the
gious, apologetic motive, however, Tylor’s view of primitives
other evolutionists pervaded the age.
also shared something of the vision of Rudyard Kipling
(1865–1936), the English poet laureate who celebrated the
At the present time one might feel inclined to dismiss
British empire’s responsibility to “carry the white man’s bur-
the subjects of animism and animatism as irrelevant for
den” and lead the way for the savages, even when the latter
scholarship, were it not for three considerations. In the first
failed to understand the nobility of that task or went so far
place, Tylor’s theory in particular has had a firm hold on
as to rebel against their benefactors. This side of Tylor’s theo-
scholarship for some seventy or eighty years and still turns
ry of evolution shows it to be the product of British imperial-
up in some circles today as if it were authoritative. Second,
ism and colonialism. Both elements, the religious tenor and
animism can be seen as a twentieth-century name given to
the nationalism, intermingle in Tylor’s work.
a type of theory that has been influential throughout the his-
tory of intellectual dealings with religion. Third, animism,
Tylor proposed the term animism for the study of “the
with its progeny, illustrates in a clear fashion the nineteenth-
deep-lying doctrine of Spiritual Beings, which embodies the
century obsession with origins, and this subject falls squarely
very essence of Spiritualistic as opposed to Materialistic phi-
within the interest of the history of religions, for in the final
losophy.” He called his concept a minimum definition of re-
analysis the obsession with origins of ultimate human orien-
ligion. He would have preferred the term “spiritualism” for
tations is itself a religious phenomenon.
his theory if that term had not come into use (especially in
THE THEORY, ITS IMPACT, AND ITS INADEQUACIES. Turn-
his day) to designate groups with extreme views on supernat-
ing to the first of the three reasons why animism is still wor-
ural phenomena. It is not unfair to say that Tylor’s interest
thy of attention, one should look more closely at the theory
in “ghosts” and “souls,” in spite of its outstanding quality
Tylor developed. The theory owed not a little of its appeal
and distinctiveness, is still part of the intellectual fashions of
to Tylor’s superb style of writing. He reflected on the diverse
his time, a time in which the most famous ghost story of all
mass of ethnological data that reached his desk, tried to ac-
Western literary history, Charles Dickens’s A Christmas
count for it by imagining what might have happened in the
Carol (first published in 1843), attained an unprecedented
minds of early man, and presented his findings in vivid colors
success.
in perfect harmony with the prevailing ideas and sentiments
Tylor was fascinated with the reflections that he be-
of his time.
lieved to be fundamental to early man, whom he believed to
The “noble savage,” unspoiled by education, had been
be represented by the “savages” of the present. These reflec-
popularized by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and the image of the
tions, he thought, arose from the experience of death and
child’s growth was invoked by Lessing in his Die Erziehung
dying, and from dreams and dreaming. What happens when
des Menschengeschlechts (1780) to explain the historical devel-
life leaves a body? Where does one’s life, one’s dying breath,
opment or “education” of the human race. In Tylor’s Primi-
go? The primitive observed what happened and refused to
tive Culture (1871), however, the poetic simile was presented
accept death as final. Moreover, in a dream one would see
as science. Tylor argued for a strict, scientific analogy be-
the deceased alive, moving, speaking. For the primitive, the
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364
ANIMISM AND ANIMATISM
dreamworld would not be less real than the waking state. In
to show that primitive religion was rational, that it arose
reflections such as these on the spirits of the dead and the
from unmistakable observations, nevertheless he judged
ghosts perceived in dreams, Tylor saw the first forms of a reli-
these observations to be inadequate in themselves. Although
gious signature.
logical deductions were drawn from these observations, he
believed these deductions were faulty. And although the
Tylor did not at all plan his work as a work of specula-
“savages” managed to construct a natural philosophy, as a
tion. On the contrary, he did his utmost to be fair to all evi-
philosophy it remained crude. Tylor thus stressed the ratio-
dence. Although the experiences of death and dreams seemed
nal element in primitive religion and at the same time re-
to explain many ideas among tribal peoples, he recognized
the existence of traditions concerning a great many other
ferred to that religion as “this farrago of nonsense.” The clas-
“spirits,” especially spirits of nature, of woods, lakes, and so
sification necessary to science was basic to it, yet it went
on. The spirits of the dead, nevertheless, remained for Tylor
wrong when the magician mistakenly inferred that things
the earliest phenomena that could have triggered humans’
that are like have a mystical link between them, thereby mis-
minds in the formation of religion.
taking an ideal connection for a real one, a subjective one for
an objective one (Evans-Pritchard).
Spirits could take on a truly independent existence, ac-
cording to his theory, and the manifold traditions from all
Since the middle of the twentieth century the knowl-
over the world confirmed it. Nothing seemed more natural
edge of prehistory has increased so much as to make one ob-
than the slow development from low to high, from a plurali-
jection to Tylor’s theory evident at once: his theory of “ani-
ty of spirits on to a polytheistic system, a hierarchy among
mism” as the original form of religion has not found any
nature spirits, and ultimately some form of monotheism.
historical confirmation. Moreover, the key ingredients of his
Some elements in his scheme of development had had their
theory are limited to hypothetical considerations ascribed to
predecessors, as in the ideas of the philosopher David Hume
the mind of very distant, primordial men, and the chances
(1711–1776) concerning the gradual development of reli-
that those men used the same sort of logic or lived in circum-
gion leading from polytheism toward monotheism, but the
stances calling for positivistic concerns of the sort that Tylor
mass of evidence drawn from history and from among con-
took for granted are remote. At present, prehistorians, histo-
temporary tribal traditions gave Tylor’s theory the impressive
rians, and anthropologists would agree that Tylor’s theory
scientific persuasiveness that a more empirically inclined age
has very little bearing on anything they would consider a reli-
desired.
gious phenomenon.
The same tendencies that raised Zeus to his supreme
In the history of scholarship, among the first objections
place among the Olympians and elevated the Indian deity
raised against Tylor’s animism were those that appealed to
Brahma above the rank of mighty nature spirits are visible
a theory of preanimism or dynamism. However, as already
according to Tylor in the formation of the Great Spirit
noted, Marett, who was the first to speak of preanimism (in
among North American Indians and have further analogies
1900), thought not of rejecting but rather of extending
in the processes at work among the tribesmen on the Chota
Tylor’s reasoning, and of making a space for a stage in which
Nagpur plateau of India, as well as among the peoples of
ideas concerning a life-force had not yet been differentiated
Ethiopia. In general, developments taking place on the
into the notion of independent spirits. Marett actually goes
“lower level of mythic religion” are confirmed in higher,
so far as to compare the supposed impersonal power with
more intellectual traditions, such as those of Greece and
electricity. The comparison is characteristic of the times and
China, and are finally reinforced by the spread of Christiani-
had great appeal when some big cities, such as New York,
ty. It then becomes the ongoing task of systematic theology
had begun to look like forests of poles for electrical wiring.
to develop and define the figure of the supreme deity, wheth-
The idea of a mysterious force, alive and yet homogeneous,
er he is called the God of Heaven, the Sun, or the Great
not yet individualized, was at once popular. The same objec-
Spirit.
tions that can be raised against animism can be raised against
preanimism as well. Both theories attribute a modern, me-
This final building block in Tylor’s theory is not a mere
chanical, and positivistic concern to early man. Nor has his-
ornament but the finishing touch to an architectonic system.
torical evidence for dynamism as the origin of religion been
Tylor was quite consciously trying to give substance to the
forthcoming. Marett’s theory leaned in part on work done
traditional, formal Christian-theological concept of natural
by R. H. Codrington in the Pacific (The Melanesians, 1895).
religion. He called the theory of the soul “one principal part
The key conception was mana, a Melanesian idea that in Ma-
of a system of religious philosophy that unites, in an unbro-
rett’s opinion could be identified with notions of other
ken line of mental connexion, the savage fetish-worshipper
“primitives” (such as wakan among the Lakota, orenda
and the civilized Christian.”
among the Iroquois, manitou among the Algonquin). It
The completeness of Tylor’s theory should not be al-
seemed as if mana could provide an improved, even an ade-
lowed to conceal a certain ambiguity in its details, however,
quate minimum definition of religion, namely, “supernatural
an ambiguity that is more a characteristic of the scholarship
power.” Other scholars extended Marett’s line of reasoning
of his time than a personal weakness. Although he wished
and found traces of the same original conception in the brah-
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ANIMISM AND ANIMATISM
365
man of the Hindus and in both the numen and the imperium
read, for instance, that Burma’s population consists mainly
of the Romans.
of Buddhists, Muslims, and Animists. Tylor’s theory has had
such an impact as to suggest that animism is in fact a religion,
Anthropologists have since pointed out, however, that
whereas in fact it was never more than a theory about reli-
even in Codrington’s descriptions, mana cannot often be
gion. One cannot reproach Tylor for this popular revamping
properly interpreted as “impersonal power.” The term occurs
of his ideas, and yet the philosophical assumptions of the the-
as a rule in a far more complex context, as do words such
ory carried this potential danger with them.
as “the sacred” or “magic” with ourselves. Moreover, even
when the term mana conveys the notion “power,” it is always
ANIMISM IN THE HISTORY OF SCHOLARSHIP. As a theory in
the power of a spirit or some other agent; hence Marett’s in-
religion, Tylor’s animism does not stand in total isolation,
sistence on its impersonal character is not convincing. In ad-
in spite of its splendor, influence, and popularity. Ideas con-
dition, it is now known that notions of an “impersonal
cerning a creative human imagination conjuring up superhu-
power” do not occur among peoples that are culturally least
man figures are ancient. Of special relevance is the idea of
advanced and who would represent a truly “primitive” stage
the dead as the nucleus around which a world of spiritual be-
in an evolutionary process. Contrary to what the theory
ings could have been built up. The name of the Greek Eu-
would require, they do not occur among the most archaic
hemerus (third century BCE) is inseparable from the theory
gatherers and hunters but rather in much more developed so-
that bears his name, “euhemerism.” According to this theory,
cieties such as those on the cultural level of nomadic cattle
the gods were originally no more than human rulers who
breeders with intricate patriarchal kinship systems.
were later elevated to the status of gods by subsequent gener-
ations because of the benefits they bestowed on mankind.
The main objection against the sort of preanimistic the-
The theory endured well into the eighteenth century, yet Au-
ory designed by Marett, as in the case of Tylor’s animism,
gustine of Hippo and other early Christian thinkers, who
remains philosophical in nature. The theories of animism
were quite familiar with it in its classical form, gave it a new
and preanimism suffer from the problem of reading one’s
twist. In Christian thought a distinction unknown to Classi-
mental assumptions into the data without sufficient critical
cal Greece was made between true and false religion. Thus
analysis. Marett’s formula of a “supernatural power” as a
whereas formerly the gods owed their divinity to the benefits
minimum definition of religion is eloquent. The adjective su-
they had bestowed on man, now the idea was introduced that
pernatural, which has dominated the anthropological vocab-
their superhuman state was the result of their stupendous
ulary for a long time in endeavors to delineate religion, im-
vices and evil deeds; not their radiant kingship, but their
plies a natural world that is known, on top of which the
mere humanity came to be emphasized; not veneration, but
unknown or rather the not-yet-known or perhaps altogether
fear was the proper human response to their acts, not adora-
illusory dimension elevates itself. The real quality of this un-
tion, but propitiation. They were demonic rather than di-
known or illusory upper story escapes not so much one’s
vine. This new interpretation of euhemerism agreed very well
mind as that of “the primitives.” Hence the latter create for
with another pre-Christian idea, as expressed by the Roman
themselves strange conceptions and thereby indulge in a
author Statius (c. 40–96 CE): “Primus in orbe deos fecit
strange (“childish”) habit from which the investigator is free.
timor” (“The first reason in the world for the existence of the
gods was fear”).
Animism and preanimism are both concepts to which
the rule formulated by the philosopher Henri Bergson (in
Neither in antiquity nor in the Middle Ages did anyone
1903) fully applies: concepts, especially if they are simple,
posit human reflection on death or any other single idea as
have the disadvantage of being in reality symbols for the ob-
the cause of religion. Such a theoretical attempt to find a sin-
ject they symbolize and demand no effort on one’s part. The
gle principle at the origin of religion did not really occur
very concept of “the primitives” is itself an abstraction for
until the end of the eighteenth century, and full-fledged re-
an enormous, variegated group of human traditions. The
ductionistic theories were not developed until the nineteenth
theories make them into an object and single out the idea
century. However, with regard to this topic, two eighteenth-
of “spirits” or “power” to suggest an even more concise con-
century names stand out. David Hume’s The Natural History
cept. In the process the illusion that the people studied and
of Religion (1757) can be read as a prelude to nineteenth-
the modern investigator represent two altogether different
century evolutionistic schemes of religion. Hume posited a
groups of mankind (an illusion that always lurks in the back-
plurality of gods at the beginning of human religious history
ground in humanistic and social studies) threatens to become
and a monotheistic system at its culmination. The other
permanent. Such a dichotomy was generally considered valid
name is that of the French magistrate and Enlightenment
throughout the period of colonization by Western nations
scholar Charles de Brosses (1709–1777). De Brosses is of in-
during which Tylor and Marett did their work. The attitude
terest not only for his idea of an evolving religiousness but
that was then prevalent explains how for several generations,
also for notions that resemble Tylor’s animism and Marett’s
in the best of intellectual circles, the term animist became a
preanimism. In 1757 de Brosses wrote an essay, Du culte des
synonym for what a former age would have called “pagan.”
dieux fétiches (The Cult of the Fetish Gods), that dealt with
The term had the advantage of a certain scientific ring. Thus,
the similarity between the religion of ancient Egypt and that
in missionary surveys and elsewhere one can occasionally still
of contemporary sub-Saharan Africa. The Académie des In-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
366
ANIMISM AND ANIMATISM
scriptions, to which de Brosses had submitted his work, con-
Kronos, Ouranos, and Zeus); (2) Augustine and all other
sidered it too daring and published it only anonymously in
early Christian theologians, who did not regard the pagan
1760. Most remarkably, de Brosses used the term fetishism
gods as nonexistent but made use of euhemeristic ideas to
in a very wide sense, to describe the original common form
explain them as mere human beings who had become de-
of all religion, and precisely this comprehensiveness makes
monic in character and were remembered and placated be-
it resemble Tylor’s animism.
cause of their evil deeds; and (3) the theories of Tylor and
Spencer, positing one principal cause for the development of
Fetishism in de Brosses’s vocabulary included the cult
religion and finding that cause located primarily in rational
of animals and plants as well as inanimate objects. This first
human reflections concerning the departed souls.
crude form of religion would have been uniform in humani-
ty’s earliest state of existence, again like Tylor’s animism.
ANIMISM AND THE OBSESSION WITH ORIGINS. The distance
Evolutionist avant la date, the Frenchman posited the idea
that separates us from “typical” nineteenth-century views al-
of a subsequent development of the human mind by degrees
lows us to perceive the peculiar fascination with origins that
“from the lower to the higher.” Unlike his fellow philosophes,
then dominated scholarship, not merely in the study of life
who in their zeal sought to show a purely natural religion at
forms (in the famous work of Darwin), but especially in the
the root of all later development, de Brosses pointed to idols
social, historical, and religious studies of the time. Theories
in ancient Egypt that were partially formed in the shape of
about the primal form of religion abounded. Atheism and
animals. Ahead of his time in this respect, he was actually
ancestor worship (Spencer), preanimism (Marett), totemism
guided more than his contemporaries by empirical evidence.
(employed by the sociologist Émile Durkheim, 1858–1917,
Evidence showed that the origin of religion could only be
the Old Testament scholar W. Robertson Smith, 1846–
found in savage expressions, and that is precisely what his
1894, and others), a first parricide (Sigmund Freud, 1856–
“fetishism” tried to explain. (The word fetish was borrowed
1939), a primal monotheism (the ethnologist Wilhelm
from the Portuguese for “amulet” or “charm.” That the intel-
Schmidt, 1868–1954), magic (the English folklorist and
lectual climate of the nineteenth century was indeed affected
classicist James G. Frazer, 1845–1941)—all vied with ani-
by the work of de Brosses is clear from the fact that Auguste
mism. All aimed to provide the best explanation for the ori-
Comte, the principal philosopher of positivism, in develop-
gins of religion.
ing his “law of the three states” through which mankind sup-
It is true that more recent times have added to the list
posedly passed—the “theological,” the “metaphysical,” and
of supposed “causes”; particularly influential has been the
the “positive”—drew on him to articulate the first (theologi-
idea that religion originated in the use of intoxicants, which
cal) state. Through Comte, de Brosses thus became a source
as a subject demanded attention in the wake of medical and
for the socioreligious evolutionism of the century of Darwin
pharmaceutical studies and an increase in the use of drugs
and Tylor.
in and since the 1950s. However, these more recent specula-
Even when all “influences” and all earlier ideas concern-
tions have not seriously engaged historians and anthropolo-
ing worship of the dead are listed, however, the origin of the
gists. The striking feature of the earlier theories is precisely
complete evolutionistic systems of the nineteenth century is
that reputable scholars did take them seriously and, as in the
still not fully explained. This point must be emphasized espe-
case of animism, came to rely on them as on a well-
cially with respect to euhemerism, for contrary to widely held
established law.
scholarly opinion, the explanatory intent of euhemeristic
ideas before the eighteenth century was quite limited. Early
The generally shared worldview that encouraged such
euhemerism, although speaking of gods as originally human
lines of inquiry requires special attention. It was a commonly
beings, was primarily a narrative device that allowed people
and uncritically held assumption during the nineteenth cen-
like Snorri Sturluson (1178–1241), the Icelandic scholar, to
tury that knowledge concerning the origin of something was
weave together biblical accounts, the Homeric story about
the only essential knowledge of it. This preoccupation with
Troy, and traditions concerning the gods of the ancient
the knowledge of origins can be explained in various ways;
pagan North.
it can itself be shown to have had several different historical
origins. The tradition in the history of philosophy that led
By contrast, the theories of Tylor, and likewise those of
to Hegel, and through him to most of the nineteenth centu-
Herbert Spencer, did not merely combine, arrange, or rear-
ry, was certainly the most powerful. The wave of philosophi-
range myths but posited a causal explanation for the phe-
cal materialism, multifarious as it was, was also of great sig-
nomenon of religion in general. Thus theories concerning
nificance and explains the overwhelming interest in the
“the dead” as a factor in the formation of religion, although
mechanisms of causality operative in biology, society, and re-
most clearly originating with euhemerism, may be clearly di-
ligion. From the point of view of the historian of religions,
vided into three very different groups: (1) a first group illus-
however, a specifically religious structure can be detected in
trated by Euhemerus himself, who was a narrator, a “novel-
the nineteenth-century fascination with origins, a structure
ist,” and who told a story concerning the gratitude of people
that was no less evident in evolutionistic scholars who
to royal benefactors who came to be adored and thereby lift-
thought of themselves as “areligious” or “antireligious” than
ed onto a celestial plane (notably, in Euhemerus’s story,
it was in consciously religious adherents.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANIMISM AND ANIMATISM
367
The most easily traceable roots of the nineteenth-
(as in the circles of the Religionsgeschichtliche Schule, cen-
century obsession with origins, viewed as a peculiarly reli-
tered in Germany) was not that it did not recognize its own
gious structure, can be found in the first period of modern
religious structure, for such recognition as a rule does not
history, which saw the beginnings of all modern scientific in-
occur until the following generation. Rather, the principal
quiry. The famous Renaissance thinkers Marsilio Ficino
problem was that the object of study, the religious traditions
(1433–1499) and Giordano Bruno (1548–1600) were not
of humankind, was mutilated by reducing it to an object on
at all exceptional in their time in regarding the newly redis-
a dissecting table. In the process every religious structure
covered Hermetic writings as some sort of primordial revela-
evaporated. The knowledge of religion as basically “animis-
tion (Frances A. Yates, Mircea Eliade). Ancient Egypt, to
tic” or “preanimistic” is knowledge as power, but this power
which their origin was (erroneously) attributed, was tradi-
is destructive. A tradition that is understood reveals itself as
tionally considered to be the cradle of everything truly archa-
a movement in which one generation can pass on its “power”
ic (a tradition already attested in the Greek historian Herod-
over life and human orientation to the next, as something
otus in the sixth century BCE). Renaissance men of the most
that gives life. The weakness of animism and related theoreti-
diverse backgrounds were convinced of the extraordinary sig-
cal constructs is the weakness visible in all “emaciation in
nificance of these supposedly pre-Mosaic Hermetic writings.
learning and science” (van der Leeuw) resulting from an un-
This odd enthusiasm, though explicable to some extent by
justifiable objectification. The evolutionisms, of which
the ignorance of the true history of the Hermetic corpus, can
Tylor’s became the most popular and influential, in the end
also be understood as an urge to find true origins beyond any
failed epistemologically, in a way analogous to the political
limited and known tradition.
failure of the empires in which they were born, and to which
they were related.
The function of the Hermetic writings among the
learned in the Renaissance can be compared to the function
SEE ALSO Cosmogony; Demons; Dynamism; Evolution, ar-
of cosmogonic myths in all archaic religious traditions
ticle on Evolutionism; Fetishism; Ghosts; Numen; Power;
(Eliade). They provided a manner of positing an irrefutable,
Preanimism; Supernatural, The.
unshakable reality, a primordial revelation, first in time and
significance. The mysterious quality of the meaning of the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hermetic writings was not a drawback but rather an en-
Henri Bergson’s An Introduction to Metaphysics, translated by
hancement. Giordano Bruno was certain that his under-
T. E. Hulme (New York, 1949), is a most helpful discussion
standing of their real meaning allowed him to grasp the sig-
for understanding the limited value of concepts, easily appli-
nificance of Corpernicus’s discoveries better than
cable to a concept such as animism. David Bidney’s “The
Copernicus himself, because he saw that the primordial reve-
Concept of Value in Modern Anthropology,” in Anthropolo-
lation, obscure to many, was here confirmed.
gy Today: Selections, edited by Sol Tax (Chicago, 1962), ap-
proaches the same subject from an anthropological point of
Doubts concerning the truth of Christianity, and cer-
view. For Euhemerus and the history of euhemerism in
tainly concerning its traditionally conceived truths, had their
Western intellectual history, see my “In Defense of Eu-
place in the intellectual climate of the Renaissance. Nor were
hemerus,” in Myth and Law among the Indo-Europeans, ed-
similar doubts at all hard to find in the nineteenth century,
ited by Jaan Puhvel (Berkeley, 1970). Henry Duméry’s Phe-
even if one recognizes that in Tylor, more than in most of
nomenology and Religion: Structures of the Christian Institution
his fellow evolutionists, a religious motivation played its part.
(Berkeley, 1975) contains an appendix with a survey of the
In a perfectly sober survey of the great figures of anthropolo-
history of the philosophy of religion, clearly showing the fun-
damental shift from the classical era to the Christian era.
gy and the history of religions, including Tylor, Marett,
Lang, Frazer, and Robertson Smith, it is easy to detect an at-
A very extensive discussion of the intellectual problems in the in-
titude that came to view religion as a lost cause (David Bid-
terpretation of “primitive” religions is Wilhelm Dupré’s Reli-
ney). However, the climate of erudition and science that de-
gion in Primitive Cultures: A Study in Ethnophilosophy (The
Hague, 1975). Émile Durkheim’s The Elementary Forms of
veloped in the nineteenth century also provided a new sense
the Religious Life (1915; New York, 1961) is not only impor-
of an “ultimate reality” or, at the very least, a dependable
tant as a study centering on totemism as an early rival to ani-
epistemological framework within which all religious phe-
mism as a theory on origins but remains one of the most ar-
nomena could be placed, each with its limited value and his-
ticulate works in theoretical problems concerning origins and
torical limitations. It is true that this “ultimate reality”
functions of religion in primitive religions in general. Mircea
turned out to be very limited in its turn, but it is also true
Eliade’s Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, rev. & enl.
that even at the time of Tylor and Marett, and all their fellow
ed. (New York, 1964), presents elaborate and precisely docu-
scholars, the “ultimate” concern for origins and evolution de-
mented information on spirits and their functions in the
manded constant exegesis, exactly as did the Hermetic cor-
most ancient traditions. Of special value for the subject of
pus in the Renaissance, which thereby did not undermine its
the fascination with origins in the study of religion is the
same author’s The Quest: History and Meaning in Religion
value, but confirmed it.
(Chicago, 1969).
The principal epistemological problem of Tylor’s evolu-
E. E. Evans-Pritchard’s Theories of Primitive Religion (Oxford,
tionism, as well as other cultural and religious evolutionisms
1965), in spite of its date of publication, deals almost exclu-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
368
ANISHINAABE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
sively with theories of the nineteenth century and their
the Anishinaabe are traditionally organized by clans, or do-
immediate aftermath. Burton Feldman and Robert D. Rich-
daims, from which the English term totem is derived.
ardson’s The Rise of Modern Mythology, 1680–1860 (Bloom-
ington, Ind., 1972), though not covering Tylor and more re-
The migration story of the Anishinaabe holds that the
cent theoreticians, is an indispensable reference work for the
people originally lived around the Gulf of Saint Lawrence in
entire intellectual history concerning religion leading up to
Canada. Sometime in the late 1500s, however, the An-
them. Among the most readable works that deal largely with
ishinaabe began to move west. There are several accounts of
theories in a critical manner is Adolf E. Jensen’s Myth and
how this migration began. Most commonly, it is thought
Cult among Primitive Peoples, translated by Marianna Tax
that an epidemic originally spurred the migration. However,
Choldin and Wolfgang Weeissleder (Chicago, 1963). Ge-
it is also said that a sacred megis shell appeared before the
rardus van der Leeuw’s Levensvormen (Amsterdam, 1948)
contains an essay on the process of “emaciation” of science,
people to lead them west. They were to stop for a period of
and one on the nature of history; both are of immediate rele-
time at various points when the shell showed itself, and finish
vance to a critical evaluation of theories such as animism.
the migration when the shell appeared for the last time. The
route of the migration included stopping points at current-
The same author’s famous work Religion in Essence and Manifesta-
tion, 2 vols., translated by J. E. Turner (1938; reprint,
day Montreal and Lake Nipissing in Canada, Sault Ste.
Gloucester, Mass., 1967), has as its starting point the au-
Marie in Michigan, and Madeline Island in the Apostle Is-
thor’s own conception of power in religion. R. R. Marett’s
land group in Lake Superior in northern Wisconsin. Made-
“Pre-Animistic Religion,” Folklore 11 (1900): 162–182, and
line Island was the last place at which the shell showed itself,
The Threshold of Religion, 3d ed. (London, 1915), present the
establishing that location as one of the most sacred places for
original formulation of preanimism. Wilhelm E. Mühl-
the Anishinaabe. The migration continued, however, and the
mann’s Geschichte der Anthropologie, 2d ed. (Frankfurt,
Anishinaabe eventually established outposts in Minnesota
1968), presents the history of anthropology in the widest
and as far west as Turtle Mountain in North Dakota. Other
context of philosophy and history. A much more concise, but
Anishinaabe moved along the north shore of Lake Superior
helpful discussion of the discipline is given in T. K. Penni-
and into Manitoba.
man’s A Hundred Years of Anthropology (New York, 1974).
E. B. Tylor’s work on animism, Primitive Culture, vol. 1, The
Anishinaabe cosmology pictures a layered universe filled
Origins of Culture, vol. 2, Religion in Primitive Culture (Lon-
with “other-than-human” agents. The layers consist of the
don, 1871), is accessible in many reprints (e.g., New York,
underwater realm, the land, and the sky. Living beings are
1970). Jan de Vries’s Perspectives in the History of Religions
(Berkeley, 1977) contains critical assessments of the evolu-
thought to be controlled by what are sometimes referred to
tionists’ views of religion.
as the “masters of the species.” That is, each species of living
beings has a manitou (manito, manidoo), or spirit, which con-
New Sources
trols the presence and movements of representatives of that
Barnhart, Joe E. “Anthropomorphism.” In Modern Spiritualities:
species on earth. The master can dispense or withhold bless-
An Inquiry, edited by Laurence Brown, Bernard C. Farr, and
R. Joseph Hoffmann, pp. 171–178. Amherst, N.Y., 1997.
ings as it sees fit. However, individual representatives of the
species also have a certain degree of autonomy.
Stringer, Martin D. “Rethinking Animism: Thoughts from the
Infancy of Our Discipline.” Journal of the Royal Anthropologi-
Within the layered universe, one particularly important
cal Institute 5, no. 4 (December 1999): 541–556.
dynamic is that which exists between the Thunderers and
KEES W. BOLLE (1987)
Michibizhii. The Thunderers are generally imagined as large
Revised Bibliography
birds of prey. Michibizhii, or Messhepeshu, has various in-
carnations. He is sometimes pictured as a snake-like creature,
but he can also appear as more cat-like, or even as a combina-
tion of the two. He is the leader of the fish, reptile, and am-
ANISHINAABE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS.
phibian manitous. While not entirely hostile toward humans,
The Anishinaabe (A-ni-shi-naa-bay; pl. Anishinaabe or An-
he is very powerful, and that power must be carefully respect-
ishinaabeg) occupy an area roughly described by the Great
ed. For example, it is not uncommon for Anishinaabe to
Lakes. To the north, they can be found in the Canadian
sprinkle tobacco over the water when venturing out by boat
province of Ontario. In the United States, their home terri-
in order to appease him. It is thought that the Thunderers
tory includes parts of Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota.
prey on Michibizhii, hunting him with lightning bolts. Not
Other branches can be found in outlying areas, such as Man-
ever being able to destroy the manitou completely, their eter-
itoba and North Dakota. There are many names by which
nal battle is reenacted with every summer thunderstorm.
the Anishinaabe are known, the most common being Ojibwe
(Ojibwa, Ojibway) and Chippewa. In Canada, the term
Another significant being is the windigo, a giant, canni-
Saulteaux can also be found. Some Anishinaabe view their
bal ice skeleton who roams the woods in the winter, preying
nation as consisting of the “three fires,” the Ojibwe, Ottawa
on human beings. Under conditions of starvation, human
(Odawa), and Potawatomi. Anishinaabe is thought of as the
beings could also become, or turn, windigo. When an indi-
most traditional name, and its usage is starting to become
vidual turned into a cannibal in this manner, it was thought
more widespread and common. Like many native societies,
there was no hope of cure, and the only option was to kill
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANISHINAABE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
369
the affected person. The last known case of so-called windigo
ered a severe breech of Anishinaabe etiquette and spiritually
psychosis occurred in Canada in the early twentieth century.
dangerous to discuss him out of season. Traditionally, it was
thought his father was the West Wind, and he is commonly
One of the most important aspects of Anishinaabe mo-
paired with a twin brother, Flint. His mother died in child-
rality involves maintaining good relations with other humans
birth while giving birth to Flint, so Nanabush was raised by
and “other-than-human” agents. Maintaining respect for all
his grandmother, or Nokomis in the Anishinaabe language.
living things is a core value by which the Anishinaabe live.
In the present day, some religious leaders teach that Nana-
Sometimes the relationships are individual in nature; other
bush is the son of God, and that while God sent Jesus to in-
times the relationships are more corporate. Usually, main-
struct Europeans, He sent Nanabush to teach Indian people.
taining good relationships will take the form of giving thanks
or asking for blessings. Many of these relationships are with
While not all Anishinaabe myths involve Nanabush, he
animals or natural forces, but it should under no circum-
is a central figure in traditional lore, and so will form the
stances be thought that the Anishinaabe worship nature. In
nexus of the discussion of Anishinaabe sacred stories here. As
the past, the custom was to thank an animal for sacrificing
with many trickster figures, Nanabush is not thought to have
its life and to treat the animal as an honored guest so that
created the world, but rather to have shaped life into its cur-
its individual spirit would make a favorable report back to
rent configuration. He is thus credited with having named
the master of the species, thus ensuring the continued pity
the different aspects of creation and with having determined
and blessings of the master. Maintaining good relations can
their present form. Nanabush was also responsible for the
take other forms, however. After killing a deer, for example,
creation of human beings, to whom he brought the various
it is taught that part of the liver should be left with the en-
accoutrements of civilization, such as fire and music. Earlier
trails as a gift for the wolves, whom the Anishinaabe hold
in human history, the Anishinaabe believe, giant cannibals
very close to their hearts.
and other monsters roamed the earth. Nanabush was respon-
sible for destroying them.
Human life is regulated by its own moral system, which
is referred to as bimaadiziwin, or the “Good Life.” The Good
However, in true trickster fashion, Nanabush was also
Life is oriented toward achieving a long and healthy exis-
responsible for introducing greed, gluttony, selfishness, lazi-
tence. The teaching of bimaadiziwn operates at many levels.
ness, and other base behaviors. However, the Anishinaabe do
On a simple day-to-day basis, they suggest such actions as
not fault Nanabush for being morally decrepit or evil as a re-
rising and retiring with the sun. Bimaadiziwin governs
sult. Instead, they point to the shortcomings of Nanabush
human relations as well, stressing the type of conduct appro-
as a way of explaining human behavior. Nanabush served as
priate between individuals and the manner in which social
the model for and creator of human conduct. Thus, whenev-
life is to be conducted. Bimaadiziwin also covers the relation-
er he did anything stupid, he said to himself, “There’s anoth-
ship with the broader environment. So, for example, it teach-
er foolish thing my aunts and uncles [human beings] can
es the necessity of respecting all life, from the smallest insects
do.” So, being able to attribute less than noble acts to Nana-
on up. Bimaadiziwin, however, does not exist as a definitive
bush allows the Anishinaabe to exercise forgiveness in regard
body of law. Instead, it is left up to the individual to develop
to their own weaknesses.
an understanding of bimaadiziwin through careful attention
Eventually, Nanabush left this world, and it is now
to its teachings wherever they can be found. Because of this
commonly thought that he stands in the Northwest sky next
the term is quite complex and can apply variously to a reli-
to his father, the West Wind. The Northwest wind is thus
gious blessing, a moral teaching, a value system, or a goal in
a reminder of Nanabush to the Anishinaabe. Some believe
life.
he will one day return to help restore Anishinaabe culture.
Humor is an important part of the worldview of the An-
In the peopled universe of the Anishinaabe, access to the
ishinaabe, who believe that maintaining a sense of humor is
sacred was achieved through vision quests. In traditional so-
a critical part of life. This perspective leads to certain think-
ciety, the quest had to occur before the supplicant reached
ing patterns and modes of conduct, and it informs every-
puberty. It should be borne in mind that the word for “vi-
thing from complex conceptual schemes to situation ethics,
sion” in Anishinaabe also has the nuance of deep thought.
patterns of social integration, and attitudes of forgiveness or
So, children were primed for the vision quest in being direct-
pragmatism, which include complex conceptual schemes, sit-
ed by their parents to spend time the woods thinking about
uational ethics, patterns of social integration, attitudes of for-
life and absorbing the environment. Vision quests could last
giveness, and a pragmatic approach to life. The root of the
anywhere from four to eight days, during which time the
comic vision of the Anishinaabe is found in their sacred sto-
condition of the faster was carefully monitored. Children
ries, most especially those involving Nanabush.
were admonished to not seek too much spiritual strength by
Nanabush is the cultural hero of the Anishinaabe, and
fasting for overly long periods of time. They were also told
he is often thought of as a trickster figure. He is known by
they could reject visions. Thus, weaker “spiritual guides”—
many names, including Nanabush, Nanapush, Nanabozho,
that is, beings who visited them during visions—were to be
Manabush, Manabozho, and Wenabozho. Tales about
shunned in favor of stronger beings. Children not successful
Nanabush are told only during the winter and it is consid-
in the spiritual quest were thought to lack direction in life.
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370
ANISHINAABE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
For those who were successful, it was customary not to reveal
seven “fires,” or eras began, each with its own characteristics.
the identity of the spirit guide. Doing so could result in se-
The “sixth fire” is a time of great loss and struggle. The “sev-
vere retribution from the guide. At the start of the twenty-
enth fire” is a time of recovery of lost traditions. Many An-
first century, the practice of the vision quest continues
ishinaabe believe that the “seventh fire” has been lit. And,
among some Anishinaabe, and instances of individuals past
indeed, there is a resurgence of Anishinaabe culture under-
the time of puberty going on the vision quest occur.
way. Of course, it must be acknowledged that expressions of
religion among the Anishinaabe today are quite varied. Some
Spiritual power gained in the vision quest is further de-
Anishinaabe are fully assimilated into mainstream culture,
veloped in the Midewiwin, or “Grand Medicine Society.”
while others are deeply rooted in Anishinaabe language and
The Midewiwin is often thought of as the traditional religion
tradition. Many Anishinaabe fall in between these two ex-
of the Anishinaabe. The rites and teachings surrounding the
tremes. The cultural movement, though, is toward a return
Midewiwin are secret, however, and modern-day Anishinaa-
to traditions. Thus, while Anishinaabe religion, culture, and
be are reluctant to discuss the Society. For this reason, the
worldview are certain to continue to undergo changes, it ap-
remarks here will be kept to a minimum. The Midewiwin
pears the “seventh fire” will continue to burn.
is a medicine society. Priests are known as Midé, and there
are either four or eight degrees of initiation, depending on
SEE ALSO Cosmology, article on Indigenous North and Me-
the local tradition. Along with the teaching of traditional
soamerican Cosmologies; Native American Christianities;
lore, instruction in healing is provided, particularly concern-
North American Indian Religions, overview articles.
ing the use of herbs. In the past, it was not uncommon for
the Midewiwin to handle funerals as well.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
In traditional thinking, the land of the ancestors is
Two good introductory books on Anishinaabe religion are Frances
thought to lie to the west. Upon death, the soul begins a
Densmore’s Chippewa Customs (1929; reprint, St. Paul,
four-day journey. Each day along the path the soul encoun-
Minn., 1979) and Christopher Vecsey’s Traditional Ojibwa
ters a different temptation in the form of berries. The list of
Religion and Its Historical Changes (Philadelphia, 1983).
these temptations varies, but strawberries, blueberries, rasp-
However, Vecsey’s conclusions about the collapse of An-
berries, and gooseberries are commonly mentioned. A soul
ishinaabe culture need to be viewed with caution in light of
the resurgence of the traditions of the people over the last
being guided along the path of the dead is admonished to
several decades.
not stop and eat. Doing so will result in one being perma-
nently stuck in that location. Once having passed those
In the current age, the Anishinaabe are starting to write about
temptations, the soul reaches a river across which is a slippery
their religion and worldview. Basil Johnston is a well-known
and authoritative author on the Anishinaabe. His books in-
log, difficult to cross. Traditionally, this was not conceived
clude: The Manitous: The Spiritual World of the Ojibway
of as a test of moral character or judgment of one’s actions
(New York, 1995), Ojibway Ceremonies (Lincoln, Neb.,
in life. However, those not able to cross the log were thought
1982), and Ojibway Heritage (Lincoln, Neb., 1976). Winona
to be swept away into oblivion. After safely crossing the river,
LaDuke is an internationally recognized Anishinaabe leader
one could join the ancestors.
and activist. She has written on bimaadiziwin in “White
The religious landscape of the Anishinaabe was altered
Earth: A Lifeway in the Forest,” included in a book edited
by her: All Our Relations: Native Struggles for Land and Life,
with the arrival of Europeans on these shores, of course.
pp. 115–134 (Cambridge, Mass., 1999). Edward Benton-
However, it should in no way be thought that the Anishinaa-
Banai is a spiritual leader from Madeline Island. His version
be were passive victims or unthinking recipients of religious
of certain Anishinaabe sacred stories appears in his book for
conversion. Many Anishinaabe kept to the old ways, and
children, The Mishomis Book: The Voice of the Ojibway (St.
those who converted adapted Christianity to fit their own
Paul, Minn., 1988). Ann M. Dunn is a storyteller from the
worldview. As Michael D. McNally has shown in detail, the
Leech Lake reservation in Minnesota. Her books include
introduction of Anishinaabe religiosity into Christian forms
When Beaver Was Very Great: Stories to Live By (Mount
is most evident in the singing of hymns. For example, the
Horeb, Wis., 1995).
texts of Anishinaabe hymns reflect the many ways in which
Modern scholars are doing a better job than some of their pre-
life in this world is privileged over salvation in the next.
decessors at representing the Anishinaabe, especially as a liv-
Other aspects of Anishinaabe culture are reflected in hymn-
ing tradition. Two of the best are Michael D. McNally and
singing as well, such as the importance of silence. Hymns are
Theresa S. Smith; see McNally’s Ojibwe Singers: Hymns,
sung very slowly, which exaggerates and gives meaning to the
Grief, and a Native Culture in Motion (Oxford, 2000) and
pauses between sounds. Also, since the hymns are sung in the
Smith’s The Island of the Anishinaabeg: Thunderers and Water
Anishinaabe language, hymn-singing is one means by which
Monsters in the Traditional Ojibwe Life-World (Moscow,
Idaho, 1995).
the language is being kept alive. So, in its Nativist form,
Christianity among the Anishinaabe expresses the traditional
This author’s work focuses on cultural interpretation, and deals
worldview and culture in some ways.
especially with the manner in which Anishinaabe religion is
surviving the impact of colonialism; see Lawrence W. Gross’s
There is a belief among the Anishinaabe that after the
“Bimaadiziwin, or the ‘Good Life,’ as a Unifying Concept of
appearance of Europeans, an historical phase consisting of
Anishinaabe Religion,” American Indian Culture and Re-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANNWN
371
search Journal 26, no. 1 (2002): 15–32; “Cultural Sovereign-
on the Anishinaabe and other woodland nations should only
ty and Native American Hermeneutics in the Interpretation
be used with extreme caution, and his works are not recom-
of the Sacred Stories of the Anishinaabe,” Wicazo-Sa Review
mended, nor will they be listed here. Schoolcraft mixed An-
18, no. 2 (Fall 2003): 127–134; and “The Comic Vision of
ishinaabe, Iroquois, other woodland Indian, and non-Indian
Anishinaabe Culture and Religion,” American Indian Quar-
myths, religions, and cultures; committed errors in his analy-
terly 26, no. 3 (Summer 2003): 436–459.
ses and conclusions; falsified material; and invented evi-
dence. Thus, unless one is well versed in the sacred stories
A good treatment of the Anishinaabe worldview can be found in
and other traditions of woodland nations, it is better to avoid
Rupert Ross’s Dancing with a Ghost: Exploring Indian Reality
his work.
(St. Louis, Mo., 1992).
Selwyn Dewdney’s The Sacred Scrolls of the Southern Ojibway (To-
LAWRENCE W. GROSS (2005)
ronto, 1975) provides the most thorough investigation of the
birch-bark scrolls used by the Anishinaabe to record their
history and teaching. His observations on deviant scrolls,
however, should be read with caution. For more sacred sto-
ANNWN. The Celtic otherworld is known in Welsh as
ries and an academic interpretation of their meaning, consult
Annwn or Annwfn, variously analyzed as connoting “non-
Thomas W. Overholt and J. Baird Callicott’s Clothed-in-Fur,
world,” “within-world,” or “very deep.” There is no formal
and Other Tales: An Introduction to an Ojibwa World View
description of this world in Welsh, and allusions in medieval
(Lanham, Md., 1982).
Welsh texts and folklore suggest that it had many aspects.
M. Inez Hilger was a Catholic nun who worked with the An-
Its identification in medieval times with Hell and in modern
ishinaabe for a number of years. Her works provide insights
folklore with fairyland is, of course, secondary. It is some-
into the everyday life of the Anishinaabe, including religious
times located below ground and is entered by subterranean
beliefs; see her Chippewa Child Life and Its Cultural Back-
tunnels, or it may be below the waters of a lake. Both con-
ground (Washington, D.C., 1951; reprint, St. Paul, Minn.,
cepts occur in medieval texts and in recent folktales. In the
1992) and Chippewa Families: A Social Study of White Earth
“Four Branches” of the Mabinogi (c. 1060–1120), the medi-
Reservation, 1938 (Washington, D.C., 1939; reprint, St.
Paul, Minn., 1998).
eval Welsh collection of mythological tales, Annwn is con-
ceived of as a world adjacent to the natural world, between
The works of two earlier scholars of the Anishinaabe, A. Irving
which there are no boundaries but an awareness of a new di-
Hallowell and Ruth Landes, must be read with caution. Evi-
mension. Thus the hero Pwyll travels from his own land of
dence of an anti-Anishinaabe bias can sometimes be found
Dyfed in southwestern Wales to Annwn along roads which
in their writing. So, while their ethnographic observations
are useful, some of their conclusions are suspect. However,
should logically have been familiar to him. In other cases the
they have made major contributions to the field, so their
act of sitting upon a mound or hill opens the way to traffic
works must be included here. Hallowell’s Culture and Experi-
from one world to the other.
ence (Philadelphia, 1955; reprint, Prospect Heights, Ill.,
Two poems in the thirteenth-century Book of Taliesin
1988) is a collection of essays, and his “Ojibwa Ontology,
Behavior, and World View,” in Culture in History: Essays in
portray Annwn, although not under that name, as an island.
Honor of Paul Radin, edited by Stanley Diamond,
One of these, the so-called Spoils of Annwfn, refers to an at-
pp. 19–52 (New York, 1960), is one of the most classic treat-
tack on the otherworld by Arthur from which only seven of
ments of the Anishinaabe. Landes’s works include Ojibwa
his retinue return and uses a variety of names for the other-
Religion and the Midéwiwin (Madison, Wis., 1968), The
world, probably indicating different aspects—for example,
Ojibwa Woman (New York, 1938; reprint, Lincoln, Neb.,
Caer (“fortress”), Sidi (perhaps from the Irish sídh,
1997), and Ojibwa Sociology (New York, 1937; reprint,
“mound”), Caer Feddwid (perhaps “drunkenness”), and
1969).
Caer Wydr (“glass”). This last name recalls an account in the
One of the best ethnographic descriptions of the Midewiwin can
ninth-century Historia Brittonum said to have been written
be found in W. J. Hoffman’s “The Midé’wiwin or ‘Grand
by one Nennius, which tells of an attack by sea upon a glass
Medicine Society’ of the Ojibwa,” in the Seventh Annual Re-
tower. Since both texts refer to silent sentinels, it may be as-
port of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1885–1886, edited by J. W.
sumed that the otherworld is the land of the dead. It is never
Powell, pp. 143–300 (Washington, D.C., 1891).
viewed as a land of torment, however. The other poem in
William Warren was an Anishinaabe well versed in the tradition
the Book of Taliesin describes it as being free of sickness and
and history of his people. His history of the Ojibwe includes
old age and flowing with wine.
discussions of Anishinaabe religion; see his History of the
Ojibway People (St. Paul, Minn., 1885; reprint, 1984). The
In the Second Branch of the Mabinogi, the timeless
German traveler, Johann Kohl, provided a detailed discus-
world of forgetful bliss underlies the feasts and sojourn of
sion of his visit to the Anishinaabe in the 1850s, and his work
Brân’s followers at Harlech and the island of Gwales, and this
remains a valuable resource; see his Kitchi-Gami: Life among
motif is common in modern folktales. The birds of Rhian-
the Lake Superior Ojibway, translated by Lascelles Wraxall
non, whose song heard over the water lulls the living to sleep,
(London, 1860; reprint, St. Paul, Minn., 1985).
are doubtless from this otherworld. Annwn has its own king-
The works of Henry Rowe Schoolcraft need to be addressed be-
doms, and its rulers may call upon mortals to aid them, as
cause of their enduring legacy. His so-called Algic research
Arawn, king of Annwn, summons Pwyll in the First Branch.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
372
ANSELM
Most commonly Gwynn ap Nudd, not Arawn, is known as
of Canterbury and other monasteries for his military cam-
king of the otherworld. He has this role in the eleventh-
paigns. William eventually consented to appoint Anselm,
century story Culhwch and Olwen and in the sixteenth-
who reluctantly was invested as abbot by the king on March
century Life of Saint Collen. In modern folklore he is king
6, 1093, and consecrated bishop on December 5. Over the
of the fairies, but he has a more sinister role as leader of the
next four years tension mounted between king and archbish-
Wild Hunt, the hounds of which are known as Cwn Annwn
op over William’s refusal to repair churches, to acknowledge
(“dogs of Annwn”).
Urban II as pope, and to give up his claim to lay investiture
of the clergy. Refused permission to leave the realm, Anselm
BIBLIOGRAPHY
blatantly left England in November 1097 to see the pope,
A good popular discussion is provided in Proinsias Mac Cana’s
whereupon the king confiscated all church property belong-
Celtic Mythology (London, 1983), especially useful in this
ing to Anselm and annulled all his transactions. During his
context because it cites Irish examples of these otherworld
concepts. Patrick Sims-Williams extends the discussion in
first exile (1097–1100), Anselm was well received by the
“Some Celtic Otherworld Terms,” in A. T. E. Matonis and
pope, completed his best-known work, Cur Deus homo (Why
Daniel Melia, eds., Celtic Language, Celtic Culture (Van
the God-Man), addressed the Council of Bari on the proces-
Nuys, Calif., 1990), pp. 57–81. John Rhys’s Celtic Folklore:
sion of the Holy Spirit (later published as De processione Spi-
Welsh and Manx, 2 vols. in 1(1901; reprint, London,1980)
ritus Sancti), visited the abbey of Cluny, and wrote De con-
gives folklore examples, as does T. Gwynn Jones, Welsh Folk-
ceptu virginali et peccato originali (On Virginal Conception
lore and Folk Custom (reprint, Cambridge,1979). Marged
and Original Sin).
Haycock edits and discusses the “Spoils of Annwn” poem in
“ ‘Preideu Annwn’ and the Figure of Taliesin,” Studia Celtica
On the death of William on August 2, 1100, Henry I
18/19 (1983–84): 52–78.
was crowned king, succeeding his brother; the king and a
BRYNLEY F. ROBERTS (1987 AND 2005)
number of barons invited Anselm to return to England.
Henry, however, insisted that Anselm be reinvested and pay
homage for his see. When Anselm refused, it was agreed that
ANSELM (c. 1033–1109), Benedictine theologian, doc-
the case would be presented to the new pope, Paschal II. In
tor of the church, archbishop of Canterbury, and Christian
Rome the king’s envoy claimed that Henry would never sub-
saint. Anselm is best known for an ontological argument for
mit to the loss of the right to invest the clergy, and the pope
the existence of God that is still debated and for his opposi-
was equally adamant that he do so. On the journey back to
tion to the English kings William Rufus (William II) and
England, Anselm was informed by the envoy that he would
Henry I on matters of ecclesiastical rights.
not be welcome in England unless he recognized all rights
claimed by the king. Anselm’s second exile (1103–1106)
Born of a wealthy Lombard family in the Alpine village
ended in a compromise reached in Normandy between the
of Aosta in Piedmont, northern Italy, Anselm received his
king and the archbishop: Henry relented on the issue of lay
earliest education first from a relative and then from the local
investiture of the clergy, and Anselm allowed payment by an
Benedictines. After the death of his mother in 1056, he gave
English bishop for temporalities of his see. Relative peace was
up his patrimony and crossed the Alps with a companion in
restored, and Anselm composed his most significant work,
search of learning. In 1059 he made his way to the Benedic-
De concordia praescientiae et praedestinationis et gratiae Dei
tine abbey of Bec in Normandy (founded around 1039 by
the abbot Herluin), where the learned and famous Lanfranc,
cum libero arbitrio (On the Harmony between God’s Fore-
a fellow Lombard from Pavia, taught. During the following
knowledge, Predestination, Grace, and Free Choice). During
year, at the age of twenty-seven, Anselm was persuaded to
Lent of 1109, Anselm became seriously ill and died on
enter the abbey and begin a life of intense prayer and study.
Wednesday of Holy Week, April 21, 1109.
Three years later, when Lanfranc was chosen to be abbot of
WRITINGS AND DOCTRINE. Just as Anselm was always able
Saint Stephen’s in Caen, Anselm succeeded him as prior and
to give “reasons” for the rectitude of his actions, so as a theo-
teacher. On the death of Herluin in August 1078, the com-
logian he was always ready to give “justifying reasons” (ra-
munity pleaded with Anselm to become their abbot, and he
tiones necessariae) for the faith and hope that was in him (1
was consecrated in 1079. Within his first year as abbot he
Pt. 3:15). In his writings, he touched on the whole Roman
visited England on business for the monastery and took time
Catholic teaching found in scripture and the Fathers without
to visit Lanfranc, who had been induced by William the
adducing the authority of the scriptures to establish his con-
Conqueror to accept the archbishopric of Canterbury in
clusions. He tried instead to convince his readers “by rational
1070. About the year 1070, when he was thirty-seven years
arguments,” by which he meant the reasonableness of his
old, Anselm began his writing career. Most of his works were
conclusions. When Lanfranc, who was not enthusiastic
begun, and almost all of them were published, at the request
about Anselm’s writing, suggested that scripture be quoted
of his monks as an aid to understanding and defending the
as an authority, Anselm replied that all his own statements
teachings of faith or expressing devotion.
could be supported by the Bible or Augustine and that he
When Lanfranc died in May 1089, the new king Wil-
was only doing what Augustine had done in his De Trinitate,
liam Rufus refused to name a successor, claiming all revenues
but more briefly (Epistle 1.68). Indeed, Anselm’s writings are
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANSELM
373
so thoroughly Augustinian in spirit and Boethian in logic
conceive the idea of the most perfect of all blessed islands,
that he can rightly be called “the father of Scholasticism.”
it does not follow that that blessed island also exists in reality.
To which Anselm replied: passing from existence in thought
Asked to explain his reflections of God’s nature and at-
to existence in reality is possible and necessary only when it
tributes, Anselm compiled a book without a title, which he
is a question of the greatest being one can conceive. Whatev-
began to refer to as Exemplum meditandi de ratione fidei (An
er exists except God alone can be thought of as not existing.
Example of Meditating on the Rationale of Faith). When the
Over the centuries there have always been thinkers to take
work was readied for publication around 1076, Anselm re-
up the argument and refashion it or reject it. Bonaventure,
named it Monologion de ratione fidei, meaning a monologue
Duns Scotus, Descartes, Leibniz, and Hegel took it up,
or soliloquy on reasons for the faith. Anselm’s work, like the
whereas Thomas Aquinas, Locke, and Kant followed
Apostles’ Creed, started with the existence of God, and then
Gaunilo in rejecting it, each for different reasons.
considered the Trinity, the life of Christ, and the “four last
things.” Although Anselm in the Monologion speaks as a be-
Between 1080 and 1085 Anselm wrote De grammatico,
liever, he argues that God must exist because (1) the grades
a useful introduction to logic, and De veritate, a thorough
of goodness in nature require an all-perfect good, (2) every-
analysis of different kinds of truth, namely, truth in God as
thing that exists requires a cause, and ultimately one supreme
truth itself (cause of all truth), truth in things produced by
cause, and (3) the hierarchy of more or less perfect beings,
God (ontological), and truth in the mind (logical) and in the
since they cannot be infinite in number, requires an infinitely
will (moral), both measured by reality. During this same pe-
perfect being superior to all and inferior to none. From this
riod he wrote De libero arbitrio, a work on the true nature
all-perfect being, Anselm argued to all the truths of the Cath-
of freedom, particularly regarding morality. True freedom
olic faith.
for Anselm isnot the ability to choose evil (sin) but the ability
Soon afterward he wondered whether he could show by
to choose different kinds of good as means to a worthy end.
a single, brief argument “what we believe and preach about
This led to his De concordia gratiae Dei cum libero arbitrio
God . . . that he is what we believe him to be,” and he com-
(1107–1108), an influential work that harmonized God’s
pleted a second treatise on the same material by 1078. When
foreknowledge and grace with human freedom. Anselm’s
Anselm came to give it a title, he called it Fides quaerens intel-
most important theological work was Cur Deus homo (1097–
lectum (Faith Seeking Insight), then simply Proslogion (Ad-
1100), followed by De conceptu virginali, a treatise on “neces-
dress), because it is addressed either to himself or to God in
sary reasons” why God became sinless man by a virgin and
prayer. This single brief argument presented in chapters 2
died on the cross to redeem fallen humanity from sin.
through 4 is original, startling, and undoubtedly the most
The case for Anselm’s canonization was presented to
famous of all Anselm’s contributions to religious thought.
Rome around 1163 by Thomas à Becket when he was arch-
The argument may be summarized thus: According to
bishop of Canterbury, but there is no record of the proceed-
our faith, God is that being than which no greater can be
ings. However, a calendar from Christ Church, Canterbury,
thought. Even the fool, on hearing the phrase “that than
before 1170 mentions the transfer of the relics of “Saint An-
which no greater can be thought,” understands what he
selm the Archbishop” on April 7 and his feast day on April
hears, and what he understands is in the understanding. But
21. He was declared a doctor of the church by Pope Clement
“that than which no greater can be thought” cannot exist in
XI in 1720.
the understanding alone, for what exists in reality as well as
in understanding would be greater than what exists in under-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
standing alone. Therefore, “that than which no greater can
The first satisfactory edition of Anselm’s complete works was by
be thought” must exist in reality, or it would at the same time
Gabrielis Gerberon, Opera omnia (1675), reprinted in
be and not be “that than which no greater can be thought.”
Patrologia Latina, edited by J.-P. Migne, vols. 158 and 159
Hence God exists in reality. Even the fool who says in his
(Paris, 1863–1865). A critical edition was published by F. S.
heart, “There is no God” (Ps. 14:1), would have to admit
Schmitt, S. Anselmi opera omnia, 5 vols. (Seckau, 1938–
that God necessarily exists in reality as well as in his under-
1942; reprinted and a sixth volume added, Edinburgh,
standing.
1946–1961). The chief sources for Anselm’s life are the Hi-
storia novorum and the Vita Anselmi by his chaplain and dis-
Almost immediately this ontological argument, as Kant
ciple, Eadmer, edited by Martin Rule (London, 1884); see
was to call it, was criticized politely but very insistently by
also Migne’s Patrologia Latina, vol. 159 (Paris, 1865). The
Gaunilo, a monk of the abbey of Marmoutier in his Liber
best modern biography and study is Richard W. Southern’s
pro insipiente (For the Fool); Anselm replied to this in his
Saint Anselm and His Biographer: A Study of Monastic Life and
Liber apologeticus. Thereafter Anselm requested that both
Thought, 1059–1130 (Cambridge, 1963). A good exposition
these works be appended to his Proslogion in all future copies.
of Anselm’s philosophical doctrine can be found in Étienne
In defense of the fool, Gaunilo raised two main objections:
Gilson’s History of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages
(New York, 1955), pp. 128–139, with good bibliography,
first, there is no distinct idea of God from which to infer his
pp. 616–619.
existence; second, one cannot rely on existence in thought
to prove existence outside thought, for although one can
JAMES A. WEISHEIPL (1987)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
374
ANTHESTERIA
ANTHESTERIA (blossoming rites) was the new-wine
mother Klytaimnestra, and on this one day kept all the
festival of the god Dionysos as celebrated at Athens and in
drinkers separate so that blood pollution would not spread.
cities of Ionia (on the Aegean Islands and the coast of Anato-
When the contests were over, households settled down
lia). The first of the new wine was opened and drunk in the
to eat and drink in comfort. Boys in their second year had
month that takes its name from the festival, Anthesterion
a special role. They were crowned with flowers and given
(February). It was a moment of anxiety and relief, of supersti-
smaller jugs of wine so that they could join the celebration.
tious fear and joyous thanksgiving. At Athens, where the fes-
Hundreds of these little jugs have survived, with painted
tival program is best known, Anthesteria lasted three days,
scenes of children crawling on the floor, playing with wagon-
from the eleventh through the thirteenth of the month.
wheels and other toys, and also mimicking adult ceremonies.
Wine was first distributed to everyone, tasted and tried by
It was another way to glorify the new wine. The wine, if we
everyone on command, and finally used for general festivity.
take it back to the pruning of the vines nearly two years be-
Each day was fondly named for the kind of vessel that typi-
fore, was of the same age as the boys. Ritual in the vineyards
fied the day’s activity: Pithoigia (jar-opening), Choes, (jugs),
was conducted on a matching two-year cycle. “Blossoming
and Chytroi, (pots).
rites,” the festival name, refers both to the completion of the
On the first day, Pithoigia, the wine was drawn from
cycle and to the crowning of the boys.
the large clay “jars” sunk in the ground, where it had fer-
At day’s end many people still had not finished their
mented since the vintage, and was carried in skins or am-
wine, so they wreathed the jugs and carried the remnants to
phorae to households throughout the countryside and the
the sanctuary of Dionysos in an area of springs beside the
city and to public buildings in the old city center, the original
river Ilissos, called “the Marshes.” The wine was collected
Agora, just east of the Akropolis. When Athens grew larger,
and poured over the head of a young he-goat, which was then
wine and the jugs of the second day were sold at a special
sacrificed to Dionysos. Sacrifice in its various forms had the
market.
effect of reinforcing some part of nature with the vigor of an-
imals. In being soaked with wine, the he-goat was directed
At the same time Dionysos was welcomed with joyous
to the corresponding part of nature, the domain of Dionysos.
ceremony. His effigy was conveyed through the streets in a
The sanctuary was opened just once a year, on Anthesterion
wagon fitted out like a ship, as if he had just arrived from
12, for this all-important sacrifice.
overseas. Celebrants costumed as satyrs joined him in the
wagon, playing pipes. The procession went its merry way to
The third day, Chytroi, was again devoted to the use of
the city center, to the official quarters of the Basileus “king,”
wine, but more sociably, and indeed publicly, with song and
the chief magistrate whose title was handed down from an
dance and masking. Chytros denotes the vessel in which the
earlier day. Here the wife of the Basileus was presented to
wine was now mixed with water—a large “pot.” A mixing
the god in a symbolic “meeting and marriage.”
bowl in general is called krater, and some of the handsomest
Athenian vases are of this kind. The festival shape however
The life of Dionysos as expressed in myth and ritual
always remained much simpler—it is a chytros, though mod-
runs parallel to the growth and maturation cycle of vine and
ern experts have adopted another conventional name, stam-
wine. He is born at the pruning of the vines, a helpless fright-
nos. Vases of this shape have also survived, and the painted
ened babe nursed by women in the hills. But now, at the mo-
scenes show women mixing the wine in just such vases and
ment for opening the wine, he is imagined as an exulting,
ladling it into cups and dancing with tambourines and casta-
impetuous young man. Stories tell how he once arrived in
nets. At the center is an impromptu image of Dionysos, a
one city or another and was resisted, only to demonstrate his
wooden pillar surmounted by a bearded mask and draped
overwhelming power. Within each city a ritual marriage cele-
with a long robe, so that the god is present among his wor-
brates the consummation of his manhood, which is reflected
shipers. Chytroi or stamnoi were placed at the Marshes among
in the famous myth of Ariadne, a royal woman yearning on
the springs, and filled with wine and fresh cold water,
the seashore, taken by Dionysos.
and the hangovers from the day before were soon cured.
Then the worshipers set out through the streets, singing or
On the second day, Choes, drinking contests were
shouting in praise of Dionysos.
staged at the city center and in the households as a means
of implicating everyone, all at once, in the magic peril of the
Their destination was the south side of the Akropolis—
new wine. At a trumpet signal, each contestant sought to
the lower slope and the ground in front—which eventually
drain his own chous, a three-liter jug of neat wine (wine that
became the marble theater of Dionysos and its orchestra or
was not mixed with water). The individual jugs and the neat
dancing-place. Performers called ithyphalloi (with-erect-
wine were in contrast to the usual style of social drinking in
phallus) formed choruses and competed in song and dance.
which the company was served from a large mixing bowl
They too were robed and masked to look like reeling drunk-
with cups of wine uniformly watered in agreed-upon propor-
ards; and they too had paraded through the streets behind
tion. The festival custom was explained by the story that Ath-
a carved and painted phallus pole from which they took their
ens, always a haven for the persecuted, had once harbored
name. The exuberant masking is a precursor of Attic drama
the fugitive Orestes, son of Agamemnon, after he killed his
in its developed forms of satyr play, comedy, and tragedy,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANTHESTERIA
375
which came to be performed during other festivals of Diony-
Dionysos. They made a show of cherishing a baby, crooning
sos at the same locale.
and dandling and even suckling. This was a magic means of
There was revelry in the Attic countryside as well. Amid
reviving the withered and ravaged vines. But they also ran
the general disorder, girls went out freely (as they did not at
and howled and flung about, and they beat the ground with
other times) and amused themselves by riding on swings
a thyrsos, a rod festooned with ivy or pinecones, winter’s to-
hung from trees. This sportive conduct was another kind of
kens of new growth. This too was a magic means of stimulat-
license appropriate to the occasion and was known by two
ing nature, like a rain dance. Vase paintings often depict the
standard names: aletis (roaming) and aiora (swinging). The
women in their wildness. They slice and scatter small ani-
country celebration gave rise to its own tale of origin, cover-
mals, a drastic form of sacrifice—nature was again reinforced
ing all three days. An old rustic named Ikarios was visited
with animal vigor. Myth equates the animal victims with
by the god Dionysos and became the first to learn how to
human ones. There is in fact a magic or mystic unity that
make wine. Going round on his wagon, he distributed skins
embraces the god, the worshipers, the victims, and life in na-
of wine to the country people, and they first drank it neat
ture. Bakchos (Bacchus) is another name for Dionysos him-
and were stupefied, then drank it with water and were sexual-
self, and bakchos another term for the fertilizing rod.
ly excited. Thinking it a harmful drug, they killed Ikarios.
Myths of Dionysos dwell on all these features. They tell
His daughter Erigone (Child-of-the-morning) went out at
how nymphs were nursing the baby god, or how royal
dawn to search for the body and, when she found it, hanged
women were nursing offspring, until they were either routed
herself from a tree. Thus did she “roam” and “swing.”
or transformed by some intruder and the happy scene
The story was told by the Hellenistic scholar and poet
changed to savagery. The baby is threatened, or even torn
Eratosthenes, who in the fashion of his time pointed to con-
and scattered, like the small animals. In the charter myth of
stellations that attest it, Bootes (“ox-driver,” i.e., Ikarios) and
Orphic societies the baby Dionysos is torn to pieces, only to
Virgo (Erigone). In another story that explains the same ritu-
be strangely reborn. Euripides’ Bacchae, the most famous lit-
al (as often happens), the suicidal girl, still named Erigone,
erary treatment, varies the pattern by substituting for the ba-
is the daughter of Klytaimnestra’s paramour Aigisthos, also
bies a youthful and untried king who is torn by his mother
murdered by Orestes. She had followed Orestes to Athens
and other women.
in the vain hope that he would be tried and condemned for
Every Greek city had its own calendar of months named
the murders. One of these stories, more likely the latter, was
for local festivals, and the months named for the two festivals
brought to the stage by Sophocles in a lost tragedy titled
of Dionysos are among the commonest of all. In early days,
Erigone.
every community produced wine as a dietary staple and wor-
Such was Athens’ version of the Anthesteria. Ionia cele-
shipped the wine god zealously. The other two main branch-
brated in much the same way. At Ephesos and Smyrna the
es of the Greek stock, Aeolian and Dorian, differed from the
pageant of the ship-wagon, with its train of revelers, was es-
Ionian but agreed with each other in the naming of festivals
pecially renowned. At Kolophon the poet Theodoros wrote
and months. The new-wine festival was Agerrania (gathering
songs of remarkable lewdness for women to sing at the
rites); that is, the occasion for collecting wine and assembling
“roaming” (they have not survived). The festival continued
people. The new-growth festival was Theodaisia (god-
under Roman rule. Mark Antony was hailed as the “New
dividing rites), a name that identified the god with both the
Dionysos,” and when he arrived at Ephesos in early 41 BCE
vines as they were pruned and the animal victims as they
he was led through the city by a costumed train of satyrs and
were scattered.
bacchants. It was likewise in Ephesos that Saint Timothy, the
companion of Saint Paul, was allegedly martyred in 97
SEE ALSO Dionysos.
CE
when he fell into the hands of the revelers. Like many pagan
festivals, the Anthesteria died out in the third century CE.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
O
Among festivals of Dionysos, the Anthesteria has been the subject
THER FESTIVALS OF DIONYSOS. Whereas the new-wine fes-
of persistent misunderstanding, with consequences also for
tival marked the end of the growth and maturation cycle, an-
the nature of the god. It began with the commentators of late
other standard festival of Dionysos came at the beginning,
antiquity, who were called upon to explain the many refer-
at the pruning of the vines in winter. At Athens and in Ionia
ences to the festival in classical literature, especially in the
it was called Lenaia, and the corresponding month was Len-
works of the comic poet Aristophanes. The word chytros oc-
aion (January). The name is taken from the lenai, women
curring in the name of the third day was unfamiliar to them,
who reveled on the hills where the vines were mostly grown.
and they equated this masculine form, meaning “a large pot,”
Bakchai, “bacchants,” and maenads (meaning “mad ones,”
with the feminine form chytra (a small pot), which happened
cognate with “mania”) are other terms for these women.
to be employed in a distinctive ritual of another kind—the
(Male celebrants, such as the maskers at the new-wine festi-
offering of a mixture of boiled seeds to underworld powers.
val, are bakchoi).
So the third day, which was in fact the liveliest of all, was said
to be a somber placation of the dead, as if the mood had
The women’s conduct in the hills was alternately tender
changed abruptly. Other evidence was made to fit this theo-
and furious, a strange reversal that typifies the myths of
ry. There was a famous line from a play that had become a
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376
ANTHONY OF PADUA
proverb: “Out of the house, you Carians; the Anthesteria is
ed on chous vases and arranges them in statistical groups,
over!” The Carians were slaves who were ordered back to
which are taken to reflect the adult activities of the festival.
work after the holiday. For Carians a different word was sub-
Françoise Frontisi-Ducroux, Le dieu-masque: Une figure de
stituted, keres, meaning “evil spirits,” which makes it appear
Dionysos d’Athènes (Paris, 1991), interprets the stamnos vases
that they had been conjured up during the festival.
in a structuralist mode, not as festival scenes but as an expres-
On this outlook the Anthesteria became a curious amalgam of gai-
sive collage of ritual and mythical motifs. It is remarkable
ety and gloom. The same contradiction was found in the na-
that these Athenian vases were mostly used and admired far
ture of Dionysos, thought to be the lord of souls who at once
from Athens. The chous vases were exported to all parts of
brings new life and ecstasy and rules over the dead. It was in-
the Greek world, where local customs were not necessarily
deed a fertile misunderstanding, propagated by two acute
the same. The stamnos vases were made exclusively for Etru-
and influential writers on Greek religion, Erwin Rohde, the
ria, a prosperous non-Greek area that had its own new-wine
friend of Friedrich Nietzsche, in his book Psyche (1894),
festival and gave women much freedom. Thus the vases
translated by W. B. Hillis (London and New York, 1925),
evoke an ideal celebration for everyone, and they might be
and Jane Harrison, the leading voice of the Cambridge
compared to Christmas cards with tableaux of Dickensian
school of ritualists. Thereafter, Walter F. Otto, in Dionysos:
London.
Myth and Cult (1933), translated by Robert B. Palmer
Dionysos’s festivals gave a customary or institutional form to un-
(Bloomington, Ind., 1965), described a god of polar oppo-
ruly, even frenzied behavior. Albert Henrichs, “Greek
sites, of boundless vitality and all-consuming destruction. As
Maenadism from Olympias to Messalina,” Harvard Studies
an avowed variation, Karl Kerényi, in Dionysos: Archetypal
in Classical Philology 82 (1978): 121–160, traces the appear-
Image of Indestructible Life (Princeton, 1976), spoke of “infi-
ances of declared maenads at different places. Henrichs also,
nite life and limited life.” The dark side is emphasized but
in “Changing Dionysiac Identities,” in Jewish and Christian
also somewhat attenuated by Parisian structuralists as a
Self-Definition, vol. 3: Self-Definition in the Graeco-Roman
strangeness or otherness or, by Marcel Detienne, Dionysos at
World, edited by Ben F. Meyer and E. P. Sanders (London,
Large, translated by Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge,
1982), pp. 137–160, provides examples of private associa-
Mass., 1989), as a sudden disruptive force. These larger
tions named for Dionysos and his ritual, among them mere
views, important as they are to the history of religion, have
drinking clubs, which sought to reproduce an intense com-
the effect of distorting Dionysos’s function in Greek society
munal feeling. Susan G. Cole, “Procession and Celebration
as the god of wine.
at the Dionysia,” in Theater and Society in the Classical World,
Although the festivals were focused on this function, they too have
edited by Ruth Scodel (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1993),
been reinterpreted. Walter Burkert, “Greek Tragedy and
pp. 25–38, documents the official status of obscene language
Sacrificial Ritual,” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 7
and display.
(1966): 87–121, regards the goat sacrifice of Dionysos’s festi-
Since Dionysos’s festivals are reflected in a great many myths, and
vals as a way of acting out, and atoning for, the ancient and
the myths are firmly located in different Greek cities, it is
necessary human impulse to aggression. In the chapter “An-
possible to distinguish both local patterns and historical
thesteria” of Homo Necans: The Anthropology of Ancient Greek
changes. The most famous myths belong to Boeotia and the
Sacrificial Ritual and Myth (Berkeley, 1983), pp. 213–247,
northeastern Peloponnesus, the heartland of Mycenaean (late
Burkert argues that the use of wine was assimilated to sacri-
Bronze Age) civilization. Viticulture and its religion started
fice and killing as a guilty consumption of other life; the keres
here but afterwards declined and flourished more in other re-
of the third day are masked figures representing demons
gions. Giovanni Casadio treats several of the early centers
whose onslaught embodies the guilty feeling. Jan Bremmer,
and the history of their festivals in Storia del culto di Dioniso
The Early Greek Concept of the Soul (Princeton, 1983),
in Argolide (Rome, 1994) and Il vino dell’ animo: Storia del
pp. 109–122, assigns the Anthesteria to the general category
culto di Dioniso a Corinto, Sicione, Trezene (Rome, 1999).
of festivals of license and disorder; the Carians are outsiders
who burst into the community in order to be driven off. The
NOEL ROBERTSON (2005)
picture of the festival given above is fully argued by Noel
Robertson, “Athens’ Festival of the New Wine,” Harvard
Studies in Classical Philology 95 (1993): 197–250. For the
other festivals of the vine and wine cycle, see Robertson, “Or-
ANTHONY OF PADUA (1195?–1231), born Ferdi-
phic Mysteries and Dionysiac Ritual,” in Greek Mysteries:
nand de Bulhoes; Franciscan preacher, miracle worker, and
The Archaeology and Ritual of Ancient Greek Secret Cults, ed-
saint. Born in Lisbon, Portugal, Ferdinand de Bulhoes en-
ited by Michael B. Cosmopoulos (London, 2003),
tered the monastery of the Canons Regular of Saint Augus-
pp. 218–240. In “The Magic Properties of Female Age-
tine while still an adolescent. He was ordained a priest at the
groups in Greek Ritual,” Ancient World 26 (1995): 193–203,
Robertson illustrates the similarity of women’s roles in pro-
monastery of his order in Coimbra in 1219. Inspired by the
moting both staple crops—wine and grain—at festivals of
martyrdom of Franciscan missionaries in Morocco, he left
Dionysos and Demeter.
the monastery to join the Friars Minor in 1220, taking the
The two kinds of vase distinctive of the Anthesteria, the chous of
religious name of Anthony. After an abortive attempt at mis-
the second day and the chytros or stamnos of the third, have
sion work in Morocco, Anthony went to Italy, where he par-
often been studied separately. Richard Hamilton, Choes and
ticipated in the general chapter of the Franciscans at Assisi
Anthesteria: Athenian Iconography and Ritual (Ann Arbor,
(1221) and, presumably, met Francis of Assisi. In 1223 An-
Mich., 1992), tabulates the childhood toys and treats depict-
thony was appointed lector in theology at the Franciscan
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANTHONY OF PADUA
377
house of studies in Bologna. A letter from Francis, of disput-
have the simple charm associated with early Franciscan cha-
ed authenticity, ratified that position as long as such study
risma. The center of Anthony’s cult is the Basilica of Il Santo
did not “extinguish the spirit of prayer and devotion.”
in Padua, which incorporates the old Church of Santa Maria
Materdomini where Anthony was originally buried. One of
By 1226 Anthony had been appointed the Franciscan
Donatello’s famous bronze panels at the basilica depicts an
minister for the Emilia (a region in northern Italy) and
unbeliever’s donkey, which, to the evident discomfiture of
served as a Franciscan delegate to the Vatican. In that same
its owner, is venerating the Eucharist held by Anthony. The
year he received permission from Pope Gregory IX to relin-
popular fourteenth-century Italian anthology of Franciscan
quish all offices in order to devote his life to preaching, for
stories known as the Fioretti (Little Flowers) reflects Antho-
which he had demonstrated great flair. For the rest of his
ny’s importance in the estimation of the early Franciscans by
brief life, Anthony traveled through the region around Padua
associating him with the stories of Francis and his earliest
as an incessant preacher of reform and as an obdurate oppo-
companions. The Fioretti tells of Anthony preaching to the
nent of heresy. In 1231 he died at Padua; Gregory IX canon-
fish near Rimini after the heretics of the city refused to hear
ized him the following year at solemn ceremonies in the Ca-
him. The literary similarity of that story to the one of Francis
thedral of Spoleto. In 1946 Pius XII named him a doctor of
preaching to the birds is patent.
the church.
In the centuries after his death the cult of Saint Anthony
The only surviving authentic writings of Anthony are
developed with an intensity second only to that of Francis
two series of sermons, one for Sundays (Sermones domeni-
himself. From that popular devotionalism springs both some
cales) and one for various feast days of the liturgical year (Ser-
common beliefs (a prayer to Saint Anthony will retrieve lost
mones in solemnitatibus sanctorum). From these writings
articles) and charitable practices, such as the collection of
scholars have attempted to reconstruct the saint’s theological
alms for the poor under the rubric of “Saint Anthony’s
vision.
bread.”
Anthony’s theology was shaped both by his use of the
sermon and by his stated desire to combat the twin heresies
The iconography of Saint Anthony has had considerable
of the Cathari and the dissident evangelical sects like the
development over the centuries. The earliest representation
Waldensians. He emphasized the incarnational themes of
of the saint is very much like that of the early pictures of
theology, the need for interior conversion, and a return to
Francis: a young man dressed in a poor habit with a young
the sacraments, especially the sacrament of penance, as a sign
and unbearded face. He is often shown with an open book
of reconciliation with the church. The framework of his ser-
in his left hand, while holding in the other a tongue of fire.
mons was most typically constructed by harmonizing the
The latter symbol was most likely borrowed from the iconog-
scriptural texts of the liturgy celebrated on the day he
raphy of Anthony the Abbot.
preached. While the sermons were meant for general con-
By the fifteenth century Anthony is shown with a flow-
sumption they still reflect considerable learning, in both
ering lily branch in his hand (a symbol of purity) and a book
theological and mystical literature.
(a symbol of his theological acumen), as the statue by Jacopo
Anthony’s mysticism was influenced heavily by Augus-
Sansovino (in the Church of San Petronio in Bologna) and
tine of Hippo and the twelfth-century exegete Richard of
another in Padua attributed to Donatello attest. By the end
Saint-Victor; he shows no direct dependence on the writings
of the fifteenth century Anthony, under the influence of
of Dionysius the Areopagite. His scriptural exegesis, based
popular miracle stories, is often depicted carrying the Christ
on the traditional fourfold sense of scripture, leans heavily
Child in his arms. This theme became extremely popular in
toward the moral sense of the text, which he uses both to ex-
the post-Reformation period, as evidenced in paintings by
hort to virtue and to warn against the reigning heresies of the
Esteban Murillo and José Ribera. One variation of this
time. His focus, typically Franciscan, on the humanity of
theme is Anthony Van Dyck’s Brera altarpiece of the Virgin
Jesus led to an emphasis on the healing virtue of the wounds
extending the child Jesus to the expectant arms of the saint.
of Christ. Some have seen in the sermons of Anthony the be-
Anthony’s role as a theologian and antiheretical apologist is
ginnings of the devotion to the Heart of Jesus, a devotional
not often depicted in art but he does appear, along with the
figura that would blossom fully only in late medieval piety.
other doctors of the church, in the Brizio Chapel of the Ca-
His series of sermons on the Virgin Mary constitute a brief
thedral of Orvieto in a large work by Luca Signorelli.
compendium of Mariology; his name was invoked by Pius
XII as one of the doctors who held the doctrine of the bodily
BIBLIOGRAPHY
assumption of Mary into heaven, a doctrine defined by the
The standard, if deficient, edition of the sermons of the saint is
pontiff in 1950.
Sermones Sancti Antonii Patavini, 3 vols. in 1, edited by An-
tonio M. Locatelli (Padua, 1895–1913). Sophronius
While Anthony’s contemporaries praised his deep
Clasen’s Saint Anthony: Doctor of the Gospel (Chicago, 1961)
knowledge of scripture and his power as an apologist and
is a work by a noted Franciscan scholar. The article “Antonio
preacher, posterity best remembers the saint as a thauma-
di Padova,” in the Bibliotheca Sanctorum, vol. 1 (Rome,
turge. Celebrated in art and narrated in legend, his miracles
1960), pp. 156–188, is a generally reliable, if somewhat
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
378
ANTHROPOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY, AND RELIGION
pious, study of the saint’s life, doctrine, iconography, and
Durkheim’s writing toward reflexive interpretations. Steven
place in folklore.
Lukes’s biography of Durkheim (1973) also evokes his dra-
L
matic nondogmatism when addressing the Union des Libres
AWRENCE S. CUNNINGHAM (1987)
Penseurs et de Libres Croyants in 1914: Durkheim urged
each party (believers and freethinkers) heuristically to ex-
change ideals—to act in “organic solidarity” as totemic moie-
ANTHROPOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY, AND
ties each to each. Durkheim’s impromptu and charismatic
RELIGION. In his classic discussion of “the sick soul”
speech on this occasion produced effervescent outbursts of
in The Varieties of Religious Experience (1902), William James
applause among customarily staid listeners. Lukes calls this
observes that “philosophic theism has always shown a ten-
episode “the nearest Durkheim ever came to [Weber’s] prin-
dency to become pantheistic and monistic, and to consider
ciple of Verstehen” (p. 515).
the world as one unit of absolute fact.” In contrast, popular
What Talal Asad (1993), following Michel Foucault,
or practical theism has “ever been more or less frankly plural-
has called the “genealogies of religion” extend to anthropo-
istic, not to say polytheistic, and shown itself perfectly well
logical approaches to religions as well. Many anthropologists
satisfied with a universe composed of many original princi-
attempt phenomenological and hermeneutic interpretations
ples.” While James ultimately deems the divine principle su-
of religious life and sacred symbols or semiotic analysis of
preme and the rest subordinate, his immediate sympathies
communication codes; they apply complex models of social
lie with less absolute “practicalities,” and he situates analyses
interaction, ritual speech, mythic order and transgression,
of religious experience within the felt tension between theis-
cosmological archetypes, and historical forces of scapegoat-
tic monism and the pluralism of actual populations. In many
ing, sacrifice, oppression, and revolution. Religion appears
respects the anthropological study of religion has sustained
in mechanisms of socialization and in dialectical processes of
and enlarged upon these sympathies.
change; its manifest and latent patterns underlie both con-
Anthropology’s traditional concentration on nonliterate
sensus and transformation, both integration and subversion.
societies has shaped its approach to religious practice and be-
Rival definitions of religion characterize anthropological
lief in general. But ethnological theory has seldom been con-
efforts. Such scholars as Melford E. Spiro retain a notion of
fined to so-called primitive peoples, tribal groups, or even
the superhuman and rebuke Durkheim for diluting religion
“marginalized” peoples discredited by a dominant religious
to whatever is ritually “set apart.” Others, such as Clifford
establishment. Ethnographers have long addressed religious
Geertz, deflect issues of superhuman, supernatural, or holy
contexts evolved from what Karl Jaspers called “the Axial
content, defining religion generally as a set of powerful sym-
Age,” marked by world-rejecting beliefs in either a transcen-
bols conjoined to rhetorics of persuasion that are uniquely
dental realm or an abstractly negative realm distinct from the
realistic to adherents and apparent in their moods, motiva-
worldly or mundane. Anthropologists encounter the entire
tion, and conceptions. Some working definitions support
range of religious values in ideal and implementation at every
Mircea Eliade’s sense of a distinctive homo religiosus; others
scale of society and state and all manner of sect, renunciation,
pose religion as a basically compensatory reaction to mun-
and commodification. Still, when addressing cultural cir-
dane deprivation, suffering, or violence. Regardless, anthro-
cumstances of world religions, anthropologists often empha-
pologists explore sacred values across domains of illness and
size practitioners’ more immediate experience—from spirit
cure, aesthetics, law, politics, economy, philosophy, sexuali-
cults to ancestor worship to everyday cure and money-
ty, ethics, warfare, play, sport, and the many kinds of classifi-
mediated expenditure. Such transmundane concerns can
cations and performances that both organize and challenge
qualify those transcendental doctrines or ethical canons (par-
cultural systems of knowledge and affect.
amount for historians of religion) professed by priests,
monks, scribes, and kindred specialists.
Like its topics and boundaries, vexed issues in the an-
M
thropology of religion keep expanding. Is the discipline’s task
ETHODOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS. The contemporary an-
explanatory, requiring so-called objectivity, or is it interpre-
thropology of religion stems from diverse theoretical persua-
tive, inviting multiple, nonaligned empathies? Is one’s goal
sions: Émile Durkheim’s view of religious “social facts,”
to bundle religious usages into tidy symptoms of basic
which brackets issues of truth versus error; Max Weber’s
human drives, or is it to unravel, even transvalue, such usages
ideal types of sweeping processes behind religious, economic,
through informed readings of cultural and historical con-
and bureaucratic reformisms; Marxist and Freudian explora-
texts, ritual activity and speech, priestly texts, and contested
tions of ideological and expressive behavior. The task of re-
commentaries generated in the name of religio? Does evi-
translating works by such seminal figures keeps them salient
dence of religious activity reduce to neuroscientific bases, or
today. For example, Stephen Kalberg’s 2002 translation of
does conveying religious experience enact a reflexivity that
Weber’s Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904–
keeps trumping its own grasp? And are such alternatives nec-
1905) foregrounds its comparative rhetorical power, and
essarily mutually exclusive?
Durkheim’s Elementary Forms of Religious Life (1912) finds
renewed life in Karen Field’s spirited rendition (1995); her
Even scholars committed to nonpartisan research may
introduction illuminates how Australian evidence pushed
question whether comparison can ever be neutral; critical in-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANTHROPOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY, AND RELIGION
379
quiry has intensified into dilemmas of “value-freedom” ver-
drical ceremonies, and many blends of magic, sorcery, and
sus Verstehen in the Weberian sense. Any approach to reli-
thaumaturgy. For example, contemporary research on sha-
gion may necessarily entail preconceptions that qualify,
manic practices by Piers Vitebsky (1995) addresses both the
under certain definitions, as themselves religious (one kind
Sora of tribal India and the Sakha (once Yakut) of Siberia.
of reflexivity). On the more practical side, research on active
Sora today are abandoning ritual dialogues with the dead, be-
religions is often declared off-limits, either by adherents of
coming Baptist, and going psychologistic; in contrast, post-
those religions or by agents of the governments seeking to
Soviet Sakha (sitting on rich mineral deposits) are dressing
control them. For these and other reasons, the discipline’s
long-suppressed shamanic ways in New Age merchandizing
findings and the discipline itself remain controversial. Diffi-
and global environmentalism. Such transformations and re-
cult obstacles and opportunities pervade comparative studies
kindlings of “jungle and tundra shamanism” inflect commu-
of religions, including “secularism” (Asad, 2003); refusals of
nity/cosmopolitan borderlands and agitate forces of both re-
so-called religion may demonstrate qualities that some schol-
formism and commercialism, of both reinvented tradition
ars (e.g., Durkheim) might call “religious,” rather in the
and the Internet.
manner of renunciation.
In 1962 Claude Lévi-Strauss published a critique of the
One introductory work informed by a coherent view of
history of abstracting “totemism,” construed broadly as anal-
religion is James L. Peacock and A. Thomas Kirsch’s text-
ogies between social divisions and categories of the natural
book The Human Direction (1980), which employs Robert
surroundings. His was a particularly spirited critique of the
N. Bellah’s Parsonian framework of evolving roles in reli-
vain pursuit of origins. Evans-Pritchard, again, captures the
gious and political differentiations. Another is John Bowen’s
flavor of prejudicial dichotomies that often, but not inevita-
Religions in Practice (2002), which uses Pierre Bourdieu’s no-
bly, favored Europeans: “We are rational, primitive peoples
tions of extrastructural, nonformal norms; religions are cross-
[are] prelogical, living in a world of dreams and make-
ings of cultural boundaries: local, national, and transnation-
believe, of mystery and awe; we are capitalists, they commu-
al. Scholarly consensus in the anthropology of religions
nists; we are monogamous, they promiscuous; we are mono-
remains inevitably agonistic, a quality captured in William
theists, they fetishists, animists, pre-animists or what have
A. Lessa and Evon Z. Vogt’s Reader in Comparative Religion
you, and so on” (1965, p. 105). Similar stereotypes could
(1979). That venerable volume’s repeatedly updated vintage
adorn antievolutionist arguments as well, such as Alfred Rus-
and vanguard articles have yielded to such worthy successors
sel Wallace’s Natural Selection and Tropical Nature (1891),
as Michael Lambek’s Reader in the Anthropology of Religion
in which Wallace’s spiritist sympathies inclined him to ex-
(2002), with more emphasis on state politics, assertive “fun-
cuse the human species from evolutionary processes: “Natu-
damentalisms” (Christian, Islamic, etc.), and diverse reli-
ral selection could only have endowed savage man with a
gious diasporas.
brain a few degrees superior to that of an ape, whereas he ac-
METHODOLOGICAL CRITIQUES. As the anthropology of reli-
tually possesses one very little inferior to that of a philoso-
gion proceeds, it properly intensifies its retrospection. One
pher” (p. 202). Wallace thus managed to offend everyone—
can better appreciate current trends by reconsidering the
“savage man,” the ape, the philosopher, and the evolutionists
emergence of specialized scholarship on so-called primitive
alike. His awkward rationalization nicely illustrates the in-
religions.
vidious comparisons across types, species, and specialized
roles that characterized many nineteenth-century attitudes.
Fallacies in nineteenth-century quests for the origins of
religion, taken as a distinct category of human experience,
The twentieth century brought vigorous responses to
have been often noted. E. E. Evans-Pritchard’s succinct The-
social Darwinism, eugenics movements, and other theories
ories of Primitive Religion (1965) enumerates now-rejected
of qualitative divisions in the human species. Franz Boas and
studies on the stages of the religious impulse in humans, pro-
his followers in the United States, Durkheimians in France,
posed in different combinations and sequences by successive
and some diffusionists and functionalists in Britain and else-
evolutionist scholars. Besides monotheism we find fetishism,
where exposed false evolutionist schemes of myth, magic,
manism, nature-mythism, animism, totemism, dynamism,
and religion. Scholars today continue to debunk “awe theo-
magism, polytheism, and certain psychological states
ries” that can be illustrated with A. H. Keane’s article “Eth-
(p. 104). Although certain such complexes may be real
nology” in the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (vol. 5,
enough—one thinks particularly of shamanism—none de-
1912). Keane recapitulates notions of psycholatry, nature
monstrably existed as a distinct stage in a progression either
worship, the priority of magic, and primitive confusion be-
toward religious sagacity or beyond it into “mature” scientif-
tween the unclean and the holy—common subjects of debate
ic objectivity. Efforts to correlate religious types and socio-
among rivalrous philologists, mythologists, and ethnologists,
economic levels—for example, the shamans of flexibly struc-
including F. Max Müller, Andrew Lang, W. Robertson
tured hunter-gatherer societies versus the priests and
Smith, E. B. Tylor, and James G. Frazer. Keane repeats theo-
prophets of stratified civilizations—have yielded to less mo-
ries of the concept of independent soul, according to which
nolithic schemes more attentive to evidence of coexisting re-
the soul extends from one’s “own person” to one’s fellows,
ligious specializations enacted as divination, prophecy, calen-
then to animals, plants, and finally to the organized world,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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ANTHROPOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY, AND RELIGION
itemized rather breathlessly as follows: “Such conspicuous
essay, “Religion in Human Life” (in Murphy, 1972), ex-
and lifelike objects as the raging torrent, the rolling seas,
pressed wariness of easy secularism in ironic tonalities per-
snowy peaks, frowning crests, steep rocky walls, gloomy
haps redolent of Weber’s “Beruf” (cited by Lowie in 1948):
gorges, dark woods, trees, crags, clouds, storms, lightning,
“One day it occurred to me that both the Indians and the
tornadoes, heavenly bodies, until all nature becomes animat-
hardy souls who were trying to convert them to Christianity
ed and everything personified and endowed with a living
had some inner strength that I lacked. Nor was I unique in
soul” (p. 526). Such dubious theories of religious origins and
this lack.” Lowie next wonders “how many scientists would
their metaphorical extensions at least reveal symbolic classifi-
undergo for their science the years of poverty that the priests
cations implicit in Europeans’ own views of nature and, un-
and ministers willingly accepted for their religion.” His re-
fortunately, of human cultures as well.
flexive ruminations implicate the very “science” that he
strives to practice: “I have known anthropologists who
HISTORICAL REVALUATIONS. Anthropologists today are will-
accorded a benevolent understanding to the Hopi but
ing to assess neglected intricacies of dated works, despite
denied it to Catholics, Mormons, Buddhists or Moham-
their errors. Books by early professional anthropologists and
madans [sic]. This dichotomy of viewpoint strikes me as ri-
the founding figures of Indology, comparative mythology,
diculous and completely unscientific” (Murphy, 1972,
and folklore up to 1860 (surveyed in Feldman and Richard-
pp. 160–161).
son, 1972), while riddled with false explanations, also man-
aged to involve readers in the unfamiliar, the inexplicable,
Such intricate sensibilities of complicated scholars are
even the forbidden. Narrative strategies and discursive de-
often neglected in standardized histories of “progress” in
vices of bygone scholarship gain fresh resonance in such
dominant methods. New-sounding themes may not have
pathbreaking studies as Michael West’s Transcendental
been so new after all; old paradigms could be discarded be-
Wordplay (2000).
fore they were exhausted, along with worthy figures.
Durkheim’s circle, for example, closed ranks to exclude
In the anthropology of religion proper, even Evans-
scholars less committed to the “socio-logic.” Durkheimians
Pritchard’s sometimes-dismissive historical synopses could
were in turn neglected after their hybrid expertise in ethnolo-
reassess aspects of R. R. Marett and A. E. Crawley, as well
gy, sociology, history, and comparative philology (particular-
as Lucien Lévy-Bruhl’s controversial ideas of prelogical men-
ly Sanskrit) was overshadowed by the fieldwork imperative,
tality. In the history of the anthropology of religion, the way
particularly in the United States and among British function-
has thus been cleared for serious rereading, rather than mere
alists. Certain British scholars as well were consequently
revisionism; a more anthropological attitude toward anthro-
“marginalized.”
pology’s past has emerged (Stocking, 1987). There is evident
An interesting case is R. R. Marett. His nonevolutionist
dissatisfaction with a “use and abuse” self-legitimating histo-
entry, “Primitive Religion,” in volume 23 of the Encyclo-
ry; old stereotypes of disciplinary progress are now shaken,
paedia Britannica (1911), is nearly contemporaneous with
sometimes gently, sometimes violently. Less readily does the
Keane’s article “Ethnology,” although conventional histories
field’s past divide in positivistic fashion into “before Mali-
often imply that scholarship advanced beyond evolutionism
nowski” or “before Boas,” versus “after.” The sustained field
monolithically. The Britannica format in effect contrasted
research and systematic models of language and social orga-
“primitive religion” (with cross-references to “Animism,”
nization established as modern anthropological standards re-
“Fetishism,” “Magic,” “Mythology,” “Prayer,” “Ritual,”
main definitive developments, but it is not certain that con-
“Sacrifice,” and “Totemism”) with “higher religion.” Ma-
ceptual breakthroughs coordinated data-gathering. The
rett’s discussion, however, does not broach origins; rather it
field’s history does not conform to a “maturation model,” if
catalogs categories of “the sacred,” providing representative
only because anthropologists of religion—both the bookish
examples of what are called its “activity,” “exploitation,” and
and the fieldworking variety—do not exist in isolation from
“results.” Marett adopts a trusted anthropological conven-
other disciplines and experiences. James G. Frazer’s The Gol-
tion (perhaps traceable to Latin Christendom’s methodical
den Bough (1890), for example, was a successor to the work
incorporation of select practices and lexemes from pagans it
of Gibbon and Ruskin as much as to that of Tylor; ideas of
aimed to convert) in which modes of the sacred are aligned
scapegoats and the durability of liturgy-like rites reflected
with exotic counterparts. Sacred can imply “forbidden” (as
Frazer’s endeavors in folklore and religious and cultural his-
in the Latin, sacer, whence the English word is derived; as
tory as much as in ethnology.
well as in the Polynesian, tabu), “mysterious” (Siouan,
Less seemingly literary scholars as well—including the
wakan), “secret” (Aranda, tjurunga), “potent” (Melanesian,
Bronislaw Malinowski of Magic, Science and Religion, and
mana; Huron, orenda), “animate” (as in the phenomenon la-
Other Essays (1952) and the Robert H. Lowie of the some-
beled animism), or “ancient” (Aranda, alcheringa, “the
what perfunctory Primitive Religion (1948)—were influ-
Dreaming”). This constellation of North American Indian,
enced by diverse disciplines and styles of writing. Lowie cast
Oceanic, and Australian Aboriginal terms indexes, as it were,
his last musings on Plains Indian and Pueblo religions more
the variable universality of the sacred.
like Ruth Benedict’s style of contrastive integration in Pat-
Under “results,” Marett considers what were later called
terns of Culture (1934). Lowie’s posthumously published
religion’s functions, including education, government,
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381
maintenance of food supply, reinforcement of kinship and
Charakter der Magie selbst”). Yet Frazer delivered his own
family bonds, enhanced sexuality, and integrated personali-
ambivalent suggestions that primitive superstitions underlie
ties. Marett’s “exploitation” covers dimensions of ritual pro-
civilization’s basic tenets (of political authority, private prop-
cess and ceremonial celebration; he cites cases of acquisition,
erty, and truth) as midnight lectures styled after the strange
concentration, induction (including sacrifice), renovation,
rites they disclosed. Frazer, not devoid of romantic irony
demission, prophylactic insulation, and “direction,” sugges-
(particularly in Psyche’s Task, 1909), was conceivably sensi-
tive of an ethos or those “moods” later signaled by Geertz.
tive to paradoxes that Wittgenstein would later inscribe in
He even addresses transformative properties of religion that
somewhat superior fashion in the margins of Frazer’s book.
return secular government and aristocratic traditions to a
Regardless, Wittgenstein’s own Philosophical Investigations
more primitive, democratic spirit. “Everyone,” notes Marett,
(1953) may imply that even purging the purging of magic
“has his modicum of innate mana” (Encyclopaedia Britanni-
(as when Wittgenstein corrects Frazer) has “the character of
ca, 1911, vol. 23, p. 67). His “abuse of the sacred” merges
magic” as well. The history of scholarship may itself pulse
religion with individualized resistance; by “activity” Marett
to cyclic rhythms conjoining victims and redemption—
intends general motivations and meanings of the sacred: fe-
rhythms redolent of widely distributed and recurring pat-
cundity, transmissibility (parallel to Frazer’s notion of conta-
terns of ritual practice.
gion), and finally ambiguity and relativity, both apparently
construed positively.
Reassessments of Frazer’s immense corpus confirm his
self-awareness of such echoes and emulations. Robert Fraser’s
Marett clearly anticipates such successors as Victor Tur-
The Making of the Golden Bough (1990) argues persuasively:
ner, who expands Arnold van Gennep’s “rites of passage” to
“For, if in Robertson Smith a ruthless evangelical honesty
include ritual performances that consolidate structure with
contrives to undermine the sanctity of the biblical text, in
antistructure and coordinate themes of liminality or periodic
Frazer the idealistic premises of Humean empiricism turn in
involvement with regenerative in-between states. That the
on themselves to make doubt itself an impossibility.” And
views of Marett (whose shortcomings are here de-
he concludes incisively: “To the end Frazer remained scepti-
emphasized) anticipate later theories is obscured by his casual
cal, even of his own sceptism” (p. 209). Such themes, still
jargon. Like Arthur M. Hocart, he retained interpretive
fertile today, reverberate back to Frazer’s earliest work on
terms borrowed from European or Indo-European religious
Plato and on immortality as “the death of death.” The late
traditions. Although Marett’s “sacraments of simple folk” or
Jean Pouillon formulated a connected insight (possibly in ac-
Hocart’s Hindu, Fiji, and Australian “sacraments” in fact ap-
cord with Durkheim’s relational sense of sacred/profane dis-
proximate liminal rites for celebrating changes in office or
tinctions): “C’est l’incroyant qui croit que le croyant croit”
social state, their rubrics ran counter to fashions for more
(“It is the unbeliever who believes that the believer believes”)
technical-sounding coinages in theory and method.
(Izard and Smith, 1982, p. 2). This kind of paradoxical (and
sometimes dialectical) “doubling”—death of death, belief in
These few examples illustrate a key development: illu-
unbelief—continues to infuse varieties of interpretation at
sions of a simple heritage of influence and unpoliticized
the conjunctions of disciplines that concern us here.
progress—out of darkness into light—of an anthropology of
religion are being dispelled. Interest in “primitive religion”
TRENDS AND PROSPECTS. A review by Clifford Geertz
stemmed from ideas of exoticism once pervading European
(1968) of the anthropological study of religion remains a
conceptualizations of cultural differences that Europeans
valuable point of departure for surveying subsequent devel-
sought to subjugate. The anthropology of religion, even
opments. Geertz discusses psychodynamic frameworks based
when centered on fieldwork results and organized by the
on Sigmund Freud, on theories of culture and personality
conviction that ritual and belief have direct social conse-
following Clyde Kluckhohn, and on socio-psychological
quences, has never proceeded in a simple developmental line
components of Malinowski’s functionalism. One persistent
insulated from the broad history of ideas of otherness,
issue concerns whether beliefs and rites exist to “reduce am-
charged with philosophical and political implications. Errors
biguity” (a functionalist notion) or to harness it, thus gener-
and prejudices of past scholarship must be corrected, of
ating sustained worlds of semantic, emotive, and intellectual
course; but the cultural and historical values that sustained
values. The latter view is held by diverse scholars disenchant-
that work also deserve anthropological interpretation. A
ed with functionalist assumptions that religion bolsters “soci-
scholar content to denounce predecessors’ denunciations of
ety”—equated with a machinelike or an organism-like sys-
primitive superstition risks committing the very sin decried,
tem of reinforcements that vent pressure built up by
effectively dismissing “anthropology-then” as primitive.
anything dysfunctional or indigestible, like so much steam
or gas.
Thus, the anthropology of religion grows more mindful
of its own involvement in the paradoxes it investigates. Con-
Some studies pursue possibilities of universal patterns
sider, for example, philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein’s nota-
linking ritual and neurosis (anticipating today’s interest in
tions (1979) on his copy of a condensed edition of Frazer’s
neuroscience). Others seek less to discover whether all peo-
The Golden Bough: “Here, purging magic has itself the char-
ples harbor, say, an Oedipal complex than whether certain
acter of magic” (“Das Ausschalten der Magie hat hier den
rituals serve purposes analogous to Western psychotherapies.
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ANTHROPOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY, AND RELIGION
Sudhir Kakar (1982), for example, has compared Muslim
“religion” and “church” (or churchlike entities) too “corpo-
and Hindu curative, shamanic, and Tantric techniques to
rate” a notion, too tied to politics of legitimation. Like the
psychotherapeutic devices—demonological constructions re-
Hegelian “state” (or its Marxist inversions) these construc-
semble Freudian idioms—but India, he stipulates, does not
tions require contesting epistemologically in the manner of
share the West’s tradition of introspection. Contextual inves-
Foucault on dispersed “power” or Georges Bataille on radical
tigations of parallels between Western and Asian psychody-
“expenditure” (dépense). Some alternative approaches regard
namics include works by Gananath Obeyesekere and Bruce
religious activity as a subversive strain of individuation or as
Kapferer on Sri Lanka, by Robert A. Paul on Nepal and
a decentering or randomizing of values that appear to cohere
Tibet, and by Sherry Ortner on Nepal. Ideas of Freud, Carl
because of ideological or political forces overlooked by schol-
Jung, and such part-Boasians as Ruth Benedict and Paul
ars in search of cultural integration. Nevertheless, prominent
Radin remain pertinent in analyzing therapeutic narrative
bodies of work of the postwar generation of such anthropolo-
and ritual styles coordinated with worldviews of disease and
gists as Victor Turner, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Louis Dumont,
its cure.
Clifford Geertz, and Mary Douglas remain indebted to
A second area reviewed by Geertz—sociological ap-
Durkheim and Weber in particular. A subsequent generation
proaches—merges with interpretations of symbolic forms
has drawn on Antonio Gramsci, Frantz Fanon, and other
that dominated postwar research. Durkheim’s view of reli-
theorists who stress colonialist and postcolonialist contexts
gion’s social foundation remains central. Durkheim never “
of history’s “hegemonies” (Asad, 1993; Taussig, 1987; John
explained away” religion as some sort of mass delusion; rath-
and Jean. Comaroff, 1991/1997).
er he linked religious rites and ideas to the fact that any soci-
One favored prognosis of the mid-1960s has not materi-
ety is both divided and coherent, both subcategorized and
alized: a full-blown anthropological theory of religion, com-
at least periodically “in unison.” Durkheim’s Elementary
bining historical, psychological, sociological, and semantic or
Forms of Religious Life continued his earlier emphases on va-
cultural dimensions. The interrelations, contradictions, and
rieties of the division of labor; on categories implicit in ritual
dissonance of data, contexts, events, and interpretive meth-
objects, cosmography, and mythic tales; and on the compart-
ods have multiplied to an extent that may impede any imag-
mentalized tasks and specialized knowledge that enrich every
inable synthesis (unless in the name of neuroscience). What
social order. For Durkheim’s school, a “tribe” was “interna-
has emerged instead will be examined below. Some who once
tional,” composed of segments occasionally congregated in
anticipated the unified approach deem the present “confu-
ritual gatherings but for other purposes dispersed. Totemic
sion” a crisis. Others, Geertz foremost among them, mindful
rites and ceremonies of competitive gift exchange do not sim-
of William James’s “many original principles,” find a plural-
ply reinforce something already existent; rather they consti-
ist profusion of issues and aims to be warranted by the com-
tute an additional axis of interrelations. This view of religion
plexity of religious realities that anthropology desires to illu-
and society is less “consensualist” than certain translators,
minate.
followers, and critics have suggested.
Many recent works analyze religious experience as
Another major source of social theory is Max Weber’s
somehow dialectical. Others examine religious life as negoti-
work on emergent charismatic figures. Weberians and com-
ated through arts of rhetoric or social tropes stressed by such
patible anthropologists study religious change; they investi-
literary theorists as Kenneth Burke. Some investigate religion
gate how routinization, secularization, modernization, and
by focusing on its language-like codes, continual reformula-
related disenchantments proceed; they question whether par-
tion, even when not caught up in the dynamic trends (e.g.,
ticular religions are inimical to certain kinds of economic or
millenarian and messianic movements, cargo cults), or revi-
political rationalization. Assumptions that modernization is
talizations that punctuate religious history or a particular
inevitably accompanied by secularization have been shaken
group’s sense of that history. Just as tradition is now recog-
by evidence of purifying revivals (Protestant, Buddhist, Is-
nized as being continually reinvented, so convictions of time-
lamic, etc.) in societies where market forces and commercial-
lessness are themselves created as a temporal process. Anthro-
ization are intensifying, and by the place of religion in racial
pologists, moreover, are increasingly attentive to dissent and
and ethnic self-assertions. All boundaries between moderni-
hidden alternatives neglected when scholars take for granted
ties, postmodernities, and premodernities are being relent-
divisions of peoples into “cultures” conceived of as consensu-
lessly questioned. One may recall that for Weber, capitalism
al creeds. Circumstances once deemed degraded and there-
(and so-called secularization) developed through a displace-
fore marginal to anthropology’s central concerns—such as
ment of rationalized techniques from otherworldly monasti-
missionary efforts, competing brands of religious authority,
cism into this-worldly routines. Reform movements and “en-
covert cults, hybrid creeds (syncretism), and tourism—are
lightenments” may reflect less a defeat of the religious sector
being carefully inspected. Religious rivalry, blends, borrow-
than the elimination of a distinction between otherworldly
ings, and commercialization have shaped the historical and
and in-worldly roles and institutions.
contemporary experience of much of the world’s population,
Some anthropologists question certain implications of
including tribespeople and traditional-seeming peoples. An-
both Durkheim and Weber, declaring any conjunction of
thropology now addresses radically commoditized spiritisms,
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383
multimedia fundamentalisms, religious observances as “show
ing theodicies (in Weberian fashion) as much as they deal
business,” and high-tech modes of religious solidarity and
with religious integration.
schism (Hess, 1991; Harding, 2000; Fardon, 1995; Boon,
METHODOLOGICAL ACCOMMODATIONS. Concern with reli-
1999; Blank, 2001).
gious transformations has renewed interest in many classic
What could be called “religion on the move” need not
topics: rituals of sacrifice; nostalgia for lost pasts; memory
be reactionary or compensatory. In his opus on Bwiti religion
and historical trauma (Holocaust, AIDS, terrorism); utopian
and other Fang cults in the Gabon Republic, James W. Fer-
visions; charismatic leaders, curers, and performers; life his-
nandez discloses the capacity of an emergent religious culture
tories of individual practitioners; purity or pollution codes;
“to create its own realities” (1982). He also warns against ex-
trickster motifs; clowning and ritual inversions; witchcraft
aggerating the coherence of Bwiti cosmology—its practition-
and sorcery; and left-hand and right-hand magic. Following
ers’ intellectual achievement is more subtle (p. 570). Such
the suggestions of Marcel Mauss, magic, freed from connota-
flexibility of cosmological categories is also demonstrated in
tions of irrationality or error, becomes something like an en-
Obeyesekere’s work (1984) on Sri Lanka’s cult of the god-
acted subjunctive mood, a “would that it were” outlined in
dess Pattini. He traces a changing pantheon over space and
special syllables and objects, a grammatical category “danced
time, where shifting deities coordinate the specialized roles
out” in speech and materia. Less corporate forms of worship
of priests, monks, and healers, and articulate factions within
and restriction, such as prayer, private taboos, chant and
both Buddhism and Hinduism, between the two, and be-
trance, hallucinogenic quests, religious techniques of the
tween Buddhism and Hinduism and outsiders. Obeyesekere
body, and meditation are being investigated either as evi-
elsewhere stresses convoluted connections among H. P. Bla-
dence of deviation (allowable improvisations along culturally
vatsky and Henry Steel Olcott’s Theosophical Society, Ra-
constrained lines) or as possibilities of free play that escape
tional Buddhism, and exportable schools of meditative disci-
surveillance by local authority. Whatever else religion might
pline. Mark Juergensmeyer calls such formations “global
involve across cultures, it entails speaking or silencing and
religions,” yet includes Roland Robertson’s important cave-
sometimes writing; persuading, classifying, and acting out;
at: “Antiglobal movements have inexorably become part of
arranging boundaries (periodically permeable), interrelating
the globalization process itself” (Juergensmeyer, 2003,
arts, and formulating logical and ethical codes; manipulating
p. 115).
peers, rivals, inferiors, and superiors; possibly suffering, per-
haps escaping, and negating as well as affirming. And all such
Plays of oppositions in religious identities resemble
practices may be less naïve or credulous than reflexive and
mythic fields of contrast in Hindu texts illuminated by
rhetorical. Mauss’s “magic,” again, implies a “foreignness” at
Wendy Doniger O’Flaherty, whose early works in philology
home to itself: “There are magical systems which are perfect-
incorporated Lévi-Strauss’s views on dialectical variations
ly conscious of their diversity and refer to it with special
among neighboring myths and rituals. Studies that once de-
words and metaphors” (1972, p. 60).
lineated apparently stable cosmologies—such as the Dogon
depicted by Marcel Griaule, or the Ngaju Dyaks depicted by
Anthropologists have thus adapted insights from sociol-
Hans Schärer—are being reassessed to detect what led infor-
inguistics, philosophies of translation, literary theory, rheto-
mants or their interrogators to attribute fixity to their catego-
ric, structuralism and post-structuralism, performance
ries. Although religion is not timeless, it can be made to seem
studies, folklore, political theory, gender analysis, and other
so, whether by its devotees or by scholars keen on recapturing
areas to augment the generality and specificity, and some-
something original. Other research that contextualized and
times the obscurity, of their descriptions and comparisons.
historicized religious cosmologies includes Alfonso Ortiz’s
Fruitful exchanges between anthropology and literary criti-
studies of the Tewa Pueblo and Gerardo Reichel-
cism may blur the boundaries of these pursuits. Marxism,
Dolmatoff’s works on the Amazonian Desána. In related de-
psychoanalysis, semiotics, and deconstruction offer a larger
velopments, the adequacy of notions of belief, couched in pat
sense of literature than did traditional canonical approaches.
generalizations such as “People X believe thus and so,” have
Such scholars as Raymond Williams, Julia Kristeva, Michel
received serious critical scrutiny (Needham, 1972; Izard and
de Certeau, Tzvetan Todorov, Jonathan Culler, and follow-
Smith, 1982).
ers of Walter Benjamin, Jacques Lacan, and Mikhail Bakhtin
manage accommodations between theories of literary pro-
Advances in ethnographic knowledge of religion and rit-
duction and theories of culture. Models of “the text” ad-
ual practice, coupled with consideration of the political and
vanced by Paul Ricoeur have helped change the way scholars
philosophical implications of both collecting and cataloging
look at ritual activity, manuals of religious practice, docu-
that knowledge, have continued in every region. Complexi-
ments of historical conquest, and even the notion of culture
ties in religious contexts and in power structures behind texts
itself. Just as texts are never read neutrally, cultures appear
and ceremonies make anthropologists now wary of designat-
never to be crossed innocently, according to anthropologists
ing their studies “the religion of” any particular place. Such
who apply the metaphor of reading to what ethnographers
a title can seem too synthetic or overgeneralized, although
do. Intricate properties of “literariness”—nonstop paradox,
works such as Geertz’s influential The Religion of Java (1960)
writing and its philosophical effacement, and continuous in-
deal with political tensions, economic factions, and conflict-
tertextuality—are disclosed in many cultural and religious
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ANTHROPOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY, AND RELIGION
usages, marked by trickster-like play between rules, their
studies, including anthropology, with forces of colonialist
transgressions, and other subtle subversions, including pro-
oppression that continue in the contemporary organization
fusive “abjection” (Bernstein, 1992). The documentation of
of knowledge and power. Many cultures, religions, and eth-
cross-cultural encounters at the heart of anthropology may
nic groups—once scrutinized exclusively by ethnographers
run parallel—stylistically as well as epistemologically—to the
from the outside—now produce their own scholars or send
history of literary discourse, particularly the novel and genres
select members abroad for anthropological training. Efforts
of satire. Challenges to any positivistic sense of ethnography
to expand ethnological enfranchisement, to extend “voice”
that downplays such parallels have multiplied in anthropo-
to the once silenced, and to reverse or overthrow interpreter/
logical accounts of religion, aesthetic performance, and varie-
interpreted inequalities continue, controversially. Some
ties of oral and written enactments.
commentators proclaim victory over an earlier anthropolo-
gy’s parasitism, a condition that benefited only the outside
Many methods and issues in the anthropology of reli-
observer; others declare continuity with ethnography’s tradi-
gion have converged with scholarship in the history of popu-
tional task of presenting marginalized peoples and inscribing,
lar religion, the sociology of marginal religions, and the anal-
across cultures and languages, evidence of the unwritten
ysis of systematic differences among orthodoxies,
(preliterate social life, ritual praxis, religious action, and het-
heterodoxies, and heresies. Historians of witchcraft, for ex-
erodoxy). And subaltern and postcolonial theorists remain
ample, now resemble anthropologists of the past; and an-
wary of lingering divisions into first-, second-, and third-
thropologists are less content with synchronic methods, even
world, where more agency seems to adhere to the first (and
as heuristic devices. Ethnographers document not just
to “the West”), including the very style of theoretical critique
Kwakiutl, Nuer, and Ndembu, but Quakers, Pentecostals
here at stake.
(both Protestant and Catholic), Primitive Baptists, and
televangelists. Structuralist techniques for analyzing oral my-
The fact that areas once subjected to ethnography now
thologies are turned toward scripture; and approaches from
often subject themselves to ethnography tends not to quell
biblical exegesis, typological analysis, and hermeneutics are
but to reinvigorate ideological disputes. Some national gov-
now adapted by anthropologists to all kinds of cultures and
ernments, averse to admitting foreign anthropologists
“consumer rites” (Schmidt, 1995) wherever markets flourish.
(whose presence, they feel, implies “primitive” subjects) may
Accordingly, controversies grow “curiouser and curiouser.”
nevertheless send scholars abroad for training and require
them to return to perform research. Obstacles abound for
Long-term directions of religious change have some-
“third-world” scholars who might wish to practice ethnogra-
times turned on the violent suppression of heterodoxies.
phy elsewhere than home, particularly if they desire gainful
Moreover, the modern anthropological record is distorted by
employment there. This power-saturated situation impedes
colonialist and nationalist efforts to consolidate standard-
realization of a fully comparative anthropology, especially in
ized, controllable creeds and confessions. Philological and
sensitive areas of religion often declared off limits. Home-
ethnographic enterprises themselves can be in league with
grown ethnographers, of course, may be “outsiders” to the
forces of centralization—a theme of many feminist and
peasant, tribal, or minority populations they often study,
Marxist accounts; hence the growing concern with alterna-
even if they share language and ethnicity. Educated “natives”
tive forms of religious authority and leadership, often female-
whose researches are sponsored by a dominant government
mediated ones. Researchers increasingly consider who profits
will likely be regarded with as much suspicion (including
and who suffers when thaumaturgical beliefs lapse. What are
class suspicion) as were the colonial agents or the foreign
the consequences when new forms of knowledge compete
freelance fieldworkers of yore.
with conventions that tie physical, psychic, and spiritual
prosperity and well-being to concrete ritual practice in deli-
Finally, What Arjun Appadurai, James Fergusson,
cate balances of interlocking sympathies, risky equilibriums,
Emily Martin, and others call today’s “flows”—virtual bor-
sacred and dangerous affinities, and various periodic cycles?
der-straddling in transnational sites and spaces—keep blur-
In Asia, Africa, the Americas, Oceania, and in Europe as well,
ring distinctions among local, regional, and global connec-
many studies of peasantries, regional cultures, and commer-
tions and sharpening senses of diasporic identities, stateless
cial networks stress domestic rituals and local confessions re-
persons, homeless circumstances, and “fluid” flexibilities of
sistant to one or another politico-religious hegemony. Exam-
identity and property. Both before and since the attacks on
ples include work on popular vestiges of European
the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11,
hermetism revealed by historian Frances A. Yates and on
2001, ever-expanding surveillance technologies threaten in-
spiritism in both Europe and its colonies. Similarly, anthro-
trusion; even noble technical measures to protect subjects
pologists studying South and Southeast Asia have accentuat-
and respect human rights may impede the informality of en-
ed spheres of sustained ritual, such as Tantrism, that serve
counter (and situational “trust”) that the anthropology of re-
as source-pools of symbols and practice used to set apart rival
ligion may require, both ethnographically and theoretically.
orthodoxies and competing sects over time (Boon, 1990).
Anthropological description and interpretation can only
After 1968, provocative works, such as Edward Said’s
be seen as inherently political. Classic distinctions between
influential Orientalism (1975), implicated comparative
foreign observers and observed natives of an area have as-
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385
sumed subtler guises; polities today internalize the division
ern political economy. He set Hindu and European values
between knower and known. (Actually, certain forms of co-
into controversial juxtaposition and established terms of de-
lonialism prefigured subtle polarities as well—Hannoum,
bates still raging (see Dirks, 2002) concerning notions of
2001; Boon, 1990.)
caste versus ideological individualism. Dumont’s later work
(1982) traces a Christian pedigree of so-called modernity
PROMISING APPROACHES AND POSSIBLE FUTURES. Re-
(and of the West’s own hierarchies) with a critical-
courses exist for anyone understandably daunted by the
comparative scope worthy of Weber—unusual in anthropol-
plethora of theories, methods, descriptions, and reevalua-
ogy after functionalism (Boon, 1999).
tions of the discipline’s findings and legitimacy. One might
concentrate on a particular topic, such as death rites, restored
Two trends deserve special emphasis. The first is neuros-
to prominence by anthropologists, social historians, ethicists,
cientific studies, including resurgent interest in the neuro-
and others. Research on mortuary practices may avoid draw-
physiological parameters of religious “behavior” and the
backs to defining religion in the abstract. What cultures do
neuropsychological aspects of religious “cognition.” Pascal
to and with their bodies before, during, and after funerals
Boyer’s provocative titles—The Naturalness of Religious Ideas
pertains to religious processes of continuity and schism, as
(1994), Religion Explained (2001)—have attracted attention
relations among the living are rearticulated with reference to
to such pursuits. Certain “cognitive theory” (e.g., Konner,
the dead (Bloch and Parry, 1982; Huntington and Metcalf,
2002) seeks biological constraints; it may seek to clarify phe-
1991; Panourgia, 1995; Lock, 2002).
nomena of synesthesia (intersensory sensitivities prevalent in
much religious, artistic, and poetic experience) by genetic
Another recourse is to assess histories of representing
mutations that create dense neural connections in supposed-
and contesting religious identities in particular locales or re-
ly specialized brains. Such work hopes to “explain” general
gions or in global expanses. One might explore the burgeon-
and figurative experience (e.g., anyone’s synesthesia) by the
ing research on ritual values and contradictions in Papua
isolable and clinical (diagnostic “synesthetes”). Refined com-
New Guinea, where some areas were opened to sustained
puterized methods are often advocated to resolve issues that
contact only after 1930 (Herdt, 1992; Knauft, 2002). Or
may date back to the Culture and Personality school. This
one might examine a repeated restudied culture, such as Bali,
trend’s more psychological side (represented by such scholars
Indonesia, with rival sectors of sacred authority in convolut-
as Richard Schweder and Bradd Shore) emphasizes religious
ed ties with the colonialist, nationalist, and transnationalist
and cultural diversity along with evolutionary psychology;
history of political and commercial forces in the region, in-
practitioners anticipate advancing inquiry into “the human
cluding the military and tourism (Boon, 1990; Howe,
mind” in ways foreshadowed by Gregory Bateson, who was
2001). One could track exploding coverage of anthropologi-
intent on how biology and meaning might meet (if they can).
cal approaches to Islam, noting interdisciplinary disputes
about responsible treatment in ideologically charged circum-
Biology-minded frameworks range from research on
stances (Geertz, 2003; Hammoudi, 1993; Bowen, 2002;
“the neurology of joy through brain-reward systems” (Diener
Rosen, 2002).
and Suh, 2000) to the “affective neuroscience” of Jaak Pank-
sepp. Culturally minded scholars (e.g., Roy D’Andrade,
Alternatively, one might consider complex projects by
Tanya Luhrman) also recommend paying more than lip ser-
key interdisciplinary scholars. Examples include efforts by
vice to “bedrock commonalities” of cultures (meaning
anthropologists to augment Georges Dumézil’s views of the
coevolved neurophysiology). Investigations in this mode
tripartite basis of Indo-European ideals of authority and con-
speak of “religious acquisition,” cognitive schemata, mental
tinuity (Littleton, 1980), and ethnographic work extending
models, scripts, memory stores, and similar notions inspired
R. Gordon Wasson’s monumental endeavors on hallucino-
by information theory wedded to ideas of “rationality” (Dan
genic rites involving fly agaric in both Asia and the New
Sperber). Boyer’s polemics reproach cultural relativists for
World (La Barre, 1970). Also compelling are efforts to con-
shoving universals outside anthropology’s proper subject
solidate approaches in religion, medical anthropology, sci-
matter; he likens them to chefs interested in differences in
ence studies, and issues of alternative modernities and new
diet but not “in the way the gut works” (2001, p. 440). The
technologies of subjectivity (by Arthur Kleinman, Byron
science Boyer proposes would clarify “gut-workings” (to ex-
Good, Veena Das, Nancy Scheper-Hughes, Thomas Csor-
tend the metaphor) by devising “a different mode of data-
das, and others), along with renewed attention to religion
gathering” including “constrained experimental studies” into
and the emotions (by Karl Heider, Umi Wikan, and others),
religious symbolism as “rigorously cognitive” (1993, p 42).
including specific cultural and political circumstances of “re-
Again, earlier debates and long-term disciplinary divides are
ligion against the self” (Nabokov, 1992). The lifeworks of
being revitalized, rather like a religious movement.
certain figures—for example, Louis Dumont, Mary Douglas,
Victor Turner, Clifford Geertz, and Stanley Tambiah—are
The second trend of note is the increased attention to
themselves immense projects that keep anthropology and re-
reflexivity in interpretation and everyday practice alike. Ex-
ligious studies deeply intertwined. Dumont’s contributions
cruciating self-consciousness about description and transla-
ranged over South Indian ethnography, the comparative
tion—fraught with epistemological and political doubts—
study of hierarchy and reciprocity, and the sources of West-
stamps much contemporary work in anthropology and reli-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
386
ANTHROPOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY, AND RELIGION
gion. Ample precedents exist in the scholarship of Bateson,
more inclusive, it remains devoted to understanding religious
Lévi-Strauss, Ruth Benedict, Clifford Geertz, and even Fra-
differences. Earlier aspirations to contain any culture’s “be-
zer, Durkheim, and William James (as suggested above).
lief” in an ethnographic monograph have faded away. Nor
Feminist emphasis on gendered experience and representa-
can fieldwork results be insulated from vast issues in phe-
tion has been crucial, along with the linguist turn and various
nomenological, existential, hermeneutic, pragmatist, struc-
rhetorical twists (Burke, Paul de Man, Richard Rorty) in the-
turalist, deconstructive, politicized, “scientized,” or “human-
ories and anti-theories (deconstructions) of interpretive life.
ized” study of religious practice and commentary. Bold ideas
Prominent critical writers—Judith Butler, Slavoj Zizek,
in the comparative history of religions must heed actual con-
Homi Bhabha, Henry Gates, and many more—champion
tradictions—what Edmund Leach once termed the “dialec-
awareness of all positionalities in any communicative act or
tics of practical religion”—lived out in religious hinterlands,
deceptive dodge. Another important nexus of influence has
beyond the margins of rival orthodoxies, and in religious
been interdisciplinary historians of religion, such as Wendy
centers as well.
Doniger O’Flaherty, Davíd Carrasco, Carolyn Bynum,
The anthropology of religion thus inhabits our difficult
Catherine Bell, and Bruce Lincoln.
age—whether we consider it postmodern, new millennial,
Bell joins those anthropologists who regard ritual prac-
increasingly terrorist, globalist, or neo-imperial. For such in-
tice as itself theoretical and reflexive: a “semantic framework”
terpretive pursuits in such times, there is nowhere left to
whose very repetition is “not static, but repetition with a dif-
hide. What Clifford Geertz has called “The World in Pieces”
ference” (1992, p. 220). And Lincoln, like many ethno-
(2000, p. 218) pertains even to the pieces themselves: the
graphers, considers “discursive formations” to be agentive
pieces (including religions) are in pieces. As William James
rather than merely reactive. Concentrated reflexivity is mani-
foresaw in his postscript to The Varieties of Religious Experi-
fest in Amy Hollywood’s work on “sensible ecstasy” stressing
ence, a sort of polytheism has, in truth, returned upon us—
“performativity, citationality, and ritualization” in so-called
and keeps returning, possibly endlessly, possibly not.
mystical practices; she combines insights from Butler’s “Ex-
SEE ALSO Consciousness, States of; Culture; Evolution, arti-
citable Speech” with issues of “meta-indexicality” as ad-
cle on Evolutionism; Psychology, article on Psychology of
vanced by anthropological linguist Benjamin Lee. This truly
Religion; Shamanism; Sociology, article on Sociology of Re-
is high theory: intense and difficult.
ligion; Structuralism; Study of Religion.
Reflexivity rules in more anecdotal dimensions of an-
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Turner, Victor. Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in
and with nonnatural combinations of body parts, as are an-
Human Society. Ithaca, N.Y., 1974. A pivotal collection
drogynes and some tricksters. Indian and ancient Egyptian
bridging Turner’s Ndembu ethnography and his compara-
religions, among others, provide a plethora of examples. Re-
tive work in performance.
sorting once more to Otto’s terminology, one could argue
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANTHROPOMORPHISM
389
that it is precisely the nonhuman quality of theriomorphic
be, but a Shinto shrine (at least if uncontaminated by Bud-
or therianthropic representations that enables them to func-
dhist influence) is as empty of statues and images as a mosque
tion as symbols of the numinous as the “wholly other.”
or a synagogue.
While the phenomenon of anthropomorphism proper
Another important distinction has to be made between
has been a central problem in the history of religions, theolo-
what may be called primary and secondary anthropomor-
gy, and religious philosophy (in terms of criticism of religion
phism. The former reflects a simple, naive, uncritical (or pre-
as well as of religion’s internal struggles for a better self-
critical) level of immediate, concrete, “massive,” and mytho-
understanding of its own symbolism), the transition from
logical imagination. The latter is more dogmatic and
theriomorphism to anthropomorphism (according to the
deliberate. It is fundamentalist in the sense that anthropo-
evolutionary view current until some decades ago) has often
morphic assertions are made and defended not because they
been viewed as marking a definite progress. Thus Hegel, in
reflect the immediate level of religious consciousness but be-
Lectures on the Philosophy of History, praised Greek religion
cause they reflect a dogmatic position: holy scriptures or ca-
because its anthropomorphism signified that “man, as that
nonical traditions use anthropological language, hence this
which is truly spiritual, constitutes that which is genuinely
language has to be literally accepted and believed in. Many
true in the Greek gods.” Elsewhere, in Lectures on Aesthetics,
discussions in the history of Muslim theology have to be seen
Hegel adds that Christianity is superior to Greek religion be-
in the light of this distinction.
cause it has taken anthropomorphism a decisive step farther:
THEOLOGICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL IMPLICATIONS. A sur-
God is not merely the humanly shaped ideal of beauty and
vey of all the instances of anthropomorphism in the world’s
art but a “real, singular, individual, wholly God and wholly
religions would be tantamount to a survey of the mythologies
man, that has entered into the totality of the conditions of
and religious iconography of the world. This article will be
existence.” This stands in marked contrast to the views of the
limited to a brief review of the theological and philosophical
German poet Schiller (1759–1805), who considered Chris-
implications of anthropomorphism, and even these will be
tianity as inferior to Greek religion: “When the gods were
surveyed mainly in the history of Western thought, not be-
more human, men were more divine” (The Gods of Greece).
cause analogous developments are lacking elsewhere, but be-
One hardly need add that in medieval polemics both Islam
cause in the history of Western thought the problem has
and Judaism condemned Christianity not only for its “poly-
been dealt with more systematically and consistently. West-
theism” (meaning the doctrine of the Trinity) but also for
ern religious history also exhibits a very interesting special
its anthropomorphism.
case, namely Christianity (cf. the dictum of Hegel cited
above), since Christ is considered as more than just another
A distinction is frequently made between physical an-
divine avata¯ra, or manifestation, and hence the doctrine of
thropomorphism (anthropomorphism proper) and mental
the incarnation poses the problem of anthropology in its
or psychological anthropomorphism, also called anthropopa-
widest sense—that is, the doctrine of the nature of man and
thism (i.e., not human form or shape but human feelings:
its relation to the divine—and in a very special way. But even
love, hate, desire, anger, etc.). Thus, while there are only
aside from incarnation, the “personalist” element in theistic
faint traces of anthropomorphism proper in the Hebrew
religion remains, as has been seen, an irreducible anthropo-
scriptures (Old Testament), God is described as loving, tak-
morphism. This situation was well defined by the German
ing pity, forgiving, being angry and wroth (at sinners and
Old Testament scholar and theologian Bernhard Duhm
evildoers), and avenging himself upon his enemies. Even
when he said that the real problem for biblical religion was
when theological thinking progressively divests the deity of
how to get rid not of anthropomorphism but “physiomor-
the “cruder” forms of physical and mental anthropomor-
phism” in its representation of God.
phism, some irreducible elements remain. For example, cer-
tain types of theology of history (Heilsgeschichte) imply that
Most religions start with straightforward and naive an-
God “has a plan” for his creation or for humankind. In fact,
thropomorphic ideas of the divine (gods, goddesses) and
religion is often expressed in terms of humanity’s duty to
even in their more highly developed stages do not greatly
serve the achievement of this divine plan and purpose. The
mind that the simple folk maintain their “primitive” ideas,
ultimate residual anthropomorphism, however, is the theistic
although the spiritual élite may consider anthropological
notion of God as personal, in contrast to an impersonal con-
imagery crude and substitute for it a more sophisticated
ception of the divine. Also, verbal imagery, no matter how
language. Physical and anthropomorphic imagery is then
metaphorical it is supposed to be, preserves this basic an-
explained (or explained away) as a symbolic reference to
thropomorphism: God is father, mother, lover, king, shep-
certain qualities of the divine that, in their turn, may later
herd, judge. Verbal and iconic imagery can be very different
have to be further transcended by an even more spiritual un-
things even when both are anthropomorphic. Thus Bud-
derstanding.
dhism is an essentially metaphysical religion, yet Buddhist
ANTHROPOMORPHISM AND THE CRITICISM OF RELIGION.
temples (Theravada no less than Mahayana) can be full to
The expression “criticism of religion” has to be understood
the bursting point with anthropomorphic images. Shinto
on several levels. It need not necessarily be atheistic or irreli-
mythology, on the other hand, is as anthropomorphic as can
gious. The expression merely signifies that religious represen-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
390
ANTHROPOMORPHISM
tations and statements (whether primitive, popular, tradi-
(Mosheh ben Maimon), like the Muslim philosophers who
tional, or otherwise normative) are criticized because of their
had preceded him, taught with uncompromising radicalism
allegedly crude and, at times, immoral character. This criti-
that no positive attributes whatever can be predicated of
cism can come from the outside—from philosophy, for ex-
God. It should come as no surprise that most of the efforts
ample—or from inside—that is, when religious conscious-
of Maimonides, who besides being a great philosopher was
ness becomes more sophisticated, refined, and self-critical
also a leading rabbinic authority, should be devoted to ex-
(often under the impact of philosophy from outside). Among
plaining away the many anthropomorphisms in the Bible.
the earliest and best-known examples of this tendency is the
Once one embarks on this radical road, the next question be-
Greek author Xenophanes (fifth century BCE), of whose writ-
comes inevitable: is not “being” or “existence” also a human
ings only fragments have been preserved. He ironically notes
concept, and is not the definition of God as pure or absolute
that Ethiopians represent the gods as black, Thracians depict
being also an anthropromorphism, although perhaps a very
them as blue-eyed and red-haired, and “if oxen and horses
rarefied one?
. . . had hands and could paint,” their images of gods would
Two main tendencies can be distinguished in response
depict oxen and horses. Xenophanes thus anticipates the
to this challenge. The one leads to a cessation of speech
modern atheistic inversion of the Old Testament account of
(“mystical silence”); the other to a more sophisticated theolo-
creation, to the effect that men create gods in their own
gy based on an analysis of human consciousness.
image. He also attacks anthropopathism: “Homer and Hesi-
od attribute to the gods what among men would be consid-
MYSTICISM. The most radical method that religious con-
ered reprehensible: stealing, adultery, and deceit.” Yet Xe-
sciousness can adopt to purge itself of anthropomorphism is
nophanes was far from irreligious. He speaks of one God
the assertion that no adequate statements about the divine
“who neither in shape . . . nor in thought” resembles any-
are possible in human language. In the West this tradition
thing human. He has no eyes and no ears, but himself is
goes back to the Neoplatonic mystical theologian known as
“wholly eye, wholly spirit, wholly ear.”
Dionysius the Areopagite (fifth century CE), who introduced
into Christian terminology the “hidden godhead” and the
Plato, too, objects to the all too human conception of
“divine darkness.” This tradition was transmitted to the
the gods. For this reason he would also ban traditional Ho-
Latin West by John Scottus Eriugena (ninth century CE),
meric mythology from his ideal republic, “no matter whether
from whom it passed to Eckhart and the Rhineland mystics
[these stories have] a hidden sense or not” (Republic 377–
and to such English figures as Walter Hilton and the author
378). But the fact that Plato mentions the possibility of a
of The Cloud of Unknowing, and influenced later mystics
hidden sense indicates one of the roads that religious think-
(Jakob Boehme, Angelus Silesius) and even nonmystical,
ing and apologetic would take in response to the critical chal-
“mainline” theologians. Thomas Aquinas gave a place in his
lenge. This critical challenge, it must be reiterated, is not an-
system to this theologia negativa, and Martin Luther thought
tireligious; it is, rather, a religious trend toward self-
highly of the mystical tract known as the Theologia Deutsch.
purification by purging itself of elements considered to be
primitive and crude. The same tendency is in evidence in
The challenge of anthropomorphism, or to be more pre-
many parts of the Old Testament, and not only in the second
cise, the critical reflection as to how to meet this challenge,
of the Ten Commandments. It gathers strength, under the
thus turns out to be an important factor in the development
influence of Hellenistic philosophy, in, for example, the Tar-
of mysticism. But this radical mystical “purging” of language
gums (the Aramaic translations of the Old Testament),
ultimately links up with agnostic and even nonreligious criti-
which, in their wish to eliminate all anthropomorphism, sub-
cism. The central text in this respect is David Hume’s Dia-
stitute for Hebrew phrases meaning “and God appeared
logues concerning Natural Religion (1779), written in the form
unto,” “God spoke,” “God saw,” “the hand of God,” and so
of a conversation between three interlocutors: a skeptic, a
on such alternative phrases as “the glory of God appeared,”
Christian close to the mystical tradition, and a theist. The
“the power of God,” and the like.
Christian mystic asserts that the divine essence, attributes,
and manner of existence are a mystery to humans. The skep-
This “first purgation,” however, does not solve the
tic agrees, but admits the legitimacy of anthropological attri-
problem of mental anthropomorphism. When the sixteenth-
butes (wisdom, thought, intention), because human beings
century French essayist Montaigne wrote that “we may use
simply do not have at their disposal any other form of expres-
words like Power, Truth, Justice, but we cannot conceive the
sion. He merely warns against the mistake of assuming any
thing itself. . . . None of our qualities can be attributed to
similarity between one’s words and the divine qualities. In
the Divine Being without tainting it with our imperfection”
other words, the mystical and the skeptical, even agnostic,
(Essais 2.12), he merely summed up what Muslim, Jewish,
criticisms of anthropomorphism tend to converge. The theist
and Christian philosophers had already discussed in the Mid-
speaker is not slow to seize on this point. His theism is of
dle Ages. Their problem, like Montaigne’s, was not the ob-
a more sophisticated kind; it has absorbed and integrated the
jectionable character of physical and of certain moral attri-
anti-anthropomorphic critique. But if all ideas about the di-
butes, but the admissibility of attributes as such. The great
vine are by definition totally incorrect and misleading, then
twelfth-century Jewish philosopher Moses Maimonides
religion and theology necessarily and automatically cease to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANTHROPOMORPHISM
391
be of any interest whatever. A spiritual being of which noth-
the papal encyclical Pascendi, 1907) and Protestant ortho-
ing can be predicated (no will, no emotion, no love) is, in
doxy (e.g., Karl Barth).
actual fact, no spirit at all. Hume’s argument that mysticism
CONCLUSION. This article, although it focuses on the history
(including pantheism) and atheism ultimately converge has
of Western thought, is intended to give a coherent picture
had far-reaching influence. Nineteenth-century philosophi-
of the kind of problems generated by anthropomorphism.
cal atheism took up Hume’s argument and used the critique
Similar phenomena, though less systematically elaborated,
of anthropomorphism as well as the dead end to which it
can be found in other religious traditions, for example, in the
leads as leverage for the shift from theology to anthropology:
Vedantic impersonalist conception of the Absolute, which
the essence of God is, in fact, nothing but one’s projection,
considers personalist theism and bhakti devotion as a lower
on a celestial screen, of the essence of human. Thus conclud-
form of religion. Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism possesses a highly de-
ed, for example, Ludwig Feuerbach (1804–1872).
veloped anthropomorphic and semianthropomorphic pan-
theon, but these figures are symbolic images to be transcend-
OTHER ATTITUDES TOWARD ANTHROPOMORPHISM. Aside
ed on the higher levels of meditation. Altogether, Eastern
from mysticism, Christian thought has responded in two
religions make greater allowance for differences in the levels
ways to criticisms of anthropomorphism. The traditional,
of religious understanding between different kinds and con-
standard form of theistic theology tries on the one hand to
ditions of humans. Some medieval Muslim theologians too
purge from religion the kind of anthropomorphism that in-
advocated the (near-heretical) doctrine of “double truth,”
vites facile criticism and strives on the other hand to avoid
reminiscent of the Indian distinction between samvrti (con-
the kind of radical “purging” that leads either to mystical si-
ventional truth) and paramartha satya (absolute truth). Simi-
lence or to atheism. The alternative is to speak of God, un-
larly, a more simple language and imagery, adapted to the
apologetically and with a certain robust courage, knowing
capacities of the less mature and less advanced, is justified by
full well that such speech is valid “by analogy” only. The sub-
Buddhists as upa¯ya (“skillful means” for teaching the truth).
ject is one of the most complex in the history of theology.
Even Zen Buddhists in their daily practice worship statues
For the purpose of this article, it must suffice to point to the
of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, although theoretically they as-
existence of this middle way, without going into technical
pire to absolute nothingness and are taught to “kill the Bud-
details or analyzing the different types of “theology of analo-
dha” if they encounter him as an obstacle on the way. A
gy”: analogy of attribution, mainly known in the form of
Hindu analogy would be the distinction between saguna and
“analogy of being” (analogia entis), a central concept in offi-
nirguna (i.e., the “qualified” versus the “unqualified” Abso-
cial Roman Catholic theology; analogy of proportionality;
lute). The Upanis:adic neti, neti, or Na¯ga¯rjuna’s “eightfold
analogy of faith (opposed by the Protestant theologian Karl
negation” could be adduced as Indian instances of a “nega-
Barth to the Roman Catholic concept of analogia entis); anal-
tive theology.” The religious, as distinct from the philosophi-
ogy of relation; and so on. The theology of analogy uses a
cal, problem could be summarized in the simple question:
distinction made by the Muslim Aristotelian philospher Ibn
Can one pray to a nonanthropomorphic deity?
Rushd (Averroës) between univocal, equivocal, and analo-
gous predication. The former two were rejected by the
SEE ALSO Animals; Therianthropism.
Fourth Lateran Council (1215) of the Roman Catholic
church, which espoused “analogy.”
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Another, and typically modern, method of evading the
Jevons, Frank B. “Anthropomorphism.” In Encyclopaedia of Reli-
gion and Ethics, edited by James Hastings, vol. 1. Edinburgh,
problem of anthropomorphism is the view that holds all reli-
1908.
gious statements to be statements about one’s religious con-
sciousness. The father of this theory, in the history of West-
Jevons, Frank B. “Anthropomorphismus.” In Reallexikon für An-
ern thought, is the nineteenth-century German Protestant
tike und Christentum, vol. 1. Stuttgart, 1950.
theologian Friedrich Schleiermacher. In the last resort, this
Leeuw, Gerardus van der. Religion in Essence and Manifestation
view, too, represents a shift from theology to anthropology
(1938). 2 vols. Gloucester, Mass., 1967. See the index, s. v.
(as Feuerbach was quick to point out), with the difference
Anthropomorphism.
that for Schleiermacher this shift serves religious understand-
Zimmer, Heinrich. Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and Civiliza-
ing, whereas for Feuerbach it serves the radical critique of re-
tion. Edited by Joseph Campbell. New York, 1946.
ligion as such. Schleiermacher’s insights are still operative in
For articles related to anthropomorphism in Islam, see “Tashbih”
Rudolf Bultmann’s program of “demythologizing” the gos-
and “MuEtazila” in The Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leiden,
pel. According to Bultmann, all statements about God’s con-
1913–1938) and “Hashwiyya,” “Karramiyya,” “Ibn Hazm,”
crete acts should be interpreted “existentially,” except the no-
and “Ibn Tamiyya” in The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed.
tion of God acting (i.e., his saving intervention in human
(Leiden, 1960–).
existence). The non-Bultmannian will, of course, ask why
New Sources
one should stop short at this particular anthropomorphism.
Barnhart, Joe E. “Anthropomorphism.” In Modern Spiritualities:
This theology of religious consciousness has been con-
An Inquiry, edited by Laurence Brown, Bernard C. Farr, and
demned as heretical by both the Roman Catholic church (see
R. Joseph Hoffmann. pp. 171–178. Amherst, N.Y., 1997.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
392
ANTHROPOSOPHY
Bekoff, Marc. “The Evolution of Animal Play, Emotions, and So-
2. Anthroposophy is communicated knowledge that is
cial Morality: On Science, Theology, Spirituality, Person-
gained in a spiritual way. For at the very frontier where
hood, and Love.” Zygon 36, no. 4 (2001): 615–655.
the knowledge derived from sense-perception ceases,
Ferré, Frederick. “In Praise of Anthropomorphism.” International
there is opened through the human soul itself the fur-
Journal for Philosophy of Religion 16 no. 3, (1984): 203–212.
ther outlook into the spiritual world. (Steiner, 1973,
Guthrie, Stewart Elliott. Faces in the Clouds: A New Theory of Reli-
p. 13)
gion. New York, 1993.
Insole, Christopher J. “Anthropomorphism and the Apophatic
From his first systematic work, The Philosophy of Freedom
God.” Modern Theology 17, no. 4 (2001): 475–483.
(1984), until his last writings and lectures in 1924 Steiner
Schoen, Edward L. “Anthropomorphic Concepts of God.” Reli-
sought to exemplify, and to enable others to attain, spiritual,
gious Studies 26 (1990): 123–139.
or sense-free, knowledge. Anthroposophy may be under-
Yonan, Edward A. “Religion as Anthropomorphism: A New The-
stood as the discipline of seeing the inner, or spiritual, core
ory that Invites Definitional and Epistemic Scrutiny.” Reli-
of every reality, even realities that seem to be grossly material.
gion 25 (1995): 31–34.
Although it ordinarily is understood as a teaching, anthro-
posophy is essentially a discipline by which to see directly
R. J. ZWI WERBLOWSKY (1987)
Revised Bibliography
into the spiritual world. Steiner reportedly was able to track
the souls of the deceased and read the “Akashic Record,”
which can be thought of as a transcript of human and cosmic
ANTHROPOSOPHY
history that is available to accomplished psychics and spiritu-
(“knowledge of the human
al seers.
being” or “human wisdom”), is the name that Rudolf Steiner
(1861–1925), the Austrian philosopher-educator-esotericist,
Steiner consistently urged spiritual seekers to eschew the
gave to his teachings and to the spiritual practice he recom-
cultivation of revelations received while unconscious and in-
mended as an antidote to modern Western materialistic con-
stead develop the capacity for conscious esoteric research. In
sciousness. Steiner also referred to his teaching as spiritual
this respect, anthroposophy has an emphasis different from
science, signaling what he considered to be the empirical
that of contemporary teachings and practices that rely pri-
character of his research concerning the spiritual world. As
marily on dreams, mediumship, channeling, and hypnosis.
a spiritual movement, primarily Western but intended for all
Steiner’s emphasis on the cultivation of higher thinking ca-
of humanity, anthroposophy is continuous with the Rosicru-
pacities is different as well from reliance on revelations of an-
cian stream of the Christian esoteric tradition.
cient wisdom to Blavatsky and to several other first-
EARLY HISTORY AND TEACHINGS. In 1902 Steiner assumed
generation leaders of the Theosophical Society by mahatmas,
the position of leader of the Berlin lodge of the Theosophical
or discarnate Himalayan teachers.
Society, but the centrality of Christ in his teachings, in con-
One of the key claims of Steiner’s spiritual science is that
trast to the theosophical emphasis on Hindu and Buddhist
knowledge of the higher, or spiritual, world is made possible
spiritual teachers, made it inevitable that he eventually would
by the core of the self that he refers to as “Spirit,” “Ego,” or
feel the need to separate from that society, which he did in
“I.” According to Steiner, each of the four levels of knowl-
1912. Steiner’s followers, most of whom had been members
edge corresponds to a level of the human being. Sensory per-
of the Theosophical Society, followed Steiner when he broke
ception is made possible by the physical body; imaginative
with Annie Besant (then president of the society) and
knowledge, by the etheric body; inspirational knowledge, by
founded the Anthroposophical Society in 1912. Although
the soul, or astral body; and intuitive (or spiritual) knowl-
both Rudolf Steiner and anthroposophy can be seen to have
edge, by the I, Ego, or Spirit.
evolved from the Theosophical Society, especially if one
compares the writings of H. P. Blavatsky with the early eso-
One of the reasons anthroposophy is difficult to sum-
teric writings of Steiner (e.g., An Outline of Esoteric Science
marize is that Steiner prescribes methods for growth on all
of 1909), it is more accurate to say that anthroposophy is
levels of apprehension or, correspondingly, intended for the
continuous with the entire Western esoteric tradition, espe-
development of each of the four levels of the human being.
cially the esoteric teachings of Egypt, Greece, Johannine
Techniques for the increase of knowledge and the transfor-
Christianity, and Rosicrucianism.
mation of human beings include the study of natural science,
Steiner’s most succinct characterization of anthroposo-
projective geometry, sculpture, and painting as well as speech
phy appears in the opening paragraphs of Anthroposophical
formation, music, eurythmy (an artistic method of move-
Leading Thoughts, which he wrote in 1924, during the last
ment to sound), interpersonal relations, the experience of
months of his life:
scriptures, and religious rituals. Steiner worked in these and
other endeavors as a way of to demonstrate the varied possi-
1. Anthroposophy is a path of knowing (thinking) to guide
bilities for the cultivation of imaginative, inspirational, and
the spiritual in the human being to the spiritual in the
intuitive knowledge.
universe. It arises as a need of the heart, of the life of
feeling; and it can be justified only inasmuch as it can
According to Steiner, the supersensible knowledge that
satisfy this inner need.
lies behind his discoveries and disclosures is a distinctive ca-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANTHROPOSOPHY
393
pacity of the present age just as, earlier, the thinking capacity
At the Christmas Foundation Meeting in 1923, in addi-
of the classical Greek philosophers and early Christian think-
tion to establishing the Anthroposophical Society as a re-
ers was significantly different from that of more ancient seers,
source for anyone wishing to gain a basic knowledge of the
whether the rsis of India, Moses, or Homer. In Steiner’s elab-
supersensible, Steiner established the School of Spiritual Sci-
orate account of the evolution of consciousness thinking has
ence for members of the Anthroposophical Society who were
evolved in direct relation to the devolution of clairvoyance.
willing to commit themselves to represent anthroposophy or
Steiner attempted to show that the supersensible mode of
spiritual science in and to the world. Members of the School
perception he espoused combines conscious thinking with a
of Spiritual Science, which Steiner intended to have nine
spiritual or intuitive grasp akin to the clairvoyance character-
classes but lived to found only the first class, strive to develop
istic of ancient times. At the center of this double evolution
imagination, inspiration, and intuition in fields such as
Steiner saw the descent of the Christ, which made possible
mathematics, medicine, pedagogy, agriculture, the social sci-
a reversal of a downward, materialistic trend in favor of an
ences, the visual arts, and the performing arts. Research in
ascent toward an increasingly free, spiritual mode of
those fields is centered in the Goetheanum in Dornach, Swit-
thinking.
zerland, but also is conducted by members of the School of
Spiritual Science working alone and in groups throughout
Steiner conducted esoteric research into the afterlife of
the world. The publication of books and periodicals and the
significant individuals and the secrets of life between death
holding of conferences to explore research in these fields
and rebirth. He spoke of Christ as the Lord of Karma. He
demonstrate the continuing vitality of Steiner’s esoteric
also gave many lectures on the role of great spiritual beings
teaching and method of research.
such as Moses, Zoroaster, Krishna, Buddha, Plato, Socrates,
In the 1930s and 1940s conflicts between European
the figures in the New Testament, Saint Francis, and Chris-
countries adversely affected the working of the Anthropo-
tian Rosenkreutz in the evolution of human consciousness.
sophical Society. In recent decades the influence of Rudolf
In more than a dozen lecture cycles from 1909 to 1913 St-
Steiner’s teachings and the practice of anthroposophy seem
einer disclosed his research on those figures, particularly con-
to have been limited by a conservative tendency among some
cerning Krishna, Buddha, and Christ, working collaborative-
anthroposophists.
ly in the spiritual world on behalf of the evolution of
Subsequent anthroposophical researchers and authors
humanity. He also lectured on a topic of significance in light
include Christopher Bamford, Owen Barfield, Bernard
of the current trend toward ecological devastation: the reap-
Lievegoed, Robert McDermott, Robert Powell, Mary Caro-
pearance, beginning in the twentieth century, of the resur-
lyn (M.C.) Richards, Robert Sardello, Douglas Sloan, Ed-
rected Christ in the etheric envelope of the earth.
ward Reaugh Smith, Valentin Tomberg, Andrew Welburn,
L
and Arthur Zajonc. Endeavors such as biodynamic agricul-
ATER DEVELOPMENTS. Although few if any of Steiner’s
thousands of followers have attained the kind of supersensi-
ture, Waldorf education, and anthroposophical medicine
ble perception he exhibited, they have applied his spiritual
stand out as creative examples of thinking, feeling, and will-
ing that advance the effort to (re)join the material and spiri-
discipline and insights creatively. Among the works arising
tual dimensions of human consciousness.
from Steiner’s teachings have been the biodynamic method
of soil cultivation, anthroposophically extended medicine,
SEE ALSO Besant, Annie; Blavatsky, H. P.; Rosicrucians; St-
and the Waldorf School movement, currently the largest
einer, Rudolf; Theosophical Society.
nonsectarian independent school system in the world. An-
throposophists are also responsible for the Camphill move-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ment, which consists of villages for children and adults who
Steiner’s published writings total more than 350 volumes, most
of which consist of cycles of lectures. More than two hun-
require special mental and emotional care. Drawing on St-
dred of these works and another several hundred on anthro-
einer’s lectures on the arts and on his suggestions to artists
posophy, including all the titles listed below, are published
with whom he collaborated, Anthroposophical artists have
by Anthroposophical Press/Steiner Books, Great Barrington,
brought Steiner’s artistic methods to bear on the visual and
Mass., and are available from http://www.Anthropress.org.
performing arts, especially painting, sculpture, architecture,
Foundational Books
speech, drama, and eurythmy.
Steiner, Rudolf. Theosophy: An Introduction to the Spiritual Process-
es in Human Life and in the Cosmos. Translated by Catherine
Steiner intended spiritual science to supersede religion,
E. Creeger, Hudson, N.Y., 1994.
but in response to a request from Protestant pastors and sem-
Steiner, Rudolf. How to Know Higher Worlds: A Modern Path of
inarians for help in fostering Christian renewal, he generated
Initiation. Translated by Christopher Bamford, Hudson,
the sacramental forms and organizational structure of the
N.Y., 1995.
Christian Community, a modern church that is not formally
Steiner, Rudolf. Intuitive Thinking as a Spiritual Path: A Philoso-
allied with the Anthroposophical Society but is part of the
phy of Freedom. Translated by Michael Lipson, Hudson,
same Johannine esoteric Christian stream and clearly draws
N.Y., 1995.
its inspiration and much of its teaching from Steiner’s spiri-
Steiner Rudolf. An Outline of Esoteric Science. Translated by Cath-
tual life and research.
erine E. Creeger, Hudson, N.Y., 1997.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
394
ANTICHRIST
Introductions
pretation that saw Antichrist as a projection into the end
Bamford, Christopher, ed., intro. Spiritualism, Madame Blavatsky,
time of the monster of chaos who had warred against the cre-
and Theosophy: An Eyewitness View of Occult History, Great
ator god in Near Eastern cosmogonies. R. H. Charles argued
Barrington, Mass., 2001.
that Antichrist originated from the interaction of three tradi-
Bamford, Christopher, ed., intro. What Is Anthroposophy? Great
tions: individual and collective notions of an eschatological
Barrington, Mass., 2002.
enemy based upon political events, the mythic figure of Bel-
Lipson, Michael. Stairway to Surprise: Six Steps to a Creative Life,
iar, and the growth of the Nero myth.
Great Barrington, Mass., 2002.
The evidence indicates that belief in Antichrist arose
ROBERT A. MCDERMOTT (1987 AND 2005)
through the interaction of ancient myths and current politi-
cal situations. The desecration of the Temple by the Seleucid
king Antiochus IV (167 BCE) and his savage persecution of
the Jews were shocking events that called out for universalis-
ANTICHRIST. The final opponent of good, known as
tic interpretations based on archetypal myths (Dn. 8:9–14).
Antichrist, has haunted Christianity since its beginnings.
Subsequent persecutors of Jews and Christian were also given
With roots in Hellenistic Judaism, and an Islamic echo in
mythological stature, and their stories in turn further shaped
the figure of al-Dajja¯l, the Antichrist myth has had a potent
the legendary narratives. The most important of these perse-
influence on belief, theology, art, literature, and politics.
cutors was the Roman emperor Nero (54–68). Building on
The name Antichrist occurs in the New Testament only
the confusion surrounding the death of Nero, legends about
in the Johannine letters (1 Jn. 2:18, 2:22, 4:3; 2 Jn. 7), but
a returning (or later resurrected) Nero who would function
the figure of a final enemy appears in several New Testament
as an ultimate enemy influenced contemporary Christian
books. Second Thessalonians contains a description of “the
and Jewish texts (e.g., Rv. 13, 17; Ascension of Isaiah 4.1–4.4;
rebel, the lost one” who is now “restrained” but who will lead
Sibylline Oracles 3.63–3.74, 4.119–4.150, 5). Another his-
the “great revolt,” enthrone himself in the sanctuary of the
torical figure whose legendary history became intertwined
temple, and be slain by Christ at the Parousia (2:1–12). The
with Antichrist was Simon Magus (Acts 8:9–13).
apocalyptic discourse found in the synoptic Gospels (Mk. 13,
Christian thinkers of the second and third centuries
Mt. 24–25, Lk. 21) speaks of the “abomination of desola-
tried to weave the diverse traditions concerning Antichrist
tion” to be set up in the holy place (Mk. 13:14, Mt. 24:15)
into a coherent picture. Was he to be one or many? A human
and the appearance of false Christs and false prophets (Mk.
person or a demon? Jewish or Roman in origin? A false teach-
13:5–6, 13:21–23; Mt. 24:4–5, 24:23–24; Lk. 21:8). The
er (a pseudomessiah) or an imperial persecutor? The Anti-
Book of Revelation contains symbolic portrayals of Antichrist
christ legend developed as the reverse side of the growing
figures under the guise of two beasts—one arising from the
Christology of the early church, speculation on the person
sea (or abyss) with seven heads and ten horns (11:7, 13:1–10,
and prerogatives of Christ encouraging attention to his es-
17:3–18, 19:19–21), whose number is 666 (13:18), the
chatological opposite. In the early third century, Hippolytus
other coming from the land as the servant of the former
of Rome wrote a treatise, On Christ and the Antichrist, that
monster (13:11–17, 16:13, 19:19–21).
gave a handy summary of belief and legend. Some of his suc-
It is evident that the early Christians made use of tradi-
cessors (e.g., Commodianus, Lactantius, Sulpicius Severus)
tions regarding eschatological opponents that depended
deal with the variety of traditions about Antichrist by distin-
upon Jewish apocalyptic and earlier prophetic traditions
guishing between two final enemies: a Roman persecutor, for
(e.g., Gog and Magog in Ez 38–39). The Book of Daniel is
which Nero was the prototype, and a false Jewish messiah
the source for both the “abomination of desolation” (9:27,
born of the tribe of Dan who would rebuild the Temple at
11:31, 12:11) and for the beasts described in Revelation
Jerusalem.
(7:1–9, 7:15–27). Other Jewish texts contain speculation
Antichrist myths continued to flourish after the conver-
about an evil angel named Beliar who functions as God’s
sion of the Roman empire to Christianity. Building upon the
final adversary (e.g., Testament of Levi 3.3, 18.2; Sibylline Or-
description of many Antichrists in the New Testament letters
acles 3.63–3.74). Modern research has uncovered similar
of John, the Donatist exegete Tyconius (d. 390?) stressed a
concerns about eschatological foes in the Qumran communi-
moralizing view of the final enemy as the aggregate body of
ty (e.g., War Rule 17.6 and the fragments known as 4 Q
evildoers within the church. This tradition was handed on
186). Late Jewish apocalyptic seems to be the source of phys-
to the Middle Ages by Pope Gregory I (d. 604). Corporate
ical descriptions of Antichrist (e.g., Apocalypse of Elijah 3.14–
views of the Antichrist, including those that focused on here-
3.18) that were also used by Christians. Belief in a final op-
tics, Muslims, or Jews, were common in the Middle Ages,
ponent of the Messiah survived in later Judaism in the leg-
but evil individuals within or without Christianity were still
endary descriptions of the persecuting king Armilus (e.g., in
often identified with Antichrist or his immediate prede-
Sefer Zerubbabel).
cessor.
Various explanations have been given for the origin of
Christian beliefs about Antichrist, especially those origi-
Antichrist. Wilhelm Bousset advanced a mythological inter-
nating in Syria, were the source for Islamic legends regarding
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANTICULT MOVEMENTS
395
a final eschatological foe, called al-Dajja¯l (“the deceiver”). Al-
well known. No less significant are the uses of the myth by
though al-Dajja¯l does not appear in the QurDa¯n, traditions
some of the Russian writers of the nineteenth century, such
appeared early concerning this monstrous figure who was to
as Fedor Dostoevskii, Vladimir SolovDev, and Dmitrii
be manifested shortly before the end, lead the faithful astray,
Merezhkovskii. Belief in an individual final Antichrist con-
and be slain either by Jesus or by the Mahdi.
tinues in popular culture, and Fundamentalist Christianity,
but for other Christians the Antichrist has become a symbol
The Christian monk Adso’s Letter on the Antichrist (c.
of the evil in the human heart.
950), written on the model of a saint’s life, depicts the final
enemy as a combination of both a pseudo-Christ and a perse-
cuting tyrant, a depiction that was to remain standard in
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bousset, Wilhelm. The Antichrist Legend. London, 1896. A classic
Latin Christianity for centuries. The twelfth-century renewal
work.
of apocalyptic thought was rich in speculation on Antichrist.
In Germany, the first and greatest of the medieval Antichrist
Emmerson, Richard K. Antichrist in the Middle Ages. Seattle,
1981. Deals primarily with the Adsonian tradition.
dramas, Ludus de Antichristo, appeared, while in Italy, Jo-
achim of Fiore (d. 1202) wove both corporate and individual
Jenks, Gregory. The Origins and Early Development of the Anti-
views of Antichrist together into his new apocalyptic schema.
christ Myth. Berlin, 1991.
McGinn, Bernard. Antichrist: Two Thousand Years of the Human
In the later Middle Ages, the view of Adso, passed on
Fascination with Evil. 2d edition, New York, 2000. The most
by writers such as Hugh of Strassburg and John of Paris, re-
complete account.
mained popular and in the fifteenth century was illustrated
Malvenda, Tomás. De Antichristo libri undecim. Rome, 1604. An
in a remarkable series of block books. The Joachite tradition
extensive survey of the traditional materials.
looked forward to a struggle between one or more spiritual
popes (pastores angelici), who would try to reform the church,
Preuss, Hans. Die Vorstellungen vom Antichrist im späteren mittel-
aalter, bei Luther und in der Konfessionellen Polemik. Leipzig,
and their opponents, evil popes introduced by force or
1906. Unsurpassed for its period.
schism who were identified with Antichrist or his predeces-
sors. In Peter Olivi’s Franciscan Joachitism, there are dual
Wright, Rosemary Muir. Art and Antichrist in Medieval Europe.
final Antichrists: the papal Antichristus mysticus and the An-
Manchester, 1995.
tichristus magnus, a persecuting emperor (sometimes identi-
BERNARD MCGINN (1987 AND 2005)
fied with a reborn Frederick II). Fueled by the Avignon papa-
cy, the schism of 1378–1417, and the general failure of the
papacy to reform the church, such beliefs were widespread
in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. John Wyclif and
ANTICULT MOVEMENTS are the complementary
the Hussites sharpened the identification of the papacy with
reverse side of the coin to new religious movements (NRMs).
Antichrist. It is no surprise that Martin Luther and other re-
Anticult movements may be focused on one group, as was
formers seized upon Antichrist rhetoric in the battle against
the nineteenth-century anti-Catholic Know-Nothing Party
Rome.
or the various anti-Mormon efforts. Anticult movements
may also be more inclusive in their focus, as with the nativist
Reformation identification of the papacy with Anti-
antiblack, anti-Catholic, and anti-Semitic Ku Klux Klan of
christ (e.g., Smalcaldic Articles 2.4) went beyond most late
the twentieth century. In modern terms, most anticult move-
medieval views in its total rejection of the papal office and
ments are multidimensional and espouse a dislike (and often
in its insistence upon a renewed corporate interpretation that
a nonunderstanding) of nontraditional religions. This oppo-
identified the institution of the papacy, and not individual
sition includes the belief that NRMs are subversive of revered
popes, with Antichrist. Some reformers also held double-
social institutions, the prediction of imminent danger from
Antichrist views coupling the Turks with the papacy. The
such groups, and claims that such groups do not “legitimate-
strength of the corporate view may have been the source of
ly” attract willing converts but rather employ beguiling
the widening of Antichrist rhetoric that marked the six-
means to build a slavelike membership base. Anticult groups
teenth- and seventeenth-century Reformation debates, espe-
often make appeals to civic values and patriotism to justify
cially in England, where Antichrist became a term of oppro-
their opposition to NRMs. Historians show that such coun-
brium that could be used against any institution or group.
termovements, either secular or sacred in their oppositional
It is tempting to think that this inflation of rhetoric, to-
thrusts, are a sociological consequence of resentment toward
gether with Enlightenment criticism of religion, stifled belief
incipient or spreading religious pluralism in North America,
in Antichrist, but the last enemy’s ability to serve as a symbol
Europe, and even Asia (in particular, Japan and the Peoples
of evil has given the figure a singular longevity. Historical fig-
Republic of China).
ures, like Napoleon I and Mussolini, have been seen as Anti-
THE MODERN NORTH AMERICAN ANTICULT MOVEMENT.
christ, as have such movements as the French Revolution, so-
While sectarian opposition and competition among religious
cialism, and communism. Friedrich Nietzsche’s adoption of
groups seems to be ubiquitous, the most recent wave of secu-
the role of Antichrist and his use of the title for this most
lar anticult groups (cult being the pejorative label for a myri-
violent attack on Christianity and bourgeois morality are
ad of publicly unpopular NRMs, such as the Unification
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396
ANTICULT MOVEMENTS
Church, the International Society for Krishna Conscious-
work was more activist and public-relations-oriented, includ-
ness, and the Church of Scientology International) began in
ing (as is now known indisputably from the group’s records)
North America during the late 1960s and early 1970s. At this
not only endorsing coercive “interventions” called depro-
time there were a variety of cultural factors that combined
grammings to remove legal adults from NRMs, but also serv-
to allow persons, particularly young adults, the opportunity
ing as a clearinghouse to connect desperate aggrieved families
to experiment and “dabble” in exotic alternative religions.
with deprogrammers. The American Family Foundation, on
These factors included the end to the American military draft
the other hand, functioned entirely as a repository for infor-
for males, the disillusionment of some with the Vietnam
mation on NRMs, sponsoring white paper reports and con-
War, various social reform movements, and the actions in
ferences, publishing a professional journal, lobbying for anti-
1965 to rescind older twentieth-century alien restriction laws
NRM legislation, and seeking to attract degreed profession-
that facilitated the immigration of guru¯s, swamis, and other
als, academic or otherwise, to support its cause.
teachers from Asia into the United States.
Working sometimes in parallel, sometimes in concert
North America became the springboard for the export
with the Cult Awareness Network and the American Family
of a secular template of anticultism to Europe, as well as to
Foundation, have been several other groups and individuals.
Israel and various South American countries. For many years
First, there has been a small but highly visible coterie of coer-
North America has been home to a religious wing of the an-
cive deprogrammers, who later, due to negative publicity
ticult movement that has opposed NRMs as promoting false
from civil libertarians, relabeled themselves “exit counselors”
doctrine and that produces a largely conservative Christian
or “thought reform specialists.” Most have not been profes-
apologetic literature. It is the secular wing of the anticult
sionally trained in any behavioral science; instead, they act
movement, however, with its emphasis on the presumed so-
in maverick, entrepreneurial fashion to “retrieve” NRM
cial-psychological dynamics of conversion, retention, and re-
members on a fee-for-service basis and attempt to convince
moval of NRM members, that has garnered the most public
them to renounce their unconventional allegiances. Second,
attention and legal controversy.
there has existed a small but vocal network of mental health
The secular anticult movement has always been a loose
and behavioral science professionals who have enjoyed a
network of organizations, some aimed at individual NRMs
good deal of publicity as spokespersons for the anticult
and others opposing a broader array of groups. There has also
movement, presenting themselves to the media as experts on
always been a laissez-faire understanding of just what consti-
the controversy and providing counseling and rehabilitation
tutes a “cult” or “destructive cult,” though there have been
services to exiting NRM members. Third, there have been
numerous failed attempts by anticult spokespersons to arrive
voluntary groups, usually short-lived, of former NRM mem-
at a precise definition. A large part of the latter problem is
bers who offered transition support to other former NRM
that so many NRMs (cults and sects) possess characteristics
members as they readjusted to secular society.
of more established churches and denominations, from char-
What both the national organizations and the smaller
ismatic leadership to wealth and elitist dogmas.
groups have held in common is a fundamental assumption
The first organization in the modern secular anticult
that NRMs use a subtle but nevertheless powerful “mind
movement was Free the Children of God, which was estab-
control” method to recruit and retain members. Anticult ac-
lished in Denver in 1971 in response to high-pressure re-
tivists thus interpret NRM membership as the end result of
cruitment of teenagers and young adults by the Children of
manipulative practices that undermine individual capacity
God (later renamed the Family). Free the Children of God
for voluntary thought and action, practices that are popularly
also objected to the Children of God’s migratory communal
known as brainwashing. This assumption became tempered
lifestyle. Other local anticult groups, largely made up of rela-
by the late 1980s, as seen in anticult conference presentations
tives of young persons who joined such unconventional reli-
and in its literature, as mainstream psychiatric, psychologi-
gious groups in lieu of pursuing more conventional career
cal, and sociological research across a host of NRMs demon-
and family trajectories, spontaneously arose across the Unit-
strated the mind control thesis as too simple a model for ex-
ed States. As these anticult groups gradually discovered each
plaining human influence processes.
other, they began communicating and making common
NRMs fought against anticult groups and deprogram-
cause. Soon these organizations, many quite small, began ar-
mers with their own professional apologists, conferences,
ranging joint conferences, and they eventually made at-
sympathetic literature, publicity campaigns, and lawsuits. Al-
tempts to coalesce into national organizations. The first na-
though anticult groups won the battle in the public imagina-
tional (and largest) anticult group was the California-based
tion by discrediting many NRMs, the NRMs won the legal
Citizens Freedom Foundation, formed in 1974; this group
battles through libel lawsuits and other litigation against de-
was renamed the Cult Awareness Network and relocated to
programmers (who often failed in their deprogramming at-
Chicago in 1985.
tempts). One result was that the Cult Awareness Network
In 1979 a second national organization, the American
was driven into bankruptcy in 1995 after a series of punitive
Family Foundation, emerged out of the Citizens Freedom
suits, the most important of which concerned deprogram-
Foundation. Comparing the two, the Cult Awareness Net-
ming referrals.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANTI-SEMITISM
397
The North American anticult movement’s failure to
Shupe, Anson, and David G. Bromley. The New Vigilantes: Depro-
mobilize governmental and regulatory agency sanctions, ex-
grammers, Anti-cultists, and the New Religions. Beverly Hills,
cept occasionally at the local level, to support its cause of “ex-
Calif., 1980.
posing” and putting an end to what it considered outrageous
Shupe, Anson, and David G. Bromley. “Social Responses to
NRM behavior, has been coupled with an inability to forge
Cults.” In The Sacred in a Secular Age: Toward Revision in
an alliance with religious-based opposition to NRMs. The
the Scientific Study of Religion, edited by Phillip E. Ham-
religious countercult movement, which dislikes the term an-
mond, pp. 58–72. Berkeley, Calif., 1985.
ticult, has always emphasized voluntary exit of NRM mem-
Shupe, Anson, and David G. Bromley. Anti-Cult Movements in
bers and a return to “true doctrines,” an approach incompati-
Cross Cultural Perspective. New York, 1994.
ble with coercive deprogrammings. The secular anticult
Singer, Margaret Thaler, with Janja Lalich. Cults in Our Midst.
wing, on the other hand, has always claimed that it is not
San Francisco, 1995.
concerned with religion, but only opposes mind-control
Zablocki, Benjamin, and Thomas Robbins, eds. Misunderstanding
practices. Moreover, in various secular anticult documents,
Cults: Searching for Objectivity in a Controversial Field. To-
one can perceive a distinct antipathy to religion, in particular
ronto, 2001.
to conservative high-demand religious groups.
ANSON SHUPE (2005)
Still, at the very time that the Cult Awareness Network
was being damaged by legal entanglements and the entire an-
ticult movement was being marginalized as a credible force
in the United States, its leaders were acting as missionaries
ANTI-SEMITISM. The term anti-Semitism is relatively
to export their ideology to other countries. They promulgat-
recent, coined only at the end of the nineteenth century,
ed it at conferences, through correspondence, and at personal
when it became the identifying symbol of an innovative anti-
meetings with government officials and grassroots anticult
Jewish political platform that projected the Jews as an alien
groups in Canada, Belgium, Denmark, Italy, Germany,
element in European society. The term was intended to en-
France, and England. The Cult Awareness Network, now
compass the entire spectrum of contemporary and historic
defunct, and the American Family Foundation, still active
anti-Jewish thinking and behavior and to convey a sense of
in 2004, were recipients of inquiries for information con-
the monolithic quality of all anti-Jewish thinking and behav-
cerning possible affiliation with smaller anticult groups in
ior. Use of the innovative term spread quickly among adher-
various parts of the world, including Africa (e.g., South Afri-
ents of the new political program and among their oppo-
ca, Nigeria), Asia (e.g., the Philippines), Eastern Europe
nents as well. Subsequently, the term has been widely utilized
(e.g., Russia), South America (e.g., Argentina), and the Peo-
as a synonym for all or at least most anti-Jewish attitudes and
ple’s Republic of China. For a time, at least, the discredited
actions.
ideology of the North American anticult movement has been
The present survey will accept popular usage of the term
accepted to justify the potential exercise of political and other
anti-Semitism as synonymous with historic and early twenty-
institutional sanctions abroad. Anticult movements appear
first-century anti-Jewish attitudes and actions. It will, how-
to be a staple in pluralistic, globalizing societies to the same
ever, dissent from any sense of the monolithic quality of anti-
extent as new religious movements.
Jewish thinking. This survey will insist instead that evolving
anti-Jewish themes must be seen in context, that is, against
SEE ALSO Brainwashing (Debate); Cults and Sects; Depro-
the backdrop of their particular time and place. At the same
gramming; Law and Religion, article on Law and New Reli-
gious Movements.
time, this survey will acknowledge common and recurrent
motifs in anti-Jewish thinking over the ages. It will suggest
B
that the recurrence of these motifs can be traced in part to
IBLIOGRAPHY
Billington, Ray Allen. The Protestant Crusade, 1800–1860: A
the tendency of the Jews over the ages to emerge as discor-
Study of the Origins of American Nativism. New York, 1938.
dant elements in a variety of societies; it will further suggest
Bromley, David G., and James T. Richardson, eds. The Brain-
that, once anti-Jewish motifs have been generated, they have
washing/Deprogramming Controversy: Sociological, Psychologi-
often become staples of popular wisdom and folklore, thus
cal, Legal, and Historical Perspectives. Lewiston, N.Y., 1984.
resurfacing in later and often radically altered contexts.
Bromley, David G., and Anson Shupe. “New Religions and
EARLY ANTIQUITY. Our evidence for Jewish life and also for
Countermovements.” In The Handbook on Cults and Sects in
anti-Jewish attitudes and actions in early antiquity comes
America, edited by David B. Bromley and Jeffrey K. Hadden,
largely from the biblical corpus, with its attendant problems,
pp. 177–198. Greenwich, Conn., 1993.
and—to a limited extent—from the ever-increasing body of
Davis, D. B. “Some Themes of Counter-Subversion.” Mississippi
ancient Near Eastern artifacts and texts uncovered by archae-
Valley Historical Review 67 (1960): 205–224.
ologists. From this fragmentary data, it would seem that the
Jenkins, Philip. Mystics and Messiahs: Cults and New Religions in
frictions between Israelites and Judeans and their neighbors
American History. New York, 2000.
involved relatively normal tensions between rival polities.
Melton, J. Gordon. Encyclopedic Handbook of Cults in America.
Wars were common in Canaan, with the Israelites and Jude-
Rev. ed. New York, 1992.
ans sometimes the aggressors and sometimes on the defen-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
398
ANTI-SEMITISM
sive. Anti-Israelite and anti-Judean sentiment seems to have
All through late antiquity, significant numbers of Jews
been associated with the shifting political constellations of
lived outside Palestine, in an eastern diaspora centered in
the ancient Near East.
Mesopotamia and in a western diaspora spread throughout
the Mediterranean Basin. The same Roman authorities that
The biblical corpus and the texts from the ancient Near
attacked Jewish religion in the aftermath of the rebellions in
East both note that the Israelites and Judeans—especially the
Palestine were quite generous in recognizing the special reli-
latter—made their way beyond the confines of their king-
gious needs flowing from the demands of monotheism, and
doms and settled in other lands, sometimes on their own ini-
Jews were regularly exempted from problematic imperial ob-
tiative and sometimes forcibly. These sources suggest that the
ligations. In the Roman diaspora, a different kind of tension
migrating Judeans brought into their new habitations inno-
emerged, the tension between ethnic and religious minorities
vative problems flowing from the incongruities between Ju-
jockeying for position with their Roman rulers. Competition
dean religion and the larger polytheistic environment, as the
and contention seems to have developed, for example, be-
Judeans insisted on one deity only and rejected alternative
tween the large Jewish community of Roman Alexandria and
divinities. Two of the later books of the Hebrew Bible—the
the Greek population of that same great city. This conten-
books of Daniel (Dn. 1-6) and Esther—portray both admira-
tion escalated recurrently into violence.
tion and animosity on the part of Persians in the face of Jude-
an unwillingness to worship the gods of their empire. While
Judaism seems to have both attracted and repelled the
diverse populations that made up the Roman Empire. The
the tone of both books is folkloric, Judean monotheism
attraction and the repulsion were stimulated by the special
might well have touched off hostility as a result of its innova-
beliefs of the Jews and their zealous commitment to this be-
tive religious norms, perceived as threatening to the estab-
lief system and its moral demands. Especially distressing to
lished religio-political order. These biblical stories have creat-
many Roman observers was the attraction of Judaism to
ed a subsequent sense—among Jews and non-Jews alike—of
some of their contemporaries and the implications of that at-
animosity aroused by Jewish distinctiveness, in this case de-
traction for loyalty to the traditional pillars of Roman civili-
votion to monotheistic ideals.
zation. Sharp expression of this distaste for Jews and Judaism
THE GRECO-ROMAN WORLD. During the fourth pre-
can be found in Tacitus (c. 55–120), who bemoans the fact
Christian century, the Near East was invaded from the west
that Romans attracted to Judaism thereby sunder all the nor-
by the Greek forces of Alexander the Great (356–323 BCE),
mal ties of Roman society—their loyalty to state, cult, and
which profoundly disrupted Near Eastern civilization. All
family.
segments of that ancient civilization, Jews included, had to
EARLY CHRISTIANITY. Most students of anti-Semitism agree
come to grips with a new political order and a new culture.
that, with the birth and development of Christianity, new,
Anti-Jewish sentiment eventually emerged, resulting from
more intense, and more persistent anti-Jewish thinking and
the intersection of Jewish religious commitments and non-
behavior emerged. While earlier anti-Jewish sentiment in-
Jewish political concerns. The harsh decrees of the Seleucid
volved relatively normal political, ethnic, and religious strife
king Antiochus III (242–187 BCE) have been interpreted as
and dissipated quickly, Christian anti-Jewish sentiment has
an effort on his part to suppress what he perceived as danger-
proven far more intense and enduring. Scholars have strug-
ous Jewish rebelliousness rooted in commitment to the Jeru-
gled to explain the intensity and longevity of this Christian
salem Temple and the religious dictates of Jewish tradition.
anti-Jewish sentiment, especially in the wake of World War
The Seleucid ruler seems to have been convinced that only
II and the Holocaust.
by attacking the Jewish religious system itself could he suc-
Paul, whose writings form the earliest stratum of the
cessfully repress Jewish rebelliousness.
New Testament, was intensely concerned with and highly
This same combination manifested itself under Roman
ambivalent toward Judaism and the Jewish matrix out of
rule in Palestine as well. For the Romans, Palestine—perched
which Jesus had emerged. For Paul (d. between 62 and 68),
at the eastern end of the Mediterranean Sea—was of utmost
the Jews were God’s first chosen people and would someday
strategic significance and had to be maintained under
be fully reunited with their deity. However, the magnitude
Roman control. While portions of the Jewish population
of Jewish sinfulness was overwhelming and necessitated di-
vine rejection of the Jewish people and their replacement
were quite amenable to Roman overlordship, other Jews were
with new bearers of the divine-human covenant. The Pauline
deeply opposed to Roman rule. Twice, the Jews erupted in
portrait of sinful Jews had enormous impact on the early
revolt, and twice the revolts were crushed. Roman hostility
crystallization of Christian thought.
seems to have been rooted in simple political considerations,
although these eventuated in attacks on the Jewish faith. At
While the complex development of early Christianity
the close of the first revolt in the year 70 CE, the Jerusalem
can no longer be reconstructed, the end product of this com-
Temple was destroyed; at the close of the second revolt in
plex development—the post-Pauline four gospels—set the
135, key elements of Jewish tradition were banned by the
course for subsequent Christian thinking, including its views
Roman authorities. Once again, anti-Jewish actions seem to
of the Jews. Although these alternative accounts of the birth,
have been fueled by political considerations.
activities, crucifixion, and resurrection of Jesus differ in some
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANTI-SEMITISM
399
details, they are unanimous in identifying the Jews as Jesus’
sanctuary and sacred city at the hands of the Romans, and
sole and implacable adversaries and by imputing to the Jews
his decree of exile and degradation for their heirs. Christians
full responsibility for his death. To be sure, the Romans ruled
are precluded from harming Jews, for God himself has al-
Palestine; crucifixion was a Roman punishment; and the cru-
ready imposed their punishment. The sequence of Jewish sin
cifixion of Jesus is depicted by the gospels as administered
and divinely ordained punishment is illuminating, useful for
by the Romans. Nonetheless, the gospels impute ultimate re-
Christians and indeed all of humanity to contemplate.
sponsibility for the crucifixion of Jesus to the Jews, who pur-
T
portedly demanded it and would accept no alternative pro-
HE MIDDLE AGES. During the first half of the Middle Ages
(seventh through eleventh and twelfth centuries), the Jewish
posed by the Roman governor.
population in Christendom was relatively sparse. The over-
In the frictions that preceded the birth of Christianity,
whelming majority of Jews lived in the realm of Islam. With
anti-Jewish thinking was localized, rooted in political and
the arousal of western Christendom in the eleventh century
practical circumstances, and generally evanescent. Christian
and its rapid growth and expansion, increasing numbers of
views of the Jews, as crystallized in Christian Scripture and
Jews were absorbed into Christian territories, either through
in the authoritative writings of the Church Fathers, lost any
conquest of formerly Muslim lands or through immigration.
semblance of temporality; they were projected as timeless,
With this growth in the number of Jews with whom medi-
meaningful for Christians—indeed all of humanity—over
eval Christians had genuine contact, ecclesiastical policies
the ages. Portrayed as oppositional, blind to the truth, malev-
concerning the Jews had to expand, and Christian imagery
olent to the point of murderousness, and rejected by God,
of Jews took a number of new and negative turns.
Jews took on a central role in the Christian myth and in the
Christian sense of cosmic reality.
Ecclesiastical policies were aimed by and large at obviat-
ing any kind of harm that the Jews might cause to the Chris-
As Christianity ascended to power in the Roman Em-
tian host majority. Concerns included the possibilities of
pire, its leaders had to assess their stance toward non-
Jews blaspheming Christianity, influencing Christian neigh-
Christians, Jews included, from a new vantage point, that of
bors religiously, and—from the twelfth century on—
power. Jews were recognized as a legitimate religious com-
inflicting damage through business and banking activity.
munity, with rights to security and exercise of their religious
The policy focus on potential Jewish harmfulness served to
tradition. Once again, the Jews were thrust into a position
heighten perceptions of the Jews as hostile. These percep-
of uniqueness. Now, they were the sole legitimate non-
tions were much exacerbated by the emergence of crusading
Christian grouping in what was intended to become eventu-
as a church-sponsored initiative in the eleventh century. Ex-
ally a thoroughly Christianized society. The theological un-
hilarated animosity toward the external enemies of Christen-
derpinnings of Jewish legitimacy were fully formulated by
dom tended to draw negative attention to the Jews, perceived
Augustine (354–430), whose doctrine of toleration of the
as the unique internal enemy.
Jews remained authoritative over the ages. Yet, upon close
inspection, this Augustinian doctrine, intended to safeguard
The combination of traditional Gospel imagery, ecclesi-
Judaism and the Jews, reflects many of the negative themes
astical policies, and crusading fervor served to occasion a se-
bequeathed from earlier Christian history.
ries of negative turns in the imagery of the Jews. The first
of these involved transformation of the alleged Jewish re-
While Augustine identified a number of grounds for tol-
sponsibility for the crucifixion of Jesus into perceptions of
eration of the Jews, two predominate, with both pointing to
medieval Jews as murderously hostile to Jesus’ followers.
the utility of the Jews in the Christian scheme of things. The
This notion of murderous Jewish malevolence first surfaced
first argument asserts that Jews bear witness to Christian
in the middle decades of the twelfth century. In 1144 the
truth by proclaiming the validity of the Hebrew Bible—in
mutilated body of a young tanner named William was found
Christian terms the Old Testament—as divine revelation.
outside the English town of Norwich. According to a slightly
Thus, in advancing their case, Christians can comfortably
later account, the townspeople of Norwich were divided in
cite the testimony of their Jewish opponents. To be sure, the
their reactions. Some were immediately convinced that the
Jews do not comprehend the revelation to which they attest.
Jews of Norwich had surely done the bloody deed; others re-
Thus, while insisting on Jewish rights, Augustine powerfully
jected the allegation. Likewise, in 1147 in Würzburg, discov-
reinforced the earlier imagery of the Jews as failing to grasp
ery of a dismembered body led to the conviction among
the truth vouchsafed to them by God.
some burghers that their town’s Jews had committed the
The second Augustinian argument for toleration of the
murder. In both instances, the killings were allegedly moti-
Jews is likewise simultaneously protective and demeaning.
vated by historic Jewish hatred of Christ and Christianity.
According to this second argument, Jews offer Christiani-
In Würzburg, those convinced of Jewish guilt transformed
ty—and indeed the world—incontrovertible evidence for the
the dead Christian into a martyr and venerated his remains
working of human sin and divine punishment. In the Chris-
until the local bishop intervened. In Norwich, many of the
tian view, Jesus’ Jewish contemporaries sinned by rejecting
town’s Christians viewed William as a martyr and trans-
him and occasioning his death. This sin immediately set in
formed his grave into a shrine, at which miracles were quick-
motion God’s rejection of the Jews, his destruction of their
ly reported.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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ANTI-SEMITISM
In the Norwich case, an important new motif of pur-
murder in Norwich in 1144 was by no means an isolated
ported Jewish hatred for Christianity emerged. In the face
deed undertaken by a small band of local Jews. Rather, an
of ongoing dispute among the Christians of Norwich as to
international Jewish conspiracy lay behind the Norwich
the sanctity of the lad, a late-arriving cleric undertook to
event, with that particular town selected for that particular
make the case for William’s sainthood. This case involved
year. Regularly, it was asserted, the international Jewish con-
three critical elements: a blessed and pure childhood; a mar-
spirators met and selected the site for the annual anti-
tyr’s death; and the production of miracles at the gravesite.
Christian crime.
Of these three elements, the second was decisive, and the
A final turn in anti-Jewish perception emerged in the
chronicler Thomas of Monmouth made an elaborate case for
wake of large-scale conversion of Jews during the violence
the martyrdom of William, depicting in graphic detail al-
that swept across the Iberian Peninsula in 1391. In much tra-
leged Jewish torture of the young tanner and eventual mur-
ditional ecclesiastical thinking, baptism thoroughly altered
der via crucifixion. Thomas portrayed the Jews of Norwich
the nature of the convert, meaning that Jews lost their inher-
as imitating precisely their Jerusalem ancestors, thus elimi-
ently negative characteristics through acceptance of Chris-
nating any doubt as to William’s status as martyr.
tianity. However, traditional thinking was complex, with
Over the remaining decades of the twelfth century and
some voices suggesting that in fact inherited Jewish charac-
on into the thirteenth, further imaginative embellishments
teristics could not be totally effaced by baptism. Prior to the
grounded in the basic image of the Jews as murderously hos-
fourteenth century, this uncertainty remained unresolved
tile proliferated. These included the claims that Jews were
and an interesting theoretical issue only. With the conversion
committed to reconstituting their ancient sacrificial system
of tens of thousands of Iberian Jews, this theoretical issue
through the murder of Christians, that Jews killed Christians
quickly assumed practical significance. What emerged was a
in order to utilize their blood for Jewish ritual, and that Jews
form of racist thinking, with many Old Christians convinced
sought to gain possession of host wafers in order to subject
that their New Christian neighbors had lost none of their
them to torture and suffering. During the devastating mid-
prior Jewish infirmities. Clarification of genealogical lines
fourteenth-century bubonic plague, the imagery of murder-
and proof of blood purity became preoccupations of Spanish
ous Jewish animosity eventuated in the popular conviction
society, with numerous groups, both ecclesiastical and lay,
that Jews had poisoned the wells of Europe and thus brought
denying membership to applicants whose lineage was tainted
about the plague. Thousands of Jews lost their lives in the
by Jewish ancestry.
resultant violence.
By the end of the Middle Ages, as western Christendom
A second negative turn in Christian imagery of Jews re-
stood on the threshold of major change, anti-Jewish imagery
sulted from the combination of the sense of Jewish hostility
had proliferated and hardened into widely shared beliefs re-
and malevolence and a new Jewish economic specialization
garding Jewish otherness, Jewish hostility toward Christiani-
that developed during the twelfth century. As the vitalization
ty and Christians, and Jewish harmfulness. The central or-
of western Christendom accelerated, European society keen-
gans of the Roman Catholic Church regularly repudiated
ly felt the need for enhanced flow of capital. Both Christian
many of the radical anti-Jewish canards, while at the same
and Jewish understandings of Deuteronomy 23:20–21 for-
time continuing to purvey the more traditional themes of
bade their adherents from taking interest from or giving in-
Jewish otherness and enmity. The entire spectrum of anti-
terest to fellow Christians or fellow Jews. However, tradi-
Jewish motifs, including the most radical, became staples of
tional readings of these verses allowed the taking and giving
European folk thinking.
of interest across denominational lines. As the need for capi-
THE REFORMATION. Much of the Reformation’s energy was
tal became more pressing, Jews found it increasingly advanta-
directed at dismantling the authoritarian centralization of
geous to use their special circumstances to enter the banking
the Roman Catholic Church. Thus, the tendency toward
business. To be sure, bankers have never been popular, and
fragmentation is pronounced, and scholars regularly speak of
Jewish involvement in such business combined with tradi-
a number of reformations. Once more, however, our interest
tional imagery of Jewish hostility toward Christ, Christiani-
lies with the broad stratum of folk conviction common to
ty, and Christians to create the perception that moneylend-
many of the diverse strands of Reformation thinking.
ing became another vehicle through which Jews sought to
inflict harm on Christian society.
Since so much of Reformation thinking is oriented to-
ward change, it is reasonable to anticipate that some of this
Yet a third negative turn in Christian imagery of the
change might have involved improved treatment and imag-
Jews involved the conviction that Jewish acts of malevolence
ery of the Jews. During the Reformation, there were indeed
were hardly individual and local. Rather, it was claimed that
signs of more positive imagery of the Jews, which flowed
Jews, scattered throughout the world as part of their divinely
largely from two directions. Some of the reformers, Martin
imposed punishment, utilized their wide-ranging Jewish net-
Luther (1483–1546) for example, used the issue of the Jews
work for inflicting harm throughout Christendom. Thomas
as a cudgel with which to beat the Roman Catholic Church,
of Monmouth, for example, indicated that a convert from
arguing that its harsh policies and the anti-Jewish imagery
Judaism to Christianity had reliably informed him that the
it projected turned the Jews into enemies. More sympathetic
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANTI-SEMITISM
401
perception and treatment of Jews would surely win them
serious doubts with respect to traditional religious scholar-
over to Christianity. Additionally, the suffering of some of
ship and theology. This new knowledge further diminished
the reform groups transformed the meaning of persecution
the standing of the various Christian churches and further
from divine punishment to divine testing. Persecuted Protes-
encouraged creation of a secular sphere of societal life,
tants viewed Jewish suffering and Jewish perseverance in a
grounded in reason, in which all might participate.
positive light.
Once again, the new thinking had complex implications
However, the Reformation did not improve overall per-
for the Jews. On the one hand, criticism of prior ecclesiastical
ceptions of the Jews. Martin Luther himself, disappointed in
legacies—whether rooted in moral or intellectual consider-
the Jewish failure to respond to his earlier ameliorative state-
ations—often highlighted maltreatment of the Jews and
ments, expressed bitterness toward Jews in his later writings
called for changes. At the same time, Judaism was seen as the
and supported extreme anti-Jewish measures. Urging the
precursor to and the source of the ills and cruelties of Chris-
need to “prayerfully and reverentially practice a merciful se-
tianity. The turn away from Christian sources and the revival
verity,” Luther proposed the following steps:
of Greco-Roman classics reintroduced non-Christian anti-
Jewish themes appropriate to the new anticlerical mood of
1. total destruction of synagogues;
Enlightenment thinking. Most important, the popular ste-
2. parallel destruction of Jewish homes;
reotypes created during the Middle Ages continued to affect
imagery of the Jews, who were perceived as separatist, malev-
3. prohibition of Jewish literature;
olent, and harmful. Many of the leading Enlightenment
4. prohibition of rabbinic teaching;
thinkers, especially Voltaire (1694–1778)—perhaps the
most influential of all—expressed intense anti-Jewish
5. revocation of all travel rights;
sentiments.
6. prohibition of Jewish usury; and
The social ideals of the Enlightenment reached their re-
7. forcible labor for the Jews.
alization in the two revolutions of the later eighteenth centu-
ry. In the earlier of the two, the American Revolution, Jewish
Lurking beyond all these specific measures lay the possibility
presence in the fledgling United States was too small to occa-
of expulsion of the Jews from all German lands. Luther
sion a serious debate about Jewish rights. These rights simply
couched his extreme recommendations in the most vitupera-
emerged as part of a broad commitment to human liberty.
tive and demeaning terms. However, in neither the program
In the French Revolution, the situation was quite different,
nor the rhetoric does Luther break new ground. The imagery
with pockets of Jewish population stirring considerable con-
upon which he built his program and which he reinforced
troversy as to the appropriateness of the Jews for citizenship
with his harsh language is identifiably a legacy of the later
in the new society. What quickly came to the fore were argu-
Middle Ages. What makes the Luther program and imagery
ments for and against granting rights to Jews. For propo-
especially striking was the potential that the Reformation
nents of Jewish rights, Jewish infirmities—fully acknowl-
had for change; instead, a number of its leading figures rein-
edged—were simply the result of prior circumstances.
forced the most negative elements in medieval perceptions
Elimination of the restrictive circumstances would quickly
of Judaism and the Jews.
eventuate in the emergence of healthy Jewish citizens of
THE ENLIGHTENMENT. The Enlightenment as well was
France. For opponents, the infirmities of Jewish life included
grounded in a profound desire for innovation, with the at-
political loyalty to the Jewish world and a concomitant lack
tendant promise of significant alterations in policy and
of political loyalty to France, cultural depravity and an in-
thinking vis-à-vis the Jews. Once again, there were changes,
ability to comprehend French civilization, and economic
in this case more far-reaching policy changes than had
predispositions damaging to French society. It is not difficult
emerged from the Reformation. At the same time, the new
to see in these negative views remnants of the realities of
order entailed its own dangers. Moreover, folkloric stereo-
pre-modern Jewish life in Europe and prior anti-Jewish
types survived into the new environment and continued to
imageries.
affect the European majority in both overt and subtle ways.
Ultimately, the proponents of Jewish citizenship in
One of the major stimuli to Enlightenment change was
France won out, but the victory was predicated on an as-
accelerating despair over the toll taken by post-Reformation
sumption of change in Jewish behavior and mentality. This
religious warfare. Thinkers like John Locke (1632–1704)
made the Jews in France—and eventually elsewhere in Eu-
began to ask whether there might not be a reasonable alterna-
rope where the battle for Jewish rights was fought and won—
tive to the ceaseless struggle for religio-political domination.
subject to incessant scrutiny and judgment. Jews were criti-
Might it not be possible to fashion a society within which
cized from a number of directions. On the one hand, adher-
men and women would be free to practice a variety of reli-
ents of their emancipation found fault with them for failure
gious confessions while belonging to a nondenominational
to integrate sufficiently into the new order; at the same time,
civil society? A second major stimulus in the move toward
opponents of the new order saw the Jews as the instigators,
the Enlightenment was the rapid advance of Western sci-
beneficiaries, and exploiters of radical and deleterious
ence, suggesting new paradigms for knowledge and raising
change.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
402
ANTI-SEMITISM
NINETEENTH- AND TWENTIETH-CENTURY NATIONALISM
saw the Jewish danger in its true proportions. Hitler made
AND ANTI-SEMITISM. As the new Europe and its recently en-
this insight a cornerstone of his political program, utilizing
franchised Jews made their way into the nineteenth and then
anti-Semitism as an effective tool in mobilizing German soci-
twentieth century, the accelerating nationalisms of the peri-
ety toward achievement of his overall vision. He took anti-
od resulted in a renewed sense of the Jews as different and
Semitic thinking to new extremes in the program of genoci-
hostile. Once again, Jews were thrust into a situation of
dal destruction of the entire Jewish people that he eventually
uniqueness, this time as a unique foreign element in coalesc-
espoused. The zeal with which destruction of European
ing national states. This perception of Jewish distinctiveness
Jewry was pursued even during the closing days of World
resulted in part from the real residue of premodern European
War II, when German defeat was inevitable, reflects the radi-
life, and in other part it involved the reactivation of earlier
cal nature of the anti-Semitic element within Nazi thinking.
anti-Jewish perceptions. In this new setting, many of the
POST–WORLD WAR II AND THE NEW ANTI-SEMITISM. As
older images of Jewish hostility and harmfulness resurfaced.
the horror of the Holocaust became clear, Western societies
In 1879 Wilhelm Marr entitled his most important
and thinkers were appalled and undertook serious examina-
anti-Jewish work The Victory of Jewry over Christendom. Marr
tion of the roots of anti-Semitic thinking. This effort in-
was hardly a religious traditionalist; rather, he wrote of the
volved Jews, on the one hand, and diverse Christian commu-
victory of the Jewish people over the German folk. Marr’s
nities, on the other. Especially noteworthy was the effort on
work reflects a strong sense of the Jews as a different people;
the part of numerous Christian denominations to examine
a conviction that this different people was committed to
the Christian roots of anti-Semitism and to eliminate—to
struggle against the German-Christian world; and that one
the extent possible—the religious foundations of anti-Jewish
of the major tools in this struggle was economic. It is not dif-
thinking. Anti-Semitism was widely condemned and became
ficult to see in these assumptions many of the major motifs
a term of opprobrium. “Anti-Semite,” a designation once
in medieval anti-Jewish thinking.
embraced publicly by many, became a label to be avoided at
all costs.
In the subsequent and influential Protocols of the Elders
of Zion, these three convictions are reasserted in striking
However, post–World War II realities created new con-
ways. To them is added the sense of an international Jewish
flicts into which Judaism and the Jews were absorbed. The
conspiracy aimed at subverting the Christian world, in part
creation of the State of Israel in a thoroughly Islamic sphere,
through manipulation of finance, in part through the tech-
the wide-ranging rejection of prior Western colonialism, and
niques of democracy, and in part through the mass media.
accelerating liberal espousal of postcolonial thinking have
Here again, earlier anti-Jewish motifs resurface in terms ap-
combined to create new anti-Jewish sentiment, diversely per-
propriate to radically altered circumstances.
ceived in different quarters. For some, anti-Israel sentiment
involves rational and moral recoiling from the injustices im-
Some late-nineteenth- and twentieth-century anti-
posed on Palestinians. Other observers see in this recoiling
Semites pushed the new term in a more focused direction,
the activation of traditional anti-Jewish motifs, earlier absent
influenced by anthropological thinking of the period. For
in the Islamic sphere.
such anti-Semites, the key to understanding the Jews lay in
clarifying the racial dimensions of the issue. Framing the
The premodern world of Islam was quite different from
issue of the Jews in racial terms was useful in the altered cir-
premodern Christendom. The most obvious difference is the
cumstances of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, in
variety of populations encompassed within the world of pre-
which many Jews had successfully amalgamated into Europe-
modern Islam, which was a rich mélange of racial, ethnic,
an society and were no longer readily distinguishable from
and religious communities. Within this complex human tap-
their neighbors in social and religious terms. Racial categori-
estry, the Jews were by no means obvious as lone dissenters,
zation was intended to remove all doubt and to permit iden-
as they had been earlier in the world of polytheism or subse-
tification of Jews on allegedly scientific grounds. Moreover,
quently in most of medieval Christendom. While occasional-
racial thinking was also meant to highlight the innovative-
ly invoking the ire of the prophet Muh:ammad (c. 570–632)
ness of the new movement and to efface any sense of age-old
and his later followers, the Jews played no special role in the
religiously inspired anti-Jewish thinking. To be sure, such ra-
essential Muslim myth as the Jews did in the Christian myth.
cial conceptualization—as we have seen—had roots in the
The dhimmi peoples, defined as those with a revealed reli-
later centuries of the Middle Ages.
gious faith, were accorded basic rights to security and reli-
gious identity in Islamic society and included Christians,
Adolf Hitler (1889–1945) was deeply affected by the
Jews, and Zoroastrians. Lack of uniqueness ameliorated con-
anti-Semitic thinking of the nineteenth century and became
siderably the circumstances of Jews in the medieval world of
its most effective twentieth-century proponent and propa-
Islam.
gandist. In Mein Kampf (2 vols., 1925–1927), he claims to
have been initially opposed to the teachings of the nine-
In the post–World War II period, however, the Jewish-
teenth-century anti-Semites, portraying himself as only slow-
Zionist enterprise did take on elements of uniqueness: it was
ly awakening to the realities of Jewish distinctiveness and ma-
projected as the sole Western effort at recolonization within
levolence. Subsequent to this awakening—he claims—he
the Islamic sphere. This perception has triggered intense an-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ANUBIS
403
tipathy for Zionism and its Jewish supporters, often viewed
ism in Pagan and Christian Antiquity (New York, 1983);
as indistinguishable, and has resulted in the revival of harshly
Craig A. Evans and Donald A. Hagner, eds., Anti-Semitism
negative imagery spawned in the altogether different sphere
and Early Christianity: Issues of Polemic and Faith (Minneapo-
of medieval Christendom. Popular Muslim writing and jour-
lis, Minn., 1993); and William R. Farmer, ed., Anti-Judaism
nalism now regularly introduce themes such as ritual murder,
and the Gospels (Harrisburg, Pa., 1999).
Jewish manipulation of finance, and worldwide Jewish con-
Considerable attention has focused on anti-Jewish thinking in
spiracy, themes taken over with little difficulty from an en-
twelfth-century western Christendom. See Gavin I. Lang-
muir, History, Religion, and Antisemitism (Berkeley, Calif.,
tirely different ambience. Once again, these themes have
1991); Anna Sapir Abulafia, Christians and Jews in the
proven flexible, readily transferable from milieu to milieu.
Twelfth-Century Renaissance (London, 1995); Robert Cha-
REFLECTIONS. Despite the sense in early and medieval Chris-
zan, Medieval Stereotypes and Modern Antisemitism (Berkeley,
tian circles and in modern racial circles that Jewish nature—
Calif., 1996); and Jeremy Cohen, Living Letters of the Law
and hence anti-Jewish sentiment as well—is fixed and immu-
(Berkeley, Calif., 2000). For anti-Jewish motifs in the Refor-
table, in fact anti-Jewish perceptions over the ages were very
mation, see Heiko A. Oberman, The Roots of Anti-Semitism
much set in specific contexts of time and place. Changing
in the Age of Renaissance and Reformation, translated by James
contexts conditioned the emergence and intensity of anti-
I. Porter (Philadelphia, 1981), and Frank E. Manuel, The
Broken Staff: Judaism through Christian Eyes (Cambridge,
Jewish motifs and affected the content of these motifs as well.
Mass., 1992). For the Enlightenment, see Arthur Hertzberg,
To be sure, review of the history of anti-Semitism suggests
The French Enlightenment and the Jews: The Origins of Mod-
considerable repetition of themes, attributable to two factors.
ern Anti-Semitism (New York, 1968); Manuel, The Broken
First, it was the fate of the Jews to become a unique minority
Staff (cited above); and Adam Sutcliffe, Judaism and Enlight-
in a number of settings—initially as monotheists in a poly-
enment (New York, 2003). Useful surveys of nineteenth-
theistic world, then as the only legitimate non-Christian
century anti-Semitism include Jacob Katz, From Prejudice to
group in Christianized society, and later as the unique for-
Destruction: 1700–1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1980), and Al-
eign element in nationalistic societies and the Western ele-
bert S. Lindeman, Esau’s Tears: Modern Anti-Semitism and
ment in an Islamic postcolonial milieu. The sense of Jewish
the Rise of the Jews (Cambridge, Mass., 1997). For the New
uniqueness was not always negative; Jewish distinctiveness
Anti-Semitism, see Bernard Lewis, Semites and Anti-Semites:
evoked complex reactions of admiration, anxiety, and dis-
An Inquiry into Conflict and Prejudice (New York, 1986).
taste. The negative responses, however, played a considerable
ALAN DAVIES (1987)
role in historic anti-Jewish sentiment. Moreover, as Chris-
ROBERT CHAZAN (2005)
tianity evolved, it created a powerful myth that placed the
Jews in a central position of opposition, animosity, and
harmfulness. During the Middle Ages, these core Christian
ANUBIS. The Egyptians represented the god Anubis as
notions were transformed into potent popular perceptions of
a black jackal (a wild dog?) crouching “on his belly,” or as
Jewish malevolence and harmfulness. These popular motifs
a man with a jackal’s or dog’s head. Anubis is the Greek form
survived as a key element in the folklore of European socie-
of his Egyptian name, Anpu; the meaning of the latter is un-
ties, resurfacing recurrently during the modern period in a
certain. The cult of Anubis originated in Middle Egypt, in
variety of new settings, including the Enlightenment, nine-
the seventeenth province (nome), where his worship was cen-
teenth- and twentieth-century European nationalisms, and
tered. The province’s town of Hardai, which had a dog cem-
the postcolonialist developing nations.
etery in its environs, was called Kunopolis (Cynopolis) by the
Greeks. But the cult was spread all over the country.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anubis is one of the oldest funerary deities. Originally
The fullest survey of anti-Semitism is Léon Poliakov, The History
a destroyer of corpses, he was reshaped by theologians as the
of Anti-Semitism, translated by Richard Howard et al., 4 vols.
embalmer of gods and men. To Anubis was entrusted the
(New York, 1965–1985). The best one-volume survey is
mummification of Osiris (the ruler of the dead) and his fol-
Robert S. Wistrich, Antisemitism: The Longest Hatred (Lon-
lowers, and the guardianship of their burials. Later Egyptian
don, 1991). For anti-Jewish sentiment in Greco-Roman civi-
texts referred to Anubis as the son of Osiris—the product of
lization, see Louis Feldman, Jew and Gentile in the Ancient
a relationship between Osiris and his sister Nephthys.
World (Princeton, N.J., 1993), and Peter Schafer, Judeopho-
bia: Attitudes toward the Jews in the Ancient World (Cam-
In funeral ceremonies, the role of Anubis as promoter
bridge, Mass., 1997). For overviews of Christian anti-Jewish
of the revival of the dead was performed by a priest-
thinking, see Jules Isaac, The Teaching of Contempt, translat-
embalmer. Thus their earlier enemy had become their pow-
ed by Helen Weaver (New York, 1964); Rosemary Radford
erful ally. During the New Kingdom and later periods, a fig-
Ruether, Faith and Fratricide: The Theological Roots of Anti-
ure of the recumbent god usually appeared atop the “mystery
Semitism (New York, 1974); William Nicholls, Christian
chests” containing the prepared viscera of the dead. In this
Anti-Semitism: A History of Hate (Northvale, N.J., 1993);
way Anubis, “he who is over the mystery,” fulfilled his duty
and James Carroll, Constantine’s Sword: The Church and the
as keeper of the internal organs that he had resuscitated.
Jews (Boston, 2001). Much effort has been extended to iden-
tifying anti-Jewish motifs in early Christianity. See John
Anubis tended not only the physical well-being of the
Gager, The Origins of Anti-Semitism: Attitudes toward Juda-
dead but their moral nature as well. He played a prominent
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
404
ANUM
part in the judgment hall of the hereafter. As “magistrate of
oral tradition among the Texas Lipans states that the people
the court” he examined the deceased, whom he permitted to
came from northern origins (Romero Jr., 2000). In 1940
leave the hall if the outcome was satisfactory. He continued
Morris Opler, while documenting Lipan oral tradition, re-
to be the “conductor of souls” (Gr., psuchopompos) in the cult
corded claims of a northern origin for Lipans and accounts
and mysteries of Isis during Hellenistic and Roman times.
of an exodus out of the forest and onto the plains. However,
Anubis was closely associated with the pharaoh, not only
Lipan oral tradition in New Mexico holds strongly to a belief
after his death but at his birth as well.
in an origin in the Sierra Madre Mountains of Chihuahua
(Begay, 2003), from whence emerged ’Isánáklésh, a divine
BIBLIOGRAPHY
being whose face is stained white. This belief is one of the
Altenmüller, Brigitte. “Anubis.” In Lexikon der Ägyptologie, edited
pillars of Apache creation stories on the Mescalero Apache
by Wolfgang Helck and Eberhard Otto. Wiesbaden, 1975.
Indian reservation and is still central to the women’s coming-
DuQuense, Terence. Jackal at the Shaman’s Gate. Thame Oxon,
of-age ceremony, the Fire Ceremony. Despite differences as
1991. Anubis Lord of Ro-Setawe.
to whether Lipan origins lie in the north or south, there is
DuQuense, Terence. At the Court of Osiris. London, 1994. Anubis
agreement that from quite early on Lipans lived as buffalo
and judgment.
hunters on the northern plains. This conforms to the view
Grenier, Jean-Claude. Anubis alexandrin et romain. Leiden, 1977.
of linguists that the Athapaskan language had its origins in
Anubis in the Greco-Roman period.
northern Canada and Alaska.
Heerma van Voss, Matthieu. Een mysteriekist ontsluierd. Leiden,
Linguistic, archaeological, and historical evidence shows
1969. Anubis and the “mystery chest.”
that Lipan Apache origins are embedded in a buffalo-
Heerma van Voss, Matthieu. Anoebis en de demonen. Leiden,
hunting tradition that spanned North America for over
1978. Anubis as “magistrate of the court.”
11,000 years and that was characterized by tipi rings, buffalo
Leclant, Jean. “Anubis.” In Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae
kill sites, bow and arrow technology, and burned rock mid-
Classicae, edited by John Boardman et al. Zürich, 1981. An-
dens on the Great Plains. Between 1450 and 1725, Lipan an-
ubis in the classical world.
cestors occupied a massive territorial homeland that spanned
the buffalo plains of Texas, eastern New Mexico, southern
M. HEERMA VAN VOSS (1987 AND 2005)
Colorado, Oklahoma, Kansas, and Nebraska. Before the Eu-
ropean invasion, Apache buffalo hunters participated in
trade networks that included the pueblos of the Southwest
ANUM SEE AN
and the Caddoan Plains villages. Later, this system was dis-
rupted by pressure from Spanish colonialists and by the en-
meshment of Apache buffalo hunters in patterns of violence
and slavery that culminated in the 1680 Pueblo Revolt in
APACHE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS. The
New Mexico. These changes resulted in Apache buffalo
Lipan Apaches are one of the Apache tribes of the American
hunters becoming mounted hunters and rangers who forged
Southwest outlined in the general Apache entry. Of all
anticolonial alliances with indigenous peoples of south Texas
Apaches, the Lipans ranged the farthest east, even as far as
and northeastern Mexico, alliances that produced specific
the Mississippi River. The Lipans primarily hunted buffalo
forms of cultural affiliation. However, the Lipans eventually
until it was no longer possible due to the near eradication
left Texas and Mexico to join the Mescaleros and Chira-
of bison. During the nineteenth century the Lipans ranged
cahuas in New Mexico. At Mescalero, Lipan religion was
over all of Texas, most of New Mexico, and adjacent areas
maintained as part of everyday life on the reservation.
of Mexico. Between 1680 and 1730, Apache buffalo hunters
LIPAN RELIGION ON THE MESCALERO APACHE RESERVA-
ranged Colorado, Kansas, Nebraska, and Oklahoma. The ex-
TION. According to Meredith Begay, a medicine woman
tent of Lipan Apache territory meant that some bands were
from the Mescalero Apache Reservation with Lipan, Mes-
not in contact with others and that frequent interaction with
calero, and Chiracahua lineage, Apache religion is based on
outside groups led to variations in Lipan material culture and
a spiritual sense by which Apaches live with respect. Begay
worldviews. Lipan Apache leadership was inestimably impor-
referred to this as a sixth sense that directs Lipans to treat the
tant in the emergence of traditions that have been heavily
sacred in a specifically Apache way. Importantly, Lipans
drawn upon in the religious use of peyote. Lipan relations
should seek to understand the stories told about the way peo-
with indigenous peoples south of their range were key in
ple act and the way that people should act, and conduct
their adoption of the religious use of peyote and Lipan rela-
themselves accordingly. All Apaches carry this spiritual re-
tions with buffalo hunters in the north were integral to the
spect for the Creator, the Four Directions, Mother Earth,
transmission of peyote religion to American Indian tribes in
and “certain deities in the sky like the north star, the sun,
New Mexico and Oklahoma.
the moon and some of the other stars that are there” (Begay,
LIPAN APACHE BUFFALO HUNTERS: ORIGINS AND MIGRA-
2004). These deities take care of humans and so must be re-
TIONS. Lipan oral tradition from New Mexico states that the
vered. The desire to build correct relations in accordance
first Lipan tipi was put up far to the north (Begay, 2003) and
with the stories provides direction for Lipan life and a means
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APACHE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
405
by which Lipans cultivate knowledge and the power to heal.
came out. The big animals got mad and started fight-
It is through this alignment of the stories with personal vi-
ing. The Giant was the last to die. And then the Giant
sion and action that medicine is acquired. Medicine is in-
who died, he fell . . . [there are] four mountains there
tended for the good of one’s family and tribe, and when a
where he fell. Everybody in that Shoe Game, whatever
person pursues and utilizes such power for personal gain at
they do, is still with them today. However, they paid
the expense of others, this is understood as witchcraft or the
with themselves; everything they was changed since the
minute that the sun got turned and it stayed with
misuse of power.
them. . . . [Before,] they could understand one anoth-
The Lipan account of the creation of the earth involves
er, they could talk to the plants, rocks and everything—
the prophets Killer-of-Enemies and his brother Child of
that stopped right there. (2004)
Water, as well as their mother ’Isánáklésh, also known as
During the Moccasin Game, all of the animals did crazy
Changing Woman. ’Isánáklésh’s part in the creation story is
things that changed them forever. For example, when the
the model for the girls’ puberty ceremony that is common
fight broke out in the morning, the bear put his feet on back-
to all Apaches. Special ceremonies such as this are times
wards and the snake—which at that time had many legs, like
when families are called upon to bring their medicine in the
a centipede—gambled away all his limbs. Coyote was already
form of songs and the spiritual work of ceremonial prepara-
up to his tricks. While the other animals were trying to win
tion and participation. However, sacred narratives are not
for their respective teams, Coyote was sneaking around in the
just ceremonial guideposts, they are integral to teaching basic
back, switching sides all night long, trying to get on the win-
understandings of Lipan life.
ning side. This vacillating attitude and behavior stayed with
For example, Child of Water represents the “right
him and is a central element of Lipan Coyote Stories that ad-
hand” and loving way, whereas the Killer-of-Enemies sym-
monish people, especially men, for selfish and irresponsible
bolizes the “left hand,” which is not so loving. Child of
behavior. In addition to providing spiritual knowledge and
Water provides refuge and salvation for people and animals,
warnings about the consequences of bad behavior, the stories
whereas Killer-of-Enemies changes animals from destroyers
also provide positive role models that exemplify proper lead-
and killers of people to providers of meat and clothing by
ership, participation, and etiquette in everyday life. Lipan
making sacred agreements between animals and people. Mrs.
leaders are constantly reminded of the necessity for proper
Begay explained that in a blessing for Daniel Romero Castro
conduct and the dangers of transgression. Similarly, other
III, who was about to be sent to Iraq, she made sure, because
family and social roles are defined in the stories and Lipans
she knew he might be going to the desert, to “talk to the
are strongly encouraged to fulfill these roles by exhibiting
snake, to the scorpion, to the spiders, to any other living
proper behavior and respecting important taboos.
creatures that wanna, . . . uh, be mean. . . . I ask them
Important to the Lipan spiritual life are medicines that
please look at him with the right hand.”
fulfill both spiritual and medical needs. Preparation for the
Lipan oral traditions and the rituals and games associat-
religious work of blessing and healing includes the gathering
ed with them not only instruct Lipans on how to behave,
of medicine. Medicine in this sense is part of a system of kin-
they also explain a system of correspondences between
ship relations that a Lipan has with celestial, elemental, ani-
human and animal behaviors and attitudes that is rooted in
mal, and plant beings that are corresponded with and called
the time when animals spoke and acted like people. The
upon through the correct arrangement of words, actions, and
Moccasin Game reflects the way that the sun first broke free
objects. For example, Apaches are supposed to always carry
and lit up the earth after a Lipan gambling game. The game
cattail pollen in case they have a vision or other similar expe-
is played with a “buffalo shoe,” which is the ball that is above
rience and must bless both themselves and the place in which
the buffalo’s heel. Four holes are dug into the ground, songs
the sacred event occurred. Thus, the simple act of carrying
are sung for every animal and bird, and one person hides the
a pollen bag and knowing how to make a pollen blessing are
ball. Players form two teams and all night long bet on who
ways in which Apaches manifest their respect for the sacred.
will find the ball. The center of the Yucca flower is used to
Pollen is a central part of Lipan religious life. According
keep count. Mrs. Begay explained its importance:
to Begay, “pollen is used because it is so light and so fine that
Before the Shoe [Moccasin] Game the world was dark,
it brought light to us. So pollen is used for blessing anything.
it was completely dark. . . . So, what happened is that,
An Apache never goes anywhere without pollen, they always
the big animals, they could see in the dark, and that the
carry it in a bag” (2004). Other important medicines include
small animals, they could not see in the dark. The only
tobacco, sage, osha, the eagle feather, and ashes from a clean
time they saw was when the lightning struck . . . and
wood fire. Begay comments, “cigarette smoke, tobacco, is
they were getting killed by the big animals. So, they got
part of our religion . . . [and] the sage medicine from burn-
together, both sides, and said we’ll have a Shoe Game
and whoever wins will rule the earth. If the big animals
ing the sage, smudging and all that.” She also refers to the
win it can be dark and if the small people win they call
importance of herbal medicines, such as Hi’eechida, known
it daylight. . . . That’s when the Game started; they
in Mexico as Tuchupate, and in English as osha, bear root,
started to hide the ball (buffalo shoe), and the last one
or hot root. Ashes can help people with Son on di kou, a state
to find it was a small animal and that’s when the sun
of anxiety or trauma often accompanied by nightmares and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
406
APACHE RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
sleepwalking. According to Begay, Son on di kou occurs to
After 1865 the religious use of peyote began to expand
people “cause they saw somethin’ crazy, or they did some-
outside of Texas, leading eventually to the formation of the
thing crazy during the day, or something scared them so bad
Native American Church. The widespread adoption of the
that they get up that night and they walk around” (2004).
religious use of peyote via the influence of Comanche Chief
But, as in all blessing and healing, 99 percent is in the mind
Quanah Parker, who had learned a form peyote ceremonial
and spirit and only 1 percent comes from outside.
from the Lipan Apaches, is well known. The Quahadis Co-
manches, led by Quanah Parker, learned of Wok-wave (as
It is important to understand the Lipan conception of
Comanches call peyote) from the Lipan Apaches sometime
the dead. Zelda Yazza, Mrs. Begay’s daughter, comments in
before 1878. Kiowa-Apache and Arapaho oral tradition agree
unpublished notes: “Dead people go to the other side of the
with this understanding. Nelson Big Bow, a Kiowa, stated,
river within four days after they die. When they go over there
“Quanah Parker brought Lipan Apache from Mescalero to
they join with those other people and become enemies. This
run Peyote meetings.” These Lipans were identified as Chiva-
is why it is traditionally important to bury people within four
to, Pinero, and Escaona and were brought to Cache, Oklaho-
days.” This belief has much to do with Lipan avoidance and
ma, by Quanah Parker. In addition to the Native American
even fear of the dead. However, this attitude has been altered
Church’s religious use of peyote, there is evidence of the sur-
over time by Christian beliefs and practices.
vival of the religious use of peyote among the Cuelgahen Nde
LIPAN APACHE RELIGIOUS USE OF PEYOTE. By the middle
Lipan Apaches at Three Rivers, Texas.
of the eighteenth century, Spanish documents attribute the
Santos Peralez Castro, interviewed in 1999, recalled a
religious use of peyote to Apache buffalo hunters, within the
mitote held in 1956 that included the religious use of peyote:
context of their reputation as a key pivot in anticolonial ac-
I remember my dad and mom calling it a miyote [mi-
tion and warfare. Indigenous people living in missions near
tote], it was a green cactus. I remember my mom and
the peyote gardens, from present-day Coahuila through
dad would invite their friends over, my mom used to
Nuevo León and into Tamaulipas, form an important foun-
cook lots of stuff. Before the invited got there, they
dation of the use of peyote in mitotes (a term used by Spanish
would get a lot of corn, they used a lot of corn and we
chroniclers to refer to Native American spiritual gatherings
all would grind it and make tamales and tortillas from
and festivities). Father Juan Larios, who in 1673 established
the corn and she would cook beans and rice. The
a mission just south of the Lomería de los Peyotes (Peyote
friends used to make a circle and a big fire and they used
Hills) near Villa Unión, Coahuila, identified the local hills
to make a circle around the fire and all their friends
as gardens from which Indians would harvest peyote for their
were in the circle. All the friends used to make a circle,
all the grown-ups would make the circle. They would
mitote and ceremonials (Steck, 1932). In 1674 San Bernardi-
all smoke this big pipe and pass it around the circle to
no de la Candela was founded for Catujano, Milijae, and
smoke it and after they smoked it they would pass a
Tilijai Indians, known for their mitotes (Wade, 1998). Alon-
small basket and eat the peyote and they eat all night
so de León described the mitote as the most common and fre-
and would continue all night, singing and dancing till
quent pastime for the indigenous people of northeastern
the next day. I remember the kids were not allowed in
Mexico. León reported that indigenous people collected pey-
the circle and we would sleep all night and then wake
ote and gathered around a fire to sing vocables (words with
up the next morning to eat, I remember.
no linguistic meaning), shake small gourds filled with stones
CONCLUSION. As with most indigenous American religions,
gathered from ant mounds, dance, and hold giveaways in the
Lipan spiritual life is not relegated to church or holidays, but
morning (León, Chapa, and Zamora, 1961, p. 24). All of
is part of a respectful way of life that is prescribed in the oral
these practices are traditions in the Native American Church.
tradition and that guides proper relations with and behavior
toward both sacred objects and deities and one’s family and
The association of Mission Indians in northeastern
tribe.
Mexico with peyote and mitote provides key evidence that
helps explain how Lipan Apaches adopted the religious use
SEE ALSO North American Indians, article on Indians of the
of peyote. Lipan oral tradition identifies the Carrizo Nation
Southwest.
as the source of the rite that includes the religious use of pey-
ote. Historical documents show that by 1755 Carrizo groups
BIBLIOGRAPHY
had ties to the Apache anticolonial alliance, lived within
Begay, Meredith. Interview by Enrique Maestas. Digital record-
neighboring missions, and are reported to have engaged in
ing. Mescalero, N. Mex., November 15, 2003.
the religious use of peyote with Apaches and Lipans. On
Begay, Meredith. Interview by Enrique Maestas. Tape recording.
April 14, 1770, Father Lorenzo de la Peña reported that
Mescalero, N. Mex., April 8, 2004.
Apaches and Julimeños held a mitote with peyote at Mission
Castro, Santiago Castro. “Castro Oral History.” Tape recording.
Peyote. In 1828 Jean Berlandier reported that the coastal
San Antonio, Tex., April 1995.
peoples, Tonkawas, and Lipans still used peyote in their
Castro, Santos Peralez. “Family Oral History with Santos Castro.”
feasts. Almost fifty years later, Frederick Buckelew reported
Tape recording. Corcoran, Calif., April 12, 1999.
that the Lipan Apaches had shared a mitote with the Kick-
León, Alonso de, Juan Bautsita Chapa, and Fernando Sánchez Za-
apoo in 1865.
mora. Historia de Nuevo León, con noticias sobre Coahuila,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APHRODITE
407
Tamaulipas, Texas, y Nuevo México. Monterrey, Mexico,
Hymn offers another example of such ambivalence. The
1961.
hymn first praises Aphrodite as the goddess who makes all
Maestas, Enrique. “Culture and History of Native American Peo-
the gods (even Zeus) mingle with mortal women. This un-
ples of South Texas.” Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, Aus-
controlled power, which confuses divine and human levels,
tin, 2003.
is dangerous for the cosmic order. To avoid this potential
Opler, Morris. “The Use of Peyote by the Carrizo and Lipan
disturbance, Zeus makes the goddess lie with a mortal, An-
Apache Tribes.” American Anthropologist 40, no. 2 (1938):
chises, and she gives birth to a child, Aeneas. At this moment
271–285.
of the theogonic process, Aphrodite truly becomes a daugh-
ter of Zeus.
Opler, Morris. Myths and Legends of the Lipan Apache Indians.
American Indian Folklore Society Memoir 36. New York,
On the classical Athenian stage, tragedy illustrates how
1940.
necessary it is to submit to sexual union—and to what extent
Romero, Daniel Castro, Jr. Interview by Enrique Maestas. Tape
the goddess’s anger can be disastrous to the human who re-
recording. San Antonio, Tex., October 5, 2000.
fuses this destiny. Hippolytos’s fate in Euripides’s homony-
Salinas, Martin. Indians of the Rio Grande Delta: Their Role in the
mous play perfectly fits this important aspect of the human
History of Southern Texas and Northeastern Mexico. Austin,
condition: because he despises sexual union and marriage,
Tex., 1990.
the young hero insults a mighty goddess and must die. A
Sjoberg, Andrée. “Lipan Apache Culture in Historical Perspec-
fragment of Aeschylus’s Danaids (fr. 44 Radt), quoting a
tive.” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 9, no. 1 (Spring
monologue of Aphrodite, presents with sexual imagery the
1953): 76–98.
sky irrigating the earth to bring forth for mortals the pastur-
age of sheep and cereals. This watery union is explicitly pres-
Stewart, Omer C. “Origin of the Peyote Religion in the United
States.” Plains Anthropologist 19, no. 64 (1974): 211–223.
ented as Aphrodite’s work. As goddess of sexuality, her field
of manifestation includes fecundity and fertility in close con-
ENRIQUE MAESTAS (2005)
nection, but it would be inadequate to interpret the Greek
Aphrodite only as a mother goddess or a fertility goddess.
Fertility is part of this field as an extension, of which the cul-
APHRODITE.
tic manifestations are difficult to discern. From Sappho to
Aphrodite’s name is closely related to
Lucrece, poetry celebrates the power of love, the impact of
ideas of sex, love, pleasure, and beauty. To evaluate the rele-
beauty, and the force of desire, closely connecting them with
vance of this minimal definition in the goddess’s own cultur-
Aphrodite’s sphere. Ares, Hephaestus, Hermes, Dionysos,
al context, it is necessary to investigate both Greek literature
and Adonis are at various times given as her lovers.
carrying myths and Greek cult practice. Even if each of these
fields has its own language, they act as mirrors of each other.
CULTS. Aphrodite’s cults extend widely over the Greek
SOME LITERARY EVIDENCE. The most ancient Greek texts
world, but her temples and festivals cannot compete with
present two traditions of Aphrodite’s birth. According to He-
those of other great feminine divinities, such as Hera, Deme-
siod (Theogony 188–206), she was born from the severed
ter, or Artemis. Aphrodite was worshiped above all as presid-
genitals of the Sky god, Uranus, which were thrown to the
ing over sexuality. Thus, in many cities, girls about to be
Sea god, Pontos. Aphrodite is the first anthropomorphic
married made sacrifices to Aphrodite so that their first sexual
goddess to emerge in the cosmogonic process after the first
experience might be propitious (Diod. Sic. 5, 73, 2; Plutar-
physical entities, such as Earth, Sky, Mountains, and so on.
chus Mor. 264b; Pausanias 2, 32, 7; 34, 12). This is the par-
Eros (Love), whose presence at the world’s very beginning
ticular sphere of Aphrodite, compared with other goddesses
promotes union and reproduction, submits to the goddess
involved in marriage: Hera protects its legal status, Demeter
as soon as she appears. Hesiod explains the name Aphrodite
favors reproduction, and Artemis patronizes defloration and
by the marine and seminal foam (aphros) from which she
pregnancy and protects unborn children and infants.
grows, and he defines her divine power as the field of seduc-
But sexuality is much broader than marriage. Aphrodite
tion and deception.
protects all forms of sexual union—in or outside marriage;
According to Homer, Aphrodite is the daughter of Zeus
hetero- or homosexual; or with concubines, courtesans
and Dione, and she is concerned with the “works of mar-
(hetairai), or prostitutes (pornai). These women are well at-
riage” (Ilias 5, 429). From a cosmogonic point of view, the
tested in different festivals in honor of Aphrodite, separated
difference between Hesiod and Homer is important. On the
or not from “respectable” matrons (Alexis, fr. 253 Kock =
one hand, Aphrodite belongs to the earlier generation of dei-
Athenaeus 13, 574b–c). The city of Corinth was particularly
ties, before Zeus himself. On the other hand, she is placed
known for the beauty and luxurious living of its courtesans,
under the paternal authority of Zeus. However, her sphere
who revered the local Aphrodite (Pindar, fr. 122 Snell-
of intervention remains the same: sexuality legitimated by so-
Maehler). It is unlikely, however, that her sanctuary on Acro-
ciety (with marriage), as well as its destructive aspect (the
corinth was the location of an institutionalized form of what
rape of Helen by Paris, presented as a reward offered by Aph-
is generally called “sacred prostitution.” The only source for
rodite, is at the core of the Trojan War). The fifth Homeric
this practice is the geographer Strabo (first century BCE; 8,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
408
APHRODITE
6, 21 [C378–379]), but he places it in a vague past time and
a sacrifice to the goddess within a year: a good summary of
is certainly influenced by practices of this type that have been
sexual and inclusive divine functionality. On the other hand,
documented in Asia Minor, his native country. Herodotus,
sea-traders also have to honor the goddess, “she of the sea,”
who mentions a similar practice in several parts of the Medi-
with sacrifice or cash payment. Such an association with the
terranean area, does not say anything in regard to Corinth.
sea is widely attested in the Mediterranean era by epithets
Even if the argument ex silentio is always difficult to use, it
like Euploia (she who gives good sailing) or Limenia (she of
invites caution. Some indigenous cults that interpretatio grae-
the shore). One way to explain this refers to the peculiar birth
ca translates into Aphrodite cults in Asia Minor (Tralles), in
of the goddess from the sea foam. Another refers to her gen-
Italy (Gravisca, Locri) or Sicily (Eryx), have been associated
eral power to calm and to dissolve disorder, be it human or
with this kind of sacred prostitution. Without systematically
natural.
rejecting this view, it has to be evaluated with caution.
Two last aspects of Aphrodite’s cults are the “black” side
In Hesiodic Theogony, Harmony is the daughter of Aph-
and the “armed” side. In some places, Aphrodite bears the
rodite (Love) and Ares (War). In the same vein, Aphrodite
epithet Melainis (the black one) (Pausanias 2, 2, 4; 9, 27, 5;
is closely connected with the Charites, or the “Graces,” per-
8, 6, 5), which could possibly show her power on the “black
sonifications of charis, (grace and charm). Such symbolic as-
earth” and humus, as well as on the shades of the night, the
sociations encompass the goddess’s associations with civic
favorite time for sexual relations. According to Pausanias,
harmony, concord, and order. Since the fifth century BCE at
there were statues showing an armed Aphrodite, particularly
least, magistrates honored her in their official capacity at the
in Sparta (3, 15, 10; 3, 23, 1). The Spartan upbringing of
end of services. Two interpretations, which are not incom-
girls was very martial, and it is not surprising to see the god-
patible, can be proposed: on the one hand, these officials
dess of femaleness being given male attire there, but the actu-
thank the goddess for the harmonious performance of their
al examples of this scarcely permit the interpretation of Aph-
duties; on the other hand, these aphrodisia mark the return
rodite as a war goddess, except in connection with a
from duty to the pleasures of private life. Such dedica-
protective role, such as she had at Corinth.
tions can associate the goddess Peitho (Persuasion) with
Aphrodite.
From a structuralist perspective, her association with
Ares has more to do with a wish to bring opposites together
This civic aspect of Aphrodite’s sphere is also attested
than with a similarity of function. But a historical perspective
to by the epiklesis (cultic qualification) Pandemos. It means
for studying Aphrodite’s cults and persona leads to another
“she of all the people” and declares the goddess to be respon-
interpretation. Aphrodite is not attested in the Mycenaean
sible for political concord and civic inclusiveness. In Athens,
Linear B texts, and the Greeks themselves made the goddess
the goddess was worshiped with Peitho, and her epithet was
arrive from the Levantine coast, or even Assyria, via Cyprus
explained by the myth of Theseus, who had unified all the
through the Phoenician agency (Herodotus 1, 105; Pausani-
Attic demes in one city (Pausanias 1, 22, 3). A third-century
as 1, 14, 7). The Sumerian Innana, Akkadian Ishtar, and
BCE Athenian inscription describes an official procession for
Phoenician Astarte share many significant characteristics
Aphrodite Pandemos (where it is tempting to imagine the
with Aphrodite. Indeed, all are “Queens of Heaven” (Ura-
participation of “all the people”) and the cathartic sacrifice
nia), connected with sexuality, birds, war, and, in the case
of a dove, her sacred animal, in her temple (Inscriptiones
of Astarte, seafaring. As early as Homer, Aphrodite is called
Graecae II2 659 = Lois sacrées des cités grecques no. 39). In
Kupris (the Cypriote), and her main sanctuaries belong to
Plato’s Symposium (180 d–e), Aphrodite Pandemos appears
the island—in Paphos, where her tripartite shrine dates from
in opposition to Aphrodite Urania as the goddess who pro-
the twelfth century BCE onward and where she is called
tects, respectively, vulgar heterosexual love and spiritual love
Paphia or Wanassa (the Queen) in Myceneaen Greek; in
between males. This philosophical fantasy will become very
Amathous, where she is called Kupria; and in Kition, with
popular, but it contradicts what is documented for both
a clearly Phoenician cult.
cults. Pandemos does not mean “vulgar love” in the cult
(even if comic poets associate the cult’s foundation with
Today, the theory of Aphrodite’s oriental origin, dated
funds received from public brothels, [Athenaios 13,
early in the first millennium, is largely accepted, and Indo-
569d–e]), and the Athenian cult of Urania is deeply rooted
European or indigenous points of view do not have enough
in heterosexual love and marriage (Supplementum Epigraph-
support in the evidence at hand. But the ways of Aphrodite’s
icum Graecum 41, 182; Pausanias 1, 27, 3).
arrival are very difficult to discern with certainty, in spite of
the positive conclusions of Stephanie Lynn Budin (2003).
On the island of Cos, Aphrodite was worshiped as Pan-
The iconography of the frontally naked “goddess” that reach-
damos (the Doric form of Pandemos), just as in Athens, but
es Mediterranean sanctuaries in the Geometric and early Ar-
also as Pontia (she of the sea). This joint cult is known from
chaic periods could have been an important medium for the
two inscriptions referring to the sale of the priesthood (Par-
conceptualization of a goddess concerned with sexuality at
ker, 2002). Both aspects are reflected in the worshipers’ qual-
a time when local Greek pantheons were in development.
ity and obligations. All women who marry on the island, citi-
The iconography of a nude goddess then disappears for two
zen women, illegitimate women, and metics, have to offer
centuries, returning with the Aphrodite of Praxiteles in the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOCALYPSE: AN OVERVIEW
409
mid-fourth century BCE. Such a masterpiece opens the road
APOCALYPSE: AN OVERVIEW
to the Hellenistic and Roman representations of the nude
Apocalypse, as the name of a literary genre, is derived from
Aphrodite-Venus that inhabit Western museums and imagi-
the Apocalypse of John, or Book of Revelation, in the New Tes-
nations.
tament. The word itself means “revelation,” but it is reserved
for revelations of a particular kind: mysterious revelations
SEE ALSO Goddess Worship, overview article; Hierodouleia;
that are mediated or explained by a supernatural figure, usu-
Venus.
ally an angel. They disclose a transcendent world of supernat-
ural powers and an eschatological scenario, or view of the last
BIBLIOGRAPHY
things, that includes the judgment of the dead. Apocalyptic
Ammerman, Rebecca Miller. The Sanctuary of Santa Venera at
revelations are not exclusively concerned with the future.
Paestum II: The Votive Terracottas. Ann Arbor, Mich., 2002.
They may also be concerned with cosmology, including the
See pages 26–98 for a discussion of the “naked goddess.”
geography of the heavens and nether regions, as well as histo-
Boedeker, Deborah Dickmann. Aphrodite’s Entry into Greek Epic.
ry, primordial times, and the end times. The judgment of the
Leiden, 1974.
dead, however, is a constant and pivotal feature, since all the
Böhm, Stephanie. Die “Nackte Göttin”: Zur Ikonographie und De-
revelations have human destiny as their ultimate focus. The
utung unbekleideter weiblicher Figuren in der frühgriechischen
great majority of these writings are pseudonymous: the recip-
Kunst. Mainz, Germany, 1990.
ient of the revelation is identified as a famous ancient person,
such as Enoch or Daniel. (The Book of Revelation is an excep-
Bonnet, Corinne. Astarté: Dossier documentaire et perspectives hi-
storiques. Rome, 1996.
tion in this regard.) The ascription to a famous person added
to the authority of the works, which were in any case pres-
Budin, Stephanie Lynn. The Origin of Aphrodite. Bethesda, Md.,
ented as divine revelation.
2003.
The Book of Revelation (about 90 CE) is the earliest work
Delivorrias, Angelos. “Aphrodite.” In Lexicon Iconographicum
Mythologiae Classicae, vol. 2, pp. 2–151. Zurich, 1984.
that calls itself an apocalypse (Rv. 1:1), and even there the
word may be meant in the general sense of “revelation.” The
Farnell, Lewis R. The Cults of the Greek States, vol. 2,
usage as a genre label became common from the second cen-
pp. 618–761. Oxford, 1896. Still a useful reference work,
tury on, and numerous Christian compositions are so titled
full of ancient sources.
(e.g., the Apocalypse of Peter, the Apocalypse of Paul). The Co-
Flemberg, Johan. Venus Armata: Studien zur bewaffneten Aphrodite
logne Mani Codex (fifth century) refers to the apocalypses of
in der griechisch-römischen Kunst. Stockholm, 1991.
Adam, Sethel, Enosh, Shem, and Enoch. The title is found
Friedrich, Paul. The Meaning of Aphrodite. Chicago, 1978.
in some Jewish apocalypses from the late first century CE
Graf, Fritz. “Aphrodite.” In Dictionary of Deities and Demons in
(e.g., 2 Baruch and 3 Baruch), but may have been added by
the Bible (DDD), edited by Karel van der Toorn, Bob Beck-
later scribes. The ancient usage is not entirely reliable. The
ing, and Pieter W. van der Horst, pp. 118–125. Leiden,
title was never added to some major apocalypses (e.g., those
1995.
contained in 1 Enoch) and it is occasionally found in works
of a different genre (e.g., the Apocalypse of Moses, which is a
Parker, Robert. “The Cult of Aphrodite Pandamos and Pontia at
Cos.” In Kykeon: Studies in Honour of H.S. Versnel, edited by
variant of the Life of Adam and Eve).
H. F.J. Horstmanshoff, H. W. Singor, F. T. van Straten, and
THE JEWISH APOCALYPSES. The genre is older than the title
J. H. M. Strubbe, pp. 143–160. Leiden, 2002.
and is well attested in Judaism from the third century BCE
Pirenne-Delforge, Vinciane. L’Aphrodite grecque. Contribution à
on. The Christian apocalypses, beginning with the Book of
l’étude de ses cultes et de sa personnalité dans le panthéon ar-
Revelation, are modeled more or less directly on Jewish pro-
chaïque et classique. Liège, Belgium, 1994.
totypes. The Jewish apocalypses are of two main types. The
better known of these might be described as historical apoca-
Pirenne-Delforge, Vinciane. “La genèse de l’Aphrodite grecque: le
dossier crétois.” In La questione delle influenze vicino-orientali
lypses. They are found in the Book of Daniel (the only apoca-
sulla religione greca, edited by Sergio Ribichini, Maria Roc-
lypse in the Hebrew scriptures), 4 Ezra, 2 Baruch, and some
chi, and Paolo Xella, pp. 169–187. Rome, 2001.
sections of 1 Enoch. In these apocalypses, the revelation is
given in allegorical visions, interpreted by an angel. The con-
Rudhardt, Jean. Le rôle d’Eros et d’Aphrodite dans les cosmogonies
tent is primarily historical and is given in the form of an ex-
grecques. Paris, 1986.
tended prophecy. History is divided into a set number of pe-
VINCIANE PIRENNE-DELFORGE (2005)
riods and, most importantly, is coming to an end. The finale
may include the national and political restoration of Israel,
but the emphasis is on the replacement of the present world
APOCALYPSE
order by one that is radically new. In its most extreme form
This entry consists of the following articles:
the eschatology of this type of apocalypse envisages the end
of the world, as, for example, in 4 Ezra 7, where the creation
AN OVERVIEW
JEWISH APOCALYPTICISM TO THE RABBINIC PERIOD
is returned to primeval silence for seven days. These apoca-
MEDIEVAL JEWISH APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE
lypses often had their origin in a historical crisis. The Book
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
410
APOCALYPSE: AN OVERVIEW
of Daniel and some sections of 1 Enoch were written in re-
modern colloquial usage, the word apocalypse is often associ-
sponse to the persecution of the Jews by Antiochus Epi-
ated with the end of the world, or with some great catastro-
phanes that led to the Maccabean revolt (c. 168 BCE). 4 Ezra
phe. This analogous usage of the word apocalyptic is inevita-
and 2 Baruch were written in the aftermath of the Jewish war
bly imprecise, as resemblance is a matter of degree. In the
against Rome and the destruction of Jerusalem.
Western world, the case for this broader usage is strength-
ened by the pervasive influence of the literary apocalypses,
The second type of Jewish apocalypse is the otherworld-
especially the Book of Revelation. The expectation of an “end”
ly journey. In the earliest example of this type, the “Book of
of history, or of a new era of radical change, has been enor-
the Watchers” in 1 Enoch (third century BCE), Enoch ascends
mously important in Christian tradition, but also in Judaism
to the presence of God. Angels then take him on a tour that
and Islam, and while it is often the subject of a vision or a
ranges over the whole earth to the ends of the universe. More
revelation it can also be communicated in many other ways.
characteristic of this type is the ascent of the visionary
Moreover, these ideas have also been appropriated by secular
through a numbered series of heavens. The standard number
culture.
of heavens was seven, although three (in the Testament of
Levi) and five (in 3 Baruch) are also attested. More mystical
Analogous ideas and movements can also be found in
in orientation, these apocalypses often include a vision of the
many other cultures. One thinks, for example, of the cargo
throne of God. The eschatology of these works is focused
cults of Melanesia or the Ghost Dance of the American Indi-
more on personal afterlife than on cosmic transformation,
ans in the late nineteenth century (although in the latter case
but they may also predict a general judgment.
there was some influence of Christian ideas). The historical
These two types of apocalypse are not wholly discrete.
type of apocalypticism is difficult to distinguish from millen-
The Apocalypse of Abraham, an ascent-type apocalypse from
nialism, a term that is itself derived from the expectation of
the late first century
a thousand-year reign in Revelation 20, but which has come
CE, contains a brief overview of history
in set periods. The Similitudes of Enoch, a Jewish work of the
to mean the expectation of radical change and a utopian fu-
mid-first century
ture. Strictly speaking, apocalypticism should imply a claim
CE, combines allegorical visions with an as-
cent and is largely concerned with political and social abuses.
of supernatural revelation, which may or may not be the case
Both types are found in the collection of writings known as
with millennial expectation. Also related to apocalypticism
1 Enoch, which is known in full only in Geez (Ethiopic)
is messianism, or the expectation of a messiah or savior figure.
translations, but is now attested in Aramaic fragments from
This term also derives from Jewish and Christian tradition,
the Dead Sea Scrolls, which date to the second century
and originally referred to the restoration of native kingship
CE.
in Judea. Some apocalypses accord a central role to a messiah
If apocalypse is conceived as a literary genre, in the man-
(e.g., Christ in Revelation, or the Jewish messiah in 4 Ezra).
ner described above, then the primary corpus consists of Jew-
The earliest Jewish apocalypses, however, in 1 Enoch and
ish and Christian texts that date from the Hellenistic period
Daniel, have no place for a human messiah. Conversely, a
to the early Middle Ages, although some instances can also
messiah may be expected to restore the political order on
be found in other traditions. The importance of apocalypse
earth, rather than bring about the kind of cosmic upheaval
in the history of religion, however, is not confined to the in-
described in the apocalypses. Messianism and apocalypti-
stances of the literary genre. The kinds of ideas that find their
cism, then, overlap, but the two categories are not identical.
classic expression in apocalypses like Revelation can also
occur in other works, whether they are represented as revela-
ORIGINS OF THE GENRE. This genre appears relatively late
tions or not. This analogous phenomenon is called apocalyp-
in Judaism, and its origins remain obscure. Several key apoc-
ticism, or sometimes apocalyptic. So, for example, in ancient
alyptic motifs can be found at much earlier times in the an-
Judaism, the “Community Rule” in the Dead Sea Scrolls de-
cient Middle East and in the eastern Mediterranean world.
scribes a world divided between the forces of light and dark-
Many ancient myths describe a climactic battle in which a
ness, where history is divided into periods and there will be
good god defeats the forces of chaos. This battle is sometimes
a final judgment when God will put an end to wickedness.
associated with the creation of the world, as in the Babylo-
This view of the world is clearly influenced by the apoca-
nian Enuma elish, where the god Marduk defeats and kills
lypses of Enoch and Daniel, and is similar to the typical con-
the primeval monster Tiamat. In Canaanite tradition, the
tent of apocalyptic revelations, but it is not presented in the
fertility god Baal defeats the primordial sea, Yamm. These
form of a vision or other revelation. It is simply presented
ancient myths are echoed in the climactic battles in apoca-
as dogmatic teaching.
lypses such as Daniel and Revelation, but the conflict is pro-
jected into the future.
Again, early Christianity is often said to be “an apoca-
lyptic movement,” although the only apocalypse in the New
Descriptions of journeys to the heavens or the nether-
Testament (Revelation) is one of the latest writings in the cor-
world were fairly common in antiquity. Examples can be
pus. The Gospels and the Pauline epistles share basic features
found as early as book 11 of Homer’s Odyssey. A whole tradi-
of the apocalypses, especially the expectation of judgment
tion of such revelations can be found in Greek and Roman
from heaven followed by the resurrection and judgment of
philosophical texts (e.g., the “Myth of Er” in Plato’s Repub-
the dead, so that we may speak of a common worldview. In
lic, book 10; Cicero’s Somnium Scipionis in the last book of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOCALYPSE: AN OVERVIEW
411
his Republic), in what would seem to be a secondary use of
number of periods, the final destruction of evil, and a resto-
the genre. The Greek material exercised some influence on
ration of the world that involves the resurrection of the dead.
the Jewish journey-type apocalypses and on the Christian de-
The most complete account is found in the Bundahishn.
velopment of the genre, but it was not a primary model.
From the beginning, there were two cosmic spirits of light
There are also traditions of ascent to heaven and descent to
and darkness. The decisive battle between them is postponed
the netherworld in Babylonian tradition, although they are
for nine thousand years, and during that time they share the
sparsely attested. Especially noteworthy here is a “Vision of
sovereignty. The nine thousand years is divided into three
the Netherworld” from the seventh century BCE, in which
ages of three thousand years each. At the completion of the
a man descends to the netherworld in a dream vision. The
last period, evil is eliminated, the dead are resurrected, and
ascent of the soul after death was an important motif in Per-
the world is restored. The last three thousand years is divided
sian eschatology from early times. The only Persian example
into three millennia with similar characteristics. The first be-
of a thoroughgoing ascent-type apocalypse is the ninth-
gins with the appearance of Zoroaster. Each of the others also
century CE Book of Arda Viraf, or Arda¯ Wira¯z Na¯mag, but
starts with a savior figure, Uˇse¯dar and Uˇsedarma¯h. Each mil-
there seems to have been a native Persian tradition of heaven-
lennium ends with trials and tribulations. The final savior,
ly ascent. These ascent traditions (Greek, Babylonian, and
who ushers in the restoration, is So¯ˇsans. Two other messianic
Persian) were independent of each other, but all may have
figures, Kay Wahra¯m and Piˇsyo¯tan appear at the end of the
influenced the Jewish and Christian apocalypses to some de-
millennium of Zoroaster.
gree. The judgment of the dead, a central apocalyptic motif,
There is endless debate as to the antiquity of these tradi-
is widely attested in ancient Egypt. We can scarcely speak of
tions. The Pahlavi literature was compiled from the sixth to
an apocalyptic tradition in Egypt, however, although there
twelfth centuries CE, but it certainly preserves older tradi-
are several predictions of times of chaos, and there are some
tions. The Bahman Yasht is a commentary on a lost book of
oracles from the Hellenistic period about the restoration of
the Avesta, which is itself of uncertain date. Some key apoca-
native Egyptian rule (most notably, the Potter’s Oracle) that
lyptic motifs, such as the final battle between the forces of
bear some similarity to the historical apocalypses.
good and evil in the end-time, and the judgment of the soul
Apart from the Jewish and Christian apocalypses, the
after death, are found already in the Ga¯tha¯s, the hymns of
most important apocalyptic tradition in antiquity is un-
Zoroaster, which may date to as early as 1000 BCE. Belief in
doubtedly the Persian. This tradition is found primarily in
a savior figure and in the resurrection of the dead was devel-
the Pahlavi literature that was compiled in the late Sassanian
oped already in the Avesta. Important glimpses of early Per-
and early Islamic periods (sixth to twelfth centuries
sian beliefs are provided by an account preserved by Plutarch
CE). This
literature is priestly in character, and it provides compendia
(On Isis and Osiris 47, attributed to Theopompus, who lived
of authoritative teaching. It does not preserve independent
in the fourth century BCE), and by the Oracle of Hystaspes,
a pre-Christian Persian work that is cited in Latin by Lactan-
literary revelations or apocalypses such as are found in Jewish
tius. Both of these sources mention the division of history
and Christian literature, with the arguable exception of the
into periods and the resurrection of the dead. Plutarch re-
Bahman Yasht, which describes a vision of Zoroaster in
counts the original opposition of the two spirits of light and
which the branches of a tree represent the periods of history.
darkness. This dualistic view of the world seems to have in-
One of the most important of these compilations is the Bun-
fluenced a Jewish sect of the first century
dahishn, which deals with cosmogony and cosmology and
BCE, whose views
are reflected in the Dead Sea Scrolls. Nonetheless, the dating
has important sections treating eschatology. Another is the
of Persian traditions is fraught with difficulty and remains
D¯enkard, which contains, among other things, a systematic
controversial. It is clear that there was a native Persian tradi-
description of the apocalyptic events from the fall of the Sas-
tion of considerable antiquity, which had a view of history
sanian empire to the restoration of the world. Other impor-
that is quite similar to what we find in Jewish and Christian
tant Persian writings for this subject include the Wiz¯ıdag¯ıha¯
apocalypses of the historical type. Notable points of affinity
¯ı Za¯dspram (Selections of Za¯dspram, a late ninth-century au-
include predeterminism, periodization, the importance at-
thor) and the Da¯desta¯n ¯ı D¯en¯ıg (compiled by a brother of
tached to millennia, the role of savior figures, and the hope
Za¯dspram). The latter composition contains questions and
for resurrection. Most of these features (with the exception
answers on such topics as the resurrection and the renewal
of savior figures) were novel in Judaism in the Hellenistic pe-
of the world. Also cast in the form of question and answer
riod. Nonetheless, it remains unclear whether the develop-
is the Da¯desta¯n ¯ı M¯eno¯g ¯ı Xrad (Judgments of the spirit of
ment of the apocalyptic genre in Judaism was due in any sig-
wisdom) in which a fictive figure called Da¯na¯g (literally,
nificant way to Persian influence, because of the difficulty of
“wise, knowing”) addresses questions to the Spirit of Wis-
dating the Persian materials.
dom. Some of these questions concern eschatological
matters.
THE GENRE IN CHRISTIANITY. Apocalypticism in the broad-
er sense was a major factor in the rise and spread of Chris-
These traditions may be described as apocalyptic be-
tianity. While the intentions and self-understanding of Jesus
cause they share some of the characteristic features of the his-
of Nazareth are a matter of endless debate, he is portrayed
torical apocalypses, such as the division of history into a set
in the Gospels as an apocalyptic prophet, who predicted that
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412
APOCALYPSE: AN OVERVIEW
the “Son of man” would come on the clouds of heaven to
ered in by the defeat of the antichrist. Historical apocalypti-
save the elect and judge the wicked. (See, for example, Mark
cism merges easily into millenarianism, where the emphasis
13; the title “Son of Man” alludes to a vision in Daniel 7.)
is less on supernatural revelation than on the coming utopian
After Jesus’ death, his followers quickly came to believe that
age. Apocalyptic expectations of the overthrow of the present
he had risen from the dead, and that this, in the words of
world order fueled radical Christian movements in the late
Paul, was the first fruit of the general resurrection. Paul told
Middle Ages, notably Franciscan dissidents and early reform-
his followers that Jesus would return on the clouds while
ers such as John Wyclif (late fourteenth century) and his fol-
some of them were still alive. This expectation lent urgency
lowers, the Lollards. These radicals often viewed the papacy
to his attempt to spread the Christian gospel to the end of
as the antichrist. Apocalyptic hopes also provided the ideolo-
the earth.
gy that inspired a whole series of peasant revolts, and there
The apocalyptic genre declined in Judaism after the first
was an outpouring of apocalyptic prophecies in connection
century
with the Reformation. In Germany the radical preaching of
CE, although heavenly ascents continued to play an
important part in the Jewish mystical tradition. By contrast,
Thomas Müntzer culminated in the Peasants’ Revolt in
the genre flourished in Christianity. The Book of Revelation
1525, and the Anabaptists established the New Jerusalem in
in the New Testament has its closest analogies with the Book
Münster, under a messianic “king,” John of Leyden (1534).
of Daniel and the historical apocalypses, but it is exceptional
In England, a century later, the Puritan revolutionaries saw
in not being pseudonymous. The convention of pseu-
themselves as “the saints of the Most High,” who were men-
donymity was quickly adopted, however, and apocalypses of
tioned in the Book of Daniel, while Gerrard Winstanley, and
Peter, Paul, and others proliferated into the Middle Ages.
the Diggers and Levellers whom he inspired, drew on the
These apocalypses were primarily, but not exclusively, of the
Book of Revelation to advance a more radically egalitarian
ascent type, and were mystical rather than political in their
view of Christianity.
orientation. The expectation of cosmic change depicted in
The Puritans brought their apocalyptic beliefs with
the Book of Revelation was viewed with suspicion by church
them to North America, and inaugurated a tradition of
authorities, although the main outline was incorporated in
studying biblical prophecy with a view to discerning the signs
Christian dogma. The church fathers tended to interpret
of the end-time. While interest in apocalyptic timetables was
apocalyptic symbols with reference to the present. Augustine
prominent in American Protestantism from the seventeenth
of Hippo (354–430 CE) interpreted the thousand-year reign
century onward, it was given a boost in the early nineteenth
of Revelation 20 as referring to the time of the church, and
century by a Church of Ireland minister, John Nelson Darby
held that the first resurrection is spiritual and takes place in
(1800–1882), who developed a system of “dispensational
this life. This line of interpretation was widely influential,
premillennialism.” History was divided into a series of dis-
and defused the role of apocalyptic expectation in the main-
tinct stages or dispensations, in each of which God dealt with
line church.
humankind in different ways. The millennium, or thousand-
A distinctive variant of the use of apocalypses in the
year reign, was not the time of the church but was still to
Christian tradition can be seen in the Gnostic codices found
come. Darby rejected any form of historicist interpretation
at Nag Hammadi in Egypt in 1945, which date from about
and held that the last events of prophetic significance oc-
400 CE. The corpus includes apocalypses of Adam, Peter,
curred in the time of Jesus. Darby’s followers developed into
Paul, and James. The Gnostic apocalypses differ from the
the sect of the Plymouth Brethern, but he was widely influ-
Jewish and Christian ones in their emphasis on salvation in
ential among evangelical Protestants. One of his most dis-
the present through gno¯sis, or saving knowledge, and their
tinctive beliefs was in the rapture, when believers would be
lack of interest in cosmic transformation, although some
caught up to meet the Lord in the air (see 1 Thess. 4:16–18).
Gnostic apocalypses envision the destruction of this world.
Dispensational premillennialism was popularized in the early
The Gnostic apocalypses also are distinctive in their empha-
twentieth century by the Scofield Reference Bible, which
sis on the spoken word. Often the revelations take the form
provided prophetic interpretations for the entire King James
of dialogues or discourses, rather than visions. The origin
Bible.
and fall of humanity is a prominent theme. The most impor-
The most colorful episode in American apocalyptic tra-
tant transformation of the genre, however, lies in the focus
dition occurred in the 1840s. A farmer named William Mil-
on the present rather than the future as the time of salvation.
ler, from upstate New York, calculated, on the basis of the
The mystically oriented ascent-type apocalypse contin-
book of Daniel, that the second coming of Christ would
ued to exist in Christianity quite apart from Gnosticism and
occur in 1843. When that year ended uneventfully, some of
left an imprint on world literature in Dante’s Commedia.
his followers recalculated the date as October 22, 1844. They
The historical type of apocalypticism was more widely influ-
assembled in expectation, and suffered a crushing disap-
ential in the Middle Ages. Apocalyptic expectations played
pointment. That scenario has been replayed many times by
a role in launching the Crusades. A crucial figure in medieval
small groups on the fringes of American Protestantism.
apocalypticism was Joachim of Fiore, a twelfth-century
Nonetheless, this kind of literal interpretation of apocalyptic
abbot who looked for a new age of the Holy Spirit, to be ush-
prophecy continues to flourish at the beginning of the twen-
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APOCALYPSE: AN OVERVIEW
413
ty-first century. The Millerites eventually evolved into the
groups (such as survivalist movements in the American west)
Seventh-day Adventist Church, under the leader of a vision-
that believe that a cosmic disaster and a change of world
ary and prolific writer, Ellen G. White (1827–1915).
order is imminent. These people often cling to what Michael
Barkun has called “spurned knowledge” (ideas that are reject-
The emergence of a modern Pentecostal movement in
ed or despised by the society at large) and consequently see
the early twentieth century gave another boost to fundamen-
themselves as a persecuted minority. They are characterized
talist apocalyptic interpretation. In the latter part of the
by a kind of esotericism, or insider-belief, that bears some
twentieth century, dispensational premillennialist interpreta-
analogy to the revelations of the ancient apocalypses. There
tion was popularized by such writers as Hal Lindsey, whose
is some justification for calling such groups apocalyptic, ad-
best-seller, The Late Great Planet Earth (1973), sold millions
mittedly in an attenuated sense. More questionable is the
of copies. Unlike Darby, Lindsey readily identified prophetic
widespread use of the term apocalyptic in connection with
allusions to contemporary events, and even suggested that
modern literature. The English poet William Blake (1757–
the rapture might come in 1981. Since the 1980s, this kind
1827) made extensive use of the Book of Revelation, but he
of apocalyptic interpretation has become identified with the
looked for a revelation initiated not by God but by humans,
religious right wing in American politics, particularly
which would entail a change in our perception of the world.
through the activism of such people as Pat Robertson and
Some critics, however, use the term apocalyptic for any “reve-
Jerry Falwell. It also continues to thrive on the fringes. The
lation” or transformation of perception, even if there is no
Branch Davidians who died in the conflagration in Waco,
use of traditional apocalyptic imagery. In contemporary liter-
Texas, in 1993, were a heretical offshoot of the Seventh-day
ature, the writing that has most in common with ancient
Adventists and spiritual descendants of the Millerites, with
apocalypses is science fiction, insofar as it is an imaginative
their own apocalyptic prophet, David Koresh. There has also
exploration of worlds that are outside normal human experi-
been a revival of apocalyptic and messianic expectations in
ence. But here again the analogy is limited, as science fiction
some circles within Judaism, inspired by the rebirth of the
is not presented as revelation and lacks the religious and in-
land of Israel after the disaster of the Holocaust.
structional dimensions of the ancient apocalypses.
APOCALYPTIC TRADITIONS IN ISLAM. Apocalyptic expecta-
S
tions played a significant role in Islam from the beginning.
EE ALSO Ascension; Biblical Literature, articles on Apocry-
pha and Pseudepigrapha, New Testament; Eschatology,
These expectations include the resurrection of the dead, the
overview article; Judgment of the Dead; Millenarianism,
day of judgment and salvation, and damnation in the end-
overview article.
time. They also include preparatory events leading to the res-
urrection, including the coming of the mahd¯ı (an Islamic
messiah). Already in the QurDa¯n, there are several references
BIBLIOGRAPHY
to “the Hour,” which is the time of calamity that precedes
For a comprehensive survey of apocalypticism in Judaism, Chris-
tianity, and Islam, from ancient to modern times, see John
the resurrection. There is considerable interest in the signs
J. Collins, Bernard McGinn, and Stephen Stein, eds., The
of the end. These ideas were influenced by Jewish, Christian,
Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, vol. 1, The Origins of Apoca-
and Persian traditions. Jesus retains an important role in the
lypticism in Judaism and Christianity; vol. 2, Apocalypticism
eschatological scenario: he will return to Jerusalem and kill
in Western History and Culture; vol. 3, Apocalypticism in the
the antichrist. Much more apocalyptic material entered
Modern Period and the Contemporary Age (New York, 1998),
Islam after the death of the Prophet, and it grew in populari-
condensed into one volume as The History of Apocalypticism
ty in times of war. By the Middle Ages there was a developed
(New York, 2003). The first volume includes articles on the
science for the calculation of the predetermined future,
ancient Middle Eastern, Persian, and Greco-Roman apoca-
which involved astrology. These predictions are not typically
lypticism. Less comprehensive but representative is Abbas
presented as visionary revelations, in the manner of the Jew-
Amanat and Magnus T. Bernhardsson, eds., Imagining the
End: Visions of Apocalypse from the Ancient Middle East to
ish and Christian apocalypses, but rather as teachings, in the
Modern America (London, 2002).
manner of the Persian tradition. There have been numerous
movements in the history of Islam that have employed apoc-
An overview of apocalyptic writing as a genre in antiquity can be
alyptic or messianic rhetoric to proclaim the dawn of a new
found in Apocalypse: The Morphology of a Genre, a special
issue of Semeia 14 (1979). This volume contains essays on
era. There was an upsurge of such rhetoric in connection
material from various cultures: Jewish (John J. Collins),
with Islamic fundamentalism in the late twentieth and early
Christian (Adela Yarbro Collins), Gnostic (Francis T. Fal-
twenty-first centuries.
lon), Greco-Roman (Harold W. Attridge), rabbinic/later
M
Jewish (Anthony J. Saldarini), and Persian (John J. Collins);
ODERN ADAPTATIONS OF APOCALYPTICISM. The terms
it also includes extensive bibliographies. Essays on apoca-
apocalypse and apocalyptic are used widely and loosely in
lypses and related material from several ancient cultures can
modern culture, often in ways that have little in common
be found in Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and
with the ancient apocalypses. Continuity is clearest in the
the Near East, edited by David Hellholm (Tübingen, Germa-
case of fundamentalist Christians who look for literal fulfill-
ny, 1983). Other studies of the ancient apocalypses include
ment of the biblical prophecies, and try to identify the signs
Christopher Rowland’s The Open Heaven: A Study of Apoca-
of the times in current political events. There are also secular
lyptic in Judaism and Early Christianity (New York, 1982)
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414
APOCALYPSE: JEWISH APOCALYPTICISM TO THE RABBINIC PERIOD
and John J. Collins’s The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Intro-
Flat’: A Study of Apocalyptic Imagery,” Comparative Studies
duction to Jewish Apocalyptic Literature, 2d ed. (Grand Rap-
in Society and History 25 (January 1983): 136–153, which
ids, Mich., 1998). The influence of the apocalypses on Jew-
begins with a consideration of Plutarch and the Iranian Bun-
ish mysticism is explored by Ithamar Gruenwald in
dahishn and compares these with Chinese and Japanese ma-
Apocalyptic and Merkavah Mysticism (Leiden, 1980). The
terials, as well as with colonial rebellions. On the Ghost
later Jewish tradition is discussed in several works by Ger-
Dance and analogous phenomena, see Weston La Barre, The
shom Scholem; see especially The Messianic Idea in Judaism
Ghost Dance: Origins of Religion (New York, 1970).
and Other Essays on Jewish Spirituality (New York, 1971) and
Jewish Gnosticism, Merkabah Mysticism, and Talmudic Tradi-
JOHN J. COLLINS (1987 AND 2005)
tion, 2d ed. (New York, 1965).
The roots of apocalyptic traditions in the ancient world, especially
in Persia, are explored by Norman Cohn, Cosmos, Chaos, and
APOCALYPSE: JEWISH APOCALYPTICISM TO
the World to Come: The Ancient Roots of Apocalyptic Faith, 2d
THE RABBINIC PERIOD
ed. (New Haven, 2001). Ancient traditions about the judg-
ment of the dead, especially in Egypt, are described by J.
The genre “apocalypse” first appears in Judaism in the Helle-
Gwyn Griffiths, The Divine Verdict: A Study of Divine Judg-
nistic period. The early apocalypses are of two types. One
ment in the Ancient Religions (Leiden, 1991). For relevant
type, attested in Daniel, the Animal Apocalypse and the
Mesopotamian traditions, especially the “Vision of the Neth-
Apocalypse of Weeks, provides an overview of the course of
erworld,” see Helge S. Kvanvig, Roots of Apocalyptic: The Mes-
history and may be dubbed the “historical” type. The other,
opotamian Background of the Enoch Figure and of the Son of
typified by the Book of the Watchers in 1 Enoch 1–36, de-
Man (Neukirchen, Germany, 1988). Apocalyptic traditions
scribes an otherworldly journey and is primarily a description
from Hellenistic Egypt are discussed in A. Blasius and B. U.
of places outside the normal range of human experience.
Schipper, eds., Apokalyptik und Ägypten (Leuven, Belgium,
2002). Comprehensive overviews of Persian apocalypticism
THE EARLIEST APOCALYPSES. The Book of Daniel (164 BCE)
are provided by Anders Hultga˚rd, “Persian Apocalypticism”
provides the only example of the genre in the Hebrew Bible.
in The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, vol. 1, pp. 39–83, and
The earliest noncanonical apocalypses are found in 1 Enoch.
Philip G. Kreyenbroek, “Millennialism and Eschatology in
This is a collection of five books fully preserved only in Ethi-
the Zoroastrian Tradition” in Amanat and Bernhardsson,
opic, but four of the five books are attested in Aramaic in
eds., Imagining the End, pp. 33–55.
the Dead Sea Scrolls. The earliest copies date to the second
For the medieval Christian material, see especially Norman Cohn,
century BCE. Some of the books of Enoch (The Book of the
The Pursuit of the Millennium (New York, 1970) and Ber-
Watchers, 1 Enoch 1–36, and the Astronomical Book, 1
nard McGinn’s studies: Visions of the End: Apocalyptic Tradi-
Enoch 72–82) are likely to date from the third century BCE,
tions in the Middle Ages (New York, 1979); Apocalyptic Spiri-
whereas others (the Animal Apocalypse, 1 Enoch 83–90 and
tuality: Treatises and Letters of Lactantius, Adso of Montieren-
the Apocalypse of Weeks, 1 Enoch 93:1–10 and 91:11–17)
Der, Joachim of Fiore, the Franciscan Spirituals, Savonarola
are roughly contemporary with the Book of Daniel.
(New York, 1979); and The Antichrist: Two Thousand Years
of the Human Fascination with Evil (San Francisco, 1994).
THE HISTORICAL APOCALYPSES. In Daniel 7–8 the revelation
For apocalyptic traditions in modern America, see Paul
takes the form of symbolic visions. In chapter 7, Daniel sees
Boyer, When Time Shall Be No More: Prophecy Belief in Mod-
four beasts rising from the sea. Then he sees a judgment
ern American Culture (Cambridge, Mass., 1992).
scene in which a white–headed “Ancient of Days” condemns
On apocalypticism in Islamic tradition see Saïd Amir Arjomand,
the beasts and confers the kingdom on “one like a son of
“Islamic Apocalypticism in the Classic Period” in The Ency-
man” who comes on the clouds of heaven. This vision is ex-
clopedia of Apocalypticism, vol. 2, pp. 238–283; Abbas
plained to Daniel by an angel. The beasts represent four
Amanat, “The Resurgence of Apocalyptic in Modern Islam”
kings or kingdoms. The final kingdom is ruled not only by
in The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, vol. 2, pp. 230–264.
the “one like a son of man” but also by “the holy ones of the
On the resurgence of apocalypticism in modern Judaism, see
Most High” and “the people of the holy ones of the Most
Aviezer Ravitzky, Messianism, Zionism, and Jewish Religious
Radicalism (Chicago, 1996).
High.” (The interpretation of the “one like a son of man”
and of “the holy ones of the Most High” is disputed. Most
On modern adaptations of apocalypticism see the essays in The
probably, the former is the archangel Michael, who is explic-
Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, vol. 3, especially the essays of
itly identified as the “prince” of Israel in chapters 10 to 12,
Stephen O’Leary, “Popular Culture and Apocalypticism”
(pp. 392–426) and Michael Barkun, “Politics and Apocalyp-
and the holy ones are the angelic host). In Daniel 8, the vi-
ticism” (pp. 442–460).
sion concerns a he-goat, which defeats a ram. Then one of
its horns rises up against the heavenly host and disrupts the
For examples of scholarly application of the notion of apocalypse
cult. The angel explains that the ram, which has two horns,
to a much broader range of religious traditions, see Jonathan
Z. Smith’s “A Pearl of Great Price and a Cargo of Yams,”
represents the kings of Media and Persia, whereas the goat
History of Religions 16 (1976): 1–19, which examines the ap-
is the king of Greece. The rebellious horn represents an arro-
plicability of apocalyptic and Gnostic patterns of revelation
gant king who will succeed for a time but will suddenly be
to the Babylonian Akitu festival and a cargo cult in the Mo-
broken, “not by human hands.” In Daniel 9, the revelation
luccas. See also Bruce Lincoln’s article “‘The Earth Becomes
is triggered by a prophecy of Jeremiah that Jerusalem would
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APOCALYPSE: JEWISH APOCALYPTICISM TO THE RABBINIC PERIOD
415
be desolate for seventy years. An angel explains to Daniel that
will pass away and a new heaven will appear. In the Animal
this really means seventy weeks of years, or 490 years. Finally,
Apocalypse, God descends to earth for the judgment, and it
chapters 10 to 12 contain a lengthy prediction about kings
is followed by the resurrection of the dead. Both of these
and wars that is a thinly disguised overview of Hellenistic his-
apocalypses, like Daniel, culminate in the Hellenistic period.
tory and the wars between the Ptolemies of Egypt and the
The Animal Apocalypse alludes clearly to the persecution in
Seleucids of Syria. This account culminates in a persecution
the time of Antiochus Epiphanes and to the Maccabean re-
of “the holy covenant” by an arrogant king who exalts him-
volt. It is apparent that the conflict of this period was a major
self above every god. This king meets a sudden end, however.
factor evoking this kind of apocalypse.
Then follows the resurrection of the dead, when the righ-
THE SOURCES OF HISTORICAL APOCALYPTICISM. There is
teous martyrs are exalted in glory and their enemies are con-
evident continuity between this kind of apocalypse and bibli-
demned to everlasting disgrace.
cal prophecy. From the eighth century BCE onward, Hebrew
prophets had visions that related to historical events, and that
The recipient of these visions, Daniel, was supposedly
foretold divine intervention for judgment. These visions
one of the captives taken to Babylon by King Nebuchadnez-
were often symbolic. For example, Amos saw a basket of
zar of Babylon in 597 BCE. In fact, he is a fictitious character,
dried fruit, symbolizing the coming end of Israel (Am.
whose legendary exploits are recounted in Daniel 1–6. His
8:1–2). After the Babylonian exile there were some signifi-
revelations concern the course of history from the Babylo-
cant changes in the nature of prophecy. The visions of Zech-
nian era forward. The four kingdoms portrayed as beasts
ariah (520 BCE) are interpreted by an angel, like the later vi-
from the sea in chapter 7 are identified by other references
sions of Daniel. Many oracles from this period proclaim a
in the book as Babylon, Media, Persia, and Greece. The cli-
radical change, not only in the fortunes of Israel but in the
max of the revelations relates to the persecution of the Jews
conditions of human life. An addition to the Book of Isaiah
by King Antiochus Epiphanes of Syria from 168 to 164 BCE.
(Is. 65:17) declares that the Lord will create a new heaven
The historical references in Daniel 10–12 can be verified
and a new earth. The Book of Joel speaks of the Day of the
down to the time of persecution, but the king did not die
Lord as a day of cosmic judgment (Jl. 3–4). Isaiah 24–27 say
in the manner predicted in Daniel 11:40–45. Already in an-
that God will destroy death forever (Is. 25:8) and kill Levia-
tiquity, critics inferred that the Book of Daniel was not writ-
than, the sea–dragon (Is. 27:1). Because of the similarity of
ten in the Babylonian period, but in the time of persecution,
these themes to those found later in Daniel and the Book of
before the actual death of Antiochus Epiphanes became
Revelation, many scholars refer to these chapters as “the
known in Jerusalem. The lengthy predictions are ex eventu,
Apocalypse of Isaiah.” In these and other postexilic oracles
or prophecy after the fact. The accuracy of these predictions
an increased use of mythic imagery describes the coming
helps reassure the reader that the part still unfulfilled (the end
judgment. Ancient Near Eastern creation myths often de-
of the persecution and the resurrection) is also reliable. The
scribed a battle between the creator god and a chaos monster
purpose of the revelations is to assure the persecuted Jews
(e.g., the Babylonian Enuma Elish). In postexilic prophecy,
that their deliverance is at hand. The reassurance is sup-
and also in the apocalyptic literature, this battle is projected
ported by several claims of authority: the revelation is given
into the future. The symbolism of the sea–dragon Leviathan
by an angel to a famous ancient figure, and much of it could
also underlies the beasts that arise from the sea in Daniel 7
already be verified at the time the book was actually written.
and the seven–headed beast in Revelation 18. The late pro-
It is essential to an apocalypse that the revelation is “out of
phetic texts also resemble the apocalypses insofar as both de-
this world.” It reveals a hidden reality no one could know
pict the current situation as desperate and both look for God
without such revelation.
to change radically the conditions of human existence.
The historical apocalypses in 1 Enoch are less colorful
Despite these similarities, however, there are also signifi-
than in Daniel but exhibit a similar logic. In this case the re-
cant differences between the late prophetic texts and the
cipient is more ancient than Daniel. Enoch supposedly lived
apocalypses. The prophetic oracles either are attributed to
before the Flood. According to Genesis, Enoch did not die
the actual prophets who delivered them (Zechariah, Joel) or
but was taken up to heaven (Gn. 5:24). He was therefore ex-
are anonymous additions to other prophetic books, such as
ceptionally well qualified to convey revelation to humanity.
Isaiah. The apocalypses, in contrast, are pseudonymous: they
Living before the Flood, Enoch is able to “predict” the entire
are attributed to famous ancient figures such as Enoch and
course of history, from before the Flood to the crisis of the
Daniel. It is unlikely that the actual authors concealed their
Hellenistic age. The Animal Apocalypse recounts a symbolic
identity for fear of persecution; rather, the name of the an-
dream in which the human actors are symbolized as animals,
cient figure was probably thought to enhance the authority
as was also the case in Daniel 7–8. The Apocalypse of Weeks
of the writing. The interpreting angel appears in Zechariah,
is an instruction of Enoch to his children, based on what he
but not otherwise in the prophetic writings. The apocalypses
had seen in the heavenly books. In this case history is divided
often divide history into periods (e.g., four kingdoms, ten
into periods that are called weeks (compare Daniel 9). The
weeks). The most important difference, however, is in the
wicked are defeated at the end of the seventh week. In the
expectation about the last things, or eschatology. Whereas all
tenth week there is a cosmic judgment when the first heaven
these texts expect the restoration of Israel, the apocalypses
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APOCALYPSE: JEWISH APOCALYPTICISM TO THE RABBINIC PERIOD
also expect the resurrection and judgment of the individual
of the heavenly temple. Then he is taken on a tour to the
dead. Even Isaiah 24–27, which say that God will swallow
ends of the earth, guided by an angel. He is shown such
up death, expect neither the resurrection nor judgment of the
places as the storehouses of the winds and the places where
individual dead. It is in the apocalypses of Daniel and Enoch
the dead are kept to await judgment. He is also shown the
that the resurrection and judgment of individuals first ap-
place prepared for the judgment in the middle of the earth.
peared in Jewish tradition. This new belief entailed a pro-
found shift in value systems. Prior to this, “salvation” was to
Traditions about ascents to heaven and descents to the
live a long life and see one’s children’s children. Now the goal
netherworld can be found in many traditions in the ancient
of life was to live with the angels in heaven. Consequently,
world. The closest analogy to Enoch is provided by the leg-
it made sense to let oneself be killed in time of persecution
endary Mesopotamian king Enmeduranki, who was taken up
rather than break the law. The apocalyptic belief in resurrec-
to heaven and shown the tablets of heaven, and who became
tion would be crucially important for the origin of Christian-
founder of a guild of diviners. It is likely that the earliest
ity.The apocalypses are sometimes seen as an outgrowth of
stages of the Enoch tradition developed in the Babylonian
wisdom tradition rather than prophecy. Enoch and Daniel
Diaspora. The Astronomical Book (1 Enoch 72–82) is in-
are presented as wise men rather than as prophets, and the
debted to Babylonian astronomy, but of a rather archaic sort.
apocalypses place great emphasis on understanding. None-
In the Book of the Watchers, a clear contrast exists between
theless, the content of the apocalypses bears little similarity
the Watchers, who were heavenly but descended to earth and
to that of the wisdom books. Jewish wisdom was traditional-
consequently perished, and Enoch, the human being who as-
ly very this-worldly and practical.
cended to heaven to live forever with the angels. The impli-
cation is that one should aspire to live a heavenly, spiritual,
The apocalypses deal with heavenly mysteries. It seems
life.
likely, however, that the authors of the apocalypses were
learned people (in their fashion), although their kind of
Unlike Daniel or the historical apocalypses, the Book of
learning was traditional and not scientific. The apocalypses
the Watchers does not seem to have originated in a time of
are not popular folk literature, but rather the works of literate
persecution. Some scholars read the story of the Watchers as
scribes. It is possible but difficult to prove that the historical
an allegory for the spread of Greek culture in the Near East,
apocalypses were indebted to Persian models. Typical fea-
which often conflicted with native traditions. Others think
tures of the apocalypses, such as the periodization of history
the Watchers represent the priests of the Hellenistic period
and the belief in resurrection, are also prominent in the Per-
who were thought to have fallen from their state of holiness.
sian apocalyptic tradition. The Persian material, however, is
The story is not directly allegorical in the manner of the sym-
notoriously difficult to date, and so its relation to the Jewish
bolic visions of Daniel. Most basically, however, it seems to
tradition remains controversial.
represent a conflict of cultures. After the Watchers descended
T
to earth, the world was changed. The sense seems to be that
HE OTHERWORLDLY JOURNEY. The second type of apoca-
lypse is the otherworldly journey. The Book of the Watchers
the new developments in the Near East in the Hellenistic pe-
in 1 Enoch 1–36 is an early example, although somewhat
riod defiled the world, and the reaction of the pious, repre-
atypical. This book elaborates upon a brief and enigmatic
sented by Enoch, is to withdraw by ascending to heaven, if
story in Genesis 6 about the sons of God who married the
only in their imagination, to live with the angels. This goal
daughters of men. In Genesis, God reacts by limiting the life-
would be fully realized after death. In the meantime, the ex-
span of human beings to 120 years. Shortly afterwards, the
ample of Enoch encouraged a tendency to mysticism that
wickedness of humankind is so great that God sends the
would be developed in later Jewish tradition.
Flood, but this is not directly related to the descent of
Later Jewish mystics had techniques by which they
the sons of God in Genesis. The Book of the Watchers makes
could “descend to the chariot” or initiate visionary experi-
the connection explicit. The Watchers are fallen angels.
ence. It is noteworthy that both Daniel and Enoch describe
Their descent is an act of rebellion. They are guilty not only
certain practices that induce their visions. Daniel fasts for
of sexual sin but also of improper revelation and of spreading
three weeks and does not anoint himself (Dn. 10:2–3).
violence on earth. Eventually God decrees that they should
Enoch sits by the water and reads a petition aloud until he
be destroyed and imprisoned under the earth. This story pro-
falls asleep (1 Enoch 13:7). In the later apocalypse of 4 Ezra,
vides a different paradigm for the origin of evil from the
Ezra eats the flower of the field and has a wonderful vision
more familiar story of Adam and Eve. Here sin does not arise
(4 Ezr. 9:26). Similar practices are known to induce visions
because of human disobedience but is imported into the
in other cultures. The difficulty in the case of the Jewish texts
world by supernatural agents.
is that all these visionaries are pseudonymous, so there is no
Enoch is introduced into this story as a righteous scribe
way of knowing if the experiences attributed to them were
who is asked to intercede for the Watchers. The intercession
the experiences of the actual authors. Nonetheless, it appears
is not successful, but it provides an occasion for an ascent to
that the authors were familiar with the practices of the vi-
heaven. Enoch is taken up on the clouds and brought into
sionaries, and the possibility that they themselves practiced
the presence of the Most High. He sees the inner chambers
such techniques remains intriguing.
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417
THE SPREAD OF APOCALYPTICISM. The corpus of Jewish
and as angelic/demonic powers that inspire the dispositions.
apocalypses from the pre-Christian period is quite small, but
All humanity is divided between these spirits and will remain
characteristic themes and ideas of this literature became
so until the predetermined time when God will put an end
widespread and also appear in other genres. For example, the
to iniquity. This view of history is more sharply dualistic
Sibylline Oracles, written in Greek hexameters in the Jewish
than anything else in Jewish tradition, and it is clearly in-
Diaspora, share many features of the historical apocalypses,
debted to Zoroastrianism. It resembles the apocalypses, how-
especially the long overview of history in the guise of prophe-
ever, in the attempt to give a comprehensive account of his-
cy and the division into periods. The earliest Jewish Sibylline
tory, the division into periods, and the expectation of a final
Oracles derive from Egypt in the second century BCE. These
judgment. The final denouement of history is addressed di-
oracles look for a restoration of the Jewish people around Je-
rectly in the Rule of the War, which prescribes preparations
rusalem. The fourth book of Sibylline Oracles, from the late
for a final war between the Children of Light and the Chil-
first century CE, is thought to have been composed in Syria
dren of Darkness, in which the Children of Light will be led
or Palestine, and has a more strongly apocalyptic character.
by the archangel Michael and the Children of Darkness by
This oracle concludes with a cosmic conflagration and the
Belial (another name for Satan) The sectarian scrolls express
resurrection of the dead. The genre of testament, or death-
a consistent belief that the righteous will enjoy a beatific af-
bed instruction, also typically involves an overview of history
terlife, whereas the wicked are damned to everlasting fire.
in the guise of prophecy. The Testaments of the Twelve Pa-
(They do not express a belief in resurrection: the spirits or
triarchs contain the main corpus of testaments, including
souls of the dead go directly to their reward or punishment.)
much material of Jewish origin, but they were clearly edited
The most distinctive belief in these scrolls, however, is that
by Christians in their final form, and their value for the study
the righteous do not have to wait until after death to enjoy
of Judaism is controversial. It should be noted that the Apoc-
their reward. Already in their community life, they enjoy the
alypse of Weeks in 1 Enoch can be construed as a testament,
fellowship with the angels that is the destiny of the righteous
as it is presented as an instruction by Enoch to his children
after death in the apocalypses. This belief is expressed espe-
rather than a direct account of the revelation.
cially in the hymns of the community.
The main evidence for the influence of apocalyptic be-
The fact that the sectarians did not express these beliefs
liefs outside the apocalypses in pre–rabbinic Judaism is
in the form of apocalyptic visions is related to the structure
found in the Dead Sea Scrolls, which are thought to consti-
of authority in their community. The primary mediator of
tute the library of a sectarian movement, most probably the
revelation is the Teacher, the person who gave the movement
Essenes. The Scrolls include multiple copies of the apoca-
its distinctive character. He in turn based his teachings on
lypses of Daniel and Enoch. These were not products of the
the interpretation of the Torah. The sectarians, then, did not
sectarian movement itself, but part of the larger corpus of
need to base their revelations on the authority of Enoch or
Jewish literature in its library. They also contain several frag-
Daniel. The role filled by these figures in the apocalypses was
mentary works, mostly in Aramaic, that are clearly related to
now filled by the Teacher and his interpretations.
the apocalypses, but whose genre is difficult to determine be-
Apart from the Dead Sea Scrolls there is very little litera-
cause of their fragmentary state. These include at least two
ture from Israel from around the turn of the era (200 BCE
works in the name of Daniel that are distinct from the bibli-
to 200 CE). The historian Josephus wrote of various prophets
cal book, each of which contains a prediction of the course
and would–be messiahs in the first century CE who hoped
of history and an eschatological conclusion (4Q243–244;
for divine intervention to restore a Judean kingdom. The ca-
4Q245). Other possible apocalypses include a vision that
reer of Jesus of Nazareth belongs in this context. While the
foresees the coming of a figure who is called “Son of God,”
aims of the historical Jesus are very controversial, he is por-
(most probably the messiah, 4Q246) and a vision in which
trayed in the Gospels as an apocalyptic prophet who prophe-
someone sees four trees, representing four kingdoms
sied that the Son of man would come on the clouds of heav-
(4Q552–553). Because the main sectarian texts are all in He-
en, as foretold in Daniel 7. After Jesus’ death, his followers
brew, some scholars think that this Aramaic literature is part
believed he was risen again and would return as the Son of
of the wider Jewish literature of the time.
man. We have no way of knowing just how widespread such
ideas were in the first century
It is not clear that the sect represented by the Scrolls ac-
CE, but they were evidently
current.
tually composed new writings in the form of apocalypses.
The clearly sectarian writings use different genres: rule
THE LATER HISTORICAL APOCALYPSES. Most of the surviv-
books, biblical commentaries, and hymns. But some of these
ing historical apocalypses are clustered around two great his-
writings are profoundly influenced by apocalyptic ideas. In
torical crises: the persecution by Antiochus Epiphanes from
the Community Rule (1QS) a treatise on creation and escha-
168 to 164 BCE and the destruction of Jerusalem by the Ro-
tology is inserted in columns 3 and 4 before the actual rules
mans in 70 CE. The Similitudes of Enoch (1 Enoch 37–71),
and regulations. According to this treatise, when God created
probably dating from the first half of the first century CE,
humanity he also created two spirits, of light and darkness.
provide one exception. This apocalypse adapts both types of
The spirits are viewed both as dispositions that people share
apocalypse discussed, in that Enoch is taken up to heaven
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APOCALYPSE: JEWISH APOCALYPTICISM TO THE RABBINIC PERIOD
and sees his visions there, but he is not given a tour, and there
ascent of Levi attested in a fragmentary Aramaic text from
is no description of a journey. The visions are clearly indebt-
the Dead Sea Scrolls. 3 Baruch, written in Greek, comes from
ed to Daniel, especially Daniel 7, but there is no overview
the period after the destruction of the Temple. In this case
of history such as we find in the other historical apocalypses.
there is no attempt to address the problem of theodicy. Ba-
Much of the interest of this apocalypse centers on a figure
ruch is told to stop worrying about the fate of Jerusalem and
called “that Son of Man,” who is clearly modeled on the “one
to contemplate instead the mysteries of God. This somewhat
like a son of man” in Daniel 7. The figure from the Simili-
detached view of the fate of Jerusalem was probably more
tudes of Enoch is depicted as a kind of super-angel who is
feasible for a Jew who lived in Egypt, as the author of 3 Ba-
the heavenly patron of the righteous on earth. At the end of
ruch apparently did, than for someone who lived in the land
the Similitudes, Enoch is taken up to heaven again and told,
of Israel. Another major account of an ascent through the
“you are the Son of Man who has righteousness.” There is
heavens is ascribed to Enoch in a text only preserved in Sla-
no indication in the earlier chapters that Enoch and the Son
vonic (2 Enoch), but it is thought to have been written in
of Man are one and the same. It may be that the passage
Greek at the beginning of the era, most probably in Egypt.
identifying Enoch with the Son of Man is a secondary addi-
These ascent texts show little concern for history, although
tion. It is also possible that Enoch is being told that he is “a
one apocalypse, the Apocalypse of Abraham, combines a
righteous man,” like the Son of Man, rather than identified
heavenly journey with a brief historical review.
with him. Throughout the Similitudes there is emphasis on
THE RABBIS AND APOCALYPTICISM. Judaism in the ancient
the correspondence between the righteous in heaven and the
world changed radically at the end of the first century CE be-
righteous on earth, with the implication that the human
cause of a series of Jewish revolts against Rome that were
righteous are elevated to join their heavenly counterparts
crushed mercilessly. Jerusalem was destroyed. The once
when they die. Some scholars have suspected that the Simili-
flourishing Jewish community in Egypt was virtually wiped
tudes, which are not found in the Dead Sea Scrolls, are of
out. The rabbis who salvaged Jewish traditions in Palestine
later Christian origin, but it is inconceivable that a Christian
were understandably cautious and avoided anything that
author would have failed to identify Jesus as the Son of Man.
might seem to encourage revolution and rebellion by pre-
Two of the longest Jewish apocalyptic texts were com-
dicting that God would intervene to overthrow the enemies
posed in the years after the destruction of Jerusalem. These
of Israel. The great compilations of Jewish law, the Mishnah
are 4 Ezra (= 2 Esdras 3–14) and 2 Baruch (Syriac). These
and the Talmud, have scarcely a glimmer of apocalyptic
apocalypses differ from the older apocalypses in Daniel and
hope. The tradition of historical apocalypticism died out in
Enoch insofar as they engage the question of theodicy. Both
Judaism for several centuries.
are ostensibly reflections on the first destruction of Jerusalem
The tradition of the otherworldly journey, however, was
(by the Babylonians), but there is little doubt that the works
taken over and adapted by Jewish mystics. Continuity with
were actually written after the second destruction. 4 Ezra be-
the earlier apocalypses is most clearly evident in the text
gins with a series of dialogues between Ezra and an angel. In
known as Sefer heikhalot, or 3 Enoch. This complex text cites
each case, Ezra complains bitterly about the destruction, and
Rabbi Ishmael, from the early second century CE, but was
the angel responds by telling him God knows best and every-
probably compiled in the fifth or sixth century CE. The most
thing will be resolved in due time. Ezra does not seem to be
intriguing feature of this text is the figure of Metatron, a kind
convinced. Then he has a vision in which he sees a woman
of super-angel and even called “the lesser YHWH.” Amaz-
transformed into a city, representing Jerusalem. The imme-
ingly, this figure is identified as none other than Enoch,
diacy of the vision seems to persuade where the words of the
taken up to heaven and exalted. 3 Enoch, appears to continue
angel did not. Ezra then sees two other visions that follow
the tradition found at the end of the Similitudes, that Enoch
the typical conventions of the historical apocalypse. (Both
was taken up to heaven and either identified or closely associ-
are influenced by Daniel.) In the end, Ezra is inspired to re-
ated with a heavenly being. The Jewish mystical tradition,
store the Law, which had been burnt, but also to write out
of which 3 Enoch is part, continued to flourish down to the
seventy other books that contain the secret of wisdom. 2 Ba-
Middle Ages.
ruch has a similar view of the future but lacks the skeptical
questioning of divine justice that distinguishes 4 Ezra. Both
BIBLIOGRAPHY
of these apocalypses give a prominent place to the messiah,
Charlesworth, James H., ed. The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,
a figure who was not represented at all in the early apoca-
vol. 1. Apocalyptic Literature and Testaments. New York,
1983. The major nonbiblical apocalyptic texts in English
lypses of Enoch and Daniel.
translation.
THE LATER OTHERWORLDLY JOURNEYS. The subgenre
Collins, John J. Daniel: A Commentary on the Book of Daniel. Min-
“otherworldly journey” is attested primarily in the early cen-
neapolis, 1993.
turies of the Common Era. Whereas Enoch was taken on a
Collins, John J. Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls. London,
tour of the ends of the earth, the later visionaries are typically
1997.
taken up through a series of heavens. The classic number is
Collins, John J. The Apocalyptic Imagination. 2d ed. Grand Rap-
seven, but other numbers are also attested (three, seven, ten).
ids, Mich., 1998. Standard introduction to the Jewish apoca-
Besides the ascent of Enoch to the divine throne, there is an
lypses.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOCALYPSE: MEDIEVAL JEWISH APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE
419
Collins, John J., ed. The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, vol. 1, The
As is characteristic of apocalyptic literature, the book is
Origins of Apocalypticism in Judaism and Christianity. New
pseudepigraphically ascribed to a biblical figure, in this case
York, 1998. Contains essays on various aspects of Jewish
to Zerubbabel, the last ruler of Judaea from the House of
apocalypticism, including the Dead Sea Scrolls, messianism,
David, whose name is associated with the attempts to rebuild
and mysticism.
the Temple in Jerusalem following the Babylonian exile. He
Gruenwald, Ithamar. Apocalyptic and Merkavah Mysticism. Lei-
is presented as the beneficiary of a series of auditions and vi-
den, the Netherlands, 1980. Shows the continuity between
sions. The angel Michael (or Metatron as he is also called
the apocalyptic literature and later Jewish mysticism.
here) reveals himself to Zerubbabel and leads him to Rome,
Hanson, Paul D. The Dawn of Apocalyptic. Philadelphia, 1975.
where he encounters a “bruised and despised man” in the
Stimulating study of postexilic prophecy as early apoca-
marketplace. The latter turns out to be the Messiah, son of
lypticism.
David, named here Menah:em ben EAmmiDel. The Messiah
Himmelfarb, Martha. Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian
informs Zerubbabel that he is waiting in Rome until the time
Apocalypses. New York, 1993. Careful study of the ascent
is ripe for his appearance. Michael then proceeds to relate to
apocalypses.
Zerubbabel the events that will lead up to the End of Days.
Nickelsburg, George W. E. 1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book
of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1–36; 81–108. Minneapolis, 2001. De-
Zerubbabel is informed that the forerunner of the Mes-
tailed commentary on 1 Enoch.
siah, son of David, the Messiah, son of Joseph, identified as
Rowland, Christopher. The Open Heaven. A Study of Apocalyptic
Neh:emyah ben H:ushiDel, will gather all of the Jews to Jerusa-
in Judaism and Early Christianity. New York, 1982. Empha-
lem, where they will dwell for four years and where they will
sizes the mystical aspects of the apocalypses.
practice the ancient sacrifices. In the fifth year the king of
Persia will rise over Israel, but a woman who accompanies
Sacchi, Paolo. Jewish Apocalyptic and its History. Sheffield, U.K.,
1997. Finds the root idea of apocalypticism in the sin of the
Neh:emyah, Hephzibah, mother of the Messiah, son of
Watchers in 1 Enoch.
David, will successfully resist the enemy with the help of a
“rod of salvation” that she possesses.
Stone, Michael E. Fourth Ezra. A Commentary on the Book of
Fourth Ezra. Minneapolis, 1990. Detailed commentary on
Following these events Zerubbabel is shown a marble
4 Ezra.
statue in Rome of a beautiful woman; he is told that Satan
VanderKam, James C. Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic
will cohabit with this woman, who will thereupon give birth
Tradition. Washington, D.C., 1984. Discusses the Babylo-
to Armilus, a cruel tyrant who will achieve dominion over
nian models for the figure of Enoch.
the whole world. Armilus (whose name may be derived from
JOHN J. COLLINS (2005)
Romulus, founder of Rome) will then come to Jerusalem
with nine other kings, over whom he will rule. He will wage
war against Israel, slaying Neh:emyah ben H:ushiDel and driv-
ing the survivors of Israel into the desert. Suddenly, however,
APOCALYPSE: MEDIEVAL JEWISH
on the eve of the festival of Passover, the Messiah son of
APOCALYPTIC LITERATURE
David will appear in the desert to redeem the Jewish people.
While the Talmudic and Midrashic literature of late antiqui-
Angered by the scorn and disbelief with which he is greeted
ty appropriated various elements of the classical apocalyptic
by the elders of the community, he will shed his tattered
of the intertestamental period, it did so in an unsystematic
clothes for “garments of vengeance” (Is. 59:17) and go up to
and fragmentary fashion. Apocalyptic themes competed for
Jerusalem, where he will prove his identity by conquering Ar-
attention amidst a wide range of contrasting views on escha-
milus and the forces of evil. As with much of this literature,
tological matters in rabbinic literature. The early decades of
this book does not describe the messianic age itself, but fo-
the seventh century, however, witnessed the reemergence of
cuses on the developments leading up to it.
a full-fledged apocalyptic literature in Hebrew. Produced
primarily between the seventh and tenth centuries in the
The Sefer Zerubbavel became extremely popular and
Land of Israel and the Near East, these generally brief but
widely influential. The characters and events depicted in this
fascinating treatises exhibit a rather clearly recognizable set
work provided the basis for a considerable variety of apoca-
of messianic preoccupations and literary themes.
lyptic texts over the next several centuries, including the final
section of Midrash Vayosha E, the Secrets of Rabbi Shim Eon bar
This literature may be illustrated by reference to one of
Yoh:ai, the Prayer of Shim Eon bar Yoh: Eai, apocalyptic poems
the most important and influential of these works, Sefer
by ElEazar Kallir, and the eighth chapter of SaEadyah Gaon’s
Zerubbavel (Book of Zerubbabel). Composed in Hebrew in
important philosophical treatise, the Book of Beliefs and
the early part of the seventh century, probably shortly before
Opinions.
the rise of Islam, the Sefer Zerubbavel may have been written
within the context of the military victories achieved by the
The messianic speculation found in these and other
Byzantine emperor Heraclius against the Persians in the year
works is characterized by several distinctive features, which,
629. These historical events no doubt incited speculation
when taken together, provide a shape to Jewish medieval
concerning the conditions under which the final messianic
apocalyptic literature. There is, for example, a preoccupation
battles would be waged and their ultimate outcome.
with the political vicissitudes of great empires; historical up-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
420
APOCATASTASIS
heavals are regarded as bearing momentous messianic signifi-
apocalyptic literature developed in a religious climate that
cance. There is, moreover, a concern for the broad march of
also gave rise to a variety of short-lived messianic movements.
history, of which contemporary events are but a part, leading
Their connection to apocalypticism may be seen in the mili-
up to the final tribulations and vindication of the people of
tant activism, the penchant for identifying signs of the messi-
Israel. In the apocalyptic literature, redemption is not a mat-
anic age, and the consuming interest in international events
ter for theoretical speculation but a process that has already
that typically characterized these movements. Particularly
begun, whose culmination is relatively imminent and whose
between the seventh and twelfth centuries, especially under
timing can be calculated. A related feature of this literature
Muslim rule in the Near East and Spain, a number of small
is the sense that historical and messianic events have a life
movements emerged. In the seventeenth century the most
of their own, independent of the behavior of human beings.
significant messianic movement in Judaism since the birth
There is an inevitability to the force of events with little re-
of Christianity came into existence—Shabbateanism. Cen-
gard for the choices that Israel might make, such as to repent
tered around the figure of a Turkish Jew, Shabbetai Tsevi
and gain God’s favor. Nor do the authors of these texts in-
(1626–1676), the movement, which stirred intense messian-
dulge in theorizing about why events unfold as they do, other
ic turmoil throughout the Near East and Europe, incorporat-
than the obvious fact that righteousness is destined to win
ed within it elements of apocalypticism. Various Shabbatean
over evil.
apocalypses were written (some of which included enlarged
and revised versions of Sefer Zerubbavel) and employed for
From a literary point of view, the apocalyptic treatises
the purposes of confirming the messiahship of Shabbetai
are, like their themes, extravagant. They revel in fantastic de-
Tsevi and justifying his antinomian behavior.
scriptions of their heroes and antiheroes, richly narrating the
events that they reveal, and often regard their protagonists
SEE ALSO Messianism, article on Jewish Messianism; Shab-
as symbols for the cosmic forces of good and evil. Another
betai Tsevi.
feature of apocalyptic literature is its revelatory character;
knowledge of heavenly secrets and mysteries not attainable
BIBLIOGRAPHY
through ordinary means are revealed, typically by angels who
The most important collection of primary sources for medieval
serve as messengers from on high.
Jewish apocalyptic literature is Midreshei ge Eulah, in Hebrew,
In subsequent centuries various authors wrote under the
edited by Yehudah Even-ShemuDel (Jerusalem, 1954). This
volume also contains excellent bibliographical information.
influence of these early medieval apocalyptic texts. The six-
A somewhat dated but still useful overview of this literature
teenth century, in particular, witnessed an explosion in Med-
in English is Abba Hillel Silver’s A History of Messianic Specu-
iterranean regions of messianic writing that had strong over-
lation in Israel from the First through the Seventeenth Centuries
tones of apocalypticism. In the wake of the calamitous
(New York, 1927), especially part 1, chapter 2. Concerning
expulsion of Jewry from Spain and Portugal in the last de-
the apocalyptic tendencies of the Shabbatean movement, see
cade of the fifteenth century, messianic calculation and es-
Gershom Scholem’s Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah,
chatological ferment were widespread, especially among the
1626–1676 (Princeton, 1973).
Jewish communities of the Mediterranean. Apocalyptically
New Sources
oriented writings of this period include, among others, the
Cook, Stephen L. Prophecy and Apocalypticism: The Postexilic So-
extensive and highly influential works of Isaac Abravanel
cial Setting. Minneapolis, 1995.
(1437–1508), whose interpretation of the Book of Daniel led
Himmelfarb, Martha. Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian
him to calculate the year 1503 as the beginning of the messi-
Apocalypses. New York, 1993.
anic age; the anonymously authored Kaf ha-Qetoret (Spoon-
Sacchi, Paolo. Jewish Apocalyptic and Its History. London, 1996.
ful of incense; c. 1500), which interprets the Psalms as battle
hymns for the final apocalyptic wars; the treatises of a Jerusa-
Stuckenbruck, Loren. “The ‘Angels’ and ‘Giants’ of Genesis 6:1–4
in Second and Third Century
lem rabbi and qabbalist, Avraham ben EliEezer ha-Levi
BCE Jewish Interpretation: Re-
flections on the Posture of Early Apocalyptic Traditions.”
(c. 1460–after 1528); and the work of Shelomoh Molkho
Dead Sea Discoveries 7 (November 2000): 354–377.
(c. 1501–1532).
VanderKam, James C., and William Adler. The Jewish Apocalyptic
Medieval apocalyptic literature had at least two impor-
Heritage in Early Christianity. Minneapolis, 1996.
tant historical consequences. First, it played a highly signifi-
LAWRENCE FINE (1987)
cant role in shaping the vision that Jews had concerning the
Revised Bibliography
events leading up to the End of Days. Most rationalist think-
ers, exemplified best by Moses Maimonides (1135/8–1204),
opposed the apocalyptic conception that the eschaton would
be accompanied by cataclysmic events and that the messianic
APOCATASTASIS. The oldest known usage of the
era would differ radically from the established natural order.
Greek word apokatastasis (whence the English apocatastasis)
But despite such reservations on the part of philosophical ra-
dates from the fourth century BCE: it is found in Aristotle
tionalists, apocalyptic visions and themes occupied a promi-
(Magna Moralia 2.7.1204b), where it refers to the restoration
nent place in the medieval Jewish imagination. Second,
of a being to its natural state. During the Hellenistic age it
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOCATASTASIS
421
developed a cosmological and astrological meaning, varia-
identified it with the sidereal Great Year concluded either by
tions of which can be detected (but with a very different con-
a kataklusmos (flood) or by an ekpurosis (conflagration). Cic-
cept of time) in Gnostic systems and even in Christian theol-
ero defined it (with Aristotle) as the restoration of the seven
ogy, whether orthodox or heterodox, especially in the
planets to their point of departure, and sometimes as the re-
theology of Origen.
turn of all the stars (including the fixed ones) to their initial
position. The estimates of its length varied considerably,
MEDICAL, MORAL, AND JURIDICAL MEANING. Plato em-
ranging from 2,484 years (Aristarchus); to 10,800 years
ployed the verb kathistanai in the sense of to “reestablish” to
(Heraclitus); 12,954 years (Cicero); 15,000 years (Macrobi-
a normal state following a temporary physical alteration
us); 300,000 years (Firmicus Maternus), and up to
(Philebus 42d). The prefix apo- in apokathistanai seems to re-
3,600,000 years (Cassandra). Diogenes of Babylon multi-
inforce the idea of an integral reestablishment to the original
plied Heraclitus’s Great Year by 365.
situation. Such is the return of the sick person to health
(Hippocrates, 1258f.; Aretaeus, 9.22). The verb has this
The Neoplatonist Proclus attributes the doctrines of
meaning in the Gospels in the context of the hand made bet-
apocatastasis to the “Assyrians,” in other words to the astrol-
ter by Christ (Mt. 12:13; Mk. 3:5, Lk. 6:10). There are Hel-
ogers or “Chaldeans.” However, Hellenistic astrology also
lenistic references to the apocatastasis, or “resetting,” of a
drew from Egyptian traditions. The 36,525 books that Ma-
joint. In a psychological sense, the same meaning is present
netho (285–247 BCE) attributed to Hermes Trismegistos
(with nuances that are hard to specify) in magical papyri and
represent the amount of 25 zodiac periods of 1,461 years
in the so-called Mithraic Liturgy. Origen (Against Celsus
each, that is, probably one Great Year (Gundel and Gundel,
2.24) uses the verb in his commentary on Job 5:18 (“For he
1966). The texts of Hermes Trismegistos make reference to
wounds, but he binds up; he smites, but his hands heal”) in
the apocatastasis (Hermetica 8.17, 11.2; Asklepios 13). In the
one of several expositions where he compares the divine in-
first century BCE, the neo-Pythagorean Nigidius Figulus per-
struction on salvation to a method of therapy. The shift to
haps conceived the palingenetic cycle as being a great cosmic
a spiritual acceptation is evident, for example, in Philo Judae-
week crowned by the reign of Apollo. Whence the celebrated
us (Who Is the Heir 293), where “the perfect apocatastasis of
verses of Vergil’s Fourth Eclogue: “A great order is born out
the soul” confirms the philosophical healing that follows the
of the fullness of ages . . . now your Apollo reigns.” The re-
two stages of infancy, first unformed and then corrupt. The
turn of Apollo corresponds to that of the Golden Age. The
soul recovers the health of its primitive state after a series of
noun apocatastasis (as well as the verb from which it derives)
disturbances.
always evoked the restoration of the old order. It often im-
plied a “nostalgia for origins.” It is no accident that, in the
In a sociopolitical context, apocatastasis may signify a
scheme of the Mithraic mysteries, the last of the “doors” is
reestablishment of civil peace (Polybius, 4.23. l), or of an in-
made out of gold and corresponds to the sun, since the order
dividual into his family (Polybius, 3.99.6), or the restoration
of these planetary doors is that of a week in reverse; there is
of his rights (readmission of a soldier into an army, restora-
the presupposition of a backward progression to the begin-
tion of an exiled citizen to his prerogatives, etc.). Thus the
ning of time. In the teaching of the Stoics, this new begin-
verb apokathistanai is applied to the return of the Jews to the
ning is seen as having to repeat itself indefinitely, following
Holy Land after the captivity of Babylon (Jer. 15:9) as well
a constant periodicity that rules out of chance, disorder, and
as to the expression of messianic and eschatological hopes.
freedom. During the imperial age, the Roman mystique of
Yet the noun form is not found in the Septuagint.
renovatio rested upon the same basic concept (Turcan, 1981,
pp. 22ff.).
ASTRAL APOCATASTASIS AND THE GREAT YEAR. The popu-
larity and development of astrology influenced the cosmo-
GNOSTIC APOCATASTASES. In Gnosticism, apocatastasis also
logical systems of Hellenistic philosophy starting at the end
corresponds to a restoration of order, but in a spiritual and
of the fourth century
eschatological way from the perspective of a history of salva-
BCE. Apocatastasis here refers to the pe-
riodic return of the stars to their initial position, and the du-
tion that is fundamentally foreign to the Stoics’ “eternal re-
ration of the cycle amounts to a “Great Year.” Plato defines
turn.” The Christ of the Valentinians “restores” the soul to
the matter without using the word in the Timaeus (39d),
the Pleroma. Heracleon interprets the wages of the reaper
where he talks of the eight spheres. Eudemius attributed to
(Jn. 4:36) as being the salvation of souls and their “apo-
the Pythagoreans a theory of eternal return, but the Great
catastasis” into eternal life (Origen, Commentary on the Gos-
Year of Oenopides and Philolaus involves only the sun. That
pel of John 13.46.299). The Valentinian Wisdom (Sophia)
of Aristotle, who calls it the “complete year,” takes into ac-
is reintegrated through apocatastasis to the Pleroma, as En-
count the seven planets: it also includes a “great winter”
thumesis will also be. The female aio¯n Achamoth awaits the
(with a flood) and a “great summer” (with a conflagration).
return of the Savior so that he might “restore” her syzygy.
Yet one could trace back to Heraclitus the principle of uni-
For Marcus, the universal restoration coincides with a return
versal palingenesis periodically renewing the cosmos by fire,
to unity. All these systems tell the story of a restoration of
as well as the setting of the length of the Great Year at 10,800
an order disturbed by thought.
years (this latter point is still in dispute). The astronomic
The concept of the followers of Basilides is difficult in-
teaching on the apocatastasis was refined by the Stoics, who
deed to elucidate, since they imagine at the beginning of all
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
422
APOCATASTASIS
things not a Pleroma but nonbeing. Given this premise,
and the restoration of incorporeal souls. Yet there is still dis-
there is no talk about a restoration to an initial state, even
cussion concerning this principal aspect of Origen’s eschatol-
less to the truly primitive state of nothingness. However, for
ogy. Astronomical theories and Greek cosmology seem also
the Basilidians the salvation that leads men to God amounts
to have inspired the Greek bishop Synesius of Cyrene, a con-
to no less than a reestablishment of order (Hippolytus, Philo-
vert from Neoplatonism. Yet Tatian (Address to the Greeks 6.
sophuma 7.27.4). Like the Stoics, Basilides linked apocatasta-
2) had already emphasized what fundamentally set Christian
sis to astral revolutions: the coming of the Savior was to coin-
apocatastasis apart: it depends upon God (and not upon side-
cide “with the return of the hours to their point of
real revolutions) and is completed once and for all at the end
departure.” (ibid., 6.1). Yet this soteriological process is his-
of time, without being repeated indefinitely.
torical: it unfolds within linear rather than cyclical time. The
Basilidian apocatastasis is not regressive but rather progres-
SEE ALSO Ages of the World; Golden Age.
sive and definitive. Some other Gnostics integrated astral
B
apocatastasis into their systems: the Manichaeans seem to
IBLIOGRAPHY
Bouché-Leclercq, Auguste. L’astrologie grecque (1899). Brussels,
have conceived of a Great Year of 12,000 years with a final
1963.
conflagration.
Carcopino, J. Virgile et le mystère de la quatrième eglogue. Paris,
CHRISTIAN APOCATASTASIS. In the New Testament, the first
1943.
evidence of the noun apocatastasis used in an eschatological
Crouzel, Henri. “Différences entre les ressuscités selon Origène,”
sense is found in Acts of the Apostles 3:21: Peter states that
Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 9, supp., Gedenkschrift
heaven must keep Jesus “till the universal apocatastasis
für A. Stuiber (1982): 107–116.
comes.” According to André Méhat (1956, p. 209), this
Daniélou, Jean. “L’apocatastase chez saint Grégoire de Nysse.” Re-
would mean the “definitive achievement” of what God has
cherches de science religieuse (1940): 328ff.
promised through his prophets and would indicate the no-
Daniélou, Jean. Platonisme et théologie mystique. Paris, 1944.
tion of accomplishment and fulfillment. In the Gospels,
Daniélou, Jean. Origen. Translated by Walter Mitchell. New
Matthew 17:11 and Mark 9:2 speak of Elijah as the one who
York, 1955.
will “reestablish” everything, and Malachi 3:23 (of which the
Faye, E. de. Origène: Sa vie, son œuvre, sa pensée. Paris, 1923–
evangelists could not help but think) speaks of the day when
1928.
Yahveh will “restore” hearts and lead them back to him. Apo-
Gundel, Wilhelm, and Hans Georg Gundel. Astrologumena. Wies-
catastasis thus represents the salvation of creation reconciled
baden, 1966.
with God, that is, a true return to an original state. The verb
Hoven, R. Stoïcisme et stoïciens face au problème de l’audelà. Paris,
has this meaning for Theophilus of Antioch (To Autolycus
1971.
2.17). For both Tatian (Address to the Greeks 6.2) and
Lenz, Chr. “Apokatastasis.” Reallexikon für Antike und Christen-
Irenaeus (Against Heresies 5.3.2) apocatastasis is equivalent
tum 1 (1950): 510–516.
to resurrection and points without any ambiguity to a resto-
Méhat, André. “ ‘Apocastastase,’ Origène, Clément d’Alexandrie,
ration of man in God. In Clement of Alexandria, the precise
Act. 3, 21.” Vigiliae Christianae 10 (November 1956):
meaning of the word is not always clear, but this much may
196–214.
be said: apocatastasis appears as a return to God that is the
Méhat, André. “Apokatastasis chez Basilide.” In Mélanges
result of a recovered purity of heart consequent to absorption
d’histoire des religions offerts à Henri-Charles Puech,
in certain “Gnostic” teachings; it is a conception not unlike
pp. 365–373. Paris, 1974.
that found in the Book of Malachi in the Hebrew scriptures
Müller, G. “Origenes und die Apokatastasis.” Theologische
(Old Testament).
Zeitschrift 14 (1958): 174–190.
Mussner, Franz, and J. Loosen. “Apokatastasis.” In Lexikon für
It is in Origen that the doctrine of apocatastasis finds
Theologie und Kirche, vol. 1, pp. 708ff. Berlin, 1957.
its most remarkable expression. In Against Celsus 7.3, where
Siniscalco, P. “I significati di ‘restituere’ e ‘restitutio’ in Tertulli-
he mentions the “restoration of true piety toward God,” Ori-
ano.” Atti della Accademia delle Scienza di Torino 93 (1958–
gen implicitly refers to Malachi. Elsewhere (Commentary on
1959): 1–45.
the Gospel of John 10.42.291), the word involves the reestab-
Siniscalco, P. “Apokatastasis nella letteratura cristiana fino a
lishment of the Jewish people after the captivity, yet as an
Ireneo.” Studia Patristica 3 (1961): 380–396.
anticipatory image of the return to the heavenly fatherland.
Turcan, Robert. Mithras platonicus: Recherches sur l’hellénisation
Origen’s originality consisted in his having conceived apo-
philosophique de Mithra. Leiden, 1975.
catastasis as being universal (including the redemption even
Turcan, Robert. “Rome éternelle et les conceptions gréco-
of the devil or the annihilation of all evil) and as a return of
romaines de l’éternité: Da Roma alla terza Roma.” Seminario
souls to their pure spirituality. This final incorporality is re-
internazionale (April 1981): 7–30.
jected by Gregory of Nyssa, who nonetheless insists upon
New Sources
apocatastasis as a restoration to the original state. Didymus
Charalambos, Apostolopoulos. Phaedo Christianus. Studien zur
the Blind and Evagrios of Pontus were condemned at the
Verbindung und Abwägung des Verhältnisses zwischen dem pla-
same time as Origen by the Council of Constantinople (553)
tonischen “Phaidon” und dem Dialog Gregor von Nyssa “Über
for having professed the doctrine of universal apocatastasis
die Seele und die Auferstehung.” Bern, 1986.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOLLINARIS OF LAODICEA
423
Crouzel, Henri. “L’apocatastase chez Origène.” In Origeniana
Arius, the Arian bishop Eunomius, Marcellus of Ancyra, and
Quarta. Die Referate des 4. Internationalen Origeneskongresses
others. He enjoyed for a long period of time the respect and
(Innsbruck, 2.–6. September 1985), edited by Lothar Lies,
affection of the great Fathers of the fourth century, including
pp. 282–290. Innsbruck, 1987.
Athanasius, Basil of Caesarea, and Gregory of Nazianzus
Kettler, F. H. “Neue Beobachtungen zur Apokatastasislehre des
(Gregory the Theologian) who called the Apollinarian con-
Origenes.” In Origeniana secunda. Second colloque interna-
troversy a “brotherly dispute.” His prestige is testified by the
tional des études origéniennes (Bari, 20–23 septembre 1977),
fact that he was elected orthodox bishop of Laodicea in 360,
edited by Henri Crouzel and Antonio Quacquarelli,
having the trust of the Nicene community at large.
pp. 339–348. Rome, 1980.
Kretzenbacher, Leopold. Versöhnung im Jenseits. Zur Widerspie-
Most of Apollinaris’s writings have been lost. Quasten
gelung des Apokatastasis-Denkens in Glaube, Hochdichtung
in his Patrology (vol. 3, pp. 377ff.) divides Apollinaris’s writ-
und Legende. Munich, 1971.
ings into exegetical works, apologetic works, polemical
Maturi, Giorgio. “Apokatastasis e anastasis in Gregorio di Nissa.”
works, dogmatic works, poetry, and correspondence with
Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni 24 (2000): 227–240.
Basil of Caesarea. Among the exegetical works were “innu-
Sachs, John R. “Apocatastasis in Patristic Theology.” Theological
merable volumes on the Holy Scriptures” (cf. Jerome, On
Studies 54 (1993): 617–640.
Famous Men 104). Among the apologetic works were his
thirty books against the Neoplatonist Porphyry and his work
Salmona, Bruno. “Origene e Gregorio di Nissa sulla resurrezione
dei corpi e l’apocatastasi.” Augustinianum 18 (1978):
The Truth, against Julian.
383–388.
One of the most brilliant theologians of his time, Apolli-
van Laak, Werner. Allversöhnung: die Lehre von der Apokatastasis:
naris faced the most difficult question of the fourth century:
ihre Grundlegung durch Origenes und ihre Bewertung in der
how divinity and humanity could be united in the one per-
gegenwärtigen Theologie bei Karl Barth und Hans Urs von
son of Jesus Christ. Influenced by Platonic, Aristotelian, and
Balthasar. Sinzig, Germany, 1990.
Stoic philosophical understandings of human nature, he
von Stritzky, Maria Barbara. “Die Bedeutung der Phaidrosinter-
tried to apply their method, in an original and syncretistic
pretation für die Apokatastasislehre des Origenes.” Vigiliae
way, in interpreting the New Testament and in defending
Christianae 31 (1977): 282–297.
the Nicene faith against the heresies of the times, especially
ROBERT TURCAN (1987)
Arianism. Thus, he rejected the Arian conception of the in-
Translated from French by Paul C. Duggan
carnation of Christ, which he thought diminished the im-
Revised Bibliography
portance of both God and humanity in Jesus Christ.
Apollinaris believed that a complete entity, one phusis,
or nature, cannot be changed or destroyed. A human, in its
APOCRYPHA SEE BIBLICAL LITERATURE,
total existence as body, soul, and spirit (nous, or intellect),
ARTICLE ON APOCRYPHA AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHA
can be called one phusis. In Christ, union of a complete
human nature with the complete divine nature is impossible,
for neither nature can be destroyed (the Stoic understanding
APOLLINARIS OF LAODICEA (c. 310–c. 390),
of mixture). In other words, two complete natures could not
Christian bishop and heretic. Apollinaris was born in Laodi-
produce the one nature of Jesus.
cea. He admired Greek philosophy and literature, to the dis-
Apollinaris suggested, instead, the “trichotomist” view
may of Bishop Theodotus, who asked him to repent. After
of humanity. He approached 1 Corinthians 15:45 and 1
finishing his studies, he became a teacher of classical litera-
Thessalonians 5:23 as meaning that the flesh of Jesus Christ
ture, combining exceptional erudition, admirable rhetorical
was composed of body, the irrational animal soul, and in-
ability, and excellent theological education.
stead of the intellect, the Logos itself: thus his famous expres-
Apollinaris gained the affection and the admiration of
sion “One incarnate nature of the God the Logos” (found
the church because he reacted vigorously against the emperor
in his letter to the bishops exiled at Diocaesarea). For Apolli-
Julian the Apostate, who by decree forbade the Christians to
naris, Christ, having God as his spirit, or intellect, together
teach and use Greek Classical literature. Apollinaris rewrote
with soul and body, is rightly called “the human being from
much of the Bible in an attractive Greek Classical form. In
heaven” (Norris, 1980, p. 108). In explaining his thesis,
order to provide the Classical methodology for Christian
Apollinaris writes: “Therefore, the human race is saved not
youth, he composed Platonic dialogues from gospel material
by the assumption of an intellect and of a whole human
and paraphrased Psalms in hexameters. Using the prose style
being but by the assumption of flesh, whose nature it is to
of ancient Greek writers (such as Euripides), he wrote lives
be ruled. What was needed was unchangeable Intellect which
of saints as well as beautiful Christian poetry, for private use
did not fall under the dominion of the flesh on account of
as well as for liturgical purposes. Unfortunately, from all this
its weakness of understanding but which adapted the flesh
splendid production, nothing survived.
to itself without force” (ibid., p. 109).
Apollinaris was an uncompromising supporter of the
Apollinaris’s acceptance of the full union of the humani-
doctrine of Nicaea. He fought and wrote against Origen,
ty and divinity of Christ in one person, the Logos, did not
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
424
APOLLO
contradict the dogmatic position of the orthodox Fathers.
Wolfson, Harry A. “Philosophical Implications of Arianism and
His great fallacy was the reduction of the humanity of Christ
Apollinarianism.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 12 (1958): 3–28.
to a body without a rational soul, thus concluding that in
Wolfson, Harry A. The Philosophy of the Church Fathers. 3d ed.
Christ there was not a full human nature and that excluded
Cambridge, Mass., 1970.
human nature from the fruits of salvation in Jesus Christ. In
Young, Frances M. From Nicaea to Chalcedon. Philadelphia, 1983.
the end, Apollinaris’s Christ was God, to be sure, “enfle-
shed,” but not incarnated.
GEORGE S. BEBIS (1987)
The orthodox concept of the theanthropos, that is, God
and human, is missing from the christological structure of
Apollinaris. By eliminating the biblical and patristic empha-
APOLLO, the son of Zeus and Leto and the twin brother
sis on the full humanity of Christ—with full and complete
of Artemis, is the Greek god whom the European tradition
human body, soul, and mental and intellectual capacity—
already associated with the aesthetic splendor and brilliance
Apollinaris made impossible humanity’s full union with the
of Greece before Johann Jakob Winckelmann (1717–1768),
Logos and thus the scope and extent of humanity’s salvation.
the founder of Greek art history, regarded the Belvedere
Gregory refuted the thesis of Apollinaris with his devastating
Apollo (a Roman copy of a fourth-century Greek original
statement: “If anyone has put his trust in [Christ] as a man
that shows Apollo as a youthful archer) as the most perfect
without a human mind, he is really bereft of mind, and quite
embodiment of Greek aesthetics and Greek gods. Apollo’s
unworthy of salvation. For that which he has not assumed
image as a beautiful and permanently young man significant-
he has not healed; but that which is united to his Godhead
ly contributed to this modern evaluation, as did Apollo’s
is also saved” (To Cledonius against Apollinarius, letter 101).
identification with the sun. His darker sides, expressed
through his deathly mastery of archery, were eclipsed in this
Apollinaris’s heresy, Apollinarianism, is considered the
modern reception. In Greek myth, Apollo is the favorite son
first important christological heresy of the fourth century.
of Zeus but has relatively few independent stories; he is con-
Until 374, when Jerome became his pupil in Antioch, Apol-
nected either with young men and women, or with specific
linaris’s deviation from the orthodox doctrine had not be-
sanctuaries such as Delos or Delphi. In Greek religion, Apol-
come well known. Basil finally realized the depth and reper-
lo was the protector of young males and presided over divina-
cussions of Apollinaris’s heresy and asked for his
tion, healing, and the complex of music and dance (Greek,
condemnation. Gregory wrote his two famous letters to Cle-
molp¯e), whereas Etruscan and Roman religion embraced him
donius against the heresy, and Gregory of Nyssa (c. 385) at-
almost exclusively as a healer.
tacked Apollinaris in his Antirrheticus. Pope Damasus I con-
demned him in Rome (c. 374–380). Finally the teaching of
THE ETYMOLOGY OF APOLLO. Almost uniquely among the
Apollinaris was officially condemned in 381 by the Council
twelve Olympian gods, Apollo’s name does not appear in the
of Constantinople.
Mycenaean Bronze Age texts; these texts only preserve a god
called Paiawon, presumably an early form of Apollo’s later
BIBLIOGRAPHY
epithet “Paian.” In Homer and Hesiod, however (that is, in
Grillmeier, Aloys. Christ in Christian Tradition, vol. 1. 2d rev. ed.
the late eighth or early seventh centuries BCE), Apollo’s
London, 1975. Includes a bibliography.
mythical and religious roles are firmly established, presum-
Hubner, Reinhard. “Gotteserkenntnis durch die Inkarnation Got-
ably developing and spreading during the intervening Dark
tes: Zu einer neuen Interpretation der Christologie des Apol-
Ages of the eleventh through the ninth centuries BCE.
linaris von Laodicea.” Kleronomia (Thessaloniki) 4 (1972):
Among the many competing modern etymologies of his
131–161.
name, the derivation from the Doric apella, “association of
Leitzmann, Hans, ed. Apollinaris von Laodicea und seine Schule
the free male citizen” (Burkert, 1975, pp. 1–12), has found
(1904). Reprint, Tübingen, 1970. Still the classic edition of
original texts.
the most adherence; the marginality of the Dorians in the
Greek Bronze Age and their immigration into most of
Mühlenberg, Ekkehard. Appollinaris von Laodicea. Göttingen,
1969.
Southern Greece—from the Peloponnese to the islands of
Crete and Rhodes—explains Apollo’s absence in the Bronze
Norris, Richard A., Jr., ed. and trans. The Christological Controver-
sy. Philadelphia, 1980.
Age, as well as his position in the early Iron Age and his func-
tion as the protector of the young warriors and their institu-
Prestige, G. L. St. Basil the Great and Apollinaris of Laodicea. Lon-
don, 1956.
tions based on common song and dance. That the month
Quasten, Johannes. Patrology, vol. 3. Utrecht, 1953. Includes a
Apellaios is the first month in Delphi points to a connection
full bibliography on Apollinaris on pages 377–383.
between the New Year’s festival, citizens’ associations, and
Raven, Charles E. Apollinarianism. Cambridge, 1923.
the introduction of the young warriors into society through
their display of song and dance; it is, however, impossible to
Riedmatten, Henri de. “Some Neglected Aspects of Apollinarist
Christology.” Dominican Studies 1 (1948): 239–260.
derive all functions of Apollo from this or any other homoge-
neous ritual complex.
Torrance, Thomas F. “The Mind of Christ in Worship: The
Problem in the Liturgy.” In his Theology in Reconciliation,
APOLLO IN DELOUS AND DELPHI. In early Greek poetry,
pp. 139–215. London, 1975.
Apollo’s mythical and cultic personality is fully established.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOLLO
425
Born on the island of Delos (Homeric Hymn to Apollo, 25–
the influence of mephitic gases. Apollo also attracted nonins-
178 [seventh century BCE]) against the will of Hera, Apollo’s
titutionalized divination: both the sibyl and the Trojan seer
birth founds and legitimates the great renown of the Delian
Cassandra were said to be his lovers.
sanctuary—the central sanctuary for the cities of archaic
Ionia—and a sacred island for all of Greece in later times (see
APOLLO’S CULTIC ROLES. The cults in individual cities
Callimachus, Hymn 4). Apollo’s main monument on the is-
stress other aspects of Apollo, especially his connection with
land was an altar made from the horns of sacrificial goats.
young men (ephebes) and male citizens on the one hand, and
The monument stood next to the palm tree that lent support
with his power for healing on the other.
to Leto when giving birth (Odyssey 6,162–163). (Such altars
Apollo the Healer (I¯etros, Oulios) is mainly attested to
are attested to in other Apolline sanctuaries as well.) His
in the Greek East from the sixth to the fourth centuries BCE.
birthday, on the seventh day of an unstated month (Hesiod,
Slowly, however, this function was taken over by Apollo’s
Works and Days 771), was the day most festivals of Apollo
son Asclepius, with whom he shared many important healing
were held—the seventh day of a given month—yet they
sanctuaries—such as Epidaurus or Kos. Although official
could also fall on the first day of a month (Apollo Noum¯enios,
documents from these sanctuaries stress the coexistence of
“He of the New Moon”).
both deities, private worship focused solely on Asclepius. As-
Apollo’s first youthful exploit is the killing of the snake
clepian healing focuses on incubation and dream oracles. It
Pytho and the foundation of his other main sanctuary, the
can be seen as specialized form of Apolline divination, and
oracular shrine of Delphi (Homeric Hymn to Apollo, vs. 214–
Apollo himself could be called iatromantis, the “healing
544; Iliad 9.404–405), by far the most important oracular
seer,” and had close ties to the mythical seer and healer
shrine in archaic and classical Greece. In order to punish the
Melampus. As a healer, Apollo had already been adopted by
sacrilegious arrogance of the Greek leaders in Troy, Apollo
the Etruscans and Romans prior to the fifth century BCE.
sends a plague into their camp (Iliad 1.44–52); the plague
Apollo Medicus (Healer) was introduced in Rome to heal a
is then healed through a sumptuous sacrifice, purificatory
plague in 431 BCE (Livy 4.25.3). The sanctuary survived the
rites, and the singing and dancing of a paean by the “young
introduction of the Greek Asculapius in 293 BCE and was re-
men of the Achaeans” (Iliad 1.313–474). Apollo had caused
stored under Augustus.
the plague by shooting animals and men with his arrows, and
More generally, Apollo was seen as a divinity that kept
thus his archery is an image for the deadly power of the ill-
away evil (averter, apotropaios). Together with his sister Arte-
ness. Much later, an image of the archer Apollo, erected in
mis, he guarded the city gates, and in a crisis, an image of
a city gate, was thought to avert disease and evil from the
the archer Apollo could defend a city against disease. Private
city. His arrows were believed to send swift and unexpected
houses were protected by simple stone pillars that were taken
death to men in the same way that Artemis’s arrows could
as Apolline symbols (agyieus). In the cities of the Greek East
kill women. Yet Apollo is also considered the patron god of
and in Athens, the Apolline festival Thargelia was a festival
real archers.
of purification. The Athenians celebrated it on Thargelion
One of Apollo’s other attributes is his playing of the
6 and 7 (the penultimate month of the year), and, as in some
lyre. The Homeric Hymn to Hermes (sixth century BCE) nar-
Ionian cities, they performed among other rites a scapegoat
rates how Hermes made the first lyre out of the shell of a tor-
ritual (pharmakos) in order to cleanse the city before the peri-
toise and gave it to his older brother Apollo. The same Hymn
od of reversal that leads to the Athenian New Year.
makes it clear that divination, to know the “mind of Zeus,”
is Apollo’s prerogative alone (vs. 471–472).
But at least as important as these functions is Apollo’s
connection with the young men of the city, connections al-
Most Panhellenic sanctuaries of Apollo were major orac-
ready visible in the derivation of his name from apella and
ular shrines (Delos is the one exception). Alongside Delphi,
so fundamental as to shape Apollo’s iconography as an eter-
the sanctuaries in Didyma near Miletus and Clarus near Col-
nally young man (ephebe), complete with an ephebe’s long
ophon in Western Asia Minor were already important in ar-
hair and adolescent body. The Spartans performed several
chaic Greece; they remained famous to the end of pagan an-
Apolline festivals in which the young men were central: the
tiquity. The Greco-Egyptian Magical Papyri refer to Clarian
Gymnopaidia (Naked dances), which had their ritual center
and Pythian Apollo as conferring private oracular dreams
in the singing and dancing of young male choruses; the
(Papyri Graecae Magicse II .130, fourth century CE), and the
Karneia—the main festival of many Doric cities—were en-
Tübingen Theosophy, a sixth century Christian treatise, still
tirely organized by the young citizens; and the Hyacinthia—
cites Clarian oracles to support the thesis of a pagan pre-
the main Spartan festival—featured as its etiological myth
knowledge of Christian theology. The ritual forms of divina-
the story of how Apollo killed his adolescent lover Hyacin-
tion differed from sanctuary to sanctuary, although they all
thus with the mistaken throw of a discus. Although the ritual
had a medium prophesy in an altered state of consciousness;
combined grief for Hyacinthus with dance performances of
in Clarus and Didyma, the water of a sacred spring provoked
boys and young men, the iconography of Apollo turned him
ecstasy in a priest (Clarus) or priestess (Didyma), whereas in
into an archaic warrior who was depicted with shield and
later sources the Delphian Pythia was said to prophesy under
lance.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
426
APOLOGETICS
Yet the complex of dancing and singing of all-male
Burkert, Walter. “Apellai und Apollon.” Rheinisches Museum 118
groups—called molp¯e by the Greeks—is in archaic Greece
(1975): 1–21.
noted well beyond the world of the Doric cities. Apollo en-
Detienne, Marcel. Apollon le couteau à la main: Une approche ex-
ters this complex there as well. Perhaps the most prominent
périmentale du polythéisme grec. Paris, 1998.
group in which Apollo figures is with the molpoi of archaic
Dumézil, Georges. “Apollo Medicus.” In Apollon sonore et autres
Miletus—an aristocratic cult group whose leader was, at the
essais:Vingt-cinq esquisses de mythologie, pp. 36–42. Paris,
same time, the supreme official of the city. These Milesian
1982.
molpoi were associated with the cult of Apollo Delphinios
Fontenrose, Joseph. The Delphic Oracle: Its Responses and Opera-
and, to some degree, with oracular Apollo in Didyma. When
tions. Berkeley, Calif., 1978.
the Milesians founded their colony of Olbia in the Black Sea,
Fontenrose, Joseph. Didyma: Apollo’s Oracle, Cult, and Compan-
they introduced the same institution, and it is in institutions
ions. Berkeley, Calif., 1988.
like these—with a common meal as well as common dancing
and singing—that musical Apollo finds his origin and social
Gagé, Jean. Apollon Romain: Essai sur le culte d’Apollon et le dé-
relevance.
velopement du “ritus graecus” à Rome des origines à Auguste.
Paris, 1955.
Among the later developments of Apollo’s image, two
Pettersson, Michael. Cults of Apollo at Sparta: The Hyakinthia, the
have to be singled out: his identification with the sun, and
Gymnopaidia and the Karneia. Stockholm, 1992.
the opposition between Apollo and Dionysos. The identifi-
Solomon, Joe, ed. Apollo: Origins and Influences. Tucson, Ariz.,
cation with the sun and with Helios is first attested in the
1994.
early fifth century BCE but becomes important only much
later, especially in astrology where Apollo represented the
von Reibnitz, Barbara. “Apollinisch–Dionysisch.” In Ästhetische
“planet” sun and his sister Artemis the “planet” moon; astro-
Grundbegriffe, vol. 1, pp. 246–271. Stuttgart, Germany,
2000.
logical iconography transmits this into the European Middle
Ages, whereas Apollo as sun is common in mythical allegories
Zeitlin, Froma I. “Apollo and Dionysos: Starting from Birth.” In
both in late antiquity and in the European Renaissance and
Kykeon: Studies in Honour of H. S. Versnel, edited by H. F.
Baroque epochs.
J. Horstmanshoff, et al. pp. 193–218. Leiden, Netherlands,
2002.
The opposition between Apollo and Dionysus has its
F
cultic root in Delphi where Dionysus reigned during Apol-
RITZ GRAF (2005)
lo’s absence in winter, and where Dionysos was even said to
have his grave. The opposition gained sharper contours when
Augustus (63 BCE–14 CE) presented himself and his personal
APOLOGETICS. [This entry, which is restricted to con-
god Apollo to his antagonist Marc Anthony (82–30 BCE),
sideration of monotheistic religions, places religious apologetics
who stylized himself as the New Dionysus. Whereas Diony-
in comparative perspective and examines the difference between
sus stood for all the decadent pleasures of the East, Apollo
apologetics and polemics.]
represented the purity and clarity of the order that Augustus
Apologetics is other-directed communication of reli-
restored and put under the patronage of an Apollo whose
gious belief that makes assertions about knowing and serving
temple had become part of his house on the Palatine. Anoth-
God. It represents the content of a particular faith in an es-
er point of view, from the early nineteenth century, describes
sentially intellectualist fashion and, like a national boundary,
how musical history made use of the same opposition in
acts as a membrane for the exchange of ideas. The content
which Dionysus represented ecstatic music whereas Apollo
of apologetics is based in the revelation of God, but its for-
represented serene, well-ordered tunes. From musical theory
mat is based in culture. Apologetics often is other-directed
Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900) would develop the opposi-
insofar as it presupposes, at least apparently, an audience ex-
tion between the two gods as the basic feature of Greek
ternal to the faith it represents. Furthermore, it communi-
tragedy.
cates by virtue of patterns of thought and language common
S
to speaker and hearer, which leads the apologist to employ
EE ALSO Artemis; Delphi; Dionysos; Divination, article on
Greek and Roman Divination; Hera; Hesiod; Homer;
terminology, styles of thought, and ideas familiar to the
Muses; Oracles; Pythagoras; Sun.
hearer.
Despite the fact that the audience addressed in religious
BIBLIOGRAPHY
apologies is often presumed to be outside the faith, apologet-
Most of the ancient texts cited above are available in critical edi-
ic literature often has been most popular within the confines
tions with English translations in the Loeb Classical Library.
of the religious community for which it speaks rather than
Bentz, Martin, and Dieter Steinbauer. “Neues zum Aplu-Kult in
among the critics to whom it is nominally addressed. The
Etrurien.” Archäologischer Anzeiger (2001): 69–78.
adoption of an addressant serves as a powerful rhetorical de-
Boyancé, Pierre. “L’Apollon solaire.” In Mélanges d’archéologie,
vice that helps promote the clarification of ideas. This incli-
d’épigraphie et d’histoire offerts à Jean Carcopino.
nation toward refinement of thought makes apologetics as
pp. 149–170. Paris, 1966.
much a strategy in the forging of an orthodox system of belief
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOLOGETICS
427
as a genre of testimony to nonbelievers. Any religion, mono-
(d. 50 CE) had done before him, Josephus affirmed a compat-
theistic or otherwise, might adopt an apologetic posture
ibility between biblical faith and the higher morality of
under circumstances in which it perceives the need to defend
Greek philosophy, claiming with bold historicity that the
itself against misunderstanding, criticism, discrimination, or
Greek philosophers were among the first imitators of Mosaic
oppression, but the pattern of religious apology that will be
law.
examined here emerged from the engagement of unitary con-
The Talmud records disputations between learned rab-
ceptions of God with the culture of Greco-Roman polythe-
bis and Roman authorities over the veracity of Jewish ideas
ism during the first several centuries of the common era.
and freedom of worship. Beginning in the second century CE,
DEFENSE OF MONOTHEISM. In Greco-Roman culture,
Christians also exercised a strenuous apologetic effort to ex-
whose intellectual foundations were buttressed by polytheis-
plain the foundations of their emerging beliefs and to defend
tic beliefs and practices, monotheism was judged to be both
themselves against oppression and popular slander. Because
blasphemous and incredible. Jewish thinkers as early as the
Christians would not serve the gods legitimated by Roman
third century BCE, followed by Christian and Muslim think-
authority, they were held to be atheistic and seditious ele-
ers in early periods of the development of doctrines of Chris-
ments of the population. Moreover, the emerging forms of
tian and Islamic beliefs, made use of the intellectual appara-
Christian worship and the way of living Christianity promot-
tus provided by Hellenistic philosophy to explain and defend
ed among disenfranchised elements of society were viewed
systematically the foundations of belief in one God. A well-
suspiciously by the state, eliciting charges of cannibalism and
known model for the reasoned defense of belief and practice
incest. Christian response was defensive, but also, on the
was Socrates’ address before the Athenian court in 399 BCE,
model of Josephus, not without an offensive thrust. The de-
which is preserved in Plato’s Apology. The Greek word apolo-
fenders of Christianity claimed that the Roman state religion
gia, meaning “speech in defense,” refers to an oral and liter-
was absurd idolatry, and they offered in its place a simple
ary genre known throughout the ancient Mediterranean
moral appeal bearing resemblance to Stoic ideals.
world. When Socrates was accused of demonstrating impiety
toward the ancestral gods of his state and of corrupting the
Beginning with Quadratus, who wrote in Athens during
morals of Athenian youth through adherence to unusual be-
the reign of Hadrian (117–138), and Aristides, and followed
liefs, he argued his case against ignorance and unenlightened
by, among others, Justin Martyr, Tatian, Athenagoras, Meli-
authority by means of reason. Although he failed to convince
to of Sardis, Theophilus of Antioch, Tertullian, the anony-
a majority of jurors that his pursuit of wisdom, which had
mous author of To Diognetus, Clement of Alexandria, Ori-
made him a critic of prevailing religious belief, was based in
gen, and Augustine of Hippo (the last of early Christianity’s
truth, his effort became a model for future apologists. Bibli-
great apologists), written defenses of the young and growing
cal monotheists subsequently employed established patterns
religion proliferated, often in the form of open letters ad-
of philosophical argumentation that owed much to Greek
dressed to critics of Christianity or to the emperor in Rome.
philosophy and the example of Socrates to account for the
Much of what must have been a large body of literature has
superiority of their positions on faith. They, too, sought to
been lost. The arguments in defense of Christian faith and
expose what to their way of thinking were the inconsisten-
its forms of worship followed methods of reasoning bor-
cies, errors, and even absurdities of polytheism. Furthermore,
rowed selectively from Platonism and its influential varia-
the Hebrew legacy of truth they represented bore a rational
tions, from Stoicism, and from Skepticism.
coherence attractive to the Hellenistic way of thinking.
Generally, early Christian apologetics had more influ-
ence among other Christian thinkers than among non-
The tradition of justice, divine providence, and the
Christians. The legacy of this prodigious literary output can
sharp rejection of idolatry emphasized by the Hebrew proph-
be located, therefore, in the development of the philosophi-
ets resounds in Josephus Flavius’s treatise known as Against
cal foundations of subsequent doctrines of God and of teach-
Apion. Composed in Greek in the first century CE, Josephus’s
ings concerning the incarnation and resurrection of Jesus
response to Apion’s criticisms of the Jews asserts the antiqui-
Christ. Although these apologies reveal compatibilities with
ty of the Jewish faith according to patterns of Greek histori-
current philosophical thought, their practical importance for
ography, celebrates the biblical God as lawgiver, and de-
Christianity lay in their role of helping to define an emerging
nounces polytheistic religions as immoral and irrational. “I
orthodoxy that found itself in growing competition with
would therefore boldly maintain that we have introduced to
gnosticism and Marcionism for the religious allegiance of
the rest of the world a very large number of very beautiful
gentiles. The New Testament itself includes appeals to non-
ideas. What greater beauty than inviolable piety? What
Christians that are apologetic in tone, although no full-
higher justice than obedience?” (2.293). Striving to assure
fledged apologetic writings are identified before those of the
the right of Jews living under Roman domination to refuse
second-century apologists.
participation in local cults, Josephus indicts the polytheists
for ignoring the true nature of God and for appealing licen-
The engagement of biblical faith with sophisticated
tiously to the public taste. On the other hand, he praises the
Greek philosophy is evidenced clearly in early Christian
virtue and purity of the law of Moses and recalls the sensible
apologetic literature. But although the function of apologet-
wisdom of Plato. As the Jewish philosopher Philo Judaeus
ics as intellectual discourse was primary, it should not be
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
428
APOLOGETICS
overlooked that the apologetic spirit displayed in these writ-
ing in QurDanic faith that contradicted reason. In addition
ings cooperated intimately with other than solely intellectual
to making claims for the unity of God, the prophethood of
religious motives; before the official sanction of Christianity
Muh:ammad, and the validity of the QurDa¯n, apologists for
by the Roman emperor in the fourth century, Christian apol-
Islam began to formulate a cosmology that elaborated an Is-
ogists also display a commitment to mission and conversion.
lamic picture of the universe. The earliest speculative Islamic
The effectiveness of the Christian appeal to conversion was
theology of the MuEtazilah, however, while it was basically
indebted to the formulation of an intellectual foundation of
QurDanic and sought to defend the Prophet’s revelation, in-
belief, but it also owed its success to the conviction won by
clined in such a degree toward intellectualism and the pre-
martyrdom. Justin Martyr (d. 163/5), in the opening sec-
sumption that truth could be demonstrated by reason that
tions of his first apology, evokes the memory of Socrates and
even its moderate mutations continued to give offense to the
embarks upon an argument “required” by reason that proves
orthodox. What began as an effort to preserve the philosoph-
the case for Christianity as the storehouse of divine provi-
ical wisdom of the past, a prodigious effort that eventuated
dence. The success of his reasoning may be disputed, but the
in an extensive program of translation into Arabic of the
proof of religious conviction gained by martyrdom, which
works of Aristotle and other Greek philosophers, placed
he discusses in the twelfth chapter of his second apology, in-
Greek thought so determinatively at the center of Islamic
vokes a form of assertion beyond the realm of dispute: “I my-
thought that the Islamic philosophical tradition was rejected
self, too,” he says, “when I was delighting in the doctrines
by Islamic theology.
of Plato, and heard the Christians slandered, and saw them
fearless of death, and of all other things which are counted
The conflict between reason and revelation, witnessed
fearful, perceived that it was impossible that they could be
early in the foundation of Islamic beliefs, has its counterparts
living in wickedness and pleasure.” Like many others before
throughout the histories of biblical religions. This conflict re-
and after him, Justin, through his death as through his writ-
flects a characteristic element of apologetics derived from its
ings, was to bear proof of the claims made by his newly
employment of reason as a tool of religious expression, name-
adopted faith.
ly the potential of apologists to give offense to the communi-
In the sixth century of the common era, the prophet
ty of believers for whom they speak, or mean to. Because
Muh:ammad’s recitation of God’s word radicalized monothe-
apologetics customarily turns outward and borrows its
ism in ways unfamiliar to Jewish and Christian monotheists.
modes of expression from a prevailing culture, it opens itself
The QurDa¯n, like the New Testament before it, reflects the
to criticism from within. Philo Judaeus and Josephus
emergent competitive relation into which the family mem-
(d. around 100 CE) were viewed with suspicion by other Jews
bers of biblical religion were to come: “The Jews say, ‘The
of their day and later centuries, as were Moses Maimonides
Christians stand not on anything’; the Christians say, ‘The
(d. 1204), Barukh Spinoza (d. 1677), and Moses Mendels-
Jews stand not on anything’; yet they recite the Book. So too
sohn (d. 1786). The Latin church father Tertullian, even as
the ignorant [i.e., the Gentiles] say the like of them” (2:107).
he benefited from his knowledge of ancient philosophy, was
to become famous for his view that the church has as much
As had postbiblical Christian faith five centuries earlier,
to do with the philosophical academy as a Christian with a
post-QurDanic Islamic faith eventually also underwent a peri-
heretic. Familiarity with philosophy has been viewed by
od of formulation and defense of beliefs under the powerful
many of the orthodox as a pollution of biblical faith and has
influence of Hellenistic philosophy, which, along with the
weighed heavily against many thinkers in the church’s strug-
rich legacy of Indian medicine and mathematics and of Per-
gle to define its parameters of acceptable belief. Modern ad-
sian literature, provided new dimensions of thought to an ex-
vocates of Christianity’s reasonableness such as Vladimir
panding Arab world. In the second century of Islam, theolog-
Solov’ev (d. 1900), Maurice Blondel (d. 1949), and Paul Til-
ical doctrines began to emerge alongside the current
lich (d. 1965), who chose to employ patterns of philosophi-
traditions of the Prophet. Confronted from within with deg-
cal discourse appropriate to their intelligence of God’s word,
radations of the faith and from without by non-Muslim crit-
suffered the mistrust of their coreligionists, as have modern
ics armed with the tools of reasoning developed in Greek and
Jewish thinkers such as Franz Rosenzweig (d. 1929) and
Persian philosophy, some Muslim scholars embraced a spec-
Martin Buber (d. 1965).
ulative theology ( Eilm al-kala¯m) for assistance in proclaiming
the Prophet’s revelation. Adherents to this practice of specu-
Apologetics rankles, despite its dedication to God’s rev-
lative theology were originally called mutakallimu¯n, and al-
elation, because it occupies a place on the boundaries of be-
though their school was condemned in 848 CE by the caliph
lief. It employs forms of expression that depend in part upon
al-Mutawakkil, the philosophical traditions introduced into
intellectual and cultural transformations occurring outside
the expression of Islamic faith by thinkers such as Abu¯ al-
the confines of particular traditions of belief, and it uses lan-
Hudhayl al-EAlla¯f (d. 849) and al-Naz:z:a¯m (d. 846) left an
guage that is not wholly natural to the sacred language it in-
ongoing mark that survived in the moderate AshEar¯ı school
terprets. The culture, however, is not merely a challenge but
of subsequent decades.
also a promise to the apologetic motive of religious thinkers,
Originally endorsed by the court, the MuEtazilah de-
because it presents the possibility of a new form of a norma-
fended Islamic beliefs by demonstrating that there was noth-
tive content, a renewed account of God’s being and will.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOLOGETICS
429
FUNDAMENTAL THEOLOGY. The view of religious apologet-
In the intellectual history of the West, the dominance
ics given above—namely, that it emerged historically as a de-
of Christian religion made the fundamentals of Christian be-
fense of monotheism—bespeaks the empirical circumstances
lief as self-evident as those of polytheism and the state cult
of one age and (more or less) one culture: the Hellenistic. In
had been in the ancient Roman world. Roman Catholic
the longer religious histories of the Middle East, North Afri-
apologetic writings against Muslims in the Middle Ages (e.g.,
ca, Europe, and elsewhere the confrontation of monotheism
Thomas Aquinas’s Summa contra gentiles) and against non-
with nonmonotheistic systems of belief was eclipsed by con-
Catholic Christians during and after the Protestant Reforma-
frontations between various interpretations of monotheism,
tion concentrated on particulars of Christian belief. After the
both in the struggle for orthodoxy within each of the domi-
European Enlightenment, however, a shift occurred with re-
nant monotheisms and in the broader encounter of these
spect to the issues at stake in founding religious belief. No
monotheistic faiths with one another. Under these competi-
longer a matter of belief in many gods rather than one, or
tive circumstances, the effort to clarify the fundamentals of
of one monotheism as distinct from another, the very reason-
belief no longer referred to the basic propositions of mono-
ableness of belief itself was called into question in the intel-
theism alone but also to the elements of each particular tradi-
lectual discourse of Western culture, and countless defenses
tion. This gave rise to a distinction in function between apol-
of Christianity were penned that argued for the very validity
ogetics and polemics, which, although it exists in theory,
of religion and the reality of the supernatural.
does not always occur in practice.
By striving to make religion comprehensible in the in-
The Protestant theologian Friedrich Schleiermacher
tellectual and cultural environment it inhabits, apologetics,
(d. 1834) in his analysis of the discipline of theology, Brief
according to J.-B. Metz, recognizes that part of its essence
Outline on the Study of Theology, distinguishes between the
is “to share the questioning and problems of the world in
apologetic and the polemical sides of philosophical theology.
which it lives.” But what constitutes “the world” for Jews,
Although they are closely related, he finds that apologetics
Christians, and Muslims, however unified advancing tech-
aims to make truth recognizable; polemics, on the other
nologies of communication may make it seem, differs radi-
hand, aims to expose deviations from truth (secs. 39 and 40).
cally depending upon historical contingencies. For many
Determination of where the exposure of error ends, however,
Christians, for example, the virtues and validities of Judaism
and where the proclamation of truth begins (and vice versa)
and Islam remain quite alien. The situation described by
depends upon the breadth of one’s religious understanding.
Syed Ameer Ali (d. 1928), the Indian modernist, in the pref-
Is it apologetic or polemical for Christian scripture to pro-
ace to his The Spirit of Islam (1890) is not at all inappropriate
claim Jesus of Nazareth the Messiah of Jewish expectation?
a century later, nor is Ali’s message at all unlike that of Jose-
Is it apologetic or polemical for Muh:ammad, reflecting
phus in addressing the Romans about Jewish religion: Islam’s
Christian controversies about the doctrine of the Trinity, to
“great work in the uplifting of humanity,” says Ali, “is either
implicate polytheism in that Christian doctrine about God
ignored or not appreciated; nor are its rationale, its ideals and
by declaring, “In the Name of God, the Merciful, the Com-
its aspirations properly understood.”
passionate / Say: ‘He is God, One, / God, the Everlasting
It would be unnecessarily limiting to presume that the
Refuge, / who has not begotten, and has not been begotten,
preeminent form of apologetics, the treatise, remains the
/ and equal to Him is not any one’” (su¯rah 112)? Is it revela-
only medium for enhancing the comprehensibility of reli-
tion or offense for Paul of Tarsus, as apostle of Christ, to pro-
gious belief and for laying out its fundamentals. The censors
claim to the people of Athens that his God is the God they
of post-Reformation Europe were not unaware of the power
worship at their altar dedicated “To the Unknown God”
of visual images in the competition between Catholicism and
(Acts 17:23)? Truth informs each of these claims, and in each
Protestantism. What the introduction of electronic media
claim a defense of truth is made; but in the act of defending
into parts of the world largely untouched by literacy will
belief an offensive position is taken that is polemical as well
mean to efforts to give reasonable foundations to religious
as apologetic, because it exposes purported deviation from
belief can only be surmised and not explored at all in this
the truth at the same time as it recognizes truth. The out-
context. It can be said, however, that the sensitivities with
ward-looking proclamation and the inward-looking critique
which apologists for religion respond to their world will de-
are bound together.
termine the vitality of their expressions of belief.
Religious apologetics can be defined usefully in modern
Philo sought the compatibility of biblical religion with
terms as the laying out of the fundamentals of religious be-
ancient wisdom; al-Naz:z:a¯m strove to preserve his faith from
lief. It is an orienting rather than refining branch of religious
misconception through reliance on reason; Maimonides
expression. The language it employs, though aptly described
aimed to guide the perplexed with the help of Aristotle; Til-
as “reasoning,” will differ according to context. Patterns of
lich diagnosed the human predicament in search of God’s
reasoned discourse are themselves the subject of much philo-
cure; for a significant number of theologians, the responsibil-
sophical debate, and, therefore, it is not possible to say with
ity of the rich for the poor has become not merely a topic
assurance what forms apologetics as a religious phenomenon
of contemporary theology but its point of departure, its
will take.
foundation. As the concerns that provoke fundamental ex-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
430
APOPHATISM
pressions of belief change, so too do religious responses to
Shank, Michael. “Unless You Believe, You Shall Not Understand”:
them. Leitmotifs of “too Greek,” “too philosophical,” “too
Logic, University and Society in Late Medieval Vienna. Prince-
intellectual,” “too psychological,” “too Marxist”—and their
ton, 1999.
many variations, both theological and ideological—will re-
Van Inwagen, Peter. The Possibility of Resurrection and Other Essays
main part of the chorus of religious apologetics as long as
in Christian Apologetics. Boulder, Colo., 1997.
apologetics remains a lively element of religious ideas.
PAUL BERNABEO (1987)
Revised Bibliography
SEE ALSO Agnostos Theos; Dialogue of Religions; Enlight-
enment, The; Falsafah; Heresy; Kala¯m; Martyrdom; Philos-
ophy; Polemics; World’s Parliament of Religions.
APOPHATISM SEE LANGUAGE, ARTICLE ON
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BUDDHIST VIEWS OF LANGUAGE; THEOLOGY,
A broad comparative history of religious apologetics does not
ARTICLE ON CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY; VIA
exist, but useful introductory surveys of the apologetics of
NEGATIVA
particular traditions can be found in specialized encyclope-
dias. For Jewish apologetics, see “Apologetics,” in the Ency-
clopaedia Judaica, vol. 3 (Jerusalem, 1971). Josephus’s
Against Apion is available in Greek and in English translation
by Henry St. John Thackeray in Josephus, vol. 1, “Loeb Clas-
APOSTASY is derived from the Greek apostasia, a sec-
sical Library” (Cambridge, Mass., 1956). For Christian apol-
ondary form of apostasis, originally denoting insurrection or
ogetics, see “Apologetik,” Theologische Realenzyklopädie (Ber-
secession (Acts 5:37). In the sense of “rebellion against God”
lin, 1978), an extensive three-part survey from the early
it had already been used in the Septuagint (Jos. 22:22). The
church to the twentieth century, with excellent bibliogra-
Christians of the third century definitely fixed its usage to
phies. Johannes-Baptist Metz’s “Apologetics,” in Sacramen-
the meaning of abandonment of Christianity for another re-
tum Mundi: An Encyclopedia of Theology, vol. 1 (London,
ligion, especially paganism (Cyprian, Epistula 57.3.1). The
1968), provides a good analysis of the role of apologetics in
Christian usage of the term provides its essential elements:
Roman Catholicism. The texts of Justin Martyr’s apologies
apostasy occurs in public and not in private, and apostates
have been translated by A. Cleveland Coxe in The Ante-
abandon an exclusive and institutionalized religion for an-
Nicene Fathers, vol. 1 (Washington, D.C., 1948). Friedrich
Schleiermacher’s Brief Outline on the Study of Theology has
other. In this sense apostasy is subject to specific historical
been translated by Terrence N. Tice (Richmond, Va., 1970).
conditions. It occurs when different religions compete with
For Islamic apologetics, see H. S. Nyberg’s “al-Mu’tazila,” in
each other in one public arena. This essay will distinguish
the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leiden, 1974), and Mar-
three aspects: occurrences of apostasy; legal sanctions with re-
shall G. S. Hodgson’s The Venture of Islam: Conscience and
gard to apostates; and expectations of an apocalyptic deser-
History in a World Civilization, vol. 1, The Classical Age of
tion of the true religion at the end time.
Islam (Chicago, 1974), especially pages 437–442. Syed
APOSTASY IN JEWISH RITUAL LAW. Clear instances of apos-
Ameer Ali’s The Spirit of Islam: A History of the Evolution and
tasy are first found in Hellenistic Judaea. The very notion
Ideals of Islam with a Life of the Prophet (1890; London,
1974) is an excellent example of an apologetic spirit at work.
of hellenismos was coined for the conflict that occurred in the
Robert M. Grant examines Greco-Roman religious thought
Jewish community under Antiochus IV Epiphanes of Syria
relative to monotheism in Gods and the One God (Philadel-
(r. 176–165 BCE). It began when the Jewish high priest Jason
phia, 1986).
“abolished the constitution based on laws and introduced
new customs contrary to these laws” (2 Mc. 4:11). He
New Sources
Bloom, John. “Is Fulfilled Prophecy of Value for Scholarly Apolo-
founded a gymnasium and an institution for training
getics?” Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN):
eph¯eboi, or young men. Everyone who passed could then be
Conference Papers, 1997, 1–15.
enrolled in the register of citizens of Antiochea, the new
Clausen, Matthias. “Proclamation and Communication: Apolo-
name for Jerusalem (2 Mc. 4:9). A “passion for Hellenism”
getics after Barth.” International Journal of Systematic Theolo-
and “an influx of foreign customs” swept over the country
gy 1 (July 1999): 204–221.
(2 Mc. 4:13). The Maccabean adversaries of the hellenismos
Edwards, Mark, Martin Goodman, and Simon Price, eds. Apolo-
fought in their turn for the iudaismos (2 Mc. 2:21). The
getics in the Roman Empire: Pagans, Jews and Christians. New
struggle between these two adversaries intensified in 167 BCE,
York, 1999.
when the next Jewish high priest, Menelaus, succeeded in
Gruen, Erich. Heritage and Hellenism: The Resurrection of Jewish
convincing the Seleucid ruler “to compel the Jews to aban-
Tradition. Berkeley, 1998.
don their fathers’ religion” (Josephus Flavius, Jewish Antiqui-
McDermott, Gerald. Jonathan Edwards Confronts the Gods: Chris-
ties 12.384), and the ruler ordered the abandonment of the
tian Theology, Enlightenment Religion, and Non-Christian
Jewish law (1 Mc. 1:44–53, 2 Mc. 6:1ff.). At first, abandon-
Faith. New York, 2000.
ment of the Jewish law occurred without any oppression by
Nichols, Stephen. “Contemporary Apologetics and the Nature of
the rulers, and spontaneous apostasy recurred sporadically in
Truth.” Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN):
later times. Well known is the case of the nephew of the Jew-
Conference Papers, 1999, 1–8.
ish philosopher Philo, Tiberius Alexander, a politician serv-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOSTASY
431
ing in the Roman state, “who did not stand by the practices
apostate is denied salvation by the Pharisees. About 100 CE
of his people” (Josephus, Antiquities 20.100). There are also
the twelfth prayer of the so-called eighteen benedictions was
some instances of Alexandrian Jews adopting Greek philoso-
expanded with the birkat haminim (“the blessing over the
phy. For the sake of political alliances with pagans, Jews were
heretics”). The oldest wording of that prayer is found in a
willing to abandon circumcision, food rules, and Sabbath
version discovered in the Cario Geniza: “And for apostates
laws. Intermarriage with pagans and shifting intellectual in-
let there be no hope; and may the insolent kingdom be
terests were among the reasons for their deviation from an-
quickly uprooted, in our days. And may Nazarenes [Chris-
cestral practices (Feldman, 1993, pp. 79–83).
tians] and the Minim [heretics] perish quickly; and may they
be erased from the Book of life” (Schürer, 1979, pp.454–
The Book of Daniel, written between 167 and 163 BCE,
463). This amplification implies that apostates had earlier
made Jewish apostasy part of the apocalyptic drama. At the
been cursed in Jewish divine service. Since the Babylonian
end of time, it stated, there will be Jews abandoning the holy
recension of the prayer does not mention either the Naza-
covenant (Dn. 11:30). The pre-Maccabean Apocalypse of
renes or the Minim, it is a matter of controversy whether the
Weeks clung to the same idea: “After that in the seventh week
early form of the prayer actually refered to Christians at all.
an apostate generation shall arise, its deeds shall be many and
Later Christian literature corroborates that after the fall of
all of them criminal” (1 En. 93:9). Apostasy is assessed not
the temple Jews cursed Christians in the synagogues. Justin,
only in religious terms but also in moral and political ones.
in his Dialogue with Trypho, relates that Jews were cursing
Abandonment of belief is near to treason and crime. Similar-
in their synagogues those that believe in Christ (16, 4). But
ly, treason is rejected for religious reasons. When the histori-
only after the third century CE did the rabbis possess the legal
an Josephus Flavius, as commander of Galilean insurgents,
power to expel dissidents from Judaism; previously this
was suspected of treason in 66 CE, his chief adversary told
power rested with the local Jewish communities.
the people: “If you cannot, for your own sakes, citizens, de-
test Josephus, fix your eyes on the ancestral laws (patrioi
The Gospel of John, which originated in Asia Minor,
nomoi), which your commander-in-chief intended to betray,
mentions several times the expulsion of Christians from syn-
and for their sakes hate the crime and punish the audacious
agogues (9:22, 12:42, 16:2–3). The Jewish communities of
criminal” (Josephus, The Life 135). The Jewish notion of the
Asia Minor and other parts of the Roman Empire had been
martyr reflects the same set of beliefs from a different per-
granted the privilege to form associations (sunodos) of their
spective: due to his loyalty to the ancestral laws, the martyr
own in accordance with their ancestral laws and to decide on
is assured of resurrection to life (2 Mc. 7:14). His death is
their own affairs and settle controversies. In the Gospel of
at the same time “an example of high-mindedness and a
John, the term sunagog¯e refers also to the community as a
memory of virtue” (2 Mc. 6:31). If religion and citizenship
whole and not to a building. A Jewish community could
are fused, the apostate who abandons the religion of his an-
withdraw the membership from Christian apostates in its po-
cestors is regarded as a traitor. He is virtually the domestic
liteuma.
ally of the external enemy.
APOSTASY IN GREEK AND ROMAN PUBLIC CULTS. Conver-
Apostasy needed to be legally regulated. Since the first
sion was unknown in Greek and Roman religions because
century BCE Jewish communities outside Israel were estab-
exclusivity was alien to them. There were, however, limits of
lished as recognized associations either under Roman law or
tolerance. These limits were reached when public citizens
under the law of independent cities. Their communities were
abandoned their ancestral religion or refused to participate
recognized as “collegia”—the Latin notion for these associa-
in the common civic cults. Even as early as the time of Livy
tions—or as “politeuma” and practiced internal jurisdiction.
(59 BCE–17 CE), he could report with indignation that in the
Jews who were responsible for civic unrest could be tried and
crisis of the Second Punic War (218–210) “not only in secret
punished by the officials of these bodies. The conflicts be-
and within the walls of private houses Roman rites were
tween Jews and Christians therefore affected legal issues. Paul
abandoned, but in public places also, and in the Forum and
was portrayed by Jewish opponents as teaching apostasy from
on the Capitoline, there was a crowd of women who were
Moses (Acts 21:21). When Paul complained: “Five times I
following the custom of the fathers neither in their sacrifices
have received from the Jews the forty lashes minus one” (2
nor in prayers of the gods” (Livy, History of Rome, 25.1.7).
Cor. 11: 24), he refers to a punishment, inflicted by Jewish
With the Christian mission, abandonment of the mos mai-
authorities according to their ancestral laws (Dt. 25:2). What
orum (the ancestral custom) became much more frequent. In
Paul experienced as a persecution was from a different point
his First Letter to the Corinthians, Paul advised the Gentile
of view, as E. P. Sanders rightly noticed, as a legal prosecu-
Christians not to participate in pagan temple meals (1 Cor.
tion (Sanders, 1986, p. 86).
8:10–12, 10:19ff.). The Christian apologists sustained this
rejection of pagan cults.
Apostasy was subject of religious reflection. “Whole Is-
rael has a share in the world to come. . . . And these don’t
The pagan reproaches addressed to Christians diverged
have a share in the world to come: whoever says, ‘There is
from East to West. In the Greek East, the Christians were
no resurrection of the dead in the Torah’ and ‘There is no
accused of godlessness (atheotes). The accusation is attested
Torah from heaven,’ and the Epicurean” (San. 10:1). The
for the first time by Justin Martyr in 1 Apology 6.1 (written
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
432
APOSTASY
between 150–155 CE) and in the Martyrdom of Polycarp 3
the church’s aims by every means in his power, short of actu-
(shortly after 156 CE). In the Latin West, the Christians were
al persecution, and resumed the reproach directed against
accused of “abandoning the religion of their ancestors”
Christians for despising ancestral beliefs. Furthermore, he
(christiani qui parentum suorum reliquerant sectam). In his
sustained pagan temples and attempted to reform them.
edict of tolerance (311 CE), Galerius gave this abandonment
as reason for the persecution. Christians should be forced to
The notion of an apocalyptic desertion migrated from
acknowledge the ancestral religion, he argued (Lactantius, De
Jewish beliefs into the writings of the early Christian authors.
mortibus persecutorum 34). The reproach of having left the
In his Second Letter to the Thessalonians, Paul maintains
mos Romanorum (“way of the Romans”) had already been ut-
that the coming of the Lord cannot take place “if not at first
tered earlier in the acts of Scillitan martyrs.
comes the apostasy and reveals himself the man of lawlessness
the son of perdition” (2 Thes. 2:3). The synoptic apocalypse
In general, the pagan cults did not expel members who
in the Gospel of Mark expects that at the end of time many
adhered to rival cults or philosophical circles. But often the
will be lead astray and betray each other (Mk. 13:5–12). But
gods of pagan cults were officially recognized by the civic au-
the early Christian conception of an apocalyptic apostasy dif-
thorities and ranked, in Rome, for example, with the di
fered from the above-mentioned Jewish one. Early Christians
publici populi Romani (the public gods of the Roman nation).
were less anxious about apostasy to foreign religions than the
Every citizen had the duty to respect these civic gods. The
Jews of the Maccabean era had been. They were far more
Christians refusing to do so were not only suspected of super-
anxious about teachers of a false doctrine. The First Letter
stitio, but also of political disloyalty. The first important crit-
to Timothy explicitly states that the apostasy at the end of
ic of ancient Christianity, the Middle Platonic philosopher
time is due to Gnostic heretics. And the First Letter of John
Celsus, accused the Christians of insurrection (stasis) against
points out that the last hour has come because false prophets
the community (Origen, Against Celsus 3.5). One hundred
and teachers have arisen from the community, fulfilling the
years later, about 270 CE, Porphyry renewed this criticism.
prophecy of the coming of the antichrist. Interesting parallels
The Christians are atheists, he wrote, “because they aban-
can be detected in some Jewish literature which appeared
doned the ancestral gods, on which the existence of every na-
contemporaneously with these Christian texts. Passages orig-
tion and every city is based” (transmitted by Eusebius in his
inating from Qumran speak about the teacher of lies who has
Praeparatio evangelica 1.2.2). Other pagan critics called for
not obeyed the teacher of justice. At the ascension of Isaiah,
action. In the writings of Dio Cassius, Maecenas says to Au-
one passage asserts, all men in this world will believe in Beli-
gustus: “Venerate the Divine everywhere and totally accord-
al, the antichrist.
ing to the ancestral customs and compel the others to do the
same” (Roman History, 52.36). The general persecutions of
From the third century on, the term apostasy referred ex-
Christians since Decius (r. 249–251
clusively to apostasy to paganism. Cyprian used the term to
CE) met the demands
of such a program. The same holds true for the edict of Dio-
describe Christians who had returned to paganism in the
cletian against the Manichaeans (297
time of the persecution by Decius, a move Cyprian equated
CE). It states: “It is the
most serious crime to reject what once for all has been ar-
with heresy (Epistula 57.3). In the ancient church the corre-
ranged and established by the ancestors” (Mosaicarum et Ro-
sponding notion to apostasy became perseverance. Genuine
manorum legum collatio 15.3.2f.). In sum, apostasy only be-
faith was endangered by three kinds of threat: sedition and
came a problem for pagan society when its ancestral customs
vices; heresy; and persecution. Originally, however, apostasy
were rejected. The limits of tolerance were mainly political
had been conceived as an internal fission of the community
ones.
due to false prophets and teachers. Here the Jewish and
Christian views of apostasy diverge. The apostate abandon-
APOSTASY IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Christianity found
ing Christian belief is not an ally of the external enemy, but
its adherents among Jews and pagans. But these new Chris-
the follower of an internal adversary. For this reason, the law
tians did not always resolutely abandon their old religious
of the early church in regard to apostasy was severe. Apostasy
loyalties. Until the time of the Bar Kokhba revolt (132–135
was an inexpiable offense. After baptism there could be no
CE) there were Christians who followed Jewish ritual law
forgiveness of this sin.
painstakingly (e.g., Gal. 2:11–14). Other Christians contin-
ued to participate in pagan temple meals (e.g., 1 Cor. 8:10).
Only long after the persecution of Decius was readmis-
Paul, in his First Letter to the Corinthians, addressed their
sion of the lapsi (“the fallen”) allowed (Cyprian, Epistula 57).
risk of falling away (1 Cor. 10:20–21), but did not regard this
After the conversion of Constantine (d. 337), apostasy be-
practice as apostasy per se (Oropeza, 2002, p. 223). Only
came a civil offense punishable by law. Edicts in the Theodo-
when the church had separated itself from Jewish-Christians
sian Code, composed in 438 CE, testify to this severity.
and Gnostics did this evaluation change. Apostasy then be-
“Those Christians who have become pagans shall be de-
came a clear-cut issue. The Neoplatonic philosopher Am-
prived of the power and right to make testaments and every
monius Saccas is said to have been a Christian who aposta-
testament of such decedent . . . shall be rescinded by the an-
tized (Eusebius, Church History 6.19.9f.). The most noted
nulment of its foundation” (381 CE CTh 16, 7,1). It is im-
apostate to paganism was the emperor Julian the Apostate
portant to note that an edict of 383 CE explicitly mentions
(361–363 CE). Committed to Neoplatonism, he thwarted
Manichaeism in the same context as pagan temples and Jew-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOSTASY
433
ish rites. Christians simply carried on the persecution of
just a retraction of the confession of faith, but also vilifying
Manichaeans started by Diocletian in 297 CE. The
the Prophet, impugning the honor of his mother, denying
Manichaean teachers were to be punished, the attendants of
the QurDa¯n or parts of it, rejecting manifest commandments
their assemblies to become infamous, and their houses and
as the five pillars, and making licit well-known prohibitions
habitations in which the doctrine was taught to be expropri-
(2003, pp. 121–159). If these transgressions are due to a per-
ated by the fiscal agents of the government. Two edicts pro-
son’s ignorance, the person should be apprised. If the person
mulgated in 391 CE directed that all persons having betrayed
persists, he or she becomes an unbeliever. Their legal status
the holy faith shall be segregated from the community of all
is different from those who had never joined Islam. The
men, shall not have testamentary capacity, shall not inherit,
apostate lacks “religion” and is not entitled to participate in
shall forfeit their position and status, and shall be branded
such religious actions as marriage or slaughtering for food.
with perpetual infamy (CTh 16,7,4). The Code of Justinian
While in the QurDa¯n apostasy was punished in the hereafter,
(534 CE) treated the apostate as a criminal (CJ 1, 7). Due
later the sanction was transferred into this world. Ma¯lik ibn
to the fact that the code became a major source for later ca-
Anas (d. 796), founder of the Ma¯lik¯ı school, transmitted the
nonical law and the Western legal tradition, the law re-
following as a sentence of the Prophet: “Whoever changes
mained effective until citizenship and religious affiliation
his religion, kill him.” But there was dissent among the
were separated by the constitutions of modern states.
Eulama¯D over the particulars: was it applicable to women as
Under modern political conditions the phenomenon of
well as men, and to Muslim by conversion as well as by birth?
apostasy did not vanish, but changed profoundly. In the lat-
There was further debate regarding whether in each case an
ter half of the twentieth century, religious communities arose
effort should be made to bring the apostate to repentance be-
in the United States that challenged the value of family rela-
fore execution. Ma¯lik ibn Anas held the view that such efforts
tions and private property and replaced them by a utopian
should be restricted only to those who bluntly abandoned
communal order. In some cases, external opposition to such
Islam. Those who turned tacitly to zindiqs (“heretics”)
groups was vehement. Concerned relatives mobilized media,
should be killed immediately. Efforts to bring them to repen-
politicians, and law-enforcement officials against the evil of
tance are useless, for the sincerity of their repentance cannot
these “cults.” Apostates of the disputed communities joined
be recognized because they have been infidels in secret be-
with opponents to become principal witnesses for the allega-
fore, while they confessed in public to be followers of Islam.
tion that only by mental coercion (“brainwashing”) had they
The reference to zindiqs is instructive. The Middle Persian
joined such groups. These apostates fulfilled a crucial role in
term zandik, from which the Arabic zindiq is derived, derives
the violence that exploded in the cases of Peoples Temple in
in turn from Zand (the commentary of the Avesta text) and
Jonestown, Guyana, in 1978 and of the Branch Davidians,
refers to Manichaean and Mazdean heresy. As early as the
a sect of the Seventh-day Adventists, in the Texas town of
reign of Bahram II (276–293 CE), the chief of the Zoroastri-
Waco in 1993 (Bromley, 1998, pp. 9–10).
an clergy, Karde¯r, had ordered followers to persecute Chris-
tians and zindiqs. In the same way as Christians adhered to
APOSTASY IN THE ISLAMIC COMMUNITY. The Arabic word
the laws taken by pagan emperors against the Manichaeans,
murtadd denotes the apostate, and the terms irtidad or riddah
so the Islamic conquerors carried on the pre-Islamic persecu-
denote apostasy. QurDanic texts referring to apostasy threaten
tions of the zindiqs. The prototype of the apostate was the
the apostate with punishment in the other world. The “wrath
heretic. The numerous persecutions of members of the
of God” will fall upon him, “except he has been forced, while
Baha¯D¯ı religion in Iran since 1852 testify to the severity of
his heart has been found in the belief” (su¯rah 16:106). A sim-
this Islamic law. The apostates must be killed, their property
ilar idea is put forward by su¯rah 3:82–89: those who aposta-
confiscated, and their marriages annulled.
tize are the true evildoers. Their reward will be the curse of
God, angels, and men. They will be condemned to hell “ex-
Islamic apostasy did not vanish in contemporary times.
cept those who afterward return and mend their ways. God
Since apostasy was defined so broadly, it covered many forms
is compassionate and ready to forgive” (su¯rah 3:89). These
of blasphemy. A Muslim could even become an apostate un-
early Islamic texts are less severe than the canonical and Im-
intentionally, as was the case with author Salman Rushdie.
perial laws and the later Islamic ones.
In his 1988 English-language novel The Satanic Verses, he
used vulgar terminology in passages about Muh:ammad and
There are also in Islam some scarce references to an
his wives. The title of his novel was actually a reference to
apocalyptic apostasy. Occasionally the apocalyptic scenarios
a tradition which held that some verses of the QurDa¯n may
concerning the rise of the mahd¯ı, or Islamic Messiah, provide
have been inspired by Satan (su¯rah 22:52; 53, 19–22). This
for an antichrist called al-dajja¯l. This word, not found in the
reference seemed to cast doubt on the belief that the entire
QurDa¯n, is borrowed from the Aramaic language. The Syriac
QurDa¯n was the verbal utterance of God. Though Rushdie’s
version uses daggala to translate the pseudochristoi of Matthew
novel was written for a post-Christian Western audience, it
24:24. Al-dajjal, who will rule for a limited period, shall lead
stirred tremendous wrath among Muslims worldwide. South
the crowds astray.
Africa, India, and Pakistan banned the book’s sale in their
Later Islamic jurisprudence elaborated on the meaning
countries due to their substantial Muslim populations, but
of apostasy. As Yohanan Friedmann shows, it covered not
in Great Britain it was sold freely. Though British Muslims
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
434
APOSTLES
demanded: “Freedom of speech, yes! Freedom to insult no!,”
Friedmann, Yohanan. Tolerance and Coercion in Islam. Interfaith
the British authorities declined to apply a blasphemy statute
Relations in the Muslim Tradition. Cambridge, U.K., 2003.
against the book. The most dire consequence came in early
Josephus, Flavius. The Life. Edited and translated by H.St. J.
1989, when Iran’s leader, the Ayatollah Khomeini, issued a
Thackeray. Cambridge, Mass., 1926.
fatwa against Rushdie. Khomeini declared to the world’s
Josephus, Flavius. Jewish Antiquities. Edited and translated by
Muslim population that The Satanic Verses was against Islam,
H.St. J. Thackeray and Ralph Marcus. Cambridge, Mass.,
the Prophet, and the QurDa¯n, and sentenced Rushdie to
1930–1963.
death. The fatwa also included any publishers of editions of
Lanctatius. On the Manner in Which Persecutors Died (de mortibus
the book who were aware of its content. Khomeini called
persecutorum), vol 7: Ante-Nicene Fathers. 1994,
upon zealous Muslims to execute them quickly (Ruthven,
pp. 301–322.
1990, p. 112). Though Khomeini went with this ruling far
Livy. History of Rome (Ab urbe condita). 14 vols. Cambridge,
beyond the competence of an Islamic cleric, it took years be-
Mass., 1919–1959.
fore the fatwa was retracted in 2001 by Iran’s president. An-
Maier, Johann. Jüdische Auseinandersetzung mit dem Christentum
other well-known case concerns the Egyptian scholar Nasr
in der Antike. Darmstadt, Germany, 1982. A collection and
interpretation of Jewish texts testifying to the frictions be-
Hamid Abu¯ Zayd. Since Abu¯ Zayd reportedly refuted the
tween Jews and Christians in ancient history.
QurDa¯n as the word of God, he was declared an apostate and
Menasce, Jean-Pierre de. “Problèmes des Mazdéens dans l’Iran
forcibly divorced from his wife (Dupret, 2003,
musulman.” In Festschrift für Wilhelm Eilers, edited by Ger-
pp. 137–138).
not Wiessner, pp. 220–230. Wiesbaden, Germany, 1967. A
S
study into relevant Zoroastrian material concerning the apos-
EE ALSO Expulsion; Heresy, overview article.
tasy to Islam.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Nock, Arthur Darby. Conversion: The Old and New in Religion
Bromley, David G., ed. The Politics of Religious Apostasy. The Role
from Alexander the Great to Augustine of Hippo. Oxford,
of Apostates in the Transformation of Religious Movements.
1933. A famous study tracing the rise of the idea of conver-
Westport, Conn., 1998.
sion and exclusiveness in Greek and Roman thought.
Cassius, Dio. Roman History. 9 vols. With an English translation
Oropeza, Brisio Javier. Paul and Apostasy: Eschatology, Persever-
by Earnest Cary on the basis of the version of Herbert Bal-
ance, and Falling Away in the Corinthian Congregation. Tü-
dwin Foster. Cambridge, Mass., 2000.
bingen, Germany, 2002.
Codex Iustinianus. Edited by Paul Krüger. Corpus Iuris Civilis.
Ruthven, Malise. A Satanic Affair: Salman Rushdie and the Wrath
Band 2. Berlin, 1929.
of Islam. London, 1990.
Codex Theodosianus: Theodosiani libri XVI cum Constitutionibus
Sanders, E. P. “Paul on the Law, His Opponents, and the Jewish
Sirmondianis et Leges novellae ad Theodosianum pertinentes.
People in Philippians 3 and 2 Corinthians 11.” In Anti-
Edited by Theodor Mommsen and Paulus M. Meyer. Berlin,
Judaism in Early Christianity, edited by Peter Richardson,
1904.
vol. 1: Paul and the Gospels. Waterloo, Ont., 1986,
Codex Theodosianus. Translated by Clyde Pharr. Princeton, N.J.,
pp. 75–90.
1952.
Schürer, Emil. The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus
Collatio legum Romanorum et Mosaicorum. Edited with translation
Christ (175 B.C.-A.D. 135), vol. 2. Revised and edited by
and notes by Moses Hyamson. Oxford, 1913.
Geza Vermes, Fergus Millar, and Matthew Black. Edin-
burgh, 1979.
Cyprianus. Correspondence. 2 vols. Edited by L. Bayard. Paris
1961–1962.
Vajda, Georges. “Die zindiqs im Gebiet des Islam zu Beginn der
Abbasidenzeit” (1938). In Der Manichäismus, edited by Geo
Dupret, Baudouin. “A Return to the Shariah? Egyptian Judges
Widengren, pp. 418–463. Darmstadt, Germany, 1977. A
and Referring to Islam.” In Modernizing Islam: Religion in the
valuable collection of sources on groups regarded as heretical
Public Sphere in the Middle East and Europe, edited by John
by the Zoroastrian church and still existing in Islamic times.
L. Esposito and François Burgat, pp. 125–143. London,
2003.
H. G. KIPPENBERG (1987 AND 2005)
Eusebius. Praeparatio evangelica. Edited by K. Mras. 1954–1956.
Feldman, Louis H. Jew and Gentile in the Ancient World. Attitudes
and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian. Princeton, N.J.,
APOSTLES. The word apostle is known mainly from the
1993.
Christian religion as a title of a religious leader, especially in
Forkman, Göran. The Limits of the Religious Community: Expul-
early Christianity. The origin of the word, the concept for
sion from the Religious Community within the Qumran Sect,
which it stands, and its specific expressions in various reli-
within Rabbinic Judaism, and within Primitive Christianity.
gious traditions are far more complex than is usually as-
Lund, Sweden, 1972. An investigation into the attitude of
sumed. The term itself is derived from the Greek apostolos
three Jewish groups toward expulsion.
(Heb., shaliah:; Lat., apostolus) and means “messenger,”
Frend, W. H. C. Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church:
“envoy,” either in a secular or a religious sense (messenger
A Study of a Conflict from the Maccabees to Donatus. Oxford,
of a deity).
1965. A comprehensive historical investigation into the no-
tion of martyrdom and the reaction of ancient political soci-
The basic concept of the messenger is simple: “Everyone
ety to Jewish and Christian exclusiveness.
who is sent by someone is an apostle of the one who sent
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOSTLES
435
him” (Origen, In Ioannem 32.17). This can refer to the legal
a different leadership institution (Mk. 3:16–19, Mt. 10:2–4,
and administrative institution of envoys and ambassadors as
Lk. 6:14–16, Acts 1:13, and, differently, 1 Cor. 15:5). The
well as to highly theological expressions of messengers sent
names of the disciples who were counted among the Twelve
by a deity into the world to bring a message of salvation.
differ to some extent in the tradition (cf. Acts 6:2; Mk. 14:10
Concrete expressions of both these concepts are influenced
and parallels, 14:43 and parallels; Jn. 6:71, 12:4, 20:24).
by different cultural and religious presuppositions. Although
When Luke, author of Luke and Acts, limits the Twelve to
these presuppositions exercise continuous influence even in
the disciples of the historical Jesus, he in effect denies the title
different religious traditions, there is room for specialized de-
of apostle to Paul (except Acts 14:4 and 14:14, where Paul
velopments.
and Barnabas, from an older source, are called apostles).
“At present the question as to the origin and the idea
Luke also refers to the twelve apostles as the leaders of the
of the apostolate is one of the most intricate and difficult
Jerusalem church (e.g., Acts 4:35–37, 5:2, 5:27–32), an as-
problems of New Testament scholarship.” This statement
signment that conflicts with their role as missionaries. In Acts
was first made by Erich Haupt in 1896 and was reiterated
1:21–22, Luke states what for him, and no doubt for others
by twentieth-century scholars, in spite of numerous studies
in early Christianity, are the criteria for apostleship: an apos-
on the subject. The main causes for the problem are the lim-
tle is “one of the men who have been our companions during
ited sources, in particular from the earliest stages of the devel-
all the time when the Lord Jesus went in and out among us,
opment in primitive Christianity, and the confusion caused
beginning with the baptism of John until the day when he
by the several expressions of a basic concept found as early
was taken up from us, a witness of his resurrection together
as the New Testament itself.
with us.” However, these criteria are a later construction, de-
signed to limit the concept to those who were eyewitnesses
The New Testament sources show an advanced stage,
(Lk. 1:2) and thus to curtail the increasing confusion about
not the beginning, of the development of the concept of
the nature and authority of apostles.
apostleship. In fact, the New Testament contains several dif-
ferent and competing expressions of the concept that have
PAUL THE APOSTLE. The origin of Paul’s apostleship is still
begun to merge with one another. This state of affairs is also
as puzzling as it was in early Christianity. If the criteria of
bound up with the definition of apostleship, which was in
Acts 1:21–22 are applied, Paul does not qualify as an apostle.
dispute as early as the time of Paul.
In fact, Paul’s claim to apostleship was disputed in much of
early Christianity (1 Cor. 9:2, 15:9–10). At the beginning of
APOSTLES AS MISSIONARIES. A number of New Testament
his Christian career, Paul worked as a missionary apostle with
passages refer to apostles as traveling missionaries. Their title
his mentor Barnabas (Acts 9:27, 13:1–3, 14:4, 14:14; cf. Gal.
and function is described, for example, in 2 Corinthians 8:23
1:15–2:14). However, the title used by Paul in his letters,
(cf. Phil. 2:25) as “envoys of the churches.” These envoys
were elected or appointed by the people they were supposed
“called apostle of Christ Jesus” (1 Cor. 1:1), expresses an un-
to represent (cf. 2 Cor. 8:6, 8:16–23). This process of ap-
derstanding of his own apostleship different from the under-
pointment does not necessarily exclude divine intervention
standing of Luke. Despite the evidence provided by Paul, the
(cf. Acts 13:1–3). Apparently, the early Christian mission was
origin and background of this title are to some extent still
carried out to a large extent by these missionary apostles,
a mystery. Since Paul did not qualify under the normal defi-
some of whom may have been women, although the evidence
nition, his own title presupposes a critical reinterpretation
for women is uncertain. The task of these apostles included
and redefinition of the entire concept of apostleship. In his
preaching the gospel and administering the newly founded
earliest letter, 1 Thessalonians, Paul does not use the title. It
churches, but no clear job description is found in the New
appears first in the prescript of Galatians (1:1): “Paul, apostle
Testament (cf. 1 Cor. 9:5, 12:28; 2 Cor. 11:13; Rom. 16:1–
not from men nor through [a] man but through Jesus Christ
23; see also Didache 11.3–11.6).
and God the Father who raised him from the dead” (cf. 1
Cor. 1:1, 2 Cor. 1:1, Rom. 1:1–7). This new title became the
JESUS’ DISCIPLES AS APOSTLES. A more specialized concept
standard in the Pauline churches (Col. 1:1; Eph. 1:1; 1 Tm.
of apostle is mentioned in Galatians 1:17, 1:19, and 1 Corin-
1:1, 2:7; 2 Tm. 1:1, 1:11; Ti. 1:1).
thians 9:5 (cf. 1 Cor. 15:7), where the former disciples of
Jesus are called apostles. Apparently this title was given to
By this redefinition Paul in effect claimed to be more
those disciples who had experienced a vision of the risen
than an ordinary missionary apostle; he claimed the same
Christ (1 Cor. 9:1, 15:3–8), but the situation is unclear be-
rank and authority as the former disciples of Jesus (cf. Gal.
cause in the decisive passage, 1 Corinthians 15:3–7, concepts
1:17; 1 Cor. 9:1–5, 15:1–10), indeed, a higher authority. His
that were originally different have been merged: 1 Corinthi-
letters testify, however, that he encountered considerable dif-
ans 15:5 names Cephas and the Twelve, 1 Corinthians 15:7
ficulties obtaining recognition that his apostolic authority
names James “and all the apostles” as the recipients of the
was legitimate. His claim seems to have initiated bitter con-
visions, while 1 Corinthians 15:6 speaks of the “five hundred
troversy about the question of who were the true and who
brothers” without calling them disciples of Jesus or apostles.
were the false apostles (cf. 2 Cor. 11:13). Paul’s apostleship
Some New Testament writers, especially Luke, identify the
was accepted fully only after his death as a martyr, when
disciples of Jesus (or apostles) with “the Twelve,” originally
Peter and Paul came to be regarded as the great founder fig-
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436
APOSTLES
ures of early Christian history. Jewish Christianity, however,
his master, nor is an apostle greater than the one who sent
never recognized Paul as a legitimate apostle.
him”). Christ’s entire mission is described by the technical
term apostello (“send”). He is the Logos and Son of God who
Paul’s claim to be the “apostle of the Gentiles” (Rom.
was sent by God the Father into this world (Jn. 1:6, 3:17,
11:13; cf. Rom. 1:5–7, 1:13–15) implied that he had a
3:34, 5:36–38, 6:29, 6:57, 10:36, 17:3, 17:8, 17:18, 17:21,
unique position in the church. Sent out by the risen Christ,
17:23, 20:21; cf. 1 Jn. 4:9, 4:10, 4:14). He in turn sends out
who had appeared to him and appointed him (Gal. 1:15–
his own disciples (Jn. 4:38, 17:18), the Twelve, who are,
16), he served as Christ’s messenger, representative, and imi-
however, not called apostles (Jn. 6:67, 6:70, 6:71, 20:24). It
tator on earth in an almost exclusive sense (for the concept
appears that the title of apostle has been avoided by the
of mimetes, or “imitator,” see 1 Thessalonians 1:6, 2:14 and
Fourth Gospel. Because the similarity between the Johan-
1 Corinthians 4:16, 11:1). His assignment was not only to
nine Christology and the Pauline concept of apostle is so
spread the gospel and found churches; his entire physical and
strong, the answer to the question of why the Fourth Gospel
spiritual existence was to become an epiphany of the cruci-
is not interested in the title of apostle may have something
fied and resurrected Christ (cf. Gal. 6:17; 2 Cor. 2:14–5:21,
to do with the still unexplained relationship between Pauline
13:3–4; Phil. 3:10). Paul’s apostolic office had a firm posi-
and Johannine Christianity. The Christological concept of
tion in the history of salvation as well as in the redemption
apostle is found later, in the second century, in Justin Martyr
of the cosmos. At the Last Judgment, he expected to serve
(1 Apology 12.9, 63.5) and subsequently in patristic sources.
as the representative of his churches before the judgment seat
of Christ (2 Cor. 11:2; cf. 1 Cor. 1:8; 1 Thes. 2:10, 5:23; Phil.
MANI AND MUH:AMMAD AS APOSTLES. Mani, founder of the
2:15; also Col. 1:22, Eph. 5:27).
third-century movement of Manichaeism, called by his fol-
lowers “apostle of Jesus Christ,” “apostle of light,” and “fa-
Paul’s concept of apostleship emerged from intensive
ther of all apostles,” was believed to be the last of a series of
struggle in the early church. In this struggle his own theologi-
apostles. Mani conceived his apostleship in strongly Pauline
cal ideas about apostleship underwent profound changes.
terms, but made fuller use of an older prototype. Widengren
This process was also informed by other notions. Geo Wi-
has shown the roots of this prototype in Syriac Gnosticism.
dengren has shown that Paul’s concept of apostle has its clos-
In heterodox Jewish Christianity, the still mysterious figure
est parallels, and most probably antecedents, in Syriac Gnos-
of Elchasai seems to represent a similar type. It appears that
ticism. In the study Der Apostel Paulus und die sokratische
the Manichaeans drew their concept of the apostleship of
Tradition, this article’s author has shown that Paul was deep-
Mani not only from Paul but also from a broader spectrum
ly influenced by the Socratic tradition, in which Socrates fig-
of ideas, perhaps the same spectrum that informed Paul
ured as a messenger sent by the deity. Thus Paul’s concept
when he formulated his concept of apostleship.
of apostleship is a highly complex and composite creation
that reflects the struggles of his own career as well as early
Muh:ammad called himself “apostle of God” (rasu¯l
Christianity’s conflicts about the legitimacy and authority of
Alla¯h). As such, he occupied a unique position between God
its leadership.
and the faithful and considered himself the “last messenger
of God.” According to the QurDa¯n Muh:ammad is the bringer
LISTS OF EARLY CHRISTIAN APOSTLES. The struggle about
of light, illuminating the scriptures for the enlightened (5:18,
the apostolic authority is reflected also in the lists of the apos-
9:32–33). On the other hand, Muh:ammad can call others
tles, which differ to a considerable degree. Mark 3:16–19,
by the same title, “apostle of God.” Later this function seems
Luke 6:14–16, and Acts 1:13–26 give diverse accounts. The
to have influenced the figure of the imam.
history of the lists of apostles continues in the second centu-
ry, sometimes reflecting the differing interests of Christian
SEE ALSO Jesus; Mani; Manichaeism; Muh:ammad; Paul the
groups. Confusion about who was and was not an apostle
Apostle.
is found in other parts of the New Testament as well. Was
James, “the brother of the Lord” (Gal. 1:19), an apostle?
BIBLIOGRAPHY
While Barnabas is called apostle, together with Paul, in Acts
Agnew, Francis H. “On the Origin of the Term Apostolos.” Catho-
14:4 and 14:14, Paul never calls him by this name (cf. Gal.
lic Biblical Quarterly 38 (January 1976): 49–53.
2:1–10, 2:13; 1 Cor. 9:6). Does he want to avoid any refer-
Agnew, Francis H. “The Origin of the New Testament Apostle-
ence to an earlier concept of apostleship (cf. Acts 15:36–40,
Concept: A Review of Research.” Journal of Biblical Litera-
Gal. 2:13)? On the other hand, Paul speaks of missionary
ture 105 (1986): 75–96.
apostles when the difference between them and him is clear.
Betz, Hans Dieter. Der Apostel Paulus und die sokratische Tradi-
C
tion. Tübingen, 1972.
HRIST AS APOSTLE. Christ is called an apostle only once in
the New Testament: “Jesus, the apostle and high priest of our
Betz, Hans Dieter. Galatians. Philadelphia, 1979.
confession” (Heb. 3:1). This Christological concept is late,
Betz, Hans Dieter. “Gottmensch II: Griechisch-römische Antike
but it may have older roots. There is a peculiar situation in
und Urchristentum.” In Reallexikon für Antike und Christen-
the Fourth Gospel, where Christ is never called apostle but
tum, vol. 12. Stuttgart, 1982.
functions as a messenger from God (cf., however, John
Bühner, Jan-Adolf. “Apostolos, Gesandter, Apostel.” In Exegetisches
13:16: “Truly, truly I say to you, a slave is not greater than
Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament, vol. 1. Stuttgart, 1980.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOTHEOSIS
437
Hennecke, Edgar. New Testament Apocrypha. 2 vols. Edited by
ORIGINS. Even though the immortal and blessed condition
Wilhelm Schneemelcher. Philadelphia, 1963–1965. See es-
of the gods differentiates them radically from human nature,
pecially volume 2, pp. 25–87, with important surveys of the
the Greeks regarded as “divine” (theios) the person whose
evidence in the early church.
outstanding qualities set him or her individually apart from
Klein, Günter. Die Zwölf Apostel. Göttingen, 1961.
the commonplace. The heroization of founders of cities or
Lampe, G. W. H., ed. A Patristic Greek Lexicon. Oxford, 1961.
of benefactors and peacemakers assured them posthumously
See pages 211–214, and the index, s.v. apostolos.
a kind of official cult. Recipients of such honor included Bra-
Lüdemann, Gerd. Paulus, der Heidenapostel. 2 vols. Göttingen,
sidas, Miltiades, Gelon and Hiero I of Syracuse, Theron, and
1980–1983. Volume 1 deals with the chronology of Paul’s
Timoleon. However, if genius, virtue, and political or mili-
life, volume 2 with the anti-Pauline opposition. Volume 1
tary success embody divine potential in exceptional men, it
has been translated by F. Stanley Jones as Paul, Apostle to the
is especially so while they are living. Consequently, there is
Gentiles (Philadelphia, 1984).
no need to wait for their death before heaping upon them
Rengstorf, Karl Heinrich. “Apostello, apostolos” (1933). In Theolog-
such homage as is accorded the gods (isotheoi timai), yet
ical Dictionary of the New Testament. Grand Rapids, Mich.,
without identifying them with deities. Such was the case with
1964.
Lysander after the victory of Aegospotami in 405 BCE: dedi-
Roloff, Jürgen. “Apostel/Apostolat/Apostolizität, I. Neues Testa-
cated to him were statues, altars, chants, and sacred games
ment.” In Theologische Realenzyklopädie, vol. 3. Berlin, 1978.
that raised him to the status of the Olympians.
Schmithals, Walter. The Office of the Apostle in the Early Church.
Nashville, 1969.
Aristotle grants that superiority in valor or virtue secures
Schoeps, Hans Joachim. Paul: The Theology of the Apostle in the
for certain people the honor of being counted among the
Light of Jewish Religious History. Philadelphia, 1961.
gods (Nicomachean Ethics 7.1.2). The Hellenistic ideology of
Schüssler-Fiorenza, Elisabeth. In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theo-
the savior-sovereign, beneficent and euerget¯es (benefactor),
logical Reconstruction of Christian Origins. New York, 1983,
derives directly from this concept. The Stoics would apply
pp. 160–204.
it generally to people who excelled in services rendered. It
Widengren, Geo. Muhammad, the Apostle of God, and His Ascen-
was the virtus (braveness) of civilizing heroes that earned apo-
sion. Uppsala, 1955.
theosis for Herakles, for the Dioscuri, and for Dionysos. Phi-
Widengren, Geo. Religionsphänomenologie. Berlin, 1969. See the
losophers, wise men, and miracle workers (among them Py-
index, s.v. Apostel, Ausgesandter.
thagoras and Empedocles, and later Plato, Epicurus, and a
New Sources
number of others) were regarded as god-men, benefactors of
Brock, Ann. Mary Magdalene: The First Apostle; The Struggle for
humanity. The case of the young Gnostic Epiphanes, adored
Authenticity. Cambridge, Mass., 2003.
as a god after his death for being the founder of the Car-
Brown, Peter Robert Lamont. The Body and Society: Men, Women,
pocratian sect, exhibits the same process.
and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity. New York,
ALEXANDER, THE DIADOCHI, AND HELLENISTIC ROYALTY.
1988.
In dedicating funeral solemnities, of which some elements
Donfried, Karl P. Paul. Thessalonica, and Early Christianity.
(particularly eagles) prefigure certain aspects of imperial
Grand Rapids, Mich., 2002.
Roman apotheosis, to the memory of his friend Hephaes-
Keck, Leonard. Paul and His Letters. Philadelphia, 1988.
tion, Alexander established a cult for him, ordering that sac-
King, Karen L. The Gospel of Mary of Magdala. Santa Rosa, Calif.,
rifice be made to him “as to a god of the highest order” (Dio-
2003.
dorus Siculus, 17.114–115). His funeral pyre with five levels
Meeks, Wayne. The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the
presaged the rogus consecrationis (funeral pyre) of the Caesars.
Apostle Paul. New Haven, Conn., 2003.
It has been suggested that it was Alexander who proposed to
Robinson, James M., and Richard Smith, eds. The Nag Hammadi
the Diadochi (successors) the plan for his own posthumous
Library in English. 3d ed., San Francisco, 1988.
consecration. Indeed, the tomb of the conquering Macedo-
Wiarda, Timothy. Peter in the Gospels. Tübingen, 2000.
nian became the site of a cult at Alexandria that correspond-
HANS DIETER BETZ (1987)
ed to that of the hero ktist¯es, or “founder.” However, the
Revised Bibliography
Ptolemies made of it a state cult that deified the dead king
by allotting to him the service of a namesake priest. Like the
Olympians, Alexander was to be honored fully as a god. (His
APOTHEOSIS is the conferring, through official, ritual,
name was not preceded by the title theos, which fundamen-
or iconographic means, of the status of a god upon a mortal
tally differentiated him from the Lagides kings.) When the
person. The Greek verb apotheoun appears first in the writ-
first of the Ptolemies died, his son dedicated a temple to him
ings of the historian Polybius, which date from the second
as a “savior-god.” The first of the Seleucids was similarly dei-
century BCE. The noun apotheo¯sis is found for the first time
fied in 280 BCE by Antiochus I. The divinization of dead
in Cicero, though it may have existed already in the classical
queens and kings, which was connected with the cult of Alex-
Greek world. It is during the Hellenistic epoch, however,
ander by following the categories of Greek mythology, was
that apotheo¯sis takes on new forms that display the stamp of
legitimized by proclaiming that Arsinoë had been borne
the Roman cult of emperors and of the dead.
away by the Dioscuri, Ptolemy II by Zeus, and Berenice by
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
438
APOTHEOSIS
Aphrodite. This representation of divine abductions would
support from Stoicism. It was also a tenet of Pythagoreans,
long survive in funerary imagery.
since their doctrine of the immortality of the soul included
the ascent of the soul to the stars after death.
The posthumous deification of sovereigns that devel-
oped during the third century BCE coincides both
In Roman religion, the dead, as the manes, were collec-
chronologically and ideologically with the success of euhe-
tively and indiscriminately deified, the “sacrifices” offered to
merism. In a revolutionary book entitled Sacred Scripture,
them having the purpose of helping them rest quietly under
Euhemeros of Messene declared that religions derive from
the ground. But from the second century BCE onward, this
the homage rendered to beneficent kings or to civilizing con-
cult tended to coincide with a kind of heroization of impres-
querors. It is the epoch that witnessed the popularization of
sive individuals, such as some members of the Scipionic fam-
the myth of Dionysos roaming through Asia for the purpose
ily. The sarcophagus that contained the remains of Scipio
of propagating the use of wine and also of spreading, like Al-
Barbatus had the shape of a monumental altar, which attests
exander, Hellenic culture. Yet parallel (or correlative) to this
to the deceased being a deus parens (Saladino, 1970, pp. 24
concept of the hero-euerget¯es, there is affirmed the idea of the
ff.). Even the poet Ennius, whose activity was patronized by
living god, incarnate in the active person of the sovereign.
the Scipios, asserts that “one man shall be raised to the heav-
Already in 324 BCE, Alexander had laid claim to this deifica-
ens” (Annals 1.54, Skutsch); while some considered immor-
tion: it involved a political idea, that of the unity of a univer-
tality something that a few may obtain after ascending to the
sal and cosmopolitan empire in need of a religious founda-
heavens (Lactantius, Divinae institutiones 1.18; Cicero, De
tion in the person of the king himself, as was later the case
republica, frag. 6). Cicero, who is largely influenced by Py-
in the persons of the Caesars. In Egypt the process took root
thagorean and Stoic trends, likewise says that Romulus be-
in the local practice of identifying the pharaoh with Horus
came a god through his deeds and virtue (De republica 2.17),
and of adoring him as the “son of Re.” The Greeks compared
and Scipio is told to rise to the stars by pursuing justice and
the Ptolemies to Zeus, Dionysos, Apollo, Hermes, and Posei-
piety (Cicero, De republica 6.16; Tusculanae disputationes 1.
don, and their wives to Hera, Aphrodite, Isis, and Demeter.
43). Scipio is also the main character in the last section of
In the same way, Antiochus I was compared to Zeus Nikator,
Cicero’s dialogue on the state, which deals with the notion
and his son to Apollo Soter. The notion was also entertained
of astral immortality—promised to meritorious statesmen,
of the reincarnation of this or that deity in the person of the
in conformity with the Hellenistic ideology of the
sovereign: Ptolemy XIII and Mithradates VI Eupator were
hero-euerget¯es. The same writer first attests the Greek word
each regarded as a “new Dionysos.” Alexander too had been
apotheo¯sis with reference to the posthumous divinization
a “new Dionysos,” a “new Herakles.”
with which he attempted to honor his daughter Tullia (Epis-
tles to Atticus 1.16.13).
Like the Lagides, the kings of Syria and Pergamum insti-
tuted a dynastic cult alongside local cults of sovereign found-
“Private” examples of apotheoses are the privileged ob-
ers of cities. Each satrapy had its own high priest for the royal
ject of altar-shaped tombs, which entered into widespread
cult, just as during the Roman era each province would have
usage in the first century BCE. Their ornamentation is also
its own archiereus for the imperial cult. This divinization was
significant, particularly the eagles of apotheosis, thought to
sanctioned through appeal to genealogy: the Lagides de-
bear the soul of the deceased to heaven, like the eagle of Zeus
scended from Herakles or from Dionysos. There was no hesi-
that abducted Ganymede. In freeing the spiritual person
tation in proclaiming Demetrios Poliorcetes as the “son of
from his or her carnal shell, the funeral pyre served to aid
Poseidon and Aphrodite.” The epodic hymn that the Athe-
ascension to the ethereal realm of the gods. A fortiori, being
nians sang to him in 307 BCE serves as a revealing document
struck by lightning was a measure of apotheosis, as the myths
of the new conception of deities: “You, we see you here pres-
of Semele, Herakles, and Asklepios show. Scenes of military
ent, not as an idol of wood or stone, but really here.” The
life and hunting, as well as intellectual activity, also symbol-
apotheosis of living beings, visible or “epiphanous,” appeared
ized heroization through virtus. Finally, untimely deaths
as one consequence (among others) of the decline of the rule
were thought to assure the apotheosis of those whom the
of the cities and of the cults entwined with them. The ero-
Greeks called aho¯roi (those who die untimely deaths).
sion of belief in the traditional gods benefited the ideology,
CAESAR AND AUGUSTUS: A “TRANSITIONAL” PHASE. The
indeed the theology, of the leader as savior and peacemaker,
deification of Romulus, the founder of Rome (who after his
as effective and direct protector of the people who needed
ascension to heaven was worshiped under the name
him. The same phenomenon repeated and expanded itself
Quirinus), traces back to Ennius, but it was greatly elaborat-
three centuries later to the advantage of the Roman
ed and became a topical image in the Augustan age (Livy
emperors.
1.16.1–3; 1.40.3). Other mythical heroes of divine offspring,
such as Aeneas and Hercules, were worshiped as gods. Their
THE ROMAN WORLD. Motifs like those discussed above
apotheosis served as a prototype for the divinization of Julius
early permeated Roman culture, together with the diffusion
Caesar and, later, Augustus.
of Hellenistic influences (a poem such as Callimachus’s Lock
of Berenice was imitated by Catullus in the first century BCE).
Two years after his murder in 44 BCE, the senate stated
In particular, the idea of the divinity of humans gained much
the official consecration of Caesar. It was a crucial develop-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
APOTHEOSIS
439
ment that provided a partial model for later imperial deifica-
on the other hand, the granting of deification allowed the
tions. However, divine honors were offered to Caesar even
senate to obtain a sort of authority for the emperor (the re-
during his lifetime, together with a solemn public funeral
fusal to deify Tiberius is noteworthy). The senate continued
and the addition of a day to the calendar on which prayers
to play a formal role in apotheosis, although this role became
should be addressed to him. The famous comet that ap-
increasingly reduced, especially in the second and third cen-
peared in July during the games held in memory of Caesar
turies. At the same time, by supervising the deification of his
was believed to be his soul. This comet indicated that he had
predecessor, the new emperor confirmed his rightful role and
attained the heights of heaven and was a god with his own
emphasized his own piety. In this sense, consecration can be
place among the stars.
considered a rite of passage because it involves the transmis-
sion of authority to a new ruler.
Such themes are echoed in contemporary literature: in
the Eclogues and especially the Aeneid, Vergil, by displaying
Many sources, both iconographic and literary, preserve
numerous references to astral imagery, emphasizes the Gol-
accounts of apotheosis rituals. Along with inscriptions
den Age and the divinity of Augustus, to whom divinity is
(which record the official formulas), coins and cameos, and
bestowed by an encomiastic homage pronounced by Anchi-
even the vault of the Arch of Titus, display the distinctive
ses in a prophetic passage at the end of the sixth book. An
signs of the apotheosis ritual such as the pyre and the eagle.
analogous motif of Hellenistic ascendance, the catasterismos
Moreover, imposing monuments are still preserved in Rome,
(transformation into a star) concludes Ovid’s Metamorphoses
including Hadrian’s mausoleum, the Castel Sant’Angelo, the
and shows Pythagorean patterns in dealing with Caesar’s
Temple of Antoninus Pius and Faustina in the Forum (now
apotheosis. Ovid also offers a comparison between Romulus
the Church of Lorenzo in Miranda), and the sole surviving
and Augustus and a striking account of the apotheosis of
raised relief on the pedestal of the column of Antoninus Pius.
Romulus in his calendar. A contemporary poem, the Conso-
This relief displays the decrusio (the army’s ritual encircle-
lation to Livia (255–258) explicitly compares the imperial fu-
ment of the bier) and, more significantly, in a Roman setting
neral pyre to that of Hercules. The idea of the emperor being
(note the Campus Martius, identified by the Egyptian obe-
counted among the stars even recurs in Germanicus, who in-
lisk set up by Augustus, two personifications of Roma, a seat-
cludes in his astronomical poem a reference to the Capricorn,
ed armed female, and the River Tiber in the foreground), the
Augustus’s birth sign, which is now his heavenly seat. These
apotheosis of the emperor and of his wife, carried away by
numerous literary references illustrate how many factors, in-
the spirit of eternity (Aio¯n) on its wings. The third-century
cluding personal charisma, paved the way for the cultic ven-
Greek historians Cassius Dio and Herodian, who record the
eration of emperors and a sacralization of their role. It must
funerals of Augustus, Pertinax (193), and Septimius Seve-
be noted that even though the Hellenistic kings and the Cae-
rus’s (211), offer further detailed accounts of the ceremony.
sars had been themselves adored while alive (Cassius Dio
Among the literary sources, Seneca’s prosimetric satire,
51.20.7 traces the official institution of the cult of the living
Apocolocynto¯sis divii Claudii, contains a parody of Claudius’s
princeps back to 29 BCE), it is possible to speak of true apothe-
funeral and deification, decreed after his murder in 54
osis only posthumously.
CE:
the title, an evident jeu de mots with apotheo¯sis, has been un-
IMPERIAL APOTHEOSIS. The apotheosis ritual is perhaps the
derstood as “metamorphosis into a gourd,” an allusion to
most significant innovation in religious practice during the
Claudius’s stupidity. Rather than a polemic against the re-
transition from the Republic to the Empire. It is strictly relat-
cent institution of apotheosis, the work must be considered
ed to the cult of the emperors, which raises many exegetical
a direct attack against Claudius, which at the same time pos-
problems, since it varied in its forms or rituals according to
sessed a political function: to make Claudius an example to
the different regions of the Roman Empire or to the different
Nero of how not to govern. Such ironic patterns or “reversal”
epochs.
elements induced scholars to suggest a link with the winter
festival of the Saturnalia, which probably was also the occa-
This ceremony was an important part of the symbolism
sion for delivering it.
that defined the imperial house and became rooted in
Roman tradition. In addition, the building of a great temple
According to the ritual, an immense four-tiered pyre
to the new god aimed to make this status more evident in
would be built upon the Field of Mars. This rogus consecra-
stone and marble. Such a consecratio (the official Latin term
tionis was constructed of planks enclosing combustible mate-
for an imperial apotheosis), whose artful ritual was developed
rials and was elaborately decorated on the outside with costly
from the funeral ritual of aristocratic families, was inaugurat-
embroidered fabrics adorned with gold, paintings, emboss-
ed after the death of Augustus in 14 CE. From Augustus to
ments, and garlands. A funeral pallet bore the cadaver of the
Constantine the Great (d. 337), thirty-six emperors and
new divus, covered with spices, fragrant fruits, and perfume
twenty-seven members of their families were bestowed with
essences. Around the pyre the priests and horseman would
an apotheosis and received the title of divus, a term which
move in a circle. There was also a procession representing fa-
differred from deus insofar as it was employed only for divi-
mous persons of the past, the nations of the Roman Empire,
nized humans. Political meanings were implied in the deifi-
the guilds of different trades, and the senatorian order. A
cation: on one hand, it was a fitting end for a good emperor;
speech was made in honor of the dead emperor, whose body
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
440
APOTHEOSIS
or wax image was on a bier. The new emperor would then
of God emerging from the sky. In any case, the title divus
take a torch to kindle the pyre, and everyone participating
did not imply apotheosis for the Christians, and Constan-
would do the same. Finally, from the top of the pyre an eagle
tine’s biographer Eusebius of Caesarea clearly states that
would take flight as if bearing the soul of the deceased Caesar
Constantine enjoyed a Christian immortality. The artful fu-
to the heavenly Olympus. After the ceremony, a witness
neral of Constantine constituted a model for a subsequent
would attest to having seen the consecrated prince soar into
elaboration of the Byzantine ceremonies for dead emperors,
the air, and there was no lack of omens portending the apo-
as is depicted in the Liber de caeremoniis and in panegyric
theosis. Thereafter, the deceased would be entitled to a cult
poetry.
served by a priestly corps comprising members of the imperi-
al family.
SEE ALSO Deification; Emperor’s Cult.
The ceremonial was maintained throughout the centu-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Cumont, Franz. Lux Perpetua. Paris, 1948.
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Monuments from Augustus to Marcus Aurelius. Cambridge,
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Harvard Theological Review 88 (1995): 415–536.
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Kleiner, Diana E. E., and Fred S. Kleiner. “The Apotheosis of An-
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Prudentius (Against Symmachus 1.245 ff.).
L’Orange, Hans Peter. Apotheosis in Ancient Portraiture. Oslo,
After the conversion of Constantine to Christianity in
1947; reprint, New Rochelle, N.Y., 1982.
312, apotheosis became incompatible with the new religion
Melearts, Henri, ed. “Le culte du souverain dans l’Égypte ptolé-
and was denounced by many fathers of the church because
maïque au IIIe siècle avant notre ère.” Actes du colloque inter-
it implied the worship of dead people as gods. Constantine
national, Brussels, 10 mai 1995. Leuven, 1998.
was probably the first emperor to be inhumed and the first
Price, Simon. “From Noble Funerals to Divine Cult: The Conse-
for whom a pyre was not erected. Yet coins of consecration
cration of Roman Emperors.” In Rituals of Royalty: Power
were nonetheless struck upon his death; these depicted the
and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies, edited by David
emperor in a chariot, extending his hand toward the hand
Cannadine and Simon Price, pp. 56–105. London, 1987.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
EAQIVAD BEN YOSEF
441
Saladino, V. Der Sarkophag des Lucius Cornelius Scipio Barbatus.
EAQ¯IDAH SEE CREEDS, ARTICLE ON ISLAMIC
Würzburg, Germany, 1970.
CREEDS
Seneca. Apocolocyntosis. Edited by Patricia T. Eden. Cambridge,
U.K., 1984.
Small, Alistair, ed. Subject and Ruler: The Cult of the Ruling Power
EAQIVAD BEN YOSEF (c. 50–c. 135
in Classical Antiquity. Papers presented at a conference held
CE), Palestinian
in the University of Alberta on April 13–15, 1994, to cele-
tanna. EAqivaD lived during the time of the transformation of
brate the 65th anniversary of Duncan Fishwick. Ann Arbor,
Palestinian Judaism from a religion centered on the Temple
Mich., 1996.
of Jerusalem to one focused on the study of Torah, the totali-
Strong, Eugénie Sellers. Apotheosis and Afterlife: Three Lectures on
ty of God’s revelation to Moses and the Jewish people.
Certain Phases of Art and Religion in the Roman Empire. Lon-
EAqivaD was born shortly before the destruction of the Tem-
don, 1915.
ple in 70 CE and died during the Bar Kokhba Revolt (132–
135), the Jews’ last attempt to wrest freedom from the Ro-
Taeger, Fritz. Charisma: Studien zur Geschichte des antiken Herrs-
cherkultes. 2 vols. Stuttgart, Germany, 1957–1960.
mans. Described as a poor shepherd, EAqivaD, encouraged by
his wife, supposedly began his rabbinic studies at the age of
Turcan, Robert. “Origine et sens de l’inhumation à l’époque im-
forty and learned the alphabet together with his young son
périale.” Revue des études anciennes 60 (1958): 323–347.
(Avot de-Rabbi Natan 6; B.T., Ket. 62b–63a, Ned. 50a).
Turcan, Robert. “Le piédestal de la colonne antonine.” Revue ar-
chéologique (1975): 305–318.
The influence of EAqivaD touched all areas of rabbinic
thought and all levels of rabbinic lore. The Talmud relates
Turcan, Robert. “Le culte impérial au troisième siècle.” In Aufstieg
und Niedergang der römischen Welt 2, no. 16.2 (1978):
that
996–1084.
the anonymous statements in the Mishnah [the earliest
Vogel, Lise. The Column of Antoninus Pius. Cambridge, Mass.,
collection of rabbinic teachings] should be attributed to
1973.
MeDir, the anonymous statements in the Tosefta [a doc-
ument that parallels the Mishnah but that did not
Voisin, Jean-Louis. “Antinoüs varius, multiplex, multiformis.” In
achieve its official status] should be attributed to
L’Afrique, la Gaule, la réligion à l’epoque romaine: Mélanges
Neh:emyah, the anonymous statements in Sifra E [an
à la mémoire de Marcel Le Glay, edited by Yann Le Bohec,
early collection of exegetical statements on Leviticus]
pp. 730–741. Brussels, 1994.
should be attributed to Yehudah, the anonymous state-
Wardle, David. “Deus or Divus: The Genesis of Roman Termi-
ments in Sifrei [an early collection of exegetical com-
nology for Deified Emperors and a Philosopher’s Contribu-
ments on Numbers and Deuteronomy] should be attri-
tion.” In Philosophy and Power in the Graeco-Roman World:
buted to Shim’on, and all of them are according to the
Essays in Honour of Miriam Griffin, edited by Gillian Clark
opinion of EAqivaD. (B.T., San. 86a)
and Tessa Rajak, pp. 181–191. Oxford, 2002.
The major sages after EAqivaD traced their intellectual heritage
Weinreich, Otto. “Antikes Gottmenschtum.” Neues Jahrbücher
back to him. Even the patriarch GamliDel of Yavneh acqui-
für Wissenschaft und Jugendbildung 2 (1926): 633–651.
esced to the knowledge of EAqivaD (B.T., Ber. 27b–28a), and
Weinstock, Stefan. Divus Julius. Oxford, U.K., 1971.
the greatest patriarch, Yehudah ha-Nasi’, studied with the
Wilcken, Ulrich. “Zur Entstehung des hellenistischen König-
five major pupils of EAqivaD (B.T., Meg. 20a). Even Moses
skultes.” Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der
is said to have asked God why he revealed the Torah through
Wissenschaften: Philosophisch historische Klasse (1938):
him if he had such a one as EAqivaD (B.T., Men. 29b).
298–321.
Scholars such as Jacob Brull, Jacob Zuri, and Zacharias
Williams, Mary Frances. “The Sidus Iulium, the Divinity of Men,
Frankel attribute to EAqivaD a central role in the codification
and the Golden Age in Virgil’s Aeneid.” Leeds International
Classical Studies 2, no. 1 (2003). Available from
of the Mishnah; however, Jacob Neusner and his students
www.leeds.ac.uk/classics/lics/2003/200301.pdf.
have raised serious questions about the traditional view of
how the Mishnah came into being and the role of EAqivaD in
Wrede, Henning. Consecratio in formam deorum: Vergöttlichte
Privatpersonen in der römischen Kaiserzeit. Mainz, Germany,
that process. Compilation of the early midrashim (collections
1981.
of exegetical statements) by EAqivaD also has been the subject
of scholarly debate since the time of David Hoffmann (late
ROBERT TURCAN (1987)
nineteenth century) and Chanoch Albeck.
CHIARA OMBRETTA TOMMASI (2005)
The traditional picture of EAqivaD as a biblical exegete
goes beyond the assigning of particular early collections of
APPARITIONS
exegetical statements to him. It is commonly claimed that
SEE GHOSTS; HIEROPHANY;
EAqivaD represents a major trend in early rabbinic biblical
VISIONS
commentary (Heschel, 1962). He is said to have followed an
imaginative and creative form of biblical exegesis and to have
derived his comments from every aspect of the biblical text,
EAQEDAH SEE ISAAC
including the shapes of the letters (B.T., Men. 29b) and the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
442
AQUINAS, THOMAS
peculiarities of biblical Hebrew, such as the repetition of
tanna Dim veamoraDim (1910; reprint, Jerusalem, 1964), vol.
words and phrases and the appearance of certain preposi-
3, pp. 988–1008; Harry Freedman’s “Akiva,” in Encyclo-
tions, conjunctions, and adverbs (B.T., H:ag. 12a, Shav. 26a;
paedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971), vol. 2, cols. 492–498; and
Gn. Rab. 1.14, 22.2, 53.20). The exegetical activity of
the wholly uncritical study by Louis Finkelstein, Akiba:
EAqivaD is often contrasted to that of YishmaEeDl ben ElishaE,
Scholar, Saint and Martyr (Philadelphia, 1934). Charles Pri-
who is said to have followed a more rational approach to the
mus deals with a small portion of the Akivan corpus in
Aqiva’s Contributions to the Law of Zera Eim (Leiden, 1977),
biblical text. For example, the repetition of “a man, a man”
and I have dealt with the traditions of EAqivaD that occur with
in Leviticus 22:4 led EAqivaD to conclude that the uncircum-
those of YishmaEeDl ben ElishaE in my four-volume study The
cised were included in the prohibition against eating the
Traditions of Rabbi Ishmael (Leiden, 1976–1982). Abraham
Passover sacrifice, while YishmaEeDl proved this point by a ci-
Joshua Heschel discusses the traditional distinctions between
tation of Leviticus 22:10 and Exodus 12:45 (Sifra D, Emor
YishmaEeDl and EAqivaD as biblical exegetes in the introduction
4.18). However, recent work on the exegetical traditions of
to his Theology of Ancient Judaism, 2 vols. (New York, 1962),
YishmaEeDl and EAqivaD (Porton, 1976–1982) has demon-
while my analysis in my fourth volume on YishmaEeDl chal-
strated that the methods used by these two rabbis were more
lenges the traditional picture. On the problem of rabbinic bi-
similar than most scholars have thought.
ography, see William S. Green’s “What’s in a Name? The
Problematic of Rabbinic ‘Biography,’” in his Approaches to
Just as the rabbinic tradition assigned EAqivaD a promi-
Ancient Judaism (Missoula, Mont., 1978), vol. 1,
nent place in the compilations of the legal and exegetical col-
pp. 77–96.
lections, so it assigned him a pivotal role in the formation
New Sources
of the mystical texts of Judaism. He is included, along with
Edwards, Laurence L. “Rabbi Akiba’s Crowns: Postmodern Dis-
Ben EAzzDai, ElishaE ben Avuyah, and Ben ZomaD, among
course and the Cost of Rabbinic Reading.” Judaism 49
those “who entered the garden,” which is taken as a reference
(2000): 417–435.
to mystical teachings, and he alone is said to have “left in
Ilan, Tal. “‘Daughters of Israel, Weep for Rabbi Ishmael:’ The
peace” (B.T., H:ag. 14b and parallels). His importance in the
Schools of Rabbi Akiva and Rabbi Ishmael on Women.”
mystical tradition is seen in the attribution of sayings to him
Nashim 4 (2001): 15–34.
in the Heikhalot literature (collections of visions of those
Levey, Samson H. “Akiba—Sage in Search of the Messiah: A
who traveled through God’s palace) and by the attribution
Closer Look.” Judaism 41 (1992): 334–345.
of Heikhalot zut:ratti to him.
GARY G. PORTON (1987)
E
Revised Bibliography
AqivaD did not limit himself to the sphere of the intel-
lect. He was pictured as being actively involved in the Bar
Kokhba Revolt. In fact, EAqivaD is normally said to have
AQUINAS, THOMAS S
claimed that Bar Kokhba was the Messiah and to have been
EE THOMAS AQUINAS
the major rabbinical supporter of the uprising (J.T., Ta Ean.
68d). The rabbinic texts claim that he suffered a martyr’s
death at the hands of the Romans during the revolt (B.T.,
ARABIAN RELIGIONS. The advent of Islam in the
Ber. 61b). However, Peter Schafer has raised serious objec-
seventh century of the common era marked a clear division
tions to the scholarly consensus concerning the revolt and
in the political and religious history of Arabia. In the eyes
the role of EAqivaD in it.
of Muslim authors, pre-Islamic time is viewed as the
Ja¯hil¯ıyah (“age of ignorance”), a term applied to pre-Islamic
Although recent scholarship has challenged many of the
history within and without Arabia. From a religious stand-
details regarding the life of EAqivaD that are found in rabbinic
point, this term corresponds especially to the polytheistic be-
texts, it does not detract from the impression he made on his
liefs and rituals that to a large extent characterized religious
contemporaries and on subsequent generations. The picture
life in Arabia.
we find in the documents of ancient Judaism is one of an
In addition to polytheism, Judaism and Christianity
extraordinary talent. He is described as affecting every aspect
were practiced in Arabia in pre-Islamic times. The second
of rabbinic thought—legal, exegetical, mystical, and even
Abyssinian invasion of South Arabia in 525 was prompted
philosophical. “Man has free will,” EAqivaD is reported to have
by—among other factors—the anti-Christian excesses of
said, “but all is foreseen by God” (Avot 3.16). His rise from
Dhu¯ Nuwa¯s, the Jewish H:imyar¯ı ruler. A Jewish colony had
poverty to greatness must have been an inspiration to
long been established at Yathrib (Medina) when
many—so much so that he was placed at the center of the
Muh:ammad emigrated there from Mecca in 622. There is
important historical and intellectual events of his time.
no archaeological evidence that Zoroastrianism had been
SEE ALSO Tannaim.
practiced among pre-Islamic Arabs, but Sasanid rule over the
area from circa 575 to 628 must have resulted in the practice
B
of this religion within the Persian garrisons in South Arabia.
IBLIOGRAPHY
For traditional views of EAqivaD, see the Encyclopedia of Talmudic
Muslim sources also mention the Maju¯s of Bahrein (i.e., the
and Geonic Literature, edited by Mordechai Margalioth (Tel
Zoroastrians of Eastern Arabia), particularly in commenting
Aviv, 1945), vol. 2, pp. 725–731; Aaron Hyman’s Toledot
on QurDa¯n 9:29.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARABIAN RELIGIONS
443
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND. Known in antiquity as Arabia
(Palmyra) and is known for its role in fending off Sasanid
Felix, South Arabia was a fertile area with elaborate water-
expansion into the area. It reached its zenith from about the
works that supported the rise of a number of states in pre-
middle of the second century CE to 272, when it was annexed
Islamic times: MaE¯ın (the Minaeans), Saba (the land of
by the Romans following the defeat of its queen, Zenobia.
Sheba), Qataba¯n, and Hadhramaut. These later formed the
RELIGION. South Arabian religion was dominated by astral
H:imyar¯ı kingdom (capital, Z:afa¯r), which fell to the Abyssin-
worship. Each people worshiped its own moon god: Wadd
ians in 525. The Sabaeans were mentioned in the annals of
(the Minaeans), EAmm (the Qataba¯nians), S¯ın (the Hadhra-
Assyrian kings as far back as the eighth century BCE, and the
mautis), and Ilumquh (or Almaqah, the Sabaeans). Other
peoples of Arabia Felix were known to classical writers as
lunar deities are mentioned in a number of South Arabian
early as the end of the fourth century BCE. Strabo preserved
inscriptions, but the consensus among specialists is that they
an excerpt from Eratosthenes that mentions Minaeans, Sa-
represented a particular aspect or function of each of the
baeans, Qataba¯nians, and Hadhramautis, and he himself
aforementioned moon gods, and were not distinct deities.
gave an account of the expedition of Aelius Gallus into the
Thus Hawbas could be invoked along with Ilumquh, Anbay
area in 24 BCE. References to these peoples are also found in
or Warakh with EAmm, Hawl with S¯ın, and Nah:ast:a¯b with
the anonymous Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (between c. 95
Wadd. The specific features of each of these gods is still a
and 130 CE) and in the works of Pliny (c. 77 CE) and Ptolemy
matter for discussion: Gonzague Ryckmans (1951) considers
(c. 150 CE).
that Hawbas represented the “ebb and flow” aspect of the
This region, known as the land of incense, maintained
moon god, and Hawl that of “recurrence,” and that the
an active trade with Egypt, Abyssinia, and India. The Peri-
meaning of the name Anbay was “spokesman.” The nature
plus mentions the South Arabian ports of Oke¯lis, Kane¯, and
of Nah:ast:a¯b is not clear, but Albert Jamme (1947) thinks
Muza as the main trading places for Egyptian cloth and wine,
that he was probably a moon god.
African ivory, and Indian spices. Saba and Hadhramaut are
mentioned in the Bible; the former gained fame as the land
The solar deity was worshiped as a goddess and is men-
of Sheba, whose queen paid a visit to King Solomon in Jeru-
tioned mostly with a number of attributes beginning with
salem and is described in the Bible as “having a great retinue
the word dha¯t (“endowed with, possessing”). The different
and camels bearing spices and very much gold and precious
names under which she appears are generally viewed as re-
stones” (2 Chr. 9:1–12). Excavations in 1955–1956 and
flecting aspects of the sun according to seasonal changes:
1960 of the sites of Yeha and Melazo (in Ethiopia) that yield-
Dha¯t H:imyam (“the blazing one”) and Dha¯t BaEda¯n (“the
ed a number of Sabaean inscriptions revealed that by the fifth
faraway one”) in Sabaean inscriptions. Among the Hadhra-
century
mautis, she is known as Shams (“sun”). Occasionally, she is
BCE Sabaean immigrants had established themselves
in northeastern Ethiopia.
associated with the name of a local temple: Dha¯t Nashq
and Dha¯t Z:ahra¯n, in some Minaean and Qataba¯nian
The capitals of the South Arabian states were Qarnaw
inscriptions.
(MaE¯ın), TimnaE (Qataba¯n), Shabwa (Hadhramaut), and
S:irwa¯h: and MaDrib (the two capitals of Saba). Some scholars
The third major South Arabian divinity was EAthtar, the
date the rise of the first South Arabian state as far back as
male equivalent of the stellar deity Venus. He is considered
1200 BCE, but the chronology of the rise and fall of these
by most scholars to be the god of irrigation, and he appears
states is not yet well established. Except in MaE¯ın, the rulers
in inscriptions under the common name of EAthtar but more
of these states bore the theocratic title of mukarrib (“priest-
often with an epithet or in a construct denoting a location:
king”). With the consolidation and expansion of the Sabaean
EAthtar Sha¯rqan (“EAthtar of the east”), EAthtar Sha¯riq
state, this title changed to malik (“king”).
(“EAthtar rising from the east”), and EAthtar Dhu¯ Qabd:im
(“EAthtar, lord of Qabd”). The invocation of EAthtar before
Although Mecca was not a capital city, it was an impor-
the other deities is common, especially in the concluding for-
tant economic center, linking trade routes from South Arabia
mulas of votive inscriptions.
with the great cities of Syria and Iraq. It was also an impor-
tant religious center for the tribes of the Hejaz (western Ara-
The triad of moon god, sun god, and EAthtar worshiped
bia). Later, this area became the cradle of Islam, a monotheis-
by the Sabaeans of Arabia is also encountered in Sabaean in-
tic religion that was to eradicate all traces of paganism. We
scriptions found in Ethiopia. An inscription from the site of
are told by al-Azraq¯ı that as many as 360 idols were de-
Melazo (a few miles southeast of Aksum) mentions Ilumquh
stroyed in Mecca following its capture by the prophet
next to Hawbas; another is dedicated to EAthtar (EAstar)
Muh:ammad and his supporters in 630.
alone, and a third to EAstar, Hawbas, Ilumquh, Dha¯t
H:imyam, and Dha¯t BaEda¯n (see A. J. Drewes, “Les inscrip-
In the northern Hejaz, a Minaean colony flourished in
tions de Melazo,” Annales d’Éthiopie 3, 1959, pp. 83–99).
al-EUla¯. Farther north, from Mada¯Din S:a¯lih: to Petra, are the
temples and rock-cut funerary monuments of the Nabateans,
A lack of dated inscriptions impedes a better under-
Arabs whose kingdom existed from the first century BCE until
standing of the religious evolution of South Arabia. In the
its fall to the Romans in 106 CE. Another North Arabian
extant inscriptions, a host of deities are mentioned individu-
kingdom was founded around the Syrian city of Tadmor
ally or in combination with one or more members of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
444
ARABIAN RELIGIONS
triad. Their nature and position in the pantheon remain very
tomb of Kam Kam (Cantineau, vol. 2, 1932, p. 26) invokes
sketchy, however, because of the disparity and wide variety
Mana¯t and Alla¯t together with Dushara, the Nabatean sun
of these “secondary” deities. Some of the deities, with their
god.
probable meanings, are Balw (“death, misfortune”), Dhu¯
Alla¯t was the goddess of the Thaqif tribe but was also
Sama¯w¯ı (“lord of the sky [heaven]”), H:alfa¯n (“oath, con-
revered by the Quraysh. Her sanctuary was at Taif and was,
tract”), H:al¯ım (“the wise one”), Nasr (“eagle”), Rah:man
in the words of Ibn al-Kalb¯ı, “a square stone.” As was the
(“the compassionate one”), and Sam¯ıE (“the one who
case for Mana¯t, her cult spread to North Arabia, where she
listens”).
was featured as the warrior goddess. A temple was dedicated
The temple formed the cult center among the sedentary
to her at Palmyra and also at S:alh:ad (S:arh:ad), in the Hauran
settlements in this part of the peninsula. Each temple had
region of Syria. G. A. Cooke (1903, p. 253) believes that her
a keeper, whose functions have not been clarified but who
cult was introduced into the Hauran by the Nabateans fol-
is thought to have assumed certain religious duties; the term
lowing their capture of Damascus in 85 BCE.
sacerdotal is inappropriate here owing to our present lack of
Al-EUzza¯ was the goddess of the Quraysh tribe, and her
knowledge of the subject. Among South Arabian temples,
cult originated later than the cults of Mana¯t and Alla¯t. She
two are well known: the temple of H:urayd:ah (Hureidha) in
was incarnated, as mentioned above, in three trees in the
Hadhramaut, dedicated to S¯ın, the local moon god, and the
H:ura¯d: Valley, where a sanctuary was dedicated to her. In
temple of EAwwa¯m (H:aram Bilq¯ıs) in MaDrib, dedicated to
North Arabia, her cult was not so extensive as those of Alla¯t
Ilumquh, the Sabaean moon god. The remains indicate that
and Mana¯t.
these were elaborate structures consisting of a large courtyard
and several partitions for cultic purposes.
Two deities, Isa¯f (male) and Na¯Dilah (female), seem to
have been of South Arabian origin; they were worshiped as
The Hejaz. The nomadic way of life and the tribal orga-
a couple. We are told by Ibn al-Kalb¯ı and al-Azraq¯ı that their
nization left their impact: the multitude of deities worshiped
images were placed in the proximity of the KaEbah and were
in the Hejaz were tribal deities. Each tribe had its own god
worshiped by the Khuza¯Ea and Quraysh tribes. The legend
or goddess, represented generally in the form of a baetyl, a
surrounding this couple states that they were originally two
sacred stone. The mobility of nomadic life led to the adop-
persons from the Jurhum tribe in Yemen who fornicated in
tion of suitable cultic practices. Thus, the members of a tribe
the KaEbah and as a result were turned to stone.
could worship their deity anywhere by investing any form
of stone with the divine. This “substitute” was referred to as
Five other deities, all of South Arabian provenance, are
a nus:ub (pl., ans:a¯b, QurDa¯n 5:90). Although the cult of bae-
mentioned in the QurDa¯n (71:23–24): Wadd, Suwa¯E,
tyls was the most important religious feature, there are a few
Yaghu¯th, YaEa¯q, and Nasr. Of these, Wadd was the “nation-
examples of the veneration of trees and spirits. The Muslim
al” god of the Minaeans. Suwa¯E and Nasr are mentioned by
author al-Azraq¯ı noted that the Quraysh tribe worshiped
Ibn al-Kalb¯ı (1952, pp. 8–11) and appear in a few inscrip-
Dha¯t Anwa¯t:, a “huge green tree” located at H:unayn, on the
tions. According to al-Shahrasta¯n¯ı, Yaghu¯th and YaEa¯q were
road from Mecca to Taif. Al-EUzza¯, the major goddess of the
worshiped in Yemen.
same tribe, was believed to have been incarnated in a cluster
of three acacia trees in the H:ura¯d: Valley, on the road from
Hubal, the most important deity of Mecca, was a god
Mecca to Medina. The presence of these trees along seasonal
of great complexity. Unlike the deities cited above, Hubal
migratory tracks led to their worship. As for jinn (spirits), a
does not seem to have been of local origin. He was a late ad-
number of sources, including the QurDa¯n (6:100–101), indi-
dition to the deities worshiped in the Hejaz and is not men-
cate that they were worshiped by Arabs in pre-Islamic times.
tioned at all in the QurDa¯n despite the preeminence of his cult
According to Ibn al-Kalb¯ı (trans. Faris, 1952, p. 29), the clan
in Mecca. The majority of Muslim authors describe him as
of Banu¯ Mulayh: of the Khuza¯Ea tribe was notable for jinn
a carnelian red statue with a broken right arm, a limb that
worship.
the Quraysh tribe repaired in gold. They state that this statue
was brought from Syria (according to al-Azraq¯ı, from Meso-
Three tribal deities were preeminent in Central Arabia.
potamia) by EAmr ibn Luh:ayy; from a passage of
These were Mana¯t, Alla¯t, and Al-EUzza¯, the three goddesses
al-Shahrasta¯n¯ı it may be deduced that this occurred no earli-
mentioned in the QurDa¯n (53:19–22). The most ancient of
er than the middle of the third century CE. The statue was
these was Mana¯t, who was worshiped by the Azd tribe and
placed in the KaEbah and was worshiped as a god by the
whose sanctuary was at Qudayd, on the Red Sea, near
Arabs of the Hejaz, especially by the Quraysh tribe. It was
Mecca. The cult of Mana¯t was also popular in North Arabia,
this god who was invoked by Abu¯ Sufya¯n, a leader of the
where the name of this deity appears in inscriptions in its ar-
Quraysh, during the battle of Uh:ud against Muh:ammad and
chaic form, Manawat. In Palmyra, she was associated with
his followers. The legend surrounding Hubal shows him as
the ancient god Bel Hamon; “the inscriptions presumably
the god of rain and a warrior god. Toward the end of the
define her personality as that of a goddess who appropriates
pre-Islamic era he emerged especially as an intertribal warrior
gifts to her worshippers and presides over chance and luck”
god worshiped by the Quraysh and the allied tribes of the
(Teixidor, 1979, p. 17). A Nabatean inscription from the
Kina¯na and Tiha¯ma.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARABIAN RELIGIONS
445
The astral character of the cult was prominent among
Offerings of incense and fragrances were common in
the South Arabians and also among the Palmyrenes and
South Arabia, but not in the Hejaz. Incense burners were
Nabateans. However, it is not certain that this was so among
found among the remains of the temple and tombs of
the tribes of the Hejaz. A number of QurDanic passages, espe-
H:urayd:ah, in the tombs of TimnaE (Qataba¯n), and in the Sa-
cially “Adore not the sun and the moon, but adore God who
baean tombs excavated at Yeha (Ethiopia).
created them” (41:37), and information gathered from liter-
The belief in some form of an afterlife was widespread
ary sources indicate the existence of the “worship of stars”
among the Arabs. Archaeological evidence from the above-
in pre-Islamic Arabia in general. These references, however,
mentioned excavations (which took place in 1937–1938,
are vague and insufficient for the identification of astral dei-
1951, and 1960, respectively) tends to support this view: the
ties worshiped by the tribes of the Hejaz. There, religion was
excavations brought to light artifacts consisting of pottery,
marked by the preeminence of tribal deities, a feature reflect-
jewelry (mostly beads), incense burners, and a few tools and
ing the nomadic way of desert life. These deities and their
utensils. These objects were placed in the tombs for future
sacred places were as mobile as nomadic life itself, as demon-
use by the dead. Until very recently, no trace of mummifica-
strated by the worship of ans:a¯b (baetyls). The number of
tion was found in South Arabian necropolises, but the dis-
stone-built sanctuaries was small, and, if the KaEbah was a
covery, at the end of 1983, of two tombs near SanEa (the cap-
prototype, they reflected the simplicity of nomadic life.
ital of Yemen) containing five mummies will certainly lead
Cultic practices. It is not known whether specific ritu-
to a reassessment of South Arabian sepulchral practices.
als, such as prayers, were prescribed, and our knowledge of
cultic practices is limited to the yields of excavations, includ-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ing inscriptions, and to the occasional accounts of medieval
Scholarly investigation of pre-Islamic religion in South Arabia
Muslim authors.
(Yemen and Hadhramaut) gained impetus toward the end of
the nineteenth century through the pioneering epigraphic
Offerings were the most common cultic practice. The
works of Joseph Halévy and Eduard Glaser. Our knowledge
worshipers offered a few valuables in recognition of the
of the antiquities of the area was expanded in the twentieth
deity’s care or support. Thus, a wealthy Minaean merchant
century through the efforts of scholars such as Yah:ya¯
made an offering of money to EAthtar Dhu¯ Qabd:im, a Sa-
al-Na¯m¯ı, Ahmed Fakhry, William F. Albright, Frank P. Al-
bright, Gonzague Ryckmans, Jacques Ryckmans, H. St. John
baean dedicated a gold camel to Dhu¯ Sama¯w¯ı, and another,
Philby, Wendell Phillips, Gertrude Caton Thompson, Jac-
a gold statue to EAthtar Dhu¯ D:iba¯n. Offerings could also
queline Pirenne, and Albert Jamme, to mention only a few.
consist of public works, such as a water cistern or a tower.
As a result of their work, thousands of South Arabian epi-
This practice was common in the Hejaz as well, with varia-
graphic texts have come to light. The French Académie des
tions from one deity to another. The offerings could include
Inscriptions et Belles-lettres devoted the fourth part of its
a portion of the harvest, money, jewelry, or gold. Several ac-
“Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum” to H:imyar¯ı and Sa-
counts mention that worshipers gave money or camels to the
baean inscriptions. Three volumes of text and three of illus-
keeper (sa¯din) of the KaEbah when consulting Hubal for an
trations were published between 1889 and 1931. Another set
oracle, while Ibn Hisha¯m mentions that money, jewelry,
of inscriptions was published from 1928 to 1938 by the
gold, and onyx were found in the sanctuary of Alla¯t upon
Commission du “Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum” in
its destruction in Islamic times.
volumes 5 to 7 of the “Répertoire d’épigraphie sémitique”
(RES). These two series form the largest collections of South
Animal sacrifice, especially of sheep and camels, was
Arabian texts.
most common in Arabia, and is corroborated by a number
Next to the epigraphic sources, our knowledge of pre-Islamic reli-
of votive inscriptions from South Arabia. The 1937–1938
gious life in Arabia is drawn from sparse QurDanic references
excavation by Gertrude Caton Thompson of the temple of
and their commentaries, and from literary and historical
S¯ın in H:urayd:ah revealed partitions that contained a num-
works of early Muslim authors such as Ibn Ish:a¯q (d. 768),
ber of shrines with sacrificial altars in their middle, as well
Ibn al-Kalb¯ı (d. 819 or 821/2), al-Wa¯qid¯ı (d. 823), Ibn
Hisha¯m (d. 833), Ibn SaEd (d. 845), al-Azraq¯ı (d. 858?),
as remains of animal bones. This cultic practice was wide-
al-T:abar¯ı (d. 923), and al-Shahrasta¯n¯ı (d. 1153). Except for
spread in the Hejaz, and it is often mentioned in early Mus-
the QurDa¯n, these sources were not contemporaneous with
lim sources. Ibn al-Kalb¯ı (1952, pp. 16–17) recounts that
the rise of Islam. One of the earliest known works was a biog-
the prophet Muh:ammad said he made, in pre-Islamic times,
raphy of the prophet Muh:ammad, S¯ırat rasu¯l Alla¯h, by Ibn
an offering to Al-EUzza¯ consisting of a dust-colored sheep.
Ish:a¯q, as compiled by Ibn Hisha¯m; an interval of about a
Another passage from Ibn al-Kalb¯ı (p. 18) implies that the
century and a half separates it from the beginning of the new
flesh of the sacrificial animal was divided among those who
religion. Because of their retrospective view of events, these
were present at this occasion.
works naturally lack systematic information about pre-
Islamic religions on the peninsula.
The sacrifice of humans was nonexistent. The QurDa¯n
The only known work treating solely the topic of religion in pre-
(81:8–9) notes the rare practice of wa Dd al-bana¯t (the burial
Islamic Arabia is the Kita¯b al-as:na¯m of Ibn al-Kalb¯ı, a native
alive of infant daughters), but this should not be viewed as
of al-Ku¯fa, in Iraq. This work was known, prior to its publi-
a form of human sacrifice (cf. 16:58–59).
cation in 1914, primarily through extensive quotations by
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
446
ARAMEAN RELIGION
Ya¯qu¯t al-H:amaw¯ı (d. 1225) in his geographical dictionary,
Phillips, Wendell. Qataba¯n and Sheba. New York, 1955.
Mu Djam al-bulda¯n. Ibn al-Kalb¯ı’s work has been translated
Ryckmans, Gonzague. Les noms propres sud-sémitiques. 3 vols.
into English by Nabih A. Faris as The Book of Idols (Prince-
Louvain, 1934–1935.
ton, 1952). The interesting feature of Ibn al-Kalb¯ı’s work is
its listing of idols and some brief information regarding ritu-
Ryckmans, Gonzague. “Les inscriptions monothéistes sabéennes.”
als and tribal idol worship. The Akhba¯r Makkah (History of
In Miscellanea Historica in Honorem Alberti De Meyer, vol.
Mecca) of al-Azraq¯ı is another important source, to which
1. Louvain, 1946.
should be added the works of al-Hamda¯n¯ı (d. 945), a native
Ryckmans, Gonzague. Les religions arabes préislamiques. 2d ed.
of SanEa, in Yemen. These are S:ifat jaz¯ırat al- Earab (a de-
Louvain, 1951.
scription of the Arabian peninsula) and Kita¯b al-ikl¯ıl, of
Ryckmans, Jacques. L’institution monarchique en Arabie méridion-
which only parts 8 and 10 are known. Part 8 has been trans-
ale avant l’Islam. Louvain, 1951.
lated by Nabih A. Faris as The Antiquities of South Arabia
(1938; reprint, Westport, Conn., 1981).
Teixidor, Javier. The Pantheon of Palmyra. Leiden, 1979.
Early works pertaining to Arabian religions are listed in volume
Watt, W. Montgomery. “Belief in a ‘High God’ in Pre-Islamic
2, part 1, of RES. Later works are numerous; the reader may
Mecca.” Journal of Semitic Studies 16 (1971): 35–40.
consult the bibliographies of recent monographs, and articles
ADEL ALLOUCHE (1987 AND 2005)
in relevant journals, especially Muséon, the Bulletin of the
American Schools of Oriental Research (BASOR), Syria, An-
nales d’Éthiopie, and the Comptes-rendus de l’Académie des In-
scriptions et Belles-lettres. Also valuable is the bibliography
ARAMEAN RELIGION. When the Arameans first
compiled by Youakim Moubarac in Les études d’épigraphie
appeared in the ancient Near East is not known. The early
sud-sémitique et la naissance de l’Islam: Éléments de bibliogra-
attestations of Aram as a place-name—in an inscription of
phie et lignes de recherches (Paris, 1957).
Naram-Sin of Akkad at the end of the third millennium BCE,
No single work offers comprehensive coverage of pre-Islamic Ara-
in the Mari texts of the eighteenth century BCE, and at Ugarit
bian religions. The following selected works deal with partic-
in the fourteenth century BCE—cannot be taken as a proof
ular aspects.
of the early existence of an independent ethnic group, even
Albright, Frank P., and Richard LeBaron Bowen. Archaeological
though during the first millennium some of the Aramean
Discoveries in South Arabia. Baltimore, 1958.
kings styled themselves “king of Aram.” The Arameans are
EAl¯ı, Jawad. Al-mufas:s:al f¯ı ta¯r¯ıkh al- Earab qabl al-isla¯m. 10 vols.
characterized by their names and their dialects, the novelty
Beirut, 1968–1969.
of which strikes the historian as he compares them with
Anfray, Francis. “Une campagne de fouilles à Yeˇva¯.” Annales
the preexistent Akkadian names and language used in
d’Éthiopie 5 (1963): 171–192.
Mesopotamia.
Blakely, Jeffrey A., and Abdu O. Ghaleb. “Sanaa: 2300-Year-Old
In the second half of the eleventh century the Arameans
Mummies Discovered.” American Schools of Oriental Research
are known to have gained control of large areas of the Syrian
Newsletter 35 (July 1984): 6–8.
desert and thus of its caravan routes. They succeeded in
Cantineau, Jean. Le nabatéen. 2 vols. Paris, 1930–1932.
forming in northern Syria and around Damascus major con-
Cleveland, Ray L. An Ancient South Arabian Necropolis. Baltimore,
federacies in which dialects of Aramaic were spoken and
1965.
written. The Aramean states spread over the great bend of
Cooke, G. A. A Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions. Oxford,
the Euphrates, on the upper and lower Habor, and in the
1903.
northern Syrian hinterland at Samal, Arpad, Aleppo, and
Drewes, A. J. Inscriptions de l’Éthiopie antique. Leiden, 1962.
Hama. Some information about the Arameans comes from
Drijvers, Han J. W. The Religion of Palmyra. Leiden, 1976.
biblical sources, which state that David defeated Hadadezer
of Aram-Zobah (near modern Hama), whose political influ-
Fahd, Toufic. Le panthéon de l’Arabie centrale à la veille de l’Hégire.
Paris, 1968.
ence had reached as far south as Ammon in Transjordan (2
Sm. 8:3, 10:6), or that the continuous disputes between
Gibb, H. A. R. “Pre-Islamic Monotheism in Arabia.” Harvard
Judah and Israel helped the rise of Damascus as an Aramean
Theological Review 55 (1962): 269–280.
power in Syria (Malamat, 1973, pp. 141–144). The Assyri-
Hammond, Philip C. The Nabataeans: Their History, Culture, and
ans could not allow a threat to their hegemony in the Near
Archaeology. Göteborg, Sweden, 1973.
East, however, so Ashurnasirpal II (r. 883–859 BCE) and
Hommel, Fritz. “Arabia.” In The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Leiden,
Shalmaneser III (r. 858–824 BCE) subdued the Aramean
1913–1938.
states in northern Syria, and Tiglathpileser III (r. 744–727
Jamme, Albert. “Le panthéon sudarabe préislamique.” Muséon 60
BCE) reduced Damascus to an Assyrian province.
(1947): 57–147.
Yet even defeated, the Arameans maintained the pres-
Montgomery, James A. Arabia and the Bible (1934). Reprint, New
tige of their language, and the gods they called on in treaties
York, 1969. With a Prolegomenon by Gus W. Van Beck.
and religious inscriptions became the gods of the whole of
Müller, Walter W. Südarabien im Altertum. Rahden, 2001.
Syria and remained so up to the first centuries CE. The mas-
Philby, H. St. John. The Background of Islam. Alexandria, 1947.
sive arrival under the Persians (sixth century BCE) and the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARAMEAN RELIGION
447
Greeks (fourth century) of Arab tribes into southern Pales-
the Greeks); and Rakib-El, whose name can be interpreted
tine, the Hauran, Damascus, the Syrian desert, and even
as “charioteer of El,” thus becoming a suitable epithet for the
northern Syria did not disrupt the traditional ways of living
moon god, since the crescent of the moon can easily be imag-
and praying because the newcomers adopted the culture and
ined as a boat navigating across the skies. (The plausibility
the language of the Arameans. Any analysis of the Aramean
of this interpretation is heightened by the inscription’s men-
religion must therefore take into consideration all the in-
tion of Shamash, the sun god, right after Rakif-El, as if the
scriptions written in Aramaic, from the earliest ones of the
intention was to show that the two celestial bodies formed
ninth century BCE down to those of the first three centuries
Hadad’s cortege.)
CE (the latter are written in Syriac, a cognate language of Ara-
maic, and still reflect the influence of the ancient pagan cults
Panamu’s dynasty is known from another Aramaic in-
of northern Syria).
scription, one written on the statue that King Barrakib erect-
ed to his father, Panamu II. The monarch recounted in it
THE CULTS OF HADAD AND SIN. A bilingual inscription (in
his father’s political career and how Hadad saved him from
Akkadian and Aramaic) found in 1979 at Tell Fekhariye,
the curse that had fallen on his dynastic family. Following
near Tell Halaf, on the border between Syria and Turkey,
the religious traditions of the family, Barrakib invoked
records the gratitude of Hadadyisi, ruler of Sikanu and Gu-
Hadad together with Rakib-El, the dynastic god of the kings
zanu, to Hadad of Sikanu. Both the script and the historical
of Samal, and Shamash. A few years later he had another in-
context date the life-size statue of the ruler on which the text
scription carved alongside a relief that represented him in As-
is engraved to the first part of the ninth century BCE. This
syrian dress. The monarch asserted that “because of my fa-
is the earliest, most important text in Aramaic ever found,
ther’s righteousness and my own righteousness, my lord
and the mention of the god Hadad (in Akkadian, Adad) be-
Rakif-El and my lord Tiglathpileser seated me upon my fa-
comes of paramount interest to the history of his cult among
ther’s throne.” On a relief from Harran, in northwestern
the Arameans. Hadad is praised in both languages in a for-
Mesopotamia, the same ruler proclaimed his faith in the
mula that is often used to praise Adad in Akkadian inscrip-
moon god by declaring that his lord is the baal (“lord”) of
tions from Mesopotamia. The god is styled “the inspector of
Harran.
the waters of heaven and earth”; the one “who pours richness
and dispenses pastureland and moisty fields to all countries.”
At Harran the baal was the moon god known by the
Hadad is the one “who provides the gods, his brothers, with
name Sin, which is a late development of the Mesopotamian
quietness and sustenance.” He, the great lord of Sikanu, is
name Suen. The Akkadians seem to have been responsible
“a merciful god,” a deity whose almighty providence ranks
for introducing the name of the moon god into southern
him above other gods and makes him for humans a storm
Sumer, where Suen was identified with the moon god
god and a weather god.
Nanna, the city god of Ur (Roberts, 1972, p. 50), from
whence the cult probably traveled to Harran with the Ar-
Although Adad’s minor position in the Mesopotamian
amean nomads. The cult of the moon god attained high
pantheon does not compare with his counterpart’s preemi-
prominence at Harran and throughout the Syro-
nence in northern Syria and among the Arameans in general,
Mesopotamian region. But the Aramaic inscriptions portray
his name appears as a theophorous element in some Semitic
the miscellaneous character of religious life in these lands: the
personal names of the pre-Sargonic period; after the reigns
funerary stelae of two priests of the moon god recovered in
of Sargon of Akkad (late third millennium BCE) and his
1891 at Nerab (southeast of Aleppo), dated to the seventh
grandson Naram-Sin, the first Semitic rulers to establish an
century BCE, reveal that the priests bore Akkadian theopho-
empire in the Mesopotamian lands, such theophorous names
rous names of Sin but worshiped the moon god under his
became very frequent. The element Addu (Adad/Hadad) oc-
West Semitic name, Sahar.
curs frequently in personal names from the Syro-
Mesopotamian area. Letters from Mari, on the middle Eu-
The devotion of the Aramean population to the moon
phrates, reveal the popularity of the god at the beginning of
god (under whatever name) became a distinctive feature of
the second millennium
the religiosity of northern Syria, especially when the area
BCE.
came under Babylonian rule after the destruction of the As-
A colossal statue of Hadad was found in 1890 in a vil-
syrian Empire. At the end of the seventh century, Na-
lage to the northeast of Zinjirli (Turkey). According to the
bopolassar (r. 625–605 BCE) and Nebuchadrezzar (r. 604–
inscription carved on the monument, it had been erected by
562 BCE) settled Babylonians in the various countries they
King Panamu of Yady (Samal, in the Zinjirli region) to ac-
conquered. The cult knew a glorious period under Na-
knowledge that his royal power derived from Hadad. Al-
bonidus, the last king of Babylon (r. 556–539 BCE), for he
though Panamu was not a Semite, he gave his son a Semitic
rebuilt Ehulhul, the sanctuary of Sin at Harran, which had
name, Barsur, and extolled Semitic gods in his inscription:
been destroyed by the Medes in 610 BCE as they crushed the
besides Hadad the text lists El, the high god adored at Ugarit
Assyrian remnant of the city (Lambert, 1972, p. 58). In the
and in pre-Israelite Canaan; Reshef, the ancient Syrian god
words of Nabonidus himself and of his mother, the priestess
of pestilence and the underworld, but also of well-being
of the god at the sanctuary, Sin was “the king of the gods.”
(identified with Nergal in Mesopotamia and with Apollo by
Except for the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal (r. 668–627 BCE),
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
448
ARAMEAN RELIGION
who had himself crowned at Harran, and Nabonidus, no As-
theon. Prior to Greco-Roman times, however, Hadad
syro-Babylonian king is known to have given the lord of
and Beelshamen/Baalshamim were worshiped by differ-
Harran this epithet, which was usually given to the gods
ent ethnic groups: Hadad by the Arameans in the Syrian
Ashur and Marduk (Levy, 1945–1946, pp. 417–418).
hinterland, and Baalshamim by the Phoenicians on the
Mediterranean coast. In Zakkur’s inscription, the asso-
It is likely that there were close religious links between
ciation of the Phoenician god of heavens to Ilwer/
the Arameans of the province of Harran and the Arab tribes
Hadad could have been intended as a political move in
of Dedan and Teima in northern Arabia, for one of the
order to gain to Zakkur’s side the alliance of some west-
sources relating the conquest of the Aramean states by the
ern people.
Assyrian king Adadnirari II (r. 911–891 BCE) mentions the
presence of three Temanite shaykhs in the area. The pro-
2. Treaties concluded by Aramean rulers indirectly point
longed and probably religiously motivated stay of Nabonidus
to the active role that the gods played in daily life, since
at Teima (Lambert, 1972, p. 60) could not but strengthen
the gods are always invoked to witness the treaties, and
these links. The Aramaic inscription of the sixth century BCE
their divine curses are called on should there be any vio-
found at Teima attest to this to some extent, for bull heads
lation of the clauses. Matiel, the Aramean king of Beit
were frequently recovered with the inscriptions, and this
Gusi (of which Arpad, some nineteen miles north of
seems to suggest the existence of a cult of the moon among
Aleppo, was the capital), concluded a treaty with As-
the Aramaic-speaking population of the Arabian desert
hurnirari V (r. 754–745 BCE). To ensure it against possi-
(Teixidor, 1977, pp. 71–75).
ble violations, the Assyrian king summoned the gods to
curse Matiel “should he sin against the treaty.” Sin and
ASSOCIATIONS OF GODS. The very few inscriptions that pro-
Hadad were called on in a particular manner:
vide information about the Aramean religion during the
eighth, seventh, and sixth centuries BCE record only the reli-
May the great Lord Sin who dwells in Harran, clothe
gious feelings of the ruling class. No indication of what the
MatiEilu, his sons, his officials, and the people of his
religious life of the commoners might have been is ever
land in leprosy as in a cloak so that they have to roam
found. In the final analysis the study of the ancient Near
the open country, and may he have no mercy on
them. . . . May Hadad put an end to MatiEilu, his
Eastern religion comes down to a listing of divine names,
land and the people of his land through hunger, want,
with occasional glimpses as to what a given deity must have
and famine, so that they eat the flesh of their sons and
meant in concrete terms to an individual. Associations of
daughters and it taste as good to them as the flesh of
gods of various origins are frequent in the epigraphic texts,
spring lambs. May they be deprived of Adad’s thunder
but these were probably the result of political confederacies
so that rain be denied to them. Let dust be their food,
in which different tribes or groups would invoke their respec-
pitch their ointment, donkey’s urine their drink, rushes
tive gods in order to warrant their mutual commitments. In
their clothing, let their sleeping place be in the corners
this respect (1) the stele of Zakkur and (2) the treaties con-
[of walls]. (Reiner, in Pritchard, 1969, p. 533)
cluded by Matiel, an Aramean king of Arpad, deserve special
LATE ARAMEAN RELIGION. Exposed to Assyro-Babylonian
attention.
influences and in continuous contact with the Canaanite tra-
ditions, the Arameans amalgamated cults and beliefs that
1. Zakkur was king of Hamath and Luath in the region
were not distinctly their own. The disparateness of the Ar-
of modern-day Hama. Hostilities in this northern part
amean religion is best observed in the fifth-century-BCE texts
of Syria reached a dramatic point at the beginning of
from Egypt (Memphis, Elephantine, and Aswa¯n), where, be-
the eighth century. The inscription informs us that Zak-
side Jewish and Aramean mercenaries, an Aramaic-speaking
kur, a usurper, erected the stele for Ilwer, his god, and
populace of deportees, refugees, and merchants settled with
to express appreciation for Beelshamen’s help in deliver-
their families during the Persian period. This motley com-
ing him from his many Aramean enemies. The inscrip-
munity worshiped a host of deities among whom the inscrip-
tion states that Zakkur lifted his hands to the god Beel-
tions single out the god Nabu and the goddess Banit from
shamen, and “Beelshamen spoke to me through seers
Babylon, and the Aramean deities Bethel, Anat-Bethel, and
and messengers, and Beelshamen said to me: Fear not,
Malkat-Shemen (“queen of heaven”). The god Bethel ap-
because it was I who made you king” (Gibson, 1975,
pears in the names of two other no less popular deities, Es-
pp. 8–9). If this was so, it is not clear why the stele was
hembethel (“name of Bethel”) and Herembethel (“sanctuary
erected to Ilwer and not to Beelshamen. The two gods
of Bethel”; the element herem is related to the Arabic h:aram,
are mentioned a second time together, along with Sha-
“sacred precinct,” the temple thus being deified and made
mash and Sahar, on the right face of the stele. Ilwer is
a new hypostasis of Bethel).
the Aramaic spelling of the ancient Mesopotamian
name Ilmer, a storm god who came to be assimilated
In the eclectic society of Egypt under the Persians, when
into Hadad. Beelshamen (in Phoenician, Baalshamim),
Greeks, Cilicians, Phoenicians, Jews, and Syrians lived to-
on the other hand, is an epithet, meaning “lord of the
gether, the religious syncretism cherished by the Asiatics is
heavens,” that was used in the ancient Near Eastern in-
most manifest in those documents that record oaths sworn
scriptions to name the supreme god of any local pan-
by Jews in the name of Egyptian and Aramean gods (in addi-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARAMEAN RELIGION
449
tion to the oaths taken by Yahveh) and in the Aramean per-
ra’s social structures, organized in a tribal manner, imposed
sonal names that reveal the worship of Bel, Shamash, Nergal,
patterns on the entire religious life of the city. The impor-
and Atar along with the Egyptian deities. yet nothing is
tance of the god Yarhibol is illustrative of the role played by
known about the religion of the Arameans living in Egypt.
his worshipers, who settled in the neighborhood of the spring
The historian must wait until Greco-Roman times to benefit
of Efca about the beginning of the second millennium BCE.
from the overall picture that Semitic and Greek inscriptions
Yarhibol’s authority, exercised by means of oracles, tran-
provide for the study of the Syrian religion. In general, reli-
scended the territory of Efca: the god bore witness for some
gion in the Near East was not subject to the challenge of
individuals, attested oaths, and allotted lands to temples and
speculative and critical thought that influenced the daily life
individuals. His civic responsibilities were never diminished
in Greece at this time, for the inscriptions do not reflect the
throughout the entire history of Palmyra (Teixidor, 1979,
impact of new fashions.
pp. 29–32). Another tribal group worshiped Aglibol as a
Under the Seleucid occupation, in the fourth century
moon god, and Malakbel (“angel of Bel”) as the sun god. To
the Palmyrenes living in Rome, Malakbel was Sol Sanctissi-
BCE, the Syro-Phoenician religion seems more coherent, and
the cult of the supreme god, whatever its name (Baal, Bel,
mus (“most sacred sun”). At Rome the cult of the sun
Hadad, Beelshamen), appears to have been unified, probably
reached its climax under the Syrian emperor Elagabalus (He-
after the cult of Zeus was brought in by the new monarchs.
liogabalus). The heliolatry propagated by him succeeded in
From Kafr Yassif, near Ptolemaïs (modern-day Acre), comes
merging the cult of the emperors with that of Sol Invictus
a limestone tablet of the second century
(“invincible sun”), and in 274 CE, under Aurelian, the cult
BCE bearing a Greek
inscription that reads as follows: “To Hadad and Atargatis,
of the sun became a state religion. These religious fashions
the gods who listen to prayer. Diodotus the son of Neoptole-
came into the western Mediterranean from Syria and were
mos, on behalf of himself and Philista, his wife, and the chil-
transformed by the Roman philosophers; thus the sun be-
dren, has dedicated the altar in fulfillment of a vow.” At this
came the ever-present image of the intelligible God (Teix-
time Hadad concealed his identity under different names: at
idor, 1977, pp. 48–51).
Heliopolis (modern-day Baalbek) he became Jupiter
Female deities were prominent in the Aramean panthe-
Heliopolitanus; at Dura-Europos, Zeus Kurios. At
ons, but their role in the religious life is not always clear, for
et:-T:ayyibe, near Palmyra, the title Zeus megistos keraunios,
their personal features are often blurred in the iconography.
applied to Beelshamen in a Greco-Palmyrene inscription of
Atargatis was the Aramean goddess par excellence. Nowhere
134 CE, reveals one of the best-known epithets of Hadad,
did her cult excel more than at Hierapolis (modern-day
“the thunderer,” a traditional description of the god’s mas-
Membidj). According to Lucian (De dea Syria 33.47–49),
tery over rain and vegetation. This is expressed differently in
statues of Hadad and Atargatis were carried in procession to
the Hauran by the title Zeus epikarpios, “the bringer of
the sea twice a year. People then came to the holy city from
fruits,” to be found on a Greek altar from Bostra.
the whole of Syria and Arabia, and even from beyond the Eu-
The acceptance of a god of the heavens led the Syro-
phrates. In a relief from Dura-Europos, Atargatis and her
Phoenician clergy to couch the belief in this god’s supremacy
consort are seated side by side, but Atargatis, flanked by her
in a new theological notion, that of caelus aeternus (“eternal
lions, is larger than Hadad. Hadad’s attribute, the bull, is
heavens”). The cosmic deity was supposed to preside over the
represented in a considerable smaller scale than are the lions.
course of the stars and, accordingly, was represented in
As was the case at Hierapolis, the supremacy of the weather
the iconography as escorted by two acolytes, the sun and the
god was overshadowed by the popularity of his female part-
moon. Palmyra offers a good example of this theological de-
ner. A major representation of the goddess can be seen today
velopment. In 32 CE, at the same time as a cult was inaugu-
at Palmyra on a colossal limestone beam in the temple of Bel.
rated at the temple of Bel, who was the national god of that
On it Bel is shown in his chariot charging a monster. The
city and the surrounding country, Palmyrene inscriptions
combat is witnessed by six deities, one of whom is Atargatis.
present Beelshamen as “lord of the world.” The lack of ar-
She is identified by the fish at her feet, an artistic tradition
chaeological and epigraphic evidence does not permit a full
linked to Ascalon, where Atargatis was portrayed as a mer-
understanding of these two important cults at Palmyra. It is
maid (Teixidor, 1979, pp. 73, 74, 76).
tempting to stress, however, the importance that liturgical
During Greco-Roman times the Arab goddess Allat as-
processions like the one held at Babylon on the occasion of
sumed some of the features of other female deities: in Palmy-
the New Year might have had for the unification of the two
rene iconography she appears both as a Greek Athena and
cults. The presence of the temples of Bel and Beelshamen
as the Syrian Atargatis. Her sanctuary at Palmyra, excavated
ought to be taken as a sign that these two cults were the result
in the 1970s, is located in the neighborhood of the temple
of the coexistence of two originally independent ethnic
of Beelshamen, and this fact lends a special character to the
groups in the city (Teixidor, 1977, pp. 113–114, 136–137).
city’s western quarter, in which Arab tribes settled during the
The commercial activity of Palmyra, lying on one of the
second century BCE. A Greek inscription recently found in
main routes of the caravan trade, offered a propitious atmo-
this area equates Allat with Artemis (Teixidor, 1979,
sphere for syncretistic cultic forms. At the same time Palmy-
pp. 53–62). This multiform presence of Allat underlines the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
450
ARAMEAN RELIGION
formidable impact of the Arab tribes on the Aramaic-
ther the Aramaic texts from Egypt nor the Palmyrene inscrip-
speaking peoples of the Near East. Aramean traditions per-
tions disclose their authors’ views on death and afterlife. This
sisted, however. The region of Edessa (modern-day Urfa),
silence is especially striking at Palmyra, where hundreds of
called Osrhoene by the Greeks, was ruled by a dynasty of
funerary inscriptions give the name of the deceased in a terse,
Arab origin from about 132 BCE, but it remained open to
almost stereotyped manner, and the historian is inclined to
cultural influences from Palmyra, Jerusalem, and Adiabene.
conclude that the Palmyrenes did not have any concern
Notwithstanding the presence of Macedonian colonists and
whatever for the afterlife.
several centuries of commercial activity with the West and
the Far East, traditional cults survived. At the beginning of
SEE ALSO Adad; Nanna.
the modern era, Sumatar Harabesi, about twenty-five miles
northeast of Harran, became a religious center primarily de-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
voted to the cult of Sin (Drijvers, 1980, pp. 122–128).
Abou-Assaf, Ali, Pierre Bordeuil, and Alan R. Millard. La statue
de Tell Fekherye et son inscription bilingue assyro-araméenne.
PRESENCE OF THE SUPERNATURAL. The inspection of the en-
Recherche sur les civilisations, études assyriologiques, no. 7.
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Drijvers, Han J. W. Cults and Beliefs at Edessa. Études pré-
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Because of my righteousness before him he gave me a
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I gazed upon the children of the fourth generation: they
Pritchard, J. B., ed. The Ancient Near East: Supplementary Texts
wept for me and were deeply distraught. They did not
and Pictures relating to the Old Testament. Princeton, 1969.
lay with me any vessel of silver or bronze: with my
shroud they laid me, lest my sarcophagus be plundered
Roberts, J. J. M. The Earliest Semitic Pantheon: A Study of the Se-
in the future. Whoever you are who do wrong and rob
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Teixidor, Javier. The Pagan God: Popular Religion in the Greco-
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The royal inscription of Panamu I of Yady that is carved on
Teixidor, Javiere. The Pantheon of Palmyra. Études préliminaires
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Brinktrine, J. A. “Notes on Arameans and Chaldeans in South
teristic. The Cilician region of which Panamu was king was
Babylonia in the early 7th cent. BC.” Orientalia 46 (1977):
never a land of Semites, and consequently the Aramaic in-
304–325.
scription may express convictions that are not Semitic. Nei-
Catastini, Alessandro. Profeti e tradizione. Pisa, 1990.
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Collart, Paul, and Jacques Vicari. Le sanctuaire de Baalshamîn à
Schwarz, Gunther. ‘Und Jesus Sprach’. Untersuchungen zur ara-
Palmyre. 2 vols. Rome, 1969.
maeischen Urgestalt der Worte Jesu. Stuttgart, 1987.
Dirven, Lucinda. “The Nature of the Trade Connection between
Segal, Judah Benzion. Edessa, the Blessed City. Oxford, 1970.
Dura-Europos and Palmyra.” Aram 8 (1996): 39–54.
Sokoloff, Michael, ed. Arameans, Aramaic, and the Aramaic Liter-
Dirven, Lucinda. The Palmyrenes of Dura-Europos. Leiden, 1999.
ary Tradition. Ramat-Gan, Israel, 1983.
Drijvers, Han J. W. “Afterlife and Funerary Symbolism in Palmy-
Tarrier, Dominique. “Banquets rituels en Palmyrène et en Naba-
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tène.” Aram 7 (1995): 165–182.
romano. Atti del Colloquio Internazionale (Roma 24–28 Set-
Teixidor, Javier. “Cultes d’Asie Mineure et de Thrace à Palmyre.”
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Semitica 32 (1982): 97–100.
maseren, pp. 709–733. Leiden, 1982.
Tubach, Jürgen. Im Schatten des Sonnengottes. Der Sonnenkult in
Dunant, Christiane, and Rolf A. Stucky. Le sanctuaire de Baal-
Edessa, Harran und Hatra am Vorabend der christlichen Mis-
shamîn à Palmyre, vol. 4. Rome, 2000.
sion. Wiesbaden, 1985.
Feldtkeller, Andreas. “Synkretismus und Pluralismus am Beispiel
See also the various monographic issues of Aram, a scientific jour-
von Palmyra.” Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte
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Fitzmyer, Joseph A., et al. An Aramaic Bibliography. Baltimore,
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JAVIER TEIXIDOR (1987)
Revised Bibliography
Fleming, Daniel E. The Installation of Baal’s High Priestess at
Emar: A Window on Ancient Syrian Religion. Atlanta, 1992.
Frey, Martin. Untersuchungen zur Religion und zur Religionspolitik
des Kaisers Elagabal. Stuttgart, 1989.
A¯RANYAKAS SEE BRA¯HMANAS AND A¯RANYAKAS
Gawlikowski, Michel. Aus dem syrischen Götterhimmel. Zur Ikono-
graphie der palmyrenischer Götter. Mainz, 1981.
Gawlikowski, Michel. “Les dieux de Palmyre.” In Aufstieg und
ARARBANEL, ISAAC SEE ABRAVANEL, ISAAC
Niedergang der Römischen Welt 2.18.4, pp. 2605–2658. Ber-
lin and New York, 1990.
Haider, Peter, Manfred Hutter, and Sigfried Kreuzer. Religions-
ARCHAEOLOGY AND RELIGION. Even in
geschichte Syriens. Stuttgart, 1996.
contemporary circumstances, with living informants and
Hoftijzer, Jacob. Religio Aramaica. Leiden, 1968.
known histories, the analysis of religion presents formidable
Kaizer, Ted. The Religious Life of Palmyra. Stuttgart, 2002.
obstacles to the scholar. It follows that the exploration of pre-
Kippenberg, Hans-Georg. Garizim und Synagoge. Traditionsgesch-
historic religious ideas and institutions is even more difficult.
ichtliche Untersuchungen zur samaritanischen Religion der ara-
The archaeologist must cope with the partial evidence, mute
mäischen Periode. Berlin, 1971.
artifacts, and immature methodologies that are available.
Kleiner, Gerhard. “Baalbek und Palmyra.” Damaszener Mitteilun-
Given these barriers, it is not surprising that over the past
gen, hrsg. von dem Deutschen Archäologischen Institut (Station
century archaeology and the study of religion have main-
Damaskus) 4 (1989): 191–203.
tained a close but uneasy relationship. Yet both of these
Lipinski, Edward. “Aram et Israël du x au VIII s. av. n.è.” Acta
broad intellectual endeavors have evolved slowly into more
antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 27 (1979):
systematic disciplines, and their relationship has matured
49–102.
into a mutually supportive one.
Lipinski, Edward. Studies in Aramaic Inscriptions and Onomastics,
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE. Archaeology, the study of past
vol. 2. Leuven, 1994.
cultures from their material remains, is a mongrel discipline,
Lipinski, Edward. The Arameans. Their Ancient History, Culture,
and only a few of its many heritages are respectable. The be-
Religion. Leuven, 2000.
ginnings of archaeology included looting for the collection
Lipinski, Edward, ed. State and Temple Economy in the Ancient
of antiquities, searches for lost biblical tribes, and excavations
Near East. Leuven, 1979.
to verify claims of national, racial, or ethnic superiority. The
Millar, Fergus. The Roman Near East. Cambridge, Mass., and
evolution of archaeology as a scholarly field took distinctly
London, 1993.
different paths in different world regions, and its relationship
Naveh, Joseph. Amulets and Magic Bowls: Aramaic Incantations of
with the study of religion varied accordingly.
Late Antiquity. Jerusalem, 1985.
Protohistoric archaeology. In the Near East and the
Parlasca, Klaus. “Die Stadtgöttin Palmyras.” Bonner Jahrbücher
Mediterranean, the nineteenth-century decipherment of the
184 (1984): 167–176.
Egyptian hieroglyphs, Mesopotamian cuneiform, and other
Sader, Hélène. Les Etates araméens de Syrie depuis leur fondation
ancient scripts began the legitimate tradition of Old World
jusqu’ à leur transformation en provinces assyriennes. Beirut,
archaeology. Classical and biblical archaeology, Egyptology,
1987.
and much of Mesopotamian archaeology generally have been
Schmidt-Colinet, Andreas, ed. Palmyra. Mainz, 1995.
very concerned with the discovery of new texts, the verifica-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
452
ARCHAEOLOGY AND RELIGION
tion and refinement of the information presented in the ex-
rect-historical approach” to archaeology. The earlier form
isting historical corpus, and the extension of an understand-
and context of Indian religion was elucidated by extensive
ing of the historical periods into the immediately preceding
excavations at the great prehistoric urban and ceremonial
prehistoric epochs. This aspect of archaeology—as a supple-
centers of the New World: ancient Maya centers such as
ment to textual scholarship—was, and remains, an impor-
Copán in Honduras and Chichén Itzá in the Yucatán, as well
tant element in the study of religion. It is certainly the most
as imperial capitals such as that of the Aztec at Tenochtitlán
important aspect of archaeology for exploring the origins of
(now Mexico City) and the Inca capital at Cuzco, Peru.
the major Old World religious traditions. Excavations have
As pre-Columbian research progressed, it enriched the
unearthed many of the tablets, scrolls, and inscriptions that
cross-cultural study of religion. The limits of previous con-
form the corpus of textual materials on the origins and na-
cepts of religious behavior were stretched by consideration
ture of the religions of the ancient Near East. This contribu-
of the nature and scale of Aztec human sacrifice, Inca ances-
tion of archaeology to the study of religion continues, as
tor worship, and Maya fascination with astronomical lore
demonstrated by the impact on biblical studies of recent dis-
and calendric ritual. Explorations of all these phenomena in-
coveries of early texts during such excavations as those at
volved a combination of colonial history, epigraphic re-
Ugarit and Ebla in Syria.
search, and direct-historical field archaeology.
However, excavations at other sites—Jericho in Pales-
Prehistoric archaeology. Because of the combination
tine, Ur and Uruk in Mesopotamia, and Nimrud and Nine-
of historical and archaeological approaches, the high civiliza-
veh in Assyria—have also yielded the material remains of
tions of the Near East, the Mediterranean, Mesoamerica, and
these ancient cultures and the broader context of early cult
Peru initially provided the most information of the greatest
and ritual. Such excavations have provided a direct view of
reliability for studies of cross-cultural variation in religious
the material culture of religious life—temples, shrines, im-
behavior and of the history of religious traditions. Yet it was
ages, and artifacts. The earlier levels at these sites have also
the archaeology of less politically complex societies in North
revealed the evolution of religion leading into the historical
America and Europe that led to most of the methodological
periods. Structure foundations, early tombs, the strata of
and theoretical insights of this century. These breakthroughs
tells, and their associated artifacts allow researchers to trace
eventually allowed the discipline to transcend its dependence
the prehistoric development of rituals and cults, mortuary
on textual evidence and the direct-historical approach. Per-
practices, and multifunctional temple complexes in ancient
haps it was the weakness of the historical record for these
Palestine, Egypt, and Sumer.
areas that led to more innovative approaches. Alternatively,
Pre-Columbian archaeology. In the New World, ar-
it may have been that the less complex structure of many of
chaeology and the study of religion also started from a histor-
these societies—egalitarian bands, tribes, and chiefdoms—
ical base. The Spanish conquest and colonization of Mexico
made them more amenable to cross-cultural analogy and
and Peru left a legacy of historical description by the con-
comparison, because most ethnographically studied societies
quistadors, inquisitors, and bureaucrats who administered
were at these levels.
the conquered empires, kingdoms, and tribes of the Ameri-
Whatever the impetus may have been, the use of ethno-
can Indians. The descriptions from contact and colonial pe-
graphic analogy and anthropological comparison was wide-
riods throughout the Americas were rich in their coverage of
spread in interpretations of the archaeological record in
pre-Columbian religion, because it was of particular concern
North America. By the 1940s and 1950s Walter Taylor, Ju-
to the missionaries and bureaucrats who were the primary
lian H. Steward, and others were advocating an even closer
historians and ethnographers of American cultures. In addi-
association between anthropology and archaeology and their
tion to these European texts, a number of native bark and
use in interpreting the artifactual remains of ancient socie-
deerskin folding books (codices) survived the colonial era
ties. Steward emphasized that cultures were not just collec-
and provided an indigenous perspective on the pre-
tions of traits but integrated systems adapted to their envi-
Columbian culture. Scholars of this combined historical and
ronments. He stressed that human culture, like any other
ethnographic corpus, ethnohistorians such as Eduard Seler,
system, was patterned and that these patterns were reflected
began the tradition of studies of pre-Columbian religion.
in the nature and location of sites and in the distribution and
types of ancient artifacts.
By the beginning of the twentieth century, the gradual
and continuing decipherment of the hieroglyphs of the Maya
The ideas of Steward and “culture ecologists” like him
civilization of Mexico and Central America led such scholars
led to new approaches to the archaeological reconstruction
as Sylvanus G. Morley back into the archaeological explora-
of ancient cultures. In the 1950s, in Peru, Gordon Willey
tion of the gods and rites of earlier periods. In the first half
first applied the method known as “settlement-pattern
of the twentieth century archaeological excavations worked
studies,” that is, the analysis of site distribution and varia-
back from the rich ethnohistorical record to uncover the art,
tion, to reconstruct the nature and evolution of prehistoric
iconography, and glyphic texts of earlier pre-Columbian reli-
societies. In Europe, Graham Clarke used culture ecology to
gions. Interpretations relied heavily on later ethnographical
identify ancient subsistence and economic systems accurate-
and historical records, a methodology referred to as the “di-
ly. These new approaches to interpretation were further
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARCHAEOLOGY AND RELIGION
453
strengthened by technical breakthroughs such as the radio-
assisted studies of the patterning and astronomical align-
carbon and tree-ring dating methods, and by improved field
ments of Stonehenge and other megalithic constructions of
techniques, which could now recover such trace remains as
Bronze Age and Neolithic Europe (c. 4000–1800 BCE).
preserved human feces (coprolites) and microscopic fossil
These researches gave rise to the subdiscipline of ar-
pollen.
chaeoastronomy, research on the ancients’ concern with as-
tronomy and astrology, and this concern’s reflection in archi-
Religion, unfortunately, was initially ignored by these
tecture and settlement patterns. Studies of the patterning and
progressive developments in archaeology. The growing theo-
placement of markings, images, and art of the Stone Age
retical and methodological sophistication of archaeology had
were begun by scholars such as Alexander Marshack, André
its roots firmly in culture ecology and other materialist ap-
Leroi-Gourhan, and Peter J. Ucko. All of these studies drew
proaches. Some influential thinkers, such as Leslie White, ex-
upon statistical assessment and analogy to ethnographically
plicitly argued that religion was of no importance in cultural
known peoples in order to elucidate the structure of Stone
evolution, that it was “epiphenomenal.” Others, such as
Age religion.
Steward, felt that while religion was essential to the core of
cultural behavior, it was, unfortunately, inscrutable to ar-
Such researches demonstrated that early prehistoric reli-
chaeological analysis. While many archaeologists believed
gion was amenable to archaeological interpretation. Current
that all aspects of culture left patterns in the archaeological
research has continued and expanded the scrutiny of archae-
record, they also felt that the patterning in religious behavior
ological patterns for material reflections of ancient religious
was too complex, idiosyncratic, or obscure to be accurately
behavior. Studies by John Fritz, Joyce Marcus, and Evon Z.
perceived. Thus, throughout the period of transformation in
Vogt, to name a few, have examined the structure of ideolog-
archaeology in the 1940s and 1950s, the archaeology of reli-
ical conceptions as reflected in architecture and site place-
gion progressed systematically only in those regions and peri-
ment in the Anasazi culture of New Mexico (c. 600–1300
ods that could be related to historically known religions.
CE) and the ancient Maya civilization of Guatemala (c. 300–
Analysis of fully prehistoric ideology was left to those who
900 CE). Central-place theory and other forms of locational
were willing to apply unsystematic and subjective interpreta-
analysis have been used to study site placement in regional
tions, often drawn from popular psychology, to ancient ar-
landscapes, in order to deduce how worldviews might have
chitecture, artifacts, or art.
affected the selection and relative importance of ceremonial
centers and shrines.
The “New Archaeology.” It took a second revolution
in archaeological interpretation, beginning in the 1960s, to
Religion and evolutionary theory. The ambitions of
bring modern archaeology and the study of religion together
contemporary archaeological methodology to decipher an-
as collaborative disciplines. Lewis R. Binford in the Americas
cient belief systems, though still struggling, have led to a re-
and David Clarke in Britain were among the archaeologists
newed interest in the role of religion in the evolution of
who began to argue that the capabilities of archaeology could
human culture. For the first half of the twentieth century,
be broadened through the use of analogy to ethnographic so-
economic, Marxist, and ecological theory dominated studies
cieties and, above all, through computer-assisted statistical
of the prehistoric development of civilizations. In retrospect
approaches. In a series of controversial papers and texts, these
it is now clear that this materialist bias was inevitable, given
self-designated New Archaeologists decried the complacency
the methodological limitations of archaeology. With the
of conventional archaeological methodology, especially its
conviction that prehistoric religious systems were beyond sci-
reluctance to explore the nature of ancient societies beyond
entific analysis, theoretical assessment of cultural change and
questions of chronology and subsistence. Binford argued that
development had naturally turned to other factors. However,
hypotheses concerning the nature of ancient social or even
the new methodological concerns resulted in a resurgence of
religious systems could be drawn from ethnographic compar-
interest in the role of ideology in prehistoric change. In the
isons and could then be verified or discredited by vigorous
1970s archaeologists from diverse theoretical backgrounds
statistical examination of the patterning in the archaeological
began to call for a new look at religion’s impact on the rise
remains. These new approaches and greater ambitions for ar-
and fall of civilizations. Archaeologists have responded in re-
chaeology were tested, generally verified, and refined by
cent publications, discussing the general evolutionary role of
studies of the Indians of the southwestern United States and
ancient religion as well as the specific effects of ideology on
ethnoarchaeological studies of the Inuit (Eskimo) of the Arc-
the formation and reinforcement of early state polities.
tic, the !Kung San of southern Africa, and the Aborigines of
Australia.
This revived interest in the role of religion in the evolu-
tion of culture has led to new theoretical perspectives even
While there was never an explicit, universal acceptance
in the archaeology of the great protohistoric civilizations.
of the new approaches, they were gradually, perhaps uncon-
Most archaeologists of late prehistoric Mesopotamia, for ex-
sciously, absorbed into many branches of archaeology, in-
ample, no longer turn exclusively to the effects of irrigation
cluding research on prehistoric religion. Numerous studies
or demographic pressure for the causes of state formation.
of fully prehistoric ideological systems began in this period.
For decades, historical and anthropological scholars, includ-
Gerald Hawkins and Alexander Thom began computer-
ing Mircea Eliade and Paul Wheatley, have argued that the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
454
ARCHAEOLOGY AND RELIGION
ceremonial center was the nucleus of the early city. Anthro-
tion the cults became irreversible forces that destabilized
pological archaeologists have turned again to such perspec-
these pre-Columbian empires and predisposed them to swift
tives in their examination of earlier prehistoric develop-
disintegration.
ments.
So, in both the Old World and the Americas archaeolo-
For example, a series of researches have examined pat-
gists have rediscovered the study of religion. Appropriate
terns of pottery distribution of the northern Mesopotamian
methodologies for the study of prehistoric religion have been
Halaf and Samarran cultures (c. 5500–4500 BCE). The iden-
suggested and continue to be explored. Meanwhile, theoreti-
tified patterns of intersite similarity and difference in design-
cal models for prehistoric cultural evolution have reincor-
element distributions have been seen to reflect the territories
porated the study of religion into considerations of social
of early chiefdoms. The distinctive styles of the chiefdoms
change. In turn, these researches and interpretations in ar-
are also seen as indications of the integration and communi-
chaeology have broadened the temporal and geographic
cation provided by early ceremonial centers and their reli-
range of information available to scholars of comparative re-
gious rituals. In these interpretations the early ceremonial
ligion. The future holds even more promise as methodolo-
center is related archaeologically to a presumed function of
gies improve, theory becomes more sophisticated, and the
reinforcement of collective identity, a role seen as critical in
symbiotic relationship of these two disciplines grows.
the evolution of later, more complex societies. Thus, the the-
RECENT CONTRIBUTIONS. The historical development of
oretical perspectives of thinkers such as Émile Durkheim,
the relationship between archaeology and religion involved
Max Weber, and Eliade, too long alien to archaeology, have
a sequence of important projects, discoveries, and theoretical
been returned to field research and interpretation. In the pro-
breakthroughs. However, there also have been many contri-
cess religious behavior has been incorporated into anthropo-
butions by archaeology to the study of religion in particular
logical assessments of prehistoric cultural evolution.
regions and periods. Here it is only possible to cite a few of
In discussing the later period of the formation of hu-
the noteworthy finds.
mankind’s first civilization, ancient Sumer, archaeologists
Paleolithic religion. The archaeology of religion in the
continue to emphasize the importance of irrigation, demo-
Paleolithic period, the Old Stone Age, is one area in which
graphics, trade, and warfare in the genesis of urban society.
new methodologies and concerns have led to surprising dis-
However, they also incorporate ideology into the evolution-
coveries. It is now possible to say with certainty that homo
ary equation—and not merely as a Marxist, after-the-fact le-
religiosus predates Homo sapiens by a considerable period.
gitimation of political authority. For example, Robert M.
Adams, in Heartland of Cities (1981), takes a holistic perspec-
Humanity’s ancestor of a million to a hundred thousand
tive on the origins of the state in Mesopotamia. He sees early
years ago, Homo erectus, had an average cranial capacity of
city-states and their proto-urban antecedents as centers of se-
about two-thirds that of modern humans. Yet Homo erectus
curity in all senses: subsistence security because of their role
left traces of possible religious or ritual behavior. This evi-
in irrigation, storage of surplus, and trade; defensive security
dence includes finds of ocher earth pigments (perhaps for
provided by a large nucleated population; and spiritual secur-
body painting) at Terra Amata in France and the discovery
ity and identity in the form of the temple. The ceremonial
of Homo erectus skull remains at the Zhoukoudian cave in
centers of Ubaid times (4500–3500 BCE) evolved into the
China that may indicate ritual cannibalism. These data can
urban centers of Uruk times (3500–3100 BCE) because they
be contested, being based only on analogy to ethnographical-
became central places servicing the full range of economic,
ly known belief systems. There can be no question, however,
social, and spiritual needs. The temple-dominated econo-
about the rich spiritual life of Neanderthal humans, Homo
mies of such centers were also preadapted to legitimate the
sapiens neanderthalensis. Beginning about one hundred thou-
state political authority that emerged in later periods.
sand years ago, this robust early form of Homo sapiens devot-
ed considerable energy to the burial of the dead, as shown
Similarly, perspectives on cultural evolution in the New
by excavation of Neanderthal cemeteries in France, Germa-
World have begun to reincorporate religion into interpreta-
ny, and the Near East. Ritual treatments include the use of
tions of the rise and fall of civilizations. Kent V. Flannery and
red ocher, sometimes grave goods, and, in at least one in-
Robert Drennan have argued that religion and ritual were
stance, offerings of flowers.
vital to the formation of early complex pre-Columbian socie-
ties such as the Olmec civilization of Mexico. Geoffrey W.
In the Upper Paleolithic period, beginning about thirty-
Conrad and the author of this article have presented reinter-
five thousand years ago, anatomically modern Homo sapiens
pretations of the importance and nature of such religious
appeared, and made a quantum leap in art and religious im-
phenomena as the Inca worship of royal mummies and the
agery. New statistical approaches to patterning in the archae-
Aztec central cult of mass human sacrifice. These new per-
ological record have been applied to generate specific hy-
spectives argue that such cults helped to drive the explosive
potheses on the spectacular cave paintings, portable art, and
expansion of both the Inca Empire of Peru (1438–1532) and
complex, enigmatic markings characteristic of the late epoch
the Aztec hegemony in Mexico (1428–1519). Indeed, they
of the Stone Age. Ucko, Andrée Rosenfeld, and other an-
contend that due to religious and political institutionaliza-
thropologists have turned to the ethnography of contempo-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARCHAEOLOGY AND RELIGION
455
rary hunting and gathering societies for analogies. Their in-
Perhaps the most important and unexpected discovery
terpretations emphasize hunting magic, totemism, and
of recent years came from excavations by an Italian team at
shamanism. Leroi-Gourhan uses statistical assessment of pat-
Tell Mardikh, in Syria. In 1975 they found a royal archive
terning in the forms and distributions of specific images in
of over fifteen thousand tablets, detailing the history and cul-
the caves. He has produced a structural, almost linguistic,
ture of the third-millennium kingdom of Ebla. The ongoing
analysis of message and meaning in Paleolithic art. Marshack
decipherment of the Ebla tablets is revolutionizing current
also turns to statistical assessment in his work on the mark-
understanding of early Near Eastern history and religion.
ings and iconographs of the Paleolithic. However, he con-
These texts have provided a new perspective on the ancient
cludes that the complex symbolic system was concerned with
Near East and promise to provide a closer view of the origins
lunar cycles and other calendric patterns, as well as with fer-
of the religious systems of later times.
tility and sympathetic magic. Taken together, recent archae-
Biblical archaeology. One beneficiary of these discov-
ological studies constitute a considerable corpus on the fully
eries of early kingdoms in adjacent regions has been biblical
prehistoric belief systems of early humankind.
archaeology. At Ras Shamra in Syria, Claude F.-A. Schaeffer
The early Near East. In the Near East, the heartland
directed excavations, uncovering the ancient city of Ugarit
of many of the world’s major religions, the contribution of
and thousands of Ugaritic tablets. These texts have had a
archaeology to the study of the origins of these traditions ex-
profound impact on biblical studies, because they detail the
tends back to the seventh and eighth millennia BCE. Excava-
nature of second-millennium Canaanite religion and society.
tions by Kathleen M. Kenyon in preceramic Jericho and
Meanwhile, progress in biblical archaeology in Palestine itself
finds at related sites (e.g., Beidha, Ain Ghazal, Tell Ramad)
has been substantial and steady. Literally hundreds of sites
have revealed burial practices and iconography emphasizing
relating to the Old Testament period have been excavated
skull worship. James Mellaart’s excavations in seventh-
in the past half-century, including such important sites as
millennium levels at Çatal Hüyük, Anatolia, have uncovered
Jericho, Jerusalem, Megiddo, Tel Dan, Gezer, Shechem
elaborate religious imagery in shrines with plaster sculptures
(modern-day Nablus), Lachish, and Samaria.
and artwork incorporating the skulls of bulls. Continuity of
One should not overlook the contributions of archaeol-
some iconographic elements, including bullhead designs,
ogy to the historical study of religions of later times in the
suggests that these earliest Neolithic religions may have influ-
Near East. Archaeology has provided a richer context of ma-
enced the later cults of the northern Mesopotamian Halaf
terial evidence to check, refine, and extend the historical re-
and Samarran chiefdoms. In turn, excavations at ceremonial
cord on religion in ancient Egypt, early Islam, and early
centers of these chiefdoms, such as Tell es-Sawwan, indicate
Christianity. Furthermore, many of the actual historical and
that they greatly influenced the temple complexes of the
religious texts have been recovered by systematic archaeologi-
Ubaid culture, the first phase of the Sumerian civilization in
cal excavations, including most of the Dead Sea Scrolls and
southern Mesopotamia. Thus, recent evidence suggests a
numerous papyrus texts in Egypt. The recent excavations
continuous evolution of religious systems leading to the his-
and discoveries at Nag Hammadi in Egypt illustrate the close
torical Near Eastern religions.
interplay between religious textual studies and archaeology.
Archaeological research since the 1930s has unearthed
Archaeologists returned there in the 1970s to excavate areas
a wealth of data on the religion of the later high civilization
in a zone where Gnostic texts had been fortuitously discov-
of Mesopotamia, and at early Sumerian centers such as
ered decades earlier. These ongoing excavations are establish-
Eridu, Uruk, Ur, and Tepe Gawra. This evidence has per-
ing the material context of these important documents.
mitted detailed characterization and dating of the develop-
China and India. In the study of the religious systems
ment of Sumerian temple architecture, art, and iconography,
of Asia, archaeology has been traditionally limited to a sup-
as well as the changing cultural context of religion and ritual.
plementary role. Excavations have recovered texts and in-
Concerning later, historical periods (after 3000 BCE), the ex-
scriptions and have confirmed or refined the interpretations
cavations at Ur in the 1930s and 1940s by C. Leonard Wool-
of historical scholarship. The bronzes, oracle bones, bamboo
ley provided a clear glimpse of Sumerian elite life and state
tablets, and other inscriptions so critical to the study of early
religion in that city-state’s temple complexes and royal ceme-
Chinese religion have been recovered in large numbers by the
tery. Twentieth-century excavations sponsored by British,
systematic, albeit largely atheoretical, archaeology of modern
French, German, and American institutions at Ur, Uruk,
China. Excavations at the Shang tombs at Anyang (c. 1400
Mari, Babylon, Nineveh, and other Mesopotamian sites have
also recovered thousands of tablets. From the recovered texts
BCE) and the mortuary complex of the first emperor (200
and inscriptions, the epigraphers Samuel Noah Kramer and
BCE) have revealed the spectacular nature of early Chinese re-
ligion and its critical role in polity and power. Indeed, new
Thorkild Jacobsen have reconstructed the nature of theolo-
theoretical perspectives by historical scholars, such as David
gy, ritual, and myth in ancient Sumer, Akkad, and Babylon.
Keightley, have argued that the genesis of China’s first states
Meanwhile, the excavations and tablets of Nuzi, Susa, Mari,
and the form of its early theology are inseparable.
and other sites have provided evidence on the identity and
cults of the surrounding, previously shadowy, historical peo-
Modern anthropological archaeology has only just
ples—the Hurrians, the Elamites, and the kingdom of Mari.
begun in China. Yet already more methodologically rigorous
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
456
ARCHAEOLOGY AND RELIGION
approaches to prehistoric and protohistoric periods are be-
tion of Neolithic cemeteries and of late predynastic mastaba
ginning to challenge traditional interpretations. In a series of
tombs, the mudbrick antecedents of the pyramids. In the Ae-
works K. C. Zhang has compared texts with archaeological
gean and Balkans, recent excavations have established a chro-
evidence and datings to show that the early Xia, Shang, and
nological and cultural context for the study of religion, in-
Zhou dynasties may have been largely contemporaneous pol-
cluding ample evidence concerning Mycenaean and Minoan
ities rather than a linear sequence of dynasties. Such broad
religion and even earlier (third and fourth millennia BCE)
reconsiderations of chronology and history will require paral-
shrines, funerary practices, and religious icons. Marija Gim-
lel rethinking of the history of early state religion in China.
butas and other archaeologists have carried interpretations
Recent archaeological contributions to the study of early
on religion back to the earliest Neolithic developments in
Chinese religion also include evidence on belief systems in
eastern Europe in the seventh millennium BCE. Gimbutas has
the Neolithic Yangshao (4000–2500 BCE) and Longshan
synthesized the evidence from excavations of shrines, burials,
(2500–1800 BCE) periods. He Bingdi and other Chinese ar-
and figurine iconography to reconstruct the general form,
chaeologists have argued that iconography, settlement lay-
specific deities, and development of the indigenous cults of
outs, and even domestic architecture in these village societies
Old Europe. While still highly speculative in nature, such
reflect uniquely regional views on cosmology, ancestor wor-
contributions demonstrate the growing potential of archae-
ship, and fertility. While largely based on analogy to later re-
ology for the study of fully prehistoric religious systems.
ligions, such interpretations show the potential of future ar-
The prehistoric archaeology of western Europe has been
chaeological research.
transformed in recent years by new approaches, including the
The archaeology of the Indus Valley civilization (2400–
studies already mentioned on Paleolithic religion and on as-
1800
tronomical patterning in Neolithic and Bronze Age mega-
BCE) of Pakistan and India is another field in which evi-
dence and analogy can be used to project intriguing, but still
lithic shrines. Of even greater significance has been a revolu-
uncertain, connections with historical religions. In this case,
tion in chronology and evolutionary interpretation led by
the architecture, art, and iconography of Mohenjo-Daro,
Colin Renfrew and other British archaeologists. In the 1960s
Harappa, Lothal, and other cities of the Indus Valley civiliza-
the correction of errors in the radiocarbon dating method
tion have been carefully compared to the Vedic texts on early
produced new chronological alignments for all of European
Hindu ritual and belief. General conceptual parallels have
prehistory, redating the beginning of megaliths in northern
been inferred from the archaeological evidence, such as con-
Europe to before 3500 BCE. It is now clear that these and
cerns with bathing and the ritual use of water, or the proba-
other spectacular manifestations of early European religion
ble existence of a rigid, castelike social organization. Archae-
can no longer be defined historically or interpreted icono-
ologists and Vedic scholars have also noted many quite
graphically in terms of influences or parallels with the Aegean
specific shared traits between Indus Valley artifacts, glyphs,
world. As a result, the study of religion and cultural develop-
or iconography and historical descriptions of Aryan culture
ment in prehistoric Europe has turned to the new approaches
in the Vedas, for example, the form of incense burners, the
and ethnographic perspectives popular in American archae-
lotus sitting position, and possible prototypes of specific dei-
ology. European and American prehistoric studies have en-
ties. Such interpretations are complicated by growing evi-
tered an exciting period of cross-fertilization in anthropolog-
dence that the Indus Valley civilization was created by a ra-
ical concepts and archaeological methods.
cially and linguistically Dravidian, rather than Aryan, people.
The Americas. In the New World methodological and
Nonetheless, the archaeology of the region does seem to
theoretical assessments have enriched the traditional ethno-
point to Indus Valley culture for the origins of many aspects
historical and direct-historical approaches to the study of
of the Hindu tradition.
pre-Columbian religion. Prehistoric cultures from diverse re-
gions, such as the Mississippian peoples of the southeastern
The Mediterranean and Europe. Archaeological re-
United States (c. 1000–1500), the Pueblo cultures of the
search in Greece and Egypt has always been dominated by
Southwest (300–1300), and the Moche civilization of Peru
textual and historical studies. As in biblical studies the ar-
(200 BCE–600 CE), have been studied by systematic statistical
chaeologist has provided texts and inscriptions as well as evi-
analysis of patterning in their archaeological remains. In the
dence on the broader material context of early religion. This
search for patterns, settlement distribution, grave goods, ar-
contribution of assistance to epigraphic research often has
chitectural alignments, distribution of design elements on
been of great significance. For example, the excavations of
potsherds, and many other potential reflections of ancient
the sacred capital at Amarna, in Egypt, have uncovered ico-
social groups, political divisions, and belief systems have
nography, architecture, and texts that vastly expand existing
been examined. These studies, along with broader theoretical
views on the religion of Egypt and adjacent cultures in the
assessments, have led to a tremendous increase in under-
fourteenth century BCE.
standing prehistoric religion in the New World and its inter-
Archaeological research has also pushed back the chro-
relationship with the political and social evolution of pre-
nological limits of the knowledge of religion in ancient Egypt
Columbian tribes, chiefdoms, and states.
and Greece. In Egypt current understanding of the antiquity
These new approaches also hold the prospect of resolv-
and evolution of religion has been extended by the excava-
ing long-standing issues in the study of pre-Columbian reli-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARCHETYPES
457
gion. Since the 1950s George Kubler and other scholars have
Ucko and Andrée Rosenfeld’s Palaeolithic Cave Art (New
warned against the general practice of simply imposing the
York, 1967); André Leroi-Gourhan’s The Dawn of European
historically known meaning of contact-period religious arti-
Art (Cambridge, 1982); and Alexander Marshack’s The Roots
facts and art onto the evidence from earlier periods. Kubler
of Civilization (New York, 1972). A good regional review of
has pointed out that, over the centuries, shifts or even com-
archaeology in the Near East is Charles L. Redman’s The Rise
plete disjunctions in the meaning of religious symbols may
of Civilization (San Francisco, 1978). For later periods and
biblical archaeology see Howard F. Vos’s Archaeology in Bible
have occurred. Systematic approaches to patterning in the re-
Lands (Chicago, 1977). Kwangzhi Zhang’s Shang Civiliza-
cord may provide methods of testing ethnohistorically pre-
tion (New Haven, 1980) includes consideration of early Chi-
sumed meanings through study of the distribution and asso-
nese religion, while Zhang’s The Archaeology of Ancient
ciation of artifacts and images.
China, 3d ed. (New Haven, Conn., 1977), is the definitive
New archaeological discoveries and new approaches to
general synthesis. A review of evidence on the Indus Valley
interpretation are also challenging long-standing opinions on
civilization and Vedic parallels is given in the first chapters
of Arun Bhattacharjee’s History of Ancient India (New Delhi,
specific aspects of pre-Columbian religious studies. For ex-
1979). The Goddesses and Gods of Old Europe, 6500–3500
ample, many scholars studying the religions of the high civi-
B.C., by Marija Gimbutas (Berkeley, Calif., 1982) is a notable
lizations of Mesoamerica and Peru have begun to doubt the
study of archaeological evidence on early European religion
utility of seeking specific identities or referents for individual
and an excellent example of the integration of archaeology,
deities. Instead, they are analyzing art and iconography for
iconographic analysis, and the study of religion. For the
evidence of concepts and structures in pre-Columbian belief
Americas, traditional regional syntheses of art, archaeology,
systems. The results have shown that pre-Columbian reli-
and religions can be found in The Handbook of Middle Amer-
gions were as laden with sexual symbolism, manifold god-
ican Indians, 16 vols., edited by Robert Wauchope (Austin,
heads, and structural complexities as the religions of East
1964–1976), and The Handbook of South American Indians,
Asia. Archaeological research is also discovering unexpected
7 vols., edited by Julian H. Steward (Washington, 1946–
1959). For broader structural and conceptual approaches to
aspects of pre-Columbian religions—for example, the im-
the nature of pre-Columbian religion, see Miguel León-
portance of ancestor worship among the ancient Classic
Portilla’s Time and Reality in the Thought of the Maya (Bos-
Maya civilization of Central America (300–900 CE) and the
ton, 1973); my own Viracocha (Cambridge, Mass., 1981);
shamanistic nature of the religion of the early Olmec culture
and especially Eva Hunt’s The Transformation of the Hum-
in Mexico (1300–600 BCE).
mingbird (Ithaca, N.Y., 1977).
Prospects. Beyond the small sample cited here, archae-
ARTHUR ANDREW DEMAREST (1987)
ology has contributed to the study of religion in virtually
every world region and period. The archaeology of Japan,
Southwest Asia, Australia, sub-Saharan Africa, Central Asia,
and other zones has involved extensive excavation and inter-
ARCHETYPES. The English word archetype derives
pretation of the material evidence of religious behavior. As
from a Greek word that is prominent in the writings of reli-
archaeological research broadens in geographical range and
gious thinkers during the Hellenistic period. In modern
further develops its methodological tools, it will become an
times, the term has been used to refer to fundamental struc-
even more important aspect of the study of religion. It will
tures in the human psyche as well as in religious life. In either
continue to extend the breadth and depth of scholars’ search
sense, an archetype is a pattern that determines human expe-
for variations, connections, structural similarities, and cogni-
rience (whether on a conscious or an unconscious level) and
tive parallels in human religious systems.
makes itself felt as something both vital and holy.
SEE ALSO Cities; Prehistoric Religions, article on Old
THE MEANING OF ARCHETYPE. The Greek compound de-
Europe.
rives from the combined meaning of two words, tupos and
arch¯e, both of which have double referents. Tupos refers both
BIBLIOGRAPHY
to a physical blow and to the concrete manifestation of its
A good general history of archaeology in the Old World is Glyn
impact. Hence, the seal and its imprint are both tupoi. Fur-
E. Daniel’s A Short History of Archaeology (London, 1981),
ther, the relation between any form and its derivative forms
and for the New World see Gordon R. Willey and Jeremy
is indicated by this term. For example, the cast that molds
A. Sabloff’s A History of American Archaeology, 2d ed. (Lon-
the statue and the statue itself are both tupoi, as is the mold
don, 1981). An important presentation of the new, anthro-
that is placed around a fruit by a grower in order to shape
pological approaches to archaeology is Lewis R. Binford’s An
it as it grows. Internal and invisible molding is also a kind
Archaeological Perspective (New York, 1972). Recent works
of tupos as in biological generation: the child is the tupos of
exemplifying the integration of religion into archaeological
approaches to cultural evolution are Ideology, Power, and Pre-
its parent. Finally, as in the English cognate, type, tupos
history, edited by Daniel Miller and Christopher Tilley
comes to signify any character or nature that is shared by nu-
(Cambridge, 1984), and Religion and Empire by Geoffrey W.
merous, related phenomena with the result that they appear
Conrad and myself (Cambridge, 1984). For innovative syn-
to have been cast from the same mold: for example, the euca-
theses of Paleolithic archaeology and religion, see Peter J.
lyptus is a type of tree.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
458
ARCHETYPES
The nominal prefix arch¯e refers to what is first or origi-
plains that, for him, the terms exemplary model, paradigm,
nal, both in a temporal and in an ontological sense. As such,
and archetype are synonymous. For the member of tribal and
it may indicate equally the heavenly powers that govern the
traditional cultures, the archetypes provide the models of his
cosmos, the ruler of a realm, or the vital organs that empower
institutions and the norms of his various categories of behav-
life in the body.
ior. They constitute a sacred reality that was revealed to hu-
Together, these two Greek words make up to
mankind at the beginning of time. Consequently, the arche-
arch¯etupon, or “the archetype,” a term that was not so com-
typal patterns are regarded as having a supernatural or
monly used as either of its components but that does appear
transcendent origin.
with some frequency in the rather esoteric writings of certain
The sacred and the profane. These observations pro-
Hellenistic religious philosophers. Already in De opificio
vide the basis for Eliade’s description of the way in which a
mundi (1.69), the Jewish theologian Philo Judaeus refers to
religious person distinguishes two separate modes of being
the archetype as the imago dei (“god-image”) residing in and
in the world: the sacred and the profane. The member of a
molding humanity in the likeness of God.
tribal or traditional society may be called homo religiosus
Later, Irenaeus uses the term when, in his lengthy trea-
(“religious human”) precisely because he or she perceives
tise attacking the so-called Christian heretics (Against Here-
both a transcendent model (or archetype) and a mundane re-
sies 2.7.5), he recounts a Valentinian version of the cosmogo-
ality that is capable of being molded to correspond to the
ny. According to the Valentinians, a group of gnostic
transcendent model. Furthermore, he or she experiences the
Christians, the world was not created by God out of nothing,
transcendent model as holy, that is, as manifesting absolute
but rather it was the fabrication of a demiurge, who copied
power and value. In fact, it is the sacred quality of the arche-
directly or indirectly (depending on the version) an archetyp-
type that compels him to orient his life around it. Finally,
al world (the Pleroma) that existed outside himself. In this
the sacred is recognized as such because it appears to humans
view, the Demiurge creates in the manner of a mechanic who
within the profane setting of everyday events. This is the
builds a robot that simulates, but does not replicate, a living
hierophany (“appearance of the sacred”), that is, when the
model.
supernatural makes itself felt in all its numinosity in contrast
to the natural order.
A third use of to arch¯etupon during the Hellenistic peri-
od is found in the writings of the Platonic mystic Plotinus.
The hierophany. The appearance of the sacred may
He intuited a divine realm of which the creation was a mere
take on any form. It may be perceptible by way of the senses:
reflection. Plotinus reminds his reader to observe the regular-
God in the form of a white buffalo or in the magnificence
ity and order exhibited by the natural world. This harmoni-
of a roaring waterfall. The sacred may appear to humans by
ous state of affairs, he claims, depends on a higher reality for
way of a dream, as in Jacob’s dream of the angels of the Lord
its laws of being. The phenomenological realm does not truly
descending and ascending upon the ladder between heaven
exist, according to Plotinus, but appears at the boundaries
and earth (Gn. 28:12). Or the hierophany may be envisioned
between true being, that is, the One, and the void external
by way of the imagination, as, for example, the visions of
to it. Plotinus’s cosmogony thus presents a third use of the
Muh:ammad, Black Elk, and Teresa of Ávila. The sacred real-
imagery associated with the term archetype. At work here is
ity makes itself known to the consciousness of humans by
neither Philo’s idea of an inner force (inspiration) nor the
whatever means are available to it.
Valentinian concept of the craftsman basing his creation on
Orientation. The consequence of an encounter with
a model (imitation), but rather the metaphor of reflection
the sacred, states Eliade, is the desire to remain in relation
that depicts an emptiness upon which is cast—as if upon a
to it, to orient one’s life around it in order to be filled contin-
mirror—the form of a divine but transcendent reality.
ually with the sense of being and meaning that it evokes. In
For all three philosophers, the word archetupon is used
this sense, the hierophany creates a new order of things. No
to depict a cosmogonic principle. Common to all three belief
longer do space and time make up a homogeneous continu-
systems is the conviction that the creation of the cosmos, in-
um; one moment, or one place, has become touched by the
cluding the creation of man, depends on the preexistence of
sacred, and from that time on, it will provide a means of con-
a transcendental reality.
necting the two realms, a center that mediates sacred and
During the twentieth century, the word archetype has
profane experience.
been rehabilitated by the historian of religions Mircea Eliade
This connection may be strengthened in many ways.
and the depth psychologist C. G. Jung. Eliade, in his study
Jacob set up an altar in the place where he had the dream.
of the religions of humankind, uses the term to name the sa-
Religious people may build their homes, villages, or cities on
cred paradigms that are expressed in myth and articulated in
a sacred site. They may practice a way of life revealed to them
ritual. For Jung, the concept of the archetype can also be ap-
by means of a hierophany. Any action may become sacred
plied to the dynamic structures of the unconscious that de-
if it is enacted in imitation of the way the gods have acted.
termine individual patterns of experience and behavior.
Human life itself becomes assimilated to the sacred paradigm
ELIADE’S UNDERSTANDING OF THE ARCHETYPES. In his
and becomes sanctified insofar as it shares in the numinous
preface to the 1959 edition of Cosmos and History, Eliade ex-
quality of the timeless archetype.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARCHETYPES
459
A modern example of an orientation governed by an ar-
realization in one’s own life of an archetypal pattern. For the
chetype is the ritual Eucharist. In the Mass, the Christian re-
religious person, salvation can never be possessed but must
peats a series of actions that were performed in illo tempore,
always be embodied.
that is, for the Christian, in the beginning of a new age, at
THE MEANING OF ARCHETYPE IN JUNG’S PSYCHOLOGY.
a time when God in the person of Christ still walked the
Many people have pointed out the difficulty of presenting
earth. By reenacting the last supper, the Christian re-creates
a systematic analysis of C. G. Jung’s theory of archetypes.
that sacred time and shares in its sanctity.
This is perhaps a direct result of his method: As a physician,
The spirituality that is inherent in this form of religion
Jung discovered the existence of the archetypal reality
is not otherworldly. The people do not seek to escape this
through an examination of the subjective experiences of his
world for another (celestial or unknown) world. Instead,
patients and himself. Therefore, his theory was constantly
their actions are directed at making profane existence over
growing in response to his clinical work. His contribution
into a replica of the archetypal world that has been revealed
to a general theory of archetypes lies along the same lines of
to them. They seek to realize paradise on earth. For homo re-
Philo’s thought; like Philo, Jung emphasizes the presence of
ligiosus, the limits inherent in temporal existence (decay, im-
divine images within humans, directing and influencing
permanence, and death) are transcended by imitating and in-
human development.
carnating the eternal patterns. In this way, they abolish time.
At the Eranos seminars in Ascona, Jung and Eliade were
Guided by the archetype, they experience the greatest free-
able to discuss and compare their ideas on archetypes. As a
dom of their nature: they become like one of the gods.
psychologist knowledgeable in the study of religion, Jung
Value of the history of religions. Modern humans may
knew and accepted the concepts of Eliade—archetype as
regard themselves as free precisely because they no longer
transcendent model, the nature of hierophany, and so
seek to emulate a divine paradigm and see themselves, in-
forth—but, in addition, for Jung, the archetype was also ac-
stead, as an unconditioned agent of history (unbound to ex-
tive in determining the inner life of humans in both its spiri-
ternal models). This is, of course, the inheritance of the En-
tual and material dimensions.
lightenment, according to which progress is possible only
Instinct. The archetype is most concretely viewed as in-
after detachment from the so-called superstitions of the past
stinct. Jung states that the archetype
in order to follow the dictates of a pure reason. In Eliade’s
is not meant to denote an inherited idea, but rather an
view, one may be fully secularized, yet still be the product
inherited mode of psychic functioning, corresponding
of a religious inheritance. Self-understanding requires an ex-
to the inborn way in which the chick emerges from the
amination of that inheritance. Eliade suggests, further, that
egg, the bird builds its nest, a certain kind of wasp stings
knowledge and the understanding of the religions of one’s
the motor ganglion of the caterpillar, and eels find their
ancestors can be a source of meaning and value.
way to the Bermudas. In other words, it is a pattern of
behavior. This aspect of the archetype is the biological
In addition, the archetypal themes that influenced our
one. (quoted in Jacobi, 1959, p. 43)
ancestors are still alive for modern people, both consciously
and unconsciously. For instance, the difficulties of life can
However, the instinctual life of the body is unconscious. It
be regarded as obstacles to fulfillment or, interpreted against
is felt indirectly through drives and compulsions as well as
the archetypal theme of initiation, aspects of an ordeal that
through images that arise spontaneously in dreams and fanta-
may lead to growth and, ultimately, transformation. Exile
sy. It is the imagination that serves to mediate the subjective
from one’s homeland can be a source of bitterness and regret,
experience of instinct to the ego. Instinct clothes itself in im-
or, viewed in light of mythical paradigm, the path of the hero
ages taken from everyday experience. The archetypal nature
such as Parzival, Odysseus, or even Moses, to name a few for
of instinct appears in the numinous quality of many of these
whom the journey brought with it rewards unobtainable to
images, that is, they have the power to compel one abso-
those who remained at home.
lutely.
Furthermore, in Eliade’s view, the archetypal patterns
This is not to suggest that, for Jung, the archetype is
linger on in the unconscious of modern individuals, serving
nothing but instinct. On the contrary, it is the transcendent
as themes that motivate and guide them. On a collective
model that is recognized as having a directive force in the
level, the search for eternal life seems to underlie much of
lives of individual persons even on the biological level. In
the science of modern medicine. On the individual level, the
fact, Jung suggests that instinct and spirit are simply two dif-
person may play out an unconsciously motivated role that
ferent names for the same reality seen from opposing per-
has a recognizable mythical form: the hero, the sacred mar-
spectives. What looks like instinct to the outsider is experi-
riage, the wise old woman, the eternal child. The paradigms
enced as spirit on the subjective level of inner life. The
appear in numerous constellations with varied force at differ-
appearance of the archetypal pattern at different levels of
ent times, even during the life of the individual. The insight
human experience in varying forms is described as pro-
that governs homo religiosus, an insight that Eliade elucidates,
jection.
is this: There is a difference between the possession of happi-
Projection. Employing Eliade’s term, Jung might say
ness or wealth or power or success, on the one hand, and the
that the hierophany, or appearance, of the archetype may
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
460
ARCHITECTURE
take place anywhere, even within the unconscious life of the
Jacobi, Jolande. Complex, Archetype, Symbol in the Psychology of
body. The psychological term projection simply points to the
C. G. Jung. Princeton, 1959. The best introduction to Jung’s
mode of appearance and not to the ontological status of
theory of archetypes, this small volume provides the reader
the archetype, that is, the archetype does not exist as a projec-
with a guide to Jung’s writings on the topic as well as to relat-
tion, but rather it appears in projection. This form of speech
ed material in the works of other analytical psychologists.
recalls the metaphor of Plotinus, that the One is reflected by
New Sources
the outer void. In a similar way, we can imagine the arche-
Henry, James P. “Religious Experience, Archetypes, and the
type reflected (through being projected) on various planes
Neurophysiology of Emotions.” Zygon 21, no. 1 (1986):
that support the total human experience: the outer world of
47–74.
sense experience, the inner world of imagination, and the un-
Laughlin, Charles D., and C. Jason Throop. “Imagination and
conscious world of the body. In other words, the gods may
Reality: On the Relations between Myth, Consciousness,
appear to humans on top of a holy mountain, within a dream
and the Quantum Sea.” Zygon 36, no. 4 (2001): 709–736.
during a rite of incubation, or even as a bodily compulsion.
McCollister, B. “Religion: Intrinsic to the Human Psyche?” Hu-
Still, the transcendent nature of the archetype is not affected.
manist 50, no. 1 (1990): 39.
Here, as in all religious language, we encounter the paradox
BEVERLY MOON (1987)
of transcendence and immanence, each capable of an inde-
Revised Bibliography
pendent existence requiring the existence of the other.
THE RELIGIOUS MEANING OF ARCHETYPE. The existence of
archetypes cannot be proved, but archetypes can be subjec-
ARCHITECTURE. [This article presents a thematic
tively experienced. Jung often explained that, as a psycholo-
overview of religious architecture. Monuments associated with
gist, he could not prove the existence of God. Nevertheless,
prehistoric religious practices are discussed in Megalithic Reli-
in Face to Face, his interview with John Freeman for the
gion; Paleolithic Religion; and Prehistoric Religions.]
BBC, he admits that he has no need of belief in God because
he has knowledge based on experience. In Ordeal by Laby-
Architecture may be defined as the art of building, and
rinth, a book of conversations with Claude-Henri Rocquet,
consequently religious architecture refers to those buildings
Eliade insists on the religious content of the archetype.
planned to serve religious purposes. These structures can be
either very simple or highly complex. They can take the form
If God doesn’t exist, then everything is dust and ashes.
of a circle of upright stones (megaliths) defining a sacred
If there is no absolute to give meaning and value to our
space or they may spread over acres like the sanctuary at Ang-
existence, then that means existence has no meaning. I
kor Wat. They can be of any and every material from the
know there are philosophers who do think precisely
that; but for me, that would be not just pure despair but
mounds of earth reared over royal tombs to the reinforced
also a kind of betrayal. Because it isn’t true and I know
concrete and glass of twentieth-century houses of worship.
that it isn’t true. (Eliade, 1982, p. 67)
Yet the practice of religion does not of itself require an
Even when employed in the twentieth century by a historian
architectural setting. Sacrifice can be offered to the gods in
of religions and a psychologist, the ancient term archetype re-
the open air on a hilltop; the adherents of Islam can perform
tained the religious significance that it had for three religious
their daily prayers in a railroad car or even in the street; the
philosophers during the first centuries of the common era.
Christian Eucharist can be celebrated in a hospital ward.
Referring both to the sacred model and to its appearance
Nevertheless all the major world religions have buildings es-
within the world of phenomena, the archetype is meaningless
pecially planned for their use, and these constitute an impor-
in any system of thought that denies the reality of a transcen-
tant source of knowledge about these faiths. They can reveal
dent principle. In other words, the term suggests a view of
what is believed about the nature of the gods; they can pro-
creation according to which this world depends for its very
vide insight into the character of the communities for which
nature on some reality outside itself.
they were designed and the cultus celebrated therein.
S
To comprehend and appreciate the significance of these
EE ALSO See also Hierophany; Iconography; Jung, C. G;
Orientation; Transcendence and Immanence.
buildings it is necessary to classify them, but their variety is
so great that one single method would be incomplete. Hence
BIBLIOGRAPHY
several typologies have to be devised if the subject matter is
Eliade, Mircea. Cosmos and History: The Myth of the Eternal Re-
to be covered adequately; indeed it is possible to identify at
turn. New York, 1954. A good introduction to the role of
least four. In the first place, the vocabulary applied to reli-
archetypes in the religions of traditional cultures.
gious buildings can be taken as the basis for the formulation
Eliade, Mircea. Patterns in Comparative Religion. New York, 1958.
of a typology. This, however, is by no means exhaustive, and
Discussion of archetypal theory throughout.
so it is essential to move on to a second typology derived
Eliade, Mircea. Ordeal by Labyrinth: Conversations with Claude-
from the character or nature ascribed to each building, which
Henri Rocquet. Chicago, 1982. The autobiographical materi-
may differ depending upon whether it is regarded as a divine
al provides a valuable framework for Eliade’s theoretical
dwelling, a center of reference, a monument, or a meeting
writings.
house. A third typology may be presented by analyzing the
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ARCHITECTURE
461
functions for which each building provides, including the
Terms that affirm an association with a person or
service of the gods, religious teaching, the manifestation of
events. To speak of Saint Paul’s Cathedral in London is to
reverence and devotion, congregational worship, and sym-
declare a link with the apostle. The Süleymaniye Mosque
bolization. A fourth typology is architectural rather than reli-
complex in Istanbul commemorates its patron, Sultan Süley-
gious but needs to be noted: this is based upon the categories
man the Magnificent. The Roman Pantheon, which is Latin-
of path and place. Other factors that should be borne in
ized Greek (pantheion), was dedicated to “all the gods.” The
mind for a complete picture relate to the different materials
Anastasis in Jerusalem commemorates the resurrection (an-
used, the effect of climate, culture and its expression in dif-
astasis) of Jesus. Basilica denotes a public building with royal
ferent styles, and also the influence of patronage.
(basileus) links. The generic term is marturion (Lat., martyri-
CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING TO TERMS USED. The terms
um), from martureo, “to be a witness.” Such an edifice is a
used to refer to religious buildings provide a preliminary in-
monument or memorial; the two terms are synonymous—
dication of both their variety and their significance.
the one from moneo, “to remind,” and the other from memor,
“to remember.” It therefore preserves or promotes the mem-
Terms that designate a structure as a shelter. These
ory of a person or event; the English Cathedral of Saint Al-
may be further differentiated according to the class of being
bans, for example, commemorates a martyred saint, and the
or thing associated with them.
Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem recalls the birth of
For gods. The Hebrew beit Elohim is to be translated
Christ.
“house of God,” while heikhal, a loanword from Sumerian
Terms descriptive of the activity for which a building
through Babylonian (ekallu), is used for a very special house
is used. The Hebrew devir, which denotes the holy of holies
or palace. In Greek there is naos, from naio, “to dwell in,”
in the Jerusalem Temple, may suggest an oracle, from a verb
and kuriakos (“of the Lord”) lies at the origin of both kirk
meaning to “speak” in which case it is similar to the Latin
and church. In Latin there is aedes sacra, a “sacred edifice,”
fanum, from fari, “to speak,” especially of oracles. Proseuke
as well as domus dei, a “god’s home.” Tabernacle (Lat., tab-
(Gr.) and oratorium (Lat.), in English oratory, or place of
ernaculum from taberna, a “hut”) has a similar domiciliary
prayer, all point to a particular form of religious devotion.
connotation. Hinduism has pra¯sa¯da, or platform of a god,
Baptistery (Gr., baptizo¯, “to dip”) specifies ceremonial action,
and devalaya, a residence of a god, while the Japanese word
and mosque (Arab., masjid, “place of prostration” [before
for shrine is literally “honorable house.”
God]), the place of an action.
For objects. In English the primary term is shrine, de-
Terms indicative of the shape of the edifice. These re-
rived from scrinium, which means a case that contains sacred
late mainly to funerary architecture: tholos, a “dome” or
things. More specifically there is chapel from capella
“vault,” signifies a round tomb; tomb itself comes from tumu-
(“cloak”), referring to the garment of Saint Martin that was
lus, a sepulchral mound; pyramid suggests a geometric form
venerated in a small building; there is cathedral, which shows
and is at the same time the designation of a pharaoh’s resting
that the particular church is where the bishop’s cathedra, or
place; mast:abah is the Arabic for a bench that describes the
throne, is located. Pagoda, which is a deformation of the Sin-
shape of a tomb; stupa, from the Sanskrit stupa (Pali, thu¯pa),
hala dagoba, is a tower containing relics. Agyari, a place of
signifies a reliquary “mound” or tower; ziggurat, from the
fire, is the designation of a Parsi temple in which the sacred
Babylonian ziqqurratu, meaning “mountain peak” or “pin-
flame is kept alight. The Temple of the Sleeping Buddha in
nacle,” is descriptive of the superimposed terraces that make
Peking characterizes the form of the statue within.
up this structure.
For humans. The Latin domus ecclesiae points to the
TYPOLOGY ACCORDING TO CHARACTER. Granting the un-
Christian community as the occupant of a building. Beit ha-
avoidable overlap, four main types may be specified.
keneset in Hebrew and sunago¯g¯e in Greek (from sunago¯, “to
Divine dwelling. Taking pride of place, because the
gather together”), with synagogue, as the English translitera-
majority of terms in use emphasize this particular category,
tion, denote a place of assembly. The term used by Quakers,
is the structure that is regarded as a divine habitation. Since
meeting house, has the same implication.
the chief occupant enjoys divine status, the model is believed
Terms that indicate the character of a structure. In
to have been provided from above. Gudea, ruler of Lagash
Greek there is to hagion, the place of dread, from azomai, “to
in the third millennium BCE, was shown the plans of his tem-
stand in awe of,” and to hieron, the “holy place.” In Latin
ple by the goddess herself. The shrine of Amaterasu, the Jap-
adytum is a transliteration of the Greek aduton, “not to be
anese sun goddess, was built according to the directions pro-
entered,” because it is the holy abode of a divinity. Templum
vided by an oracle. Various passages in the Hebrew scriptures
is a space cut off; it comes from tempus, meaning a “division”
(Old Testament) indicate that the Tabernacle and the Tem-
or “section,” which in turn derives from the Greek temenos,
ple were considered to have transcendent exemplars. Yah-
referring to an area set apart for a particular purpose such as
veh’s instructions to Moses were to this effect: “Let them
the service of a god. Temple in English has the same etymolo-
make me a sanctuary, that I may dwell in their midst. Ac-
gy, while sanctuary (sanctus) emphasizes the holiness of the
cording to all that I show you concerning the pattern of the
building.
tabernacle, and of all its furniture, so you shall make it. . . .
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And see that you make them after the pattern for them,
a hollow cube of stone, it is the axis mundi of Islamic cosmol-
which is being shown you on the mountain” (Ex. 25:8f.,
ogy. In other religions wooden poles or stone pillars fulfill
25:40). Similarly, when David gave the plans of the Temple
the same function; such were the asherim of the Canaanites
of Solomon, it is reported: “All this he made clear by the
reported in the Old Testament. The finial of a Buddhist
writing from the hand of the Lord concerning it, all the work
stupa is conceived to be the top of a pillar passing through
to be done according to the plan” (1 Chr. 28:19). In the Wis-
the whole structure and providing the point of contact be-
dom of Solomon, the king is represented as saying that what
tween earth and heaven.
he has built is “a copy of the holy tabernacle which you did
The divine is also associated with mountains that rear
prepare aforehand from the beginning” (9:8). The author of
up into the sky; Olympus in ancient Greece was one such
the Letter to the Hebrews reproduces the same idea when he
place, and in the myths of the Maasai, Mount Kilimanjaro
describes the Temple and its furniture as “a copy and shadow
on the border of Kenya and Tanzania is dubbed the “house
of the heavenly sanctuary” and as “copies of the heavenly
of god.” This symbolism can be applied to the religious
things” (Heb. 8:5, 9:23).
building itself. Each Egyptian temple was believed to repre-
The work of the divine architects is frequently held to
sent the primordial hillock, while the Babylonian ziggurats
include not only god-houses but entire cities. Sennacherib
were artificial high places. Hindu temples, such as the one
received the design of Nineveh drawn in a heavenly script.
at Ellora, are sometimes called Kailasa, which is the name of
The New Jerusalem, in the prophet Ezekiel’s vision, is de-
S´iva’s sacred mountain. Their superstructure is known as the
scribed in the greatest detail, with precise dimensions includ-
“crest” (´sikhara) of a hill, and the contours and tiered ar-
ed. The Indian holy city of Banaras is thought to have been
rangement of the whole building derive from a desire to sug-
not only planned but actually built by S´iva.
gest the visual effect of a mountain.
Similar ideas are present in Christian thought from the
Sacred and profane. As noted above, while a religious
fourth century onward. When large churches came to be
building can be called a house, it is not any kind of house:
built, as distinct from the previous small house-churches, re-
there is something special about it, and hence words denot-
course was had to the Old Testament for precedent, since
ing “great house” or “palace” are used. But its particular dis-
the New Testament provided no guidance. Thus the basilica
tinction derives from the nature of the being who inhabits
came to be regarded as an imitation of the Jerusalem Temple:
it and who invests it with something of his or her own char-
the atrium corresponded to the forecourt, the nave to the
acter. In most religions the divine is a being apart; his or her
holy place (heikhal), and the area round the altar to the holy
habitation must consequently be a building apart, and so it
of holies (devir). By the thirteenth century it was normal to
is regarded as a holy place in sharp opposition to profane
consider a Gothic cathedral as an image of the heavenly Jeru-
space.
salem, a reflection of heaven on earth.
To speak of the sacred and the profane in this way is
Divine presence. The presence of the god may be repre-
to refer to two antithetical entities. The one is potent, full
sented in a number of ways, most frequently by statues as,
of power, while the other is powerless. They cannot therefore
for example, in Egyptian, Greek, and Hindu temples, and
approach one another without losing their proper nature: ei-
alternatively by a bas-relief, as at the Temple of Baal in Pal-
ther the sacred will consume the profane or the profane will
myra. The building is then appropriately called a shrine. The
contaminate and enfeeble the sacred. The sacred is therefore
Hebrews, forbidden to have graven images of deity, which
dangerous. It both attracts and repels human beings—it at-
were dismissed as idols, took the ark as the center of their
tracts them because it is the source of power, and it repels
devotion and this eventually was regarded as a throne upon
them because to encounter it is to be in peril. The sacred is
which Yahveh sat invisible. Again, mosaics or paintings can
“the wholly other”; it is a reality of an entirely different order
be employed, notably in the apses of early Christian basilicas
from “natural realities.” Contacts can only be intermittent
or on the iconostases of Eastern Orthodox churches. But in
and must be strictly regulated by rites, which can have either
certain religions, the entire structure is regarded as a revela-
a positive or a negative character. Among the former are rites
tion of the deity. Greek sanctuaries were so conceived, and
of consecration whereby someone or something is intro-
to this day Hindu temples are not only places but objects of
duced into the realm of the holy. The negative takes the form
reverence, evoking the divine.
of prohibitions, raising barriers between the two. These rites
allow a certain coming and going between the two spheres
Precisely because this type of building is regarded as the
since they provide the conditions within which intercourse
mundane dwelling of a deity, constructed according to a
is possible. But any attempt, outside the prescribed limits,
transcendental blueprint, it is also understood as a meeting
to unite sacred and profane brings confusion and disaster.
place of gods and humans. So the ziggurat of Larsa, in lower
Babylonia, was called “the house of the bond between heaven
Underlying all this dualism is the concept of two worlds:
and earth.” This link may be physically represented by a sa-
a sacred world and a secular world. Two realms of being are
cred object. The KaEbah in Mecca, the holiest shrine of
envisaged, and this opposition finds its visible expression in
Islam, is the symbol of the intersection between the vertical
holy places. The sacred space, defined by the religious build-
axis of the spirit and the horizontal plane of human existence:
ing or precinct, is first of all a means of ensuring the isolation
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463
and so the preservation of both the sacred and the profane.
assist in geomancy. Hence, for example, the monumental
The wall that keeps the one out also serves to keep the other
structures at Teotihuacán in Mexico are arranged within a
in; it is the demarcation line (temenos, tempus, templum) be-
vast precinct in such a way as to observe the relations of the
tween the two worlds. But within the sacred enclosure, the
earth to the sun. The orientation of Christian churches so
profane world is transcended and hence the existence of the
that their sanctuary is at the east end is another way of affirm-
holy place makes it possible for humans to pass from one
ing this cosmic link, while the concern of Hindu architects
world to another. The door or gate is then an object of great
for the proportions and measurements of their designs rests
importance, for it is the means of moving from profane to
upon the conviction that the universe as a whole has a mathe-
sacred space. The name Babylon itself literally means “gate
matical basis that must be embodied in every temple.
of the gods,” and Jacob at Bethel declared: “This is the gate
of heaven.” In the same realm of ideas is to be found the royal
In Hinduism too the temple plan functions as a
doors that provide access through the iconostasis to the altar
man:d:ala—a sacred geometrical diagram of the essential
of the Eastern Orthodox church and the “Gates of Paradise,”
structure of the cosmos. This interpretation of religious
which is the name given by Michelangelo to Lorenzo Ghi-
buildings is widespread in time and space. The “big house”
berti’s sculpted doors at the Florence Baptistery.
of the Delaware Indians of North America stands for the
world: its floor is the earth, the four walls are the four quar-
The precise location of these holy places is ultimately
ters, and the vault is the sky. An identical understanding of
determined by their association with divine beings. The
Christian churches is to be found as early as the seventh cen-
Nabataean high place at Petra is legitimized by being on a
tury and is typical of Eastern Orthodox thought; the roof of
mountain top that, as seen above, has religious connotations.
Saint Sophia in Edessa was compared to the heavens, its mo-
Equally holy were caves, linked in the religious consciousness
saic to the firmament, and its arches to the four corners of
with the womb, rebirth, the darkness of Hades, initiation
the earth. Medieval cathedrals in the West, such as the one
rites, and so forth: many a Hindu holy place enshrines a cav-
at Chartres, were similarly regarded as models of the cosmos
ern in a cliff. A theophany too constitutes a holy place. David
and as providing foretastes of the heavenly Jerusalem.
knew where to build the Temple in Jerusalem because of a
manifestation at the threshing floor of Araunah (Ornan) the
Monument or memorial. The essentials of a sacred
Jebusite. Under the Roman Empire, augurs were consulted,
place are location and spatial demarcation rather than build-
sacrifices offered, and the divine will thereby discovered. The
ings, but when there are edifices, they too serve to locate and
shrine at Monte Sant’Angelo in the Gargano (c. 1076) was
spatially demarcate. Their importance is to be found not so
built because it was believed that the archangel Michael had
much in the specific area as in the events that occurred there
visited the place. Similarly the sixteenth-century Church of
and that they bring to remembrance. In other words the loca-
Our Lady of Guadalupe, near Mexico City, marks the spot
tions are mainly associated with notable happenings in the
where the Virgin Mary presented herself to a peasant. Rites
life of a religious founder or with the exploits of gods and
of consecration can act as substitutes if there is a lack of any
goddesses, and they stand as memorials (remembrancers) or
definite command from above; by their means a space is de-
monuments (reminders). One of the units in the complex
clared set apart, and the god is besought to take up residence
erected by Emperor Constantine in fourth-century Jerusalem
with confidence that the prayer will be answered.
was known as the Martyrium, the testimony to or evidence
Center of reference. Both individuals and communities
and proof of the reality of Christ’s death and resurrection,
require some center of reference for their lives so that amid
which were believed to have occurred at that very site. Also
the vagaries of a changing world there is a pivot that may pro-
in Jerusalem is the Muslim Dome of the Rock, which en-
vide an anchor in the ultimate. Religious buildings can and
shrines the spot whence the prophet Muh:ammad is believed
do constitute such centers to such an extent that the idea of
to have ascended to heaven, a site already associated in Jewish
a middle point has been taken quite literally. Every Egyptian
tradition with Solomon’s Temple, the tomb of Adam, and
temple was considered to be located where creation began
the sacrifice of Isaac. At Bodh Gaya¯ in the state of Bihar,
and was therefore the navel of the earth. In Jewish thought
India, the Maha¯bodhi Temple is situated in front of the
the selfsame term has been applied to Jerusalem, and the site
bodhi tree under which Gautama attained enlightenment. At
of the Temple is held to be the place of the original act of
Sarnath, near Banaras, a stupa commemorates the Buddha’s
creation. In Greek religion it was the shrine of Apollo at Del-
first sermon delivered in the Deer Park to five ascetics.
phi that was declared to be the earth’s midpoint. According
Not only founders but also individual followers may be
to Hinduism, Meru is the axial mountain at the center of the
honored in this way. Numerous stupas are monuments to
universe, and the name Meru is also used in Bali for the su-
Buddhist sages, and many a martyrium in the days of the
perstructure of a temple. The main shrine of the Tenrikyo
early church was set up on the very spot where a martyr (mar-
sect of Shinto¯ at Tenrishi marks the cradle of the human race
tus, “witness”) had testified to his faith with his blood. The
and encloses a sacred column indicating the center of the
buildings also serve as shrines to protect their remains and
world.
can therefore be classified as tombs. Indeed every tomb that
Within the same ambit of ideas is the view that a reli-
assumes a monumental character is a reminder of the dead,
gious building may be related to cosmic forces and therefore
whether in the form of separate memorials to individuals, as
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464
ARCHITECTURE
found in the Père-Lachaise cemetery in Paris, or of a single
TYPOLOGY ACCORDING TO FUNCTION. The different types
edifice to a person representative of many, such as the tomb
of building just delineated provide for the fulfillment of cer-
of the unknown warrior beneath the Arc de Triomphe in the
tain purposes in that they accommodate religious activities;
same city.
it is consequently both possible and necessary to specify a
second typology according to function, which stems from
Many religious buildings that function as memorials en-
but also complements the previous typology according to
close space: the pyramids of Giza have within them the burial
character.
chambers of pharaohs; the Cenotaph in London, on the
other hand, a monument to the dead of two world wars shel-
Service of the deities. At home, resident within their
ters nothing. It corresponds to the second of the four funda-
temples, the gods require their devotees to perform certain
mental modes of monumental architecture. First, there is the
services for them. Perhaps the most striking illustration of
precinct, which shows the limits of the memorial area and
need is provided by the toilet ceremonies of ancient Egypt.
finally develops through a typological series to the stadium.
Each morning the cult image was asperged, censed, anointed,
Second is the cairn, which makes the site visible from afar
vested, and crowned. At the present day very similar ceremo-
and indicates its importance, the ultimate development of
nies are conducted in Hindu temples, where the images are
this type is the pyramid. Third is the path that signals a direc-
cooled with water in hot weather, anointed, clad in beautiful
tion and can take the sophisticated form of a colonnaded
clothes, and garlanded. During the day it used to be the cus-
street, thus dignifying the approach to the main shrine.
tom to divert them with the performances of the devada¯s¯ıs,
Fourth, there is the hut that acts as a sacred shelter, with the
or temple dancers. At night they are accompanied by a pro-
cathedral as one of its most developed types.
cession to their beds. Food may be provided, from the simple
gift of grain in an African village to the hecatombs of Classi-
Meetinghouse. A religious building that is regarded as
cal Greece. Another normal form of worship is sacrifice,
a divine dwelling, or domus dei, is a meeting place of heaven
ranging from human victims to a dove or pigeon, from the
and earth, but when it is understood as a meetinghouse, it
first fruits of the harvest to shewbread.
is more correctly styled a domus ecclesiae because it is a build-
ing where the people of god assemble. Solomon had been led
Positive and negative functions. The motives for such
to question the validity of the temple type when he asked
services can be diverse; sometimes they are prompted by the
“Will God indeed dwell upon earth?” (1 Kgs. 8:27). Howev-
concern to provide sustenance, while at other times they are
er, it was not until the birth of Christianity that a full-scale
to establish communion, to propitiate, to seek favors. Func-
attack was directly launched upon the whole idea of an earth-
tions now become reciprocal: the service of the gods is ex-
ly divine domicile; in the words of Stephen, “The Most High
pected to obtain a response from the gods, in that they now
does not dwell in houses made with hands” (Acts 7:48). In
serve human needs. Two examples, for many, will suffice to
the light of the later development of Christian thought it is
illustrate this.
difficult to appreciate how revolutionary this new attitude
Since the temple is a divine dwelling, to enter its pre-
was.
cincts is to come into the presence of the god and so be under
his or her protection. As a sacred place, the building is invio-
The early believers committed themselves to an enfle-
lable, and no one can be removed from it by force; to do so
shed god, to one who was no longer apart or afar off but had
would be sacrilege, since a person who is inside the area of
drawn near; at his sacrificial death the Temple veil had split
holiness has been invested with some of the sacredness inher-
in two so that the Holy of Holies was no longer fenced off.
ent in it and thus cannot be touched as long as he or she does
The living community now became the temple of the divine
not emerge. This is the rationale of sanctuary as it was prac-
presence. A new concept of the holy was minted: there can
ticed in the classical world. The most famous case was that
no longer be anything common or profane for Christians
of Demosthenes who in 322
(pro, “in front of,” or outside the fanum) since they constitute
BCE sought sanctuary in the
Temple of Poseidon on the island of Calauria. When, in
the naos of the Holy Spirit (1 Cor. 3:16). The dining room
the post-Constantine era, church buildings were included in
of a private house is a suitable venue for the assembly; the
the same class as pagan temples, as specially holy places, it
proud boast is that “we have no temples and no altars”
was natural that the idea of sanctuary should also be connect-
(Minucius Felix, c. 200). All this was to change drastically
ed to them. The right of fugitives to remain under the pro-
in the fourth century when Christianity became the official
tection of their god became legally recognized and in western
religion of the Roman Empire and took over the public func-
Europe continued to be so for centuries; indeed, in England
tions of the pagan cults. It was not until the Protestant Refor-
it was not until 1723 that all rights of sanctuary were finally
mation that the New Testament understanding was given a
declared null.
fresh lease of life when divines such as John Calvin objected
to the idea of special holy places. Such a view is not peculiar
The second example of the gods themselves fulfilling a
to Christianity; Judaism has its synagogues for meeting to-
function on behalf of their followers is the practice of incuba-
gether, and Islam has its mosques, which are equally congre-
tion. This is a method of obtaining divine favors by passing
gational. If a building as a divine dwelling is at one end of
a length of time in one of their houses, usually sleeping there.
a spectrum, then the meetinghouse is at the other extreme.
Its primary aspect is medical, to obtain a cure, either immedi-
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ARCHITECTURE
465
ately or after obeying the divine will disclosed in a vision. In
the Athenian Akropolis, for example, it was in front of the
the Temple of Ptah at Memphis therapeutic oracles were de-
Parthenon. Sometimes altars can themselves be architectural
livered and various remedies were revealed through dreams
in character: the Altar of Zeus of Pergamum (c. 180 BCE),
to those who slept there. The two principal healing gods in
now in Berlin, has a crepidoma measuring 36.44 by 34.20
the Greek and Roman pantheons were Asklepios and
meters, and the Altar of Hieron II (276–222 BCE) at Syracuse
Sarapis, and there is record of a shrine of the former at Aegae
is some 200 meters long and 27 wide.
where those who passed the night were restored to health.
Conveyance of revelation and teaching. As a center
The apparent success of these two gods ensured their contin-
of reference, a religious building may accommodate activities
ued popularity, and their cults only fell into disuse when
that convey meaning, guidance, and instruction in the faith.
churches replaced their temples as centers of healing believed
Many Babylonian temples, for example, were sources of divi-
to be accomplished by Christ through his saints. Among the
nation and even had a full complement of soothsayers, exor-
most successful of the Christian holy men to cure illness were
cists, and astrologers. Daoist temples equally are resorted to
Cosmas and Damian, to whom a church was dedicated in
for divinatory purposes. The oracle was consulted at Delphi,
Constantinople. Running this center a close second was the
to instance the greatest focus of this activity in the ancient
Church of Saint Menas near Alexandria; there some patients
world. The Jewish Temple in Jerusalem had cultic prophets
stayed for over a year and the church itself was so completely
on its staff.
filled with mattresses and couches that they had to overflow
into the sacristy. Incubation has had a continuous history
Where a sacred book is central to a religion, provision
down to the present day; in eastern Europe, for example, it
for its reading and exposition has to be made. In synagogues
can still be witnessed.
there has to be a shrine for the Torah and a desk from which
to comment on the text. In Christian churches there are lec-
These several functions may all be regarded as positive
terns for the Bible and pulpits for the sermon. Islam has its
in character, but a corollary of viewing a religious building
stands for the QurDa¯n, and its minbar is the equivalent of the
as a holy place is the requirement for negative rituals to safe-
Christian pulpit, although the shape differs in that it is a
guard it by purifying those who wish to enter. Such rituals
miniature flight of stairs rising away from the congregation
determine some of the furnishing, and so, for example, the
whom the preacher faces down the steps. Sikh worship con-
forecourts of mosques have tanks and/or fountains for ablu-
centrates on the reading of the Granth, which is accompa-
tions. Holy water stoups are to be found just inside the en-
nied by prayers and exposition. In these ways religious build-
trance of Roman Catholic churches; baptismal fonts were
ings function as centers of meaning.
originally placed either in rooms separate from the main wor-
Manifestation of reverence and celebration of festi-
ship area or in entirely distinct buildings. The removal of
vals. The religious building as memorial, it will be recalled,
shoes before entering a Hindu temple, of hats before going
often contains relics of religious founders or particularly
into a Christian church—all of these testify to the seriousness
saintly people. Reverence for these can be shown by visita-
of entering a holy place. Many religious buildings have
tion, sometimes to offer thanks for benefits received and
guardians to protect their entrances. The giant figures in the
sometimes to petition for help. Those who seek healing go
royal complex at Bangkok, the bull Nandin in the temples
in great numbers to the shrine of Our Lady of Lourdes to
of S´iva, the scenes of the Last Judgment in the tympana over
bathe in the sacred spring. In this and similar instances the
the west doors into medieval cathedrals—these are but a few
designs of the buildings are affected by the need to accom-
examples.
modate the sick for short or long stays. In the Muslim world
Determination of form. The interior disposition of
the virtue of a saint is believed to be available to those who
those religious buildings conceived to be divine dwellings is
follow him (or her) or touch some object associated with
very much determined by the forms of the services offered.
him. If he be dead, then his tomb, which is his memorial,
Where, for example, processions are a habitual feature of the
becomes a center of his supernatural power (barakah) and at-
ceremonial, then corridors for circumambulation have to be
tracts many visitors. Pilgrimages are one of the forms that
designed, as in the complex of Horus at Idfu; this also ex-
these visits may take. So too Hindus travel to Hardwar
plains the labyrinthine character of many Hindu temples.
(North India), which displays a footprint of Vis:n:u in stone.
When a statue is only to be seen by a special priesthood and
Jains go to Mount Abu, also in India, where the last
has to be shielded from profane gaze, an inner chamber is
t¯ırthan˙kara (guide), named Mahavira, spent the thirty-
created, often entirely dark, to protect humankind from the
seventh year of his life. Buddhists go to Adam’s Peak in Sri
brilliant light of the divine presence, and this sanctuary may
Lanka, where there is a footprint of Gautama; adherents of
be protected itself by a series of surrounding rooms or court-
Islam make the h:a¯jj to Mecca, and indeed it is one of the
yards. Where there are sacrifices, altars are needed, but these
five duties of Islam. Christians have their holy places in Israel
are frequently outside the shrine so that the individual wor-
and Jordan or visit the catacombs in Rome.
shiper can actually witness what the priest is doing with his
Festivals are the celebrations of the births or deaths of
or her gift. Classical Greek temples sheltered statues of the
saints, and they commemorate key events in the sacred histo-
tutelary deities, but the all-important altars were outside; on
ry of a religion. For Jews, to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
466
ARCHITECTURE
is a traditional goal. For Christians, too, there is a certain fit-
no sense an ordained minister), the space is not partitioned;
tingness in observing Christmas, the Feast of the Nativity,
instead there is lateral disposition, with the worshipers shoul-
in Bethlehem itself. Religious buildings then function as cen-
der to shoulder facing toward Mecca.
ters for such celebrations.
SYMBOLIZATION. On whatever basis a typology of religious
Congregational worship. It is important, if this partic-
buildings may be constructed and whatever purposes they
ular category is to be appreciated, to distinguish it clearly, de-
may serve, there is one overall function that must be consid-
spite some overlap, from the service of the deities described
ered: symbolization. Each building proclaims certain beliefs
above, with which it can easily be confused. The essential dif-
about the deities to whom it is dedicated. One has only to
ference can be made plain by applying the term cult to the
contrast a Gothic cathedral with a Quaker meeting house to
first function and reserving worship for this fourth one. The
appreciate this. The former in all its grandeur speaks of a god
basic understanding of cult is evident from its etymology. It
who is high and lifted up, remote, awesome in majesty, fear-
derives from colere, which means “to till the ground” and
ful in judgment, demanding obeisance; the latter in all its
hence to take care of, or attend to, with the aim that the ob-
simplicity witnesses to a being who is to be known in the
ject of attention should bear fruit or produce some benefit.
midst of life, who is not separate, whose dwelling is with hu-
Next it signifies “to honor” and finally “to worship.” The
mankind, offering fellowship. The one speaks of power and
cultus is therefore a cultivating of the gods, a cherishing of
might, the other of self-emptying and servanthood.
them, seeing to their needs; it is the bestowal of labor upon
them and the manifestation of regard toward them. There
Sometimes the symbolism is intellectually apprehended
is more than a hint of doing something to obtain a favor, as
before it is given visible form, and then it needs interpreta-
in the phrase “to cultivate someone’s acquaintance.” Cultus
tion. Baptism, for example, is a sacrament of dying and rising
stems from the human side, whereas worship, as it is used
with Christ. A detached baptistery may be hexagonal or oc-
here to describe this fourth function, is from the side of the
tagonal: in the former case it refers to the sixth day of the
gods. Not only are they the ones who provide the form and
week, Friday, on which Jesus died and in the latter, to the
matter of worship, but through it they come to encounter
eighth day, or the first day of a new week when he rose from
their community.
the dead. The dome, surmounting many a baptistery, is also
a habitual feature of Byzantine churches and Muslim
Worship of this kind is characterized as congregational
mosques, and as the baldachin or canopy it can enshrine any
to differentiate it further from cultus, which is primarily in-
holy object or complete a memorial structure. Its popularity
dividualistic. Worship then is meeting: the religious building
derives from its ideological context: it is a representation of
is the meeting house. What takes place is not an activity
the transcendental realm, an image of heaven. It is a not-
aimed at or on behalf of the gods; the gods take the initiative.
inappropriate roofing for tombs, and many baptisteries took
Hence worship is a memorial celebration of the saving deeds
the shape of contemporary burial edifices precisely because
of the gods, and by it the people are created and renewed
of the meaning of the purificatory rite. Different parts of a
again and again. So, in Christian terms, the Body of Christ
building can have their own messages: towers declare heaven-
(the Christian community) progressively becomes what it is
ly aspirations; monumental doorways can impress with regal
by feeding upon the sacramental body of Christ. Worship
authority. Sculpture, painting, mosaic can and do fulfill a
fosters community identity, and hence in the chapels of
symbolic function. Gargoyles ward off evil spirits; paintings
Christian monasteries the seating frequently faces inward,
recall events or persons in sacred history; Christ as creator
thus promoting a family atmosphere.
mundi holds his worshipers within his downward gaze. The
The precise interior disposition of a building will also
handling of light is frequently symbolic. In a mosque it testi-
depend upon the particular understanding or form of the
fies to God as the light of heaven and earth; in Gothic archi-
communal rite. Religions that center on a book of revelation,
tecture it is a basic constituent and is regarded as a manifesta-
such as Judaism, Islam, and Sikhism, require auditoria. Prot-
tion of the glory of God.
estantism, concentrating upon the word of God, similarly
ARCHITECTURAL TYPES. There is yet another typology to be
tends to arrange its congregations in rows suitable for an au-
reviewed that applies to all buildings whatever their function,
dience (audientes, a group of “hearers”). Roman Catholicism,
and religious buildings are no exception. This is a dual typol-
with its greater emphasis on the Mass, stresses the visual
ogy that divides structures into the categories of path and
dominance of the altar, which is now no longer outside the
place. For a path to be identifiable, it must have (1) strong
building, as with Roman and Greek exemplars, but
edges, (2) continuity, (3) directionality, (4) recognizable
inside.
landmarks, (5) a sharp terminal, and (6) end-from-end dis-
If the act of worship is understood to be conducted by
tinction. For a place to be identifiable, it must be (1) concen-
a professional hierarchy on behalf of the community as a
trated in form with pronounced borders, (2) a readily com-
whole, then some separation is likely, ranging from the East-
prehensible shape, (3) limited in size, (4) a focus for
ern Orthodox iconostasis at one extreme to communion rails
gathering, (5) capable of being experienced as an inside
at others. Where there is no sharp differentiation of role, as
in contrast to a surrounding exterior, and (6) largely non-
in Islam (since the imam is simply a prayer leader and is in
directional.
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ARCHITECTURE
467
The application of these types to religious buildings can
buildings. In a secularized society there still survives a need
be briefly illustrated by contrasting a basilica and a central-
for centers of reference, meeting places, and memorials, but
ized mosque. A basilica is a path leading toward the altar;
they then become associated with national figures and na-
every detail of the design confirms this. The nave, framed by
tional identity. The Kremlin wall where leaders of the Rus-
aisles, has firm edges; there is continuity provided by floor
sian Revolution are buried, together with Lenin’s tomb, con-
patterns and advancing rows of columns, which themselves
stitute one such place for Russian citizens. The Lincoln
indicate a direction—everything points toward the holy table
Memorial in Washington has a spacious chamber containing
framed in a triumphal arch and backed by the embracing
a seated statue and having the words of the Gettysburg and
shape of the apse. For a pilgrim people, for those who have
the Second Inaugural addresses incised on its walls; both
here no abiding city, such a royal road is obviously very ap-
president and texts have important contributions to make to
propriate. A centralized mosque, on the other hand such as
United States identity. The White House in Washington
those designed by Sinan in Istanbul, suggests no movement,
and Buckingham Palace in London are seen as the dwellings
it is a place, a point of reference and gathering, it is concen-
of those who have about them a semidivine aura. The birth-
trated. Once within, there is no incentive to leave and every
places or museums containing souvenirs (relics) of film and
enticement to stay. Embodying perfect equipoise, it pro-
pop stars become centers of pilgrimage. A monument to
motes contemplation; it is indeed embracing architecture. Its
Egypt’s first president, Gamal Abdel Nasser, overlooks the
spaciousness expresses not the specificity of the Christian
Aswan Dam on the Nile. The former concentration camp
doctrine of the incarnation but the omnipresence of the
at Dachau has become a memorial of the Nazi Holocaust.
divine; it manifests tawhid, which is the metaphysical doc-
At the same time temples, cathedrals, mosques, and the like
trine of the divine unity as the source and culmination of all
continue to be built: sacred sites, whether overtly religious
diversity.
or not, are a continuing feature of the human scene.
The difference then between basilica and mosque is not
SEE ALSO Axis Mundi; Banaras; Basilica, Cathedral, and
stylistic; they are distinct architectural types, which in these
Church; Biblical Temple; Circle; Circumambulation; Cities;
two instances correspond to each religion’s self-
Cosmology; Jerusalem; KaEbah; Labyrinth; Monastery;
understanding. This circumstance does not, however, pro-
Mosque, article on Architectural Aspects; Orientation; Pil-
vide support for the nineteenth-century theory that every re-
grimage; Portals; Procession; Pyramids; Relics; Sacred Space;
ligion develops its own supreme architectural form to best
Shrines; Synagogue; Temple; Tombs; Towers; Worship and
express its ethos and spirit. The character of any building at
Devotional Life.
any epoch is affected by many factors: technical aptitude, cli-
mate, availability of materials, function, and so on. Patron-
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ARCTIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
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(Tavgi), from the Ob River to Cape Chelyuskin. Along the
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ARCTIC RELIGIONS
(related to the Hungarians), the Khanty (Ostiaks) and the
This entry consists of the following articles:
Mansi (Voguls), who practice some reindeer breeding but
AN OVERVIEW
who are mostly fishermen and hunters.
HISTORY OF STUDY
2. The Tunguz language family. The wide areas from
west of the Yenisei River to the Anadyr River in the east and
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
from the tundra in the north to the Sayan Mountains in the
Arctic religions may be treated together, as constituting a
south are the country of the dispersed Tunguz tribes: the
more or less unified entity, for two reasons. First, these reli-
Evenki, west of the Lena River, and the Eveny, east of it.
gions are practiced by peoples situated in the polar North,
Their typical habitat is the taiga, where they subsist as rein-
who mostly live on the tundra (permanently frozen ground)
deer breeders on a limited scale.
and partly in the taiga (the northern coniferous forest belt
that stretches around the world); like their cultures in gener-
3. The Turkic language family. The numerous Yakuts
al, the religions of these peoples reflect to no little extent the
on the Lena River and farther east combine reindeer breeding
impact of the severe natural environment. Second, the whole
with horse breeding. Their language is also spoken by the
Arctic zone constitutes a marginal area and an archaic residue
Dolgans in the Taimyr Peninsula area, a group of earlier
of the old hunting culture and hunting religion; whereas in
Tunguz tribes.
the south the waves of Neolithic agriculture and animal hus-
4. The Yukagir. Now almost extinct, the Yukagir, a
bandry inundated the originally Paleolithic hunting culture,
group that may be related to the Finno-Ugric peoples, once
the latter was preserved in the high north, where no cultiva-
covered a large area east of the Lena. They were hunters and
tion of the ground was possible.
fishermen until the seventeenth century, when they turned
There was also a diffusion of ideas from west to east, and
into reindeer-breeding nomads.
vice versa, within the Arctic area. This diffusion mostly took
5. The Paleosiberian language family. The Chukchi,
place in the boreal zone in the Old World, whereas in the
on the Chukchi Peninsula, and the Koriak and the Itelmen
New World there was little contact between Arctic groups
(Kamchadal), on the Kamchatka Peninsula, make up the
and their Asian brethren.
Paleosiberian language family. The inland Chukchi are rein-
Although interior change and later intrusion of world
deer breeders; the coastal Chukchi, the Koriak, and the Itel-
religions (such as Christianity and Buddhism) partly altered
men are ocean fishermen.
the ancient religious structures, their basic foundations and
The economy of the people of the Arctic culture was
major features persisted until modern times in Siberia and
founded on reindeer breeding, hunting, and fishing in the
North America. Only the systematic atheistic drive from
Old World, and only on hunting and fishing in the New
1930 onward managed to overthrow the old religions in the
World. Wintertime hunting was carried out on skis in the
Soviet areas.
western parts of the area and on snowshoes in eastern Siberia
ETHNIC AND CULTURAL SURVEY. The tribes and peoples of
and among the woodland Indians of Canada. Sledges (as well
the Arctic culture area belong to several linguistic families.
as toboggans in the New World) were used for transporta-
All of them, with the exceptions of some Paleosiberian peo-
tion in the winter, and animal-skin boats and occasionally
ples and the Inuit, are also represented in cultures south of
bark canoes in the summer. Animal-skin clothes and fur
the high Arctic zone. In the following survey, names of peo-
moccasins constituted the dress. The dwellings were mostly
ples will be given as they are authorized today by their respec-
conical skin tents, although more southern groups substitut-
tive governments and by the peoples themselves. Their earli-
ed bark tents in the summer. Round or rectangular semisub-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
469
terranean houses, sometimes covered with sod, occurred
influenced by Scandinavian and Finnish as well as Christian
among the river- and coast-dwelling peoples. The social or-
religious concepts.
ganization was simple in the north, with small, usually bilat-
A characteristic, somewhat impersonal power concept
eral groups. In the south there were clan systems with ten-
of the Samoyeds is Num. The word stands for both a deity
dencies toward totemism and more complicated political
and the sky. Num is an inclusive concept since it can denote
structures.
both the highest spirit—the chief spirit or high god—and
COMMON RELIGIOUS ELEMENTS. Against this harmonious
spirits through which the high god expresses its being, for
background, it is not surprising that a wide range of religious
instance, the spirits of thunder or of the rainbow. Similarly,
phenomena are spread out over most of the region, usually
the Khanty’s semipersonal, highest power, Num-Turem,
as a combined result of ecological and historical factors. The
makes himself known to humans by speaking in the thunder
available data bear out Robert H. Lowie’s observation that
or the storm. The Inuit believe in a rather nebulous supreme
the whole Arctic area constitutes one gigantic entirety from
being called Sila (or Silap Inua, Hila, etc.), mostly rendered
the angle of religious belief. One may make a certain reserva-
in English as “the lord of the air” (or the weather, or the
tion for the New World Arctic area, however, because both
world). This being is only partly thought of in truly personal
archaeologically and ethnologically the Inuit lack several
terms and, at least among the Central Inuit, it is vested with
common circumpolar features, and the same holds for their
an uncertain sexual affiliation.
religion.
It would seem that the personal character of the su-
The main characteristics of Arctic religions are the spe-
preme being is more apparent among the northern Tunguz
cial relationships of people to animals and the elaboration of
and Yakuts. Thus, the highest god of the Evenki, while some-
shamanism. While the latter feature probably owes its special
times represented by the sun, is clearly anthropomorphic.
appearance to developments among peoples farther south
The vague character of the supreme being of most Arctic
such as the Tunguz and the Yakuts, there is a remarkable em-
groups may to some extent reflect their elementary social or-
phasis on shamanism, from the Sami in the west to the Inuit
ganization or the apparent infinity of their tundra world.
in the east, that seems aboriginal. Indeed, it is possible that
There is no doubt, however, that this being stands at the apex
the strain of the Arctic climate has stimulated strong religious
of the religious pantheon in northern Siberia. The Samoyeds,
forms of reaction, just as it has provoked the psychic reac-
for instance, think that he lives in heaven, and they sacrifice
tions known as Arctic hysteria. No such explanation can be
white reindeer to him on high mountains, particularly in the
given for the hypertrophic extension of animal ceremonial-
spring when there is thunder in the air. In northern Siberia
ism. It has its roots, of course, in ancient Eurasian hunting
there is a close connection between the world pillar and the
rituals, but its prolific occurrence in the Arctic probably has
high god.
to do with the necessary dependence on an animal diet in
these barren regions.
In the Arctic area of the Old World, the worldview is
dominated by the belief in several heavens over each other
The spiritual universe. According to the religious be-
and several underworlds under each other, usually seven
liefs of the Arctic peoples, the whole world is filled with spir-
among the Ugric peoples and nine among the Altaic peoples,
its: Mountains, trees, and other landmarks have their spirits,
such as the Yakuts. Sometimes the sky is portrayed as a tent
and animals have their spirit masters. It is among all these
with holes through which the heavenly light shines down
spirits that shamans find their supernatural helpers and
(the holes are the stars). Sometimes the Milky Way is
guardians. However, such human-spirit relationships could
thought of as the backbone of the sky (a concept shared by
also occur among common people, as the evidence shows
North American Indians) or as a river in the landscape of the
among the Sami and North American Indians, and there are
sky. As among the Tunguz, the world pillar or world tree is
obvious tendencies in the same direction among the Chuk-
believed to penetrate all levels, from the underground to the
chi, as their “general shamanizing” (that is, when everybody
sky. On the whole, the three-leveled division of the world
tries to handle the shamanic drum and fall into ecstasy) testi-
into a sky world, the earth, and the underworld is a typical
fies. The multifarious world of spirits may have something
Arctic feature.
to do with the fact that the figure of a supreme being is so
often diffuse. There is, it seems, a pattern of spiritualism here
Other spirits and divinities. Next to the supreme
that defies all more personal expression of higher theistic
being, the most important spirits of the upper world are the
concepts.
Sun, the Moon, and the thunder spirits. The Sun is often
related to the high god (as among the Tunguz), and the
Supreme power. The inclination to conceive the high-
Moon can represent the mistress of the dead or, among some
est supernatural being or beings more as nonpersonal power
Inuit, the mistress of the sea animals (who is herself, second-
than personal figure or figures is generally part of Arctic reli-
arily, a mistress of the dead). Among the western Inuit, the
gions and particularly characteristic of the Samoyeds, the
moon god rules over the weather (he makes snowstorms) and
Paleosiberian tribes, and the Inuit. The Sami constitute a
the animals. The thunder spirits are portrayed as birds, par-
great exception, but their high-god beliefs have been heavily
ticularly among the eastern Siberian peoples, the Inuit, and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
470
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
the North American Indians. Among the Samoyeds the
in wood and peculiarly formed stones—as symbolic receivers
thunder is supposed to be caused by ducks or by manlike be-
of offerings. The relationships between the sacrificers and
ings, unless it represents the voice of the supreme being.
these objects varies from veneration to coercive magic.
The surface of the earth is the habitat of a large crowd
Sacrifices. Throughout the Arctic the supernatural
of spirits—some rule the animal species, some are spirits of
powers have received offerings of some sort. Sacrifices are
the woods, lakes, and mountains (among Eurasian Arctic
particularly important in Eurasia, whereas the Inuit have
groups), and some are dangerous ogres, giants, and dwarfs.
been less indulgent in this practice. In some dangerous places
The Inuit in particular offer a variety of this last class of be-
the Inuit offer pieces of blubber or flesh to the residing pow-
ings. Of immense importance are the masters of the animals.
ers. Presents decorating sacred stones are supposed to give
First, there are the guardians of the species, which are usually
good hunting. However, the Inuit resort a good deal to
represented in the forms of the animals they protect; and sec-
magic—to spells, talismans, and amulets—to attain the same
ond, there is the general lord of the animals, who is mostly
results. In the Arctic Old World, on the other hand, there
conceived in the disguise of the dominant animal, be it the
is more religious supplication in ritual attitudes.
walrus (as among the Chukchi), the pike (as among the
The most common offerings in northern Eurasia are
Khanty), or the reindeer (as among the Nentsy). In the Inuit
simple pieces of tobacco and meat and, on more important
area, the mother of the seals and of other water beings, called
occasions, the sacrifices of whole reindeer. The Sami, for in-
Sedna or Nuliayuk, is the dominant deity. The walrus moth-
stance, made offerings of tobacco to ensure good fishing
er of the Chukchi is probably related to her. The master or
when passing sacred rocks in a boat and of reindeer to the
mistress of the animals is a most important divinity to these
gods and local spiritual rulers when particular reasons de-
hunting and fishing peoples, who pray to this being to release
manded so. Such reasons could be the occurrence of a dis-
the animals or to receive its permission to hunt them. When
ease, the spread of a reindeer pestilence, the wish for the in-
taboos have been broken, the master of the animals prohibits
crease of the reindeer herds, and so on. The Samoyeds and
people from killing them. A primary task of Yukagir and
other Arctic peoples of Siberia also evince these various atti-
Inuit shamans is to intervene in such cases by visiting the of-
tudes to sacrifices, except that they also slaughter dogs. Both
fended spirit and trying to propitiate it.
the Sami and the Samoyeds also consecrate animals to spiri-
Such spirits have been thought to reflect a feudal social
tual powers without killing them. Both tie a picture of the
order. However, similar masters of the animals are found in
master of the fishes to the sacrifice given to this spirit. The
places where such a social system has not existed, for in-
northern Tunguz regularly perform sacrifices for the differ-
stance, in North America. They seem to belong to a very an-
ent masters of the animals.
cient heritage.
The shaman often acts as the ceremonial leader, or sacri-
The mistress of the game may be a variation of the
ficial priest, at the larger offerings, particularly when his pe-
mother-goddess complex. The old Paleolithic mother god-
culiar knowledge of the spirits is needed for the correct con-
dess, a divinity of birth and fertility, has been preserved
duction of the ceremonies. Some ritual occasions are great
among these northern peoples, partly as a mistress responsi-
annual ceremonies in which the shaman has a central func-
ble for the game, partly as a birth goddess. Thus, among the
tion. To this category belongs the Samoyed ceremony held
Samoyeds and Ugric peoples she appears as Mother Earth
at the return of the sun after the polar winter night. It in-
and the birth goddess, among the Yakuts as a birth goddess,
cludes dancing (by shaman and common people alike), heal-
and among the Tunguz as the mother of the reindeer and
ing, and divination. Another such ceremony occurs among
the guardian of home and family. The Tunguz, and possibly
the Tunguz and is concerned with the revivification of na-
also the Chukchi, know her also as a spirit of fire who pro-
ture in the spring, the growth and increase of the animals,
tects the tent and its inhabitants, that is, the family. She then
and luck with future hunting. This ceremony is also connect-
receives meat offerings in the fire. In some cases, as among
ed with general shamanizing and the installment of new
the Sami, the tasks of the mother goddess are divided be-
shamans.
tween several female divinities. Throughout the Eurasian
Cultic images. The stone cult is prominent everywhere.
Arctic, the mother goddesses have connections with the door
Among the Saami, strangely formed stones, called seite, are
of dwellings and are supposed to live under the ground. The
connected with spirits that control the animals in the vicinity
Inuit have no particular birth goddess, but Sedna, the mis-
or the fish in water where the stone stands. The Samoyeds
tress of the sea animals, is in her unclean states a prototype
make offerings to similar stone gods, as do the Khanty, the
of the woman who is ritually unclean, particularly when
Mansi, the Tunguz, and the Inuit. In some reports the stones
pregnant or giving birth. The birth goddess is primarily the
seem, at least momentarily, identical with the spirits, but
protectress of women, and in some tribes female spirits are
otherwise the general idea is that the stone represents the
inherited from mother to daughter.
spirit or serves as its abode. The stone cult is a very important
CULTIC PRACTICES. Characteristic of the cultic complexes
feature of Sami religion. The Sami, like the Samoyeds, the
among Arctic peoples is the simple development of ritual
Khanty, and the Mansi, smeared the mouths of the stone
forms and the use of cultic objects—such as crude sculptures
idols with blood from the reindeer sacrificed to them.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
471
The same form of offering occurs among the Tunguz
Ceremonies are held not only for food-giving animals
and the Yakuts in their cult of the master of the forests. This
but also for animals that are feared. The Koriak feast the slain
spirit is represented by a carved human figure on the trunk
wolf and dance in its honor, at the same time asking the su-
of a living tree. Other northern peoples, such as the Sami,
preme being not to make the wolf angry. A reindeer sacrifice
have made similar carvings on trees to symbolize spirits.
to the same god is a humble appeal to him not to send wolves
The most common custom, however, was to make
into the reindeer herds.
crude wooden sculptures of the spirits. Such spirit figures
The persistent concern with animals and hunting is re-
occur all the way from Lapland to Alaska. Throughout
flected in the host of hunting taboos, and in rock drawings
northern Eurasia they are surprisingly similar—pointed at
that have “life lines” drawn between the mouths and the
the top, usually without limbs, and occasionally decorated
hearts of the depicted animals, possibly suggesting the ani-
with cross marks on the body. The Khanty and the Samoyeds
mals’ souls.
dress up these spirit images. Some wooden idols are set out-
side, often in groups at the same place; others are occasional-
Shamanism and soul beliefs. Since the shamanism of
ly stationed outside but are mostly kept in the sacred corner
the Arctic peoples is discussed elsewhere, only a few critical
of the house or tent.
remarks will be made here. It seems that the extreme devel-
Wooden figures also occur in Siberian shamanism
opment of shamanistic ritual farther to the south in Siberia
among the Tunguz and the Dolgans. For these peoples, the
is somewhat attenuated in the northern Arctic. On the other
figures symbolize the shaman’s helping spirits and the world
hand, in the Arctic the intensity of the shaman’s ecstatic
pole or world tree. A line of seven or nine pillars represents
trance is certainly not weaker, but is in fact stronger, than
the lower sky worlds, where the shaman’s soul or guardian
it is in Siberia. North and south are also remarkably different
spirit rests on the way to heaven. These images are often used
in regard to the conception of the soul basic to shamanism.
for just one shamanic séance and are then discarded.
As always where true shamanism operates, there is a dualism
Animal ceremonialism. Much of the cultic life centers
between the free soul that acts during dream and trance and
on animal ceremonialism, that is, the rituals accorded the
that represents humans in an extracorporeal form and the
slain game. Several animal species are shown a ceremonial
one or several body souls that keep individuals alive and con-
courtesy after hunting; for example, their bones are buried
scious during their waking hours. It is typically the shaman’s
in anatomical order. All over the area, a special complex of
free soul that, in a trance, tries to rescue a sick person’s soul
rites surrounds the treatment of the dead bear.
(of either type), which has left its body and gone to the land
of the dead and possibly reached this place. This is indeed
Particular attention is given to the way in which the
the conception of the soul and disease among the Arctic peo-
bear’s body is brought home. It is carried in procession, often
ples. However, among the more southerly Tunguz and Ya-
with patches on its eyes so it cannot see its slayers and take
kuts, the soul types are more intricate, and the soul sent out
revenge on them. It is brought into the tent through a sacred
by the shaman is commonly a body soul. Therein lies the ob-
entrance at the back. Such sacred doors or openings occur
vious and basic difference between Arctic and other Siberian
in dwellings throughout northern Eurasia. A festive meal is
peoples.
arranged, and the men who have killed the bear assure it of
their innocence and blame others. The bear is admonished
There are other differences as well. The idea of the sha-
to observe the respect and kindness with which it is treated
man being possessed during a trance is well developed in
and to tell the bears in the world of the spirits about this
southern Siberia and the American Northwest Coast culture,
treatment so that more bears will allow themselves to be
but it is not so frequent among the Arctic peoples. On the
slain. Afterward, the bones of the bear are carefully buried
other hand, Shaking Tent ceremonies, in which the shaman
and its skull is placed in a tree or on a pole. The aims of the
is tied up and covered by blankets, calls upon spirits for in-
ceremony are obviously to persuade more animals of the
formation, and then breaks free from the bonds, can be
same species to be killed. The size and ferocity of the bear
found among the Samoyeds, the Yakuts, and the Inuit (and
probably induced its traditionally special treatment.
northern Algonquians in North America). Iconographic rep-
Paleosiberian peoples and Alaska Inuit paid similar at-
resentations of what seem to be double-headed assistant spir-
tention to the whale. The Inuit celebrated the dead whale rit-
its occur all over the Arctic. Divination by lifting weights is
ually for five days, a period corresponding to the mourning
common among the Sami, the Tunguz, and the Inuit, and
period for a dead person. The Alaska Inuit also had a bladder
divination by scapulimancy has been recorded in northern
festival in December, at which the bladders of the seals that
Siberia, in China, and among the Algonquian-speaking Indi-
had been slain during the year were restored to the sea. The
ans of northeastern North America. It is less certain that the
Inuit, like the Finno-Ugric peoples, make a clear distinction
chief guardian spirit of the Yakuts and Dolgans, the animal
between what belongs to land and what belongs to water:
mother, is derived from northern influences. Other items of
the bones of land animals are deposited in or on the earth;
possibly Arctic and ultimately Paleolithic origins such as the
the bones and bladders of fish and sea animals are put in the
shaman’s drum (and the drawings on it) are hardly condu-
water.
cive to more secure conclusions.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
472
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW
Afterlife. Unlike most other hunting peoples, the peo-
Ugric peoples and the Paleosiberian peoples have best pre-
ples in the North generally believe that the realm of the dead
served their archaic heritage. The Inuit represent a later cul-
is situated in the underworld. The Khanty think that the
tural phase with roots in the circum-Pacific fishing cultures.
world of shades extends close to the mouth of the Ob River;
Their original connections to the Old World are reflected in
it is characterized by cold, eternal darkness, hunger, and si-
the way animals are depicted in their art, ultimately inspired
lence. The Tunguz view of the underworld is more optimis-
by Eurasian steppe art some two to three thousand years ago.
tic. The people there live in birchbark tents, hunt, fish, and
The Inuit belong ecologically, but only in part historically,
tend to their reindeer in the woods. The Central and Eastern
to the Arctic hunting culture. They therefore deviate consid-
Inuit realm of the dead is identical with Sedna’s place at the
erably from the other Arctic peoples in their religious struc-
bottom of the sea. It is not bright, but endurable. The rule
ture. On the other hand, the Pacific fishing culture has had
in most places is that only those who have suffered a violent
an important impact on Paleosiberian culture and religion.
death go to heaven; among the Chukchi and Inuit these for-
At the other end of the Arctic, the Sami were heavily
tunate beings make their appearance in the aurora borealis.
influenced by their Scandinavian neighbors, first through old
Often, the underworld is conceived to be contrary to our
Nordic religion, later by Christianity. Reindeer-breeding no-
world in every respect; for instance, while it is night in the
madism developed in Christian times and has not palpably
underworld it is day on earth.
changed Saami religion.
There are traces of evidence among the Paleosiberian
In the Siberian Arctic, changes were brought about by
peoples that they once believed in two lands of the dead, one
influences from the south. First, both material culture and
underground and the other in heaven or at the horizon. Such
religion were affected by cultural waves from the Near East
pieces of information may be interpreted as testimony of a
and China; the subterranean location of the realm of the
conception of afterlife that was originally more sky-oriented,
dead may partly be a result of this impact. Second, with the
overlayered by later influences from the south.
move of the Tunguz and Yakuts toward the north, a major
Myths. Several myths and legends have a remarkable
cultural shift took place in the Arctic. The Tunguz, coming
distribution along the Arctic coast, such as those of the “bear
from the Baikal area, slowly supplanted or incorporated
wife” and “the resuscitation of the animal with the missing
Paleosiberian tribes, such as the Yukagir. They were probably
member.” Many myths of more southerly origin have been
the main instigators of the diffusion of reindeer breeding
integrated with local mythological patterns, such as the
(reindeer-breeding nomadism with large herds apparently
myths of the “earth diver” and the Flood. Quite a few tales
did not develop until the eighteenth century). The introduc-
are star myths, legends of the first shamans, or narratives of
tion of reindeer breeding in the Arctic did not change tradi-
supernatural animals. A widely distributed myth tells about
tional religions palpably, but some new spirits, such as the
the cosmic stag, or elk, represented in the night sky as the
master of the tame reindeer, were incorporated. The contin-
Great Bear. He steals the sun but is deprived of it by a hare
ued dependence on hunting and fishing may have impeded
who restores the heavenly light to humankind. Among the
the development of a purely nomadic religion. On the other
Tunguz, this tale is connected with the spring ceremonies de-
hand, the Tunguz peoples were probably instrumental in
scribed above.
spreading the intense form of shamanism in the north, a
form that had been influenced by Buddhist ideas and Tibet-
The Paleosiberian peoples share with North American
an ecstatic practices.
Indians the idea of a culture hero and trickster. His name is
This southern influence was strengthened with the ar-
Raven, or Big Raven among the Northwest Indians, and he
rival of the horse-tending Yakuts from Mongolia during the
appears as human or as a bird. Among the Koriak, Big Raven
medieval centuries. The Yakuts who followed the Lena Val-
formed the earth, brought light to it, and created all the ani-
ley to the north replaced some of the dispersed Tunguz
mals. He is humanity’s ancestor and the first shaman. He is
groups and partly absorbed the original population. The
the most prominent divinity (although there is a vague, oti-
Tunguz and Yakut influx created in the north what has been
ose sky god, identical with dawn, who also represents the
called “the Siberian gap,” a void between the more ancient
universe). At the same time Big Raven is a most obscene
Finno-Ugric cultures in the west and the Paleosiberian cul-
trickster, and he dominates mythology.
tures in the east. This void is easily observable in the religious
HISTORY OF ARCTIC RELIGIONS. Because of the absence of
context where Tunguz and Yakut thought and practice rep-
reliable written sources, not much is known of the religious
resent more complex and developed forms.
developments in the Arctic. However, certain clues can be
obtained through the study of the ethnic history of the area.
SEE ALSO Bears; Ecology and Religion; Inuit Religious Tra-
ditions; Sami Religion; Samoyed Religion; Shamanism.
As stated before, the cultures of the Arctic area are rem-
nants of a Paleolithic hunting culture at the northern fringe
BIBLIOGRAPHY
of three continents. They preserve hunting customs and reli-
The concept of an Arctic cultural area was first used by Artur
gious ideas that have disappeared or become transformed in
Byhan in his Die Polarvölker (Leipzig, 1909). An archaeolog-
the southern pastoral and agricultural societies. The Finno-
ical survey of the area can be found in Guterm Gjessing’s
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
473
Circumpolar Stone Age (Copenhagen, 1944). The general fea-
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
tures of some Arctic cultures are briefly presented in Nelson
Arctic religions have been explored by scholars from many
H. H. Graburn and B. Stephen Strong’s Circumpolar Peoples:
countries, though primarily from the countries where these
An Anthropological Perspective (Pacific Palisades, Calif.,
religions are practiced: Denmark (the Inuit of Greenland);
1973). This work has also excellent bibliographic references.
Norway, Sweden, and Finland (the Sami); Russia and the
Various questions related to Arctic culture are discussed in
former Soviet republics (the northern Eurasian peoples); and
Circumpolar Problems, edited by Gösta Berg (Oxford, 1973),
the United States and Canada (the Inuit and northernmost
and in the serial Arctic Anthropology (Madison, Wis., 1962–).
American Indians). This has meant that several research tra-
The Siberian Arctic peoples and their cultures are described in The
ditions and research premises have been involved. For a long
Peoples of Siberia, edited by M. G. Levin and L. P. Potapov
time the study of Arctic religions was a subordinated part of
(Chicago, 1964), and in Gustav Ränk’s “Völker und Kul-
the ethnographic research on peoples and cultures, and in
turen Nordeurasiens,” in Handbuch der Kulturgeschichte, ed-
many places, particularly in the former Soviet republics, it
ited by Eugen Thurnher (Frankfurt, 1968).
still is. Until the end of the nineteenth century, descriptions
of Arctic religions were encapsulated in travel reports and
Arctic religions as a separate entity have hitherto only been de-
tribal monographs, but since that time particular issues of
scribed in one major article, Ivar Paulson’s “Les religions des
Arctic religions, such as shamanism, have been debated.
peuples arctiques,” in Histoire des religions, vol. 3, edited by
Henri-Charles Puech (Paris, 1976). Arctic religions are part
However, conscious attention to connections between vari-
of presentations of northern religions in Mythology of All
ous Arctic religions was missing from scholarship until the
Races, vol. 4, Finno-Ugric, Siberian (Boston, 1927), by Uno
beginning of the twentieth century.
Holmberg (later Harva); in Die religiösen Vorstellungen der al-
THE DEVELOPMENT OF CIRCUMPOLAR STUDIES. The explo-
taischen Völker (Helsinki, 1938), by the same author; and in
ration of Siberian and Canadian Arctic cultures at the turn
Les religions arctiques et finnoises (Paris, 1965), by Ivar Paul-
of the century made scholars aware of their great similarities.
son, Karl Jettmar, and me. Much material pertaining to Arc-
Since this was the time when geographic environmentalism
tic religions is given in Mircea Eliade’s Shamanism: Archaic
swayed high—and the Arctic is known for its extreme cli-
Techniques of Ecstasy, rev. & enl. ed. (New York, 1964);
mate—Arctic cultures were readily given an environmental-
Studies in Siberian Shamanism, edited by Henry N. Michael
ist interpretation. The pioneer of this approach, Artur
(Toronto, 1963); Popular Beliefs and Folklore Tradition in Si-
Byhan, author of the classic Die Polarvölker (1909), brought
beria, edited by Vilmos Diószegi (The Hague, 1968); Sha-
together pertinent religious materials from all over the Arctic
manism in Siberia, edited by Vilmos Diószegi and Mihály
and referred many religious manifestations to the pressures
Hoppál (Budapest, 1978); and Shamanism in Eurasia, 2
and inspiration of the Arctic environment. He certainly did
vols., edited by Mihály Hoppál (Göttingen, 1984). Although
somewhat dated, M. A. Czaplicka’s classic work, Aboriginal
not make a real analysis of the mechanisms implied, but he
Siberia (Oxford, 1914), is still valuable from the religio-
presented cultural and religious data in their environmental
historical point of view.
context.
Other scholars followed suit. In the writings of Walde-
There is an analysis of the diffusion of Arctic religious traits in my
“North American Indian Religions in a Circumpolar Per-
mar Bogoraz, M. A. Czaplicka, Kai Birket-Smith, Daryll
spective,” in North American Indian Studies, edited by Pieter
Forde, and A˚ke Ohlmarks, different shades of an environ-
Hovens (Göttingen, 1981), as well as in an earlier article by
mentalist interpretation of Arctic religions are represented.
Robert H. Lowie, “Religious Ideas and Practices of the Eura-
In a modified, ecological form, I have substantiated the envi-
siatic and North American Areas,” in Essays Presented to
ronmental impact on these religions.
C. G. Seligman, edited by E. E. Evans-Pritchard et al. (Lon-
Most ethnologists and anthropologists, however, have
don, 1934). There are several papers on selected aspects of
favored a cultural-historical analysis in which all the Arctic
Arctic religions, such as A. Irving Hallowell’s “Bear Ceremo-
cultures belong together, either as a common field of diffu-
nialism in the Northern Hemisphere,” American Anthropolo-
gist 28 (1926): 1–175; Uno Holmberg’s “Über die Jagdriten
sion or as an archaic residue. This approach originated with
der nördlichen Völker Asiens und Europas,” Journal de la So-
the American anthropologist Franz Boas, who compared
ciété Finno-Ougrienne (Helsinki) 41 (1926): 1–53; Eveline
Paleosiberian and Northwest American Indian mythologies.
Lot-Falck’s Les rites de chasse chez les peuples sibériens (Paris,
His speculations resulted in the assumption of a direct
1953); Balaji Mundkur’s “The Bicephalous ‘Animal Style’ in
communication between North America and North Asia.
Northern Eurasian Religious Art and Its Western Hemisphe-
This perspective was expanded by Austrian and Danish dif-
ric Analogues,” Current Anthropology 25 (August–October
fusionists.
1984): 451–482; Gudmund Hatt’s Asiatic Influences in
Wilhelm Schmidt, the dominating figure of the so-
American Folklore (Copenhagen, 1949); and Gustav Ränk’s
Die heilige Hinterecke im Hauskult der Völker Nordosteuropas
called Vienna culture-circle school, accepted the idea of an
und Nordasiens (Helsinki, 1949). This last work deals with
Arctic “primeval culture” (Urkultur) that, although some-
the sacred corner in Arctic homes.
what faded, has been preserved to some extent among Samo-
yeds, Koriak, and Caribou Inuit. Schmidt also found shared
A
˚ KE HULTKRANTZ (1987)
religious elements among some North American “primeval
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
474
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
peoples” (Urvölker) and the Arctic peoples, such as the
reindeer sacrifices to the spirits of the woods. Karl Meuli,
“earth-diver” myth, the association of the high god with the
therefore, considered that a change had taken place from the
rainbow, the dualism between thunder spirits and water spir-
animal ceremonialism of the hunting culture to the sacrificial
its, and the sacred fire. He therefore postulated the existence
ideology of reindeer-breeding nomadism; the animal, sur-
of a continuous Arctic-North American primeval culture in
rounded by revivification rites, was transformed into a sacri-
which religious ideas and customs were formed in the same
fice to the powers. At the same time, bear ceremonialism lin-
mold.
gered on and had a firm grip in all nomadic cultures of the
North, as shown by Hans-Joachim Paproth’s investigations.
While Schmidt’s general scheme of historical develop-
ments has been discredited, his reconstruction of an Arctic
PARTICULAR AREAL STUDIES. Most authors have concentrat-
cultural and religious area rests on solid ground. The research
ed their efforts on the study of subfields or tribes within the
of Danish ethnologists, in particular Gudmund Hatt and Kai
Arctic area. They have, from their particular points of depar-
Birket-Smith, revealed an interconnection between all Arctic
ture, often reached conclusions that refer to the whole cir-
cultures in a circumpolar round. Hatt has shown distribu-
cumpolar zone or large parts thereof; but their real intentions
tions of myths and folk tales over, primarily, the Siberian and
have mostly been to reveal the religious systems or specific
North American Arctic regions. Robert H. Lowie, Francis
traits of these systems. It is possible to distinguish three main
Lee Utley, and I have suggested historical connections in the
Arctic regions of exploration, usually (but not always) treated
religious and mythological field, some of them joining the
as separate from each other. They will be called here the Sami
Saami with the inhabitants of northernmost North America.
field, the northern Eurasian field, and the Inuit field.
Archaeologists have also contributed to the investigations of
The Sami field. The scientific analyses of Sami religion
the spreading of religious ideas in the Arctic zone: Gutorm
on the basis of older sources (there were few vestiges left in
Gjessing, for instance, has illuminated the Arctic rock-
the nineteenth century besides folkloric materials) began late
drawing panels by comparing eastern and western Arctic
in the nineteenth century. This was the time when such
traits (such as the so-called life line).
scholars as J. A. Friis, Gustaf von Düben, Johan Fritzner, and
others began to systematize Sami religious ideas. The interest
All these historical investigations have followed the dif-
in the possible contributions that Sami religion could make
fusionist approach. Very little has been done along the other
to our understanding of Scandinavian religion, a perspective
line of historical approach, the study of common heritage.
introduced by Fritzner, was later continued by such men as
A. Irving Hallowell has, certainly, suggested the possibility
Axel Olrik, Kaarle Krohn, and Wolf von Unwerth. The un-
that bear ceremonialism originated within the larger Eur-
derlying idea was that Sami religion was inspired to a large
asian Paleolithic hunting culture. Its circumpolar distribu-
extent by Scandinavian thought and retained Old Scandina-
tion would thus, at least partly, be a leftover from a once
vian religious features. In the 1920s the pendulum swung,
more extended context. Indeed, not only the Arctic but also
and Sami religion began to be considered in the light of
all North and South American hunting cultures show evi-
Finno-Ugric and Arctic religious ideas and cults. Uno Holm-
dence of their status as remnants of this old basic culture, as
berg (later Harva) and Björn Collinder guided this new per-
Boas and, in particular, Erland Nordenskiöld demonstrated.
spective. Since then a host of writers, including Ernst
As observed by Mircea Eliade, the outlines of one and the
Manker, Ernst Emsheimer, Gustav Ränk, T. I. Itkonen, Olof
same shamanistic complex are found from Alaska to Tierra
Pettersson, Hans Mebius, Nils Stora˚, and Louise Bäckman,
del Fuego. Everyone who compares Mapuche shamanism in
have tried to coordinate Sami religion with other Arctic and
Chile with Siberian shamanism will notice obvious parallels.
northern Eurasian religions.
Seen in this perspective American hunting religions are an
extension of Arctic religions.
The northern Eurasian field. The first accounts of the
“primitive” peoples of the Russian empire and their religious
Some scholars have tried to discern major changes in the
customs date from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
development of Arctic religions. If earlier evolutionist theo-
More systematic studies were undertaken in the nineteenth
ries are excluded, this discussion has been connected with the
century when the Finnish-speaking peoples were investigated
interpretation of animal ceremonialism and shamanism. The
by Mathias Alexander Castrén; the Mansi by Bernhardt
ceremonies associated with the bones of the slain animals
Munkácsi; the Samoyeds by Castrén, Otto Finsch, and
have mostly been identified as burial and rejuvenation rites.
V. V. Radlov; the Yakuts by W. L. Sieroszewski and Radlov;
Some authors, however, have expressed other opinions. For
and the Eveny (an eastern Tunguz tribe) by Leopold von
example, Alexander Gahs and Wilhelm Schmidt have inter-
Schrenk. These accounts are all classic and still authoritative.
preted these bone rites as offerings (Primitialopfer) to the su-
The only treatises that compared aspects of various cultures
preme being or to its manifestations in other supernatural be-
dealt with the bear ceremonial complex (N. M. Yadrintzeff)
ings, such as the master of the animals. Although this
and shamanism.
opinion is not shared by other scholars, there is no doubt that
some animal rituals, namely those associated with the rein-
The beginning of the twentieth century saw the contin-
deer, have a clear sacrificial character among the Samoyeds,
ued publication of tribal monographs. Waldemar Bogoraz
the Tunguz, and the Koriak; the Tunguz, for instance, make
and Waldemar Jochelson, respectively, published excellent
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARCTIC RELIGIONS: HISTORY OF STUDY
475
studies of the Chukchi and Koriak that contain important
century. Danish scholarship in the field started in the nine-
chapters on religious life. Jochelson also wrote a book on
teenth century when Gustav Holm and H. Rink described,
what was preserved of Yukagir religion. In the same way, Leo
in particular, the East Greenland Inuit religion. At the other
Sternberg advanced our knowledge of the religious customs
end of the Inuit area, in southern Alaska (at that time part
of the Amur and Sakhalin tribes. Finnish scholars continued
of the Russian empire), the Finn H. J. Holmberg noted
the interest in Arctic peoples that had started with Castrén:
down Inuit and Indian religious ideas about the same time.
Toivo Lehtisalo and Kai Donner visited the Samoyeds and
Toward the end of the nineteenth century, American anthro-
K. F. Karjalainen visited the Khanty (Ostiaks).
pological research entered the scene with Franz Boas, who
wrote a monograph on the Central Inuit, and A. L. Kroeber,
During the postrevolutionary era, Soviet scholars made
who described the Inuit of Smith Sound.
several tribal ethnographic investigations of considerable im-
portance, although one-sidedly Marxist and evolutionist in
The twentieth century saw a rich scholarship on Inuit
outlook. Religious issues, shamanism in particular, have been
religion, most of it directed from Copenhagen. Knud Ras-
discussed from this programmatic point of view. Unfortu-
mussen covered the whole Inuit area with his insightful anal-
nately, few works have been translated into Western lan-
yses of Inuit religious thinking, but first of all the Greenland,
guages. Among the more prominent contributors to the
Central, and Polar Inuit. William Thalbitzer wrote on be-
study of religious themes are N. A. Alekseev (on the Yakuts),
liefs, myths, and cults of the Greenlanders, Erik Holtved on
A. F. Anisimov (on the Tunguz), A. A. Popov (on the Samo-
the Polar Inuit, and Kai Birket-Smith on the Caribou Inuit
yeds and Yakuts), E. D. Prokofeva (on the Samoyeds), and
and the Chugach of Alaska. Among American scholars, Dia-
G. M. Vasilevich (on the Tunguz).
mond Jenness, who described the Copper Inuit, and Marga-
ret Lantis, who analyzed the ceremonialism of the Alaska
If shamanism is excluded, Soviet authors may be gener-
Inuit, were prominent. As pointed out before, the Danish
ally said to have neglected comparative studies of religion.
scholars were occupied with investigating circumpolar trait
There are some papers on such topics as mother-goddess
diffusions, using the Inuit traits as their point of departure.
worship and totemism, and Dimitri K. Zelenin’s book-
length work on ongons, that is, idols that portray animals or
BIBLIOGRAPHY
human beings, is a major comparative treatise. These investi-
An early environmental interpretation of circumpolar religions
gations, however, are exceptions. I. S. Gurvich comments on
will be found in M. A. Czaplicka’s “The Influence of Envi-
the paucity of Soviet-era papers in this genre in an article
ronment upon the Religious Ideas and Practices of the Ab-
(1979) on ethnographic parallels in the Arctic.
origines of Northern Asia,” Folklore 25 (March 1914): 34–
54. A later collocation based on religio-ecological analysis is
The basic surveys of Finno-Ugric and northern Siberian
my “Type of Religion in the Arctic Hunting Cultures,” in
religions have been composed by non-Russian scholars, such
Hunting and Fishing, edited by Harald Hvarfner (Lulea,
as M. A. Czaplicka, Uno Holmberg Harva, Wilhelm
1965).
Schmidt, Ivar Paulson, and Gustav Ränk. Other comparative
Methodological approaches to the distribution and history of reli-
studies have been written by Adolf Friedrich (on beliefs
gious traits in the area have been discussed in articles men-
about bones and skeletons), Alexander Gahs (on bones as of-
tioned in the bibliography of the overview article on Arctic
ferings), Eveline Lot-Falck (on hunting rituals), Josef Haekel
religions. In addition, there are short comprehensive surveys
(on the cult of idols and totemism), Gustav Ränk (on the
such as Waldemar Bogoraz’s “Elements of the Culture of the
house and family cults), Ivar Paulson (on concepts of the
Circumpolar Zone,” American Anthropologist 31 (October–
soul, masters of the animals, bone rites, and house idols),
December 1929): 579–601, and Gudmund Hatt’s “North
Horst Nachtigall (on burial customs), and Ivan A. Lopatin
American and Eurasian Culture Connections,” in Proceedings
(on cult of the dead). The Soviet papers previously referred
of the Fifth Pacific Science Congress (Toronto, 1934). See also
to should also be mentioned: Zelenin’s study of idols, A. M.
I. S. Gurvich’s study, cited below.
Zolotarev’s writings on totemism, and Anisimov’s discussion
Studies of religious change have been presented by, for instance,
of cosmology.
Wilhelm Schmidt, Der Ursprung der Gottesidee, vols. 3 and
6 (Münster, 1931 and 1935), and Karl Meuli, “Griechische
The particular religious connections between northern
Opferbräuche,” in Phyllobolia für Peter von der Mühll zum
Siberian and North American Arctic and Northwest Coast
60. Geburtstage, by Olof Gigon et al. (Basel, 1946). On the
cultures were illuminated at the turn of the century by the
development of the bear ceremony, see Hans-Joachim Pa-
Jesup Expedition, sponsored by the American Museum of
proth’s Studien über das Bärenzeremoniell, vol. 1 (Uppsala,
Natural History in New York, with Boas as the director and
1976).
Bogoraz and Jochelson as Russian members. This interconti-
Summary reports of the scholarly publications on Sami religion
nental ethnological problem, which included the question of
and folklore up to 1950 were issued in the Journal of the
religio-historical relations, received less attention among
Royal Anthropological Institute in the 1950s: Knut Bergsland
Russian scholars after the Russian Revolution of 1917.
and Reidar Christiansen’s “Norwegian Research on the Lan-
guage and Folklore of the Lapps” (vol. 80, 1950), and my
The Inuit field. The Danes had already secured impor-
“Swedish Research on the Religion and Folklore of the
tant information on the Greenland Inuit in the eighteenth
Lapps” (vol. 85, 1955). Later books and articles on the sub-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
476
ARHAT
ject are annotated in Louise Bäckman’s and my Studies in
PLACE IN BUDDHIST SOTERIOLOGY. In its most typical usage
Lapp Shamanism (Stockholm, 1978).
in Therava¯da Buddhism, however, the term arahant signifies
There is no similar survey of scholarly contributions in tsarist and
persons who have reached the goal of enlightenment or
Soviet Russia, except the studies of shamanism. Some points
nibba¯na (Skt., nirva¯n:a). In the Pali canon the arahant
of view on Soviet studies are presented in I. S. Gurvich’s “An
emerges not simply as the revealer of the religion or the per-
Ethnographic Study of Cultural Parallels among the Aborigi-
son worthy of receiving gifts but as one who has attained
nal Populations of Northern Asia and Northern North
freedom of mind and heart, has overcome desire and passion,
America,” Arctic Anthropology 16 (1979): 32–38. The com-
has come to true knowledge and insight, has crossed over the
prehensive areal works by Uno Holmberg Harva and Ivar
Paulson contain some introductory remarks, but no more.
flood (of sam:sa¯ra) and gone beyond (pa¯ragata), has destroyed
The student has to go to the separate books and articles, most
the a¯savas (deadly attachments to the world), is versed in the
of them published in Russian, but some in western European
threefold knowledge (tevijja) of past, present, and future, has
languages: this applies, of course, first of all to the works of
achieved the thirty-seven factors of enlightenment, and who
scholars residing in western Europe and America. No collo-
has attained nibba¯na.
cation of all this scholarship has ever been done.
In the Vinaya, the concept of the arahant appears to be
The same applies to the split publications on Inuit religion. The
connected with the concept of uttarimanussa (“further being,
total research contribution has not yet been evaluated. See,
superhuman being”). Here, the arahant is said to possess one
however, the short introduction to the subject by Ivar Paul-
or more of the four trance states (jha¯na), one or more of the
son, Karl Jettmar, and me in Les religions arctiques et finnoises
(Paris, 1965), pp. 346f.
four stages of sanctification, mastery of the threefold knowl-
edge and the sixfold knowledge (chal:abhiñña¯), which in-
A
˚ KE HULTKRANTZ (1987)
cludes knowledge of previous rebirths, and to have achieved
the destruction of the a¯savas, or “cankers.” Indeed, it may
be that the notion of uttarimanussa constitutes the earliest
ARHAT. The Sanskrit term arhat (Pali, arahant) derives
beginning of a more elaborated and refined concept desig-
from the root arh (arhati) and literally means “worthy” or
nated by the term arahant.
“deserving.” The term is especially important in Therava¯da
Buddhism, where it denotes the highest state of spiritual de-
It is in the Nika¯yas, however, that the concept of the
velopment, but it also has pre-Buddhist and non-Buddhist
arahant achieves its mature form. In the first volume of the
applications.
D¯ıgha Nika¯ya ten of the thirteen suttas deal almost entirely
with this theme; the other three are indirectly related to it.
HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE TERM. In Vedic and
In these texts arhatship is extolled as the highest of social
non-Vedic contexts, the noun arhat and the verb arhati ap-
ranks, the only form of sacrifice worth making, the best as-
plied generally to persons or gods whose particular status
ceticism, and the true form of brahmacariya (Skt., brahma-
earned for them the characterization of “worthy” or “deserv-
carya). Clearly, the term arahant signifies the Buddhist trans-
ing of merit.” The terms also denoted “being able to do,” or
valuation of terms applied to the most worthwhile aspects of
“being capable of doing.” For example, in R:gveda 1.94.1
life. In the Majjhima Nika¯ya the arahant is said to recognize
Agni is addressed in a song of praise as “the worthy one”
things as they really are, to have eliminated the a¯savas, to be
(arhat). The term arhat does not appear in the Upanis:ads,
far removed from evil, and to be beyond birth, decay, and
but the verb arhati occurs there five times with the sense of
death.
“being able.” The ten occurrences of the verb in the
Bhagavadg¯ıta¯ convey a similar general meaning.
There are several arahant formulas in the Pali Tipitaka.
Perhaps the best known is the following:
In the Jain su¯tras the term is often used in a sense closer
to that found in Buddhist writings. Here the arhat is de-
Rebirth has been destroyed. The higher life has been
scribed as one who is free from desire, hatred, and delusion,
fulfilled. What had to be done has been accomplished.
who knows everything, and who is endowed with miraculous
After this present life there will be no beyond. (D¯ıgha
powers. While these characterizations are consistent with the
Nika¯ya 1.84 and elsewhere)
Buddhist use of the term, it should be noted that the Jains
Other formulas emphasize the attainment of the emancipa-
applied the word exclusively to the t¯ırtham:karas or revealers
tion of mind, the transcendence of rebirth, the realization of
of religion, whereas in Buddhism arhatship is an ideal to be
jhanic states, knowledge of the Four Truths, the overcoming
attained by all serious religious strivers, especially monks and
of the a¯savas, and the gaining of salvation and perfect knowl-
nuns.
edge. The term also appears in the formulaic phrase charac-
In the Pali scriptures of Therava¯da Buddhism arahant/
terizing the Buddha: “A Tathagata arises in the world, an ar-
arahati shares with Vedic, Hindu, and Jain sources the same
ahant, a fully enlightened one perfect in knowledge and
general meanings “worthy, able, fit.” In a more specific
conduct, a wellfarer, a world-knower, unsurpassed driver of
usage, but one that is not yet part of the most prevalent for-
men to be driven, a teacher of devas [gods] and mankind,
mulas found in the Sutta and Vinaya Pit:akas, the term is ap-
A Buddha, an Exalted One.”
plied to those who have supernatural powers or who practice
Arhatship figures prominently into the Therava¯da no-
austerities.
tion that the salvific journey is a gradual path (magga) in
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARHAT
477
which one moves from the condition of ordinary worldly at-
field of merit (puny aks:etra) and source of magical, protective
tachments governed by ignorant sense desires to a state of lib-
¯
power. Some, such as Upagupta and Pin:d:ola, became in ef-
eration characterized by utter equanimity and the knowledge
fect protective deities believed to have the power to prevent
of things as they are. As Buddhagosa put it in his Visuddhi-
violence and illness. Offerings to their images or symbolic
magga (Path of purification), the classic synopsis of
representations of their presence constitute cultic practice in
Therava¯da doctrine, the arahant has completed all of the pu-
both domestic and public rituals. However, arhats other than
rities derived through the observance of the moral precepts
those associated with the Buddha during his lifetime or the
(s¯ıla), meditational practice (jha¯na), and the purity of knowl-
sixteen arhats enumerated in Nandimitra’s Record of the
edge (pañña¯-visuddhi). The sine qua non of this path is medi-
Abiding of the Dharma (T.D. no. 2030) have served as
tation, which leads to extraordinary cognitive states and
sources of power. Claims of arhatship are continuously being
stages of consciousness (jha¯na) and, allegedly, to the acquisi-
made on behalf of holy monks in countries such as Sri Lanka,
tion of various supernormal “powers” (iddhi). These attain-
Myanmar, and Thailand. Devoted laypersons seek them out
ments became fundamental to the cult of saints, an impor-
for boons and wear protective amulets bearing their image
tant aspect of popular Therava¯da Buddhist practice. This
or charred remains of their hair or robe. They may be vener-
popular aspect of arhatship has not always been easy to rec-
ated as wizards (Burm., weikza) with magical skills in alche-
oncile with the classical notion, which emphasizes the acqui-
my, trance, and the like. Elaborate hagiographies tell of ex-
sition of what Buddhaghosa refers to as the “analytical
traordinary natural signs announcing their birth and detail
knowledges,” for example, the analysis of reality in terms of
careers characterized by the performance of miraculous
its conditioned and co-arising nature (pat:icca-samuppa¯da;
deeds. Their monasteries, in turn, may become holy pilgrim-
Skt., prat¯ıtya-samutpa¯da).
age centers both during and after their lifetime.
Both the Thera¯vada Kathava¯tthu (Points of controversy)
In short, the arhat embodies one of the fundamental
and Vasumitra’s Samayabhedoparacanacakra (History of the
tensions in the Buddhist tradition between the ideal of en-
schisms, a Sarva¯stiva¯da work) give ample evidence that dur-
lightenment and equanimity and the extraordinary magical
ing the first few centuries following the death of the Buddha
power concomitant with this attainment. This tension, while
there were frequent disputes within the order concerning the
present in the texts, is further heightened in the light of pop-
nature and attributes of the arhat. The greatest challenge to
ular Buddhist attitudes and practices regarding the figure of
the arhat ideal, however, came from the Maha¯ya¯na tradition,
the arhat.
which proclaimed the career of the bodhisattva to be superior
SEE ALSO Bodhisattva Path; Maha¯siddhas; Nirva¯n:a; Perfect-
to that of the arhat. Texts such as the Saddharmapun:dar¯ıka
ibility; Soteriology; T¯ırtham:karas.
and Vimalak¯ırti Su¯tras criticize the arhat for pursuing, in
their view, an unacceptably self-centered soteriological path.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The classic study of the arahant in the Therava¯da tradition is
THE ARHAT AS CULT FIGURE. In popular Buddhism the
I. B. Horner’s The Early Buddhist Theory of Man Perfected
arhat has become a figure endowed with magical and apotro-
(London, 1936). In more recent years both historians of reli-
paic powers. In Myanmar, the arahant Shin Thiwali (Pali,
gion and anthropologists have studied the Buddhist saint.
Sivali), declared by the Buddha to be the foremost recipient
Nathan Katz has compared the arahant concept in the Sutta
of gifts among his disciples, is believed to bring prosperity
Pit:aka to the concepts of the bodhisattva and maha¯siddha in
and good fortune to those who petition him. The arahant
the Maha¯ya¯na and Tantraya¯na traditions in his book, Bud-
Upagupta, who tamed Ma¯ra and converted him to Bud-
dhist Images of Human Perfection (New Delhi, 1982). George
dhism, is thought to have the power to prevent storms and
D. Bond’s “The Problems of ‘Sainthood’ in the Therava¯da
floods as well as other kinds of physical violence and unwant-
Buddhist Tradition,” in Sainthood in World Religions, edited
by George Bond and Richard Kieckhefer (Berkeley, Calif.,
ed chaos. Customarily, Buddhist festivals in Myanmar and
1984), provides a general analysis of the Therava¯da arahant
northern Thailand are initiated by an offering to Upagupta
while Michael Carrithers’s The Forest Monks of Sri Lanka
in order to guarantee the success of the event. In Myanmar,
(New York, 1983), and Stanley J. Tambiah’s The Buddhist
offerings are made to the Buddha and the eight arahants
Saints of the Forest and the Cult of Amulets (Cambridge, U.K.,
(Sa¯riputta, Moggalla¯na, A¯nanda, Revata, Upa¯li, Kon:d:añña,
1984) offer anthropological analyses of the Therava¯da saint
Ra¯hula, and Gavampati) as part of a long-life engendering
in the contexts of modern Sri Lanka and Thailand, respec-
ceremony in which each arahant is associated with one of the
tively. John S. Strong provides a reminder that the arhat re-
eight days of the Myanmar week and with a special planet.
ceives approbation in the Maha¯ya¯na as well as the Thera¯vada
Pin:d:ola Bha¯radva¯ja, one of the sixteen great arhats (Chin.,
tradition in “The Legend of the Lion-Roarers: A Study of the
luohan), was particularly venerated as the guardian saint of
Buddhist Arhat Pin:d:ola Bha¯radva¯ja,” Numen 26 (June
1979): 50–87.
monasteries’ refectories in China and Japan (where he is
known as Binzuru), and was also worshiped as a popular
New Sources
healing saint.
Buswell, Robert E., and Robert M. Gimello. Paths to Liberation:
The Marga and Its Transformation in Buddhist Thought. Ho-
The arhat, as one who has realized the summum bonum
nolulu, 1992.
of the spiritual path, is worshiped on the popular level as a
Dhaky, M. A. Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus. Delhi, 1997.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
478
ARIANISM
Mehta, T. U., and A. K. Singh. The Path of Arhat: A Religious De-
conceptions from what his opponents denounce and refute
mocracy. Varanasi, 1993.
in their anti-Arian writings. Arius’s teachings on incarnation
Nattier, Janice J., and Charles S. Prebish. “Mahasamghika Ori-
were probably traditional and reflective of Origen’s christo-
gins: The Beginnings of Buddhist Sectarianism.” History of
logical legacy. Arius, like Origen, advocated that Christians
Religions 16 (1977): 237–272.
should imitate the Son’s asceticism and contemplate the
Swearer, Donald K. “The Arhat.” In Buddhism and Asian History,
mystery of his kenosis, which involved the Son even in
edited by Joseph Mitsuo Kitagawa and Mark D. Cummings.
the experience of death. The final glorification means that
See pages 361–364. New York, 1989.
the risen Christ earned the right to be recognized in his di-
D
vine rank as the Son of God. It has been suggested that Arius
ONALD K. SWEARER (1987)
Revised Bibliography
conceived of Jesus as being without a human soul, the Logos
himself taking its place, but there is no support for this thesis
in Arius’s own writings.
ARIANISM
Underlying the whole of Arius’s thought is a philosophi-
is the heretical doctrine promulgated by the
cal perspective that guarantees the uniqueness of his system
Christian Alexandrian priest Arius (c. 250–336) that asserted
among the Origenian-type theologies current in the Greek-
the radical primacy of the Father over the Son. Three distinct
speaking churches of the first half of the fourth century.
streams of influence merged in the sea of doctrinal upheaval
Arius’s writings show a passionate concern for the radical
of Christianity in the fourth century: (1) the theological sys-
transcendency of the first principle in the godhead, and he
tem developed by Arius himself, which was his private and
interprets the Christian notion of the Son in light of a rigor-
pastoral accomplishment; (2) the moderate and conservative
ous, metaphysical deduction about the nature of the Son as
Origenism of the majority of Eastern bishops who found
proceeding from the first principle, his Father. Sharing the
themselves in consonance with Arius’s own Origenian back-
metaphysical concerns of Plotinus in Ennead 5 but using the
ground; and (3) the political initiatives of these bishops
Christian categories of Father and Son, Arius develops his
against Alexander of Alexandria. The complex state of
view of God and the world only in regard to the origination
church affairs arising from the confluence of these three
of the second principle of the godhead, without regard to the
streams has become known as the Arian controversy.
teaching of the New Testament on the full divinity of Christ.
Without Arius the controversy would never have exist-
This underlying point of view seems to have shaped
ed. Paradoxically, however, the Alexandrian priest contribut-
Arius’s thought more than anything else. It was for this rea-
ed more to the name of the crisis than to the shaping of its
son that he remained relatively isolated in the theological
doctrinal issues. In Arius’s thought, certain trends of Alexan-
scene of his time, before as well as after his condemnation
drian theology, formulated by Origen a few generations earli-
in Nicaea in 325. The misunderstandings to which his sys-
er, reached their ultimate consequences. Arius’s concept of
tem led are best exemplified by the public statements against
the Christian godhead was monarchic, that is, it held that
him by Alexander of Alexandria and Athanasius. Even the
the first and unique absolute principle of divinity is the Fa-
Eastern bishops, who for a time became his main supporters,
ther. Consequently, any other divine reality was considered
ignored the merits of his rigorous logic and rejected his con-
by him as secondary to the Father. He applied this view first
clusions concerning the nature of the Son.
of all to the Logos, the Word of God, the Son who becomes
the instrument of the divine plan of creation and salvation.
The Eastern bishops contributed in their own way to
The Son, being bound to the decision of the Father in the
the controversy by their conservative politics. What Athana-
very process of his own generation as the Son, is not eternal
sius and other supporters of the Nicene Creed denounced as
in the same sense as the Father is eternal; more important,
Arianism in the thought and the writings of certain Eastern
he is not eternal because only the Father is ungenerated. On
bishops basically amounted to the Eastern bishops’ opposi-
the other hand, being the instrument of the fulfillment of the
tion to the term homoousios (“same substance”), which had
Father’s will, the Son is by nature linked with the divine cre-
been canonized at Nicaea, and their preference for more bib-
ation. He is, so to speak, the first transcendent creature, the
lical, more traditional, and often more or less subordination-
principle of all things. Arius developed several Origenian in-
ist formulations, in the tradition of Origen.
sights in a way that led him finally to contradict Origen’s no-
The main party of bishops was called Homoeans, from
tion of the godhead. In the course of his systematic inquiry,
homoios, meaning “similar” rather than “same,” because they
he not only urges traditional forms of trinitarian subordina-
stressed the similitude of the Son to the Father in biblical
tionism, he pleads also for a radical dissimilarity among the
terms, without dogmatic precision. The most prominent fig-
Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit.
ures among the so-called Semi-Arians actually reverted to
It is not easy to garner an authentic picture of Arius’s
Nicene orthodoxy after the death of Emperor Constantius
teachings on the incarnation of the Word and his interpreta-
II (337–361). A true Arianism, which radicalized the ratio-
tion of the gospel narratives. His main opponents, Alexander
nalistic theology of Arius, recurred only once, in Alexandria,
of Alexandria and Athanasius, have transmitted no direct evi-
from about 355 to 366, with Aetios and Eunomios as its
dence from Arius on these points; one must deduce Arius’s
leaders.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARISTOTELIANISM
479
Not only bishops, clerics, and church communities but
sixth century), some were Christian, notably John
emperors also may be called Arians during the struggles of
Philoponus (fl. sixth century).
the fourth century. Constantine, however, was never called
Arian, even though he allowed the pro-Arian bishops to pro-
The transmission of the Aristotelian legacy to the Semit-
tect Arius during his lifetime. His son and successor, Con-
ic world was begun by Syriac-speaking Christian thinkers
stantius II, following in his father’s footsteps, became an
who, living in or near the Byzantine empire, knew Greek and
Arian in the eyes of the pro-Nicene bishops who were perse-
translated Aristotle’s works either into Syriac first and then
cuted under his reign; it is difficult, however, to discern a
into Arabic or into Arabic directly. To some extent Aristote-
precise theological motivation in the religious concerns of
lian ideas had already filtered into the work of the Greek
Constantius’s complex personality. The emperor Valens
Church Fathers before becoming “semiticized” later on. In
(364–378) supported the pro-Arian majority of bishops in
several Greek Christian theological texts we find some use
the East without true personal conviction. Arianism, trans-
of such Aristotelian terms as ousia (substance)—which in
mitted to the Teutonic tribes, survived in the West until the
turn entered into Latin theological literature as substantia.
sixth century.
Yet the Aristotelian philosophical influence on patristic liter-
ature was not so great as the Platonic and was generally con-
B
fined to some of his logical writings, which were incorporat-
IBLIOGRAPHY
ed into the early medieval Greek and Latin educational
A general survey on the nature and origins of Arianism can be
found in Jaroslav Pelikan’s The Emergence of the Catholic Tra-
program. Most of Aristotle’s writings, especially the scientif-
dition, 100–600, vol. 1 of The Christian Tradition: A History
ic, were either unknown or ignored in the West until they
of the Development of Doctrine (Chicago, 1971). Thomas A.
were translated from Arabic several centuries later.
Kopecek’s A History of Neo-Arianism, 2 vols., “Patristic
Monograph Series,” no. 8 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), as well
By the ninth century a distinctive intellectual tradition
as Robert C. Gregg and Dennis E. Groh’s Early Arianism:
had emerged in the Muslim world. Its practitioners, the
A View of Salvation (Philadelphia, 1981), are useful introduc-
fala¯sifah (“philosophers”), were set off from and opposed to
tions to specific aspects of Arianism. A survey of current re-
the mutakallimu¯n (“theologians”). These Muslim philoso-
search is provided in Arianism: Historical and Theological Re-
phers, the first of whom was probably al-Kind¯ı (803–873),
assessments, edited by Robert C. Gregg (Philadelphia, 1985).
attempted to assimilate the Greek philosophical tradition as
CHARLES KANNENGIESSER (1987)
they knew it and to formulate a conception of Islam as a reli-
gion in philosophical terms. The most notable of these phi-
losophers were al-Fa¯ra¯b¯ı (870–950), Ibn S¯ına¯ (980–1037;
known in the Latin-speaking world as Avicenna), and Ibn
ARISTOTELIANISM is a school and style of philoso-
Rushd (1126–1198; Averroës). Each represented a further
phy that flourished throughout the Middle Ages in four lan-
development and refinement of Aristotle’s philosophy, with
guages and over three continents and that persists even now.
increasing liberation from the Plotinian supplements and in-
Aristotle’s school, the Lyceum, continued after his death
terpretations that had accumulated along the way. This in-
under the leadership of his students, most notably Theo-
corporation of Aristotle into the “house of Islam” did not
phrastus (c. 371–c. 286 BCE). The vigor and brilliance of the
pass unchallenged, and at times the Islamic opposition to Ar-
Aristotelian legacy diminished after Theophrastus and were
istotelian philosophy was quite strong.
revived only after several centuries, but the editing of Aristot-
le’s writings under the supervision of Andronicus of Rhodes
Once Arabicized, Aristotle’s writings began to spread
was accomplished around 30 BCE in Rome. The work of An-
into other languages. Since the majority of medieval Jewry
dronicus laid the literary foundations of the philosophical
was living in the Muslim world and speaking and writing Ar-
tradition of Aristotelianism. The philosophical, as distinct
abic, the Arabic translations of Aristotle eventually became
from the philological, study and development of Aristotelian
part of the Jewish philosophical tradition, which, although
philosophy owes much to Alexander of Aphrodisias (fl. 200
small, comprised a continuous series of notable thinkers
CE). His commentaries on Aristotle’s Metaphysics and On the
throughout the Middle Ages. By the middle of the twelfth
Soul became classics and were studied carefully by later Mus-
century, Aristotle had so thoroughly captivated the Jewish
lim and Jewish philosophers. Another important ancient
philosophical world that the earlier Neoplatonic writers were
commentator was Themistius (fl. fourth century CE) in Con-
not only eclipsed but almost obliterated. From Maimonides
stantinople, whose paraphrase of book 12 of Aristotle’s Meta-
(1135/8–1204) on, Jewish philosophical and theological lit-
physics became a classic treatise in natural theology and was
erature was dominated by Aristotle. As in Islam, Jewish
translated into Arabic, Hebrew, and Latin. Beginning in the
thinkers in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, such as
fifth century, extremely valuable and influential commen-
Yitsh:aq Albalag and Mosheh Narboni, absorbed Aristotle’s
taries on Aristotle’s works were written by a group of scholar-
ideas. Critical response was sometimes moderate and some-
philosophers who were more influenced by Plato and Ploti-
times severe and thoroughgoing. Nevertheless, Aristotle’s in-
nus than by Aristotle himself. Although most of these com-
fluence was still prominent in Jewish thought throughout the
mentators were non-Christian, for instance, Simplicius (fl.
Renaissance, diminishing only in the seventeenth century.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
480
ARISTOTELIANISM
The Latinizing of Aristotle occurred both early and late.
The same is true with respect to his doctrine of finitism. The
In the sixth century the Roman writer and civil servant Bo-
medievals shared his general prejudice against the infinite
ethius translated some of Aristotle’s logical treatises into
and believed with him that the world is a “closed” system:
Latin; but these first fruits were to be the only works of Aris-
finite in size and in the number of individuals contained
totle available in the Latin world until the late twelfth centu-
within it.
ry. Because of this lack the Latin philosophical world of the
Middle Ages was for several centuries relatively “dark,” while
Aristotle’s philosophy of nature was also attractive to the
the Arabic-Hebrew world was “enlightened.” This cultural
medieval mind because it allowed for theology. His theory
gap was, however, to vanish. Initially Aristotle’s works were
of celestial motion provides the premises for a proof for the
rendered into Latin from Arabic or Hebrew along with the
existence of a deity; indeed, Aristotle himself gives such a
commentaries of Ibn S¯ına¯ and Ibn Rushd; later Latin transla-
proof, one that was developed by medieval philosophers and
tions were made directly from the Greek, although these
theologians through the thirteenth century. Eventually, Aris-
were less common until the fifteenth century. By the middle
totle’s own natural theology, sketched out in Metaphysics 12,
of the thirteenth century, Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274)
became the philosophical paradigm according to which
had virtually the entire Aristotelian corpus at his disposal and
many medieval thinkers developed their own theories of di-
was thus able to do for the Christian world what Maimoni-
vine attributes. Further, Aristotle’s theory of celestial motion
des and Ibn Rushd had tried to do for their coreligionists:
allowed for a plurality of “unmoved movers” of the heavenly
establish a philosophical interpretation of the religious beliefs
spheres, although one of them—God—was regarded as pri-
of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam within the general con-
mary. Medieval philosophers took this doctrine even further
ceptual framework of Aristotle’s philosophy.
and, under the influence of Plotinian themes, developed a
cosmology within which various levels and kinds of cosmic
Subsequent Christian theologians and philosophers
intellects, or powers, devoid of matter, function within the
continued Thomas’s work by writing commentaries upon
universe. Aristotle’s cosmos became to the medieval mind a
Aristotle’s treatises and composing philosophical books in
richly diversified scale of being, some of whose rungs were
which Aristotle’s ideas were either expanded or criticized. By
occupied by intellectual forces that were inferior to the su-
the thirteenth century Aristotle was referred to in Arabic,
preme mind, God, but superior to all embodied souls or ani-
Hebrew, and Latin as “the Philosopher.” His writings consti-
mate beings, such as humans, dogs, and roses. At this point
tuted almost the entire philosophical library and curriculum
a marriage between Aristotle and Plotinus had been ar-
of the medieval world until the fifteenth century, when signs
ranged, one that the biblical doctrine of angels either moti-
of a Platonic revival begin to surface in Renaissance Italy. But
vated or could easily be fitted into. The biblical angels were
even in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, such think-
indeed identified by al-Fa¯ra¯b¯ı and Maimonides as Aristotle’s
ers as Giordano Bruno (1548–1600) and Galileo (1564–
separate, unmoved movers. In this context we have really a
1642) suffered because of the power of the Aristotelian pro-
marriage among three partners: Aristotle, Plotinus, and
fessors and theologians at Italian universities.
scripture.
INFLUENCE OF ARISTOTELIANISM. Perhaps the most attrac-
One Aristotelian idea that proved to be troublesome,
tive feature of Aristotle’s philosophy is its comprehensive-
however, was the thesis of the eternity of the world. After all,
ness. It is not just that Aristotle wrote on every topic from
what could be more clear or explicit than Genesis 1:1: “In the
astronomy to zoology but more that what he did write added
beginning God created the heavens and the earth”?
up to an integrated system of thought that made good sense
Throughout the Middle Ages, Muslim, Jewish, and Chris-
out of ordinary human experience. Aristotle’s philosophy be-
tian thinkers wrestled with what appeared to be an irreconcil-
gins with logic, and the first translations of Aristotle were the
able conflict between Aristotle and scripture on this funda-
Latin versions of several of his logical treatises. Logic was to
mental cosmological doctrine. Various solutions were
be a steady interest of medieval philosophers, who, in Latin,
proposed, some veering toward Aristotle, others toward
Arabic, and Hebrew, continued to develop, refine, and sup-
scripture. Of the former variety was the view of the Muslim
plement Aristotelian logic as a topic-neutral discipline.
philosophers who developed a doctrine of eternal creation,
In most medieval curricula the subject studied after
whereby the universe eternally emanates from God, its first
logic was natural science, an area of pervasive interest to Aris-
and ultimate cause. Others, like Levi ben Gershom, or Ger-
totle, who wrote treatises in both the physical and the biolog-
sonides (1288–1344), a French-Jewish philosopher and as-
ical sciences. In addition to his separate studies in the special
tronomer, criticized and rejected the Aristotelian eternity
sciences, Aristotle developed his scientific views into a gener-
thesis altogether and defended the biblical doctrine of cre-
al theory of nature, a “philosophy of nature.” The medievals
ation. But at this point the creationist camp split: some advo-
took Aristotle’s general cosmological scheme for granted and
cated the idea, an “absurdity” to the Greeks, that God creat-
usually adopted its main principles. The Aristotelian cosmos
ed the world ex nihilo; others, a small minority including
is a well-ordered physical system in which natural processes
Gersonides, adopted the Platonic suggestion of a divine
follow regular patterns and determinate goals. Aristotle’s
sculptor crafting the world out of formless, uncreated matter
doctrine of natural teleology was a medieval commonplace.
(see Gersonides’ The Wars of the Lord 6.1.17). Some think-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARISTOTELIANISM
481
ers, however, believed that this question was not philosophi-
verse in which the heavenly bodies move according to their
cally decidable and that one had to appeal to revelation for
own inherent motion, without unmoved movers. Such a uni-
the correct answer. This cosmological agnosticism was advo-
verse, Crescas insisted, manifests God’s infinite power.
cated by Thomas Aquinas and was accepted by many Chris-
tian theologians thereafter (Summa theologiae 1.46.2).
Another persisting perplexity that the medievals inherit-
ed from Aristotle had to do with his psychology. Aristotle’s
The question of creation proved to have more than just
obscure, indeed mysterious remarks about “the intellect that
cosmological implications. Inseparably bound up with it was
makes all things” and “the intellect that becomes all things”
the issue of miracles and divine omnipotence. Maimonides
(On the Soul 3.5) turned out to be one of the most comment-
welded the link between these questions quite tightly: the af-
ed-upon passages in his entire corpus. His somewhat paren-
firmation of the world’s eternity implied strict determinism,
thetical comment that the former intellect might be immor-
which rules out, he claimed, the possibility of miracles (see
tal and eternal aggravated the matter and opened up a can
his The Guide of the Perplexed 2.25). In turn, the denial of
of philosophical and theological worms. What did Aristotle
miracles implies a serious restriction on God’s omnipotence.
mean by an active mind and a passive mind? Where are these
By the end of the thirteenth century some of the more “irrec-
intellects? Are they immanent within the human mind or
oncilable” philosophical and scientific theses of Aristotle and
transcendent? How do these different intellectual functions
the Muslim philosophers were condemned as heretical and
work? Wherein lies the immortality of the intellect? These
false by Stephen Tempier, bishop of Paris. Aristotle’s doc-
were only a few of the questions that were to vex Aristotle’s
trine of the eternity of the universe was equated with a cur-
commentators and medieval disciples.
tailment of God’s infinite power.
Alexander of Aphrodisias made several important termi-
A number of modern scholars have maintained that al-
nological and conceptual clarifications of this passage. Dub-
though the 1277 condemnation by Stephen Tempier super-
bing the active intellectual part the “agent intellect” (nous
ficially looks like theological interference with philosophical
poi¯etikos) and the passive part the “material intellect” (nous
inquiry, it really was not. Instead, these scholars claim, think-
hulikos), he went on to claim that the former is a unique,
ers were thus liberated from their Aristotelian fetters and
transcendent incorporeal power identical with God, whereas
were free to pursue lines of thought, particularly scientific
the latter is a corporeal disposition of the human body. The
hypotheses, that previously had not been open to them and
agent intellect is the active cause in human cognition; the
that were ultimately to replace Aristotelian physics. Whether
material intellect is the receptive, or passive, capacity to ac-
or not the condemnation itself led to a more critical ap-
quire knowledge. Finally, the mature human intellect per-
proach to Aristotelian natural philosophy is difficult to deter-
fected by its accumulated cognitions is the “acquired intel-
mine. What is undoubtedly true is that from the fourteenth
lect” (nous epikt¯etos). It is this last member of this cognitive
century on there was a growing dissatisfaction with some of
trio that Alexander suggests might be immortal. Jewish,
the more important ideas in Aristotle’s cosmology and phys-
Christian, and Muslim thinkers agreed that the agent intel-
ics. That this critique took place in the Jewish philosophical
lect was not only the primary active cause in human intellec-
orbit too suggests that it was not so much Stephen Tempier
tion but also a major factor in prophecy. The prophet is a
who stimulated the critical spirit as the continuous close
person whose intellect is so perfect that he is eligible to re-
study of Aristotle’s ideas by independent-minded philoso-
ceive a special “overflow” from the agent intellect that makes
phers and theologians. Gersonides, living far from Paris, crit-
him the recipient of divine information, which he conveys
icized Aristotle’s major principle of mechanics, the theorem
to other people. The ordinary religious believer refers to the
that every moving body is moved by an external mover. With
agent intellect as an angel, since scripture, written in the lan-
the rejection of this physical principle, the argument for the
guage of ordinary people, depicts the agent intellect figura-
existence of God as the first unmoved mover fails.
tively so as to give the reader some idea of how prophecy is
given.
Perhaps the most thoroughgoing and profound pre-
modern critique of Aristotelian natural philosophy was de-
A number of Parisian philosophers, following Ibn
veloped by the Spanish-Jewish theologian H:asdai Crescas
Rushd’s conclusion that agent intellect and material intellect
(1340–1420). Wanting to undermine the whole medieval
are virtually and actually one, could not quite reconcile that
Aristotelian tradition in Jewish theology, Crescas correctly
view with their religious belief in individual immortality.
focused his efforts upon the basic physical theorems of Aris-
Thus emerged the notorious doctrine of the double truth,
totle. One by one these cornerstones crumble under Cres-
according to which what is taught by divine revelation may
cas’s acute criticisms. Why can’t there be an actual infinite?
not be compatible with what is taught by sound philosophy.
Why can’t there be a vacuum? Do the heavenly bodies need
Throughout the late thirteenth century the Latin philosophi-
to be continuously moved by external, incorporeal unmoved
cal-theological scene was obsessed with this issue, until the
movers? Why can’t there be a successive series or even a si-
“Latin Averroists” were finally suppressed. In this battle to
multaneous plurality of worlds? These and other questions
“protect the faith” Thomas Aquinas wrote a polemical essay
eventually led Crescas to reject the whole Aristotelian physi-
against the Averroists. According to him, the agent intellect
cal system. In its place he suggested an actually infinite uni-
is not a unique transcendent power but is immanent in each
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
482
ARISTOTELIANISM
human mind, which is as a whole a substance capable of in-
Antike und Mittelalter. Beiträge zu seiner Erforschung, edited
dependent existence. Individual immortality is thereby en-
by Wilhelm Geerlings and Christian Schluz, pp. 201–251.
sured (Summa theologiae 1.75, 76, 79, and On the Unicity of
Leiden-Boston-Köln, 2002.
the Intellect: Against the Averroists).
Davidson, Herbert A. “Alfarabi and Avicenna on the active intel-
Despite the various criticisms made of these different as-
lect.” Viator 3 (1972): 109–178.
pects of Aristotle’s doctrines, his influence remained strong
Davidson, Herbert A. Alfarabi, Avicenna, and Averroes on Intellect:
throughout the Middle Ages and even in the Renaissance.
Their Cosmologies, Theories of the Active Intellect, and Theories
Galileo’s frequent sarcastic and mordant criticisms of the
of Human Intellect. New York, 1992.
“simple-minded” Aristotelian professors, who prefer to look
Donini, Pier Luigi. Tre studi sull’aristotelismo nel secondo secolo d.c.
at the heavens in their books rather than through the tele-
Torino, 1974.
scope, testify to the still-living tradition of Aristotelian
Donini, Pier Luigi. Le scuole, l’anima, l’impero. Torino, 1983.
thought in the seventeenth century.
Endress, Gerhard, Jan Aertsen, and Klaus Braun, eds. Averroes and
Aristotelianism was influential in the twentieth century
the Aristotelian Tradition. Leiden-Boston, 1999.
in Roman Catholic theological circles and in university facul-
Theophrastus of Eresus. Sources for His Life, Writings, Thought and
ties. Recently, however, the Aristotelian imprint upon Chris-
Influence, edited and translated by W. W. Fortenbaugh,
tian theology has begun to seem either foreign or obsolete
P. M. Huby, Robert W. Sharples and Dimitri Gutas, togeth-
to theologians who look to modern philosophers for inspira-
er with A. D. Barker, J. J. Keaney, D. C. Mirhady, David
Sedley, and M. G. Sollenberger, Part One. Leiden-New
tion. Nevertheless, Aristotle’s metaphysical ideas and vocab-
York-Cologne, 1992.
ulary persist and are defended or at least employed by some
contemporary Anglo-American philosophers, such as P. F.
Garfagnini Gian Carlo. Aristotelismo e Scolastica. Torino, 1979.
Strawson, who consider him to be one of the more
Genequand, Charles. Ibn Rushd Metaphysics. Leiden, 1984.
suggestive thinkers in the classical tradition of Western
Gutas, Dimitri. Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition. Leiden,
philosophy.
1988. Gutas, Dimitri. Greek Philosophers in the Arabic Tradi-
tion. Aldershot, 2001.
SEE ALSO Attributes of God; Falsafah; Humanism; Logic;
Gutas, Dimitri. Greek Thought, Arabic Culture: The Graeco-Arabic
Neoplatonism; Nominalism; Proofs for the Existence of
Translation Movement in Baghdad and Early EAbba¯sid Society.
God; Scholasticism; Science and Religion; Soul; Theology.
London, 1998.
Hadot, Ilsetraut. Le problème du néoplatonisme alexandrin. Hiéro-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
clès et Simplicius. Paris, 1978.
Copleston, Frederick C. A History of Philosophy, vols. 2 & 3, Medi-
Irmscher, Joachim. “Die spätantiken Aristoteleskommentatoren
eval Philosophy. London, 1946. The most comprehensive
in ihrer geschichtlichen Umwelt.” In Romanitas-
survey of medieval philosophy in English.
Christianitas. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Literatur
Crombie, Alistair C. Medieval and Early Modern Science. 2d rev.
der römischen Kaiserzeit. Johannes Straub zum 70. Geburtstag
ed. 2 vols. New York, 1959. Very good on the medieval re-
am 18. Oktober 1982 gewidmet, edited by Gerhard Wirth,
ception and development of the Aristotelian scientific legacy.
pp. 411–425. Berlin, 1982.
Düring, Ingemar. Aristotle in the Ancient Biographical Tradition.
Lauth, Bernhard. Formallogische Untersuchungen zu Aristoteles und
Stockholm, 1957.
Thomas von Aquin. Munich, 1988.
Guttman, Julius. Philosophies of Judaism. New York, 1964. Part
Lee, Tae-Soo. Die griechische Tradition der aristotelischen Syllogistik
2 includes an excellent discussion of Jewish Aristotelianism.
in der Spätantike. Eine Untersuchung über die Kommentare zu
Peters, F. E. Aristotle and the Arabs. New York, 1968. A most use-
den Analytica priora von Alexander Aphrodisiensis, Ammonius
ful account of the transmission of Aristotle to the Arab-
und Philoponus. Göttingen, 1984.
speaking world.
Luna, Concetta. Trois études sur la tradition des commentaires an-
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Petersen, Peter. Geschichte der aristotelischen Philosophie im prote-
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dert. Leiden, 1965.
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filosofia della prima modernità: Atti del Colloquio internazion-
Revised Bibliography
ale in memoria di Charles B. Schmitt, Padova, 4–6 settembre
2000. Rome, 2002.
Pines, Salomo. The Collected Works. Studies in Arabic Versions of
Greek Texts and in Medieval Science. Leiden, 1986.
ARISTOTLE (384–322 BCE), along with Plato, was the
Pozzo, Riccardo, ed. The Impact of Aristotelianism on Modern Phi-
greatest philosopher of antiquity. His influence on Western
losophy. Washington DC, 2004. Renaissance readings of the
philosophical and scientific culture has been enormous, and
Corpus Aristotelicum. Proceedings of the conference held in Co-
even in the twenty-first century in many fields of knowledge
penhagen 23 – 25 april 1998, ed. by Marianne Pade. Copen-
(metaphysics, logic, ethics, biology, and psychology) the
hagen, 2001.
name of Aristotle represents an important point of reference.
Rohls, Jan. Wilhelm von Auvergne und der mittelalterliche Aristo-
LIFE AND WORKS. Aristotle was born in the city of Stagira
telismus. Gottesbegriff und aristotelische Philosophie zwischen
in northern Greece and at the age of seventeen moved to
Augustin und Thomas von Aquin. Munich, 1980.
Athens, where for about twenty years he attended the Acade-
Schmitt, Charles. John Case and Aristotelianism in Renaissance En-
my, the school founded by Plato. There he obtained an ex-
gland. Kingston, Ont., 1983.
tensive and liberal education, ranging from logic to natural
Seidl, Horst. “Remarques sur la doctrine aristotélicienne de
philosophy, from metaphysics to astronomy. From 360 BCE
l’essence et son développement chez saint Thomas d’Aquin.”
onward he held regular courses and seminars within the
Revue de Philosophie Ancienne 14 (1996): 39–55.
Academy. After the death of Plato in 348 BCE, Aristotle left
Sharples, Robert W. “Alexander of Aphrodisias. Scholasticism and
Athens and the Academy, traveling to Atarneus, Assus, and
innovation.” In Aufstieg und Niedergand der Römischen Welt
Mytilene and then to Pella, where he was the tutor of Alexan-
2.36.2, pp. 1176–1243. Berlin-New York, 1987.
der the Great, the future ruler of Greece, for about three
Sharples, Robert W. “Aristotelian Tradition after Aristotle.” In
years. During this period Aristotle concentrated his efforts
Traditions of Theolgy. Studies in Hellenistic theology. Its back-
on the study of biology and zoology and produced his scien-
ground and Aftermath, ed. by Dorothea Frede and André
tific works. From 335 BCE he was once again back in Athens,
Laks, pp. 1–40. Leiden, 2002.
where he founded the Lyceum, a school that rivaled the insti-
Sharples, Robert W., ed. Whose Aristotle? Whose Aristotelianism?,
tution established by Plato and headed at that time by Xe-
Aldershot, 2001.
nocrates. The composition or definitive arrangement of Aris-
Sharples, Robert W. Alexander of Aphrodisias on Fate. London,
totle’s major scholarly works may be dated to this period of
1983.
teaching at the Lyceum.
Sorabji, Richard, ed. Aristotle and After. London, 1997.
The writings of Aristotle are traditionally divided into
Sorabji, Richard, ed. Aristotle Transformed: The Ancient Commen-
two groups: those intended for publication, the so-called ex-
tators and Their Influence. Ithaca, 1990.
oteric works (exoterikoi logoi), and those written for internal
Sorabji, Richard, ed. Philoponus and the Rejection of Aristotelian
use in the school and thus termed acroamatic (from akroasis,
Science. Ithaca, 1987.
what is heard, thus heard in a lesson) or esoteric. The first
Sorabji, Richard. Necessity, Cause, and Blame. Perspectives on Aris-
group includes dialogues, such as the Protrepticus (an exhor-
totle’s Theory. Ithaca, 1980.
tation to philosophy), On Philosophy, and Eudemus, as well
Steel, Carlos. “Des commentaires d’Aristote par Thémistius.”
as doctrinal and polemical works, such as On the Good and
Revue Philosophique de Louvain 71 (1973): 669–680.
On Ideas; the second includes the major treatises written for
Tommasi, Francesco V. “Franz Albert Aepinus, l’aristotelismo
his school, such as Metaphysics, Physics, On the Heaven, Ni-
tedesco e Kant. Un contributo per la comprensione della filo-
comachean Ethics, Eudemian Ethics, On the Soul, Rhetorics,
sofia critica tra metafisica ed epistemologia.” Archivio di filo-
Poetics, the works on biology and zoology (On the Parts of
sofia 71 (2003): 333–358).
Animals, The History of Animals), and the works of logic
Verbeke, Gérard. D’Aristote à Thomas d’Aquin: antécédents de la
(Categories, Topics, Analytics). By a quirk of fate only those
pensée moderne. Leuven, 1990. Watt, John W. “From
works not intended for publication, that is, the acroamatic
Themistius to al-Farabi.” Rhetorica 13 (1995): 17–41.
or esoteric texts, still exist, whereas none of the works pub-
Weidmann, H. Metaphysik und Sprache. Eine sprachphilosophische
lished by Aristotle has survived. Knowledge of these relies
Untersuchung zu Thomas von Aquin und Aristoteles. Freiburg,
upon quotations from later writers.
1975.
THE THEOLOGY OF THE YOUNG ARISTOTLE. In the twenti-
Wiesner, Jürgen, ed. Aristoteles. Werk und Wirkung. Paul Moraux
eth century there were a number of studies concerning the
Gewidmet, Berlin, 1987.
so-called theology of the young Aristotle. In the dialogue On
Wisnovsky, Robert. Avicenna’s Metaphysics in Context. Ithaca,
Philosophy, Aristotle probably alluded to two divinities, one
2003.
cosmic, represented by the heavens (alive and composed of
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
484
ARISTOTLE
ether), the other metacosmic, in all probability represented
that they are represented by opposites (love and strife, thick
by the unmoved prime mover, “Thought of Thought.” In
and thin, night and day). Because they do not, however, in-
any case it seems certain that he laid down a clear order of
tersect with each other, it is necessary to recognize a third
importance between the two divinities, making the meta-
principle. Furthermore in order to talk about becoming,
cosmic divinity, that is the prime mover, superior to the
something must become, and in particular there is a certain
heavens, whose very movement depended upon the un-
reality that remains constant during the process of becoming.
moved mover. In the Eudemus he developed a theory of the
Aristotle thus divides any natural event into three constituent
soul, even if it is unclear whether in this dialogue Aristotle
parts: the start is characterized by the absence or lack (steresis)
supported a radical dualism between body and soul like that
of the form the object is to attain; the end in which the reality
of Plato or presented the idea of the soul as a form and func-
concerned takes on the form (eidos) with which the process
tion of the body just as in the work On the Soul. The Protrep-
ends or is fulfilled; and a third element that remains un-
ticus finally contained proof of the superiority of the contem-
changed during the process and provides its unitary aspect,
plative or speculative life, that is to say the truly philosophical
that is, the subject or underlying substrate (hypokeimenon).
way of life. The latter was considered divine, because it re-
If the event to be described is the process of Socrates growing
veals man as like God, who is Thought, that is pure contem-
old, the steresis is Socrates when he is not old, the form is Soc-
plative activity. The Protrepticus also contained an important
rates when he is old, and the underlying substrate or subject
argument in support of the unavoidable nature of philoso-
is Socrates himself.
phy, because even the rejection of the same requires its use
in argument and thus “playing philosophy.”
It is important to understand that according to the Aris-
totelian concept the principles of becoming are not things
NATURE AND ITS PRINCIPLES. The starting point of Aristot-
but rather aspects of the things, points of view through which
le’s philosophical thinking can be identified in the rejection
it is possible to analyze the mechanisms of change (Physics,
of the theory of the forms put forward by Plato. Even during
I). A similar function is elaborated upon from the concepts
the years he spent at the Academy, Aristotle distanced him-
of potentiality (dynamis) and actuality (energeia, entelecheia).
self from the theories of his teacher. Moving from a systemat-
These make natural processes intelligible and can be consid-
ic analysis of language, especially predicative language, Aris-
ered the realization of an already existing potentiality. Aris-
totle singled out the primary meaning of being, upon which
totle thus introduces the dimension of finalism and teleology
everything else somehow depends. This first meaning is rep-
into the analysis of the nature of becoming. Being and be-
resented by the category of substance (ousia), which in its
coming of things may be analyzed from a causal perspective,
purest form is identified with the particular individual. In
because knowledge is the knowledge of cause (aitia). Accord-
order to be able to describe a particular reality as old (quali-
ing to Aristotle there are four kinds of cause: material cause,
ty), as 170 centimeters tall (quantity), as in the Lyceum
that is, the matter (hyle) from which something is made; for-
(place), as married to Xanthippe (relation) one must recog-
mal cause, that is, its form (eidos) and its organizing princi-
nize the existence of an individual, in this case Socrates, all
ple; efficient cause, that is, the moving principle (to kinoun);
these attributes pertain to or are inherent in him. In its fullest
and final cause, that is, the purpose (telos) why something
meaning therefore being is not that of ideas, that is, of uni-
is what it is or an event takes place (Physics, II).
versals, but rather of substances, namely particular individu-
als or things (Socrates, a dog, the computer used to type these
The kind of motion characteristic of natural realities
words).
also depends upon the elements of which they are composed.
Those that belong to the sublunar world are made of four
The concept of substance expressed in the Categories is
traditional elements (earth, air, fire, and water). That is to
presumed in the analysis of the principles and causes of na-
say they are subject to decay and naturally inclined to move
ture (physis) developed in the first two books of the Physics.
in straight lines. Heavenly bodies, meaning the stars, are
Here too Aristotle starts by rejecting the Platonic theory of
made of a fifth element, the well-known ether, which is the
forms, especially the claim that the causes of the existence of
reason for their incorruptibility and the circular motion they
sense objects may be seen in forms. According to Aristotle
have.
the common condition of all natural reality consists of mo-
tion, namely in the fact that all natural beings are subject to
“FIRST PHILOSOPHY.” Aristotle called physics “second phi-
processes of reproduction and decay, of alteration, modifica-
losophy” to distinguish it from “first philosophy,” that is,
tion, and movement, and that they contain within them-
from the branch of study that has been given the name
selves the cause of this change. Platonic forms, which are un-
“metaphysics” by Western tradition. “First philosophy”
moved and separate, cannot in fact be the causes of natural
(prote philosophia) can be distinguished from physics on two
reality because they are not able to explain the essential char-
grounds: (a) the universality of its object, which is not a sin-
acteristic of the latter, namely that they are subject to move-
gle aspect of being but rather the study of “being as such,”
ment (kinesis) and change (metabol¯e).
and (b) on account of the value and elevated nature of this
object, which is ontologically superior to the realities of the
In his study of the principles of motion, Aristotle begins
physical world. In modern philosophy these two have been
by recognizing, in common with many of his predecessors,
given the names metaphysica generalis (or ontology) and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARISTOTLE
485
metaphysica specialis (or theology). Thus a philosopher such
thought of the most elevated object, that is, itself. The princi-
as Martin Heidegger held Aristotle responsible for founding
ple of motion must be “thought of thought” (no¯esis no¯eseo¯s).
ontotheology, namely Western metaphysics. Studies have
Aristotle calls this being God (theos) as well as living an eter-
shown nonetheless Aristotle’s first philosophy was neither
nal and perfect life like the gods. The traditional interpreta-
one thing nor the other. Rather, it was essentially a theory
tion attributes final causality to the unmoved mover. He
of substance because substance is the most important of the
moves the first heaven, that is the heaven of fixed stars, in
meanings of being. Being can be spoken of with many mean-
which he is loved. This is possible because the heavens (or
ings (to on pollacho¯s legetai), but all relate to one principal
the celestial spheres) are given a soul, which longs for and
meaning, that of substance (Metaphysics, IV). This idea has
loves the immovable mover, and via their circular motion the
been called focal meaning, because it regards the meanings of
heavens try to imitate the absolute immobility of the latter
being on the basis of the relationship with one unique princi-
as far as possible. In the twentieth century there was a new
pal meaning (pros hen Relation). The task of first philosophy
interpretation, according to which the unmoved mover does
is also to investigate what belongs to being as such, that is,
not move as a final cause but rather as a cause of motion, that
its common attributes, such as unity and multiplicity, identi-
is, efficient. He moves in the same way as the soul, except
ty and diversity (medieval transcendentals). Furthermore it
that the unmoved mover is transcendent with regard to the
should also study the principle common to all demonstra-
heavens, whereas the soul is immanent to what moves.
tions and therefore to all being: the principle of noncontra-
In Book VI of the Metaphysics, Aristotle attempts to
diction. This cannot be proved directly (because it is the basis
bring together the two perspectives of “first philosophy,”
of every proof), but it can be dialectically demonstrated that
namely its universality and the value of its object. He asserts
it is impossible to refute (Metaphysics, IV).
that “first philosophy” is first because its object consists of
First philosophy is transformed into a theory of sub-
unmoved substances and is thus also universal, and its task
stance (Metaphysics, VII–IX), because substance is the first
will be to investigate being as such and its characteristics.
meaning of being. For Aristotle substance is the specific indi-
ETHICS AND POLITICS: HAPPINESS. Physics, “first philoso-
vidual composed of form and matter. Yet still more sub-
phy,” and mathematics are theoretical sciences; their aim is
stance is the form (eidos) that determines the being-as-it-is
in essence a dispassionate knowledge of reality. For Aristotle
of a particular matter. In this sense substance as form or es-
beside theoretical exist practical disciplines, that is, directed
sence is the cause of being of the individual (Metaphysics,
toward action (praxis). These comprise the fields of ethics
VII). In contrast to the Platonic forms, the Aristotelian sub-
(relating to individual moral action) and politics (concerning
stances-forms are not universal but rather individual, that is,
the action of the community). The ultimate aim of action
they belong individually to the things of which they are
is, according to Aristotle, the attainment of happiness (eudai-
forms. Form is therefore the organizing principle of matter.
monia) (Nicomachean Ethics, I). For human beings the condi-
In terms of definition the forms of individuals of the same
tion of happiness corresponds to the fulfillment of the high-
species are identical, but in numerical terms each individual
est form of life, that is, the one related to the highest function
has its own form. In the case of living beings the form is the
of the soul. The rational soul has two parts, the calculating
soul, which represents the organizing vital principle of the
part (logistikon) and the scientific part (epistemonikon). A par-
body (On the Soul, I–II). Contrary to Plato, Aristotle consid-
ticular virtue corresponds to each of these: respectively prac-
ers the soul inseparable from the body, even if he does con-
tical wisdom (phronesis) and theoretical wisdom (sophia).
cede the possibility that part of it, the famous active intellect
Both are dianoetic virtues, that is, they concern thought
(nous poietikos), is independent of the body—arising in it
(dianoia) (Nicomachean Ethics, VI). Because a part of the soul
from outside—and perhaps immortal (On the Soul, III). In
had to do with the emotions and passions, it is necessary to
any case the active intellect is not the unmoved prime mover,
recognize corresponding virtues here. This means the famous
as Alexander of Aphrodisia thought.
ethical virtues of courage, temperance, and liberality. Each
of these represents the golden mean between two extremes,
The most famous idea of Aristotle is in Book XII of the
excess and deficiency (Nicomachean Ethics, II). Of the two
Metaphysics and concerns the “immovable prime mover.”
dianoetic virtues, sophia concerns those aspects of reality that
This probably dates back to his youth and is not easy to rec-
cannot be other than they are, that is, what is essential: it rep-
oncile with subsequent teachings. The observation of the
resents a kind of theoretical reason. When they achieve the
eternity of motion and time caused Aristotle to postulate
highest form of life, contemplation, human beings are simi-
the existence of eternal principles, which are the cause of the
lar to God, who is, however, greater, because he lives eternal-
eternal nature of physical motion. The latter finds its most
ly in that single state that people may only attain for a limited
elevated expression in the motion of the heavens. Aristotle
time (Nicomachean Ethics, X).
observes that the cause of eternal motion must be an active
and unmoved reality, otherwise it would itself require a prin-
Phronesis, on the other hand, deals with those things
ciple and so on ad infinitum. Since the highest and most
that can be other than they are, that is, contingent reality:
noble activity consists of thought (no¯esis), this principle must
in this sense it represents practical reasoning. According to
be identified with thought and in precise terms with the
Aristotle the supreme practical virtue, phronesis, consists in
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
486
ARJUNA
the ability to establish suitable means to achieve determined
Chroust, Anton Hermann. Aristotle: New Light on His Life and on
ends. However, the latter seem to be set outside the delibera-
Some of His Lost Works. 2 vols. London, 1973.
tive dimension of practical philosophy. The identification of
Dumoulin, Bertrand. Recherches sur le premier Aristote. Paris,
ends depends upon an act of the will (boulesis), which is inde-
1981.
pendent of phronesis. For Aristotle indeed the determination
Philosophy of nature
of the ends of praxis by the will belongs to the realm of incli-
Lang, Helen S. The Order of Nature in Aristotle’s Physics. Cam-
nations and desire, which are not subject to practical reason-
bridge, U.K., 1998.
ing. This position has led some contemporary interpreters to
Sorabji, Richard. Necessity, Cause, and Blame: Perspectives in Aris-
charge Aristotelian ethics with making conservative assump-
totle’s Theory. Ithaca, N.Y., 1980.
tions, as it does not seem to possess rational criteria to legiti-
Sorabji, Richard. Matter, Space, and Motion. Ithaca, N.Y., 1988.
mize the selection of the ends of action and risks basing the
Wieland, Wolfang. Die aristotelische Physik. Göttingen, Germany,
scope of ends on accepted prevalent values in a particular so-
1970.
ciety. This discussion belongs to the so-called re-
Metaphysics, epistemology, and psychology
establishment of practical philosophy.
Aubenque, Pierre. Le problème de l’être chez Aristote. Paris, 1962.
“Man is by nature a political animal” (Politics, III) is a
David, Charles. Aristotle on Meaning and Essence. Oxford, 2000.
statement that inicates that the social aspect is essential for
Frede, Michael, and Charles David, eds. Aristotle’s Metaphysics
the attainment of well-being. The two basic units of social
Lambda. Oxford, 2000.
life are the family and the state, that is the polis. The family
Furth, Montgomery. Substance, Form, and Psyche. Cambridge,
consists of not only husband, wife, and children but also the
U.K., 1988.
slaves and the household generally (oikos) and its property.
Irwin, Terence. Aristotle’s First Principles. Oxford, 1988.
To Aristotle women were naturally subordinate to men, chil-
Reale, Giovanni. The Concept of First Philosophy and the Unity of
dren to their father, and slaves to their master. The purpose
the Metaphysics of Aristotle. Albany, N.Y., 1980.
of the family was the preservation of the human species and
Scaltsas, Theodor, Charles David, and Marie-Luise Gill, eds.
property. The states have different kinds of constitutions, de-
Unity, Identity, and Explanation in Aristotle’s Metaphysics.
pending upon whether they are governed by an individual,
Oxford, 1994.
a restricted group, or the entire citizen body. The first of
Shields, Christopher. Order in Multiplicity: Homonymy in the Phi-
these is a monarchy, the second an aristocracy, and the third
losophy of Aristotle. Oxford, 1999.
a politeia, that is, the positive form of democracy. Each of
Spellman, Lynne. Substance and Separation in Aristotle. Cam-
these three kinds of constitutions also has a debased form,
bridge, U.K., 1995.
which occurs when those who govern do so in their own in-
Ethics and politics
terest rather than that of the citizens as a whole. These are
Anagnostopoulos, Georgios. Aristotle on the Goals and Exactness of
tyranny, oligarchy, and debased democracy, that is, rule by
Ethics. Berkeley, Calif., 1994.
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Annas, Julia. The Morality of Happiness. New York, 1993.
Broadie, Sarah. Ethics with Aristotle. New York, 1991.
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ARJUNA.
opment. Oxford, 1934.
Of the Pa¯n:d:avas, the five sons of Pa¯n:d:u in the
Maha¯bha¯rata, Arjuna is the third oldest, or “middle”
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sons, for each had been sired by a god whom the mother in-
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Young Aristotle
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ARMENIAN CHURCH
487
For Arjuna’s conception, Pa¯n:d:u performs special tapas
pears to grant Arjuna’s use of the doomsday weapon. S´iva’s
(ascetic acts) to gain Indra’s cooperation in siring his best
touch permits Arjuna to ascend to heaven, where he is fur-
son. At the infant’s birth, a heavenly voice announces his
ther instructed by Indra. Later, when the Pa¯n:d:avas disguise
glory and forecasts his success, predicting that he will per-
themselves in their thirteenth year of exile, Arjuna becomes
form three sacrifices. Arjuna rather than his eldest known
a eunuch dancing instructor, recalling myths of S´iva’s castra-
brother, Yudhis:t:hira, will be the chief sacrificer (yajama¯na)
tion and his lordship of the dance. In battle, Arjuna will
in the sacrificial acts that connect the story. Thus, one of Ar-
“dance” on his chariot and will see S´iva before him bearing
juna’s names is Kir¯ıt:in (“the crowned one”). Furthermore,
a lance and carrying out the actual destruction of his foes.
it will be through Arjuna’s son Abhimanyu that the royal lin-
Arjuna’s most crucial scene, however, is that described
eage will continue. But the Pa¯n:d:avas will also act in concert,
in the Bhagavadg¯ıta¯. Poised on his chariot to begin the war,
presenting a refracted image of the ideal king and sacrificer.
with Kr:s:n:a now his charioteer, he is overcome with compas-
Arjuna, his brothers, and their cousins the Kauravas
sion for his foes and refuses to fight. Kr:s:n:a unveils Arjuna’s
study weaponry with the brahman Dron:a. Arjuna becomes
true warrior calling and reveals his own “omniform” as Visnu
his best pupil and receives instruction in using the doomsday
in the destructive form of Time. Arjuna’s role is to be the
weapon of S´iva—the Brahma´siras, or “Head of Brahma¯.”
instrument of a destruction that will occur anyway. In sub-
But when it comes time to display his prowess in a tourna-
mitting to Kr:s:n:a’s teaching, Arjuna becomes the ideal bhak-
ment, Arjuna is matched by his unknown brother Karn:a,
ta, or devotee. This pivotal epic figure thus represents the
who from this point on becomes the champion of the
ideal king and sacrificer, the principal husband of the incar-
Kauravas.
nation of the Goddess, the son of Indra and protégé of S´iva,
and the companion and ideal devotee of the avata¯ra.
Deepening dimensions of Arjuna’s role are now con-
veyed in three episodes: the marriage of Draupad¯ı, Arjuna’s
SEE ALSO Bhagavadg¯ıta¯; Maha¯bha¯rata.
sojourn in the forest, and the burning of Kha¯n:d:dava Forest.
In the first episode, he succeeds where all others have failed
B
in an archery feat that wins him the hand of the fire-born
IBLIOGRAPHY
For the foundational studies, see two works by Georges Dumézil:
Draupad¯ı, incarnation of the goddess S´ri (Prosperity), who
Mythe et épopée:, vol. 1, L’idéologie des trois fonctions dans les
in her dark aspect as Kr:s:n:a (“black lady”) is also the epic’s
épopées des peuples indo-européens (Paris, 1968), and The Des-
personification of the goddess of destruction. Although
tiny of the Warrior, translated by Alf Hiltebeital (Chicago,
Draupad¯ı soon weds all five Pa¯n:d:avas, Arjuna remains her
1969). For further extension of Dumézil’s insights applied
favorite. Next, because of his violation of an agreement
to the Hindu context, see Madeleine Biardeau’s “Études de
among the brothers never to intrude when any one of them
mythologie hindoue, Chap. II, Bhakti et avata¯ra,” Bulletin de
is alone with Draupad¯ı, Arjuna is banished for twelve years.
l’École Française d’Extrême Orient 63 (1976): 111–263 and
He is supposed to be a celibate (brahmaca¯rin), but he none-
65 (1978): 87–238; Alf Hiltebeitel’s “S´iva, the Goddess, and
theless contracts three additional marriages during this peri-
the Disguises of the Pa¯n:d:avas and Draupad¯ı,” History of Reli-
od, the last to his cross-cousin Kr:s:n:a’s sister Subhadra¯. She
gions 20 (1980): 147–174; and Jacques Scheuer’s S´iva dans
le Maha¯bha¯rata (Paris, 1982).
will bear him Abhimanyu. Arjuna then consolidates his rela-
tion with Kr:s:n:a and they destroy Kha¯n:dava Forest, each on
New Sources
a separate chariot, to sate the god Agni (Fire). Here one
Katz, Ruth Cecily. Arjuna in the Mahabharata: Where Krishna Is,
learns that in former lives Arjuna and Kr:s:n:a were the r:s:is
There Is Victory (Studies in Comparative Religion). Columbia,
Nara (“man,” perhaps also “soul,” or purus:a) and Na¯ra¯yan:a
SC, 1989.
(a cosmic form of Visnu). Furthermore, this passage intro-
ALF HILTEBEITEL (1987)
duces them as “the two Kr:s:n:as,” a foreshadowing of the war
Revised Bibliography
in which they will be known as “the two Kr:s:n:as on one chari-
ot,” especially in reference to their chariot duel with Arjuna’s
brother Karn:a.
ARMENIAN CHURCH. According to legend, the
Thus Kr:s:n:a shares his name not only with the goddess
apostles Thaddeus and Bartholomew were the original evan-
Draupad¯ı-Kr:s:n:a, but with Arjuna. Arjuna itself means “sil-
gelizers of Armenia. Reliable historical data indicate that
ver” or “white,” and the name Kr:s:n:a evokes opposite dimen-
there were bishops in western Armenia during the third cen-
sions. The name they share links all three in the destructive
tury, principally in Ashtishat in the province of Taron. Euse-
tasks they must undertake to inaugurate the “sacrifice of
bius of Caesarea mentions “brethren in Armenia of whom
battle.”
Merozanes was the bishop”; Dionysius of Alexandria wrote
In the two episodes in which Arjuna next figures promi-
a letter on repentance to Merozanes in 251. There are scat-
nently, he prepares himself for battle in ways that show deep-
tered stories of Armenian martyrs during the third century,
ening connections with the destructive S´iva. During the
but records are meager and mostly questionable.
Pa¯n:d:avas’ exile after the disastrous dice match with the
HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH IN ARMENIA.
Kauravas, Arjuna performs tapas to S´iva until the god ap-
The cultural contacts of the Armenians with the Greeks in
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
488
ARMENIAN CHURCH
the west and the Syrians in the south and the missionary out-
faith and embrace Mazdaism. After an unsuccessful revolt,
reach of important Christian centers in Caesarea and Edessa
in which the Armenian hero Vartan Mamikonian was killed
facilitated the introduction of the Christian religion into Ar-
in battle, the resistance continued and a second revolt in 481
menia, which was a kingdom under Roman protectorate.
forced King Firuz to declare full recognition of freedom of
Following the Edict of Toleration issued in 313 by Emperor
religion for Armenians.
Constantine at Milan, the king of Armenia, Tiridates III
The fifth century is considered the golden age in the his-
(298–330), and his courtiers were converted and baptized by
tory of the Armenian people and its church. The leadership
Gregory the Illuminator, the apostle of Armenia. Armenia
of Catholicos Sahak I and the missionary and literary labors
became in 314 the first nation with Christianity as its estab-
of Mesrop MashtotsE gave rise to the Christian culture of the
lished state religion.
Armenian people. Complete translation was made of the
Following the king’s baptism, Gregory traveled to Cae-
Scriptures as well as of the more important liturgical and
sarea (Cappadocia) in the fall of 314 and was consecrated by
theological writings of the eminent church fathers.
Metropolitan Leontius as the first catholicos, or chief bishop,
The catholicate moved many times with the shifts of the
of the Armenian church. Gregory’s consecration marked the
center of political power in the nation. In 484, it moved to
farthest extension of the Christian church in northeast Asia
Duin, where it remained until 901. An even more significant
Minor from its base in Caesarea, where Gregory himself had
move was made with the establishment in 1116 of the ca-
been raised and educated. The formal conversion of Armenia
tholicate in Cilicia, where the Armenian princes had settled
reinforced its political and cultural ties with the Roman
and founded principalities and later a kingdom (1080–
world.
1375). The see was returned to its original site at Echmiadzin
On his return, Gregory was installed as catholicos by
in 1441.
Bishop Peter of Sebaste; he then proceeded to the royal city
There have been a number of jurisdictional schisms in
of Vagarshapat, which became the catholicate of the Arme-
the history of the church. The longest of these began in 1113
nian church. The city was renamed Echmiadzin (“descent of
when a schismatic catholicos, David, was installed on the is-
the Only-begotten”) in celebration of the vision in which
land of AlDthamar in the province of Van. He opposed the
Gregory saw Christ strike the ground three times with a gol-
lawful incumbent, Gregory, whose seat was then located out-
den hammer and show the form of the cathedral to be built.
side Armenian territory. David tried and failed to exercise ju-
Gregory’s son succeeded him in 325 as catholicos and
risdiction over Greater Armenia in the northeast. The last in-
was one of the bishops who participated in the Council of
cumbent of AlDthamar died in 1895 without a successor.
Nicaea convened in the same year. A number of Gregory’s
A more serious and still unresolved division came about
descendants followed him as catholicos, in accordance with
in 1441 when the see, then in Cilicia, was returned to Ech-
a hereditary system reflecting the feudal society of the time.
miadzin by the decision of a church assembly. Despite the
Only in the fifth century did the office become elective.
fact that the Armenian kingdom of Cilicia had fallen to the
The first Armenian church council was called in Ash-
Mamluks of Egypt in 1375, and there was no reason to
tishat in about 354 by Catholicos Nerse¯s I. Following the ex-
maintain the center of the church away from its original loca-
ample of his contemporaries, Basil of Caesarea and Eustathi-
tion, the incumbent of the see (in the city of Sis) refused to
us of Sebaste, Nerse¯s had the council enact rules for moral
comply. The Cilician catholicate has retained its indepen-
discipline and for the establishment of monastic and charita-
dent existence. Following World War I, its seat was moved
ble institutions in the country.
from Sis to Antelias, Lebanon.
The Armenian church was originally formed as an east-
As early as the twelfth century, Armenians came into
ern province connected with the see of Caesarea. Later, as
contact with the Latin church through close cultural and po-
the authority of Caesarea waned and Greater Armenia was
litical ties with the Crusaders. Aided by the missionary activi-
divided between Rome and Persia in 387, the Armenian
ties of Franciscans and Dominicans, a Latinizing movement
church pursued an independent course. Catholicos Sahak I
gained ground among liberal elements in the church. Al-
acceded to the catholicate in 389 without reference to the see
though this movement—of varying strength—lasted for
of Caesarea. At the Council of Shahapivan in 444, Sahak’s
about four hundred years, it did not result in any significant
successor, Hovsep I, was confirmed as catholicos, thereby af-
secession to Rome. Only in 1831, under a new Ottoman pol-
firming the autonomy of the Armenian church.
icy toward Christian minorities, was an Armenian Rite Cath-
olic Church within the Roman communion legally recog-
After the partition of Armenia, the church posed an en-
nized. The catholicate of Armenian Catholics is located in
during political problem for the Persians. For about three
Beirut, Lebanon.
hundred years the latter never ceased to exert pressure on the
Armenians to break their religious and cultural ties with the
In 1830, American Protestants began their missionary
Greeks. The new religion from the west, now flourishing in
activity in Asia Minor. In 1846, the Ottoman government
Armenia, so alarmed Yazkert II of Persia (r.438–457) that
legally recognized the separate status of an Armenian Protes-
he issued an edict bidding the Armenians to renounce their
tant community. Continued affiliation of Armenian evangel-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARMENIAN CHURCH
489
icals with American missionary organizations has been an-
menian “nation” in the Ottoman Empire, now controls only
other source of Western influence. Schools and colleges have
the diocese of Istanbul itself and a number of small struggling
been established and the Bible translated into the modern
parishes in the interior of Turkey. At present the patriarchate
vernacular.
does not have a written constitution and is governed by the
patriarch on the basis of established customs and practices.
It should be noted that the early divisions within the
church did not arise on dogmatic grounds. They were caused
Liturgy. The prototype of the Divine Liturgy, or Eu-
primarily by the resistance of secular rulers to the presence
charist, has been the liturgy of Basil of Caesarea, which was
within their territories of a church community dependent on
translated into Armenian in the fifth century. Later this litur-
an authority beyond their frontiers and influence. Complete
gy gave way to the Byzantine liturgy of Chrysostom. During
secessions on dogmatic grounds have occurred only in the
the period of the Crusades, however, Latin influence brought
nineteenth century with the formation of Armenian Roman
about some minor changes in the ceremonials and vestments.
Catholic and Protestant Evangelical church communities.
Since the tenth century, the form of the liturgy has remained
constant with the exception of the addition of the Last Gos-
The nineteenth century brought important changes to
pel (Jn. 1:1–15) at the end of the Eucharist.
the juridical status of the church after Russia took eastern Ar-
The use of unleavened bread and unmixed red wine was
menia from the Persians in 1828. The tsar issued a statute
already established during the seventh century. Communion
that was accepted by the ruling catholicos even though it re-
is given in both elements, with the communicant standing.
duced his power by creating a standing synod of bishops
The sacrament is reserved but not ceremonially venerated.
tightly controlled by the government.
At the conclusion of the Eucharist, fragments of thin unleav-
In 1863 in western Armenia the church received a con-
ened bread, simply blessed, are distributed to those not re-
stitution for the management of its own affairs as part of the
ceiving Communion.
Ottoman civil code. The constitution provided for a national
Seven offices, including Nocturn, Matins, Prime, Mid-
assembly with the Armenian patriarch of Constantinople as
day office, Vespers, Peace, and Compline, comprise the litur-
its president. The assembly had two administrative councils,
gy of the canonical hours. There are other occasional offices
religious and civil. This development was in keeping with the
such as the Penitential, the Memorial, the Processional, and
long-standing Ottoman policy of giving leaders of Christian
the Adoration of the Church. In the fourteenth century, the
minorities jurisdiction over their own internal affairs, inas-
principal sacraments were counted as seven following Latin
much as Christians could not be made subject to the
custom: baptism, chrismation, Eucharist, penance, ordina-
Qur’anic law. This system ended after World War I.
tion, marriage, and anointing. The church does not practice
MODERN DEVELOPMENTS. The catholicos of all Armenians,
extreme unction as it is known in the Latin rite. Baptism,
residing at Echmiadzin in Armenia, remains the supreme
ordinarily of infants, is administered by immersion; chrisma-
head of the Armenian church. Outside Armenia, each estab-
tion (confirmation) and then Communion follow immedi-
lished church community, whether under Echmiadzin or an-
ately after baptism. This sacrament of initiation conforms to
other jurisdiction, has its own form of regulations or bylaws,
the practice of the other Eastern churches.
adapted to local political or cultural conditions. By and large,
Fasting calls for abstention from all animal foods. Apart
these regulations are formed on the principle of conciliarity;
from the forty days of Lent, there are ten weekly fasts of five
lay participation at all levels of administration is common.
days each. Wednesdays and Fridays are fast days, except dur-
The ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the catholicos in Ech-
ing the fifty days following Easter.
miadzin extends over twenty dioceses: Armenia South, Ar-
About 360 saints (including groups of saints under col-
menia North, Tbilisi, Baku, Moscow, Bucharest, Sofia,
lective names) are recognized in the directory of feasts. Of
Baghdad, Calcutta, Sydney, Cairo, Vienna, Paris, London,
these, 100 are biblical, 100 are Armenian, and 160 are non-
New York, Los Angeles, Toronto, Buenos Aires, Istanbul,
Armenian belonging to the first five centuries of the Chris-
and Jerusalem. The catholicos of the Armenians of Cilicia
tian era. Gregory of Datev (early fifteenth century) is the last
in Antelias, Lebanon, presides over four dioceses: Beirut,
of the saints formally recognized by the church. The Holy
Aleppo, Damascus, and Nicosia. In the 1950s, for political
Virgin has a unique position as foremost among the saints
reasons, the dioceses of Tehran, Athens, and the two newly
and is venerated extensively in liturgical worship.
created dioceses of New York and Los Angeles, paralleling
The directory of feasts is arranged on the septenary prin-
those under Echmiadzin, came under the jurisdiction of the
ciple. Each liturgical observance falls on a day in the week,
catholicos of Cilicia. The legitimacy of these changes of juris-
numbered in the series of weeks following the Sunday nearest
diction is a matter of continuing dispute.
to the anchor date of one of the four periods of the annual
There are Armenian patriarchates established in Jerusa-
liturgical cycle. Easter moves on a range of thirty-five days;
lem and Istanbul. Each of these comprises only one local dio-
the first Sunday of Advent and the feasts of the Assumption
cese. The patriarch of Jerusalem is one of the three custodi-
and Exaltation move on a range of seven days. Seven feasts
ans of Christian holy places in and around Jerusalem. The
commemorating episodes in the life of the Virgin Mary are
patriarch of Istanbul, once the administrator of the entire Ar-
observed on fixed dates. Dominical feasts fall on Sundays.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
490
ARMENIAN RELIGION
Clergy. There are three major orders of the clergy, ac-
Creeds. The Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed is recit-
cording to the tradition of all ancient churches: deacon,
ed in the liturgy every Sunday. There is also a somewhat lon-
priest, and bishop. “Archbishop” is an honorary title con-
ger creed, introduced during the fourteenth century and used
ferred by the catholicos. Parish priests are ordinarily chosen
after confession of sins by a penitent. It refers to the Cyrilian
from among married men; marriage after ordination is not
formula mentioned above: “One is the nature of the incar-
allowed, although several exceptions have been made since
nate Word of God.” A short creed is recited at the beginning
the 1940s. Bishops are chosen from among the celibate cler-
of the sacrament of baptism.
gy. Widowed priests may be promoted to the episcopate.
Canon law. The canons of the church, contained in the
Clergy are trained in seminaries at Echmiadzin, Jerusalem,
Book of Canons, are grouped in three sections. The first is the
and Antelias.
codex formed by John of Odzun in 725. It brings together
Doctrine. Of the seven ecumenical councils, the Arme-
various legislations—“apostolic,” postapostolic, and concili-
nian church, in company with the Coptic and the Syrian Or-
ar—as well as decretals of Greek and Armenian church fa-
thodox churches, acknowledges the first three: Nicaea (325)
thers. The second section, from the eighth to the twelfth cen-
against Arianism; Constantinople (381) against Apollinari-
turies, consists of later conciliar canons and decretals of
anism; and Ephesus (431) against Nestorianism. It does not
church fathers. A less extensive third section, added in the
accept the fourth, Chalcedon, and has made no pronounce-
twelfth century, deals with matters of civil law.
ments about the remaining three. It should be noted, howev-
er, that the church condemns Eutychianism, does not agree
SEE ALSO Armenian Religion; Gregory of Datev; Gregory
with the doctrine of two wills in the one person of Christ,
the Illuminator; MashtotsE, Mesrop; Nerse¯s of Cla; Nerse¯s
and holds to the veneration of icons. The Armenian church
the Great; Sahak Parthev.
reveres and follows the teachings of all the leading church fa-
thers of the first five centuries of the common era, with the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
exception of Pope Leo I.
The one outstanding and comprehensive history of the Armenian
The Council of Chalcedon (451) caused an intense and
church is by Mal’achia Ormanian, Azgapatowm (History of
lasting controversy in Eastern Christendom about the rela-
the nation), 3 vols. (1912–1927; reprint, Beirut, 1959–
tion of divinity and humanity in the person of Christ. Of
1961), which uses primary sources extensively. A similar but
older work is that by Michael Chamchean, Patmut Eiwn Ha-
the two parties for or against Chalcedon in the Armenian
yots, 3 vols. (Venice, 1784–1786). An abridged edition has
church, the latter prevailed at a council in 607. Nevertheless,
been translated into English by Johannes Audell as History
ambivalence over the problem of the natures of Christ con-
of Armenia, 2 vols. (Calcutta, 1827). There are also three
tinued in the church down to the fourteenth century. Since
smaller histories of the Armenian church titled Patmut Eiwn
then the church has held the doctrine that “one is the nature
hay ekeghets E woy: those by Melchisedek Muratean (Jerusa-
of the Word of God incarnate.” The dispute on this matter
lem, 1872), Abraham Zaminean (Nor Nakhijevan, 1908),
of dogma has reflected the contest between those who sought
and Kevork Mesrop (Istanbul, 1913–1914). Other studies in
political advantage from the West and those who stood for
Armenian church history are either topical or periodic. How-
national independence. From Constantine to the last emper-
ever, ecclesiastical material is often incorporated into secular
or of Byzantium, unity of faith was considered concomitant
histories. Important among these are Jacques de Morgan’s
Histoire du peuple arménien: Depuis les temps les plus reculés
to the unity of the empire. Consequently, for non-Greek
de ses annales jusqu’à nos jours (Paris, 1919), translated by Er-
churches of the East that unity meant submission to Byzanti-
nest F. Barry as The History of the Armenian People: From the
um, where the emperor was the effective head of the church
Remotest Times to the Present Day (Boston, 1965); François
and the dogmatic decrees of the general councils promulgat-
Tournebize’s Histoire politique et religieuse de l’Arménie
ed by the emperors were enforceable by law on pain of exile.
(Paris, 1910); and René Grousset’s Histoire de l’Arménien des
During the second half of the twelfth century, the great
origins à 1071 (Paris, 1947).
catholicos Nerse¯s of Cla, “the Graceful,” maintained that
TIRAN NERSOYAN (1987)
there was no contradiction between the Chalcedonian teach-
ing of “two natures” and the teaching of the “one nature.”
Shortly thereafter, a synod convened by Catholicos Gregory
IV and attended by thirty-three bishops stated in a declara-
ARMENIAN RELIGION. The Armenians’ remotest
tion to the emperor and patriarch of Constantinople: “We
ancestors immigrated to Anatolia in the mid-second millen-
confess, in agreement with you, the theory of the dual nature
nium BCE. Related to speakers of the Thraco-Phrygian lan-
of the ineffable oneness of Christ.” Significantly, the synod
guages of the Indo-European family, they probably brought
did not refer to the Council of Chalcedon itself. Later synods
with them a religion akin to that of the proto-Greeks, adopt-
in the fourteenth century affirmed formal reunion with
ing also elements of the cultures of Asianic peoples such as
Rome but were ineffectual because there was no representa-
the Hittites, from whose name the Armenian word hay
tion from the area of Greater Armenia in the northeast and
(“Armenian”) may be derived. Thus, the Armenian divinity
especially because the faithful were not in sympathy with
TorkE is the Hittite Tarhundas, and the Armenian word now
such a move.
˘
used for “God,” Astuac, may have been the name of an As-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARMENIAN RELIGION
491
ianic deity, although its etymology remains hypothetical.
regarded as the maker; the Vah(n)unis, for instance, may
The Armenian word di-k E (“god[s]”) is an Indo-European
even derive their name from Vahagn, whom they served. Ac-
cognate to the Latin deus.
cording to foreign writers, the most popular of these lesser
divinities was Anahit (Gr., Anaitis; OIran., Ana¯hita¯), and it
The Armenians were at first concentrated in the area of
is she who seems to be shown in the mass-produced terra-
Van (Urartean Biaina), a city on the southeastern shore of
cotta votive figurines found at Artaxata and other ancient Ar-
Lake Van, in eastern Anatolia, and in the Sasun region, a
menian sites, with one or several male children clinging to
mountainous district to the west of the lake. The Armenian
her matronly robes, like the scenes of Cybele and the infant
god Vahagn (Av., Verethraghna; cf. Sogdian Vashaghn),
Attis. The Armenian Nane¯ (Pth., *Nanai; Gr., Nanaia)
whose cult centered in the area of present-day Mu¸s, appears
seems to have been a goddess of almost identical character,
to have assimilated the dragon-slaying exploits of the
except that Anahit, as in Iran, was also a goddess of the wa-
Urartean Teisheba, a weather god. An Urartean “gate of
ters, which Nane¯ probably was not. Another Armenian god-
God” in the rock of Van was consecrated to Mher (Av.,
dess, Astghik (“little star”), consort of Vahagn, seems to be
Mithra) and is still known in the living epic of Sasun as
identical with Astarte.
Mheri dur:n (“gate of Mher”), preserving the Urartean usage.
Although Herodotos in the fifth century
Armenian and pre-Sasanid Iranian temples often con-
BCE still re-
called the Armenians as Phrygian colonists of Phrygian-like
tained cult statues—such shrines were called in Armenian
speech, they had been conquered twice—first by the Medes
bagins (“places of the god”)—but it seems that, with or with-
about 583
out images, all Armenian temples had fire altars, called atru-
BCE, then by the Persians under Cyrus II the
Great—and had assimilated elements of the conquering cul-
shans (like bag¯ın, a Middle Iranian loanword), so that the
tures. After the conquest of Cyrus, the faith of the Iranian
major Zoroastrian rites might be consecrated there. A place
prophet Zarathushtra (Zoroaster) was to exercise the primary
for fire, and its light, was a focal point of worship and cultic
influence upon the Armenian religion; indeed, Zoroaster was
life.
believed by Clement of Alexandria and other classical writers
The chief shrine of Vahagn stood at Ashtishat (“rich in
to have been identical with Err, the son of Armenios of the
yashts” [“acts of worship”]), the place later consecrated to
Republic of Plato. Strabo (Geography 11.13.9, 11.14.6) de-
Saint John the Baptist by Gregory the Illuminator as the ear-
clared that the Armenians and the Medes performed the
liest see of the Armenian church. Vahagn is described in a
same religious rites, those “of the Persians,” the Medes hav-
fragment of a hymn preserved by KhorenatsEi (1.31) as “sun-
ing been also the source of the way of life (eth¯e) of the Per-
eyed” and “fiery-haired,” attributes found in the Avesta and
sians themselves. Like the Armenian language, which retains
later applied in Christian Armenia to Mary and to seraphs.
its ancient and distinct character while preserving a prepon-
From various sources it appears that Vahagn was regarded
derance of Northwestern Iranian loanwords of the pre-
as a sun god, perhaps acquiring this feature from Mihr
Sasanid period, the ancient religion of the Armenians appar-
(Mithra), who is closely associated with the sun in Zoroastri-
ently retained distinct local features, although the great ma-
anism. There is oblique evidence of a conflict between devo-
jority of its religious terms and practices belong to the
tees of the two gods in Armenia. Nonetheless, the Armenian
Zoroastrianism of Arsacid Iran and earlier periods.
word for a pagan temple, mehean, containing the name of
Ahura Mazda¯ (OPers., Ahuramazda), creator god of Zo-
Mithra, indicates the god’s great importance, and it is note-
roastrianism, was worshiped by the Armenians as Aramazd,
worthy that this term for a Zoroastrian place of rites is very
the Parthian form of his name. The principal cult center of
similar to, but much earlier than, the Persian dar-i Mihr
Aramazd, the “father of all” (Agathangelos, para. 785), was
(with which the Armenian Mheri dur:n, mentioned above, is
a temple in Ani, Daranaghi, where the necropolis of the Ar-
indeed identical).
menian Arsacids was also located. (Later, the center of the
Among the other gods, the Armenians worshiped Tir
cult shifted to the royal capital at Bagawan, to the east.) The
(MIran., T¯ır), chief of the scribal art and keeper of celestial
shrine of Barshamin (Sem., BaEal Shamin, “the lord of heav-
records, including, some believed, those of human destiny.
en”) was established at TEordan, a village near Ani, probably
He survives in modern Armenian folklore as the Grogh
to indicate that the Semitic god was seen to resemble the Ira-
(“writer”); a clairvoyant is called Groghi gzir (“deputy of the
nian creator god. A similar reformist trend toward monothe-
Grogh”). Spandaramet (MIran., Spanda¯rmad; Av., Spenta
ism based on an Iranian model is seen in the inscriptions of
A¯rmaiti), goddess of the earth, was also venerated. (Her
Arebsun in nearby Cappadocia, probably of the late Achae-
name is rendered as “Dionysos” in the fifth-century Arme-
menid period, in which is described in Aramaic the marriage
nian translation of the biblical books of the Maccabees.) An-
to Bel (Baal) of the “religion of Mazda¯-worship” (OPers.,
other form of the same name, sandaramet, sometimes plural-
dainâ mazdayasnïsh).
ized with –k E or shortened to sandark E (cf. Cappadocian
According to Movse¯s KhorenatsEi, Mazhan, the brother
Sondara), is Southwestern Iranian and may reflect pre-
of King Artashe¯s I (Gr., Artaxias; early second century BCE),
Zoroastrian beliefs, for it is a common noun used in Arme-
served as the priest of Aramazd, while the noble families
nian texts to refer simply to the underworld. TorkE of Anggh
(nakharars) served the lesser divinities of whom Aramazd was
(Ingila), treated by KhorenatsEi as a legendary and fearsome
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
492
ARMINIUS, JACOBUS
hero, is an Asianic divinity equated with Nergal in the Arme-
the sun and exposing rather than burying the dead. A very
nian translation of the Bible. There was an Armenian royal
few adherents of the sect may have been alive at the time of
necropolis at Anggh, so it seems that TorkE was regarded as
the 1915 holocaust, when traditional Armenian society was
a divinity of the underworld. Two of the Zoroastrian
obliterated.
Amesha Spentas, Haurvata¯t (“health”) and Ameretat (“long
life”), often paired, gave their name to a flower (see Agathan-
SEE ALSO Armenian Church.
gelos, para. 643), which Armenian maidens pluck in silence
on Ascension Eve (talking at meals is believed by Zoroastri-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abeghian, Manuk. Der armenische Volksglaube. Leipzig, 1899. Re-
ans to offend the two divinities).
printed with an Armenian translation in his Erker, vol. 7 (Ye-
Ancient Armenians celebrated the Iranian New Year,
revan, 1975).
Nawasard (OPers., *Navasarda), which was consecrated to
Alishan, Lerond. Hin hawatk E kam het Eanosakan kro¯nk E Hayots E.
Aramazd. A midwinter feast of fire, Ahekan (OPers.,
Venice, 1910.
*Athra¯kana), still survives with its rituals intact in Christiani-
Ananikian, Mardiros H. “Armenian Mythology.” In The Mytholo-
ty as Tearnendar:aj, the Feast of the Presentation of the Lord
gy of All Races, vol. 7, edited by J. A. MacCulloch,
to the Temple. The old month-name of Mehekan preserves
pp. 5–100. Boston, 1925.
the memory of Mihraga¯n, the feast of Mithra, and Anahit
Gelzer, Heinrich. “Zur armenischen Götterlehre.” Berichte der
seems to have received special reverence on Vardavar:, a feast
königlichen sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften (Leip-
of roses and of the waters. At year’s end, HrotitsE (from Aves-
zig) 48 (1896): 99–148. Translated into Armenian by Y.
tan Fravashayo¯) commemorated the holy spirits of the de-
T’orosean (Venice, 1897).
parted, leading Agathangelos (para. 16) to accuse the Arme-
Russell, J. R. Zoroastrianism in Armenia. Cambridge, Mass., 1987.
nians of being uruapashtk E (“worshipers of souls”).
New Sources
Although monotheistic in its regard for Ahura Mazda¯
Hovannisian, Richard G. The Armenian People from Ancient to
Modern Times: The Dynastic Periods: From Antiquity to the
as the creator of all that is good in heaven and earth, Zoroas-
Fourteenth Century. New York, 1997.
trianism postulates a cosmic dualism in which the Lord Wis-
dom (Av., Ahura Mazda¯; Pahl., O
¯ hrmazd) strives against an
Kochakian, Garabed. Art in The Armenian Church: Origins and
Teaching. New Rochelle, N.Y., 1995.
inferior but independent adversary, the Hostile Spirit (Av.,
Angra Mainyu; Pahl., Ahriman). The name of the latter is
Matthews, Thomas F., and Roger S. Wieck, eds. Treasures in
found in two forms in Armenian, Arhmn and Haramani, and
Heaven: Armenian Art, Religion, and Society. New York,
1998.
Armenian words for evil people and noxious creatures (e.g.,
druzhan, “betrayer”; kakhard, “witch”; gazan, “beast”) are
Salt, Jeremy. Imperialism, Evangelism and the Ottoman Armenians
often of Iranian origin and reflect a dualistic attitude. The
1878–1896. London, 1993.
Zoroastrian ethical habits of cleanliness, reverence for fire
Thomson, Robert W. Studies in Armenian Literature and Chris-
and light, and steadfast cheer in the battle against evil seem
tianity. Brookfield, Vt., 1994.
to have been fully integrated into Armenian Christianity,
J. R. RUSSELL (1987)
which reveres God as hrashap Ear in some hymns, an epithet
Revised Bibliography
combining the two characteristically Mazdean features of
frasha- (“visibly miraculous”) and khvarenah (“divine glory”)
in loanwords from Middle Iranian.
ARMINIUS, JACOBUS (1559/60–1609), latinized
Gregory the Illuminator, son of an Armenian Arsacid
name of Jacob Harmenszoon, Dutch Reformed theologian
nakharar named Su¯re¯n Pahlav, converted King Tiridates to
remembered chiefly for his criticisms of Calvinist views of
Christianity in the second decade of the fourth century. Ar-
predestination. Arminius taught that human salvation is due
mies were sent to destroy the old temples, and churches were
entirely to the grace of God in Christ, whereby fallen hu-
built over the ruins. The k Ermapets, or high priests, resisted
mankind is enabled to respond in freedom to the divine call.
with main force this military imposition of a new creed, and
He proposed a universal “sufficient” grace in place of Cal-
many Armenian nakharars joined the fifth-century Sasanid
vin’s limited “effective” grace. Further, he denied a predesti-
king Yazdegerd II in his campaign to reconvert the Arme-
nation of particular persons to salvation on the basis of God’s
nians to Zoroastrianism. But the iconoclastic state church of
secret will, but he affirmed a particular predestination on the
southwestern Iran differed too greatly from the old faith to
basis of God’s foreknowledge of human free choices. For
appeal to many Armenians, and the translation of scripture
much that has come to be known as Arminianism, the cen-
into Armenian with the newly invented alphabet of Mesrop
tral issue is “free will” versus “election.”
Mashtots’ made the patriarchs and the saints “Armenian-
Arminius was born to well-to-do parents in Oudewater,
speaking” (hayer¯enakhaws), as Koriwn wrote. Christianity
Holland. He lost his parents while young and was educated
triumphed over all but a small sect, the ArewordikE
under the influence of Dutch biblical humanism. University
(“children of the sun”), who were said by medieval writers
studies at Marburg (1575) and Leiden (1576–1581) did not
to follow the teachings of “the magus Zoroaster,” worshiping
seem to have moved him to a strict Calvinism.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ART AND RELIGION
493
With support from Amsterdam merchants, he began
of the Atlantic, as were English editions of Arminius. Wes-
theological studies in Geneva, where one of his teachers was
leyan evangelical Arminianism spread with Methodism
Theodore Beza (1519–1605). Arminius and Beza clashed.
across North America in the nineteenth century to the extent
Arminius studied for a time at Basel, but he returned to Ge-
that American culture has been designated as “Arminian.”
neva to finish his studies, after which he went to Amsterdam
There are links from this pervasive Arminian spirit to move-
to become that city’s first native Dutch clergyman (he was
ments as diverse as frontier revivalism, communitarian per-
inducted into the Dutch Reformed ministry in 1588). At the
fectionism, the Holiness movement, political and theological
time the question of predestination was raging, and Armini-
individualism, and theological liberalism.
us came under fire for refusing to defend any of the Calvinist
options and for interpreting Romans 7 and Romans 9 in a
BIBLIOGRAPHY
manner different from Calvin. He was sustained in his office
The most recent edition of Arminius’s writings is The Works of
and position by the Amsterdam merchant-oligarchy, to
James Arminius, 3 vols., translated by James Nichols and
which he was allied by blood and marriage.
William R. Bagnall (1853; reprint, Grand Rapids, Mich.,
1956). For a modern treatment of Arminius, giving attention
The same humanistic laity supported him in his call to
to political, economic, and social contexts of his life and
be a professor of theology in Leiden (1603), where he soon
thought, see my Arminius: A Study in the Dutch Reformation,
incurred the enmity of his colleague Franciscus Gomarus
2d ed. (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1985). For important inter-
(1563–1641) and other ardent Calvinists. Theological issues
pretive essays on early Dutch Arminianism, see G. J.
were intertwined with political issues, the Arminians siding
Hoenderdaal’s “Arminius en Episcopius,” Nederlands Archief
with the civil official Johan van Oldenbarneveldt (1547–
voor Kerkgeschiedenis, n.s. 60 (1980): 203–235; and John
1619), who favored a truce with Spain, and the Calvinists
Platt’s Reformed Thought and Scholasticism: The Arguments for
with the military leader Maurice of Nassau (1567–1625),
the Existence of God in Dutch Theology, 1575–1650 (Leiden,
who wanted to press for war. Arminius died in the midst of
1982). A. W. Harrison’s Arminianism (London, 1937) re-
mains a useful survey of Arminianism in England.
the conflict, in 1609.
CARL BANGS (1987)
Arminius’s cause was taken up by the Remonstrants, so
called from their Remonstrance of 1610 that presented the Ar-
minian doctrines of salvation, but power shifted to the Cal-
vinists and Maurice. The Synod of Dort (1618–1619) de-
ART AND RELIGION is a discrete field of multidisci-
posed the Arminians, and Oldenbarneveldt was executed. By
plinary study that attends to the creative interplay between
the 1630s, however, the Remonstrants had regrouped to
image and meaning making as religious activities. More gen-
form a new denomination, the Remonstrant Brotherhood,
eral usage of the term signifies investigations into the role,
which maintained a scholarly, liberal, and progressive em-
place, or experience of art in religion(s).
phasis into the twentieth century. Hugo Grotius (1583–
1645), Simon Episcopius (1583–1643), Philippus van Lim-
As a mode of creative expression, communication, and
borch (1633–1712), and C. P. Tiele (1830–1902) were
self-definition, art is a primordial facet of human existence
among its noted adherents and scholars.
and constitutive factor in the evolution of religion. Through
visible expression and form, art imparts meaning and value
In England, under James I and Charles I, Anglican op-
to anthropic aspirations, encounters, and narratives, and si-
ponents of Calvinist Puritanism came to be known as Armin-
multaneously orients the human within the horizon of a
ians, and Arminianism became allied with the religious and
community, world, and cosmos. Thereby, art renders the
political doctrines of Archbishop William Laud (1573–
human situation—origin, existence, death, and afterlife—
1645) and was the main line of theology in the Church of
comprehensible through visual representations. As a stimulus
England. Non-Anglican Arminianism appeared in the teach-
for creativity and culture, religion is the spiritual impulse
ings of the General Baptists, often tending toward Unitarian-
that conjoins humanity with divinity through spiritual expe-
ism.
rience, ceremony, and mythology. Art and religion converge
through ritual practice and presentation of sacred narrative,
In the eighteenth century, however, John Wesley
thereby affecting “an experience of the numinous” (Otto,
(1703–1791) and his brother Charles (1707–1788), by their
1923). Enigmatically, art can recognize and project the es-
preaching and hymnody, spread a new evangelical Arminian-
sence and significance of a spiritual experience through form,
ism throughout Britain. John Wesley, even when visiting
thereby engendering a tangible record that informs the initia-
Holland, made no common cause with the Remonstrants,
tion or repetition of the original spiritual moment. Com-
who by this time were heavily influenced by the Enlight-
mensurately, art employs visual archetypes and idealizations
enment.
on the journey to truth and beauty, thereby proffering vi-
Dissent from Calvinism in New England was called
sions of the sacred and models to follow on the path to salva-
“Arminianism,” but it did not get its impetus from Armini-
tion. As visible religion, art communicates religious beliefs,
us. American Methodism did, however, and John Wesley’s
customs, and values through iconography and depictions of
The Arminian Magazine (1778) was printed on both sides
the human body. The foundational principle for the inter-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
494
ART AND RELIGION
connections between art and religion is the reciprocity be-
West, has been predicated upon the authority of the written
tween image making and meaning making as creative corre-
text, or a series of texts, not upon the image. The disciplined
spondence of humanity with divinity.
reading of these canons encompasses exegesis as the funda-
ment for study, debate, and interpretation. A hegemony of
The intimacy between art and religion has prevailed be-
texts, canons, and scriptures—that is, the written word—
yond historical convolutions, transformations, and permuta-
results in the incorporation of art simply as illustration for
tions in global cultural and religious values. Unimaginably
explication and dissemination of textual themes.
arduous to label with a universal standard, the intercommu-
nion between art and religion has endured proliferation, di-
Late twentieth- and early twenty-first century publica-
versification, and diminution through world cultures and re-
tions in religious studies reveal interest in the inclusion of
ligions. Nonetheless, this impossible regularization or
new themes, foci, and methodologies, given the insights to-
definition of art and religion in any form, communal or uni-
ward religion accessible through a variety of new disciplinary
versal, may be interpreted as appropriate to as amorphous an
fields interested in the religious dimensions of art, most spe-
entity as art and religion is, and reflects its fundamental heu-
cifically material culture, popular culture, and visual culture.
ristic and multivalent nature. From their inexplicable differ-
These new styles of analysis incorporate “activities,” includ-
ences within individual cultures to their inherent and uncon-
ing worship, personal piety, public rituals, and all styles and
scious manifestations in the human psyche, the numerous
levels of art, in unison with intellectual interpretation of the
conjunctures between art and religion persist even unto their
canon to provide broader comprehension of religion. Al-
camouflaged survival in the secular societies of the twentieth
though recognized as a contributor to religious meaning and
and twenty-first centuries.
orientation, the partnership of art and religion remains a
complex enigma. Art as an object to be both analyzed and
OVERVIEW. Art has power in the anthropological sense of
experienced is recognized as empowering artist and viewer in
mana. This troublesome and distinctive characteristic of art,
transcending the quotidian existential and the rational in a
and commensurately of images and imagery, is evidenced
temporary communion with the sacred, the experience of
through the power to evoke or affect the human capacity to
which is so singular as to incite the desire for repetition em-
feel. The distinguishing human ability to feel, to have feel-
phasizing the ritual character of art.
ings, extends beyond simple emotion to the capacity and sen-
sitivity that are elemental to the human capability to inter-
Art is simultaneously an objective and a subjective
pret and to reason. This connection between art and feeling
event—the object being seen and the effect of the process of
is privileged by the naming of the philosophy of beauty as
seeing. This exchange between art and religion, in coordina-
“aesthetics.” The English word aesthetic is derived from the
tion with the fundamental reality of its heuristic and mutual-
Greek root aisthetikos, meaning “to be sensitive” in the ety-
ly beneficial mien, challenges the logocentricity of tradition-
mological context of “coming to know through the senses.”
al, especially Western, scholarship and cultural values, which
Conversely, an anaesthetic prohibits the human ability to
normatively dissociates religion from art. This Enlighten-
have feeling. The universality of this association of art as an
ment principle of the separation of the experience of art from
affector of emotions and sensitivities, and a connective to re-
the intellectual analysis of religion parallels the transfer of re-
ligion, is evidenced in Bharata Muni’s treatises on art. His
ligious meaning from institutional to non-institutional envi-
comprehension of rasa as levels of human consciousness
ronments. The intellectual divorce of the academic study of
educed by art in which the aesthetic merges into the spiritual
religion from the practice of religion, and from the experi-
for artist and viewer is crucial to the Hindu tenet of the indi-
ence of art, is analogous to the separation of the academic
visibility of art and religion. This aptitude to effectuate feel-
study of art history from the creating and encountering of
ing, either as emotions or sensitivities, is an elementary mo-
art.
tive in the intellectual “fear of art” that led to the denial of
the visual both as a prime response to the epistemological
THE PRACTICE AND THE STUDY OF ART AND RELIGION.
question and as primary evidence in the study of history.
The position of art—whether in the broadest frame of reli-
gious studies, or a specific category such as church history
The authoritative preference, at least in the West, is for
or history of Buddhism—locates a useful parallel in tradi-
the primacy of the text, that is, of the word over the image.
tional distinctions between the study of religion and the
Historians of religion reputedly advocate the unconscious act
practice of religion. Applicable to art as well as to religion,
of selection between the image and the word by every reli-
this dichotomy exceeds the categories of objectivity and sub-
gious tradition with appropriate cultural consequences. Reli-
jectivity, for “the doing of” religion (or art) is physically and
gions, like Hinduism and Eastern Christianity, which favor
intellectually distinct from “the thinking about” religion (or
the primacy of the image are differentiated as sacramental,
art). The telling distinctions here include recognition of
creative, and intuitive in linguistic and cultural attitudes
class, gender, and ethnicity as well as education and the reve-
from those religions, such as Protestant Christianity and Ju-
lation of the privileging of the study of religion, and of art
daism, preferring the primacy of the word and labeled as le-
and religion, as a Western scholarly phenomenon. The prac-
galistic, pragmatic, and rational in language and cultural re-
tice of religion is primarily sited in worship and religious ed-
ception. Further, the study of religion, particularly in the
ucation, or catechesis, in which art either iconographically
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ART AND RELIGION
495
or figuratively envisions established narratives to transmit re-
Traditionally, for scholars of religious studies, especially
ligious ideas and practices, to convey religious truths and
in the West, the “voice of authority” has been a canon—a
practices, and to promote worship individually and commu-
series of written texts including a sacred scripture, commen-
nally.
taries on that scripture, and doctrinal or conciliar decrees.
Historically, Western scholars, especially those in-
However the “reality” of religion is more complicated given
trigued by religious art, or what they may have identified as
the transmutations and permutations of history, geographic
the interconnections between art and religion, emphasized
expansion, and the constant presence of the human element,
the primary role that art played in religious practice, for ex-
especially the collective of believers, many of whom were il-
ample, an altarpiece or a bronze sculpture of S´iva Nataraja,
literate, thereby unschooled in the finer points of textual exe-
and were unaware the fact that this mode of study could be
gesis and theological ruminations. A religion to be appre-
read as restrictive, exclusivist, and parochial. Further inter-
hended and comprehended fully by both the faith
pretive difficulties arose as these scholars—including theolo-
community and researchers requires the display of its multi-
gians like Roger Hazelton (1967) and Paul Tillich (1987)
ple dimensions from iconography to canon, from theological
and art historians such as Jane Daggett Dillenberger (1986/
tome to devotional prayers. Such a coordination of the elite
1998) and Timothy Verdon (1984)—were committed
and the mundane reconstructs the meaning of religion as
members of the religious communities whose art was being
texts are accessible to the literate, whereas art ranging generi-
examined. This style of scholarly investigations is better iden-
cally from icons to devotional hymns to liturgical dance to
tified as theology and art, not art and religion. The signifi-
folk art, poetry, and morality tales proffers an inclusive and
cance of both the choice of category names and the order of
comprehensive reading of fourteenth-century Western
their arrangement—that is, art and religion as distinct from
Christianity in coordination with the “authoritative texts.”
religion and art—announces more than the focus of intellec-
CRITICAL QUESTIONS. Regardless of methodological ap-
tual attention.
proach or religion investigated, art and religion inquiries
Traditionally the academic study of religion has been
have been initiated from two critical, oftentimes implicit,
distinguished by the suspension of personal faith commit-
questions—“what makes art religious?” and “how is religion
ments so that the scholarly deciphering and evaluation of art
artistic?” Since the 1970s, scholarship in art and religion has
and religion encourages the innocent eye to be open to the
incorporated several other critical questions into the modes
multivalent meanings and influences of art upon religion,
of approach in both research and publications. These critical
and of religion on art, without prejudgment or prejudice.
questions affected the direction of study and interpretation
This is not to suggest that the work of art is neutral or be-
process. Primary among these critical questions is the issue
nign, for art is neither conceived nor executed in a vacuum.
of the “starting point” for an art and religion investigation.
The significance of art, regardless of medium or critical ap-
The choices range from an individual work of art or a group
praisal, is its cultural embeddedness by which it enables re-
of works, to one artist or a group (school) of artists, to a spe-
flection on past cultural histories, connection with contem-
cific historical or religious event, to a new religious doctrine
porary cultural attitudes, and projection of emerging cultural
or a singular iconographic motif. The second critical ques-
values. The fundamental ambiguity in the reading or percep-
tion is what art is to be studied. Each investigator develops
tion of art attests to its heuristic and multivalent nature.
a set of criteria to discern art as high or low, art as popular
culture, art as material culture, and art as an element of visual
Art, especially religious art, is the external expression of
culture. The crucial decision is whether the focus of study
the artist’s personal vision, and under normal circumstances,
is a traditionally defined work of art or from one of the do-
a work of religious art, whether identified as Christian, Jain,
mains of art such as folk art, photography, or popular cul-
or Aboriginal, is initiated from an identifiable faith commit-
ture. The third critical question is that of procedure, for ex-
ment and communicates in the vernacular of that faith com-
ample, examination from a specific historical question such
munity. For example, the sixteenth-century German artist
as that of the process of secularization, the meaning of Chris-
Mathias Grünewald depicts in his magisterial Isenheim Altar-
tian art as the “Bible of the poor,” or the implications of po-
piece (1515: Musée d’Unterlinden, Colmar) a series of signif-
litical power and authority for religious art. The fourth criti-
icant biblical episodes in the life of Jesus of Nazareth for the
cal question has been formed by the academic recognition
hospice at the Antonite Monastery in Colmar. Grünewald
of “the marginalized”—those previously little investigated
included specific visual cues so that members of that religious
groups including women, racial and ethnic minorities, class-
community could “read” his meaning, and other Christians
es, and gender—whose art has reformulated traditional art
familiar with either the biblical narratives or the liturgical cel-
historical categories not simply by introducing new iconog-
ebrations of Christmas and Easter could access this work of
raphies or styles but by the very nature of their understand-
art. The Isenheim Altarpiece operates as visual theology within
ings of art and religion in their respective societies and
a clearly defined religious tradition reflecting its religious
cultures.
practices and beliefs. Concurrently, the “outsider,” visitor, or
curious can see this artwork as an invitation to or initiation
With the advent of the new century, scholarship in art
into a particular religious vocabulary and landscape of reli-
and religion has formulated new critical questions arising
gious vision.
from both contemporary events and a growing global recog-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
496
ART AND RELIGION
nition of the broader ethical and societal responsibilities for
RELIGIOUS ATTITUDES TOWARD ART. Every religious tradi-
cultural heritage. The recent loss of works of religious art
tion has an attitude toward art, and thereby toward image.
through natural disasters, war, and violent acts of iconoclasm
Some are formalized in written canons, hierarchy, dogma,
has focused attention on the role of religion in fomenting or
creeds, and liturgy, while others are predicated upon oral tra-
silencing acts of destruction, whether initiated by environ-
dition, ritual, and mythology. The fundamental modes of re-
mental neglect or military activity. Further analysis as to reli-
ligious attitudes toward art are iconic (advocacy), aniconic
gious meaning and cultural value of the works selected for
(acceptance), and iconoclastic (denial or rejection). The
destruction is a topic for new studies from the perspective
iconic attitude locates the image in representational or an-
of art and religion. The related critical question for art and
thropomorphic figures of identifiable and known reality, as
religion study is that of the complex ethical and moral issue
evidenced in the Byzantine icons of Mary as Theotokos or
of the “theft” or transfer of art from one country to another
Jesus Christ as the Pantocrator. Taken to its extreme, howev-
on the grounds of protection or military conquest, and the
er, the iconic religious attitude treads lightly upon idolatry.
potential for repatriation. Another new critical question,
The aniconic attitude defines the image as a symbolic or allu-
which may be related to the primary question of “what
sive presentation of sacred reality, exemplified in nonrepre-
makes art religious?” and which simultaneously impinges
sentational images to facilitate contemplation, devotion, and
upon the ethical quagmire of ownership, is the collecting and
worship, as evidenced in the elegant calligraphy of illuminat-
display of religious art in institutional environments such as
ed Islamic manuscripts or the S´iva lin˙ga. Taken to its ex-
public museums and special exhibitions, thereby in sites and
treme, the aniconic religious attitude verges on total abstrac-
for uses distinct from those sacred criteria for which it was
tion and thereby the complete absence of forms. The
created, and perhaps consecrated.
iconoclastic attitude rejects totally images and imagery in any
THE NATURE OF THE RELATIONSHIP(S). The oftentimes
media, style, or form, as exemplified in the otherwise image-
controversial and amorphous interconnections between art
less environment of Jewish synagogues and many Protestant
and religion proffer five distinctive relationships that can be
churches. Taken to its extreme, the iconoclastic attitude is
categorized as distinguished by power (Apostolos-
violent destruction of all images and imagery, sacred and
Cappadona, 1996) and that extend beyond mana to include
secular.
economic, gendered, political, societal, and religious con-
cepts of power. The first is authoritarian, in which art is sub-
Although these three religious attitudes toward art can
ject to religion. The authoritarian relationship permits no
be delineated, it is rare in the history of any religious tradi-
place for artistic creativity, individuality, or originality; rath-
tion to operate without some variation in its attitude(s). As
er, art and artists are controlled by the higher authority as
with all theories and constructs in art and religion, there is
art becomes visual propaganda. The second relationship is
a coexistence of multiple religious attitudes toward images
that of opposition, in which both art and religion are equal
either in a historic process of evolution or simultaneously so
powers, and while neither is dominated or subservient to the
that patterns develop: iconic to iconoclastic to iconic; iconic
other, there is a constant struggle to subjugate the other. The
to iconoclastic; iconic to aniconic; aniconic to iconoclastic;
third relationship is one of mutuality when these two
or aniconic to iconic. Buddhism is one of several world reli-
“equals” inhabit the same cultural environment in a symbiot-
gions that has had these three religious attitudes toward art
ic union of inspired nurture. The fourth relationship is sepa-
in its history. Initially aniconic, Hinduism slowly assimilated
ratist, as each operates independent of and without regard
image into worship and devotional practice, eventually estab-
for the other, as in an iconoclastic religious environment or
lishing a complex religious iconography composed of repre-
a secular culture. The fifth relationship is unified, so that
sentational and symbolic elements. The operative principle
their individual identities become so completely blended
is that as each world religion evolves, its fundamental atti-
into a single entity it is impossible to discern what is art from
tude toward art is similarly transformed. Certain religions
what is religion.
such as Christianity and Buddhism have espoused a variety
As a corollary to, if not a result of, the fact that there
of attitudes toward image. Earliest Buddhist teaching was an-
is no universally agreed upon definition of either art or reli-
iconic, while Zen Buddhism is iconoclastic. However, con-
gion, none of the major world religions have a historically
tacts with other cultures, including Hellenism, and expan-
consistent attitude toward art. These cultural and geographic
sion into other geographic regions caused Buddhism’s initial
variations even within one religion such as Islam and Bud-
aniconicism to evolve into a bifurcation of the iconic and
dhism confirm that any or all of these five relationships be-
iconoclastic religious attitudes. This Buddhist dichotomy is
tween art and religion exist either simultaneously or in a
illustrated in the use of iconic and aniconic forms in those
chronological progression in one religious tradition. In his
man:d:alas that are ceremonially created and then ritually de-
now classic Sacred and Profane Beauty: The Holy in Art (2005
stroyed. Further, a fundamental ambiguity exists within sev-
[1963]), Gerardus van der Leeuw (1890–1950) considered
eral world religions as the hierarchy affirms the proscriptions
the nature of the arts in relation to religion and specifically
or prescriptions pronounced in written texts, dogmas, or
identified Christianity as a religious locus in which all five
creeds, while the praxis of the collective of believers venerates
relationships between art and religion can be identified.
an unconsecrated but nonetheless miraculous image.
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ART AND RELIGION
497
THE VENERATION OF ART. Images are either inherently ven-
lievers. Often the simple viewing of the sacred image is an
erable or become sacralized through an act or ceremony of
efficacious ritual, as witnessed through the ceremonial acts
consecration. The primary classification of natively venerable
of elaborate ornamentation and dressing of sacred images in
images is those singular sacred images known as acheiropoi-
Hinduism and Roman Catholicism. The practice of offering
etai (from the Greek for “not made by hands”). Believers rec-
delicate edibles, lit lamps, aromatic incense, beeswax candles,
ognize these particular images as divinely inspired and di-
fresh flowers, and objects precious to the believer to the sa-
vinely created as they are discovered either fully formed in
cred image occurs either on significant feast days or upon the
nature, including the acheiropoietai images of Buddha, S´iva,
fulfillment of an intercessory plea. Sacred images are often-
or the Black Madonna of Montserrat, or those acheiropoietai
times anointed with consecrated liquids ranging from pre-
reported to have “fallen” from the heavens to the earth like
cious oils to holy water to melted butter—as a rite of cleans-
the iron thokchaks in Tibet and the Black Stone in Mecca.
ing and honor. The secularization of this ritual is practiced
A second mode of acheiropoietai are those formed by direct
in the consecration of monarchs with precious oils and holy
divine imprint on cloth, such as the legendary Mandylion of
water. Devotees may follow prescribed patterns of posture
Edessa and the Christian scriptural Veil of Veronica. A third
and gestures to embody their acts of veneration, such as of-
mode of acheiropoietai are contemporary portraits of sacred
fering prayers from positions of prostration or the kissing of
persons created in their lifetimes by an artist who may also
the sacred image with the intoning of prayers. Furthermore,
have been a holy person; for example, the icons of the Theo-
the religious practice of ritual processions, which concurrent-
tokos and Child painted by Luke the Evangelist and the san-
ly display and honor the sacred image, extend the ritualized
dalwood images of the Buddha reputed to have been carved
boundaries of sacred energy and blessing throughout the pro-
in his actual presence.
cessing areas.
A second category of sacred image meriting adoration
RELIGIOUS CATEGORIES FOR ART. Art has performed a vari-
and respect is the miraculous image that receives gifts and
ety of roles in the environments, rituals, and teachings of
votives regularly from devotees. Miraculous images such as
world religions, from devotional objects to divinely inspired
the Black Madonnas of Spain, Italy, France, and Switzerland,
works to communicators of sacred knowledge. Through ped-
or Gane´sa, the Hindu “remover of obstacles,” exhibit their
sacrality by performing miracles, especially miraculous heal-
agogy, devotions, and contemplation, art has nurtured the
ings of otherwise inexplicable illnesses, bodily ailments, and
development and establishment of religious identity for both
physical disabilities; the dissipation of obstacles; and the con-
individual believers and the larger collective community.
ception and birth of healthy children to previously barren
One of the normative and primary rationales for art in the
women. To evidence reassurance or perhaps to foretell im-
context of religion is “to teach the faith” by means of symbol-
pending disaster, some miraculous images produce a sign
ic and representational depictions of the major sacred narra-
such as a glowing light, aromatic scents, streams of oil or
tives and tenets. This pedagogical, or didactic, aspect of art
blood, or tears as those of the renowned twelfth-century icon
in religion is identified as “visual theology.” Representational
of the Theotokos of Vladimir. Other miraculous images such
art can provide visible models for appropriate behavior,
as the icon of the Theotokos Hodegetria of Constantinople
dress, postures, gestures, and modes of liturgical actions, and
were known for responding to prayers of protection from in-
symbolic and representational liturgical objects of beautiful
vading armies or natural disasters, so the preservation of the
design and proportions can enhance the religious ceremo-
city or the conditions for a good harvest witnessed the inher-
nies. This liturgical, sacramental, or ritualistic dimension of
ent sacrality of the image.
art in religion is labeled “visual liturgy.” Whether symbolic
or representational, works of art that induce prayer or evoke
Rituals of consecration performed by holy periods, or
personal devotions are identified as “visual contemplation.”
ecclesiastical hierarchs, affirmed venerability through the cer-
Art that offers spiritual orientation as the symbols and images
emonial imbuing of diving energy so that the image is wor-
facilitate the devotee into an experience of transcendence or
thy of adoration and respect. Consecration ceremonies range
momentary encounter with the sacred are categorized as “vi-
from the ancient Egyptian “Opening of the Mouth” ritual
sual mysticism.” The symbolic vocabulary of motifs, images,
to the Hindu “Installation of Breath” rite in which the image
or signs that transfer religious meaning and theological tenets
was brought to life through the initiation of breath to the
in a mode accessible only to the initiated is the art of “visual
Zen Buddhist rite in which the eyes of the image are com-
codes.” Art that enhances through design and patterning the
pleted. Representative of that living dichotomy between the
religious environment or the experience of spiritual encoun-
collective of believers and the religious hierarchy are images
ter for the believer is identified as “visual decoration.” The
accepted as miraculous and venerable by the former prior to
art of any of the world’s religions can also be a combination
any formal ecclesiastical approval or consecration ceremony,
of any or all of these categories so that one work can be sym-
as with a manifestation of the Bodhisattva Avalokite´svara or
bolic and mystical or didactic and liturgical. Nonetheless,
an icon of Theotokos Treheroussa.
there are always works of art that are difficult, if not impossi-
Following the ceremonies of consecration, sacred im-
ble to categorize, such as the Muqarnas, or stalactite decora-
ages garner specific forms of behavior and reception from be-
tion of Islamic architecture, which some scholars and believ-
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498
ART AND RELIGION
ers identify as beautiful form and others interpret as the
monastics and religious, the court and aristocracy as well as
multiplicity of God’s unity.
the lower classes.
ART AS RELIGIOUS COMMUNICATION. As a multivalent
The artist as the creator of art has a significant role to
communicator of meaning and value, art can be defined as
play in the characterizing of art as religious art. The defini-
religious art on account of its theme, subject matter, or ico-
tion of the artist and of the artist’s spirituality varies from re-
nography, ranging from a scriptural narrative to a sacred por-
ligion to religion. The characteristics and categories by which
trait to a holy image created within the prescriptions of a par-
the artist is defined include descriptions of the relationship
ticular faith. Religious art incorporates signs and symbols
between artist and art, between art and personal spirituality,
accessible to the initiated who have learned to read the ico-
and ultimately, between the aesthetic and spiritual experi-
nography while recognizable as beautiful form to the uniniti-
ences, and are delineated in distinctive fashions within each
ated, such as the carved reliefs covering the interior and exte-
world religion and culture. For example, art discloses the
rior walls of the Khandar¯ıya Maha¯deva Temple in
character and thereby the spirituality of the artist, according
Khajurano or multiple panels on Mathias Grünewald’s Isen-
to Daoist and Confucian aesthetics, while an intimacy be-
heim Altarpiece.
tween artist, art, and spirituality is presumed by Hindu aes-
Art may be characterized as religious art by its function.
thetics, as art is spiritual and the spiritual is expressed
The fundamental function of most religious art is as religious
through the arts. However, the distinction between artist and
pedagogy to illustrate bodily postures and gestures or a story
art, whereby a nonbeliever could create works for a religious
or dogma of a religious tradition, as do visual symbols and
community or environment, is the modern Western posi-
representational imagery. Beautiful ceremonial objects that
tion. Traditionally, even in the West, the normative pattern
priests or religious officials employ in a sacramental manner
was that the artist was a believer and practicing member of
or as part of a religious ceremony, such as illustrated holy
a religious community for whom the creation of art was a
books, candelabra, or chalices, have a clearly identifiable reli-
spiritual path. The making of religious art was, then, a form
gious function. Visual art, for example, the wall frescoes de-
of religious ritual that began with an act, or period, of spiritu-
picting yoga postures at Ajanta¯ in western India or the By-
al cleansing, including intense prayer, abstinence from sexual
zantine mosaics portraying the sacrament of baptism on the
relations, and fasting. Further a complex but carefully de-
ceilings of the Orthodox Baptistry in Ravenna, have simulta-
fined rubric of forms, symbols, colors, and motifs was fol-
neous liturgical and pedagogical functions. Other works of
lowed; each religious image was a codebook and “earned” the
art such as Yoruban masks and Navajo sand paintings have
appellation “religious art.” In the making of man:d:alas the
a function as ritual art.
Buddhist monk followed such ritual procedures and codified
rules as did the Eastern Orthodox Christian monk who
The positioning or site of a work of art—on an altar or
“wrote” icons and the Navajo shaman who created the heal-
inside a temple—signifies it as religious art. Religious edifices
ing image through sand paintings.
differ in architectural style and function from religion to reli-
RELIGIOUS RESPONSES TO ART. The response to religious art
gion and country to country; however, ecclesiastical, monas-
is predicated upon individual faith, pronounced dogma, reli-
tic, ritual, and sacred locations include temples, synagogues,
gious attitudes toward the image, and aesthetic quality pro-
cathedrals, monasteries, and mosques as well as tombs and
jected by the work of art. The operative principle should be
shrines. Oftentimes, patrons, whether individuals, royalty,
that as the embodiment of the sacred, a religious image pro-
religious hierarchs, or monastic communities, commission
vides for immediate and permanent access to the deity. Such
works of art, including but not limited to altarpieces or
a response, however, would require the believer’s receptivity
stained-glass windows, for a specific location. An artist’s
to the power of images and the primacy of sacred nature. The
comprehension of the scale and siting of the work of art from
practical reality is that even one work of religious art can gar-
the time of the commission permits design according to the
ner a diversity of responses, each of which is dependent upon
spatial environment, as with Hubert and Jan van Eyck’s
the believer’s preconceptions regarding religious encounter
Ghent Altarpiece (1432). Other works of art, for example, the
and the image. As an example of this multiplicity of response
sculpture of Athena in the Parthenon or the monumental
to one image, consider that of S´iva Nataraja, the divine danc-
Buddha at Kamakura, are identified as religious art as their
er who creates and destroys the universe with each footstep.
function determines their placement.
S´iva is invited to enter an image of himself at the beginning
Commissions for works of art either for placement or
of ritual prayer or ceremonies; his presence may be perpetual
use within a religious environment—whether temple,
or fleeting, although the physical image endures through the
mosque, monastery, synagogue, or church—or for a religious
work of art. Throughout the ritual both S´iva and his sacred
activity—ecclesiastical, liturgical, sacramental, devotional,
energy reside within the image but depart when the ritual
contemplative, or catechetical—qualify art as religious art.
comes to a close. The image remains as a visual aid for per-
Patronage of religious art may be the result of a special devo-
sonal devotion and prayer and as a visual remembrance of
tion, a healing, a response to an intercessory plea, or to as-
the god’s activity so that S´iva’s sacred presence is known even
suage divine anger. Throughout the religions of the world,
in his absence. The artistic rendering of S´iva Nataraja func-
patrons of religious art have included laypeople as well as
tions as a visual reminder of the divinity’s existence rather
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ART AND RELIGION
499
than an embodiment or temporary receptacle of the sacred;
Cultural and language shifts beginning with the Renais-
it thereby becomes a centering point for meditation, prayer,
sance were formative on this nineteenth-century movement,
ritual, or religious experience. For many devotees, such an
as the concept of art was transformed from craft and that of
image is simply the point of initiation toward their individu-
the artist to individual creator. These terms were further clar-
al “goal” to transcend materiality and to ascend to a mystical
ified with the Enlightenment and the Romantic movement,
state of imageless union with the divine. Other believers find
as the Renaissance cult of the artist as an individual, and per-
such an image to be simply a pedagogical object but not rele-
haps a genius, matured into common vocabulary. The Ger-
vant for personal prayer, devotions, or mystical experiences.
man Romantic philosophers, including J.G. Fichte (1762-
For an iconoclast, such an image of S´iva Nataraja should be
1814), Friedrich W.J. Schelling (1775-1854), and August
denied, if not destroyed, as much out of a fear of idolatry as
Wilhelm Schlegel (1767-1845), built upon the foundations
a simple distrust of images.
of subjectivity introduced by Immanuel Kant (1724–1804)
What is most significant in the human response to reli-
and the spiritual in art of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
gious art is that even a minimal response provides an entry
(1749-1832). Other philosophical and theological influences
into the experience of or participation in divine power and
from Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768–1834) to Charles Bau-
energy. Works of religious art, for believers, are not simply
delaire (1821–1867) to Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803–1882)
material objects but mediators of spiritual energies. Simulta-
to John Ruskin (1819–1900) corroborated this transforma-
neously as efficacious location and a distancing from devo-
tion toward a spiritualizing of art and toward the establish-
tees, sacred space is created by the presence of a religious
ment of an academic discourse identifiable as art and reli-
image. Recognized as a religious image in many religions, the
gion. This genre of Christian art initiated by Rio, Lindsay,
human body is identified as a reflection of the divine bodies
and Jameson was quickly expanded by a variety of ministers,
of the gods and goddesses in Classical Greece and as an ob-
artists, and educators predominantly from England, France,
ject of glorification in certain Hindu sects and African tradi-
Germany, and then the United States. Their publications in-
tions. Thereby, the response of the human body to religious
cluded travel diaries, behavior manuals, gift books and annu-
art provides an aesthetic channel for devotions, contempla-
als, and treatises on the history and symbolism of Christian
tion, prayer, and worship.
art; and this genre flourished into the early twentieth centu-
A P
ry, as witnessed by the popular books of Estelle Hurll, The
RELIMINARY HISTORY OF THE FIELD. As a discrete field
Madonna in Art (1897) and Clara Erskine Clement Waters,
of study, art and religion has no singular historic event or
scholar to recognize as its formal beginning or founder. From
Saints in Art (1899).
the beginnings of scholarly discourse, critical and academic
Concurrently, the academic study of religion, especially
discussions of art or religion impinged each upon the territo-
as the history of religions, began to surface in the German
ry of the other, as reflected in the initial pages of this entry.
university system, while an assortment of cultural events, in-
As an identifiable formal topic, however, the study of art and
cluding the artistic modes of Orientalism and Japonisme in
religion was initiated with the virtual plethora of mid-
the nineteenth century and the fascination with le primtif
nineteenth-century publications on Christian art that
in the early twentieth century, the Christian missions into
emerged from the pens of a diverse group of predominantly
China and Japan, the Chicago World’s Fair, the Parliament
self-trained writers beginning with Alexis-François Rio
of World Religions, and the phenomenon of theosophy cre-
(1797–1874), De la poésie Chrétienne (1837); Adolphe Na-
ated a cultural climate of intellectual and popular interest in
poléon Didron (1806–1867), Iconographie Chrétienne
other religions, particularly Hinduism and Buddhism.
(1843); Lord Lindsay Alexander (1812–1880), Sketches of the
Nonetheless, the lens was Western—so a Western perception
History of Christian Art (1847); and Anna Brownell [Mur-
of Hinduism or Buddhism as both a religion and a culture.
phy] Jameson (1794–1860), Sacred and Legendary Art
Western scholars and commensurately Western scholarship
(1848). These publications, especially Jameson’s books and
has privileged this field of study. Students of religion and art-
serialized texts, which built upon her renown as an author
ists learned about the aesthetics and art of “the other.” As the
of museum guidebooks, inaugurated a genre dedicated to the
academic study of art history was being organized in several
appreciation of Christian art as an exemplar of moral values
European universities, the recognition of the need to learn
and good taste. Nonetheless, these texts situated the paint-
about religion was mandatory for the research and discussion
ings and sculptures discussed within their historical contexts,
of Christian art, and later of the arts of India, China, and
carefully described any stylistic or technical innovations, and
Japan. From its earliest moment, then, art and religion was
explained the “lost language” of Christian signs and symbols.
a multicultural and multireligious form of discourse.
Apparently, there was a charisma for Christian art at this
time throughout Western Europe and America, as witnessed
Further developments in the study of art and religion
by the establishment of a variety of art movements—the
resulted from the breadth of vision among a select group of
Academy of St. Luke in Rome, the Pre-Raphaelite Brother-
religion scholars: Rudolf Otto (1869–1937), Gerardus van
hood in London, and the Nazarenes in Vienna—dedicated
der Leeuw (1890–1950), Mircea Eliade (1907–1986), and
to the reunification of art and religion as epitomized in the
Suzuki Daisetz (1870–1966); art historian Ananda K. Coo-
medieval synthesis.
maraswamy (1877–1947); and theologian Paul Tillich
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500
ART AND RELIGION
(1886–1965). Of this magisterial group, the phenomenolo-
Graham (1914-1999) and Merce Cunningham (b. 1919),
gist of religion, Rudolph Otto, and the historian of religions,
and the painters and sculptors who became known as the Ab-
Mircea Eliade, contributed most significantly to the develop-
stract Expressionists, including Jackson Pollock (1912-1956)
ment of the discrete field of study known as art and religion.
and Mark Rothko (1903-1970), to an alternate way of envi-
In his now classic The Idea of the Holy, Otto identified the
sioning and experiencing the sacred, and to the spirituality
connectives between art and religion. Beyond normative lan-
of art.
guage and rational description, religious experience is initiat-
Similarly, a quick survey of the academic field of art his-
ed by the nonrational modes of communication and sensory
tory and of the influence of several prominent art historians
perceptions provided by art. Despite his silence on any com-
such as Charles Rufus Morey, Émile Mâle, Erwin Panofsky,
parison between aesthetic and religious experience, or the
and Meyer Schapiro would provide critical moments in the
commonalities between religion and artistic creativity, Otto
evolution of the field of art and religion. Panofsky’s work in
points to the critical importance of the experience of art as
deciphering iconography from iconology may be one of the
a moment of the silence, awe, wonder, and fear encountered
most crucial art historical contributions to the study of art
before the numinous.
and religion prior to Freedberg’s “response theory.” Iconog-
Eliade describes the visualizing of the otherwise invisible
raphy was a carefully detailed method of analysis of the sym-
sacred through art in a variety of forms and styles in Symbol-
bolic vocabulary delineated within an image, while iconology
ism, the Sacred, and the Arts (1994 [1985]). Art is a conduit
was an explanation of an image or art form within the con-
to the sacred and a human activity permitting the possibility
text of the culture—social, political, religious, and engen-
for involvement with divinity/ies. Art is essential to the prop-
dered—that produced it.
er performance of religious ceremonies and rituals. Eliade in-
METHODS AND METHODOLOGIES. The amorphous nature
terpreted art as embedded in the human universal conscious-
of the relationship between art and religion as both a topic
ness and in all world cultures and emerging in the artistic
of investigation and a field of study is paralleled by the often-
visioning and reinterpretation of symbols and images even
times perceived “flexible” methodologies employed by spe-
in the secular art of the twentieth century. Coomaraswamy
cialists. The breadth of methodological approaches, technical
sought for the commonalities between the spiritual art of
languages, and questions investigated continue to expand in
East and West, but perhaps his most significant contribu-
tandem with the study of religion. The lacuna of a single or
tions came during his tenure as curator of Asian Art at the
even commonly accepted “core” methodology is irksome at
Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, where he introduced the
best. The diverse technical vocabularies and methodologies
concept of “spiritual art” into the vocabulary of curators,
include but are not limited to art history, iconography and
museum displays, and special exhibitions. He furthered the
iconology, cultural history, church history, ethics, history of
definition of spiritual art when he supervised the acceptance
religion, ritual studies, comparative religions, and theology.
of several of Alfred Stieglitz’s (1864-1946) photographs as
The primary characteristic of art and religion that defies its
works of art—the first photographs ever to enter a museum
definition as a normative field of study is that it is fundamen-
or gallery collection under the rubric of art—into the muse-
tally a multidisciplinary field that is broad in its subject mat-
um’s collection. Van der Leeuw proposed a phenomenology
ter, geographic sweep, world religions foci, and technical lan-
of art and religion in his Sacred and Profane Beauty: The Holy
guage.
in Art, in which he described how all the arts—dance, drama,
poetry, painting and sculpture, architecture, and music—
From its possible “official” beginnings in the mid-
signaled and manifested the presence of the sacred. His is the
nineteenth century into the twenty-first century, art and reli-
only text to expand the discussion comparatively among the
gion has traversed a variety of methodological formulae and
arts.
vocabularies, beginning with art history, iconography and
symbolism, history of religion, cultural history, theology,
Tillich is to be credited with relating contemporary
philosophy, phenomenology, and iconology, while the foci
Christian theology with twentieth-century art. His efforts to
of a new generation of scholars in the 1970s incorporated the
see and to discuss the connectives between contemporary
principles and lenses to expand the borders of art and religion
works of art with both religious and secular themes to the
into the questions raised by the emerging categories of “the
classic masterpieces of Christian art, and as venue for discuss-
marginalized” and feminism into the 1980s issues of the
ing theological issues, opened the door to the serious consid-
body and class. The reception of art historian David Freed-
eration of the spirituality of modern art. Suzuki’s significance
berg’s groundbreaking study, The Power of Images (1989),
to the study of art and religion was his masterful text Zen and
defined and traced the history of “response theory,” which
Japanese Culture (1970 [1938]), in which he introduced his
provided art and religion with an affirmation of its interest
interpretation of the Zen aesthetic to the West. However, his
in the human, or worshiper’s, experience of art. Beginning
famed lectures on Zen and Zen aesthetics at Columbia Uni-
with the late 1980s, specialized studies with methodologies
versity in the 1950s opened the eyes and the minds of many
and languages for material culture, popular culture, perfor-
of New York’s most promising and creative artists, including
mance and display, visual culture, and museum studies were
musician John Cage (1912–1992), choreographers Martha
incorporated, sometimes tangentially, into art and religion.
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ART AND RELIGION
501
These additional disciplinary approaches and topical in-
on Byzantine, medieval, and Renaissance art will quickly
terests may be interpreted as diffusing the field of art and reli-
learn that the art of those historical epochs is undisputedly
gion that much more broadly. However, the reality is two-
difficult to decipher without some study of the history and
fold: oftentimes these new approaches or fields give a “name”
theology. The texts on Christian art by Émile Mâle (1984),
such as Freedberg’s “response theory” to an attitude, theme,
Erwin Panofsky (1953 and 1972), and Otto von Simson
or subject of art and religion research and investigation; and
(1956) evidenced a careful interweaving of theology, scrip-
secondly, the fundamental nature of art and religion is to be
ture, and church history as connectors in the visual codes in
inclusive, and to that end, it is a metaphor for religious
the individual artworks analyzed. During the late 1960s the
studies. Nonetheless, it is reasonable to consider whether art
formal academic concern for the creative process correspond-
and religion as a field without a methodology is an academic
ed with more than a comparative analysis of the aesthetic and
nomad or a valid but discrete field of study.
the spiritual experience. Rather, fascination grew with the
The methodological lacuna for art and religion may be
code of visual vocabulary and the mode by which images
problematic, especially in any attempt to defend its existence
communicate ideas, as seen in the 1969 and 1974 texts of
as a field of study. However, the range of disciplinary meth-
Rudolf Arnheim (b. 1904) and the 1971 text by Martin Hei-
ods and topics ranging from art history to cultural studies to
degger (1889–1976).
theology to gender studies and beyond has created a mul-
Religion-centered investigations emerge from a fascina-
tilayered syntax for the research, writing, and discussions of
tion with or a devotion to the theological impulse or religious
art and religion. Among the fundamental topics for investi-
character of art. Central to this mode of examination are the
gation have been the historical relationships between art and
topics of the affect of theology or religion on the making and
religion(s); religious attitudes toward image (or icon or idol);
symbolic content of a work of art, and of the cultural inter-
religious attitudes toward the veneration of images; the sym-
play between artists and the theological postures of prevalent
bolism of gender in religious art; changing cultural attitudes
themes. Scholars who participate within the frame of “reli-
toward religion and the effect(s) upon art; changing cultural
gion-centered investigations” include art historians, church
values toward art and the implications for religion; and the
historians, and theologians who typically engage in the study
visual evidence for cultural shifts in understanding of gender
of art and religion from the perspective of one faith tradition,
and the body. Further, the normative pattern has been that
as witnessed by Jane Daggett Dillenberger’s books on the
specialists in art and religion operate with the methodologi-
style and content of Christian art (1965), John Dillenber-
cal formulae and vocabulary in which they were first trained,
ger’s texts on Christian art in the context of church history
and expand, transform, and re-form these in the process of
and theology (1988 and 1999), and John W. Dixon’s studies
research and writing about art and religion.
of the theological impulse in Christian art (1978 and 1996).
From the nineteenth-century “establishment” of art and
The creative process for the artist as an act of religious com-
religion as a focus of study, there are three identifiable inves-
munication of ideas is evidenced in the “religion-centered in-
tigative categories related directly to the initial or primary
vestigations” of Jacques Maritain’s (1882–1973) 1978 work
lens in which a scholar of art and religion is initially trained:
and Nicholas Wolterstorff’s 1980 study.
art history, theology, and history of religion. Further, these
Religions-and-art-centered investigations proceed with
categorizations to the point of origin within the research—
comparative analyses of at least two religious traditions, with
that is, the category of “art-centered investigations”—
art as the focal point. The process of comparative readings
proceed from art as a primary document; “religion-centered
of the same work of art determines the universality of art and
investigations” advance from the religious impulse; and the
of the religious impulse. Comparative studies of symbols and
“art-and-religions-centered investigations” emerge from the
images extend beyond syntax and vocabulary to witness the
comparative study of traditions.
creative impulse of imagination as it shapes new worlds and
Art-centered investigations begin with a fascination
formulates new understandings of the human and of the
with or spotlight on art, particularly a specific work of art.
world, which cannot be achieved through language or rea-
Critical in this mode of analysis are the topics of the origin
son. Scholars operating within the “religions-and-art-
of the work of art, the “reading” of the signs and symbols,
centered” investigations include art historians, historians of
and recognition of the cultural and historic context as forma-
religion, and aestheticians who share a passion for compara-
tive in the shaping of the artist and the artistic vision. Schol-
tive study and the desire to learn the vocabulary of signs and
ars who operate from this category of “art-centered investi-
symbols, such as Titus Burckhardt’s (1908–1984) compara-
gations” are predominantly art historians, art critics, and aes-
tive analyses of Hindu, Christian, and Islamic art (1967 and
theticians who typically analyze the art and religion of one
1987), Coomaraswamy’s studies of Christian and Hindu art
faith tradition, as evidenced by Hisamatsu Shin’ichi’s (1889–
and religion (1943), and S. G. F. Brandon’s (1907–1971)
1980) study of Zen Buddhist art (1982), André Grabar’s
books on comparative rituals and iconography (1975). Also
(1896–1990) texts on Christian art and iconography (1968),
within this category is a place for the art of world religions
and Stella Kramrisch’s (1898–1993) work on Hindu art and
to be evaluated with reference to the energy and power of
architecture (1946 and 1965). Students involved in research
art to fascinate and communicate through emotive codes and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
502
ART AND RELIGION
images, as discussed by André Malraux (1953 and 1960) and
tion, consecration, and response. Furthermore, and perhaps
F. S. C. Northrop (1946).
more significant, globalism and pluralism should assist in
erasing the privileged status of Western scholars and Western
The interpretative critiques raised by those scholars rep-
art within the boundaries of art and religion. Comparative
resenting “the marginalized” transferred attention from the
studies of specific artistic images or motifs might prove to
traditional art being studied to the nature and intent of the
be a positive venue to examine the commonalities and the
questions being asked. Initially, feminism wielded vast influ-
differences and even the possibility of reformulating the basic
ence in transforming scholarly foci and the methodological
vocabulary and issues of this discrete field of study.
formulae. The incorporation of feminist concerns, motifs,
methods, and vocabulary in art and religion is evidenced by
Another way to consider this serious concern of the pre-
the work of Margaret R. Miles (1985) and Celia Rabinovitch
sentation of sacred art is the growing awareness that the “ob-
(2002). Scholarly interest in the process of seeing, the rela-
jects” being studied are being analyzed, researched, and en-
tionship between art and religious vision on all levels of soci-
countered outside of their original placement and purpose.
ety, and the role of seeing in the process of making art is em-
Thus, to be inclusive, our analysis must extend to the consid-
phasized in the new disciplinary visual culture studies by
eration, if not reconstruction, of the physical space in which
Colleen McDannell (1995) and David Morgan (1998 and
the work was originally sited, its function (devotional, litur-
2005). An important reference is the special exhibitions and
gical, ceremonial, ritual), and the experience of encountering
their catalogues and books, which have begun to focus on
the work for the first time in its “home” place.
issues related to the art and religion of the so-called Third
Art is an imaged reflection, prophecy, and witness to
World in the work of Rosemary Crumlin (1988 and 1991),
human experience and religious values as well as an expres-
Thomas B. F. Cummings, and Kenneth Mills (1997). The
sion of culture. The topic of art and religion continues to en-
writing and discussions of two art historians—David Freed-
tice consideration and to adapt itself to the transformations
berg (1989) on response theory and James Elkins (2001) on
and permutations of scholarly concerns. The call continues
the interconnections of optics/vision, human emotions, and
among a new generation of young scholars to define the field
religious meaning in art—have greatly advanced the studies
and to adopt a methodology. The field of study identified
of art and religion.
as art and religion continues to survive despite its lack of a
N
recognized methodology or academic vocabulary. Art, like
EW CONSIDERATIONS. As scholars engaged in the study of
art and religion continue their perennial quest to answer the
religion, defies categorization and universal definition. Art
critical questions “what makes art religious?” and “how is re-
and religion are inexorably interconnected throughout
ligious artistic?”, the analytic methods, subjects, and vocabu-
human history and human creativity.
lary have responded by crossing over into the borders of new
B
disciplines, such as visual culture, and the new critical gaunt-
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whom Artemis is often connected, share her space during
their transitional rites. Like these nymphs, Artemis, too, is
Grabar, Oleg. The Shape of the Holy: Early Islamic Jerusalem.
a virgin; but unlike her, these maidens (korai) will lose their
Princeton, N.J., 1996.
virginity (the chorus of “resounding Artemis” and her korai
Rice, David Talbott. Islamic Art. New York, 1965.
provokes erotic conquests).
DIANE APOSTOLOS-CAPPADONA (2005)
Hunting means killing, and the huntress Artemis also
kills humans—and not only in revenge. Her unfailing arrows
were believed to cause the death from disease of women of
ARTEMIS in Greek mythology is the daughter of Zeus
every age and station. The invisible arrow of Artemis also ex-
and Leto and the twin sister of Apollo. In Greek religion she
plained unexpected female death (Odyssey 11.172). Hera, the
is concerned with the transitions of birth and growing up of
protectress of married women, once called Artemis “a
both genders, as well as with the death of women and with
women’s lioness” (Iliad 21.483).
the spaces outside the cities and the human activities in
them—especially hunting and warfare. In the Greek East she
The Homeric Hymn to Apollo (seventh century BCE) al-
is also a city goddess. Her equivalents in Anatolia and the
ludes to her birth in Ortygia (vs. 16). The passage separates
Near East were the Phrygian Cybele and the Persian Anahita.
Ortygia from Delus, where some later texts locate her birth,
The Romans identified Artemis with Diana, whereas
usually on the sixth day of the month Thargelion—Artemis
the Etruscans accepted her under her Greek name as
has to be older than her twin brother, with whose birth she
“Artume(s).” She is known as “Artimus” in Lydia, and as
assisted on the seventh day of Thargelion. In most calendars,
“Ertemi” in Lycia; she had many local sanctuaries all over
the festivals of Artemis are celebrated on the sixth day of any
Anatolia. The Greek goddess entered both the Lycian and
month, while Apollo’s is celebrated on the seventh. The tem-
Lydian pantheon under her Greek name, and numerous
ple of Artemis on Delus dates to about 700 BCE and is almost
local goddesses all over Anatolia were hellenized as Artemis.
two centuries older than the first temple of Apollo, who was
E
Delus’s main divinity; its cult focused on the “Altar of
ARLY ARTEMIS. Her name defies etymology. She is most
likely referred to in the inscriptions from the Bronze Age
Horns.”
Pylus (Linear B), although her functions are unclear. She is
The Greeks knew of another place called Ortygia, in a
also referenced in Hyampolis (Boeotia), a sanctuary that in
lonely river valley outside the city of Ephesus, Artemis’s main
the first millennium BCE belonged to Artemis and Apollo
city in the ancient world. The local myth told how Leto fled
goes back to the later Bronze Age; however it is unclear
to this sacred grove to give birth to her daughter. In order
whether this attests to her cult at this early age.
to protect mother and baby from being pursued by Hera,
The mythology and religious roles of Artemis are fully
armed demons—the Kouretes—performed a noisy armed
established in early Greek poetry. Homer and Hesiod (late
dance around the newly born goddess (Strabo, Geography
sixth to early seventh centuries BCE) know her as the daughter
14.1.20). This explained the religious and political role of a
of Zeus and Leto, where together with her mother and her
body of leading male citizens connected with the political
brother Apollo, she takes the side of the Trojans against the
center of Ephesus, the “sacred Kouretes.”
Greeks (Iliad 20.479–513) (although she is a rather inept
ARTEMIS, HUNTING, AND WARFARE. In the documentation
fighter). Homeric poetry narrates some of her myths: how
on later Greek religion, the roles of Artemis become further
she took revenge on the Calydonian king Oineus for neglect-
varied. Public cult rarely documents Artemis the huntress,
ing her sacrifice (Iliad 9.533–540) and on the Theban queen
although individual hunters dedicate the heads, antlers, or
Niobe for slighting her mother (Iliad 24.603–609), as well
hides of their prey to Artemis, as they also do to Pan, another
as how—in an idiosyncratic form—she killed Orion, the
god of wild nature with whom she sometimes interacts. A
lover of Eos (Odyssey 5.121), and Ariadne on the behest of
late oracle from Didyma even prescribes sacrifices to Artemis
Dionysos (Odyssey 11.324).
in order to gain her help against Pan’s wrath (Eusebius, Prae-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARTEMIS
507
paratio Evangelica 7.5). Since fishing is another form of
Spartans who found it mad. In the city of Pellene another
hunting, fishermen, as well, dedicate portions of their catch
small image of Artemis was carried around the walls of the
to Artemis. Images often represent Artemis as a huntress with
besieged city in order to instill madness in the attackers,
a short dress, high boots, a bow, and a quiver or a couple of
whereas in the Peloponnesian city Lousoi yet another Arte-
hunting spears; at times she’ll appear with a female deer at
mis (Hemerasia, the Tameress) could heal madness. Cruelty,
her side; this is as common on Attic vase paintings as in Clas-
madness, divine protection, and the world of young warriors
sical and post-Classical sculpture.
seem to blend into one complex that expressed itself in a
small image of Artemis that looked, in a native reading, old
To the Greeks, warfare and hunting were closely con-
and foreign.
nected. Hunting was training for war, and in several Greek
states, Artemis was also connected with warfare. Before a bat-
Several Greek cities performed yet another ritual that in-
tle, the Spartans offered a sacrifice to Artemis Agrotera (The
digenous interpreters connected with warfare, with hunting,
Wild One) (Xenophon, Hellenica 4.2.20). The Athenians
or with human sacrifice. In his Description, Pausanias gives
celebrated the victory of Marathon with an annual sacrifice
an elaborate account of the contemporary festival (mid-
to Artemis and Enyalios, a god of war often identified with
second century CE) of Artemis Laphria in city of Patras: on
Ares (Aristotle, State of Athens 58.1). Artemis Tauropolos, a
a large pyre surrounded by a wooden palisade, the priests
goddess connected with groups of young warriors—and per-
burned alive a large number of wild animals, including bears
haps also with bull’s masks—is the protectress of the Mace-
and stags (7.18.8–11). The ritual and the image of the god-
donian army and of the armies of the successors of Alexander
dess were said to have been transferred to Patras from the
the Great (356–323 BCE). In these roles, then, Artemis ap-
town of Calydon, where Artemis possessed an important
pears as the female goddess at the center of a group of male
sanctuary in the archaic period. A comparable ritual is con-
warriors and citizens, as does the Anatolian Cybele.
firmed in the cult of Artemis Laphria in Hyampolis in which
the etiological myth derived from a war, while a fire ritual
ARTEMIS AND YOUNG MEN. Artemis’s protection and pa-
of Artemis Tauropolos in Phocaea was said to culminate in
tronage of young men is part of this same function of hunt-
a human sacrifice.
ing and warfare. However, her patronage here is often ex-
pressed in cruel rites.
ARTEMIS AND YOUNG WOMEN. Artemis was at least as im-
portant for young girls and women as she was for young
In the sanctuary of Artemis Tauropolos in Attic Halai
men. A chorus of girls dancing for Artemis was common, es-
Araphenides, where young men performed armed dances, a
pecially in the Peloponnese; the girls often performed in
young man’s throat would be ritually cut until he bled. Myth
sanctuaries situated far outside the cities, often in the moun-
explained this as a substitution for Orestes’ sacrifice to the
tains or in swampy regions. There, Artemis was Limnatis or
cruel Artemis of the Taurians. The rites in the Spartan sanc-
Limnaia (“Lady of the Lake”; Pausanias, 4.4.2; 2.7.6) from
tuary of Artemis Orthia were even more spectacular, rousing
the grove’s position near a lake, or Kedreatis (“Lady of the
the interest of Greek and Roman visitors and scholars. The
Cedar Tree”; Pausanias, 8.13.2) and Karyatis (“She of the
Spartans flogged a young man at the altar of Artemis until
Hazelnut Tree”; Pausanias, 3.10.7) from the prominent trees
he bled. While this took place, her priestess assisted with the
of a sacred grove. None of this material, however, points to
act, carrying a small image of the goddess. If the beating was
Frazerian tree cult in the service of Artemis.
not hard enough, the image the priestess carried grew heavi-
er. This ritual was thought to replace a human sacrifice, al-
Young Athenian girls spent some time in the secluded
though it developed from a contest among young males in
sanctuary of Artemis Brauronia on the East coast of Attica,
which one group tried to steal cheese from Artemis’s altar
far away from any city. The archaeological finds from the
while a second group tried to prevent the theft.
sanctuary attest to dancing of choruses, running contests of
naked girls, and the use of bear masks. Local mythology ex-
Several statues of a priestess with a small, archaic-
plains that the cult was instituted to appease Artemis; she was
looking image belong to another sanctuary of Artemis
angry because the Athenians had killed her sacred bear. Myth
Orthia, in the city of Messene. The Spartan image was said
and cult also recall the story of Callisto, a nymph whom Ar-
to be identical with the image in Artemis’s sanctuary among
temis turned into a bear to punish her for her loss of virgini-
the Taurians, located at the northern shore of the Black Sea.
ty. Callisto would give birth to Arcas, the founder of Arcadia,
(Iphigenia and Orestes brought this image to Greece.) At
who, as a hunter, unwittingly shot his bear mother. This
some point in the ritual, the image was bound into the
story combines the topic of girls in the service of Artemis
boughs of a lygos bush (a willow), hence the name Artemis
with the male topics of bear hunt and the foundation of a
Lygodesme (Bound in Willow) (Pausanias, Description of
state. Callisto’s name, the “Most Beautiful Girl,” also refers
Greece 3.16.11).
to beauty contests that were sometimes connected with cho-
ruses of girls.
In another local ritual from Tyndaris in Sicily, the same
Taurian image was wrapped in a bundle of wood (phakelos,
As a patroness of nubile girls, Artemis does not only pro-
hence Artemis Phakelitis) and carried in a procession. Ac-
tect their virginity as long as necessary; she also presides over
cording to a Spartan myth, the Taurian image drove the
the birth of their children once these girls become married
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
508
ARTHUR
women. Before their weddings, brides dedicated their toys
lated as Choruses of Young Women in Ancient Greece: Their
to her, sometimes providing sacrifice to her during the wed-
Morphology, Religious Role, and Social Functions. Translated
ding ritual. More often, Artemis was called Lochia (Lady of
by Derek Collins and Janice Orion. Lanham, Md., 1997.
Birth) or was identified with the birth-goddess Eileithyia.
Christou, Chryssanthos. Potnia Theron. Thessaloniki, Greece,
Iphigenia, who shared the sanctuary of Brauron with the
1968.
goddess, received the clothing of women who had died while
Cole, Susan Guettel. “Domesticating Artemis.” InThe Sacred and
giving birth.
the Feminine in Ancient Greece, edited by Sue Blundell and
OTHER ROLES. It was only in the Greek East that Artemis
Margaret Williamson, pp. 27–43. London, 1998.
was also the protectress of cities, primarily in Ephesus. The
Dawkins, R. M. The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta. Lon-
Ephesian sanctuary became her main sanctuary during the
don, 1929.
Archaic Age. Shortly after 600 BCE, king Croesus of neigh-
Fleischer, Robert. Artemis von Ephesos und verwandte Kultstatuen
boring Lydia contributed to the construction of a splendid
aus Anatolien und Syrien. Leiden, 1973.
temple. The New Testament account of Paul’s visit in Ephe-
sus (Acts 19.23–48) demonstrates the importance of her cult
Galvano, Albino. Artemis Efesia. Turin, Italy, 1990.
and the religious fervor of the Ephesians. During the Helle-
Gentili, Bruno and Franca Perusino, eds. Le orse di Brauron. Un
nistic and imperial epochs, many Greek and Anatolian cities
rituale di iniziazione femminile nel santuario di Artemide.
took over the cult of Ephesian Artemis, sometimes with mys-
Pisa, Italy, 2002.
teries. The official cult image of Ephesus represented the
Vernant, Jean-Pierre. Figures, Tables, Masques, pp. 137–207.
goddess with two burning torches. Yet the Ephesians also
Paris, 1990.
had another image, the one of a many-breasted (multimam-
FRITZ GRAF (2005)
ma) Artemis that is preserved in several ancient copies and
whose explanation is still uncertain—its iconography seems
to follow archaic Anatolian iconography that has nothing do
to with female breasts.
ARTHUR, traditionally known as a sixth-century king of
Artemis played a similar role in the Anatolian cities of
the Britons. Discussion of the origins of Arthur is of long
Perge, where her image followed a comparable iconography.
standing. He is the hero or, later, the central figure of a large
Her role was much the same in Magnesia, on the Maeander;
body of literature, much of it cyclic, in most western Europe-
here Artemis Leukophryene became prominent because of an
an languages but most especially in the medieval forms of
epiphany in the third century BCE.
French, German, English, and Welsh. He is consistently por-
trayed as a British ruler, and there is no doubt that his origins
The poet Aeschylus identified Artemis with the moon,
are to be sought in early Welsh sources and, to a lesser extent,
as he identified Apollo with the sun. Later, these identifica-
in Breton and Cornish literature.
tions became commonplace, especially in Roman literature.
During the imperial epoch, Artemis (often as a moon god-
The evidence for Arthur’s historical existence is meager
dess) was identified with a large number of other goddesses,
and difficult to evaluate. Chapter 56 of the ninth-century
especially with Hekate and Isis, thus giving her some impor-
Historia Brittonum, usually attributed to “Nennius,” places
tance in magic, as well.
him in the context of the first period of the attacks on Britain
by the Germanic invaders, in the second half of the fifth cen-
SEE ALSO Apollo; Dionysos; Divination, article on Greek
tury, and lists twelve of his famous victories. The chronicle
and Roman Divination; Greek Religion; Hera; Homer;
now known as Annales Cambriae notes under the year 518
Soul, article on Greek and Hellenistic Concepts.
the Battle of Badon, as an Arthurian victory, probably the
same as that which closes the Nennian list, and under 539
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the Battle of Camlan, in which Arthur and Medrawd fell
Most of the ancient texts cited above are available in critical edi-
tions with English translations in the Loeb Classical Library.
(Medrawd, Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Modred, is the rebel-
No comprehensive scholarly treatment of Artemis is avail-
lious nephew of Arthur whose abduction of Guenevere led
able. The following books and articles treat specific aspects
to the catastrophic final Battle of Camlan). The Nennian
of the goddess:
notes and the chronicle entries probably derive from the
Bammer, Anton. Das Heiligtum der Artemis von Ephesos. Vienna,
same northern British source of the eighth century and are
1984.
the earliest testimony to a historical Arthur. The places re-
Brulotte, E. L. “Artemis: Her Peloponnesian Abodes and Cults.”
ferred to in the list of battles cannot be securely located, and
In Peloponnesian Sanctuaries and Cults: Proceedings of the
not all are to be associated with Arthur; but the list probably
Ninth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Ath-
represents the remnant of a pre-ninth-century Welsh poem
ens, 11–13 June 1994, edited by Robin Hägg, pp. 179–182.
that contained a catalog of some of Arthur’s traditional victo-
Stockholm, 2002.
ries. Together with a eulogistic reference to Arthur in anoth-
Bruns, Gerda. Artemis die Jägerin. Berlin, 1929.
er Welsh poem, Gododdin, from northern Britain, these early
Calame, Claude. Les choeurs des jeunes filles en Grèce archaïque. I:
allusions suggest the development of a fifth-century British
Morphologie, fonction religieuse et sociale. Rome, 1977. Trans-
leader into a popular heroic figure celebrated in song. (The
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE
509
Gododdin reference cannot be dated more securely than to
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the sixth to eleventh century.) The British author Gildas,
Good surveys of individual Arthurian topics will be found in R.
however, writing about 540, does not name Arthur, although
S. Loomis’s Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages (Oxford,
he celebrates the Battle of Badon; nor do other major histori-
1959), where K. H. Jackson writes on the Arthur of history
and of the early Welsh sources. The best survey of the earliest
cal sources, such as The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle or Bede, refer
material is Thomas Jones’s, “The Early Evolution of the Leg-
to him, so that some doubt as to his historical existence must
end of Arthur,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 8 (1964): 3–21.
remain.
All aspects of medieval Welsh literature relating to Arthur are dis-
cussed in a collaborative volume edited by Rachel Bromwich,
Stories of Arthur, like many other northern British he-
A. O. H. Jarman, Brynley F. Roberts, The Arthur of the Welsh
roic legends, were relocated in early medieval Wales and
(Cardiff, 1991). Other volumes in this series (Arthurian liter-
achieved great popularity even before the arrival of the Nor-
ature in the Middle Ages) are: W. J. Barron, editor, The Ar-
mans in the eleventh century opened the way for this materi-
thur of the English (2001), W. J. Jackson and others, editors,
al to become a major component in the chivalric literatures
The Arthur of the Germans (2000). J. B. Coe and S. Young,
of western Europe. Welsh poems from before 1100, mira-
The Celtic Sources for the Arthurian Legend (Felinfach, 1995)
bilia recounted in the Historia Brittonum, and material in
is a useful and dependable compendium. O. J. Padel, Arthur
in Medieval Welsh Literature (Cardiff, 2000) and again “The
some saints’ lives of the eleventh and twelfth centuries all tes-
Nature of Arthur,” Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 17
tify to a variety of tales being told about Arthur and to the
(1994): 1–31, bring many new and challenging insights to
fact that the hero was beginning to attract to himself legends
the material. A. O. H. Jarman describes the Welsh poetry in
and heroes from other cycles. Nineteenth-century scholars
“The Delineation of Arthur in Early Welsh Verse” in An Ar-
attempted to interpret this material in terms of solar mythol-
thurian Tapestry, edited by Ernest K. Varty (Glasgow, 1951),
ogy and the mythological type of the culture hero; though
while Rachel Bromwich discusses the question of the devel-
this approach is discredited in view of the nature of the his-
opment of the legend in two articles, “Concepts of Arthur,”
Studia Celtica 10/11 (1975–1976): 163–181, and “Celtic El-
torical evidence, it may yet be necessary to see Arthur, if not
ements in Arthurian Romance: A General Survey,” in The
as a mythological figure, at least as one of fictional, folkloric
Legend of Arthur in the Middle Ages, edited by P. B. Grout
origins. In Nennius’s mirabilia Arthur and his dog Cabal
and others (Woodbridge, 1983). Rachel Bromwich’s Trioedd
hunt the boar Porcum Troit, a story more fully developed
Ynys Prydein: The Welsh Triads, 2d ed. (Cardiff, 1978) is a
in the eleventh-century Welsh tale Culhwch and Olwen, and
fund of information on Arthurian themes and characters.
stories of Arthur in this latter source have already become as-
Jean Markale, King of the Celts: Arthurian Legend and Celtic
sociated with topographical features. Poems in the Black
Traadition (Rochester, 1994). Marged Haycock, “Preiddeu
Annwn and the Figure of Taliesin,” Studia Celtica 18/19
Book of Carmarthen and the Book of Taliesin, manuscripts
(1983–1984): 52–78. Melville Richards, “Arthurian Ono-
from the thirteenth century, portray Arthur as the leader of
mastics,” Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmro-
a band of renowned warriors, Cei and Bedwyr foremost
dorion (1969): 250–269; Patrick K. Ford, “On the Signifi-
among them, who fight with monsters, hags, and giants and
cance of Some Arthurian Names in Welsh,” Bulletin of the
who carry out a disastrous expedition against the otherworld
Board of Celtic Studies 30 (1983): 268–273.
to free a prisoner. The twelfth-century Life of Saint Gildas
BRYNLEY F. ROBERTS (1987 AND 2005)
contains the story of the abduction of Arthur’s wife by Melw-
as and her imprisonment in the Glass Island, euhemerized
as Glastonbury. These are the elements, together with some
personal names, which seem to represent the earliest stratum
ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE (AI) is the field
of the Arthurian legend and which reappear in contemporary
within computer science that seeks to explain and to emu-
terms throughout its later forms.
late, through mechanical or computational processes, some
or all aspects of human intelligence. Included among these
There is more than one tradition of Arthur’s end besides
aspects of intelligence are the ability to interact with the envi-
that of his death at Camlan. One that is attested early is his
ronment through sensory means and the ability to make de-
removal to the Isle of Avalon to be healed of his wounds and
cisions in unforeseen circumstances without human inter-
to await the call to return. At the end of the twelfth century
vention. Typical areas of research in AI include the playing
the monks of Glastonbury claimed to have discovered the
of games such as checkers or chess, natural language under-
graves of Arthur and his wife at their abbey, but this seems
standing and synthesis, computer vision, problem solving,
never to have found popular acceptance. Arthur’s role as the
machine learning, and robotics.
awaited hero remained a political force throughout the Mid-
The above is a general description of the field; there is
dle Ages among the Celtic peoples of Wales, Cornwall, and
no agreed-upon definition of artificial intelligence, primarily
Brittany. The later stages of his legend as the chivalrous king
because there is little agreement as to what constitutes intelli-
who was head of the Round Table and instigator of the
gence. Interpretations of what it means to say an agent is in-
search for the Holy Grail belong to the realm of literary
telligent vary, yet most can be categorized in one of three
history.
ways. Intelligence can be thought of as a quality, an individu-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
510
ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE
ally held property that is separable from all other properties
and subconsciously. Should such a set exist, it is now clear
of the human person. Intelligence is also seen in the func-
to AI researchers that the set of primitive facts necessary for
tions one performs, in one’s actions or the ability to carry out
representing human knowledge is exceedingly large.
certain tasks. Finally, some researchers see intelligence as
something primarily acquired and demonstrated through re-
Another critique of symbolic AI, advanced by Terry
lationship with other intelligent beings. Each of these under-
Winograd and Fernando Flores (Understanding Computers
standings of intelligence has been used as the basis of an ap-
and Cognition, 1986), is that human intelligence may not be
proach to developing computer programs with intelligent
a process of symbol manipulation; humans do not carry
characteristics.
mental models around in their heads. When a human being
learns to ride a bicycle, he or she does not do so by calculat-
FIRST ATTEMPTS: SYMBOLIC AI. The field of AI is consid-
ing equations of trajectory or force. Hubert Dreyfus makes
ered to have its origin in the publication of Alan Turing’s
a similar argument in Mind over Machine (1986); he suggests
paper “Computing Machinery and Intelligence” (1950).
that experts do not arrive at their solutions to problems
John McCarthy coined the term artificial intelligence six
through the application of rules or the manipulation of sym-
years later at a summer conference at Dartmouth College in
bols, but rather use intuition, acquired through multiple ex-
New Hampshire. The earliest approach to AI is called sym-
periences in the real world. He describes symbolic AI as a
bolic or classical AI, which is predicated on the hypothesis
“degenerating research project,” by which he means that,
that every process in which either a human being or a ma-
while promising at first, it has produced fewer results as time
chine engages can be expressed by a string of symbols that
has progressed and is likely to be abandoned should other
is modifiable according to a limited set of rules that can be
alternatives become available. His prediction has proven to
logically defined. Just as geometers begin with a finite set of
be fairly accurate. By 2000 the once dominant symbolic ap-
axioms and primitive objects such as points, so symbolicists,
proach had been all but abandoned in AI, with only one
following such rationalist philosophers as Ludwig Wittgen-
major ongoing project, Douglas Lenat’s Cyc project. Lenat
stein and Alfred North Whitehead, predicated that human
hopes to overcome the general knowledge problem by pro-
thought is represented in the mind by concepts that can be
viding an extremely large base of primitive facts. Lenat plans
broken down into basic rules and primitive objects. Simple
to combine this large database with the ability to communi-
concepts or objects are directly expressed by a single symbol,
cate in a natural language, hoping that once enough informa-
while more complex ideas are the product of many symbols,
tion is entered into Cyc, the computer will be able to contin-
combined by certain rules. For a symbolicist, any patternable
ue the learning process on its own, through conversation,
kind of matter can thus represent intelligent thought.
reading, and applying logical rules to detect patterns or in-
consistencies in the data Cyc is given. Initially conceived in
Symbolic AI met with immediate success in areas in
1984 as a ten-year initiative, Cyc has yet to show convincing
which problems could be easily described using a small set
evidence of extended independent learning.
of objects that operate in a limited domain in a highly rule-
based manner, such as games. The game of chess takes place
Symbolic AI is not completely dead, however. The pri-
in a world where the only objects are thirty-two pieces mov-
macy of primitive objects representable by some system of
ing on a sixty-four-square board according to a limited num-
encoding is a basic assumption underlying the worldview
ber of rules. The limited options this world provides give the
that everything can be thought of in terms of information,
computer the potential to look far ahead, examining all pos-
a view that has been advanced by several physicists, including
sible moves and countermoves, looking for a sequence that
Freeman Dyson, Frank Tipler, and Stephen Wolfram.
will leave its pieces in the most advantageous position. Other
successes for symbolic AI occurred rapidly in similarly re-
FUNCTIONAL OR WEAK AI. In 1980, John Searle, in the
stricted domains, such as medical diagnosis, mineral pros-
paper “Minds, Brains, and Programs,” introduced a division
pecting, chemical analysis, and mathematical theorem prov-
of the field of AI into “strong” and “weak” AI. Strong AI de-
ing. These early successes led to a number of remarkably
noted the attempt to develop a full humanlike intelligence,
optimistic predictions of the prospects for symbolic AI.
while weak AI denoted the use of AI techniques to either bet-
ter understand human reasoning or to solve more limited
Symbolic AI faltered, however, not on difficult prob-
problems. Although there was little progress in developing
lems like passing a calculus exam, but on the easy things a
a strong AI through symbolic programming methods, the at-
two-year-old child can do, such as recognizing a face in vari-
tempt to program computers to carry out limited human
ous settings or understanding a simple story. McCarthy la-
functions has been quite successful. Much of what is current-
bels symbolic programs as brittle because they crack or break
ly labeled AI research follows a functional model, applying
down at the edges; they cannot function outside or near the
particular programming techniques, such as knowledge engi-
edges of their domain of expertise since they lack knowledge
neering, fuzzy logic, genetic algorithms, neural networking,
outside of that domain, knowledge that most human “ex-
heuristic searching, and machine learning via statistical
perts” possess in the form of what is often called common
methods, to practical problems. This view sees AI as ad-
sense. Humans make use of general knowledge, millions of
vanced computing. It produces working programs that can
things we know and apply to a situation, both consciously
take over certain human tasks, especially in situations where
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE
511
there is limited human control, or where the knowledge
tial for intelligence with a proposal for what has come to be
needed to solve a problem cannot be fully anticipated by
the generally accepted test for machine intelligence. A
human programmers. Such programs are used in manufac-
human interrogator is connected by terminal to two subjects,
turing operations, transportation, education, financial mar-
one a human and the other a machine. If the interrogator
kets, “smart” buildings, and even household appliances.
fails as often as he or she succeeds in determining which is
the human and which the machine, the machine could be
For a functional AI, there need be no quality labeled
“intelligence” that is shared by humans and computers. All
considered intelligent. The Turing Test is based, not on the
computers need do is perform a task that requires intelli-
completion of any particular task or the solution of any par-
gence for a human to perform. It is also unnecessary, in func-
ticular problems by the machine, but on the machine’s abili-
tional AI, to model a program after the thought processes
ty to relate to a human being in conversation. Discourse is
that humans use. If results are what matter, then it is possible
unique among human activities in that it subsumes all other
to exploit the speed and storage capabilities of the digital
activities within itself. Turing predicted that by the year
computer while ignoring parts of human thought that are
2000 there would be computers that could fool an interroga-
not understood or easily modeled, such as intuition. This is,
tor at least 30 percent of the time. This, like most predictions
in fact, what was done in designing the chess-playing pro-
in AI, was overly optimistic. No computer has yet come close
gram Deep Blue, which beat the reigning world champion,
to passing the Turing Test.
Garry Kasparov, in 1997. Deep Blue does not attempt to
The Turing Test uses relational discourse to demon-
mimic the thought of a human chess player. Instead, it capi-
strate intelligence. However, Turing also notes the impor-
talizes on the strengths of the computer by examining an ex-
tance of being in relationship for the acquisition of knowl-
tremely large number of moves, more than any human could
edge or intelligence. He estimates that the programming of
possibly examine.
background knowledge needed for a restricted form of the
There are two problems with functional AI. The first
game would take, at a minimum, three hundred person-years
is the difficulty of determining what falls into the category
to complete. This is assuming that one could identify the ap-
of AI and what is simply a normal computer application. A
propriate knowledge set at the outset. Turing suggests, rather
definition of AI that includes any program that accomplishes
than trying to imitate an adult mind, that one construct a
some function normally done by a human being would en-
mind that simulates that of a child. Such a mind, when given
compass virtually all computer programs. Even among com-
an appropriate education, would learn and develop into an
puter scientists there is little agreement as to what sorts of
adult mind. One AI researcher taking this approach is Rod-
programs fall under the rubric of AI. Once an application
ney Brooks of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology
is mastered, there is a tendency to no longer define that ap-
(MIT), whose robotics lab has constructed several machines,
plication as AI. For example, while game playing is one of
the most famous of which are named Cog and Kismet, that
the classical fields of AI, Deep Blue’s design team emphati-
represent a new direction in AI in that embodiedness is cru-
cally stated that Deep Blue was not artificial intelligence,
cial to their design. Their programming is distributed among
since it used standard programming and parallel processing
the various physical parts; each joint has a small processor
techniques that were in no way designed to mimic human
that controls movement of that joint. These processors are
thought. The implication here is that merely programming
linked with faster processors that allow for interaction be-
a computer to complete a human task is not AI if the com-
tween joints and for movement of the robot as a whole. Cog
puter does not complete the task in the same way a human
and Kismet are no longer minds in a box, but embodied sys-
would.
tems that depend on interaction within a complex environ-
ment. They are designed to learn those tasks associated with
For a functional approach to result in a full humanlike
newborns, such as eye-hand coordination, object grasping,
intelligence it would be necessary not only to specify which
face recognition, and basic emotional responses, through so-
functions make up intelligence, but also to make sure those
cial interaction with a team of researchers. Although they
functions are suitably congruent with one another. Func-
have developed such abilities as tracking moving objects with
tional AI programs are rarely designed to be compatible with
the eyes or withdrawing an arm when touched, Brooks’s
other programs—each uses different techniques and meth-
project has so far been no more successful than Lenat’s Cyc
ods, the sum of which is unlikely to capture the whole of
in producing a machine that could interact with humans on
human intelligence. Many in the AI community are also dis-
the level of the Turing Test. However Brooks’s work repre-
satisfied with a collection of task-oriented programs. The
sents a movement toward Turing’s opinion that intelligence
building of a general, humanlike intelligence, as difficult a
goal as it may seem, remains the vision.
is socially acquired and demonstrated.
A RELATIONAL APPROACH. A third approach to AI builds
The Turing Test makes no assumptions as to how the
on the assumption that intelligence is acquired, held, and
computer would arrive at its answers; there need be no simi-
demonstrated only through relationships with other intelli-
larity in internal functioning between the computer and the
gent agents. In “Computing Machinery and Intelligence,”
human brain. However, an area of AI that shows some prom-
Turing addresses the question of which functions are essen-
ise is that of neural networks, systems of circuitry that repro-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
512
ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE
duce the patterns of neurons found in the brain. Current
human knowledge (2001: A Space Odyssey). The human
neural nets are limited, however. The human brain has bil-
characters suppose that they are completely in control, only
lions of neurons and researchers have yet to understand both
to find that they have, in the end, abdicated too much re-
how these neurons are connected and how the various neuro-
sponsibility to something that is ultimately “other” to the
transmitting chemicals in the brain function. Despite these
human species. The second category comprises tales of wish
limitations, neural nets have reproduced interesting behav-
fulfillment (Star Wars; I, Robot) in which the robots are not
iors in areas such as speech or image recognition, natural-
noted for their superior intelligence or capabilities but for the
language processing, and learning. Some researchers (e.g.,
cheerful assistance and companionship they give their
Hans Moravec, Raymond Kurzweil) look to neural net re-
human masters. The computers in these stories are rooted
search as a way to reverse engineer the brain. They hope that
in a relational rather than a functional view of human
once scientists have the capability of designing nets with a
intelligence.
complexity equal to that of the brain, they will find that the
RELIGIOUS AND ETHICAL IMPLICATIONS. Many researchers
nets have the same power as the brain and will develop con-
in AI are committed physicalists and believe that the design
sciousness as an emergent property. Kurzweil posits that such
of a truly intelligent machine will vindicate their belief that
mechanical brains, when programmed with a given person’s
human beings are nothing but biological machines. Few
memories and talents, could form a new path to immortality,
would consider religious questions to be of import to their
while Moravec holds out hopes that such machines might
work. (One exception to this stance has been the robotics
some day become our evolutionary children, capable of
laboratory at MIT, which included a religious adviser, Anne
greater abilities than humans currently demonstrate.
Foerst, as part of the research team developing the robot
AI
Cog.) However, the assumptions that human beings are
IN SCIENCE FICTION. While some advances have been
made, a truly intelligent computer currently remains in the
merely information-processing machines and that artifacts
realm of speculation. Though researchers have continually
that are nonbiological can be genuinely intelligent have both
projected that intelligent computers are imminent, progress
anthropological and eschatological implications.
in AI has been limited. Computers with intentionality and
The most important questions raised by AI research are
self-consciousness, with fully human reasoning skills or the
anthropological ones. What does it mean to be human? At
ability to be in relationship, exist only in the realm of dreams
what point would replacing some or all of our biological
and desires, a realm explored in fiction and fantasy.
parts with mechanical components violate our integrity as
The artificially intelligent computer in science fiction
human beings? Is our relationship to God contingent on our
story and film is not a prop, but a character, one that has be-
biological nature? What is the relationship of the soul to con-
come a staple since the mid-1950s. These characters are em-
sciousness or intelligence? These questions are raised by the
bodied in a variety of physical forms, ranging from the whol-
search for an artificial intelligence, irrespective of whether or
ly mechanical (computers and robots), to the partially
not that search is ever successful.
mechanical (cyborgs), to the completely biological (an-
Should that search be successful, ethical problems arise.
droids). A general trend from the 1950s to the 1990s has
What rights would an intelligent robot have? Would these
been to depict intelligent computers in an increasingly an-
be the same rights as a human being? Should an artificial in-
thropomorphic way. The robots and computers of early
telligence be held to the same standards of moral responsibil-
films, such as Maria in Metropolis (1926), Robby in Forbid-
ity as human beings? Should a robot be baptized or take part
den Planet (1956), Hal in 2001: A Space Odyssey (1968), or
in other sacramental or covenantal acts? How one answers
R2D2 and C3PO in Star Wars (1977), were clearly con-
such questions depends largely on what one sees as central
structs of metal. On the other hand, early science fiction sto-
to our nature as human beings—mind, body, function, or
ries, such as Isaac Asimov’s I, Robot (1950), explored the
relationship. Once again, whether AI becomes a reality or
question of how one might distinguish between robots that
not, the debate over questions such as these is helpful in clari-
looked human and actual human beings. Films and stories
fying the principles on which our view of humanity rests.
since the 1980s, such as Blade Runner (1982), The Termina-
tor series (1984–2002), and A.I.: Artificial Intelligence
AI also raises a set of ethical issues relevant to the search
(2001), depict machines with both mechanical and biologi-
itself. In a controversial article in Wired (2000) Bill Joy, chief
cal parts that are, at least superficially, practically indistin-
scientist at Sun Microsystems, warns that self-replicating ro-
guishable from human beings.
bots and advances in nanotechnology could result, as soon
as 2030, in a computer technology that may replace our spe-
Fiction that features AI can be classified in two general
cies. Moravec of the AI lab at Carnegie Mellon University
categories. The first comprises cautionary tales that explore
pushes the time back to 2040 but agrees that robots will dis-
the consequences of creating technology for the purposes of
place humans from essential roles and could threaten our ex-
taking over human functions. In these stories the initial im-
istence as a species. Joy calls for research in the possibly con-
pulses for creating an artificial intelligence are noble: to pre-
vergent fields of artificial intelligence, nanotechnology, and
serve the wisdom of a race (Forbidden Planet), to avoid nucle-
biotechnology to be suspended until researchers have greater
ar war (Colossus: The Forbin Project, 1970), or to advance
certainty that such research would in no way threaten future
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ARVAL BROTHERS
513
human lives. On a lesser scale, the amount of responsibility
(Reading, Mass., 1986). Mind Design II: Philosophy, Psycholo-
the human community wishes to invest in autonomous or
gy, Artificial Intelligence, edited by John Haugeland, 2d ed.
semi-autonomous machines remains a question.
(Cambridge, Mass., 1997) is a compilation of a variety of
seminal papers on AI, including Turing’s 1950 paper and
The view of human identity as the information in one’s
John Searle’s famous “Chinese Room” paper. HAL’s Legacy:
brain has led several researchers to posit a new cybernetic
2001’s Computer as Dream and Reality, edited by David Stork
form for human immortality. In The Age of Spiritual Ma-
(Cambridge, Mass., 1997), includes a good variety of papers
chines (1999), Kurzweil predicts that by the end of the twen-
examining the state of the various subfields that made up AI
ty-first century artificial intelligence will have resulted in ef-
at the end of the twentieth century.
fective immortality for humans. He expects that the merger
Turning from the history of the field to prognostications of its fu-
of human and machine-based intelligences will have prog-
ture, Mind Children: The Future of Robot and Human Intelli-
ressed to the point where most conscious entities will no lon-
gence (Cambridge, Mass., 1988) by Hans Moravec suggests
ger have a permanent physical presence, but will move be-
that computers will be the next stage in human evolution,
tween mechanically enhanced bodies and machines in such
while Raymond Kurzweil, in The Age of Spiritual Machines
a way that one’s life expectancy will be indefinitely extended.
(New York, 1999), posits a future in which human beings
Kurzweil is not the sole holder of this expectation, though
and computers merge. A good overview of films dealing with
AI can be found in J. P. Telotte’s Replications: A Robotic His-
he may be among the more optimistic in his timeline. Physi-
tory of the Science Fiction Film (Urbana, Ill., 1995); fictional
cists Dyson and Tipler suggest a future in which human
portrayals of AI are discussed in Patricia Warrick’s The Cy-
identity is located in the information that makes up the
bernetic Imagination in Science Fiction (Cambridge, Mass.,
thoughts, memories, and experiences of each person. In The
1980). For theological implications, see Noreen L. Herzfeld,
Physics of Immortality: Modern Cosmology, God, and the Resur-
In Our Image: Artificial Intelligence and the Human Spirit
rection of the Dead (1994), Tipler conjectures that the uni-
(Minneapolis, 2002).
verse will cease to expand and at some point end in a contrac-
NOREEN L. HERZFELD (2005)
tion that he calls the “omega point.” Tipler sees the omega
point as the coalescence of all information, including the in-
formation that has made up every person who ever lived.
This point can thus be seen as corresponding to the omni-
ARVAL BROTHERS. The college of Arval Brothers
scient and omnipotent God referred to in many different re-
(Collegium Fratrum Arvalium), a Roman religious fraternity
ligious traditions. At such a point, the information making
of great antiquity, was restored in about 28 BCE by the future
up any given individual could be reinstantiated, resulting in
emperor Augustus. It is known from a few references in liter-
a form of resurrection for that person, a cybernetic immortal-
ary works and, chiefly, from a famous collection of about 240
ity. Cybernetic immortality provides one avenue for belief
fragments of official records on marble that represent fifty-
in a manner of human continuance that does not violate the
five different years and cover the period from 21 BCE to 241
assumption of a material basis for all existence. It is thus
or even 304 CE.
compatible with the most rigorous scientific theories of the
Usually numbering twelve and presided over by an an-
natural world. However, cybernetic immortality is based on
nually elected leader (magister) with a flamen (priest, i. e., one
the assumptions that thoughts and memories define the
of the brothers) to assist him, the Arval Brothers met in
human person and that consciousness is an emergent proper-
Rome or in the sacred grove of the goddess Dia. In Rome,
ty of the complexity of the human brain. In other words,
depending more or less on the sovereign, the college took
human beings are basically biological machines whose
part in regular public worship (vota, votive sacrifices on the
unique identity is found in the patterns that arise and are
occasion of political or dynastic events). The brothers also
stored in the neuronal structures of the brain. If these pat-
celebrated rites connected with their own liturgy, a liturgy
terns could be replicated, as in sophisticated computer tech-
that culminated in the festival of the goddess Dia. This festi-
nology, the defining characteristics of the person would be
val was a movable one, and during the first part of January
preserved. Such a view is not necessarily compatible with the
the brotherhood determined the days of the festival for that
anthropologies of most religions.
year. It was usually celebrated on May 17, 19, and 20 if the
S
year was an odd-numbered one and on May 27, 29, and 30
EE ALSO Cybernetics.
if the year was even-numbered.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The festival of the goddess Dia lasted three days. The
Daniel Crevier’s AI: The Tumultuous History of the Search for Arti-
first day was celebrated in Rome, in the house of the presi-
ficial Intelligence (New York, 1993) provides a clear history
dent of the brotherhood, and consisted of a banquet eaten
of the first forty years of AI research. A more critical view of
in the presence of the goddess during which the priests
the field can be found in Hubert Dreyfus’s Mind over Ma-
passed from hand to hand dried and green ears of grain as
chine: The Power of Human Intuition and Expertise in the Era
well as loaves of bread crowned with laurel.
of the Computer (New York, 1986). Another classic critique
of AI is Terry Winograd and Fernando Flores, Understanding
On the second day the brotherhood went to the sacred
Computers and Cognition: A New Foundation for Design
grove of the goddess Dia at the fifth milestone on the Via
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
514
A¯RYADEVA
Campana, on the boundary of the ager Romanus antiquus
A¯RYADEVA, often called simply Deva (Tib.,
(“ancient Roman soil”), where her shrine stood next to a
DPhagspa-lha); an important Buddhist dialectician, linked
temple to Fors Fortuna. Here, in the morning, the president
with several other names such as Ka¯n:adeva, N¯ılanetra,
offered Dia two sacrifices: young sows in expiation of possi-
Pin˙galanetra, Pin˙galacaks:uh:, and Karn:aripa, although the
ble faults and a cow to do her honor. The brothers then ate
identification with some of these is doubtful. In China, he
a sacrificial meal. Afterward they donned the wreaths made
is known both by the transcription of his name, Tibo or Ti-
from ears of grain that were their mark and at midday en-
boluo (Jpn., Daiba or Daibara), and by the translation of his
tered the shrine of Dia. In front of and inside the shrine they
name, Cheng-t’ien, (Jpn., Sho¯ten).
performed a second, complex series of rites that is still ob-
Scholars have identified at least two A¯ryadevas. The
scure to us in many respects. First they sacrificed a ewe lamb
first, who will be referred to as “A¯ryadeva I,” was a Madhya-
to Dia; then they once again passed the dried and green ears
maka (Ma¯dhyamika) dialectician, the most eminent disciple
of grain from hand to hand and offered a meal to the “moth-
of Na¯ga¯rjuna, who lived between the third and fourth centu-
er of the lares” by throwing down in front of the temple ollae
ries
(vessels of sundried clay) that contained a grain porridge.
CE. The second, “A
¯ ryadeva II,” was a Tantric master
whose date has been variously proposed as in the seventh to
Then, behind closed doors, the priests performed a solemn
tenth centuries (most probably at the beginning of the eighth
dance (tripudium) and sang the famous Carmen Arvale, a
century), because he cites the Madhyamakahr:dayaka¯rika¯ of
hymn of great antiquity that is known to us from an inscrip-
Bha¯vaviveka (500–570) and the Tarkajva¯la¯, its autocom-
tion of 218 CE. A sacrificial banquet, chariot races, and an-
mentary, in his Madhyamakabhr:amagha¯ta, and because verse
other banquet in Rome concluded the second day. On the
31 of his Jña¯nasa¯rasamuccaya is cited in the Tattvasam:gra-
third day the Arval Brothers held a further banquet in the
hapañjika¯ of Kamala´s¯ıla (740–795).
home of their president and handed around the ears of grain
one last time.
Biographies are available in Chinese sources (T.D. no.
2048; see also T.D. no. 2058, chap. 6), in Tibetan materials
The rites of the festival were addressed to Dia, goddess
(Bu ston, Ta¯rana¯tha, etc.), and partially but most genuinely
of “the sunlit sky”; she was asked to favor the proper ripening
in Sanskrit documents (Candrak¯ırti’s Catuh:´satakat:¯ıka¯, the
of the grain, symbolized in the rite by the continuity between
Mañju´sr¯ımu¯lakalpa, etc.). If the Chinese sources are con-
green grain and grain that had become fully ripe. The Car-
cerned solely with A¯ryadeva I, the Tibetan ones in general
men Arvale, on the other hand, was addressed to Mars as de-
combine and do not adequately distinguish between the two
fender of landed property and of the ager Romanus. A possi-
A¯ryadevas. Both traditions confuse history and legend, and
bly late interpretation connects the Arval Brothers with Acca
now it is almost impossible to separate them. However, if
Larentia, the supposed nurse of Romulus and Remus, and
one singles out only the most plausible elements, the two in-
thus associates them with the story of Romulus; this is con-
dividuals can be described as follows. A¯ryadeva I was born
sistent with the hypothesis that the Arval rites go back to the
in Sri Lanka (Sinhaladv¯ıpa) as the son of a king but aban-
end of the period of the kings (sixth century BCE).
doned his glorious career and went to South India. After
traveling throughout India, he met Na¯ga¯rjuna at Pa¯t:aliputra
SEE ALSO Dea Dia; Flamen.
and became his disciple. He showed his talent in debate and
converted many Brahmanic adherents to Buddhism. He is
BIBLIOGRAPHY
called Ka¯n:adeva (“One-eyed Deva”) because he offered his
Henzen, Wilhelm, ed. Acta fratrum Arvalium quae supersunt. Ber-
eye to a non-Buddhist woman (according to Ta¯rana¯tha), to
lin, 1874.
a tree goddess (according to Bu ston), to a woman (according
to the Catura´s¯ıti-siddha-pavr:tti, or Biography of the Eighty-
Olshausen, Eckart. “‘Über die römischen Ackerbrüder’: Gesch-
four Siddhas), or to a golden statue of Mahe´svara (according
ichte eines Kultes.” In Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen
Welt, vol. 2.16.7, pp. 820–832. Berlin and New York, 1978.
to the Chinese sources).
Includes a bibliography.
A¯ryadeva II studied alchemy at Na¯landa¯ under the Tan-
tric Na¯ga¯rjuna, who was a disciple of Saraha and founder of
Scheid, John, Romulus et ses frères. Le collège des frères arvales, mo-
dèle du culte public dans la Rome des empereurs. Bibliothèque
the DPhags-lugs lineage of the Guhyasama¯ja Tantra. The story
des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, vol. 275. Rome,
of offering one eye is related about him also, but this might
1990.
be an interpolation from the biography of A¯ryadeva I.
Scheid, John, Commentarii fratrum arvalium qui supersunt. Les
All of the texts ascribed to A¯ryadeva in the Chinese
copies épigraphiques des protocoles annuels de la confrérie arvale
canon and most of the texts so ascribed in the Madhyamaka
(21 av.–304 ap. J.-C.). Collection Roma antica, vol. 4.
section of the Tibetan canon can be considered as the works
Rome, 1998.
of A¯ryadeva I. The most famous is his Catuh:´sataka (Derge
edition of the Tibetan Tripit:aka 3846, hereafter cited as D.;
Syme, Ronald. Some Arval Brethren. New York, 1980.
Bejing edition of the Tripit:aka 5246, hereafter cited as B.;
JOHN SCHEID (1987 AND 2005)
T. D. no. 1570 [the second half only], see also T.D. no.
Translated from French by Matthew J. O’Connell
1517), which consists of sixteen chapters, the first eight
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
A¯RYA SAMA¯J
515
being concerned with the preparation of those who practice
Tattvasamgrahapanjika.” Journal of the International Associa-
the path and the last eight explaining the insubstantiality of
tion of Buddhist Studies 23, no. 2 (2000): 225–244.
all dharmas. The S´ataka´sa¯stra, a so-called abridged version
MIMAKI KATSUMI (1987)
of the Catuh:´sataka available only in Kuma¯raj¯ıva’s translation
Revised Bibliography
(T. D. no. 1569), and the Aks:ara´sataka (T.D. no. 1572),
said to be composed by Na¯ga¯rjuna in Tibetan versions (D.
3834, B. 5234), are especially noteworthy as the works of
A¯RYA SAMA¯J. The A¯rya Sama¯j (“society of honorable
A¯ryadeva I.
ones”) is a modern Hindu reform movement founded in
On the other hand, all the works ascribed to A¯ryadeva
Bombay, India, in 1875 by Dayananda Sarasvati (1824–
in the Tantric section of the Tibetan canon are unquestion-
1883), advocating Hindu renewal by a return to Vedic reli-
ably attributed to A¯ryadeva II. The most important and well-
gion. The basic principles of the A¯rya Sama¯j were developed
known texts among them are the Cittavi´suddhiprakaran:a (D.
by its founder, Dayananda, a Gujarati brahman who became
1804, B. 2669), a Sanskrit version of which was edited by
a sam:nya¯sin (“renunciant”) in 1847 and spent the rest of his
P. B. Patel (Calcutta, 1949); the Carya¯mela¯pakaprad¯ıpa (D.
life in religious quest. From 1847 to 1860 Dayananda lived
1803, B. 2668); and the Prad¯ıpoddyotana-na¯ma-t:¯ıka¯ (D.
as a wandering yogin searching for personal salvation, and
1794, B. 2659). There are also some texts in the Madhya-
later, after three years of Sanskrit study in Mathura with his
maka section of the Tibetan canon that can, on the basis of
guru, he worked as a reformer seeking to revive Hinduism.
their contents, be attributed to A¯ryadeva II: the
Dayananda’s sense of what Hinduism needed was grad-
Madhyamakabhr:amagha¯ta (D. 3850, B. 5250), most of
ually shaped by his guru, by debates with sectarian pandits
which simply consists of extracts from the Madhya-
in the western areas of Uttar Pradesh, and by discussions of
makahr:daya and the Tarkajva¯la¯ of Bha¯vaviveka; the
religious issues with members of the Bra¯hmo Sama¯j and a
Jña¯nasa¯rasamuccaya (D. 385l, B. 5251), a siddha¯nta text ex-
variety of Hindu scholars and intellectuals in Calcutta. By
posing the philosophical tenets of non-Buddhist and Bud-
the time he founded the A¯rya Sama¯j on April 10, 1875, he
dhist schools; and the Skhalitapramathanayuktihetusiddhi
had written a statement of doctrinal principles that was pub-
(D. 3847, B. 5247), consisting of non-Buddhist objections
lished two months later as Satya¯rth praka¯´s. A handbook on
and Buddhist answers.
the daily Five Great Sacrifices, the Pañcamaha¯yajñavidhi, was
published later in 1875, and a manual on the family life cycle
The Hastava¯laprakarana (D. 3844, B. 5244 and 5248;
rituals, Sam:ska¯rvidhi, was published in 1877. Although these
see also autocommentary, D. 3845, B. 5245 and 5249), attri-
publications contained Vedic quotations in Sanskrit, the
buted to A¯ryadeva in its Tibetan versions, is now considered
works themselves were composed in Hindi to make them ac-
to be a work of Digna¯ga, as indicated in the Chinese version
cessible to the widest possible audience. Dayananda revised
(T.D. nos. 1620, 1621). If the identification of Pin˙galanetra
each of these basic guides over the next few years; as the ma-
(Chin., Qingmu) with A¯ryadeva is correct, A¯ryadeva I also
ture product of his thinking, the revised editions were Daya-
composed a commentary on the Mu¯lamadhyamakaka¯rika¯
nanda’s lasting legacy to the A¯rya Sama¯j.
(T.D. no. 1564).
The central element in Dayananda’s position was his be-
SEE ALSO Ma¯dhyamika.
lief in the truth of the Vedas. His guru had convinced him
that the only true writings were those of the r:s:is (“seers”) who
BIBLIOGRAPHY
flourished before the composition of the Maha¯bha¯rata and
Lamotte, Étienne. Le traité de la grande vertu de sagesse, vol. 3.
that all subsequent scriptures contained false sectarian views,
Louvain, 1970. See especially pages 1370–1375.
but Dayananda had to arrive at his own understanding of the
Lindtner, Christian. “Adversaria Buddhica.” Wiener Zeitschrift für
line between truth and falsehood. He had lost his faith in
die Kunde Südasiens 26 (1982): 167–194. See page 173,
image worship as a youth and was an active opponent of
note 21.
Vais:n:ava sectarianism after 1863, but it took longer to reject
Robinson, James B. Buddha’s Lions: The Lives of the Eighty-four
the worship of S´iva and even longer to abandon the advaita
Siddhas. Berkeley, Calif., 1979.
(“nondualistic”) philosophy of the Upanis:ads. By the second
Ruegg, David S. The Literature of the Madhyamaka School of Phi-
edition of Satya¯rth praka¯´s, however, he had decided that nei-
losophy in India. Wiesbaden, 1981.
ther the Upanis:ads nor the Vedic ritual texts, the Bra¯hman:as,
New Sources
had the authority of revelation; this was an honor due only
Aryadeva, Candrakirti, and Karen Lang. “Aryadeva and Can-
to the collections of Vedic hymns, (i.e., the four mantra
drakirti on Self and Selfishness.” In Buddhism in Practice, ed-
sam:hita¯s of the R:gveda, Sa¯maveda, Yajurveda, and Atharvave-
ited by Donald S. Lopez, Jr., pp. 380–398. Princeton, 1995.
da), because they alone were directly revealed by God to the
Jong, J. W. de. “Materials for the Study of Aryadeva, Dharmapala
r:s:is. True religion, that is Aryan religion, must thus be based
and Candrakirti: The Catuhsataka of Aryadeva.” Indo Irani-
only on the hymns, which convey eternal knowledge of the
an Journal 36 (1993): 150–153.
one true God.
McClintock, Sara. “Knowing All through Knowing One: Mystical
The religion that Dayananda established on this base
Communion or Logical Trick in the Tattvasamgraha and
was derived from Vedic sources, but its particular features
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
516
ASAHNTI RELIGION
were his own creation. Although a brahman by birth, Daya-
ing to form the Hindu Maha¯sabha¯ party. The partition of
nanda, rejected Brahmanic control of Vedic religion. He in-
India in 1947 placed Lahore and other centers in the Punjab
sisted that Vedic knowledge should be available to everyone,
within Pakistan, but the organization recovered from the loss
including women and members of the traditionally impure
to remain a significant force for Hindu education and social
´su¯dra castes. Membership in the A¯rya Sama¯j was open to any
causes. With chapters in almost every city and town in north-
person of good character who accepted its beliefs, and the
ern India and with an estimated membership of over one
Vedic rituals Dayananda prescribed could be performed by
million, it has proved to be the most successful of the nine-
any A¯rya, or member of the movement. Caste was irrelevant,
teenth-century reform movements.
since the same dharma (duties) applied to all: to perform
Vedic rituals, to study and propagate Vedic knowledge, and
SEE ALSO Bra¯hmo Sama¯j; Dayananda Sarasvati.
to promote social well-being.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The theology that Dayananda bequeathed to the A¯rya
There is much less literature in English on the A¯rya Sama¯j than
Sama¯j was as innovative as his social reform program and his
on other nineteenth-century movements such as the Bra¯hmo
attitude toward Vedic knowledge. He was convinced that the
Sama¯j and Ramakrishna Mission, partly because most of the
Vedic hymns proved the existence of a single supreme God.
movement’s own publications are in Hindi and partly be-
God is not, however, the only reality; rather, God is eternally
cause Westerners (and westernized Indians) have been less at-
coexistent with the j¯ıvas (conscious and responsible human
tracted by it. The best general treatment of the movement
selves) and with prakr:iti (the unconscious material world).
by a member, though now dated, is the nationalist leader
Lala Lajpat Rai’s The A¯rya Sama¯j (London, 1915). An early
In their ignorance, the j¯ıvas bind themselves to rebirth in the
Western critique that reflects Christian resentment of the
world by their karman (actions). God cannot release the j¯ıvas
movement’s militant Hinduism is found in J. N. Farquhar’s
from responsiblity for their deeds, but in his mercy he has
Modern Religious Movements in India (New York, 1915),
revealed the Vedas to guide the j¯ıvas to moks:a (freedom from
pp. 101–129. For the founder’s autobiography up to 1875,
rebirth and union with God). However, since the cause of
supplemented by a statement of his basic doctrines, a chro-
moks:a is finite human action, moks:a itself must be finite, and
nology of his life, and an annotated list of his publications,
the j¯ıvas must eventually be reborn into the world. Each j¯ıva,
see Autobiography of Swami Dayanand Saraswati, edited by
according to Dayananda, is thus eternally active, moving
K. C. Yadav (New Delhi, 1976). The most scholarly and au-
from worldly involvement to freedom in God’s bliss and
thoritative study of the founder and the early movement is
then back again into the world.
J. T. F. Jordens’ Daya¯nanda Sa-rasvat¯ı, His Life and Ideas
(Delhi, 1978). A more detailed study of the A¯rya Sama¯j’s de-
Dayananda’s views were rejected by every branch of
velopment in the region of its greatest early strength is Ken-
Hindu orthodoxy, most vehemently by orthodox brahmans.
neth W. Jones’s A¯rya Dharm: Hindu Consciousness in Nine-
In Bombay, though, Dayananda found a group of progres-
teenth-Century Punjab (Berkeley, 1976). A survey of the
sive Hindus led by members of several merchant castes who
movement’s main developments up to 1947 is provided by
Kenneth W. Jones’s, “The A¯rya Sama¯j in British India,” in
were eager to adopt his teachings and to organize, in 1875,
Religion in Modern India, edited by Robert D. Baird, (New
the first chapter of the A¯rya Sama¯j. The second important
Delhi, 1981), pp. 27–54.
chapter, and the leading chapter from that point on, was
founded in Lahore in 1877, led by a rising elite also predomi-
New Sources
nantly from the merchant castes. The simple set of member-
Llewellyn, J. S. The A¯rya Sama¯j as a Fundamentalist Movement: A
Study in Comparative Fundamentalism. New Delhi, 1993.
ship rules developed by the Lahore chapter was adopted by
new chapters that sprang up rapidly elsewhere in the Punjab
Prakash, Satya. Speeches, Writings, and Addresses by Svami Satya
and in western Uttar Pradesh. Dayananda’s emphasis on in-
Prakash Sarasvati. Delhi, 1987.
dividual responsiblity and full religious participation ap-
THOMAS J. HOPKINS (1987)
pealed to the merchants and professionals who joined, and
Revised Bibliography
they in turn proved to be excellent organizers. Dayananda
gave each chapter full responsibility for its affairs within the
general rules, so that when he died in 1883 the A¯rya Sama¯j
was not only a self-sustaining movement, but it was able to
ASAHNTI RELIGION SEE AKAN RELIGION
begin active expansion in new directions.
The Dayanand Anglo-Vedic school was established in
Lahore in 1886 and became a college in 1889, providing a
ASAN
˙ GA (c. 315–390 CE) was the founder of the
model for an extensive system of schools and colleges. The
Yoga¯ca¯ra school of Maha¯ya¯na Buddhism in India. Asan˙ga
practice of ´suddhi, or reconversion by purification initiated
was born as a son of a brahman in Purus:apura (Peshawar in
by Dayananda on an individual basis, was expanded into a
Pakistan). His younger brother was the famous Yoga¯ca¯ra
movement to reconvert Hindus who had become Christians
thinker Vasubandhu. Originally Asan˙ga belonged to the
or Muslims. A¯ryas were active in social reform programs and
Mah¯ı´sa¯saka school of H¯ınaya¯na Buddhism, but later con-
in the Indian nationalist movement, the more militant help-
verted to the Maha¯ya¯na. According to Parama¯rtha’s biogra-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASAN
˙ GA
517
phy of Vasubandhu, Asan˙ga’s conversion took place after an
consciousness-in-activity. According to the Yoga¯ca¯ras, a
ascent to Tus:ita Heaven, where he received religious instruc-
human being is nothing other than the stream of conscious-
tion from Maitreya, a bodhisattva who is worshiped as the
ness thus formed by the mutual dependence of the
future Buddha. Later, Asan˙ga composed a treatise dealing
a¯laya-vijña¯na and the consciousness-in-activity. Asan˙ga ad-
with the seventeen stages (bhu¯mi) of yoga practice based on
mits that besides the six kinds of consciousness there is the
the teachings he had received from Maitreya. The same ac-
“I-consciousness” called manas (or klis:t:a-manas), whereby
count is recorded by Xuanzang in his Da Tang xiyu ji. As
the a¯laya-vijña¯na is wrongly conceived of as a real self
there exist some Yoga¯ca¯ra treatises that are traditionally as-
(a¯tman). However, the classical theory of eightfold con-
cribed to Maitreya(na¯tha), some scholars have assumed that
sciousness is not explicitly advocated by him.
the bodhisattva Maitreya, to whom Asan˙ga is said to have
The second chapter of the Maha¯ya¯nasam:graha is devot-
owed his knowledge of the Yoga¯ca¯ra system, was really a his-
ed to the elucidation of the so-called three-nature doctrine,
torical person. The opinion of modern scholarship remains
which maintains that all beings possess an “imagined nature”
divided on this issue. In his old age, Asan˙ga is reported to
(parikalpita-svabha¯va), a “dependent nature” (paratantra-
have converted his brother Vasubandhu, previously an expo-
svabha¯va) and a “consummated nature” (parinis:panna-
nent of the H¯ınaya¯na teachings, to Maha¯ya¯na. Asan˙ga con-
svabha¯va). The image of an object that appears in a stream
tinued a life of religious scholarship in the vicinity of Ayodh-
of consciousness is of dependent nature precisely because the
ya until his death at the age of seventy-five.
image is dependent for its origination upon the impressions
of past experiences preserved in the a¯laya-vijña¯na. The object
The most important of Asan˙ga’s many treatises are (1)
fictively superimposed upon it is of imagined nature, while
Abhidharmasamuccaya, a brief explanation from the Yoga¯ca¯ra
the absence of the superimposed object, that is, the object as
viewpoint of the elements constituting phenomenal exis-
devoid (´su¯nya) of reality, is of consummated nature. This
tence; (2) Xianyang shengjiao lun (*A¯ryade´sana¯vikhya¯pana),
doctrine is also found expounded in earlier Yoga¯ca¯ra works,
an abridgment of the Yoga¯ca¯rabhu¯mi; and (3)
but Asan˙ga sets forth an original view that the imagined and
Maha¯ya¯nasam:graha, a comprehensive work on the Yoga¯ca¯ra
the consummated natures are two divisions or two aspects
doctrines and practices. Asan˙ga’s works are characterized by
of the dependent nature.
a detailed analysis of psychological phenomena inherited
The Maha¯ya¯nasam:graha was translated into Chinese by
from the Abhidharma literature of the H¯ınaya¯na schools.
Parama¯rtha (499–567), and became the basic text of the
The Maha¯ya¯nasam:graha, in which Asan˙ga gives a systematic
newly formed Shelun sect (abbreviated from the Chinese
exposition of the fundamental tenets of the Yoga¯ca¯ra school,
name for the Maha¯ya¯nasam:graha, the She dasheng lun). This
comprises ten chapters dealing respectively with the follow-
sect suffered a decline following the establishment of the Fax-
ing subjects: (1) a¯laya-vijña¯na, (2) three natures of beings
iang sect by Kuiji, a disciple of Xuanzang (596–664), who
(trisvabha¯va), (3) the realization of the truth of representa-
recognized the transmission of the Yoga¯ca¯ra teachings of
tion-only (vijñaptima¯tra), (4) six kinds of perfection
Dharmapa¯la (530–561) as authoritative.
(pa¯ramita¯), (5) ten bodhisattva stages (bhu¯mi), (6) moral con-
ducts (´s¯ıla), (7) meditative concentration (sama¯dhi), (8)
SEE ALSO A¯laya-vijña¯na; Maitreya; Vasubandhu;
non-discriminative knowledge (nirvikalpa-jña¯na), (9) the
Vijña¯nabhiks:u; Yoga¯ca¯ra.
transformation of the base of existence (a¯´sraya-para¯vr:tti) and
the state of “nirva¯n:a without abode” (apratis:t:hita-nirva¯n:a),
BIBLIOGRAPHY
and (10) the three bodies of the Buddha. The first two chap-
Frauwallner, Erich. Die Philosophie des Buddhismus. 3d rev. ed.
ters are concerned with the object to be learned (jñeya), chap-
Berlin, 1969. A brief explanation of Asan˙ga’s philosophical
ters 3 to 8, the learning and the practice leading to the attain-
ideas and a German translation of some important portions
of the Maha¯ya¯nasam:graha are given on pages 326–350.
ment of Buddhahood, and chapters 9 to 10, the result of
learning and practice. Asan˙ga’s basic thoughts are presented
Lamotte, Étienne. La somme du Grand Véhicule d’Asan˙ga
(Maha¯ya¯nasam:graha); vol. 1, Version tibétaine et chinoise
in the first two chapters.
(Hsüan-tsang); vol. 2, Traduction et commentaire. Louvain,
The first chapter treats the doctrine of a¯laya-vijña¯na in
1938–1939. In the footnotes of the translation many pas-
full detail. The term a¯laya-vijña¯na occurs in earlier works
sages of the commentaries by Vasubandhu and Asvabha¯va
are translated from Chinese.
such as the Sam:dhinirmocana Su¯tra and the Yoga¯ca¯rabhu¯mi,
but there is no mention of it in the treatises attributed to
Nagao Gadjin. Sho¯daijo¯ron: Wayaku to chu¯kai, vol. 1. Tokyo,
1982. The translation is based on the Tibetan version. A
Maitreya. The a¯laya-vijña¯na is a subliminal consciousness in
Chinese translation by Xuanzang is printed above the Japa-
which the impressions (va¯sana¯s) of past experiences are pre-
nese translation. The Tibetan text with a reconstituted San-
served as the seeds (b¯ıjas) of future experiences. The “con-
skrit text is also appended. Volume 1 covers up to the end
sciousness-in-activity” (pravr:tti-vijña¯na), that is, the six
of Chapter 2.
kinds of sensory and mental consciousness, is produced from
New Sources
the seeds preserved in the a¯laya-vijña¯na. When the
Hopkins, Jeffrey. “A Tibetan Contribution on the Question of
pravr:tti-vijña¯na functions, it leaves its impression in the
Mind-Only in the Early Yogic Practice School.” Journal of
a¯laya-vijña¯na. This impression becomes the seed of a future
Indian Philosophy 20 (1992): 275–343.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
518
ASBURY, FRANCIS
Keenan, John P. “Asanga’s Understanding of Madhyamika: Notes
ASCENSION. In many purely literary works the theme
on the Shung-chung-lun.” Journal of the International Associ-
of a heavenly journey is employed only for adventure’s sake,
ation of Buddhist Studies 12, no. 1 (1989): 93–107.
but according to the majority of religious traditions, an as-
Prets, Ernst. “The Structure of Sadhana in the Abhidharmasamuc-
cent to heaven represents a journey into divine realms where
caya.” Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde Sudasiens und Archiv
the soul, living or dead, reaps many rewards. The result of
fur indische Philosophie 38 (1994): 337–350.
such a journey is not only a transcendent vision or spiritual
HATTORI MASAAKI (1987)
knowledge, but the possibility of divinization or assimilation
Revised Bibliography
with the gods. Rituals of ascent involve the living person be-
coming initiated into a new, sacred status.
Many cultures record ways that such a journey can be
ASBURY, FRANCIS (1745–1816), chief architect of
made (via, for example, a mountain path, a ladder, a tree, a
American Methodism. Raised on the fringes of Birmingham
rope, or even a cobweb). Some cultures also offer the further
in England’s “Black Country,” where the industrial revolu-
possibility of magical flight. The theme of the celestial ladder
tion was beginning, Asbury became a lay preacher at eigh-
has been developed in monotheistic religions from Genesis
teen, eager “to live to God, and to bring others to do so.”
28:12, which describes Jacob’s dream of a ladder reaching up
In 1766 he was admitted as one of John Wesley’s itinerant
to heaven upon which angels ascend and descend. Similarly,
preachers, and in 1771 he was chosen as one of the second
Muh:ammad saw a ladder with angels in the temple in Jerusa-
pair of volunteers to serve in America. Asbury proved a tough
lem, and some Christian mystics, in particular John Kli-
and dedicated pioneer, a stable and influential leader in the
makos (seventh century), used the ladder as a symbol to rep-
manner of Wesley, whose writings saturated his mind. Dur-
resent the phases of spiritual ascent. Likewise, from East Asia
ing the Revolutionary War he endeared himself to native-
to the Americas, from ancient Greece to Israel, the ascent of
born Methodists by his refusal to return to England, and he
a mountain is considered a privileged means by which one
restrained those who wanted to break away from Wesley. In
can enter into the presence of God.
1784 Wesley named the absent Asbury a member of the
Because the theme of ascension has been variously de-
“legal hundred” to administer British Methodism after Wes-
veloped in different cultures, it is difficult to ascertain the re-
ley’s death, and he also appointed him to receive ordination
lationship among the religious ambits where ascension is at-
as “superintendent,” or bishop without pomp, at the hands
tested and where it often involves the quest for origins and
of Thomas Coke. Asbury refused such ordination without
possible reciprocal influences. Scholars have tried to trace the
the summoning of a conference of his colleagues, who there-
ascension theme back to a precise milieu, be it Iranian,
upon elected him to that office.
Greek, Jewish, or shamanistic; psychological approaches
At first Asbury and Coke jointly administered the new
have also been attempted. However, rather than looking for
Methodist Episcopal Church, but Coke’s frequent absences
origins, it is important to compare the different testimonies
from America increasingly left authority in the hands of As-
so as to establish interferences or cross-cultural contacts, as
bury, who was in any case much more fully identified with
well as universal typologies.
the American preachers and laity. Asbury was noteworthy for
APOCALYPSE AND ECSTASY. Some general patterns can be as-
his own tireless travels, both in settled areas and along the
certained, comprehensive of different and more complex fea-
expanding frontiers, and his constant recruiting and nurtur-
tures, such as otherworldly journeys or the descent (followed
ing of native preachers. He maintained that Methodism
by a glorious ascent) of a supermundane entity, with the sub-
would succeed in its mission only through the retention of
sequent redemption or ascensus of the soul of those who re-
a disciplined itinerant system and an authoritative but sacrifi-
ceive revelation. Accounts of heavenly journeys share many
cial episcopacy such as his own. His preachers accepted his
features with apocalyptic literature, whose definition owes
discipline because they recognized in him the true marks of
much to J. J. Collins’s research. Apocalypse is, in fact, con-
the apostle of American Methodism.
sidered a literary genre in which the narrative framework fea-
tures a revelation mediated to a human recipient because of
SEE ALSO Methodist Churches.
his or her merits toward the divine realms. A topical pattern
in apocalyptic literature is thus the extramundane journey,
BIBLIOGRAPHY
performed—bodily or spiritually—with a celestial or angelic
The Journal and Letters of Francis Asbury, 3 vols., edited by Elmer
guide who discloses a transcendent reality involving both es-
T. Clark and Jacob S. Payton (London and Nashville, 1958),
chatological salvation and revelation of a supernatural world.
is an authoritative collection of annotated autobiographical
materials. No first-rate biography exists, although L. C. Ru-
Ascension is often linked to ecstasy, or separation of the
dolph’s Francis Asbury (Nashville, 1966) is useful. Additional
soul from the body. This is explained as a transcendent state
insights can be gained from chapters 7 and 8 of my book
of awareness (trance), or as a psychogenic reaction according
From Wesley to Asbury: Studies in Early American Methodism
to the dictates of the visionary’s mind. Such a state is seen
(Durham, 1976).
as an expression of the conscious and unconscious desires of
FRANK BAKER (1987)
the ecstatic person, or even as a condition of psychic dissocia-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASCENSION
519
tion. In fact, the literal Greek term ekstasis means to escape
IRAN. When the theory of the so-called Himmelsreise der Seele
from one’s own rational and definite position. In this sense,
(ascent of the soul to heaven) was developed at the beginning
ecstasy has the same aims as mysticism: to transcend the as-
of the twentieth century by the representatives of the Reli-
sumed limits of personality. In yoga, ecstatic techniques are
gionsgeschichtliche Schule (by Wilhelm Bousset in particular,
somewhat different; the cosmic layers are experienced as a
followed by other scholars, such as Richard Reitzenstein,
number of internal “principles,” and the journey to the other
Franz Cumont, Joseph Kroll, Rudolf Bultmann, and Geo
world is considered a journey within oneself (enstasy). Analo-
Widengren), they sought the origins of this doctrine in Irani-
gous schemes of a passage from objectification to interioriza-
an religion. They inferred from eschatological Middle-
tion have also been applied to late antiquity, and particularly
Persian or Pahlavi texts that belief in the ascent of the soul,
to inner experiences in Neoplatonic and Christian mysti-
as well as Gnostic dualism, originated in ancient Iran and
cism.
was propagated in late antiquity by means of the mysteries
SHAMANISM. Rituals in shamanistic culture are universally
of Mithra.
considered examples of objective ecstatic performance, espe-
Although some have questioned whether Zoroaster
cially after Mircea Eliade’s investigations. The recurrent and
acted as a “shaman,” arguing that his ecstatic journeys may
central idea of “flight” or “riding” in reference to shamans
not be the product of a merely artificial practice, ecstatic ex-
is simply the figurative expression for ecstasy, which is con-
periences induced by hallucinogens are attested in pre-
trolled throughout shamanistic rituals in conformity with
Zoroastrian Iran. A narcotic drink called haoma (Sanskrit,
traditional prescriptions. The shaman is, by means of ecstasy,
soma) was used to obtain visionary experiences, along with
allowed to experience primordial time and to reach planes
a sort of release or separation of the soul, as well as physical
accessible to ordinary people only through death. Although
sleep. Zoroastrian reform, which was directed against wild
a competent shaman can control ecstasy voluntarily, others
ecstasy, fits into a wider Indo-Iranian mysticism that insists
receive the god’s commands in dreams or visions, or by the
on inner vision and the mind’s light, and came to be a theo-
use of hallucinogenic mushrooms (such as the fly agaric) and
logical contemplation of the fire. The so called younger Aves-
narcotics. The mental states that result from sensory overload
tan priests reintroduced the cultic veneration of haoma and
and emotional arousal require great physical and mental ex-
the use of exhilarants. Two such exhilarants have been identi-
ertion, which is achieved through dancing, drumming, and
fied as extractions from henbane and hemp, both called bang
singing. Furthermore, every aspect of the behavior and para-
in Middle Persian (Avestan, bangha; Sanskrit, bhang).
phernalia of the shaman is oriented toward one principal
goal—the journey to heaven or the netherworld. This jour-
It seems likely that ancient ecstatic or initiatory experi-
ney is performed before the eyes of those who engage the sha-
ences developed into ritualistic practices, so that a voyage in
man for practical purposes, and it is accompanied by such
an extraordinary dimension or a vision of spiritual realms be-
purificatory acts as frenetic drumming or the frenzied imita-
came a symbolic representation or a devotional liturgy. It is
tion of a bird call.
in the context of such a historical development, rather than
in a supposed evolution of Gathic spirituality, that scholars
The ecstatic experiences that determine the shaman’s
can recognize the relative antiquity (at least in its tenets) of
vocation involve the traditional scheme of an initiation cere-
the Arda¯ Wira¯z Na¯mag (Book of the righteous Vira¯z), which
mony: suffering, death, and resurrection. The direct link that
cannot be simply regarded as a late product from post-
the shaman has with the supernatural world is not forged
Sasanian times.
without difficulty or pain; the initiation into the otherworld
is experienced as an upheaval that involves the destruction
The Arda¯ Wira¯z Na¯mag, a well-known Pahlavi text
of the whole person by spirits, followed by a kind of resurrec-
probably written in the ninth century, is one of the preemi-
tion as a new being who exists in both the mundane and the
nent sources for knowledge about the eschatological doc-
spiritual world. Visions are tied to an internal transformation
trines of ancient Iranian religion. The text describes Vira¯z’s
and a spiritual mission. Ascent to the sky and dialogue with
journey to the otherworld, and aims at demonstrating the ef-
the gods, as well as descent to the underworld and conversa-
ficacy of Zoroastrianism through its emphasis on ethical and
tion with spirits and the souls of dead shamans, are fixed pat-
moral teachings and its vivid description of rewards and pun-
terns of this ritual. For example, the birch tree (in central and
ishments. In this sense it may be considered a catechetical
northern Asian shamanism), or, in different traditions, other
work, but far from being a literary device, it represents a reli-
trees around which the ceremony often develops, symbolizes
gious propagandistic document in the post-Sasanian age,
the “world tree,” and the steps of the ritual represent the vari-
when Mazdaism was under attack. Scholars have demon-
ous heavens through which the shaman must pass on his or
strated how the term arda¯ (Avestan, ashavan; Sanskrit, rtva¯n)
her ecstatic journey to the highest heaven. It is probable that
is related to eschatology in signifying a spiritual knowledge
the cosmological schema implied in this ritual has an oriental
reached by the initiated or a condition of beatitude postmor-
origin, since the religious ideas of the ancient Near East pen-
tem. After an introductory section, the Arda¯ Wira¯z Na¯mag
etrated far into Central and North Asia and contributed con-
describes how the soul of the pious protagonist Vira¯z flows
siderably to the features of Central Asian and Siberian sha-
out of his body, reaches the Mount of the Law at the center
manism.
of the earth, and then crosses the Chinvat bridge that leads
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
520
ASCENSION
to the otherworld. Here Vira¯z first sees the souls of righteous
trines. Zoroaster’s katabasis was so well known that Plato
people performing good deeds and observing religious pre-
identified him with Er, son of Armenios, in the tenth book
cepts; then hell is revealed, with its terrible chastisements that
of his Republic, as well as with Aristeas. The ancient Greeks
conformably correspond to the faults of the souls found
appear to have been interested in such themes as ecstasy or
there. The text ends with the glorious and radiant vision of
enthousiasmos (divine possession), and they were especially
Ohrmadz (chap. 101 ff.). A similar narrative of a vision fol-
interested in the immortality of the soul and doctrines con-
lowed by conversion is attributed to Vishtasp, the prince who
cerning its status after death, already professed by the Magi,
protected Zarathushtra, and is contained in a late collection
as recorded by Eudemos of Rhodes (fourth century BCE),
of texts (D¯enkard 7, 4, 85).
who also offers accounts on Zalmoxis or Abaris.
Many motifs in these accounts are already attested in
ANCIENT GREECE. In Greece, belief and practice concerning
Zoroastrian literature: for example, the bridge, which could
catalepsy and the flight of the soul were widespread, and ex-
be large or narrow depending on the protagonist’s behavior
isted apart from the belief in Dionysos, the ecstatic divinity
during life; the encounter with the da¯ena (Pahlavi, d¯en), a
par excellence. Karl Meuli, Eric R. Dodds, and others have
sort of “double” soul depicted as a wonderful girl; and the
argued that Mediterranean religions exhibit a pattern of
three heavens—consisting of humata (“fair thoughts,” the
prophecy and heavenly ascension that has much in common
stars), hu¯khta (“fair words,” the moon); and hvarshta (“fair
with shamanism. Such features are shared by the so-called
deeds,” the sun)—to which the anagra raoca, the layer of the
iatromanteis (from iatros [healer], and mantis [seer]), Greek
“lights without beginning,” must be adjoined. The three
medicine men and oracles connected with a divinity (inter-
heavens reflect the old Avestan order, mythical rather than
preted as Apollo) who dwelled in Hyperborea, the mysteri-
astronomical, linked to a sort of religious gradation of fiery
ous land of the north. To the category of iatromanteis be-
purity and brightness as one ascends from earth to heaven.
longed such notable personalities as Empedocles and
The origin of later schemes comprising six or seven spheres
Pythagoras and, perhaps less influential but no less typical
is connected with the six Amesha Spentas, or with the plane-
for this religious complex, Abaris, Aristeas of Proconnesus,
tary order of Greek origin (the five known planets plus the
Bakis, Epimenides of Crete, and Hermotimos of Clazo-
sun and the moon). It is worth noting that in Greece the
menae. Some of these were reported either to fly or to free
planetary order was liable to vary; therefore we speak of a
their souls and leave their bodies in a state of catalepsy. It
Chaldaean or an Egyptian order.
would be brash to say that their catalepsy was induced by hal-
lucinogenic substances, even if a plant called alimos (literally,
More ancient (third century) and more conservative in
“hungerless”), which probably contained an alkaloid, is men-
their description are the four inscriptions drawn up by the
tioned in their biographies. The soul of Aristeas, taking the
famous fanatical high priest Kird¯ır (or Ke¯rde¯r or Kart¯ır, ac-
form of a raven, was said to travel as far as Hyperborea; the
cording to different transliterations), the grey eminence of
soul of Epimenides, to converse with the gods; and the soul
King Sha¯pu¯r and his successors. Although they are preserved
of Hermotimos, to visit faraway places and record local
in slightly different versions, they all refer to Kird¯ır’s experi-
events. A similar account reports the loss of Hermotimos’s
ence and should be seen as more than a literary device or an
soul from the body after his death, which permitted him to
“initiatory myth.” Kird¯ır’s experience is deeply rooted in the
condemn his wicked wife and his enemies.
culture of the Magi and in Mazdaism. Eschatological motifs
also recur in these inscriptions: the da¯ena, the bridge, the bal-
Although the pre-Socratic philosophers and the poet
ance where the soul is judged, the throne, and a probable vi-
Pindar were acquainted with beliefs concerning the immor-
sion of hell. Moreover, the complex anthropology described
tality of the soul and its consequent elevation to heaven, the
in these texts resembles shamanistic culture in its description
cataleptic separation between body and soul, during which
of the state of apparent death, otherworldly journeys, such
the soul was supposed to have supernatural experiences, was
expressions as “bony body” and “bony soul,” and such
resumed by Plato in the apocalypse of Er in the tenth book
themes as the duplication of the soul or demons who are at
of The Republic. Er, son of Armenios of Pamphylia (Asia
the head of limbs. As a result, scholars have inferred that sha-
Minor), was wounded in a battle and appeared to be dead.
manistic practices existed in ancient Iran. It should be noted
His catalepsy lasted twelve days, until the very moment his
that Ossetic mythology shares similar patterns, which may
body was going to be burned. Er then came back to life and
be explained by cultural contacts with Persia.
reported all the secrets of the afterlife that had been revealed
to his soul.
Even though scholars possess only late documents con-
cerning Iranian eschatology, and even though the resolute—
Plato’s pupil Heracleides Ponticus (fourth century BCE)
and sometimes disputed—position held by the representa-
took direct inspiration from the iatromanteis. In his lost dia-
tives of the Religionsgeschichtliche Schule must in some cases
logues he was concerned with catalepsy and its treatment,
be qualified (e.g., in considering Mesopotamian borrow-
and in one of these (Abaris, or “On things in hell”), Heracl-
ings), it is nevertheless true that in the second half of the first
eides introduced a fictitious character, Empedotimos (de-
millennium BCE the Greeks were acquainted with the initia-
rived from Empedocles and Hermotimos). Some scholars have
tory and mystical-ecstatic aspects of Iranian religious doc-
attributed to Heracleides an important innovation in Greek
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521
eschatology, namely the complete suppression of any subter-
trine of Basilides, who was active in Alexandria around 120
restrial place for punishment of the dead. Other scholars
CE, and of his son Isidorus, according to whom the transcen-
have claimed that the spread of celestial eschatology was due
dental spirit of human beings is temporarily attached to a
to the influence of Pythagoreanism and Stoicism, and in-
soul. During its descent, the planetary vices attack the soul
deed, Stoicism might have played an important role in the
and stick to it in the form of concretions of “appendages”
transformation of Hellenistic eschatology. It is worth noting
(prosart¯emata).
that the Latin writer Cicero (first century BCE) ends his Pla-
The technical expression antimimon pneuma, or “coun-
tonic work, titled Republic, with an account of Scipio’s
terfeit spirit” (sometimes antikeimenon, or “evil spirit”), oc-
dream, wherein the hero was granted an ascent throughout
curs for the first time in the Apocryphon of John, one of the
the heavens and a vision of the Blesseds. This well-known
oldest surviving Gnostic treatises, extant in Coptic transla-
account became the object of allegorical interpretation dur-
tions. Some scholars claim that the Apocryphon of John pre-
ing late antiquity, and the Neoplatonist Macrobius wrote an
dates even Basilides, whose theory of the prosart¯emata is
extensive commentary on it at the end of the fourth century.
based on the antimimon pneuma doctrine. In fact, the an-
HELLENISTIC WORLD. By the end of the first century CE, the
timimon pneuma is an appended spirit, an intermediary be-
idea of an underground Hades was no longer fashionable, so
tween the soul and the material body. The soul itself is a cre-
in rearranging the great eschatological Platonic myths, Plu-
ation of the evil heavenly archons (i.e., the seven “planets”)
tarch’s ambition was to give a “modern” version of them in
or, to be more precise, of the seven attributes forming con-
order to meet the intellectual exigencies of the time. Plutarch
junctions (syzygies) together with the archons.
offers interesting details about catalepsy and incubation in
his dialogue On Socrates’ Daemon, based on traditions con-
The formation of the antimimon pneuma is more explic-
cerning the famous oracular cave of Trophonius at Lebadea,
itly stated in the Pistis Sophia, also preserved in Coptic. The
near Chaeronea. If Lamprias, Plutarch’s brother, was a priest
“counterfeit spirit” derives directly from the archons of the
of that sanctuary, Plutarch may have had access to the wood-
heimarmen¯e, or astral destiny, which are the seven “planets.”
en tablets on which those consulting the oracle were sup-
The antimimon pneuma follows the soul in all its reincarna-
posed to write down their experiences. The hero of this apoc-
tions (metabolai) and is itself a cause of reincarnation. The
alypse is Timarch, whose soul leaves his body and visits the
goal of Gnostic mysteries is to free the soul from bondage
heavenly Hades, remaining below the sphere of the moon,
to the antimimon pneuma. On the basis of the planetary
which is only the first among the seven planetary spheres.
order in chapter 136 of Pistis Sophia and in other texts of late
Here, as well as in the dialogue On the Face in the Moon, the
antiquity, it seems likely that this doctrine derives from the
moon is the receptacle of souls that are freed of their bodies,
Hermetic astrological treatise Panaretos, which includes a
with the exception of those that fall again into the circle of
discussion of the degrees (kl¯eroi) or positions (loci) of the
transmigration (metenso¯mato¯sis). The earth represents the
planets; that is, the coordinates within the horoscope of na-
lowest and meanest point of the universe. Another important
tivity, where each planet is supposed to confer its principal
myth is contained in the dialogue On the Delayed Revenge of
qualities upon the subject. However, Gnostics mention only
the God, which resumes many elements of the apocalypse of
the negative qualities or vices derived from the planetary in-
Er. The dishonest Aridaeus of Soloi, after having experienced
fluence.
a cataleptic state and after his soul has watched the judgment
The doctrine of antimimon pneuma became influential
of the dead and witnessed the painful lot of the sinners,
in Hermetism, where it merged with the idea of the soul’s
changes his attitude, becomes a pious man, and begins call-
descent into the world and its return to heaven. During its
ing himself Thespesius (“godly”).
descent through the planetary spheres, the soul acquired
Late Hellenism was dominated by an obsession with
from each planet the dominant vice ascribed to it in astrolo-
human liberation from the world and out of the world, in,
gy, while during its ascent, those concretions were put off
or beyond, the heavenly spheres. This is reflected, for exam-
(Poimandres 25–26). The ascent of the soul in Gnosticism
ple, in the Gnostic systems of the second and third centuries
could be much more complicated, and the ritual perfor-
CE and in their polemic against astrology. The seven “plan-
mances or “mysteries” intended to assure the soul an easy
ets” themselves, the signs, the decans, and the degrees of the
passage through the archons differed widely, although they
zodiac are often represented as evil archons, or heavenly rul-
presented some fixed patterns, such as learning by heart mag-
ers. These are extremely important for the embodiment and
ical names or invocations. Some Sethian treatises from Nag-
disembodiment of the individual soul. The heavenly ascent
Hammadi (Zostrianos, Allogenes, The Three Steles of Seth),
of the soul through the spheres is therefore considered a cen-
where the path of ascent shows Platonic nuances, prelude the
tral tenet of Gnosticism. The techniques that are intended
life-intellect-being triad later developed by Plotinus.
to assure the Gnostic’s soul a safe passage through the spheres
It should also be noted that the same motif of secret
of the hostile archons up to the pl¯ero¯ma (fullness) of the god-
names or watchwords and seals indispensable for passing
head actually form the most important part of gnosis.
through the heavenly customs is also described in magic liter-
One of the first testimonies for the Gnostic theory of
ature and in the Jewish mysticism of the merkavah. An im-
the embodiment and disembodiment of the soul is the doc-
portant example is the famous Mithrasliturgie (Papyri Grae-
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522
ASCENSION
cae Magicae VI, 475–824), which describes how to gain
chology. Through the works of Marsilio Ficino (1433–
immortality by an elevation process.
1499), it became one of the most widespread doctrines from
the time of the Renaissance down to the end of the sixteenth
The second-century Platonic writer Celsus (attested by
century and even into the seventeenth.
Origen, Contra Celsum 6, 22 ff.) ascribed to the Persian god
Mithra, whose veneration increased during late antiquity and
Another interesting Latin document preserving a de-
who was reshaped to suit the changed religious attitude of
scription of an initiatory ascension is De Nuptiis, written in
Hellenism, a ritual object consisting of a ladder with seven
the fifth century by Martianus Capella. Despite the far-
steps or “gates” (klimax heptapylos), representing the planets.
fetched and heterogeneous material collected in De Nuptiis
Similar objects are also depicted in Mithraic temples. Ac-
(the author aimed at offering an encyclopedia of the seven
cording to Celsus, this object symbolized the passage of the
liberal arts), its allegorical stamp emerges from the first two
adept’s soul through the planetary spheres, which could be
books and is testified by commentaries written during the
accomplished in concomitance of the magnus annus of
Middle Ages. The hierogamy between Philology, allegory of
Plato’s doctrine (Timaeus 39d). This interpretation raises
human knowledge, and Mercury is prepared by a complicat-
some difficulties, however, since the steps are arranged ac-
ed ritual and by Philology’s ascent throughout the seven
cording to the order of the days of the planetary week, which
spheres in order to purify herself from earthly filth. Chal-
is explained by Celsus in accordance with the musical theory
daean and Neoplatonic borrowings are palpable.
of the tetrachordon. Celsus linked this doctrine to a related
JUDAISM AND EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. The heavenly
diagram ascribed to the Gnostic sect of the Ophites. Some
journey is a constant pattern in Jewish and, later, Christian
interpreters have argued that these steps and their associated
apocalypses. Apart from the Scriptural references (Gen. 5:24;
rituals represent a meditative technique to obtain inner
2 Kgs. 2:11; Sir. 44:16; 48:9; Ez. 1; and Dn. 7:13, important
knowledge of the self, and the steps are thus structured as an
for later interpretations), among the Old Testament Pseud-
interior journey.
epigrapha there are numerous texts describing both an elec-
tive ascension of patriarchs (Abraham, Enoch, Isaac, Jacob,
In Hellenistic culture a relationship was established be-
Levi, Moses, and Shem) or prophets (Baruch, Esdra, Isaiah,
tween the seven “planets” and the levels that the soul had to
Elijah, and Ezekiel), and the granting of a vision.
transverse in its heavenly ascent. It can thus be maintained
that, as far as the mysteries of late antiquity are concerned,
Extensive and detailed accounts of ascensions begin
their divinities, in some cases traditionally connected with
with 1 Enoch, the oldest parts of which were completed at
the earth and the underworld Hades, are transported entirely
the end of the third century BCE. Enoch’s adventures are re-
to heaven, where they are supposed to receive the souls of
counted in this text in much more detail than in the Bible.
their adepts after death. Moreover, Gnostic polemics against
Written originally in Aramaic (fragments were discovered
astrology gave rise to the formation of the influential theory
among the Dead Sea Scrolls), 1 Enoch is fully preserved only
of the passage of the soul through the spheres, fashionable
in an Ethiopian translation that is based on a Greek version.
among Neoplatonists from the third to the sixteenth century
No less than five works, written over a period of centuries,
CE. It is impossible to state whether Neoplatonists (e.g., Por-
are included in this collection. The book of 2 Enoch, which
phyry, Proclus, and Macrobius) took this theory from Nu-
seems originally to have been written in Greek, survives only
menius of Apamea or from the Gnostic-Hermetic tradition.
in a translation into Old Church Slavonic. Much of the ma-
It should also be noted that the Christian writer Arnobius,
terial in it probably dates back to the early centuries CE, al-
at the beginning of the fourth century, directed his polemic
though its final form appears to be the result of a long process
against a group of Neoplatonic mystics who maintained the
of transmission. According to this work, Enoch ascended to
doctrines of the Chaldaean Oracles, attributing to them
heaven and was given a tour of the celestial realm, where he
formulas and other means for transporting their clients to
was transformed into an angelic being when he came before
heaven.
the throne of God. This is the background of the story nar-
rated in 3 Enoch, which begins with the ascent of R. Ishmael
The embodiment (enso¯mato¯sis) of the soul entails a de-
to the seventh heaven and his encounter with God and the
scent from the top of the cosmos to the bottom, through the
angels. One of them, Metatron, reveals that he was once the
planetary spheres that confer certain characteristic features
man Enoch, but he was taken to heaven in a fiery chariot as
upon the soul. Disembodiment is the reverse of this process.
a witness to the generation of the flood. After having been
In late Neoplatonism, which borrowed this doctrine from
challenged by the angels, he was finally enthroned by God.
Chaldaean theurgy, the ethereal body that enveloped the soul
and that was formed by planetary qualities was its “vehicle”
The voyage through seven or three heavens became a
(och¯ema). Sometimes this “vehicle” was distinguished from
commonplace of Jewish apocalyptic literature with the Testa-
others that were meant to serve as intermediaries between the
ments of the Twelve Patriarchs (second century BCE). Seven
soul and the material body, according to a theory of Aristotle
is the prevailing number in the mystical tradition related to
that was influential in Greco-Roman and Arabic medicine.
the merkavah, the chariot carrying God’s throne in the fa-
The theory of the passage of the soul through the spheres was
mous vision of Ezekiel. Under the name ma’aseh merkavah
taken over from Macrobius by medieval medicine and psy-
(“work of the chariot”), this form of speculation goes back
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523
to the Pharisees of the Second Temple. From the second or
Nevertheless, all scholars have emphasized how Christ’s as-
third to the sixth century CE, merkavah mysticism is mainly
cension sums up the tradition of biblical heavenly ascensions,
expressed through hekhalotic literature (from hekhal, “heav-
explaining his role as both redeemer and mediator between
enly palace”), represented by various groups of testimonies
God and humans.
of different dates. Jewish magic, as recorded in, for example,
The early tradition that Luke makes use of is otherwise
the Sefer ha-razim (sixth or seventh century CE), was also
expressed in terms of Jesus’ “exaltation” (e.g., in the pre-
concerned with the vision of seven heavens, which was fun-
Pauline formulation echoed in Philippians 2:9). However
damental to merkavah mysticism and hekhalotic literature.
this belief is partly an attempt to define more clearly the rela-
The related writings contain the revelation of seven “heaven-
tion between the living Jesus who died on the cross and the
ly palaces,” which the adept was supposed to attain after
risen Lord who appeared to the apostles by explaining, for
strenuous preparation. In Jewish mysticism, the seven heav-
example, where the “life” of Jesus had been during the three
ens are never associated with the seven planets. Some scholars
days following his death. While Paul shows no awareness of
have argued that both the Second Temple apocalypses and
the problem, the question was bound to arise eventually, and
hekhalot literature are fictitious or clearly literary events,
the answer depended on the view taken about the relation
while others have underlined patterns kindred to shamanism.
between soul and body. According to the Pauline view, the
The same basic ecstatic experience is reflected in Chris-
resurrection was the passage from earth to heaven, or it was
tian accounts of celestial elevation, including Paul’s and the
identical to the ascension, but the views of Luke and John,
enigmatic and indirect autobiographical account in 2 Corin-
which the early church adopted, held that the resurrection
thians (12:2 ff.). This reference to visions and revelations of
was a temporary restoration of Jesus’ intercourse with the
the Lord may suggest either that Paul’s opponents, against
disciples on earth, which ended with the ascension.
whom the epistle is directed, boasted of such experiences, or
ISLAM. The most famous example of an ascension in Islamic
that they decried his apostolic title because it was based on
culture is the Mi Era¯j, or ascent of the prophet Muh:ammad,
a “vision.” It is interesting to note that the Hellenic writer
developed and expanded from an enigmatic hint in the
Lucian (second century CE) caricatured Christianity by de-
QurDa¯n (17:1). This account is preserved in various Arabic
scribing “the Galilean. . .who went by air into the third
texts from the eighth and ninth centuries CE, as well as in
heaven” (Philopatris 12).
medieval Latin versions. Accompanied by the archangel Ga-
briel, the Prophet is transported to Jerusalem and then to
A long section of the early Christian apocryphal text As-
heaven either on Bura¯q (a sort of winged horse with a pea-
censio Isaiae (dating back to the second century CE, probably
cock’s tail) or in a tree growing with vertiginous speed up to
to Syrian ambit, and preserved in different fragmentary ver-
the sky.
sions of varying length and chronology) contains an apoca-
lyptic account. In this text, the prophet Isaiah, helped by an
Other accounts of heavenly journeys are recorded in Ar-
angel, rises to the seventh heaven, where he can contemplate
abic literature (in turn influenced by Persia), some of them
the preexistent Christ together with the Holy Spirit, and the
equally characterized by the common denominator of Gnos-
coming of Christ in the world. Ascensio Isaiae puts into evi-
tic trends and by a mythic and symbolic geography (what
dence not only eschatological themes, but also attempts at
Henry Corbin called the mundus imaginalis). A precursor of
enucleating a complex Christology, sometimes pervaded
the grail legend is recognizable in the account of the visionary
with Gnostic or dualistic features. The link between ascen-
Kay Khosraw in Firdaws¯ı’s Book of the Kings from the late
sion and the manifestation of God’s glory (kavod) was inher-
tenth century. In addition, the Si Murg describes the journey
ited by many other apocryphal Christian texts, including, for
of thirty birds toward their king, the Phoenix (Simurgh),
example, the Gnosticizing Gospel of Thomas.
through seven dreadful valleys. At the end they realize that
the Phoenix is nothing more than themselves, with a word-
Any inquiry concerning heavenly journeys in ancient
play on the title, expressing at the same time one of the prin-
Christianity cannot omit consideration of the ascension of
cipal Gnostic tenets—that divinity dwells in the inner self.
Christ, considered dogma from the earliest times and the ear-
Furthermore, the allegorical works by the Gnostic philoso-
liest credo formulas. Its account is recorded by Luke both in
pher Suhraward¯ı Maqtu¯l (d. 1191), written in a style similar
the Gospel and in the proemial section of the Acts; only the
to Avicenna’s tales, feature the leitmotiv of the soul’s re-
Markan appendix contains something parallel (16:19). This
demption from its corporeal bonds and the laud to its true
double reference—which can be considered a climax to the
homeland, na-kaja-abad (place without space).
latter part of the Gospel of Luke, from chapter 9 (the transfig-
uration)—makes it clear that one has to reckon with this as-
Also important is the Seir al- DIbad ilà El-MaDad (Journey
cension account as the crucial marker that distinguishes the
of the servants of God toward the reign of the goals), a poem
period of the church from that of Jesus. The term ascension
written in the twelfth century by Sana¯D¯ı. The purpose of the
has a different meaning in this case, since it does not simply
journey that is described in this poem is to reach the “Su-
refer to a motion upward through the “heavens” but also in-
preme Goal” through a progressive divinization, which is de-
volves the notion that the ascended Christ joins his heavenly
scribed in the introductory section, with the exhortation to
Father in “glory,” and the disciples behold Jesus in this state.
forsake the “bony body.” The spiritual guide is represented
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524
ASCENSION
by the Intellect ( EAql), disguised as an old man. The traveler
above, even though these were radically different in their
ascends through the four elements first, a place ruled by the
purpose: Whereas the latter were deeply influenced by Gnos-
passions and death, then it reaches a hell in which the sover-
tic ideas and praised the role of intellect, Dante’s guide in
eign is represented as a whale. Finally, after passing through
his pilgrimage is Beatrice, who symbolizes Christian love
eternal Time’s crystal gate, the traveler rises to the planets,
after the defeat of human reason (represented by Vergil). It
symbolizing the vices (an inheritance from the Mazdean tra-
should be noted that Gnostic interpretations of Beatrice have
dition), as far as the ninth sphere. The ninth sphere repre-
been put forward, but these are not convincing.
sents the World Soul, in conformity with the strong emana-
Such a majestic text has been the object of manifold in-
tionism pervading the poem. Although the narrator is
terpretations due to its difficulty and its elaborate literary
inclined to stop his ascent at this point, the Intellect per-
frame. In the final part (cantica) of The Divine Comedy, the
suades him to continue. The final section is the most gnostic-
narrator, after having passed through hell and purgatory with
ly marked, since there is an overlap or identification between
Beatrice, rises to the heavenly spheres, where he is granted
the storyteller and his Intellect, in order to accomplish divin-
a vision of the Virgin Mary and God. In his description of
ization.
the universe Dante follows Ptolemaic astronomical concep-
MEDIEVAL CHRISTIANITY AND DANTE. Late Hellenistic
tions in which the earth is stationary and central, with the
Christian apocalypses continued to play an important role
seven planets revolving around it at various speeds. Beyond
during the Middle Ages. The Latin Vision of Esdra, transmit-
these are the spheres of the fixed stars and the material heav-
ted in a tenth-century manuscript, was extremely influential.
ens, the last of which is called the Crystalline, or the Primum
From the twelfth century, which was particularly productive
Mobile, because the other heavens derive their slower mo-
of revelations, three works are most important: the Vision of
tions from its infinite speed. In Dante’s universe, the grace
Alberic (1127), written by a monk of Montecassino, possibly
of God increases as one moves into the higher and higher
influenced by the MiEra¯j legends, transmitted by Constantine
heavens. Nine angelic orders rule and control the heavenly
the African (1020–1087), a translator from Arabic who spent
spheres, which influence human life and character. The vari-
the last years of his life in that monastery; the Vision of Tun-
ous souls are described according to the corresponding pre-
dal (1149); and the Purgatory of Saint Patrick (1189), which
dominant character of their earthly lives. When the Blesseds
is similar to ancient Irish models and to the Latin legend of
crowd, they vary their voices and sounds into a sweet and ex-
Saint Brendan’s life (ninth century).
ultant harmony.
The most important account of a heavenly ascension in
Dante and Beatrice reach the heaven of the Moon first,
Western culture is considered to be Dante Alighieri’s epic
they then travel to the heaven of Mercury, and then the third
poem The Divine Comedy, written in the early 1300s. The
heaven (ruled by Venus), where lovers dwell. A whirling light
Divine Comedy is not only a literary masterpiece, it is also a
glows in the heaven of the Sun, whose inhabitants are philos-
summation of medieval philosophical and religious ideas, in
ophers and theologians, such as Thomas Aquinas and Bona-
which different sources seem to flow together. For example,
venture, as well as Siger de Brabant. The heaven of Mars is
the Christian apocalyptic tradition involving Paul’s experi-
trimmed with a white gleaming cross, while in the heaven
ence (2 Cor. 12:2–4) is explicitly asserted in the Inferno (2:28
of Jupiter the spirits (rulers and sovereigns) form a gigantic
ff.) and Paradiso (1:74 ff.). Classical reminiscences also ap-
eagle, symbolizing imperial power. In the next heaven, that
pear, including Aeneas’s catabasis, which derives from the
of Saturn, Dante is faced with a great golden ladder upon
sixth book of Vergil’s Aeneid. The poet uses these two models
whose steps manifold splendid lights (the contemplative spir-
to insert himself into a line of exemplary people who are wor-
its) ascend and descend. From here Dante can look back to-
thy of seeing the celestial realms, even if he always remarks
ward the earth, which appears to him in all its paltriness. As
that providential action operated by divine grace in offering
soon as he arrives in the heaven of the fixed stars, Dante is
to a human the possibility of ascending to supernatural
presented with a procession of the triumph of Christ, while
spheres. Moreover, after Miguel Asín Palacios’s seminal sug-
at the same time he is examined by the saints in order to rise
gestions (partly questioned), scholars have begun looking for
toward the ninth heaven and finally to the Empyrean, which
traces of Islamic descriptions from the MiEra¯j in the Com-
exists outside of time and space, pervaded by eternal intellec-
media. This hypothesis is highly probable, since translated
tual light and holy love, and where angels and saints live,
versions of the so-called Liber scalae circulated in Europe
their blessedness consisting of an eternal vision of God. The
during the thirteenth century, and one of them had been ar-
thrones of the saints and the biblical figures (Eve, Rachel,
ranged by a Tuscan dignitary, Bonaventura da Siena, as Enri-
Sarah, Rebecca, Judith, Adam, Moses, Saint Peter, Saint
co Cerulli has demonstrated. If Dante employed such hetero-
John, Saint Francis, Saint Augustine, Saint Lucy, as well as
geneous sources, this may be considered the clearest—and
Beatrice) sit there in ranked order, with the Virgin sitting at
the most important—example of an osmotic interaction
their radiant peak. In the end, Saint Bernard begins a prayer
(sometimes not free from polemic) between Arabic and Eu-
to the Virgin so that the poet can preserve the blessedness
ropean culture in the Middle Ages, an interaction that lasted
he saw. She deigns to look down at him and the light of God
until the sixteenth century. Dante may also have been in-
shines down on Dante, granting him the beatific vision and
spired by the Arabic philosophical apocalypses described
the ultimate salvation.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASCENSION
525
SEE ALSO Afterlife, overview article; Apotheosis; Flight;
ern Folklore (Berkeley, 1989). For Iranian apocalypticism,
Gnosticism; MiEra¯j; Shamanism, overview article.
Philippe Gignoux has translated and written a commentary
on the Arda¯ Wira¯z Na¯mag in Le livre d’Arda¯ V¯ıra¯z (Paris,
B
1984), as has Fereydun Vahman in Arda¯ Wira¯z Na¯mag: The
IBLIOGRAPHY
Iranian “Divina Commedia” (London, 1986). On Kird¯ır’s
The classic study devoted to the ascension of the soul is Wilhelm
inscriptions, see Philippe Gignoux, Les quatre inscriptions du
Bousset, “Die Himmelsreise der Seele” in Archiv für Religion-
Mage Kird¯ır, Texte et Concordances (Paris, 1991), as well as
swissenschaft 4 (1901): 136–169; the same view is shared by
Gignoux’s many contributions on Iranian eschatology and
Karl Hönn, Studien zur Geschichte der Himmelfahrt im klas-
shamanistic features. On the same theme there is also an im-
sischen Altertum (Mannheim, Germany, 1910). Among the
portant paper by Gherardo Gnoli, “Asˇsavan: Contributo allo
scholarly production influenced by this critical trend, it is
studio del Libro di Arda Viraz” in Iranica (Naples, 1979),
worth mentioning Eduard Norden’s impressive commentary
pp. 387–452. Antonio Panaino’s “Uranographia Iranica I:
on the sixth book of the Aeneid (P. Vergilius Maro, Aeneis
The Three Heavens in the Zoroastrian Tradition and the
Buch VI, Leipzig and Berlin, 1903; 3d ed., 1934), which, es-
Mesopotamian Background” in Au carrefour des religions:
pecially in the introductory section, deals with apocalyptic
Mélanges offerts à Philippe Gignoux, edited by Rika Gyselen
and eschatological literature from Empedocles to the Middle
(Bures sur Yvette, France, 1995), pp. 205–225, deals with
Ages. Important methodological remarks on the subject are
the threefold division of universe and planetary order.
provided by Carsten Colpe, “Die ‘Himmelsreise der Seele’
ausserhalb und innerhalb der Gnosis” in Le Origini dello
On the Greek iatromanteis and their relationships to shamanism
Gnosticismo, edited by Ugo Bianchi (Leiden, 1967),
see Karl Meuli, “Scythica,” in Hermes 70 (1935): 121–176;
pp. 429–445; see also Colpe’s “Die ‘Himmelsreise der Seele’
as well as chapter 5 of Eric R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Ir-
als philosophie- und religionsgeschichtliche Problem” in
rational (Berkeley, 1951). On Shamanic features in Greek
Festschrift für Joseph Klein, edited by Erich Fries (Göttingen,
oracular practice, see Pierre Bonnechere, Trophonios de Lé-
1967), pp. 85–104.
badée: cultes et mythes d’une cité béotienne au miroir de la men-
Two books by Ioan Petru Culianu, Psychanodia: A Survey of the
talité antique (Leiden, 2003).
Evidence concerning the Ascension of the Soul and Its Relevance,
The magnificient book by Franz Cumont, Lux Perpetua (Paris,
vol. 1 (Leiden, 1983), and Expériences de l’extase: Extase, as-
1949), deals with eschatology and the otherworld in the Hel-
cension, et récit visionnaire de l’hellénisme au Moyen Age (Paris,
lenistic age. Plutarch’s eschatology is investigated by Freder-
1984), offer detailed commentary on Judaic, Christian, and
ick Brenk, In Mist Apparelled: Religious Themes in Plutarch’s
Islamic literature from ancient Greece through the Middle
Moralia and Lives (Leiden, 1977). On the mysteries of
Ages, as well as a scholarly history marked by a strong criti-
Mithra and their relationship to the ascent of the soul, see
cism of the Religionsgeschichtliche Schule view. Fascinating,
Robert Turcan, Mithras platonicus: Recherches sur
but not strictly scientific, is Elémire Zolla, Lo stupore infantile
l’hellénisation philosophique de Mithra (Leiden, 1975), and
(Milan, 1994), pp. 77–91 and 111–120. See also Ioan Petru
Bernd Witte, Das Ophitendiagramm nach Origens’ Contra
Culianu, Out of this World. Otherwordly Journeys from Gil-
Celsum 6: 22–38 (Altenberge, Germany, 1993). On Macro-
gamesh to Albert Einstein (Boston and London, 1991, 2001).
bius and the passage of the soul through the spheres, a good
Among the manifold contributions on apocalyptic literature and
survey is Jacques Flamant’s Macrobe et le néo-platonisme latin,
its distinctive patterns and purposes, see David Hellholm,
à la fin du quatrième siècle (Leiden, 1977). The survival of
ed., Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near-
this doctrine during the Renaissance is investigated by Dan-
East: Proceedings of the International Colloquium on Apocalyp-
iel P. Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic: From Ficino to
ticism, Uppsala, Aug. 12–17, 1979, 2d ed. (Tübingen, 1989),
Campanella (London, 1958), and Ioan Petru Culianu,
and Claire Kappler, ed., Apocalypses et voyages dans l’au-delà
“Magia spirituale e magia demonica nel Rinascimento” in
(Paris, 1987). See also the synthesis by John J. Collins, The
Rivista di storia e letteratura religiosa 17 (1981): 360–408.
Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to the Jewish Matrix
The classic book on magic literature is Albrecht Dieterich, Eine
of Christianity (New York, 1984).
Mithrasliturgie, 3d ed. (Leipzig, 1923), which must be sup-
The best single book on shamanism and related ecstatic phenome-
plemented by Hans-Dieter Betz, Gottesbegegnung und Men-
na in different religious contexts remains Mircea Eliade’s
schwerdung: Zur religionsgeschichtlichen und theologischen
Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, translated by Wil-
Bedeutung der Mithrasliturgie (PGM IV, 475–820) (Berlin
lard R. Trask (New York, 1964); on yoga techniques viewed
and New York, 2001). See also Betz’s English translation and
in a broad historico-religious scope see Eliade’s Yoga: Immor-
commentary, The Mithras Liturgy (Tübingen, 2003).
tality and Freedom, 2d ed., translated by Willard R. Trask
Good surveys of the Jewish mysticism of the merkavah are Ger-
(Princeton, 1969). On related themes see Alexander Golitz-
shom Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, Merkavah Mysticism, and
in, “‘Earthly Angels and Heavenly Men’: Nicetas Stethatos,
Talmudic Tradition (New York, 1960; 2d ed., 1965), and
the Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, and the Tradition of
Ithamar Gruenwald, Apocalyptic and Merkavah Mysticism
‘Interiorized Apocalyptic’ in Eastern Christian Ascetical and
(Leiden, 1980). See also Peter Schäfer, The Hidden and Man-
Mystical Literature” in Dumbarton Oak Papers 55 (2001):
ifest God: Some Major Themes in Early Jewish Mysticism,
125–153.
translated by Aubrey Pomerance (Albany, N.Y., 1992); Mar-
On ecstasis induced by hallucinogens in ancient Iran see David S.
tha Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian
Flattery and Martin Schwartz, Haoma and Harmaline: The
Apocalypses (Oxford, 1993); and James R. Davila, “Shamanic
Botanical Identity of the Indo-Iranian Sacred Hallucinogen
Initiatory Death and Resurrection in the Hekhalot Litera-
“Soma” and Its Legacy in Religion, Language, and Middle East-
ture” in Paul Mirecki and Marvin Meyer, eds., Magic and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
526
ASCETICISM
Ritual in the Ancient World (Leiden, 2002), pp. 283–302, to-
The Greek athlete, for example, subjected himself to system-
gether with his monograph Descenders to the Chariot: The
atic exercise or training in order to attain a goal of physical
People behind the Hekhalot Literature (Leiden 2001). See also
fitness. In time, however, the word began to assume philo-
James H. Charlesworth, ed., Old Testament Pseudepigrapha
sophical, spiritual, and ethical implications: one could “exer-
(Garden City, N.Y., 1983).
cise” and “train” not only the body in the pursuit of a physi-
Contributions on how Christianity developed the ascension
cal goal but also—systematically and rigorously—the will,
theme are offered by Alan F. Segal, “Heavenly Ascent in Hel-
the mind, and the soul so as to attain a more virtuous life
lenistic Judaism, Early Christianity and Their Environment”
or a higher spiritual state.
in Aufstieg und Niedergand der Römischen Welt II, 23, 2 (Ber-
lin and New York, 1980), pp. 1333–1394; and James D.
Although the modern word asceticism has eluded any
Tabor, Things Unutterable: Paul’s Ascent to Paradise in its
universally accepted definition, the term, when used in a reli-
Graeco-Roman, Judaic, and Early Christian Context (New
gious context, may be defined as a voluntary, sustained, and
York, 1986). Further bibliographical references can be found
at least partially systematic program of self-discipline and
in Joseph A. Fitzmeyer, The Gospel According to Luke (An-
self-denial in which immediate, sensual, or profane gratifica-
chor Bible 28–28A; New York, 1981); and Karin Wilcke,
tions are renounced in order to attain a higher spiritual state
Christi Himmelfahrt. Ihre Darstellung in der Europäische Li-
teratur von der Spätantike bis zum ausgehenden Mittelalter
or a more thorough absorption in the sacred. Because reli-
(Heidelberg, 1991). A critical edition and commentary of the
gious man (homo religiosus) seeks a transcendent state, asceti-
Ascensio Isaiae is provided by Paolo Bettiolo, Alda Kossova,
cism—in either rudimentary or developed form—is virtually
Claudio Leonardi, Enrico Norelli, and Lorenzo Perrone
universal in world religion.
(Turnhout, Belgium, 1995; CCSA 7–8). See also Enrico No-
relli, L’Ascensione di Isaia: Studi su un apocrifo al crocevia dei
ORIGINS OF ASCETICISM. The origins of asceticism are found
cristianesimi (Bologna, 1994), and April De Conick, Seek to
in primitive or archaic society, that is, in prehistory. Many
See Him: Ascent and Vision Mysticism in the Gospel of Thomas
of the major ascetic forms such as fasting, sexual continence,
(Leiden, 1996).
and seclusion appear universally among present-day primi-
The relationships between Persian and Arabic religious literature
tives or nonliterate peoples. The purpose of such prohibi-
are investigated by Henry Corbin, Corps spirituel et terre cél-
tions or taboos is very frequently to escape or avoid the influ-
este: De l’Iran mazdéen à l’Iran shi’ite, 2d ed. (Paris, 1979);
ence of demonic powers. There is, for example, a prevalent
on the same subject see also Alessandro Bausani, Persia re-
belief in primitive societies that evil forces may enter the
ligiosa: Da Zaratustra a Baha¯ DuDlla¯h, 2d ed. (Cosenza, Italy,
body while one is eating. To avoid this, one fasts for certain
1999), available in English as Religion in Iran: From Zoroaster
periods or abstains from certain foods altogether. The objec-
to Baha’ullah, translated by J. M. Marchesi (New York,
tive of primitive prohibitions may also be purification. In
2000). On the MiDra¯j see Geo Widengren, Muhammad: The
preparation for ritual activities of a particularly sacred nature,
Apostle of God and His Ascension (Uppsala, Sweden, 1955).
such as initiation, marriage, or sacrifice, participants rid
A good survey of the most important medieval visions and apoca-
themselves of impurity by engaging in often austere acts of
lypses is given in Sir John D. Seymour, Irish Visions of the
self-denial. Such purity is particularly necessary if one is to
Other-World (London, 1930), and Jacques Le Goff, La nais-
approach the gods. To a lesser degree, one may also use aus-
sance du Purgatoire (Paris, 1981), available in English as The
terities as a form of penance to atone for transgressions, thus
Birth of Purgatory, translated by Arthur Goldhammer (Lon-
averting the wrath of a deity. Certain practices, particularly
don, 1984). On Dante’s Commedia see Charles S. Singleton,
Journey to Beatrice (Dante Studies 2; Cambridge, Mass.,
fasting and seclusion, are also employed to induce visions or
1958). A detailed commentary is offered by Anna Maria
vivid dreams. Among American Indians, for example, such
Chiavacci Leonardi in a new edition of the Commedia
techniques are used during puberty initiations to evoke a rev-
(Milan, 1997). In English see Charles Singleton’s commen-
elation in dream or a vision of the youth’s guardian spirit.
tary in the Princeton translation (1970–1975). Dante’s
knowledge of Islamic sources is discussed in Miguel Asín
Although the origins of asceticism may be found in
Palacios, La escatologia musulmana en la Divina comedia,
primitive society, it is often argued that asceticism per se ex-
seguida de la historia y crítica de una polémica, 2d ed. (Madrid,
ists there only in rudimentary form or not at all. One’s posi-
1943)—the first edition of this work was translated by Har-
tion on this issue depends almost entirely upon how one de-
old Sunderland as Islam and the Divine Comedy (London,
fines asceticism, thus making the issue less soluble but also
1926). Asín Palacios’s views were reconsidered and corrected
less critical. It should be observed, however, that such ascetic
by Enrico Cerulli, Il “Libro della Scala” e la questione delle
forms as fasting, seclusion, infliction of pain, and even bodily
fonti arabo-spagnole della Divina Commedia (Vatican City,
mutilation have a far more compulsory, less voluntary char-
1949), and Nuove ricerche sul “Libro della Scala” e la conoscen-
acter in preliterate than in literate societies. The ordeals asso-
za dell’Islam in Occidente (Vatican City, 1972).
ciated with puberty rites, for example, are more or less im-
CHIARA OMBRETTA TOMMASI (2005)
posed. Further, the austerities to which the primitive submits
rarely demonstrate a systematic and sustained program of as-
cetic behavior, when compared with comprehensive systems
ASCETICISM. The word asceticism is derived from the
such as yoga or monastic life. Also, a preponderant number
Greek noun ask¯esis, meaning “exercise, practice, training.”
of primitive austerities, acts of self-denial, and taboos have
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASCETICISM
527
as their sole intent the avoidance of evil, so it is questionable
the state of apparent union with the deity is only momentary
whether they should even be labeled asceticism. But since in
and, at best, a foretaste of that salvation yet to come. The
almost all societies asceticism is elitist, being meant for the
S:u¯f¯ı, like many mystics in theism, does not claim to be equal
few, a developed asceticism in primitive society should be
to God, but rather to be extinguished or lost in him.
sought among such sacral specialists as the shaman. Although
In nontheistic traditions this thirst for the ultimate
the shaman is often “compelled” by higher powers to assume
through mystical experience takes on varied forms. It is fre-
his role, the rigors of shamanic life are hardly imposed from
quently a quest for the true or essential self, which is per-
without in the usual sense. Seclusion, fasting, sexual conti-
ceived to be identical with the ground or foundation of all
nence, and endless vigils are part of a sustained self-discipline
creation. The Hindu yogin employs the sophisticated tech-
calculated to generate visions, bring communion with spirits,
niques of Yoga to realize that his a¯tman, or permanent self,
and penetrate sacred realms.
is one with brahman, the unchanging foundation of all. The
FORMS AND OBJECTIVES OF ASCETICISM. Viewed cross-
Yoga Su¯tra of Patañjali (first century CE) describes breathing
culturally, the variety of ascetic forms is limited. Virtually
and meditative techniques, which, when coupled with sexual
universal are (1) fasting, (2) sexual continence, (3) poverty,
continence, fasting, bodily postures, and other disciplines,
under which may be included begging, (4) seclusion or isola-
permit the individual to move “inward and downward” until
tion, and (5) self-inflicted pain, either physical (through such
his true essence is “perceived.” Similarly, the meditative tech-
means as whipping, burning, or lacerating) or mental (e.g.,
niques of Zen Buddhism permit the practitioner to realize
contemplation of a judgment day, of existence in hell, or of
the Buddha nature within himself.
the horrors associated with transmigration). More difficult
Experiential knowledge of the true self in nontheistic
to define, but perhaps also more significant, is what may be
traditions is frequently related to the liberation of the self
termed an “inner asceticism,” consisting essentially of spiri-
from the sorrows and illusions of this phenomenal world. Ac-
tual rather than physical discipline. Such asceticism involves
cording to the Hindu philosopher S´an:kara (788–820 CE),
not detachment from or renunciation of any specific worldly
the body and personality with which we habitually identify
pleasure but rather detachment from or renunciation of the
ourselves are revealed to be no more than ma¯ya¯, or illusion.
world per se. It is reflected in the biblical attitude of being
Our suffering and bondage are rooted in ignorance, which
“in the world, but not of it,” or in the Bhagavadg¯ıta¯’s “renun-
ascetic-meditative effort gradually dispels through the mysti-
ciation in action, rather than renunciation of action.” It ap-
cal knowledge that it produces. The Jain monk, through the
pears in almost every major religion yet has no equivalent in
most rigorous of ascetic techniques involving total passivity
primitive thought. In addition to the universal forms indicat-
and detachment from the world, seeks to purify and eventu-
ed, specific note must also be made of that set of practices
ally liberate his true self (j¯ıva) from the material defilements
or techniques (e.g., specific postures, chanting, breathing
that most actions produce. Although Therava¯da Buddhism
techniques) that make up the yogic and meditative complex
denies the existence of any permanent self, its objective is,
indigenous to the Indian subcontinent. Yoga, although an
like that of the Indian traditions, liberation from the round
asceticism of the body, is an inner asceticism as well.
of worldly suffering. An ascetic life of monastic simplicity
Asceticism in classical and modern religion is generally
and celibacy, an ascetic program of detachment, and a medi-
rooted in a developed and well-articulated philosophical or
tative effort to cultivate a selfless state lead the Therava¯da
theological system. Such a system provides the rationale or
monk to realization of nirva¯n:a—“extinction” or “liberation.”
justification for ascetic activity. It is helpful to consider the
Unlike the theistic systems, in which a mystical experi-
objectives of asceticism from the perspective of these systems,
ence generated through ascetic activity can never grant salva-
whether theistic or nontheistic.
tion, nontheistic systems frequently equate such an experi-
ence or realization with salvation itself. Awareness of one’s
Virtually all theistic traditions develop a mystical move-
a¯tman in Hinduism or of one’s purus:a in Sa¯m:khya (i.e., a
ment wherein the individual, through an ascetic program,
philosophical system associated with traditional Yoga) or of
seeks a personal union with the deity. This desire for personal
one’s Buddha nature in Zen is enlightenment or salvation.
experience of the deity may be seen as a reaction against doc-
Unlike the theistic religions, nontheistic systems frequently
trinal abstraction or ethical formalism. Even theistic tradi-
affirm that salvation is attainable here on earth. One becomes
tions such as Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, in which the
“liberated in life” as in Tantrism, or one realizes, as in Zen,
gap between creator and creature is perceived to be unbridge-
that one was never bound.
able, have produced ascetics in pursuit of such mystic union:
the eleventh-century Jewish mystic Bah:ye ibn Paquda; Jo-
In both theistic and nontheistic systems asceticism may
hannes Eckhart (d. 1327 CE) and Johannes Tauler (d. 1361
be seen as a meritorious form of behavior, a good work, or
CE) in medieval Christianity; and the entire S:u¯f¯ı movement
a laudable course of action felt to ensure or facilitate a pre-
in Islam. Because the mystic seeks to bridge the gap between
ferred condition after death. Self-denial is considered to be
man and God, the effort has often been perceived as auda-
a way of earning posthumous reward. In theistic traditions
cious from the perspective of theistic orthodoxy. Virtually all
such as Catholicism, S´aivism, and Vais:n:avism, such activity
mystics in a theistic tradition, therefore, make it clear that
has often been thought to ensure or facilitate salvation in a
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
528
ASCETICISM
way that mysticism cannot. A monastic life of self-denial, for
was intended to produce pain, thereby bringing the ascetic
example, in which one is secluded from the temptations of
into mystical union with the suffering Christ. Likewise, fast-
the flesh, could be esteemed as a more perfect life than one
ing in Christianity often has sought to produce pain, either
lived in the world. Despite its prevalence, however, this effort
as penance or, again, as a way of identifying with the suffer-
to earn one’s own salvation has frequently appeared prob-
ing deity.
lematic and even pretentious in theistic traditions, given
In Yoga, however, the purpose of fasting is quite differ-
their emphasis upon salvation as a gift of the deity. In non-
ent. The objective is not to cause but to alleviate discomfort.
theistic traditions ascetic works are logically more appropri-
By fasting, the yogin conditions his body so he can go for
ate. Through self-denial, for example, one can burn out bad
prolonged periods not only without food but, more impor-
karman (the effect of past deeds) and improve one’s future
tant, without the thought of food. Fasting is therefore a tech-
state in the ongoing round of transmigration. In nontheistic
nique through which the yogin becomes oblivious of his
systems, however, ascetic works divorced from knowledge or
body and is thus able to direct all his mental energies toward
realization can never generate salvation itself, but only some
meditation. Similarly, the many other forms of self-discipline
lesser objecive.
found in Yoga—the postures and sexual continence, for in-
In both theistic and nontheistic systems, acts of self-
stance—are to be seen less as privation than as techniques to
denial—particularly self-inflicted pain—may serve as a form
redirect energies toward a meditative end.
of penance for previous misdeeds. Hindu law books such as
Yoga itself, however, as an ascetic form, has different ob-
the Ma¯nava Dharma´sa¯stra (composed between 200 BCE and
jectives. In most of Upanisadic Hinduism its purpose is to
100 CE) detail numerous activities of this kind to atone for
realize the unity of one’s permanent self, or a¯tman, with the
transgressions, so that the penitent can avoid torment in ei-
unchanging foundation of the universe, or brahman. In
ther the next life or an intermediate hell. In the theistic tradi-
Therava¯da Buddhism its goal is to realize that there is no per-
tions of Islam and medieval Christianity, activities such as
manent self, while in the Sa¯m:khya system it seeks to realize
self-flagellation were often employed. In nontheistic systems
that the true self is ideally in a state of total isolation from
these practices function mechanistically to overcome the
the phenomenal world of flux.
negative consequences of evil deeds, whereas in theistic tradi-
tions they are performed in order to warrant the forgiveness
In virtually every religious tradition, meditation or con-
of a personal god. Because its objective is merely forgiveness,
templation takes place in some degree of seclusion. Anthony
in theistic systems asceticism as a form of penance has en-
(d. 356 CE) and other Christian saints lived for prolonged
joyed a less problematic rationale than has asceticism as a way
periods alone in the African desert. The early Buddhists lik-
of achieving salvation itself. This is particularly true when as-
ened themselves to rhinos who wandered alone, far from the
cetic acts are seen as an expression of repentance rather than
haunts of men, and Daoist recluses sought to commune with
as a means of earning it.
nature beyond the reach of civilization and its distractions.
But again, the goals of such secluded exercises are varied. The
Most evident in Catholicism, but confined neither to
Daoist seeks harmony with nature and therewith serenity
it nor to theistic traditions in general, is the use of asceticism,
and joy. The Therava¯da Buddhist seeks to realize that nature
particularly self-inflicted pain, as a means of experiencing or
is transient and thus a source of sorrow. Saint Anthony,
reexperiencing the sufferings of either a deity or a human
somewhat like a Tibetan Buddhist, went forth to confront
paradigm (i.e., a model individual). Nontheistic Jainism pro-
demonic powers in their own ominous haunts.
duced ascetics whose acts of self-denial took as their model
the activities of Jain saints (t¯ırthan˙karas) such as Pa¯r´sva or
CROSS-CULTURAL ISSUES. Although universal, asceticism is
Maha¯v¯ıra. The Hindu hero Bh¯ıs:ma was so pierced by arrows
far more prevalent in certain traditions than in others. Classi-
during the great battle described in the Bhagavdg¯ıta¯ that,
cal Jainism, early and Tibetan Buddhism, early Christianity,
supported by their shafts, he lay parallel to the ground. This
and various branches of Hinduism are heavily ascetic, where-
event forms the model for the well-known bed of nails em-
as Confucianism, Shinto, Zoroatrianism, and Israelite reli-
ployed by some Indian holy men. In Catholic Christianity
gion are not.
the imitation of Christ’s suffering is raised to a level of mysti-
cal significance. Suffering not only as Christ suffered but
World-rejection. Although it is narrow to suggest that
with him has become a means of mystical union with the
only traditions that postulate an evident dualism between
deity. In this regard, suffering became virtually an end in it-
soul and body or God and world or matter and spirit pro-
self, taking on soteriological significance.
duce ascetic activity, it is nonetheless fair to suggest that du-
alistic philosophies are inclined both to justify and generate
Viewed cross-culturally, a given ascetic form may have
a dramatic and developed asceticism. Jain asceticism, for ex-
different, even opposite objectives. In primitive society, for
ample, is rooted in the dualism between spirit and matter
example, self-flagellation or scourging is intended primarily
and the need for purging the former of the latter. Much Hel-
to drive away demonic powers that have attached themselves
lenistic Christian asceticism, particularly self-inflicted pain,
to the individual. In Christianity, however, the same activi-
was rooted in a dualism between spirit and flesh in which
ty—once prevalent in Italy, the Rhineland, and Mexico—
the body was perceived as evil. The ascetic efforts of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASCETICISM
529
Therava¯da Buddhist are rooted in the dualism between
countless ways. The ascetic may overcome the human norm
sam:sa¯ra, bondage in the round of transmigration, and
either by abstaining from sex or by making sex a significant
nirva¯n:a, or liberation.
part of his ascetic routine. In “left-handed” Tantrism, for ex-
ample, sexual intercourse affords a ritual procedure—indeed,
Although dualistic traditions, with the exception of Zo-
a technique, which, when coupled with meditation, is used
roastrianism, lend themselves well to ascetic activity, it would
to alter consciousness. The activity is dramatically ascetic, as
be wrong to conclude that asceticism necessarily involves a
no ejaculation is permitted; the semen is withheld or “re-
denigration of this world, the material realm, or the body.
turned” at the last moment. By so returning his semen, the
Although some ascetic traditions are otherworldly, many
Tantric too “goes against the current,” transcending normal
others are not. The Tantric tradition of Hinduism and its
or profane activity.
Buddhist equivalent, the Vajraya¯na, are clearly ascetic, em-
ploying various yogic and meditative techniques. Yet the
According to almost every religious tradition, ascetics,
worldly realm, including the body and its passions, is not
because of their activity, develop magical powers or miracu-
denigrated by them. The body, in fact, is seen as a means to-
lous abilities. Although often recognized as an obstacle to
ward salvation, a servant of the spirit requiring nurture, even
higher spiritual goals, such reported powers play an impor-
praise. Similarly, those in a Zen or Daoist monastery exhibit
tant role at the popular level. Muslim fakirs who walk un-
many ascetic traits, yet are far more inclined to rejoice in and
harmed on burning coals, Indian yogins who levitate, Chris-
affirm this world than to reject it.
tian saints who miraculously heal, Tibetan lamas who read
minds, Buddhist monks who remember past lives, Chinese
The most complete repudiation of world-rejection may
Daoists who live forever, and primitive shamans who fly—
be found in what the German sociologist Max Weber (1864–
these are but a few examples.
1920) termed “inner-worldly asceticism,” which abandons
specific ascetic activities as well as monastic life to attain sal-
The psychology of asceticism. Despite the fact that all
vation in the midst of worldly activity. Although it exists to
religions condemn extreme forms of asceticism, pathological
a limited degree in various religions, the most thoroughgoing
excesses have appeared in every tradition. Examples are mul-
expression of inner-worldly asceticism appears in the re-
tiple, from the recluses who avoid all human contact to the
formed traditions of Protestantism. A disciplined, methodi-
individuals who receive ecstatic pleasure from the most aber-
cal, controlled—in short, ascetic—pursuit of one’s vocation
rant forms of self-inflicted pain. But despite these aberra-
in the world came to be seen as both service to God and con-
tions, it would be misguided to seek the heart of asceticism
firmation of one’s salvation.
or its primary psychological impetus in neuroses or psy-
choses. Yogic meditation, Christian monasticism, and Zen
Asceticism and normal behavior. Although the ascetic
technique exemplify the major advances made by asceticism,
need not renounce the world per se, he desires the sacred and
both Eastern and Western, in self-understanding and the ef-
therefore rarely accepts life as it is given. Seeking to transcend
fort to lift repression and make the unconscious conscious.
the normal or the natural, he rejects the given in favor of the
The psychological heart of asceticism seems to lie in a reac-
possible. For this reason the ascetic frequently does the oppo-
tion against the purely theoretical, the doctrinal, or the
site of what human nature or social custom may dictate. In
abstract. Above all, the ascetic wishes to know through
Yoga this practice is explicitly referred to as “going against
experience.
the current.” The yogin does not sit as natural man sits,
breathe as natural man breathes, eat as natural man eats. As-
SEE ALSO Fasting; Meditation; Monasticism, article on
cetic behavior not only deviates from the norm, it very fre-
Christian Monasticism; Mortification; Mystical Union in
quently seeks an extreme. Viewed cross-culturally, however,
Judaism, Christianity, and Islam; Ordeal; Samnyasa; Spiritu-
these extremes may be diametrically opposed. The ascetic,
al Discipline; Tapas.
for example, may shave his head completely, as do most Bud-
dhist monks; or he may never cut his hair at all, as is the case
BIBLIOGRAPHY
with many Hindu holy men. The ascetic may wear very dis-
Few works provide a detailed overview of the subject. “Asceti-
tinctive clothing, as does the Roman Catholic priest, or he
cism,” an extensive entry in volume 2 of the Encyclopedia of
may wear no clothing at all, as do the “sky-clad” (Digam-
Religion and Ethics, edited by James Hastings (Edinburgh,
bara) monks of Jainism.
1909), contains thirteen articles. Although still useful, this
survey is dated, particularly in its methodological approach.
Some ascetics constantly wander, as did Mahavira, the
A more readable overview, although also dated and written
founder-reformer of Jainism, who to avoid permanent ties
from a clearly Christian perspective, is Oscar Hardman’s The
remained no more than one night in any village. Other ascet-
Ideals of Asceticism: An Essay in the Comparative Study of Reli-
ics, however, restrict their movement dramatically, living, as
gion (New York, 1924).
did many Christians, in cells so small that they could hardly
Many works deal with asceticism in specific religious traditions.
move. The ascetic may also differentiate himself either by re-
Outstanding is Mircea Eliade’s Yoga: Immortality and Free-
maining perpetually silent or by chanting and reciting con-
dom, 2d ed. (Princeton, 1969), which discusses a wide range
tinually. The ascetic may nurture, cleanse, or purify his body
of ascetic practices in India and Tibet. A classic collection of
inordinately, or not only neglect his body but abuse it in
information and observation, readable if not always credible,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
530
ASCLEPIUS
is John Campbell Oman’s The Mystics, Ascetics, and Saints of
ASCLEPIUS SEE ASKLEPIOS
India: A Study of Sadhvism (London, 1903). Sukumar Dutt’s
Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India: Their History and
Their Contribution to Indian Culture (London, 1962) is ex-
cellent, though only one of several related works by the au-
ASHEAR¯I, AL- (AH 260–324/874–935 CE), more fully
thor. D. T. Suzuki’s The Training of a Zen Buddhist Monk
Abu¯ al- H:asan EAl¯ı ibn Isma¯E¯ıl ibn Ab¯ı Bishr Ish:a¯q; Muslim
(Kyoto, 1934) is a classic by Zen’s most famous representa-
theologian and founder of the tradition of Muslim theology
tive in the West. For the Christian tradition, Walter Nigg’s
known as AshEar¯ıyah. He is commonly referred to by his fol-
Vom Geheimnis der Mönche (Zurich, 1953), translated by
lowers as the Master, Abu¯ al-H:asan, and he is sometimes re-
Mary Ilford as Warriors of God (New York, 1959), is a very
readable, often insightful account of the ascetic saints, partic-
ferred to by his opponents as Ibn Ab¯ı Bishr.
ularly those who founded religious orders. Owen Chadwick,
LIFE AND WORKS. Very little is known concerning
in Western Asceticism (London, 1958), has selected and ed-
al-AshEar¯ı’s life. He was for some time an adherent of the
ited a collection of very useful primary source materials also
MuEtazil¯ı school and a disciple of al-Jubba¯D¯ı (d. 915), but at
representative of the Roman Catholic tradition. The various
some point, probably prior to 909, he rejected the teachings
essays by Max Weber on the social psychology of asceticism,
of the MuEtazilah in favor of the more conservative dogma
translated and edited by Hans H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills
of the traditionalists (ahl al-h:ad¯ıth). He renounced the
in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (Oxford, 1958), are
MuEtazilah publicly during the Friday prayer service in the
pioneering and perceptive. J. Moussaieff Masson’s “The Psy-
chology of the Ascetic,” Journal of Asian Studies 35 (August
congregational mosque of Basra and thereafter wrote exten-
1976): 611–625, is a one-sided but interesting article that
sively against the doctrines of his erstwhile fellows and in de-
sees the ascetic as essentially psychotic.
fense of his new position, for which he had become quite well
known by 912/3. Sometime later he moved to Baghdad,
New Sources
where he remained until the end of his life.
Bianchi, Ugo. “Askese. 1. Religionsgeschichtlich.” In Lexikon für
Theologie und Kirche, vol. 1. Freiburg, Germany, 1994,
Some hundred works are attributed to al-AshEar¯ı in the
pp. 1074–1077.
medieval sources (see McCarthy, 1953, pp. 211–230), of
Bianchi, Ugo (ed.). La tradizione dell’enkrateia. Motivazioni on-
which no more than the following six seem to have survived:
tologiche e protologiche. Rome, 1985. A collection of seminal
(1) Maqa¯la¯t al-Isla¯m¯ıy¯ın (Theological Opinions of the
studies on ascetic doctrines and practices in Early Christiani-
ty and its environment, including an introduction important
Muslims) is a lengthy work setting forth the diverse
from the methodological point of view.
opinions of Muslim religious thinkers; its two separate
(and largely repetitious) parts likely represent two origi-
Brown, Peter. The Body and Society. Men, Women, and Sexual Re-
nally distinct works, the first of which may have been
nunciation in Early Christianity. New York, 1988. An im-
mensely learned book ranging over six centuries of Mediter-
substantially complete prior to al-AshEar¯ı’s conversion.
ranean history and based on a clear anthropological vision.
(2) His Risa¯lah ila¯ ahl al-thaghr bi-Ba¯b al-Abwa¯b (Epistle
Very full bibliography of primary and secondary sources.
to the People of the Frontier at Ba¯b al-Abwa¯b [Dar-
Bynum, Caroline Walker. Holy Feast and Holy Fast. The Religious
band]) is a brief compendium of his teachings, com-
Significance of Food to Medieval Women. Berkeley and Los
posed shortly after his conversion.
Angeles, 1987. Innovative.
(3) Al-luma E (The Concise Remarks) is a short, general
Cantalamessa, Raniero, ed. Etica sessuale e matrimonio nel crist-
compendium or summa that was evidently the most
ianesimo delle origini. Milano, 1976.
popular, if not the most important, of al-AshEar¯ı’s theo-
Clark, Elisabeth A. Ascetic Piety and Women’s Faith. Essays on Late
logical writings; commentaries were written on the
Ancient Christianity. New York and Toronto, 1986. A collec-
Luma E by al-Ba¯qilla¯n¯ı (d. 1013) and Ibn Fu¯rak
tion of ground-breaking essays by a prominent scholar of
(d. 1015) and a refutation of it, Naqd al-Luma E (Cri-
Christian asceticism.
tique of the Concise Remarks), by the MuEtazili qa¯d:i
Fischer, Klaus. Erotik und Askese. Cologne, Germany, 1979. Erot-
(“judge”) Abd al-Jabba¯r al-Hamada¯n¯ı (d. 1024). The
ic scenarios in Indian religious art as forms of asceticism.
evidence of direct citations of the Luma E made by
Rousselle, Aline. Porneia. De la maîtrise du corps à la privation sen-
al-AshEar¯ı’s followers seems to indicate that there were
sorielle. Paris, 1983. A pioneering research.
originally two recensions of the work, of which the one
Verardi, Giovanni. “The Buddhists, the Gnostics and the Anti-
available at present is the shorter.
nomistic Society, or the Arabian Sea in the First-Second
Century
(4) Al-¯ıma¯n (Belief) is a short work on the nature of belief.
AD.” Annali Istituto Orientale Napoli 57 (1997):
323–346. A very stimulating comparison between Gnostic
(5) Al-iba¯nah Ean us:u¯l al-diya¯nah (The Clear Statement on
and Buddhist ascetic models.
the Fundamental Elements of the Faith) is a polemical
Vööbus, Arthur. A History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient. Lou-
and apologetic exposition of basic dogma, ostensibly
vain, 1958. The basic reference work.
written against the MuEtazilah and the followers of Jahm
WALTER O. KAELBER (1987)
ibn S:afwa¯n (d. 745), but its formally traditionalist style
Revised Bibliography
suggests that this work was composed as a kind of apolo-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASHEAR¯I, AL-
531
gy to justify al-AshEar¯ı’s own orthodoxy after the
gians who held allegiance to his school. This is also the view
Hana¯bilah refused to recognize him as an adherent of
of most modern scholars, although a few have tended to
traditionalist doctrine.
adopt one or the other of the more extreme views.
(6) Al-h:athth Eala¯ al-bah:th (The Exhortation to Investiga-
From the works available, two points are clear. First of
tion) is a polemical apology for the use of speculative
all, not only did al-AshEar¯ı give up the characteristic dogmas
reasoning and formal terminology in theological discus-
of MuEtazil¯ı doctrine, but also, in taking the revelation
sion directed against the radical traditionalists. Most
(QurDa¯n and sunnah) and the consensus of the Muslims as
likely composed later than the Iba¯nah, this work has
the primary foundations and criteria of basic dogma, he re-
been published several times under the title Istih:sa¯n
jected the basic attitude of al-Jubba¯D¯ı’s school, namely that
al-khawd: f¯ı Eilm al-kala¯m (The Vindication of the Sci-
autonomous reason is the primary and, in most instances, the
ence of Kala¯m), but the correct title, given in Ibn
original and definitive source and judge of what is true in
EAsakir’s and Ibn Farh:u¯n’s lists of al-AshEar¯ı’s writings,
theology. Second, after his conversion, he continued to ex-
appears in a recently discovered copy of the work.
press, explain, and argue theological theses in the formal lan-
guage of kala¯m theology in such a way as to give them logical
A number of other works are quoted with some frequency
coherence and a degree of conceptual clarity. The first stance
by later followers of the school of al-AshEar¯ı, among them
set him at irreconcilable odds with his erstwhile fellows
his commentary on the QurDa¯n, perhaps originally composed
among the MuEtazilah, while the second made him unaccept-
before his conversion; Al-mu¯jiz (The Epitome); Al- Eamad f¯ı
able to the radical traditionalists. It is thus that when he
al-ru Dyah (The Pillars concering [God’s] Visibility), a work
wrote the Iba¯nah to demonstrate his orthodoxy to the
on the visibility of God; Id:a¯h: al-burha¯n (The Clarification
H:ana¯bilah, al-Barbaha¯r¯ı (d. 941), one of the most widely re-
of Demonstration); and Al-ajwibah al-mis:r¯ıyah (The Egyp-
spected H:anbal¯ı teachers of the day, rejected the work out
tian Responsa), as well as various maja¯lis or ama¯l¯ı, notes or
of hand because in it al-AshEar¯ı had not repudiated kala¯m
minutes taken from his lectures.
reasoning, nor had he said anything incompatible with his
Though it is clear that al-AshEar¯ı converted from
own kala¯m analyses.
MuEtazil¯ı theology to a more conservative, “orthodox” doc-
BASIC TEACHINGS. In its basic elements, the doctrine of
trine that he himself identified with that of the traditional-
al-AshEar¯ı is not wholly new. A beginning had been made
ists, the precise nature of this conversion and the character
several generations earlier toward the formation of a conser-
of his teaching have always been the subject of much debate.
vative, non-MuEtazil¯ı kala¯m, but its progress had been arrest-
It is obvious that he changed his adherence from one basic
ed in the aftermath of the mihnah as a result of the ascen-
set of dogmatic theses to another, shifting, for example, from
dancy of traditionalist anti-intellectualism during and imme-
the MuEtazil¯ı thesis that since God is altogether incorporeal
diately after the reign of the caliph al-Mutawakkil (847–
he cannot be seen, to one that God is somehow visible and
861). Al-AshEar¯ı appropriated or adapted a number of ele-
will be visibly manifest to the blessed in the next life. Yet
ments from various earlier theologians. To a large extent his
al-AshEar¯ı’s claim that he taught the doctrine of the tradi-
teaching follows and develops that of Ibn Kulla¯b (d. 855),
tionalists was vehemently rejected by the more conservative
who is regarded by later AshEar¯ı theologians as one of their
of them, particularly the H:ana¯bilah, whose approbation and
own fellows (as:h:ab). Al-AshEar¯ı’s theory of human action,
support he had expected to receive but who looked upon him
however, is based on a distinction previously formulated by
as an unreconstructed rationalist. Hostility between the
D:ira¯r ibn EAmr (d. 815) and al-Najja¯r (d. toward the middle
H:ana¯bilah and the followers of al-AshEar¯ı continued unabat-
of the ninth century), while some of his discussion of the di-
ed for many centuries, sometimes erupting into civil distur-
vine names probably depends upon al-Jubba¯D¯ı. His doctrine
bances, and the polemic and counterpolemic of later sup-
on the QurDa¯n regarding the distinction between the recita-
porters and opponents of AshEar¯ı doctrine tended to obscure
tion and the copy on the one hand and the text as the articu-
the basic issues somewhat, as current attitudes were often
late meaning that is read and understood on the other,
projected backward onto the founder himself. Against
though based on Ibn Kulla¯b, is regarded as original by later
H:anbal¯ı accusations that al-AshEar¯ı had changed some of his
authorities. While al-AshEar¯ı’s teaching can be viewed on one
views but not his basic attitude, some later apologists, most
level as a synthesis and adaptation of elements already present
notably Ibn EAsa¯kir (d. 1176) and al-Subk¯ı (d. 1370), depict
in one form or another but not hitherto assembled into a sin-
al-AshEar¯ı as a wholehearted traditionalist. Most of those
gle system, it is nonetheless true that out of these elements
who taught or supported al-AshEar¯ı’s doctrine, such as the
he constructed a new, conceptually integrated whole of his
ShafiE¯ı qa¯d:i and jurisconsult Abu¯ al-MaEa¯l¯ı EAz¯ız¯ı ibn EAbd
own.
al-Malik (d. 1100) in his apology against the H:anbal¯ı ex-
tremists, held that al-AshEar¯ı taught a doctrine intermediate
According to al-AshEar¯ı, the QurDa¯n and the teaching of
between the rationalizing theology of the MuEtazilah and the
the Prophet present a reasoned exposition of the contingency
anthropomorphizing fundamentalism of the radical tradi-
of the world and its dependence upon the deliberate action
tionalists. It is this “middle way” that is witnessed in
of a transcendent creator, which, though not expressed in
al-AshEar¯ı’s own writings and in those of most of the theolo-
formal language, is complete and rationally probative. Thus,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
532
ASHEAR¯I, AL-
in contrast to the MuEtazilah, he holds that theological inqui-
objects of God’s will are not coextensive with those of his
ry is not originated autonomously by the mind but is pro-
command. The ethical values (ah:ka¯m) of human actions are
voked by the claims of a prophet, and that it is because of
grounded unconditionally in God’s command, license, and
the rational validity of the prophet Muh:ammad’s basic
prohibition, and as God has already informed humanity, he
teaching that one must accept the entire revelation, includ-
will punish and/or reward individuals in the next life accord-
ing those dogmas that cannot be inferred on purely rational
ing to their obedience and disobedience in this life. There
grounds (for example, that God will be visible in the next
is no intrinsic relationship between humans’ actions and
life), and submit unconditionally to the divine law. Under-
their status in the life to come; God does and will do what
taking such theological inquiry is morally obligatory not for
he wills, and what he wills is just by definition.
any psychological or intellectual reason, but because God has
METHOD. Although al-AshEar¯ı did work out a comprehen-
commanded it, and the command is known only in the reve-
sive and coherent theology, he seems to have deliberately re-
lation. With regard to the revelation itself, al-AshEar¯ı stands
stricted the scope of his theological reasoning, which does
in significant contrast to his followers insofar as he does not
not go much beyond the presentation of his fundamental
employ in any of the works that are available to us the com-
theses in such a way that the propositions formally asserted
mon kala¯m proof for the existence of God, the basic form
are logically unambivalent on the basis of a rigid set of defini-
of which is found in Chrysostom and other patristic writers,
tions and principles, and even these are not always explained
but, rather, prefers an argument based entirely and directly
and even less often argued in the texts. Rational arguments
on the text of the QurDa¯n.
for individual theses are set forth in their most elementary
form, sometimes in the form of a QurDa¯n citation and, again,
In his discussion of the nature of God and of creatures,
on the basis of presuppositions that, even if stated, are not
al-AshEar¯ı employs a formal method based on the Arab gram-
argued. Where argument is based on the authority of scrip-
marians’ analysis of predicative sentences. He holds that
ture, or where a citation of the QurDa¯n alludes to and encap-
predications are divided into three categories: (1) those that
sulates a rational argument, the formal principles of the un-
assert the existence of only the subject itself (al-nafs, nafs
derlying exegesis are presumed known and accepted. Since
al-maws:u¯f); (2) those that assert the existence of an “attri-
countertheses and the arguments that support them are logi-
bute” (s:ifah, ma Ena¯) distinct from the “self” of the subject
cally incompatible with the definitions and principles em-
as such; and (3) those that assert the existence of an action
ployed by al-AshEar¯ı, they are usually disposed of in a purely
(f¯ı El) done by the subject. Since “knows” is not synonymous
formal way. Al-AshEar¯ı’s surviving dogmatic works are few
with “exists,” the former must, when said of God, imply the
and quite brief. For some questions, they can be supple-
existence of a cognition that is somewhat distinct from his
mented by citations found in the works of his successors, but
essential being (al-nafs). Following a common tradition,
even though the later AshEar¯ı theologians had access to a
al-AshEar¯ı holds that God has seven basic “essential attri-
large number of his writings, they are unable to state his posi-
butes”: the ability to act (al-quadrah), cognition, volition,
tion on a number of important issues. In some instances they
life, speech, sight, and hearing. Since “perdures” (ba¯q) is not
do know Ibn Kulla¯b’s teaching (for example, on whether or
synonymous with “exists,” he adds to this list a distinct attri-
not God’s essential attributes are denumerable), but some-
bute of “perdurance” (al-baqa¯ D). On the basis of the revela-
times the sources themselves explicitly recognize that what
tion al-AshEar¯ı also includes as eternal attributes God’s
they offer as the teaching of al-AshEar¯ı is merely an inference
hand(s) and face, which are neither understood anthropo-
or conjecture. It appears, then, that on a number of questions
morphically as bodily members nor reduced metaphorically
al-AshEar¯ı either refused to commit himself or had not car-
to his self or to one of the seven basic eternal attributes. None
ried his inquiry beyond an elementary level. His fundamen-
of these attributes can be fully comprehended and explained
tal aim seems to have been simply to present the basic sense
by human understanding; each is distinct from the others
and truth of the primary Islamic dogmas so that they could
and from God’s “self,” though it is true neither that they are
be thematically possessed and appropriated in an unambigu-
identical with God’s self nor that they are other than it.
ous form and to distinguish them from heresy and unbelief
Al-AshEar¯ı’s view of creation is basically occasionalistic.
in such a way that the error of the latter would be clearly un-
Whatever exists and is not eternal, God creates, and its exis-
derstood and displayed.
tence is his action. Among those events that take place in in-
LATER INFLUENCE. How rapidly and how widely al-AshEar¯ı’s
dividuals, however, they distinguish those events that are
theology was adopted by orthodox Muslims has been a mat-
simply undergone from those that they do intentionally. The
ter of debate, as has the question of its ultimate significance
former are God’s acts alone; the latter occur through an abili-
in the religious and intellectual history of Sunn¯ı Islam. Its
ty to act (bi-qudrah) created in a person at the moment the
early importance is witnessed by the treatment al-AshEar¯ı re-
act occurs and are formally referred to as kasb or iktisa¯b
ceives in Ibn al-Nad¯ım’s bio-bibliographical encyclopedia,
(“performance” or “doing”; these terms are commonly, but
Al-fihrist (The Catalog), composed in 987–988, and in
misleadingly, rendered by “acquisition”). What God wills,
Al-fis:al f¯ı al-milal (Judgments on the Sects), a heresiographi-
and only what he wills, comes to exist. Because he is subject
cal work by the Z:a¯hir¯ı jurist and philosopher Ibn H:azm of
to no rule his acts are just and ethically good as such. The
Cordova (d. 1064). Certainly by the latter half of the elev-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASHEAR¯IYAH
533
enth century AshEar¯ı theology was upheld by the leading
39. Basing his analysis wholly upon the polemical and apolo-
Sha¯fiE¯ı jurisconsults, and for the historian Ibn Khaldu¯n
getic works of al-AshEar¯ı and his followers, the author denies
(d. 1406) it represents the mainstream of orthodox kala¯m.
the authenticity of Al-h:athth Eala¯ al-bah:th and sees al-AshEar¯ı
A number of S:u¯f¯ıs, beginning already with several of the dis-
as basically a traditionalist.
ciples of al-H:alla¯j (d. 922), were AshEar¯ı in systematic theol-
Rubio, Luciano. “Los AˇsEaríes, teólogos especulativos, Mutakál-
ogy, employing kala¯m as a kind of conceptual, dogmatic
limes, del Islam.” Ciudad de Dios 190 (1977): 535–577. An
foundation to their mystical thought, and others, such as
account of several major themes, chiefly causality and action,
al-Kala¯ba¯dh¯ı (d. 990), though not strictly AshEar¯ı in dogma,
as presented in the writings of al-AshEar¯ı.
were influenced by AshEar¯ı teaching. Again, although the
R. M. FRANK (1987)
school of al-Ma¯tur¯ıd¯ı (d. 944) always maintained its theo-
logical distinctiveness, AshEar¯ı influence appears in some of
their works. Similarly, the influence of AshEar¯ı language and
concepts can be detected even in some later H:anbal¯ı
ASHEAR¯IYAH. The theological doctrine of the
Eaq¯ıdahs (outlines of basic doctrine), and in at least one case,
AshEar¯ıyah, the followers of al-AshEar¯ı, is commonly regard-
the Mu Etamad f¯ı us:u¯l al-d¯ın (The Foundation concerning
ed as the most important single school of systematic theology
the Basic Doctrines) of the H:anbal¯ı qa¯d:i Abu¯ YaEla¯ al-Farra¯D
in orthodox Islam. The school and its members are com-
(d. 1066), several formulations are taken over directly from
monly referred to in Arabic as al-Ash Ear¯ıyah and its members
the theological writings of al-Ba¯qilla¯n¯ı, a leading AshEar¯ı
often as al-asha¯ Eirah (the “AshEar¯ıs”). AshEar¯ı masters during
theologian of the preceding generation.
the tenth and eleventh centuries CE most commonly refer to
themselves and the school as ahl al-h:aqq (“those who teach
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the true doctrine”) or ahl al-sunnah wa-al-jama¯ Eah (“the ad-
Translations of works by al-AshEar¯ı
herents of the sunnah and the consensus [of the Muslim
Klein, Walter C., trans. Al-iba¯nah Ean us:u¯l ad-diya¯nah (The euci-
community]”) and sometimes as ahl al-tah:q¯ıq (“those whose
dation of Islam’s foundation). New Haven, 1940. Includes
doctrine is conceptually clear and verified”). It should be
an introduction and notes by the translator.
noted, however, that other groups, including some oppo-
McCarthy, Richard J., trans. The Theology of al-Ash Ear¯ı. Beirut,
nents of the AshEar¯ıyah, use the same expressions, and the
1953. Contains both text and translation of Al-luma E and
first two in particular, to describe themselves. AshEar¯ıyah is
Al-h:athth Eala¯ al-bah:th (under title Istih:sa¯n al-khawd: f¯ı Eilm
not, as such, identified with any single juridical tradition
al-kala¯m), together with a translation of early biographical
(madhhab); most AshEar¯ı theologians were Sha¯fiE¯ı, and some
sources and of Ibn EAsakir’s apology against the H:ana¯bilah
were famous as teachers of ShafiEi law, but a large number
and list of works attributed to al-AshEar¯ı.
of them were Ma¯lik¯ı, the most famous being the Ma¯lik¯ı qa¯d:i
Spitta, Wilhelm, trans. Zur Geschichte Abu¯ l-H:asan al-Aˇs Ear¯ı’s.
(“judge”) al-Ba¯qilla¯n¯ı.
Leipzig, 1870. This study, now outdated, contains a transla-
tion of Al-¯ıma¯n (pp. 101–104).
The history of the school can be divided into two clearly
Works about al-AshEar¯ı
distinguishable periods, the division falling about the begin-
Allard, Michel. “En quoi consiste l’opposition faite à al-AshEar¯ı
ning of the twelfth century CE. The first period, often re-
par ses contemporains h:anbalites?” Revue des études is-
ferred to as that of classical AshEar¯ı theology, is characterized
lamiques 28 (1960): 93-105.
by the formal language, analysis, and argumentation of the
Allard, Michel. Le problème des attributs divins dans la doctrine
Basran kala¯m employed by al-AshEar¯ı himself, while the sec-
d’al-Aˇs Ear¯ı et de ses premiers grands disciples. Beirut, 1965.
ond is characterized by the language, concepts, and formal
This book contains the most thorough and balanced discus-
logic of philosophy (falsafah), that is, of the Islamic continua-
sion of the problem of al-AshEar¯ı’s biography and of the au-
tion of Greek philosophy. The school received strong official
thenticity of the extant works.
support under the Seljuk vizier Niz:a¯m al-Mulk (d. 1092),
Frank, R. M. “The Structure of Created Causality according to
with many of its masters appointed to chairs of the Sha¯fiE¯ı
al-AˇsEar¯ı: An Analysis of Kitâb al-Luma E, §§ 82–184.”
law in the colleges (madrasahs) that he founded. Many schol-
Studia Islamica 25 (1966): 13–75.
ars identify the acme of the school with the great AshEar¯ı
Frank, R. M. “Al-AˇsEar¯ı’s Conception of the Nature and Role of
masters of this period. Many, most notably Georges C. An-
Speculative Reasoning in Theology.” In Proceedings of the
awati and Louis Gardet, have seen the introduction and ad-
Sixth Congress of Arabic and Islamic Studies, edited by Frithiof
aptation of Aristotelian logic and concepts as analogous to
Rundgren. Stockholm, 1975. An analysis of the first section
the via nova of Western Scholastic theology and accordingly
of the Epistle to the People of the Frontier.
hold that the AshEar¯ı thinking of the later period is more so-
Frank, R. M. “Al-AshEar¯ı’s al-H:athth Eala¯ l-Bah:th.” Mélanges de
phisticated and more truly theological than that of the earlier
l’Institut Dominicain d’Études Orientales 18 (1985).
period.
Frank, R. M. “Elements in the Development of the Teaching of
PRINCIPAL FIGURES. There is very little concrete data con-
al-AshEar¯ı.” Le muséon 98 (1985).
cerning the teaching of al-AshEar¯ı’s immediate disciples. Abu¯
Makdisi, George. “AshEar¯ı and the AshEar¯ıtes in Islamic Religious
Bakr al-Qaffa¯l al-Sha¯sh¯ı, Abu¯ al-H:asan al-Ba¯hil¯ı, and Abu¯
History.” Studia Islamica 17 (1962): 37–80; 18 (1963): 19–
S:ahl al-SaElu¯k¯ı are regularly cited in the theological writings
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
534
ASHEAR¯IYAH
of later AshEar¯ı thinkers, but the only theological work by
both Ibn Fu¯rak and al- Isfara¯D¯ın¯ı, renowned as a teacher and
one of his direct disciples that is known to have survived is
writer on Sufism; his student Abu¯ SaEd al-Mutawall¯ı
the Ta Dw¯ıl al-a¯ya¯t al-mushkilah (The Interpretation of Diffi-
(d. 1086), best known as a jurisconsult, and Abu¯ Bakr
cult Verses) of Abu¯ al-H:asan al-T:abar¯ı. In formulation and
al-Fu¯raki (d. 1094), a grandson of Ibn Fu¯rak and son-in-law
conception this work appears to follow the teaching of
of al-Qushayr¯ı. None of the theological writings of Abu¯
al-AshEar¯ı rigidly: the proof for the contingency of the world
al-Qa¯sim Isfara¯D¯ın¯ı (d. 1060) have survived, though his com-
and the existence of God, for example, is not the one univer-
mentary on the Mukhtas:ar of Abu¯ Ish:a¯q al-Isfara¯D¯ın¯ı is often
sally employed by the AshEar¯ıyah of succeeding generations,
cited along with others of his works. His disciple Abu¯
but depends directly on al-AshEar¯ı’s Al-luma E (The Concise
al-MaEa¯l¯ı al-Juwayn¯ı (d. 1085), known as Ima¯m
Remarks). The most important of al-AshEar¯ı’s immediate
al-H:aramayn (Imam of the Holy Cities, that is, Mecca and
disciples, however, was certainly al-Ba¯hil¯ı; although
Medina, to which he was forced to flee for a time), was not
al-Qaffa¯l’s student al-H:al¯ım¯ı (d. 1012) is cited with some
only one of the foremost Muslim theologians of any period
frequency by later authorities, it is three students of al-Ba¯hil¯ı
but also the leading Sha¯fiE¯ı legist of his age.
who dominate AshEar¯ı thinking in the next two generations.
A number of al-Juwayn¯ı’s dogmatic works have sur-
These are the qa¯d:i Abu¯ Bakr al-Ba¯qilla¯n¯ı (d. 1013), Abu¯
vived and are published; most important his Irsha¯d (Guid-
Bakr ibn Fu¯rak (d. 1015), and Abu¯ Ish:a¯q al-IsfaraDini
ance), the Risa¯lah al-niz:a¯m¯ıyah (The Short Tract for Niz:a¯m
(d. 1027).
[al-Mulk], twice published under the title Al- Eaqidah
Several of al-Ba¯qilla¯n¯ı’s theological writings have sur-
al-niz:a¯m¯ıyah), and Al-sha¯mil f¯ı us:u¯l al-din (The Complete
vived and are published: two compendia of moderate length,
Compendium of the Basic Doctrines), which is a very exten-
Al-tamh¯ıd (The Introduction) and Al-ins:a¯f (The Equitable
sive exposition (tah:r¯ır) of al-Ba¯qilla¯n¯ı’s commentary on
View), and a major work on the miraculous character of the
al-AshEar¯ı’s Al-luma E. A significant portion of Al-sha¯mil is
QurDa¯n, I Eja¯z al-QurDa¯n (The Inimitability of the QurDa¯n).
preserved, and the substance of the remainder survives in an
Of his longest and most important work, Hida¯yat
abridgement of some two hundred folios by an unknown au-
al-mustarshid¯ın (The Guidance of Those Who Seek to Be
thor, entitled Al-ka¯mil f¯ı ikhtis:a¯r Al-sha¯mil (The Perfect
Guided Aright), however, only a part, yet unpublished, of
Abridgement of Al-sha¯mil). Although the second major peri-
the section on prophecy is presently known. A number of
od of AshEar¯ı theology, already foreshadowed in some of
important works that are commonly cited appear not to have
al-Juwayn¯ı’s work, is inaugurated by his most famous stu-
survived at all, among them a tract on the ontology of attri-
dent, al-Ghaza¯l¯ı, several of his disciples continued to pursue
butes and predicates entitled Ma¯ yu Eallal wa-ma¯ la¯ yu Eallal
kala¯m in the traditional form, and their surviving works are
(What Is Founded in an EIllah and What Is Not) and
of great importance as sources for current understanding of
Al-naqd: al-kab¯ır (The Major Critique), which is perhaps a
the development of the school in the classical period. These
longer recension of his Naqd: Al-naqd: (The Critique of The
are the Us:u¯l al-d¯ın (Basic Doctrines) by al-Kiya¯D al-Hara¯s¯ı
Critique), a work written in response to the Naqd: Al-luma E
(d. 1110), a highly respected jurisconsult, and Al-ghunyah f¯ı
(The Critique of [al-AshEar¯ı’s] Al-luma E) composed by the
al-kala¯m (Sufficiency in Kala¯m) by Abu¯ al-Qa¯sim al-Ans:a¯r¯ı
great MuEtazil¯ı master EAbd al-Jabba¯r (d. 1024). Ibn Fu¯rak’s
(d. 1118), of whose commentary on the Irsha¯d of al-Juwayn¯ı
Baya¯n ta Dw¯ıl mushkil al-h:ad¯ıth (The Clear Interpretation of
a significant fragment is also preserved.
Difficult Traditions) was very popular in later times and sur-
DOCTRINES AND METHODS OF THE CLASSICAL PERIOD.
vives in many copies, but among his dogmatic writings only
The school of al-AshEar¯ı universally holds that the sources
a few short works, none of them published, are known to
of theological knowledge are, in order of priority, the
have survived. (The lengthy Us:u¯l al-din [Basic Doctrines]
QurDa¯n, the sunnah, the consensus of the Muslim communi-
contained in the Ayasofya collection of Istanbul and attribut-
ty, and human reason, and their basic teaching varies little
ed to him in several European handbooks is by his grand-
from one master to another during the classical period. God’s
son.) Of al-Isfara¯D¯ın¯ı’s writings, only one short compendium
being is eternal (qad¯ım) and unconditioned; in his “self”
( Eaq¯ıdah), yet unpublished, is known to have survived, al-
(nafs, dha¯t) and in his “essential attributes” (s:ifa¯t al-nafs), his
though a large number of theological works are cited by later
nonexistence is impossible. Every being other than God and
AshEar¯ı writers, among them Al-ja¯mi E (The Summa),
his essential attributes exists as an action of his that is finite,
Al-mukhtas:ar (The Abridged Compendium), Al-was:f
corporeal, and temporal, and therefore altogether unlike
wa-al-s:ifah (Predications and Attributes), and Al-asma¯D
him. Temporal beings are referred to as God’s “attributes of
wa-al-s:ifa¯t (The Names and Attributes [of God]).
action” (s:ifa¯t af Ea¯lihi), since it is they that are asserted to exist
when any predicate of action such as “creates” or “sustains”
Among the AshEar¯ıyah of succeeding generations, the
is said of him.
principal figures—some of whose theological works are avail-
able and in part published—are EAbd al-Qa¯hir al-Baghda¯d¯ı
Though questioning the denumerability of the “essen-
(d. 1037), who studied with al-Isfara¯D¯ın¯ı; Abu¯ Bakr
tial attributes” of God, the AshEar¯ıyah all recognize seven
al-Bayhaq¯ı (d. 1056), best known as a traditionist and juris-
principal ones: life, cognition, volition, the ability to act,
consult; Abu¯ al-Qa¯sim al-Qushayr¯ı (d. 1072), a student of
sight, hearing, and speaking. They hold these to be real
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASHEAR¯IYAH
535
(tha¯bitah) and distinguishable, as what is asserted by “wills”
cidents” that reside in these atoms, each of which contains
is distinct from what is asserted by “knows,” and so forth;
a single discrete instance of each class (jins) of accident or its
they are neither simply identical with God’s “self” nor are
contrary. The atoms perdure through many instants, but the
they other than it, since “other” implies separability and
“accidents,” since they exist for only an instant, are continu-
therefore contingency. The objects of his ability to create are
ally created anew by God. Events are the coming to be of en-
infinite and are known to him as such. What he knows will
tities, and since God causes the existence of every entity, the
be, he wills to be, and nothing comes to be that he does not
causation of one event by another (tawallud) is denied. The
will; whatever comes to be, comes to be through his ability
system is thus fundamentally occasionalistic, and the interre-
to act when and as his will determines.
lationships between distinct entities as they exist separately
As God is one, so each of his essential attributes is one:
in temporal succession are little discussed as such in the avail-
he knows an infinity of objects in a single, eternal cognition
able texts.
and wills the existence of an indefinite number of beings in
Events that are properly described as human actions
a single, eternal volition. Since he has neither needs nor de-
(aksa¯b) are defined as those that are the immediate objects
sires, he cannot be said to act for a motive or reason. Neither
of a “created ability to act” (qudrah muh:dathah) and are lim-
his acts nor his commands can be rationalized; since he is the
ited to those events that take place in the agent as and insofar
absolute Lord of creation, they are right and just ( Eadl) sim-
as they are intended by the agent. As entities they are ascribed
ply because they are his, independently of any apparent good
to God, as his action; under other descriptions they qualify
or harm they may constitute or cause with respect to any
the part, and only the part, of the agent in which they occur
creature.
and are so ascribed to him as his action. The human agent
God makes himself known to the believer in a special
is properly said to be able to perform the act he or she per-
way in the QurDa¯n, and one of the issues most vehemently
forms only at the moment it is actually performed; only at
contested between the AshEar¯ıyah and their opponents, both
this instant does God create in the human the ability to per-
the MuEtazilah and the Hana¯bilah, is the validity and sense
form it. On this basis the AshEar¯ı theologians are accused of
of the thesis “the QurDa¯n is the uncreated speech of God.”
holding that individuals are in some instances commanded
According to the AshEar¯ı analysis, “speech” or “speaking”
by God to do what they are not able to do (taklif ma¯ la¯
(kala¯m) refers to an interior intention that is materially signi-
yut:a¯q). Though this is formally true, appropriate distinctions
fied and expressed by spoken, written, and remembered ex-
are made between an agent’s not being able to do something
pressions (h:uru¯f). God’s eternal attribute of speaking is one
(ghayr qa¯dir) and being unable ( Ea¯jiz) to do it, and accord-
and undivided: it becomes differentiated into statements,
ingly between voluntary omission (tark) and involuntary
commands, and so on in its material articulation in a particu-
omission. This analysis of human actions was radically op-
lar language by means of which it is revealed and manifested.
posed by the MuEtazilah, who considered it to be determinis-
Thus the believer’s recitation (qira¯ Dah) of the QurDa¯n, like the
tic. Viewed from the standpoint of the AshEar¯ı school, how-
written copy, is created, but what is recited (maqru¯ D), that
ever, the issue is not one of freedom and determinism, but
is, the intention made present and understood, is the uncre-
of whether or not any event can occur independently of
ated speaking of God.
God’s will and action.
The QurDa¯n is miraculous not merely because it foretold
In fact, the question of determinism is treated ambiva-
and foretells future events, but in a unique way because of
lently in most of the texts that survived. Those events that
the sublimity of its rhetorical expression. According to the
occur regularly as the apparent consequences of human ac-
AshEar¯ıyah God is properly described only by those expres-
tions are not considered as true effects of the basic act, but
sions “by which he has described himself,” that is, those
are created by God occasionalistically according to the con-
given in the QurDa¯n and in the tradition. Although God’s
sistency of the “convention” ( Ea¯dah) that he freely follows in
being is beyond the grasp of human intelligence, these predi-
ordering material events. Miracles are events that God has
cates, known as “his most beautiful names” (asma¯ Duhu
created with a radical departure from the sequence in which
al-h:usna¯), are known to be true and adequate. The
he usually makes things happen, in order to verify the divine
AshEar¯ıyah analyze them systematically, first, in order to re-
origin of a prophet’s message. Belief (¯ıma¯n) is essentially the
duce them referentially to God’s “self,” to one of his essential
assent (tas:d¯ıq) of the believer to the truth of God’s message
attributes, or to one of his “attributes of action,” and second,
transmitted by the prophet, and one in whom this assent oc-
to examine their specific connotations. That God is in some
curs is by definition a believer (mu Dmin). The assent requires,
real sense visible they hold to be rationally demonstrable;
but is distinct from, cognition and entails, but is distinct
that he will be seen by the believers in the next life is known
from, the performance of what God commands. God com-
only by revelation.
mands the belief of the unbeliever but does not will it (other-
Ontological bases of AshEar¯ı thought. According to
wise the unbeliever would believe). The obedience of the be-
the AshEar¯ı theologians of the classical period, the world con-
lievers is neither the cause nor the necessary condition of
sists of two kinds of primary entities: atoms, which are con-
their reward in the life to come; it is simply a criterion arbi-
joined to form bodies, and the entitative “attributes” or “ac-
trarily decreed by God.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
536
ASHEAR¯IYAH
AshEar¯ı methods. The AshEar¯ı school disapproves of
later the Karra¯m¯ıyah, had a significant catalytic effect on the
taql¯ıd, the unreflecting assent to religious dogmas by simple
development of AshEar¯ı theology in the classical period: They
acquiescence to recognized authority. They hold that, at least
were not simply a source of countertheses that had to be dealt
on a basic level, the believers ought to know the sense and
with, but were also significant figures within the religious
coherence of what they hold to be true and should rationally
and intellectual milieu, and as such were, along with the
understand the validity of its foundation in the QurDa¯n and
H:ana¯bilah, competitors for the allegiance of the Muslim
the teaching of the Prophet. According to the traditionalist
community and in some cases for patronage too.
method, creedal and theological statements are established
Philosophical problems. It was apparently under pres-
and verified through the collection of a consistent body of
sure from the MuEtazil¯ı school of Basra, then approaching
citations from the QurDa¯n, the Prophet, and recognized au-
its zenith, that AshEar¯ı theology made rapid advances in so-
thorities among the first generations of Muslims, so that any
phistication toward the beginning of the eleventh century.
deviant thesis can be excluded on grounds of contextual in-
Concepts that had remained somewhat vague or inadequate-
compatibility with these canonical sources. By contrast, the
ly elaborated in the work of al-AshEar¯ı and his immediate dis-
AshEar¯ı method proceeds to a formal, logical, and conceptual
ciples underwent revision and redefinition, while principles
analysis of the terms of each thesis on the basis of a rigid set
and constructs that had not been sufficiently thought
of definitions and distinctions, axioms and principles, which
through were redefined and the system as a whole brought
both explain the elementary sense and foundation of the the-
into more rigorous coherence. In the process, a certain diver-
sis and exclude any counterthesis as unfounded or inconsis-
sity of teaching became apparent in the works of the leading
tent in some respect.
masters. The distinction between the necessarily existent (the
Among the most conspicuous aspects of the AshEar¯ı
eternal) and the contingent (al-muh:dath, the temporal) was
texts are the formalism that dominates both their expression
fundamental.
and their intention and the narrow delimitation of topics as
Beyond this, most of the AshEar¯ı theologians of the clas-
defined by the particular thesis. Since the AshEar¯ıyah, unlike
sical period understood being univocally, to the extent that
the MuEtazilah, did not consider it necessary to found their
terms meaning “entity” (shay D, dha¯t, mawju¯d) were applied
theology autonomously on philosophical reasoning, the the-
to the atoms and their accidental properties alike. The
oretical principles and implications of their doctrine are not
AshEar¯ıyah of this period were basically nominalists. God de-
extensively set forth in the texts. One begins from and always
termines the various kinds of beings, creating each with its
returns to the basic definitions and distinctions, which are
distinctive characteristics; the names of the classes or kinds
presented and argued in what often appears to be a rather
of things by which their individual instances are called are
peremptory manner. Even where positions are argued at
given originally in God’s instruction (tawq¯ıf), not by human
great length in terms of a variety of questions and against a
convention. The basic adjectival or descriptive terms that as-
number of counterpositions, as in al-Juwayn¯ı’s Al-sha¯mil, the
cribe distinct or accidental properties to things are derived
discussion of the basic issue seldom advances much beyond
from the names of those properties, as Ea¯lim (knows) is de-
its original statement. Consequently, and especially given the
rived from Eilm (cognition) to describe a subject in which a
limited sources currently available, for a number of impor-
cognition exists.
tant questions it is extremely difficult to interpret what is ex-
The question of what qualifications or predicates of a
plicitly presented within the broader implications of the
being are or are not grounded (mu Eallalah) in distinct prop-
question. For this reason, the AshEar¯ı kala¯m of the classical
erties was the subject of considerable discussion. Because the
period has been considered chiefly a dialectic exercise and
foundation of the system lay in its analytic formalism, prob-
one that is mostly, if not entirely, apologetic in character.
lems inevitably arose concerning the universality of many
The formal disputation (muna¯z:arah) was from the outset a
terms. These were especially acute since they held that terms
central element in the study and cultivation of the religious
that name both human and divine attributes (life, cognition,
sciences in Islam, and as in the case of Western Scholasti-
volition, for example) are basically univocal, while asserting
cism, it largely determined the literary expression of Muslim
at the same time that God and his eternal attributes are whol-
theology.
ly unlike created beings and so belong to no class (jins) of
A number of leading AshEar¯ı theologians wrote works
entities: It is known that these terms name God’s attributes
on dialectics (jadal). Although the form of their presentation
truly and adequately because they are used by God in the
is often dialectical, few if any classical AshEar¯ı works are dia-
QurDa¯n. Formulations to the effect that God’s will, for exam-
lectically apologetic in the strict sense of the term, for both
ple, “is a volition unlike volitions” stated but did not ade-
the question and the argument are always presented and
quately resolve the problem.
elaborated within the narrow context of the formal and theo-
Following a formula found already in al-AshEar¯ı, Ibn
retical presuppositions of the school’s own doctrine, not
Fu¯rak and others held that things simply “deserve”
those presupposed by the counterthesis or any other that
(istah:aqqa) to be called by the terms that describe them prop-
might presumably be acceptable to both disputants. Even so,
erly and truly. Any subject in which there exists a cognition,
their Muslim opponents, at first chiefly the MuEtazilah and
for example, “deserves” to be described by the expression
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASHEAR¯IYAH
537
knows, and the cognition is, in each case, the reason or cause
the change in both language and conceptualization that char-
of the predication ( Eillat al-was:f); what they have in common
acterizes the second major period of AshEar¯ı theology was in-
(ja¯mi E) is this cause or reason. What any two cognitions, on
evitable: the urgent need of Sunn¯ı orthodoxy to counter the
the other hand, have in common is simply that they deserve
growing influence of IsmaE¯ıl¯ı gnosticism and of the philoso-
to be named by the expression cognition. Some authorities
phers (fala¯sifah), particularly the Neoplatonism of Ibn S¯ına¯
will speak of their having the same “particular characteris-
(Avicenna), made it imperative. The three most creative
tics” (khawa¯s:s:, khas:aDis:). Al-Ba¯qilla¯n¯ı, however, adapting a
theologians of this period were al-Ghaza¯l¯ı (d. 1111),
concept from his MuEtazil¯ı contemporaries, posits the reality
al-Shahrasta¯n¯ı (d. 1153), a student of Abu¯ al-Qa¯sim
of non-entitative attributes or “states” (ah:wa¯l) of things,
al-Ans:a¯ri, and Fakhr al-D¯ın al-Ra¯z¯ı (d. 1209). The major
which are the referential or ontological basis of the universal-
AshEar¯ı texts surviving from this period are more numerous
ity of descriptive terms. In this way, every cognition, whether
and also more diverse than those of the earlier school, since
created or uncreated (eternal), is qualified by a state of “being
many of them, especially those of al-Ghaza¯l¯ı and al-Ra¯z¯ı, en-
a cognition” ( Eilm¯ıyah), and every subject in which there ex-
joyed great popularity over the centuries, while the earlier
ists a cognition is qualified by a state of “being cognizant”
works, rapidly outdated, became progressively more remote
( Ea¯lim¯ıyah). Similarly a human action (kasb) is qualified by
in concept and expression. The apologetic and polemic of
a state of being a human action (kasb¯ıyah). Among the
the AshEar¯ı theologians of this period engage their rationalis-
AshEar¯ı masters of the classical period, only al-Juwayn¯ı ac-
tic opponents directly, not merely in their own language, but
cepted and defended al-Ba¯qilla¯n¯ı’s concept of “states.”
on purely rational grounds, as in al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s famous refuta-
There were a number of other difficulties and differ-
tion of Ibn S¯ına¯’s philosophy, Taha¯fut al-fala¯sifah (The In-
ences among the AshEar¯ı theologians of the period, though
coherence of the Philosophers), and in al-Shahrasta¯n¯ı’s
these are less clearly presented in the available sources. The
Mus:a¯ra Eat al-fala¯sifah (Wrestling the Philosophers Down).
school agreed, for example, that God is able to create an infi-
Where the formal and theoretical principles of their doctrine
nite number of individuals belonging to any given class of
were not much discussed in the texts of the classical period,
beings, but did not agree as to whether or not he is able to
they are now set forth in extensive detail.
create an infinity of classes other than those he has actually
The general attitudes of the three great masters of the
created. The question of whether, and in what way, God’s
period and the character of their thought manifest significant
will is general or particular with regard to its objects was de-
differences, however. Al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s view of the nature and
bated, but exactly how the problem was treated by the vari-
value of formal, systematic theology, in particular, was not
ous authors remains unclear. Likewise, al-Juwayn¯ı, and he
shared by other AshEar¯ı thinkers either before or after him.
alone, it would seem, held that God’s knowledge of creatures
In the wake of intellectual and religious crises, he became
is general and not particular, but again the available sources
convinced that the only valid and certain knowledge of God
do not provide an adequate view of his thought on the ques-
is given in direct mystical experience. As a result, where the
tion. Though the same basic distinctions are made with re-
common AshEar¯ı tradition held that systematic theology fur-
gard to the createdness of human actions, and the same set
nishes a sound and valuable, if not essential, conceptual
of basic propositions are formally maintained by all authori-
foundation for one’s belief, al-Ghaza¯l¯ı insists that it is wholly
ties, there are differences concerning the way the concrete re-
inadequate. Since it cannot be grounded in autonomous
lationships between the elements involved in human actions
human reason, moreover, it is at best founded in taql¯ıd and,
are understood. Some, among them al-Juwayn¯ı, hold that
he concludes, has no valid function other than as a dialectical
the relationship between the created ability to act and its ob-
apologetic. He did, however, produce two kala¯m compendia
ject is simply intentional. The antecedent or concomitant ac-
in the traditional form, the Iqtis:a¯d f¯ı al-i Etiqa¯d (The Just
tuality of motivation and volition is seldom discussed in the
Mean in Belief) and the Qawa¯ Eid al- Eaqa¯Did (Foundations of
available texts, since it is not formally pertinent, given the
the Creeds, which is book 2 of the first part of his Ih:ya¯D
way the basic question of the createdness of human actions
Eulu¯m al-d¯ın [The Vitalization of the Religious Sciences]).
is posed and treated. The most conspicuous deviation from
While these works by no means embody his entire theology,
the normal form of the school’s teaching in this period is
they are demonstrative of his dogmatic thought as it relates
found in al-Juwayn¯ı’s Risa¯lah (or EAq¯ıdah) dedicated to
to the AshEar¯ı tradition.
Niz:a¯m al-Mulk. Although he maintains the basic theological
dogmas of the school, the way in which they are presented
In these works, as in al-Shahrasta¯n¯ı’s Niha¯yat al-iqda¯m
and explained is new and, in the case of some major ele-
f¯ı Eilm al-kala¯m (The Furthermost Steps in the Science of
ments, irreconcilable not only with the teaching of his pre-
Kala¯m), one sees not so much a sudden and radical break
decessors but also with that of his own major theological
with the past as an effort to rethink and recast the basic dog-
writings. In many respects the work anticipates the funda-
mas within an expanded theoretical framework, one that re-
mental trend of the following period.
quired and produced a definite, and ultimately definitive,
LATER ASHEAR¯IYAH. With the rapidly increasing assimilation
movement away from the rigid kind of analysis and close re-
of ancient and Hellenistic learning, both scientific and philo-
striction of topics that had characterized the school since its
sophical, and its integration into the intellectual life of Islam,
foundation. The traditional formulation of the basic dog-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
538
ASHEAR¯IYAH
matic theses is thus consistently maintained, but the exposi-
frameworks in a synthetic unity, this is not the case with
tion and argumentation of most of them is in many respects
al-Ra¯z¯ı, who maintained a profound commitment to the
new and often impressive.
Muslim philosophical tradition. He wrote extensively on
philosophy (as well as on medicine and other sciences), and
Against what they regard as an impoverished conception
in his principal kala¯m works, Ma Ea¯lim us:u¯l al-d¯ın (The
of God’s being held by the fala¯sifah, al-Ghaza¯l¯ı and
Landmarks of Fundamental Doctrine) and the much longer
al-Shahrasta¯n¯ı set forth an understanding of the traditional
Kita¯b al-arba E¯ın f¯ı us:u¯l al-d¯ın (The Forty [Questions] con-
seven essential attributes that, in taking them more as aspects
cerning Fundamental Doctrine), as also in his monumental
of God’s “essence” than as distinct properties, is somewhat
commentary on the QurDa¯n, one finds AshEar¯ı theology al-
analogous to the position of the MuEtazil¯ı school of Basra.
most fully adapted to the conceptual universe of the philo-
The relation between God’s eternal power, knowledge, and
sophical tradition. Indeed, it seems possible that in some
will and their temporal objects is more thoroughly and ex-
places al-Ra¯z¯ı may follow his philosophical sources (chiefly
plicitly explored than in earlier AshEar¯ı texts and in different,
Ibn S¯ına¯) so far as to compromise one or more of the funda-
more Aristotelian terms. God’s speaking is conceived in
mental theological tenets of the school. The number and di-
terms akin to cognition, with all modalities of interior speech
versity of his works are so great, however, that with the pres-
tending to be reduced to propositions. The attribute of “per-
ent state of knowledge it is not possible to come to a firm
durance” (al-baqa¯ D), previously rejected by a number of
assessment of his thought.
AshEar¯ı masters, is considered simply as a negative concept
(“perdures” = “does not cease to exist”) by al-Ghaza¯l¯ı, who
After al-Ra¯z¯ı, AshEar¯ı theology is continued chiefly in
explicitly rejects the earlier conception of the ontological
a series of manuals eclectically dependent upon the great
grounding of attributes.
writers of the past. The most famous of these, Al-mawa¯qif
f¯ı us:u¯l al-d¯ın (The Stages in Fundamental Doctrine) of
Where the classical doctrine of the school had held that
EAd:ud al-D¯ın al-¯Ij¯ı (d. 1355), has continued to serve as a
all beings other than God are corporeal, the AshEar¯ı theolo-
textbook on theology to the present day. Among the various
gians now recognize the existence of a host of “spirits”
commentaries written on it, the most important and widely
(arwa¯h) belonging to the “upper world” (al- Ea¯lam al-a Ela¯).
used is that of al-Jurja¯n¯ı (d. 1413), and together with this
The atomistic conception of material bodies continues to be
text the Mawa¯qif has gone through a large number of printed
stated in much the same terms as before, but on another
editions since the early nineteenth century.
level, living beings tend to be talked of not as mere compos-
ites of atoms and their discrete “accidents,” but as beings hav-
Because of the differences in language and conceptual-
ing a real, essential unity. The conception of God as the sole
ization between the AshEar¯ı theology of the classical period
cause of the existence of every contingent being is main-
and that of later times, especially after al-Ra¯z¯ı, it is impossi-
tained, though now discussed and argued with somewhat
ble to define or characterize the tradition in terms of a single
different terminology, as is the thesis of the createdness of
way of conceiving, formulating, and dealing with theological
human actions, which continues to be set forth on the basis
and metaphysical problems. The original success of AshEar¯ı
of the same set of distinctions as in the texts of the classical
theology stemmed from the kind of coherent balance it
period. The occasionalistic language that characterizes classi-
achieved between rational understanding and a religious
cal AshEar¯ı writing is formally retained, but its radical tone
sense that was rooted in a basically conservative reading of
is to some extent mitigated and the function of secondary
the QurDa¯n and the sunnah. Its development followed the re-
causes plainly recognized.
ligious and intellectual evolution of Sunn¯ı Islam. The unity
of the school lies largely in its common adherence to a basic
The adoption of Aristotelian psychology is of signal im-
set of theses, which sets it apart from other Muslim schools
portance. The changing perspective of the AshEar¯ı kala¯m is
of speculative theology, such as the Ma¯tur¯ıd¯ıyah, on the one
perhaps most conspicuously exemplified in al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s dis-
hand, and in its conceptual rationalization of these theses,
cussion of what is morally good and bad, right and wrong.
which sets it apart from the more rigid traditionalists, on the
The traditional AshEar¯ı conception of ethical valuations in
other. Above all, it is the tradition’s sense of its own continu-
terms of obligation based in God’s unconditioned com-
ity, beginning with the immediate disciples of al-AshEar¯ı,
mand, license, and prohibition he rationalizes through a sort
that allows it to be identified by itself and others as AshEar¯ı.
of utilitarianism of virtue: one ought always to act for his
own ultimate good (that is, that to be achieved in the next
SEE ALSO AshEar¯ı, al-; Attributes of God, article on Islamic
life), and this is uniquely made known in God’s revelation.
Concepts; Falsafah; Free Will and Predestination, article on
He accounts for good (h:asan) and bad (qab¯ıh:) not directly
Islamic Concepts; Ghaza¯l¯ı, Abu Hamid al-; IEja¯z; ¯Ij¯ı, EAdud
in what is commanded and forbidden but, harmonizing S:u¯f¯ı
al-Din al-; Kala¯m; Occasionalism.
teaching with an Aristotelian notion of virtue, in terms of
ends (aghra¯d:), where moral perfection is measured by one’s
BIBLIOGRAPHY
nearness to God.
Sources
If in their kala¯m works al-Ghaza¯l¯ı and al-Shahrasta¯n¯ı
Ess, Joseph van. Die Erkenntnislehre des EAdudaddin al-¯Ic¯ı, Über-
seem to have harmonized or juxtaposed disparate conceptual
setzung und Kommentar des ersten Buches seiner Mawa¯qif.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASHER BEN YEH:IDEL
539
Wiesbaden, 1966. The extensive commentary here presents
account of the teaching of al-AshEar¯ı and the most important
a vast amount of valuable material on the history of a large
AshEar¯ı thinkers into the sixteenth century CE, together with
number of questions treated by the AshEar¯ıyah and other
translations and paraphrases of portions of a number of im-
Muslim theologians from the earliest period.
portant works.
Frank, R. M. “Two Short Dogmatic Works of Abu¯ l-Qa¯sim
Hourani, George F. “A Revised Chronology of Ghaza¯l¯ı’s Writ-
al-Qushayr¯ı: ‘LumaE f¯ı l-iEtiqa¯d.’” Mélanges de l’Institut
ings.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 104 (1984):
Dominicain d’Études Orientales 15 (1982): 53–74.
289–302.
Frank, R. M. “Al-Fus:u¯l f¯ı l-us:u¯l: Part Two.” Mélanges de l’Institut
Jabre, Farid. La notion de la EMa ErifaD chez Ghazali. Beirut, 1958.
Dominicain d’Études Orientales 16 (1983): 59–94.
A study of al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s understanding of the nature of reli-
Kholeif, Fathalla. A Study on Fakhr al-D¯ın al-Ra¯z¯ı and His Con-
gious knowledge and human knowledge of God.
troversies in Transoxiana. Beirut, 1966. Contains text and
Rubio, Luciano. “Los AsEaríes, teólogos especulativos, Mutakál-
translation of al-Ra¯z¯ı’s Muna¯z:arat f¯ı-ma¯ wara¯ D al-nahr to-
limes, del Islam.” Ciudad de Dios 190 (1977): 577–605; 192
gether with a somewhat superficial commentary.
(1979): 355–391; 193 (1980): 47–83. An account, without
Klopfer, Helmut, ed. and trans. Das Dogma des Imâm
much analysis, of the teaching of al-Ba¯qilla¯n¯ı, al-Juwayn¯ı,
al-H:aramain al-Djuwainï und sein Werk al- EAqïdat an-niz:â-
and al-Ghaza¯l¯ı concerning creation and human action.
mïya. Cairo, 1958. A very brief discussion of al-Juwayn¯ı’s
Watt, W. Montgomery. “The Authenticity of the Works Attribut-
teaching followed by the translation of the Nizamian creed.
ed to al-Ghaza¯l¯ı.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1952):
Köbert, Raimund. Baya¯n muˇskil al-ah:ad¯ıt des Ibn Fu¯rak, Auswahl
24–45.
nach den Handschriften in Leipzig, Leiden, London und dem
Watt, W. Montgomery. The Formative Period of Islamic Thought.
Vatikan. Analecta Orientalia, vol. 22. Rome, 1941. Although
Edinburgh, 1973. More a study of the period than of theolo-
it does not contain the entire text, this edition and transla-
gy. An excellent introduction to the historical context of clas-
tion of Ibn Fu¯rak’s Interpretation of Difficult Traditions does
sical AshEar¯ı thought.
have the author’s preface (omitted in Eastern editions of the
work!), which is of considerable importance for understand-
R. M. FRANK (1987)
ing the principles of AshEar¯ı theology and exegesis in the
period.
Luciani, J.-D., ed. and trans. El-Irchâd par l’Imâm El-Harameïn.
ASHERAH SEE ATHIRAT
Paris, 1938.
McCarthy, Richard J. Freedom and Fulfillment: An Annotated
Translation of al-Ghaza¯l¯ı’s al-Munqidh min al-D:ala¯l and
ASHER BEN YEH:IDEL
Other Relevant Works of al-Ghaza¯l¯ı. Boston, 1980.
(c. 1250–1327), known as
Al-Ghaza¯l¯ı is one of the most studied and translated of Mus-
Rabbenu (“our teacher”) Asher or as RDoSH, the acronym of
lim religious writers; this work contains a fulsome discussion
that epithet; Talmudist and rabbinic legal authority. Born
of his personality and thought and an excellent critical bibli-
and educated in Germany, Asher was the leading disciple of
ography in which studies on al-Ghaza¯l¯ı and translations of
the outstanding German rabbinic scholar of his age, MeDir
his other works are listed and evaluated.
ben Barukh of Rothenburg. The turbulence disrupting Ger-
Commentaries
man Jewish life impelled him to emigrate in 1303. He even-
Allard, Michel. Le problème des attributs divins dans la doctrine
tually settled in Toledo; that a man of such alien background
d’al-Aˇs Earï et de ses premiers grands disciples. Beirut, 1965. A
was accepted as head of the Toledo rabbinical court reflects
detailed study of the texts and teaching of al-Ba¯qilla¯n¯ı,
the power of his learning and his personality.
al-Baghda¯d¯ı, al-Bayhaq¯ı, and al-Juwayn¯ı; a valuable work.
In Spain, Asher was immediately embroiled in a Kultur-
Bouman, J. Le conflit autour du Coran et la solution d’al-Bâqillânï.
kampf over the study of philosophy. The product of an ex-
Amsterdam, 1959.
clusively Talmud-centered curriculum, he did not fully un-
Frank, R. M. “Moral Obligation in Classical Muslim Theology.”
derstand all the issues involved (he declined to answer a legal
Journal of Religious Ethics 11 (1983): 204–233. A general
query concerning the astrolabe because, he said, “It is an in-
analysis of the theology of moral action in classical AshEar¯ı
strument with which I am not familiar”). Asher hesitated to
thought.
support the ban promulgated by Shelomoh ben Avraham
Frank, R. M. “Bodies and Atoms: The AshEar¯ıte Analysis.” In Me-
Adret proscribing the study of Greek philosophy until age
dieval Islamic Thought: Studies in Honor of George F. Hou-
twenty-five, because this implied that such study was permis-
rani, edited by M. E. Marmura, pp. 39–53. Toronto, 1984.
sible later, and he believed it should be prohibited through-
A study of several basic concepts and their development dur-
ing the period of the classical AshEar¯ıyah.
out life. He ultimately endorsed the ban to ensure that failure
to do so would not be misunderstood as support for philoso-
Gardet, Louis, and Georges C. Anawati. Introduction à la théologie
phy. His was the most conservative position taken by any
musulmane (1948). 2d ed. Paris, 1970. Still the best intro-
major protagonist in the conflict.
duction to the general topic and to the role and character of
AshEar¯ı theology in Islam.
Asher’s legal works, which emerged from intensive study
Gimaret, Daniel. Théories de l’acte humain en théologie musulmane.
of the Talmud, are of three kinds: (1) commentaries on two
Études musulmanes, vol. 24. Paris, 1980. Contains a detailed
orders of the Mishnah and several Talmudic tractates; (2) to-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
540
ASHES
safot, brief excursuses on specific problems in the Talmudic
New Sources
text, which brought together recent German and Spanish in-
Gutwirth, Eleazar. “Asher b. Yehiel e Israel Israeli: actitudes hi-
sights; and (3) a codification called Pisqei ha-R Dosh. Follow-
spano-judías hacia el árabe.” Creencias y culturas (1998):
97–111.
ing the order of the Talmud and covering most of its trac-
tates, Pisqei ha-R Dosh integrated the Talmudic argument with
Ta-Shma, Israel Moses. “Between East and West: Rabbi Asher b.
decisions of post-Talmudic authorities to arrive at the opera-
Yehi’el and His Son Rabbi YaEakov.” In Studies in Medieval
Jewish History and Literature, vol. 3, edited by Isadore Twer-
tive law. Asher condemned the practice of rendering legal de-
sky and Jay M. Harris, pp. 179–196. Cambridge, Mass.,
cisions based on Maimonides’ Mishneh Torah by those not
2000.
expert in the Talmudic sources.
Washofsky, Mark R. “Asher ben Yehiel and the ‘Mishneh Torah’
Asher’s responsa, or replies to legal questions, are among
of Maimonides: A New Look at Some Old Evidence.” AJMT
III (1988): 147–157.
the more important and influential of this genre. He was fre-
quently called upon to interpret communal ordinances and
MARC SAPERSTEIN (1987)
their relationship to classical Jewish law, and to decide which
Revised Bibliography
local Spanish customs should be honored (e.g., the use of
capital or corporal punishment in cases of blasphemy or in-
forming) and which should be opposed. Responsum 55 moves
ASHES are the irreducible dry residue of fire. They may
from the specific issue, concerning a wife’s right to dispose
be burnt offerings, such as the cremation of a human body,
of her assets as she desired through a will, to a significant de-
the sacrificial burning of an animal, or the ritual burning of
bate over general principles of jurisprudence. Asher rejected
a plant. Ashes have religious significance as the substance re-
the use of philology, philosophical logic, and commonsense
maining after the divine living energy of sacred fire has de-
argumentation in order to defend the integrity of the halakh-
parted from a living being or has acted to purge, purify, de-
ic decision-making process, insisting that philosophy and
stroy, volatilize, punish, consume, sublimate, or extract the
Torah are “two opposites, irreconcilable, that will never
essence of some created thing. Ashes variously manifest and
dwell together.”
represent the residue or effect of sacred fire in its manifold
creative and negating functions. As hierophanies of power
A bridge between the great rabbinic centers of Germany
and as sacred symbols, ashes are connected with rites of peni-
and of Spain, Asher and his sons had a lasting impact on the
tence, mourning, sacrifice, fertility, purification, healing, and
development of Jewish law. One son, Yehdah, succeeded
divination.
him as rabbi in Toledo; another, YaEaqov, used his father’s
legal oeuvre as the basis for his own magnum opus, the
In certain myths dealing with origins, ashes are the ma-
Arba Eah t:urim, a code of operative Jewish law with a new
terial from which things are made. For example, the San de-
structure independent of the Talmud and earlier codes,
pict the Milky Way as being made of ashes, as do the Macoví,
which became the basis for Yosef Karo’s Shulh:an Earukh.
for whom the Milky Way is made of the ashes of the Celestial
Tree. In Aztec myth humankind itself is made of ashes. Like-
wise, participants in the Ash Wednesday rite of the Roman
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Catholic Church are reminded penitentially that they are but
The most detailed bio-bibliographical monograph on Asher, his
the stuff of ashes: “Memento, homo, quia cinis es; in cinerem
disciples, and his descendants is Alfred Freimann’s “Ascher
reverteris.”
b. Jechiel, Sein Leben und Wirken, ” Jahrbuch der jüdisch-
Ashes, together with any other residue left once the sac-
literarischen Gesellschaft 12 (1918): 237–317, and “Die As-
cheriden, 1267–1391,” Jahrbuch der jüdisch-literarischen Ge-
rificial fire has extracted the living essence of an offering, are
sellschaft 13 (1920): 142–254. Yitzhak F. Baer assessed
manifestations of sacred renunciation. In certain spiritual
Asher’s communal leadership at Toledo in Historical context
disciplines, the rubbing of ashes on the body represents the
in A History of the Jews in Christian Spain, vol. 1 (Philadel-
renunciation or burning up of energic or libidinal attach-
phia, 1961), pp. 316–325. A provocative analysis of the ju-
ments to life for the sake of spiritual development or enlight-
risprudential issues in responsum 55 is provided in J. L. Tei-
enment. For example, in Hindu mythology the god S´iva, the
cher’s “Laws of Reason and Laws of Religion: A Conflict in
divine paradigm of yogins, burns up all the other gods with
Toledo Jewry in the Fourteenth Century,” in Essays and
a glance from his third eye, which possesses the vision that
Studies Presented to Stanley Arthur Cook, edited by D. Win-
penetrates to the essential nullity of all forms. S´iva then rubs
ton Thomas (London, 1950), pp. 83–94. More technical
the gods’ ashes on his body. The yogins rub the ashes of the
treatment of the Talmudic writings is available in Hebrew:
sacred fire on their bodies as a symbol of having sublimated
see Haim Chernowitz’s Toledot ha-posqim, vol. 2 (New York,
the fiery power of procreation or lust (ka¯ma). The whiteness
1947), pp. 144–160; E. E. Urbach’s Ba Ealei ha-tosafot, 4th
of the ashes is referred to as the glow of the ashes of the yo-
ed. (Jerusalem, 1980), vol. 2, pp. 586–599; and a superb
gins’ semen.
index to the subjects and sources of the responsa, Mafteah: ha-
she Delot ve-ha-teshuvot: ShuDDt ha-RDosh (Jerusalem, 1965), by
Ashes, by connection with the cleansing power of the
Menahem Elon.
divine fiery energy, have the power to purify. For example,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASHI
541
in the Red Heifer ritual of the Hebrews the ashes of the sacri-
colleagues in particular revered him and believed that he was
ficed animal’s body are mixed with water and sprinkled on
respected by the exilarch (the lay Jewish leadership sponsored
a person who is ritually unclean from contact with a corpse.
by the Persian government) and even in the court of the Per-
Ritual cleanliness is also achieved by the brahmans in India
sian king.
by rubbing the body with ashes or bathing it in ashes before
A Talmudic account mentions that Ashi ordered a
performing religious rites.
crumbling synagogue to be pulled down but had his bed put
Covering one’s clothes and body in ashes is a part of var-
into it to ensure that it be completely rebuilt (B.T., B.B. 3b).
ious rituals of mourning, humiliation, and atonement.
This story suggests not only a belief in his power but also the
Wearing ashes exteriorizes or manifests spiritual states of loss,
means to which he had to resort to activate the community.
sorrow, emptiness, or worthlessness before the divine power.
The dictum that he “combined Torah and greatness” con-
For example, in the Arunta tribe the widow of the deceased
veys the rabbinic view that he took over prerogatives of, and
covers herself during mourning rites in the ashes of her hus-
even instructed, the exilarch. But this is inconsistent with
band. In the Bible Job humbles himself before Yahveh, say-
sources that depict rabbis as solicitous of the exilarch’s staff.
ing, “I knew you then only by hearsay; but now, having seen
In actuality, the exilarch may have brought his circles closer
you with my own eyes, I retract all I have said, and in dust
to the rabbis but, in the process, used them to bolster his own
and ashes I repent” (Jb. 42:5f.).
power.
The pattern, or tendency, of fiery divine life-forces is in-
It is as a teacher that Ashi is especially remembered. He
terpreted by means of the pattern of ashes made during divi-
extended rabbinic law to cover more refined issues in diverse
natory rites. The Maya Indians in Yucatán, for example, use
areas from the liturgy to civil law and addressed personal eth-
this type of oracle to determine the particular divinity re-
ics such as the importance of humility. As the dictum “Ashi
sponsible for a child’s life. Possibly the idea behind this prac-
and RabinaD are the end of horaDah [instruction]” notes, Ashi
tice is similar to the idea of various North American Indian
marked a turning point in intellectual development. The
peoples who regard the life patterns in the palm and finger-
statement is usually held to mean that Ashi redacted the Tal-
tips of a person’s hand as traces of the divine energy ordinari-
mud, although later editors may have restructured the dis-
ly manifested as wind or breath.
cussions. In recent scholarship, Ashi is seen as not a redactor
Finally, ashes as the residue of life manifest the fiery di-
but the last named master who employed categorical state-
vine life-force itself and are used in fertility rites to stimulate
ments, which later anonymous masters (between 427 and
the life energy of crops and flocks. Thus in many European
500) expanded and wove into elaborate arguments and
rites, such as those celebrated at Easter and on Saint John’s
which final savoraic editors revamped and restructured. This
Day, a human figure of straw representing the vegetation
new assessment credits Ashi with considerable impact, since
spirit is burned, and the ashes are scattered on the fields to
it implies that rabbis after Ashi believed they could not teach
stimulate the growth of crops. Likewise, in ancient Rome,
independently but only rework earlier thinking.
the ashes from sacred fires of animal sacrifices were fed to
SEE ALSO Amoraim; Talmud.
flocks in order to stimulate their fertility and their produc-
tion of milk.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
B
A comprehensive treatment and bibliography of Ashi and his
IBLIOGRAPHY
teachings can be found in Jacob Neusner’s A History of the
Further discussion can be found in W. Brede Kristensen’s The
Jews in Babylonia, 5 vols. (Leiden, 1966–1970), esp. vol. 5.
Meaning of Religion: Lectures in the Phenomenology of Religion
Ashi’s mode of teaching is discussed in David M. Good-
(The Hague, 1960).
blatt’s Rabbinic Instruction in Sasanian Babylonia (Leiden,
RICHARD W. THURN (1987)
1975). His role in the formation of the gemara D is discussed
in Goodblatt’s “The Babylonian Talmud,” in Aufstieg und
Niedergang der römischen Welt, vol. 2.19.2 (Berlin and New
York, 1979), pp. 292, 308–318, reprinted in The Study of
ASHI (c. 352–424/7), the leading sixth-generation Babylo-
Ancient Judaism, edited by Jacob Neusner, vol. 2, The Pales-
nian amora. A student of Kahana, Ashi was reputedly based
tinian and Babylonian Talmuds (New York, 1981); and in
in the city of Mata Meh:asya for sixty years. He served as
David Weiss Halivni’s Midrash, Mishnah, and Gemara
(Cambridge, Mass., 1986).
judge of a local Jewish court and as community administra-
tor, positions that enabled him to implement rabbinic law
New Sources
in many areas; he expounded scripture and taught oral law
Kalmin, Richard Lee. “The Post-Rav Ashi Amoraim—Transition
to disciples, whom he trained in his court, and to other Jews
or Continuity? A Study of the Role of the Final Generations
at large, whom he tried to persuade to follow rabbinic norms.
of Amoraim in the Redaction of the Talmud.” AJS Review
His reported ability to enforce Sabbath and other laws previ-
11 (1986): 157–187.
ously not widely enforced by rabbis suggests that he had
BARUCH M. BOKSER (1987)
greater impact on Jewry than his predecessors. Disciples and
Revised Bibliography
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
542
ASHKENAZIC HASIDISM
ASHKENAZIC HASIDISM. In the late twelfth cen-
the Book of Job (e.g., 1:6–12), the Pietist’s trial by passions
tury, the Jewish communities of Mainz, Worms, and Speyer
is part of God’s plan to reward the successful Pietist who re-
saw the emergence of a Jewish pietistic circle characterized
sists them. As ShemuDel says, “Is not the evil impulse good
by its own leadership and distinctive religious outlook. For
for man? If it did not dominate him, what reward would he
almost a hundred years, the Jewish Pietists of medieval Ger-
earn for acting virtuously?” (Sefer ha-yir Dah, or Book of the
many (h:asidei Ashkenaz) constituted a small elite of religious
Fear of God, para. 2). God’s reward for the Pietists derives
thinkers who, along with their followers, developed and
not only from their struggle to search scripture for God’s hid-
sought to carry out novel responses to a variety of social and
den commandments but also from their continuous resis-
religious problems.
tance of the evil impulse. That effort, in turn, involves a
constant self-examination of one’s motives and feelings. As
Pietistic texts were written by three members of the
such, German Hasidism constitutes one of several contem-
same circle who were also part of the Qalonimos family.
porary developments in the spiritualization of ancient Juda-
Tracing their origins to northern Italy, the Qalonimides
ism which led to new modes of piety. Along with Maimo-
claimed to be descendants of the founding family of Mainz
nidean religious philosophy, theosophical mysticism, or
Jewry in Carolingian times and bearers of distinctive ancient
Qabbalah, and the scholastic legal achievement of the glossa-
mystical traditions. The three major figures in this group
tors of the Talmud, German-Jewish Pietism permanently re-
were ShemuDel, son of Qalonimos the Elder of Speyer,
shaped classical Judaism into traditional Judaism, which last-
known as “the pietist, the holy, and the prophet” (fl. mid-
ed down to the modern period.
twelfth century); his younger son, Yehudah, known as “the
pietist” (d. 1217); and Yehudah’s disciple and cousin,
One result of the fact that the Pietist’s life requires resis-
ElEazar, son of Yehudah of Worms, who called himself “the
tance to all kinds of temptations of the flesh and ego was the
insignificant” (d. 1230?).
tendency toward asceticism. Grounded in the authors’ focus
on maximizing otherworldly reward by resisting temptations
In their pietistic writings, ShemuDel, Yehudah, and
in this world, the Pietists are told to avoid all illicit physical
ElEazar developed in detail the contours of a distinctive per-
or psychological pleasure during their life. For this reason,
ception of the ideal Jewish way of life, which they thought
Pietists should not play with their children or benefit from
must be followed for the individual Jew to attain salvation
any social honors. Yehudah the Pietist even goes so far as to
in the afterlife. This shared personal eschatology, or vision
prohibit authors from writing their own name in the intro-
of the ideal way for the individual to behave, was attached
duction to books they have written. Their children might
to the ancient biblical and classical rabbinic term h:asid,
take pride in their parents’ work, and this “enjoyment” in
which had denoted, at various times, those who are loyal or
this world will deprive them of some of their reward in the
faithful to God (e.g., Ps. 31:24, 37:28–29) or someone who
next one.
is punctilious in observing the religious commandments of
The centrality in the pietistic ideal of viewing life as a
Judaism and who even forgoes that to which he is entitled
continuous divine trial probably was a reaction, at least in
(e.g., Avot 5.10).
part, to the traumatic memory of acts of suicidal Jewish mar-
The German-Jewish Pietists built their own under-
tyrdom which took place in the same Rhineland towns in the
standing of h:asid, or “Pietist,” upon the cumulative founda-
spring of 1096. In the wake of the First Crusade hundreds
tion of earlier meanings but moved in new directions as well.
of Jews, including many of the intellectual elite of Mainz and
Their worldview was grounded in the idea that God’s will
Worms, were either killed for not converting to Christianity
is only partially revealed in the words of the Pentateuch, or
on the spot or else martyred themselves in acts of ritualized
the Torah, given to the prophet Moses at Mount Sinai.
socioreligious polemic. Rather than be defiled by the “impu-
God’s will requires of the truly faithful and punctilious Jew,
rity” of Christians, whom the Jews at that time regarded as
that is, of the h:asid, a search for a hidden and infinitely de-
idolators, many men and women created a boundary be-
manding additional torah, which God encoded in the words
tween themselves and their enemy by taking their own lives.
of scripture. He did this, moreover, to enable the Pietist to
In so doing, they acted as though they were Temple sacrifices
earn additional reward in the afterlife by searching for it and
or holy things which only the holy, or other Jews, could
fulfilling it as best he can.
touch. By killing their own families and then themselves,
The difficult task of discovering the hidden will of God
they sought to keep ritual pollution in check. The Hebrew
is part of a central concept in Pietism. The Pietists main-
chronicles that describe these events indicate that the crusad-
tained that life consists of a divinely ordained trial by which
er mob never reached Jerusalem. By picturing the Jewish
the pietist’s loyalty to God is continually tested in all he does,
martyrs as Temple sacrifices, the chroniclers indicate that the
thinks, and feels. The source of the trial is a person’s passions,
Jews of Mainz in effect erected their own symbolic version
such as sexual attraction to persons other than a spouse or
of the Temple of Jerusalem and by so doing affirmed their
the drive for personal honor and adulation in this world. The
absolute loyalty and faithfulness to God and Judaism
pietistic authors refer to these urges as the “evil impulse”
through the ultimate sacrifice of having to give their lives.
(yetser ha-ra E), a term from classical rabbinic theology. Some-
In the pietistic writings of the Qalonimides are found
times associated with the tempter or the accuser (Satan) in
echoes of the trauma of 1096. Not only is the life of the Pi-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASHKENAZIC HASIDISM
543
etist a trial, as were the events of that year, but the need to
In addition to presenting Pietism as having a social as
resist the evil impulse is compared to the willingness to be
well as a personal dimension, Yehudah defines a new social
martyred if necessary. In fact, the authors assume that their
context for the Pietists themselves. While ShemuDel’s work
readers would willingly sacrifice their lives if Christians were
is addressed to the individual Pietist, Yehudah takes for
to threaten them with the penalty of death for not convert-
granted that Pietists are organized as a fellowship distinct
ing: “If you were living at a time of religious persecution, you
from other Jews who are not Pietists. Moreover, he views this
would endure tortures or death for the sake of the Holy One,
sectarian fellowship as a subcommunity of Jews who are led
blessed be He. . . . You certainly should endure this [trial]
not by non-Pietist communal elders but by their own reli-
which is not as severe but is only [resisting] your evil impulse
gious leaders, charismatic figures called sages (h:akhamim).
which strongly urges you to sin” (Sefer ha-yir Dah, para. 2).
Thus the social world presupposed in Yehudah’s Sefer
The conception that the Pietist’s life was a trial that
h:asidim consists of three groups: pietistic Jews, nonpietistic
should be resisted might have led to the conclusion that
Jews, and Christians. For Yehudah, unlike ShemuDel, a Jew
temptations were to be sought out and fought off. This possi-
may be rich or poor, scholarly or ignorant, powerful or com-
bility was discussed but was considered very risky. The strug-
mon, but the only distinction that matters is between being
gle between the Pietist who tries to live on the boundary,
a Pietist and not.
nearly sinning while resisting temptation, is illustrated in Ye-
The exclusivistic character of Yehudah’s Pietists was not
hudah the Pietist’s major work about Pietism, Sefer hasidim
absolute: a non-Pietist could become a Pietist by undergoing
(Book of the Pietists). There Yehudah illustrates the pietistic
an initiation ceremony of atonement. For this purpose, Ye-
ideal in hundreds of exempla, or moralistic tales, about Pi-
hudah’s Sefer h:asidim includes a penitential manual that he
etists and the Jewish communities in which they lived among
designed for the sage who now functions as a confessor and
Christians and other Jews who were not Pietists. In one of
dispenser of penances. This elaborate penitential ritual serves
his most celebrated tales, he describes a Pietist who comes
the sectarian functions of disciplining Pietists who temporar-
close to sinning by risking his own life in order to affirm his
ily lapse and enabling non-Pietists to “enter,” or be initiated
loyalty to God.
into pietism by means of a penitential rite of passage. A Pi-
Yehudah tells of a Pietist who used to torture himself
etist or would-be Pietist approaches a sage, confesses his sins
in the summer by lying down on the ground among fleas and
to him, and receives from the sage an appropriate penance
in the winter by placing his feet in a container filled with
to perform.
water until they froze. A friend challenged his extremes of
self-punishment by quoting a classic proof-text against sui-
Although the door to Pietism was open for others, the
cide (Gn. 9:5). The Pietist answered that he was only atoning
Pietists generally appeared to other Jews as a self-righteous
for his sins.
elite. It is not surprising, then, that they experienced a great
deal of antagonism from other Jews. By insisting that only
After the Pietist died, one of his students sought to find
Pietists should serve as cantors in the synagogue, or be
out if his teacher was being rewarded or punished for under-
scribes, or be considered proper spouses for themselves or
going such extreme penances. In a dream, the Pietist takes
their children, or be eligible to receive charity, they made
the student to Paradise and tells him that his place is high
themselves extremely unpopular. And so to be a Pietist was
up and that the student will only attain such a high place if
to be the butt of jokes, the target of ridicule, and the victim
he continues to perform acts of virtue. This vision convinced
of intemperate hostility.
the student that his master was not being punished for flirt-
ing with the prohibition of committing suicide (Sefer
In view of their high regard for themselves, one might
h:asidim, ed. Wistinetzki, para. 1556).
have expected the Pietists to try to take over the Jewish com-
THE SOCIORELIGIOUS PROGRAM. While all three Qaloni-
munities in which they lived. In fact, in Yehudah’s writings
mides shared a common vision regarding a personal eschatol-
there are signs of three political strategies by which they
ogy, there were major ways in which Yehudah differed with
sought to implement their programmatic vision of the per-
ShemuDel and other ways in which ElEazar disagreed with Ye-
fect Jewish society. Two of these strategies failed: They could
hudah. Since only one tract by ShemuDel has survived, Sefer
not take over the leadership of the communities for long, and
ha-yir Dah, it is impossible to know many of his religious ideas,
they failed to maintain at least one attempt to create a utopi-
but from a comparison of that work with Yehudah’s Sefer
an commune of Pietists living in splendid isolation apart
h:asidim, Yehudah emerges as an important innovator in sev-
from other Jews. A third approach, however, is characteristic
eral respects. Above all, he developed a social, as well as a per-
of the Pietists who are described in Sefer h:asidim. Groups
sonal, program for the Pietist. In the process of defining his
tried to live in, but not with, the rest of the Jewish communi-
socioreligious understanding of the demands of Pietism, Ye-
ty while struggling to retain their fellowship and resist being
hudah focuses on Jews who were not Pietists and criticized
absorbed or even influenced by the nonpietistic majority.
communal leaders or rabbis who permitted or condoned so-
Not surprisingly, even this compromise form of sectarianism
cial abuses. He accuses them of ignoring justice and of taking
was short-lived, so much so that it left barely any trace out-
advantage of the poor.
side of Yehudah’s own writings.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
544
ASHKENAZIC HASIDISM
Although Jews resisted Yehudah’s radical program of
himself actually refers to a created aspect of God, the divine
forming a sectarian fellowship, they were able to remain Pi-
glory, or kavod.
etists as individuals thanks to ElEazar of Worm’s translation
Yehudah the Pietist maintained the distinction between
of Pietism back into a personalist idiom. In marked contrast
God’s oneness and a kavod, but he argued that the Kavod was
to the sectarian and political orientation of Sefer h:asidim,
itself a twofold emanation of God and not a created being.
ElEazar’s writings, like ShemuDel’s, are addressed to the indi-
In separate tracts, Yehudah discussed the implications for the
vidual Pietist or Jew, not to organized subgroups of Pietists
practical religious life of this theological distinction. Particu-
and their sages. There is not even a hint in ElEazar’s writings
larly at stake was the question as to which aspect of God the
that he thought of sages except as a failure. Thus unlike the
Pietist should concentrate on when he prays. Yehudah insist-
penitential in Sefer h:asidim, which was designed for the use
ed that the Pietist must think only of the upper, hidden
of the sage as confessor, ElEazar’s private penitentials enable
“face” of the glory, not of the lower “face,” which is revealed
sinners to learn by themselves which penances to undergo
in images to the prophets. To think of the latter would be
simply by reading the manual. He even tells his readers that
idolatry. Moreover, Yehudah wrote that the Pietists should
his manuals were necessary because Jews were too embar-
pray slowly, in a drawn out or deliberate style (be-meshekh),
rassed to approach another Jew and confess their sins to him.
in order to permit time to think about elaborately worked
By articulating a nonsectarian, personalist formulation
out word and number associations attached to the words of
of Pietism in the wake of Yehudah’s failed attempt to effect
the liturgy. Several versions of these mystical prayer com-
a social as well as personal religious revival, ElEazar was a con-
mentaries exist, although none has been published. Other
servative spokesman for a pre–Sefer h:asidim form of German-
parts of ElEazar’s Sodei razayyaD deal with manipulations of
Jewish Pietism. But ElEazar was himself resourceful in adapt-
the Hebrew alphabet and of the divine names to achieve
ing and salvaging the shared vision and values of the pietistic
mystical results, including the fabrication of a homunculus
ideal. He institutionalized it by incorporating it into his book
or go¯lem.
of German-Jewish customary law, Sefer ha-roqeah:. In so
One genre which expressed the Qalonimides’ theology
doing, ElEazar “normalized” an innovative expression of Ju-
about anthropomorphism did find its way not only into
daism by bringing it into the mainstream of rabbinic legal
print but even into the standard prayerbook. The Songs of
precedents. Ironically, the penances which Yehudah, a critic
Divine Oneness (shirei yih:ud) extol God himself as being be-
of the nonpietistic rabbinic and communal elite, devised for
yond any attributes. Complementing these prayers is the
new members of the pietistic fellowship, were later imple-
equally mystical Song of Divine Glory (shir ha-kavod), an in-
mented by rabbinic leaders themselves, thanks to ElEazar’s in-
tensely evocative expression of the Pietist’s yearning to see
cluding them in his book of religious law. ElEazar thus trans-
God’s glory, based on Exodus 33:18ff., Song of Songs 5:11ff.,
formed and preserved the values and many of the customs
and the Babylonian Talmud, Berakhot 7a.
first advanced by the Pietists and blended them into his com-
pendium of earlier German-Jewish tradition. This enabled
Apart from the library of esoteric, theological, and mys-
pietism to become a critical part of “ordinary” European
tical texts which can be ascribed with varying degrees of
Jewish piety throughout the succeeding centuries.
probability to ShemuDel, Yehudah, and ElEazar, other works
contain some divergent ideas and themes and have been as-
THEOLOGICAL AND MYSTICAL WORKS. Thanks to Yehu-
cribed to mainly anonymous subgroups. Of these writings,
dah’s stricture that authors should not mention their own
mention should be made of Sefer ha-h:ayyim (The book of
names in the books they write, there is no explicit internal
life) and Sefer ha-navon (The book of the discerning). Of the
evidence about Yehudah’s own writings. Nevertheless, it is
few known authors outside the Qalonimide circle and their
reasonably clear from early attributions and quotations that
descendants, the most fascinating is Elh:anan, son of Yaqar,
he wrote not only the major collection of pietistic thought,
who atypically knew Latin and made use of Christian works
Sefer h:asidim, but also several books of esoteric lore. Thus
in his esoteric commentaries and text in the late thirteenth
Joseph Dan has posited, with good reason, that Yehudah
century.
probably is the author of several still unpublished esoteric
works found, for example, in Oxford, Bodleian Library, He-
Although some of the esoteric writings associated with
brew Manuscript Oppenheim 540 (Neubauer no. 1567). In
German-Jewish thinkers consist of exegetical speculations
these writings, many of which ElEazar edited under the title
about God, many others deal with mystical experience and
Sodei razayya D (Esoteric secrets), Yehudah deals with the
practice and are derived from ancient Jewish mystical tradi-
problem of anthropomorphism in an original way. Although
tions. It is significant that the Qalonimides preserved, stud-
unaware of most of the medieval Jewish philosophical tradi-
ied, and elaborated much of the late ancient and early medi-
tion, which was being translated then from Arabic into He-
eval Palestinian and Babylonian mystical texts about the
brew, Yehudah did have a “paraphrased” version of the
divine chariot (merkavah), based on Ezekiel, chapters 1 and
tenth-century Jewish philosophical work by SaEadyah Gaon,
10, and on the ascent through the heavenly palaces (heikha-
Emunot ve-de Eot (The book of beliefs and opinions). There
lot). Their writings about manipulating the divine name in
SaEadyah posits that God is one and that all concrete imagery
the form of permutations of the Hebrew alphabet to achieve
in the Bible and rabbinic lore which seems to refer to God
mystical and magical goals, decidedly influenced later Jewish
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASHRAM
545
mysticism in Spain. Thus, their mystical and esoteric writ-
teacher; a householder (gr:hastha) with obligations to family,
ings and their expression of ascetic Pietism contributed to the
priests, and deities; a hermit (vanaprastha) who, with or
Jewish mystical tradition and, more generally, to the distinc-
without his wife, retreats from material concerns; and finally
tive fabric of traditional Jewish piety.
a renouncer (sannyasin) who forsakes all possessions in order
to contemplate the eternal and, like the hermit, pursue moks:a
BIBLIOGRAPHY
(spiritual liberation).
The most comprehensive treatment of the pietistic movement and
A clear delineation of this four-fold system can be traced
its worldview is my book Piety and Society: The Jewish Pietists
to the Upanis:ads (cf. Ja¯ba¯la Upanis:ad 4), which are believed
of Medieval Germany (Leiden, 1981). Important, stimulat-
ing, and profound earlier studies are Yitzhak F. Baer’s “Ha-
to have been composed by r:s:is (seers) in forest hermitages
megamah ha-datit ha-h:ervratt shel ‘Sefer h:asidim,’” Zion 3
that were likewise called ashrams. The latter became places
(1937): 1–50 and Haym Soloveitchik’s “Three Themes in
where young students and older seekers would come to “sit
the Sefer H:asidim,” AJS Review 1 (1976): 311–357.
down near” (upa-ni-s:ad) a respected teacher (guru¯) who
Concerning the Pietists’ esoteric doctrines, the best study is Joseph
would serve as their spiritual guide. Because the ancient
Dan’s Torat ha-sod shel h:asidut Ashkenaz (Jerusalem, 1968).
Hindu teacher insisted on oral transmission, the guru¯-´sis:ya
Gershom Scholem expressed his views on this subject in the
(teacher-disciple) relationship became central. Ashram life
chapter “Hasidism in Medieval Germany” in his book Major
was simple and no distinctions were made between rich and
Trends in Jewish Mysticism (1941; reprint, New York, 1961),
poor or between castes. It seems, however, that only boys
pp. 79–118. An important essay on the Pietists’ innovative
were sent to study outside the home, and thus the ashramic
prayer commentary is Joseph Dan’s “The Emergence of
system of education contributed to a gap in learning between
Mystical Prayer,” in Studies in Jewish Mysticism, edited by Jo-
the sexes. Besides study, students would perform chores for
seph Dan and Frank Talmage (Cambridge, Mass., 1982),
their guru¯, including begging for alms from wealthy resi-
pp. 85–120.
dents. It was common for rulers and other wealthy individu-
New Sources
als to support the establishment of these educational centers.
Alexander, Tamar. “Dream Narratives in ‘Sefer Hasidim.’” Tru-
mah 12 (2002): 65–78.
“Graduation” was marked by social expectations as well
as a ceremonial bath. In the Taittir¯ıya Upanis:ad (1:11:1) we
Chazan, Robert. “The Early Development of Hasidut Ashkenaz.”
read that, upon completing their initial brahmacarya stage of
JQR 75 (1985): 199–211.
learning, students were exhorted by their teachers to “speak
Dan, Joseph. Hasidut ashkenaz be-toldot ha-mahashavah ha-
the truth,” “practice virtue (dharma),” and not neglect their
yehudit (Ashkenazi Hasidism in the History of the Jewish
studies or obligations to teachers, gods, and ancestors.
Thought). Tel-Aviv, 1991.
Dan, Joseph. Jewish Mysticism and Jewish Ethics. 2d ed. Seattle,
Over the centuries, ashrams became centers of pilgrim-
1986; Northvale, N.J., 1996.
age, as people were drawn to one guru¯ or another, and to
their legacies. As the spiritual magnetism of these guru¯s came
Fishman, Talya.“The Penitential System of Hasidei Ashkenaz and
the Problem of Cultural Boundaries.” JJTP 8 (1999):
to attract Jains and Buddhists as well as Hindus, the forest
201–229.
retreats gradually lost their sectarian character.
Kanarfogel, Ephraim. Jewish Education and Society in the High
REVIVAL OF HINDU ASHRAMS IN MODERN INDIA. Revival
Middle Ages. Detroit, 1992.
of the ashram mode of life in the early twentieth century can
be attributed to neo-Hindu movements and, more specifical-
Soloveitchik, Haym. “Piety, Pietism and German Pietism: ‘Sefer
Hasidim I’ and the Influence of ‘Hasidei Ashkenaz.’” Jewish
ly, to Hindu Reformers like Narendranath Datta, known as
Quarterly Review 92 (2002): 455–493.
Vivekananda (1863–1902), Rabindranath Tagore (1861–
1941), Mahatma Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869–
IVAN G. MARCUS (1987)
1948), Sri Aurobindo Ghose (1872–1950) and his disciple
Revised Bibliography
Mira Richard, known as “the Mother” (d. 1973), and
S´iva¯nanda (1887–1963).
Each of these early reformers was open to the West but,
ASHOKA SEE AS´OKA
as Indian nationalists, they were also critical of British colo-
nialism and Christianity’s apparent link to it. They selected
aspects of Western Christian ideas and culture that could be
incorporated into the religious and philosophical traditions
ASHRAM. The term ashram or a¯s’rama is derived from
being retrieved from ancient Hinduism. This blending gave
the Sanskrit root ´sram, meaning “intense exertion.” It refers
rise to creative institutions that identified themselves with
to both the mode of life associated with religious striving and
one or more of the three traditional spiritual paths or ma¯rgas,
the abode of those so engaged.
namely the path of selfless action and social service
As a mode or way of life specified for twice-born Hindus
(karma-ma¯rga); the path of ritual and devotional practices
(usually male), the ashramic ideal set forth four stages of de-
(bhakti-ma¯rga); and the path stressing contemplative union
velopment: being a student (brahmaca¯rin) devoted to one’s
with God (jña¯na-ma¯rga).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
546
ASHRAM
This modern ashram movement attracted support and
unity. Both here and at the nearby Seva¯gra¯m Ashram, follow-
followers from the West as well as the East and, in this way,
ers lived according to the eleven principles formulated by
it provided an ecumenical model of spiritual renewal, in ad-
Gandhi. These included five observances drawn from the
dition to advancing the cause of nationalism by stressing In-
moral prerequisites set down in Patañjali’s Yoga Su¯tra:
dian identity, advocating independence in political and eco-
ahim:sa¯ (nonviolence and love), satya (truth-seeking), asteya
nomic life, and countering claims of Western superiority.
(simple living), aparigraha (minimizing possessions), and
brahmacarya (celibacy). The six additional observances called
One of the earliest and most enduring manifestations
for sharir ashram (manual labor), asva¯da (restricted con-
of the renewal of ashram life can be seen in the Ramakrishna
sumption), sarva bhaya barjana (fearlessness born of taking
Mission and Ramakrishna Order founded in Calcutta by
refuge in the Lord), swadeshi (solidarity with one’s country,
Vivekananda in 1897 and 1899 respectively. Named after
especially its poorest inhabitants), sarvadharma samatva (a re-
Vivekananda’s guru¯, Ramakrishna, who died in 1886, this
spect for all religious traditions), and sparsha bha¯va (rejection
mission was the first to be successful in the West. Today it
of untouchability).
has more than eighty centers in India and some twenty others
abroad dedicated to education, social welfare, and the spread
The largest, most organized, and most commercialized
of Upanis:adic thought. The order combines the Hindu tra-
of the modern ashrams is the Aurobindo Ashram located in
dition of renunciation (sam:nya¯sa) and selfless service (karma
Pondicherry, Tamil Nadu. Established in 1926, this spiritual
yoga) with Christian models of organized monastic life. In
retreat has some 2,000 members, many from the West, and
1954 a separate, independent women’s branch named after
is dedicated to the integration of the jña¯na and karma
Ramakrishna’s wife, S´r¯ı S´a¯rada¯ Dev¯ı, was opened.
ma¯rgas. Its goal has been to develop an “Integral Yoga” that
will allow Hindu spirituality to engage the contemporary
While the early period of the Ramakrishna movement
world and its ideas. Prior to his death in 1950, Aurobindo
follows the classic pattern of disciples gathering around a
transferred his authority to a disciple known as “the Moth-
charismatic figure, later developments exemplify the way in
er.” Under her leadership the ashram expanded and, to this
which movements become institutionalized and routinized,
day, she is the one who is regarded as its dominant symbolic
such that loyalty once focused on a guru¯ is redirected to the
guru¯.
organization itself.
Swami S´iva¯nanda, founder of the S´iva¯nanda Ashram
S´a¯ntiniketan (Abode of Peace) Ashram, originally
(1932), served his nation in several ways. Besides supporting
founded in 1863 by Devendranath Tagore in a rural part of
social service programs, his creation of the Divine Life Soci-
Bengal, was refounded in 1901 by his son, Rabindranath Ta-
ety enabled him to gain a following for Vedantic teachings
gore. This ashram provided a setting for the blending togeth-
at home and abroad. His ashram, with its commitment to
er of Indian and Western traditions and values, a cross-
contemplation and its openness to seekers of all faiths, had
pollination that led to the restoration of the tradition of dis-
a significant influence on the Catholic ashram movement,
ciples living with their teachers, a rejection of caste
which was likewise driven by nationalist and anticolonial
distinctions, and the development of a communal life-style
sentiments.
lived in harmony with nature. Today, what remains of Ta-
gore’s project is attached to Vi´sva Bha¯rata University.
THE CHRISTIAN ASHRAM MOVEMENT. If the neo-Hindu re-
form movement involved in reviving ashram life can be seen
In 1915 Mahatma Gandhi initiated the Satya¯graha
as a creative response to the challenges posed by both British
(Truth-force) Ashram near Ahmedabad, Gujarat. It was
colonialism and Western Christian imperialism, the Chris-
moved three years later to Sabarmati. For Gandhi, it was es-
tian ashram movement should be seen as a creative response,
sential that political and economic progress be rooted in reli-
by some Indian Christians and foreign missionaries living in
gion, which he understood as a liberating force of truth and
India, to challenges posed by existing forms of institutional
love. These ashrams were envisioned as training centers for
Christianity that tended to alienate their followers from the
persons of all classes, castes, and creeds who were committed
rich cultural heritage of India. In other words, Christian ash-
to personal and national liberation. To make them accessi-
ram movements were the products of a new religious con-
ble, he had situated them in the midst of towns and villages
sciousness that recognized the colonial structures embedded
rather than in forests. He sought to combine the three ma¯rgas
in Christian institutions and responded by creating commu-
and drew on both popular and Vedantic expressions of the
nal spaces where more authentic indigenous expressions of
Hindu tradition. A second ashram, Seva¯gra¯m, was estab-
the faith could be developed.
lished near Wardha in Maharashtra under the guidance of
Protestant Christians took the lead in this move to in-
Vinoba Bhave (1895–1982), who was especially concerned
digenize and inculturate Christianity. At a meeting of the
with advancing women’s liberation.
National Missionary Society in 1912, Charles F. Andrews,
Later, in 1959, Vinoba established the Brahma¯ Vidya¯
a Christian minister who collaborated with Gandhi, put
Mandir Ashram, also near Wardha, for women disciples,
forth a proposal to establish ashrams to accomplish evangeli-
who were responsible for its day to day running. Its raison
cal and social goals. In 1921 Savarirayan Jesudason and E.
d’être was to empower women in the service of national
Forrester Paton established the first major Christian ashram,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASHRAM
547
named Christukula, in Tirupppatur, Tamil Nadu. The
Ram Goel’s work Catholic Ashrams: Sannyasins or Swindlers?,
founders of this and other Protestant retreats drew their in-
published in 1995, exemplifies this response.
spiration from Hindu reformers like Gandhi, who is known
In the decades following Vatican II, a noticeable shift
to have stayed at Christukula. Protestant centers borrowed
occurred. Ashram pioneers like Ignatius Hirudayam, SJ, in
from the bhakti tradition, taking from it its melodies, instru-
Madras, Sisters Vandana Mataji and Sara Grant in Pune, and
ments, vernacular phrasing, and democratic outreach to all
Bede Griffiths, OSB, who took over leadership of
castes. Gandhi-like, they emphasized social work, education,
Sha¯ntiva¯nam, stressed the ecumenical dimension of their
and health programs and took clear stands against colonial-
communities. Their goal was to create a prayerful climate
ism. In the late 1940s, after independence, an Inter-Ashram
where “otherness” was valued and where participants in in-
Fellowship was formed.
terfaith encounters and collaborations would be mutually
challenged and enriched.
Although it is not usually recognized as such, the Betha-
ny Ashram, founded by Orthodox Syrians, was in fact the
MARKS OF TRUE ASHRAMS: A CONSENSUS. As the ashram
first Christian ashram to be established. It was founded in
movement of Hindus and Christians enters into the twenty-
1918 in what is now Kerala with the goal of drawing on the
first century, a consensus seems to have emerged regarding
traditions of bhakti yoga and jña¯na yoga in order to revitalize
the requirements of genuine ashrams, that they be open to
Orthodox Syrian spirituality in a way that would reflect its
people of all creeds, castes, cultures, and countries; include
ties to Indian culture and the goals of nationalism. Today the
women, whether in separated or mixed communities; address
Orthodox Syrian Church has a number of autonomous celi-
social inequalities; be responsive to the needs of those who
bate communities with monks wearing the ochre-colored
do not belong to the ashram’s denomination or sect; chal-
(kavi-colored) robes of Hindu renunciates and following a
lenge such divisive elements as communalism, fanaticism,
vegetarian diet, but because little else remains of Hindu
and fundamentalism; protect the environment; treasure the
forms, the term ashram seems to be nominal.
pluriform spiritual heritage of India; and contribute to na-
tional integration.
Among Catholics, a proposal to combine Christian mo-
nastic practice with elements of Hindu ashram life was made
SEE ALSO Aurobindo Ghose; Gandhi, Mohandas; Guru¯;
as early as 1891 by a brahman Bengali convert, but it was
Hinduism; Ramakrishna; Sa¯dhus and Sa¯dhv¯ıs; Sam:nya¯sa;
S´a¯rada¯ Dev¯ı; Tagore, Rabindranath; Vivekananda.
met with incomprehension. It was not until the time of the
Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) that the seeds of in-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
culturation were sown and institutional support for a Catho-
Amaladoss, Michael. “Ashrams and Social Justice.” Word and
lic ashram movement was made available by the Catholic
Worship 15 (1982): 205–214.
Bishops Conference of India. That said, the need for Catho-
Dhavamony, Mariasusai. “Monasticism: Hindu and Christian.”
lic ashrams had already been anticipated by two individuals:
Bulletin Secretarius pro non Christianis 37, no. 131 (1978):
a French diocesan priest named Jules Monchanin and Henri
40–53.
le Saux, a French Benedictine who took the name
Gandhi, M. K. An Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments
Abhishikta¯nanda. Together they formed the first Catholic
with Truth. Translated by Mahadev Desai. London, 1949.
retreat center, Saccida¯nanda Ashram, also known as
Griffiths, Bede. Christian Ashram: Essays towards a Hindu-
Sha¯ntiva¯nam (Forest of Peace), in 1950. Although Europe-
Christian Dialogue. London, 1966.
ans, these pioneers were steeped in Hindu spirituality and
Hallstrom, Lisa Lassell. Mother of Bliss: A¯nandamay¯ı Ma¯ (1896–
they were committed to an Indianization of Christianity in
1982). Oxford, 1999.
order to Christianize Indians.
Jesudason, Savarirayan. Ashrams, Ancient and Modern: Their Aims
and Ideals. Vellore, India, 1937.
In Sha¯ntiva¯nam, inculturation led nuns and monks to
Kane, Pandurang Vaman. History of Dharma Sastra: Ancient and
adopt the kavi-colored robes of Hindu renunciates and to use
Medieval Religious and Civil Law. Vol. 2, part 1. Pune, India,
Sanskritic names. New residents are welcomed with d¯ıks:a¯,
1941.
a ritual of initiation, practice yoga, and follow a vegetarian
Mataji, Vandana. Christian Ashrams: A Movement with a Future?
diet. The chapel is built like a typical South Indian temple,
Delhi, 1993.
an OM is inscribed over the entrance to the sanctuary and
Miller, David M., and Dorothy C. Wertz. Hindu Monastic Life:
its altar has the shape of an inverted lotus. During the liturgy
The Monks and Monasteries of Bhubarneswar. New Delhi,
verses, from the Upanis:ads and the bible are read. Atop a
1996.
gopuram (“tower”) are statues of Paul, Mary, and Benedict,
Olivelle, Patrick. The Asrama System: The History and Hermeneu-
carved in poses reminiscent of Hindu temple mu¯rtis (images)
tics of a Religious Institution. Oxford and New York, 1993.
and Jesus is regarded the Sat (true) guru¯.
Ralston, Helen. Christian Ashrams: A New Religious Movement in
Contemporary India. Lewiston, N.Y., 1987. Provides an in-
It should be noted that such attempts at inculturation
sightful survey of Hindu and Christian ashrams.
were met with suspicion and criticism by many in the Hindu
Selva, Raj J. “Adapting Hindu Imagery: A Critical Look at Ritual
community who regarded the linking of evangelization and
Experiments in an Indian Catholic Ashram.” Journal of Ecu-
Indianization as a stealth form of Christian imperialism. S¯ıta
menical Studies 37, nos. 3–4 (Summer/Fall 2000): 333–351.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
548
ASHTART
Vandana. Gurus, Ashrams, and Christians. Madras, India, 1978.
BCE)—to the nomination of the king and of his dynasty by
Williams, George M. “The Ramakrishna Movement: A Study in
the god. Times were mature for a turning point, and under
Religious Change.” In Religion in Modern India, edited by
Tukulti-Ninurta I (1243–1207 BCE) Ashur was identified
Robert D. Baird, pp. 55–79. New Delhi, 1981.
with the Sumerian-Babylonian king of the gods, Enlil, and
even his wife, Ninlil, was considered to be the wife of Ashur
JUDITH G. MARTIN (2005)
(Ninlil was called Mullissu in Assyria) and the city of Ashur
became the holy center of Assyria, just as the city of Nip-
pur—the see of Enlil—was for Babylonia. Ashur was there-
ASHTART SEE ASTARTE
fore the indisputable king of the gods and the only god tied
to a people by means of such a significant linkage. Due to
this exclusive linkage, the Assyrian people believed they were
ASHUR
invested with the mission to conquer the world, and they
was the national god of Assyria; his name is that
thus considered themselves almost an elected people.
of the city-state of Ashur (or Assur). The characteristics of
this god are very different from those of the other divinities
ASHUR AND THE SARGONIDS. A further phase of the god
of the Sumerian-Akkadian pantheon. There is some specula-
Ashur’s history took place under the Sargonids who wanted
tion that Ashur was formerly recorded in a list of divine
him to overcome Marduk, the city-god of Babylon, when the
names of the middle of the third millennium
latter replaced Enlil as king of the gods. The usurper Sargon
BCE (Mander,
1986, p. 69). However, in the earliest confirmed documents
II (founder of the Sargonids; r. 721–705 BCE) developed the
(twentieth to nineteenth centuries
theology of Ashur in order to attribute to him an omnipoten-
BCE), it is the god who ap-
pears as the real lord of his city, whereas the Assyrian sover-
tia divina, thus designating him as the divine power from
eign was nothing more than Ashur’s chief priest and manager
which both men and gods depended (both having been cre-
of the city on his behalf. The god Ashur personifies the hom-
ated from that power). To that aim Sargon II introduced the
onymous city (similar conditions are documented in High
identification of Ashur with An-shar. An-shar was a primor-
Mesopotamia, Syria, Anatolia, and the Diyala region, but are
dial god mentioned in Enuma elish, the poem of Marduk’s
neither so frequent nor so relevant) as a possible expression
exaltation to the lordship over the gods and the universe,
of the holiness of the place near present-day Shirqat, where
probably composed around the eleventh century BCE. In it,
an imposing spur was the spot of the ancient city (it is to be
An-shar plays the role of progenitor of the gods having just
remarked that the praises that were addressed to the towns
issued from the fresh and salted waters (Apsu and Tiamat,
or temples of the gods in southern Mesopotamia were in-
respectively) when the cosmic gate of the universe was gener-
tended as allusions to the “glory” of the god who there mani-
ated (cf. W. G. Lambert, “The Pair Lahmu-Lahamu in Cos-
fested himself: a completely different phenomenon). This
mology,” Orientalia 54 (1985), pp. 189–201). This identifi-
peculiar origin is probably the reason for his marked differ-
cation made the god’s generational preeminence possible:
ence with the other gods of the Mesopotamian pantheon.
Ashur/An-shar was the first-born among all the gods (and
Ashur lacks family relations, no epithet is attributed to him,
therefore was their principle); he was Marduk’s ancestor,
nor does he show clear connections with the world of the cos-
being indeed three generations older. Marduk was Ea’s son
mic natural powers. He is praised in no hymns, nor is he ever
and An’s grandson, the latter having been generated by An-
engaged in incantations, and no mythological poem about
shar. An-shar was mentioned in texts before the Enuma elish
him is known. His images are not anthropomorphic but only
was composed (it is one of the earliest elements that were ab-
symbolic icons.
sorbed and refashioned in the poem)—his name is found in
the earliest Mesopotamian tradition in lists of primeval gods,
TRANSFORMATION OF ASHUR. From the beginning of the
and one of these lists is that of Enlil’s ancestors. The identifi-
second millennium BCE, however, Ashur began to transform
cation with An-shar was therefore an extraordinary success
from a numen loci (divine presence of the place) into a deus
and meant the acquisition of a position of absolute priority
persona (god person). The first step in this gradual passage
for a god like Ashur, who was not even included in the main
was the combining of the god Ashur with the weather-god
Mesopotamian religious tradition, which did not include
Adad (fifteenth century BCE), an evident resonance of the
him in its pantheon.
Syrian tradition in which El and Baal were the divinities at
the head of the pantheon. Even the position of the king in
Sargon II’s son, Sennacherib (r. 704–681 BCE), further
respect to the god slowly changed. Shamshi-Adad I (1812–
developed this theology by combining it with basic elements
1780 BCE), a usurper who led the first moment of the Assyri-
of the Sumerian-Babylonian religious thought, which he
an expansion assumed the title of “king.” However, it was
conveniently adopted. His struggle against Babylon eventu-
not until the time of Adad-nirari I (1305–1274 BCE) that the
ally led him to destroy that city in 689 BCE, a policy mirror-
god ordered his king to undertake wars of conquest, an er-
ing his theological reform intended to nullify Marduk by re-
rand that the above-mentioned sovereign strove at his utmost
placing him with Ashur. The king went even further with
to accomplish, thus beginning the second moment of the As-
the elimination from worship in Assyria of the cults of the
syrian expansionism. The process of strengthening the mon-
South (even that of the very important son of Marduk,
archy led—under his successor Salmanassar I (1273–1244
Nabû). In this context, by increasing An-shar’s characteris-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
EA¯SHU¯RA¯D
549
tics, the god Ashur becomes deus summus omnipotens and cre-
is, however, to be included in this class) but rather of a theol-
ator absolutus. From these attributes it consequently resulted
ogy of the Supreme Being.
that he alone could determine the destinies of the universe
and—this is particularly crucial to the understanding of his
SEE ALSO Akitu; Enuma Elish; Marduk.
position—that he was “the creator of himself,” as an Assyrian
text states.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Assmann, Jan. Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of Egypt in Western
In this context the akitu ceremony was moved to the
Monotheism. Cambridge, Mass., 1997. See chapter 2.
city of Ashur. When performing the ceremony, the god
Fales, Frederick Mario. L’impero assiro. Rome and Bari, 2001.
Ashur was seen to fight against Tiamat, a deed that Marduk
Lambert, W. G. “The Historical Development of the Mesopota-
accomplished in Enuma elish. This overlapping is not to be
mian Pantheon: A Study in Sophisticated Polytheism.” In
considered as a merely outrageous behavior but rather as a
Unity and Diversity, edited by H. Goedicke and J. J. M. Rob-
traditional theological explanation of defeat. Babylon had
erts, pp. 191–200. Baltimore and London, 1975.
been destroyed because Marduk had abandoned it as a direct
Lambert, W. G. “The God Ashshur.” Iraq 45 (1983): 82–86.
consequence of its presumed impious acts. The son and suc-
cessor of Sennacherib, Esarhaddon (r. 680–669
Livingstone, A. “Assur.” In Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the
BCE), explic-
Bible, edited by K. van der Toorn et al., pp. 108–109. Lei-
itly mentioned this concept when, in inverting the course of
den, Boston, and Cologne, 1999.
his father’s policy, he rebuilt Babylon and reestablished the
cults in the restored temples. In any case, he by no means
Mander, Pietro. Il pantheon di Abu-Salabikh. Naples, 1986.
repudiated his predecessors theology of Ashur.
Mayer, W. “Der Gott Assur und die Erben Assyriens.” In Religion
und Gesellschaft, edited by Rainer Albertz and Susanne Otto,
Simo Parpola has presented a theory of the monotheism
pp. 15–23. Münster, 1997.
of Ashur: it was a reality limited to an elite and not to the
Parpola, Simo. “Monotheism in Ancient Assyria.” In One God or
whole population. Ashur, as “metaphysical universe of light,
Many? Concepts of Divinity in the Ancient World, edited by
goodness, wisdom and eternal life” (2000, pp. 165–209) was
Barbara N. Porter, pp. 165–209. Chebeague, Maine, 2000.
considered to be the “intermediate entity between existence
Pettazzoni, Raffaele. L’Essere Supremo nelle religioni primitive.
and non-existence” (with reference to the creative nonexis-
Turin, 1957.
tence). The gods were hypostasis of his almightiness, of the
Tallqvist, Knud Leonard. Der assyrische Gott. Helsinki, 1932.
“powers and attributes of God” (i.e., Ashur). Parpola com-
pares them to the Jewish and Christian archangels; he recalls
Vera Chamaza, G. W. Die Omnipotenz Ashshur’s. Münster, 2002.
furthermore the Elohim in the Bible (a possible Assyrian in-
TIKVA FRYMER-KENSKY (1987)
fluence) as the designation of a transcendent god. To support
PIETRO MANDER (2005)
his thesis, Parpola quoted not only textual and iconographic
data, but also onomastic data—for example, the personal
names Gabbbu-ilani-Ashur, which means “Ashur is all the
EA¯SHU¯RA¯D is the tenth day of Muh:arram, the first month
gods”; Ilani-aha-iddina (= “God [literally: the gods] gave
of the Muslim calendar. Its general significance as a fast day
[singular] a brother”); and that of King Esarhaddon (the As-
for Muslims derives from the rites of the Jewish Yom Kippur
syrian form of which is Ashur-aha-iddina, “Ashur gave a
(Day of Atonement). The Arabic term Ea¯shu¯ra¯D is based on
brother”). Analogous forms are well known, which were de-
the Hebrew word Easor with the Aramaic determinative
fined, if not as “monotheism,” at least as “sophisticated poly-
ending.
theism.” In some texts the gods were denoted as particular
aspects of Marduk (Lambert, 1975). The image of Ashur, es-
Scholars are not agreed as to the exact day on which
pecially as he is outlined in the Sargonid period, is very close
EA¯shu¯ra¯D was observed in early Islam. Early h:ad¯ıth tradition
to this theology of Marduk. In the ancient Near East a form
seems to indicate that the day possessed special sanctity in
of monotheism had formerly appeared: it was the reform of
Arab society even before Islam. Thus the Jewish rite, which
the god Aton, which the pharaoh Ekhnaton had wanted in
the Prophet observed in Medina in 622 CE, only helped an
the fourteenth century BCE (Assmann, 1997). Raffaele Pet-
already established Arab tradition to acquire religious con-
tazzoni, in his L’Essere Supremo nelle religioni primitive
tent and hence greater prestige. The Jewish character was
(1957, pp. 156–162) warned researchers to start from known
soon obscured, however, through its incorporation into the
elements in order to disclose unknown ones—and the
Muslim calendar and its observance as a Muslim fast day.
known elements are the historical monotheisms. Now all of
With the institution of the fast of Ramadan in the second
them are seen to share common features: a prophet or re-
year of the Hijrah, EA¯shu¯ra¯D became a voluntary fast.
former preaching a new religion that is precisely monotheis-
THE MARTYRDOM OF H:USAYN. For over thirteen centuries
tic and that considers omnes dii gentium daemonia (all the
the Sh¯ıE¯ı community has observed the day of EA¯shu¯ra¯D as a
Gentile gods are demons). Such a revolution is not recorded
day of mourning. On the tenth of Muh:arram 61 AH (Octo-
in Assyria, so—assuming Pettazzoni’s nomenclature—one
ber 10, 680) H:usayn ibn EAl¯ı, the grandson of the Prophet
cannot speak of a monotheism in Assyria (the case of Aton
and third imam of the Sh¯ıE¯ı Muslims, fell in battle on the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
550
ASKLEPIOS
plain of Karbala, a small town on the banks of the Euphrates
public mourning in Baghdad. Processions filled the streets,
in Iraq. MuEa¯wiyah, the first Ummayad caliph, had died in
markets were closed, and shops were draped in black. Special
the spring of the same year and was succeeded by his son
edifices called h:usayn¯ıya¯t were built to house the EA¯shu¯ra¯D
Yaz¯ıd. This hereditary appointment met with strong opposi-
celebrations. By the end of the third century AH such build-
tion in many quarters of the Muslim community, which was
ings were common in Cairo, Aleppo, and many Iranian
already torn by conflict and dissension. Among the dissent-
cities.
ing groups was the party (sh¯ı Eah) of EAl¯ı.
The greatest impetus for the development of the
The events leading to H:usayn’s death, which were sub-
EA¯shu¯ra¯D celebration as a popular religious and artistic phe-
sequently elaborated and greatly embellished, helped to
nomenon came with the rise of the Safavid dynasty in Iran
heighten the drama of suffering and martyrdom. With his
in 1501. The Safavids adopted Shiism as Iran’s state religion
family and a small following, H:usayn encamped in Karbala
and worked tirelessly to consolidate and propagate it. It was
on the second day of Muh:arram. During the week of his
during their rule that the literary genre known as ta Eziyah
fruitless negotiations with EUmar ibn SaEd, the Iraqi gover-
(passion play) was highly developed and popularized. From
nor’s representative, H:usayn and his family were denied ac-
Iran the EA¯shu¯ra¯D celebration spread first to the Indian sub-
cess to the Euphrates. The thirst of the women and children
continent and from there to other areas influenced by Irani-
and their pathetic entreaties for water provided one of the
an language and culture.
major themes of suffering and heroism for the drama of Kar-
Some scholars have postulated a direct relation between
bala. In the fateful battle between H:usayn’s small band of
the EA¯shu¯ra¯D celebration and the ancient rites of Tammuz
less than one hundred and the four-thousand strong army
and Adonis, but the extent of such influence can never be
of EUbayd Alla¯h ibn Ziya¯d, governor of Iraq, H:usayn and
determined. The fact that H:usayn died on the very spot
nearly all his followers fell. The women and children were
where they were observed may simply be a historical coinci-
carried captive first to EUbayd Alla¯h ibn Ziya¯d in Kufa, and
dence, and it is perhaps more plausible that parallels between
from there to Damascus, where Yaz¯ıd received them kindly
these two phenomena are due to human psychology and the
and at their own request sent them back to Medina.
E
need to express strong emotions through a common form of
A¯SHU
¯ RA¯D IN SH¯IE¯I PIETY. The death of H:usayn produced an
myth and ritual.
immediate reaction in the Muslim community, especially in
Iraq. It is reported in al-Majlis¯ı’s Bih:a¯r al-anwa¯r (vol. 45,
SEE ALSO TaEziyah.
pp. 108–115) that when the people of Kufa saw the head of
the martyred imam and the pitiful state of the captives they
BIBLIOGRAPHY
began to beat their breasts in remorse for their betrayal of the
My Redemptive Suffering in Islam: A Study of the Devotional Aspects
grandson of the Prophet and son and heir of EAl¯ı. This reac-
of EA¯shu¯ra¯ D in Twelver Sh¯ı Eism (The Hague, 1978) is the
tion produced an important movement known as
most comprehensive work to date in English dealing with the
al-Tawwa¯b¯ın (the Repenters), which nurtured a spirit of re-
rise and meaning of the EA¯shu¯ra¯D cult and its earliest written
venge for the blood of H:usayn and provided fertile soil for
sources. Gustave E. von Grunebaum’s Muhammadan Festi-
the new EA¯shu¯ra¯D cult. EAl¯ı Zayn al-EA¯bid¯ın, the only surviv-
vals (New York, 1951) discusses EA¯shu¯ra¯D in the context of
ing son of H:usayn, was proclaimed fourth imam by a large
other Muslim festivals. Charles Virolleaud’s Le théâtre persan,
segment of the Sh¯ıE¯ı community. His house in Medina and
ou Le drame de Kerbéla (Paris, 1950) provides a comprehen-
those of subsequent imams became important centers for the
sive study of the EA¯shu¯ra¯D celebrations and the passion plays
growth of the EA¯shu¯ra¯D celebration, where commemorative
associated with them.
services (maja¯lis al- Eaza¯D) were held. At first, these consisted
MAHMOUD M. AYOUB (1987)
of recounting the tragedy of Karbala and reflecting on its
meaning and reciting elegies (mara¯th¯ı) in memory of the
martyred imam. Soon, the shrines of the imams became im-
portant places of pilgrimage (ziya¯rah), where the pious con-
ASKLEPIOS, also known as Asklapios (Gr.) and Aescu-
tinue to this day to hold their memorial services.
lapius (Lat.), was the ancient Greek god of healing. The ety-
mology of the name Asklepios is uncertain, but it may derive
During Ummayad rule (680–750) the EA¯shu¯ra¯D cult
from ¯epiot¯es, meaning “gentleness.”
grew in secret. But under the Abbasids (750–1258), who
ORIGIN OF THE CULT. Asklepios’s cult seems to have origi-
came to power on the wave of pro-Alid revolts, it was encour-
nated at Tricca (modern Trikkala in Thessaly), where he
aged, and by the beginning of the fourth century AH (tenth
must have been consulted as a h¯ero¯s iatros (“hero physician”).
century CE) public commemorations were marked by a pro-
Though excavated, his site there has yielded no further infor-
fessional mourner (na¯ Dih:), who chanted elegies and led the
mation about his cult. From Tricca, Asklepios traveled in the
faithful in the dirge for the martyred imam and his followers.
form of a baby in swaddling clothes to Titane on the Pelo-
In 962, under the patronage of the Buyids (an Iranian
ponnese. His fame as a healer grew, and he came to settle at
dynasty with deep Sh¯ıE¯ı sympathies that held power in Iraq
nearby Epidaurus. There he ranked already as a god and was
and Iran from 932 to 1055), EA¯shu¯ra¯D was declared a day of
recognized by the state cult (as was also the case later in Kos,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASKLEPIOS
551
Athens, Rome, and Pergamum). Epidaurus maintained the
er than warm or mineral baths, the Asklepieia never degener-
cult and the rites associated with it; furthermore, the city
ated into mere spas for pleasure.
founded numerous sanctuaries elsewhere that were dedicated
The preferred sacrificial animal was the cock, as wit-
to the god. Two hundred are known to have existed through-
nessed by Plato (Phaedo 118a), who tells how Socrates, hav-
out the Greco-Roman world. Migrations of the cult were al-
ing taken his lethal drink, asks his friends to offer a cock to
ways effected by transporting one of Asklepios’s sacred
Asklepios for having cured him of the sickness of life. The
snakes from the sanctuary in Epidaurus. The snake was the
patient reported his dreams to the priest and, as soon as he
god in his theriomorphic manifestation, for Asklepios was an
had a propitious dream, was taken the following night to the
essentially chthonic deity (one having origins in the earth),
abaton (or aduton), that is, to the “place forbidden to the ‘un-
as his epithets “snake” and “dog” amply testify. The snake
bidden’ ones.” There the patient had to lie on a cot, or klin¯e
embodies the capacity for renewal of life and rebirth in
(from which our word clinic derives), in order to await the
health, whereas the dog, with its reliable instinct for follow-
healing experience, which came either during sleep or while
ing a scent, represents a healthy invulnerability to both illu-
he was yet awake from excitement, in other words, by means
sion and sham. Asklepios probably inherited his dog aspect
of a dream or a vision. During this night the patient nearly
from his father Apollo Kunegetes (“patron of dogs”).
always had a decisive dream; called the enupnion enarges
MYTHOLOGY. Asklepios was apparently more successful than
(“effective dream”), it was considered to constitute the cure.
other mortal healers such as Amphiaraos or Trophonios.
Indeed, a patient not healed at this time was deemed incur-
Nevertheless, knowledge about these two figures is invalu-
able. A small offering of thanksgiving was required at this
able in our reconstruction of the cult of Asklepios. After
point; should the patient forget, the god would surely send
proving himself a healer of extraordinary success, serving for
a relapse.
instance as genius loci (“guardian spirit”) at the oracle of Tric-
ca and curing the most hopeless illnesses, Asklepios went so
We learn a great deal more about the god Asklepios
far as to resurrect the dead, a display of pride or hubris that
through the records (iamata) of the healing dreams them-
greatly angered Zeus. Zeus then cast a thunderbolt at the
selves. If the god manifested himself, he appeared as a tall,
physician, but instead of killing him, the shock rendered him
bearded man with a white cloak (much like the modern phy-
immortal by way of apotheosis.
sician) and a serpent staff (the emblem of the healer even
today), possibly accompanied by a dog. He was often accom-
The history of the divine Asklepios is found in both Pin-
panied as well by his wife or daughters: Hygieia (“health,”
dar’s Pythian Ode and Ovid’s Metamorphoses 11, in which the
whence our word hygiene), Panakeia (“panacea”), Iaso
mortal woman Coronis becomes pregnant with Asklepios,
(“healing”), and Epione (“the gentle-handed”). The serpent,
fathered by Apollo. She wants to marry one Ischys in order
the dog, or Asklepios himself by means of his digitus medici-
to legitimatize the birth of the child, but Apollo gets jealous
nalis (“healing finger”) would touch the diseased part of the
and causes her to be burned to death. While the mother dies
incubant’s body and disappear.
on a funeral pyre, Apollo rescues his child by means of a Cae-
sarean section, and entrusts the infant to the centaur Chiron.
Such is the pattern of the typical miraculous cure, but
Chiron teaches the child the art of healing, and Asklepios
many variations were witnessed. Some of the dreams were
grows into his role as a god-man (theios an¯er). Additional
prophetic (revealing the location of lost property, or the
knowledge about the healer is derived, for the most part,
mending of a broken object, for instance), and showed Ask-
from tales about the cures he effected, especially through the
lepios to be the true son of Apollo, the god of prophecy. Ad-
process called incubation.
ditional cases are known, however, where the god refused to
effect an immediate cure and instead prescribed a specific
INCUBATION. The cult of Asklepios is hardly documented,
therapy: the taking of cold baths, attending the theater, mak-
whereas literary evidence of his cures is abundant. Extant are
ing music (analogous to Socrates’ daemon), or writing poetry
more than seventy case histories from the sanctuaries at Epi-
(as in the case of Aelius Aristides). In yet other cases, he pre-
daurus, Kos, and the Tiber Island at Rome. Edited with care
scribed a certain medicine or applied shock therapy. Rumor
by priests, the texts have been carved on stone slabs, or stelae.
had it that Hippocrates learned his art of medicine from the
Each gives the identity of the patient, the diagnosis of the
dreams of the patients of the Asklepieion at Kos, the activity
illness, and the dream experienced during incubation in
of which he tried nevertheless to suppress in favor of his so-
the holy precincts. The dream was believed to have been the
called scientific method. After Hippocrates’ death, however,
therapeutic experience resulting in the cure.
the Asklepieion was further enlarged, and theurgic medicine
Upon arriving in the hieron, the sacred precinct, the pa-
flourished there all the more, with the result that the Hippo-
tient was lodged in a guest house and came under the care
cratic physicians, claiming a scientific tradition, were unable
of the priests. A series of lustrations for purification, followed
to eliminate the cult altogether. Thus, a period followed dur-
by sacrifices, were performed by the patient as preparation
ing which physicians and priests coexisted in the treatment
for the ritual cure. Baths, in particular cold baths, were al-
of disease to the benefit of the patients.
ways required of the patients. Abundant springs existed in
HISTORY. On account of his spectacular successes in healing,
the sanctuaries of Asklepios, but because they were cold rath-
Asklepios soon became the most popular deity of the Helle-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
552
ASKLEPIOS
nistic world. His shrines multiplied until no large settlement
symbolism of the ritual bridal chamber (thalamos) and the
existed without one. Well over two hundred shrines are
sacred marriage (hieros gamos) that later became central in
known today, and still more are being discovered from time
both Gnosticism and Christian mysticism (especially in the
to time. The radius of this explosion was considerable: even
writings of Origen). The paraphernalia surrounding the cult
today it is possible to find his snakes (elaph¯e longissima) at
of incubation guaranteed the people of the ancient world a
the German spa Schlangenbad (“snake bath”). With the rise
restoration of health and wealth by restoring the harmony
of Christianity, Asklepios, because of his gentleness and will-
of body and soul (soma kai psuche), the disturbance of which
ingness to aid suffering people, came into rather serious com-
was understood to be the source of any illness, a notion pres-
petition with Christ, so that the Christian bishops,
ent already in Plato’s Symposium (186d).
Theophilus in particular, found themselves compelled to
The Tiber Island is only one example of the assimilation
eradicate his temples.
into Christianity of an important religious phenomenon be-
At this point, it may be useful to examine the history
longing to one of its closest neighbors. In modern Greece,
of the Asklepieion on the Tiber Island in Rome. In 291 BCE
moreover, and in the Balkans, there are still numerous
a devastating plague ravaged Latium, and neither medicine
churches where people go to sleep in order to receive benefi-
nor sacrifice had any effect. The Roman authorities sent a
cial dreams. Most of these belong to the Panagia Pege (“all-
delegation to Epidaurus to ask Asklepios for help. The god
hallowed fountain”) taken over from Asklepios’s consort,
accepted their invitation and boarded the Roman boat in the
Hygieia. Each one has its own well or is situated close by a
guise of a huge snake. When the boat arrived at Ostia and
river.
was being drawn up the river Tiber, the snake jumped onto
ARCHAEOLOGY. Because the Christian bishops were so thor-
an island (Isola Tiberina) and insisted on dwelling there. A
ough in destroying the temples of Asklepios, architectural re-
temple was built and dedicated to Asklepios, and the plague
mains are very scanty. However, three things associated with
subsided.
the shrines are worth noting: the theater, the rotunda, and
numerous statues. Drama and music were essential elements
This Asklepieion flourished for centuries, and the island
in the treatments of Asklepios. The theater at Epidaurus is
was enclosed with slabs of travertine (a light-colored lime-
the largest and finest of the ancient world. The rotunda there
stone) in the shape of a ship, the stern of which was adorned
was the most beautiful and most expensive building of antiq-
with a portrait of Asklepios and his serpent staff. Later, an
uity and was under construction for twenty-one years. Its
Egyptian obelisk was erected in the middle of the island to
foundation is a classical labyrinth, and the cupola is covered
represent the ship’s mast. The temple has since been turned
with Pausias’s paintings of Sober Drunkenness (meth¯e
into a Christian church, San Bartolomeo, which is still
n¯ephalias) and Eros, the latter having thrown away his bow
adorned by fourteen splendid columns from the Hellenistic
and arrows to hold instead the lyre. We can only guess at the
temple. In front of the altar is a deep well that contains the
function of this building. Several of the statues of Asklepios
water of life so indispensable to Asklepios. Still more striking
have been preserved, and the best one (from the Tiber Island)
is the fact that, to this day, the Tiber Island remains a center
is now in the Museo Nazionale in Naples. Reliefs illustrating
of healing: the hospital of the Fatebenefratelli, the best of all
memorable dream events from the abaton are also on view
the clinics in modern Rome, is located right across from the
there. The statues of Asklepios are often accompanied by the
church.
dwarfish figure of Telesphoros (“bringer of the goal”), a
COMPARATIVE RELIGION. Emma J. and Ludwig Edelstein
hooded boy who is associated with mystery cults like the one
(1945) have tried to reconstruct the cult of Asklepios from
at Eleusis. From Pausanias we know that Asklepios was even-
carefully collected testimonies; their attempt remains uncon-
tually assimilated into the Eleusinia.
vincing, however, because they failed to develop a compara-
tive point of view. It is important to take note of comparable
SEE ALSO Dreams; Healing and Medicine; Sleep.
heroes or deities connected with the ritual practice of incuba-
B
tion: Amphiaraos, Trophonios, Sarapis, and Imhotep, to
IBLIOGRAPHY
Aristides. The Complete Works. 2 vols. Edited and translated by
name a few. In every instance the cure is regarded as a mys-
Charles A. Behr. Leiden, 1981.
tery, and the rites leading to the cure become models for the
ritual components of the mystery cults. The oracles and heal-
Deubner, Otfried. Das Asklepieion von Pergamon: Kurze vorläufige
Beschreibung. Berlin, 1938.
ing cults were always found in sacred groves, were entered
by means of a descent into the earth, and included a sacred
Edelstein, Emma J., and Ludwig Edelstein. Asclepius: A Collection
well for purificatory baths. An analogy may be noted to the
and Interpretation of the Testimonies. 2 vols. Baltimore, 1945.
worship of Mithra, which took place inter nemora et fontes
Herzog, Rudolf. Die Wunderheilungen von Epidauros: Ein Beitrag
(“among groves and springs”) and whose incubants regarded
zur Geschichte der Medizin und der Religion. Leipzig, 1931.
themselves as prisoners of the deity in a state of sacred deten-
Kerényi, Károly. Asklepios: Archetypal Image of the Physician’s Exis-
tion (katoch¯e). Aristides called the literary works that he owed
tence. New York, 1959.
to Asklepios hieroi logoi (“sacred words”), the technical ex-
Meier, C. A. Ancient Incubation and Modern Psychotherapy. Evans-
pression reserved for mystery texts. Here also we discover the
ton, Ill., 1967.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AS´OKA
553
New Sources
Indian subcontinent (fourth to third centuries BCE), figures
Aelius Aristide. Discours Sacrés. Rêve, religion, médicine au IIe siècle
centrally in historical as well as legendary accounts of the
apr. J.Chr., introduction and translation by André-Jean Fes-
early Buddhist community’s transformation into a world re-
tugière, notes by Henry-Dominique Saffrey, preface by
ligion. A´soka’s landmark reign (c. 270–230 BCE) laid impor-
Jacques Le Goff. Paris, 1986.
tant structural foundations for subsequent south Asian impe-
Aleshire, Sara B. The Athenian Asklepieion. The People, their Dedi-
rial formation and corresponding transregional Buddhist
cations and the Inventories. Amsterdam, 1989.
networks, while his memory has continued to inspire and
Aleshire, Sara B. Asklepios at Athens. Epigraphic and Prosopographic
shape Buddhist practices and politics into modern times.
Essays on the Athenian Healing Cults. Amsterdam, 1991.
Benedun, Christa. “Asklepius: der homerische Arzt und der Gott
Scholars possess invaluable evidence for reconstruction
von Epidauros.” Rheinisches Museum 133 (1990):
of A´sokan history in the form of proclamations issued in
210–226.
A´soka’s own voice and inscribed on rocks, stone slabs, and
Benedum, Christa. “Betrachtungen zu Asklepios und dem Aescu-
ornate carved pillars that have survived in scattered places
lapius der Römer.” Würzburger Jahrbücher für die Altertum-
throughout what was once A´soka’s empire, spreading from
swissenschaft. Neue Folge 25 (2001): 187–297.
central India to the Northwest Frontier province of Pakistan.
Clinton, Kevin. “The Epidauria and the Arrival of Asclepius in
These inscriptions, which are the oldest surviving south
Athens.” In Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical
Asian written documents of any kind, were composed in the
Evidence: Proceedings of the Second International Seminar on
vernacular language (prakrit) of Magadha (northeast Indian),
Ancient Greek Cult, Organized by the Swedish Institute at Ath-
where A´soka lived and ruled, modified as appropriate in the
ens, 22–24 Nov. 1991, edited by Robin Hägg, pp. 17–34.
various regions where they were inscribed or erected (one of
Stockholm, 1994.
them also appeared in Aramaic and Greek). A´soka intended
Den Boeft, Jan. “Christ and Asklepios.” Euphrosyne 25 (1997):
them to be read aloud, announcing his policies, laws, deci-
337–342.
sions, and especially his religio-political philosophy to all his
Festugière, André-Jean. Personal Religion among the Greeks. Berke-
subjects in a language they could understand.
ley-Los Angeles, 1954. See chapter 6, pp. 85–104 (“Popular
Piety: Aelius Aristeides and Asclepius”).
The central conception underlying the philosophy of
Graf, Fritz. “Heiligtum und Ritual. Das Beispiel der griechisch-
these inscriptions is dharma (Skt.; Pali, dhamma; Prakrit,
römischen Asklepeion.” In Le sanctuaire grec, edited by Al-
dham:ma) or “righteousness,” through which A´soka claimed
bert Schachter and Jean Bingen, pp. 159–199. Vandeouvres-
to rule. The question of whether this dharma should be taken
Genève, 1992.
as a secular philosophy of A´soka’s own invention or equated
Guarducci, Margherita. “L’isola tiberina e la sua tradizione ospi-
with the specifically Buddhist usage of that term (to mean
taliera.” In Scritti scelti sulla religione greca e romana e sul crist-
“doctrine,” “truth,” “the Buddha’s words”) is much debated
ianesimo, pp. 180–197. Leiden, 1993.
and unresolved, as is the question, given his generous support
Habicht, Christian. Die Inschriften des Asklepieion. Berlin, 1969.
of non-Buddhist (Brahmanical, Jain, and A¯j¯ıvika) as well as
Leglay, Marcel. “Hadrien et l’Asklépieion de Pergame.” Bulletin
Buddhist practitioners, whether he was genuinely or exclu-
de Correspondance Hellénique 100 (1976): 347–372.
sively Buddhist in personal practice. But it is certain that at
Musial, Danuta. Le développement du culte d’Esculape au mond ro-
least after the eighth year of his reign A´soka strongly sup-
main. Torun´, Poland, 1992.
ported, and gained support from, the teachings and practices
of the Buddha’s followers, and later legendary accounts cele-
Ruttimann, R. J. Asclepius and Jesus: The Form, Character and Sta-
tus of the Asclepius Cult in the Second Century CE and its Influ-
brate him primarily as a paradigmatic supporter of Buddhist
ence on Early Christianity. Ann Arbor, 1990.
monks and institutions.
Schäfer, Daniel. “Traum und Wunderheilung im Asklepios-Kult
A´soka states that his commitment to dharma was
und in der griechisch-römischen Medizin.” In Heilkunde und
wrought in the regret he felt at the suffering he caused by
Hochkultur. 1. Geburt, Seuche und Traumdeutungen in den
conquering Kalin˙ga, in eastern India (modern Orissa and
antiken Zivilisationen des Mittelmeerraumes, edited by Axel
eastern Andhra Pradesh), during his eighth year. Henceforth,
Karenberg and Christian Leitz, pp. 259–274. Münster,
2000.
he pursued “conquest by righteousness” (Prakrit,
dham:mavijaya) and, after his thirteenth year, administered
C. A. MEIER (1987)
the empire through “righteous ministers” (Prakrit,
Revised Bibliography
dham:mamaha¯ma¯ta), effecting laws and policies that, as men-
tioned, reflected A´soka’s piety and sincerity (or, as some
scholars have argued, his shrewd self-presentation). In per-
ASMA¯D AL-H:USNA¯, AL- SEE ATTRIBUTES OF
sonal practice, he tells us, he became a Buddhist lay devotee
GOD, ARTICLE ON ISLAMIC CONCEPTS
(upa¯saka) in his eighth regnal year but only began to strenu-
ously exert himself eighteen months later. His inscriptions
(and other archaeological evidence) testify to that effort: he
AS´OKA (Skt.; Pali and Prakrit, Asoka), the third and most
constructed stupas and gave other financial support for
powerful of the Mauryan emperors who once dominated the
monks and monasteries, intervened in monastic disputes
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
554
AS´OKA
(and recommended which texts monks, nuns, and fellow lay-
gua franca across such a wide expanse of territory demon-
people ought to study), and made pilgrimages to sites of sig-
strates enormous internal organization and vision—and was
nificance in the Buddha’s life.
unprecedented in Indian history (it has been argued that
A´soka imitated Persian and Hellenistic predecessors). But
The Buddhist spirit behind A´soka’s dharma is also man-
the practice allowed A´soka to physically and permanently
ifest. His inscriptions recommend kindness to all creatures
mark his authority over the different regions whose submis-
including plants (he tried to eliminate all killing of animals,
sion he won, to address the subjects of these regions directly
birds, and fish in his dominions, and protected and planted
(and lovingly), and to make them feel sheltered by his single
forests and medicinal herbs even outside his own domains);
royal umbrella. This practice of inscribing decisions, dona-
respectfulness and obedience (toward parents, elders, teach-
tions, and eulogies in stone, and simultaneously landmarking
ers, Brahmins, and mendicants, and royal authority); liberali-
ty, truthfulness, impartiality, frugality and lack of acquisi-
key sites in important monarchs’ territories, became a sine
tiveness, and reverence and faith; avoidance of violence,
qua non of subsequent south Asian political formation, espe-
cruelty, anger, arrogance, hastiness, laziness, and jealousy;
cially at the imperial level. The vast corpus of south Asian
and similar “righteous virtues” (Prakrit, dham:maguna),
epigraphs that today constitute the most important primary
which left an indelible mark on south Asian religions even
evidence for south Asian history literally continued A´soka’s
outside the Buddhist context. Though the Mauryan dynasty
discourse in stone for more than two millennia; for more
did not long outlast A´soka himself, his hope that his “sons,
than five centuries after A´soka this lithic discourse even con-
grandsons, and great-grandsons will increase [his] practice of
tinued to use essentially his same alphabet and language.
dharma until the end of a universal aeon” did come true in
Similarly, a number of key Buddhist sites A´soka con-
this and several additional ways, and A´soka’s life and deeds
structed or visited—such as Sa¯ñc¯ı, Sa¯rna¯th, Amara¯vat¯ı,
remained foundational for subsequent South Asian and Bud-
Bha¯rhut, Lumbin¯ı, Bodh Gaya¯, and Kusina¯ra—continued
dhist political and religious history.
to be developed and improved by influential Buddhist
First, A´soka’s own imperial strategies were appropriated
monks, nuns, and wealthy laypeople, including a string of
and developed by his post-Mauryan successors, effectively
A´soka’s imperial successors, for more than five hundred years
constituting A´soka’s empire as the one that all subsequent
after his death. These sites were subsequently transformed
kings struggled to remake for themselves. A´soka inherited an
into Hindu sites or reclaimed by Buddhists beginning in the
already sizeable kingdom in northeastern India from his fa-
late nineteenth century; these remain important places of
ther, Bimbisa¯ra (c. 298–270 BCE), and his grandfather, dy-
worship even today. In like fashion, even after Hindu disci-
nastic founder Candragupta Maurya (c. 322–298 BCE),
plinary orders had come to dominate the ideology of Indian
whose court was visited by ambassadors of Alexander the
imperial formation beginning in the third century CE, nu-
Great (providing a synchronism with Western chronology
merous additional A´sokan imperial strategies—with widely
upon which much of ancient Indian history is still dated).
divergent content—persisted into modern times, including
But, ruling from his capital at modern Patna in northern
engaging in imperial processions to the various regions and
Bihar, A´soka was the first known Indian king of any dynasty
holding festivals and conspicuous displays in them, sum-
to expand the empire to embrace the whole subcontinent
moning kings and other representatives of those regions to
(except, in A´soka’s case, the modern Tamil Nadu, Kerala,
the imperial court, constructing public works such as road-
southern Karnataka, Assam, and Bangladesh), and he pushed
side rests and wells, centralizing the administration of outly-
its borders northwest into what is now eastern Afghanistan.
ing regions, making laws, employing royal symbols and epi-
He maintained diplomatic relations even farther afield, send-
thets, practicing public and much-publicized charity to the
ing embassies to rulers in the far south and Sri Lanka, and
poor and religious mendicants, freeing prisoners, adjudicat-
also throughout the eastern Hellenistic world, which estab-
ing sectarian disputes, and facilitating transregional diploma-
lished A´soka among the most powerful monarchs of his day.
cy, trade, and intellectual and artistic exchange, especially
More important than military conquest in this expansion—
through the employment of a universal language.
especially after his eighth year—were A´soka’s innovative
In addition to the imperial strategies that A´soka himself
strategies for displaying and maintaining his imperial over-
employed, talking about A´soka—and claiming to be his le-
lordship, always in the context of his proclamation of the
gitimate successor—became an important post-A´sokan im-
dharma.
perial strategy in its own right. A´soka’s founder status in the
One of the most important imperial strategies, whose
imperial struggles that concerned later kings made claims
significance is often overlooked by scholars, was the practice
about his life and legacy politically and religiously signifi-
itself of erecting stone inscriptions, which must have in-
cant, quite apart from their correspondence or lack of corre-
volved considerable mobilization of resources—A´soka’s pil-
spondence to the historical A´soka. These claims developed
lar capitals rank with India’s earliest and most treasured art;
in communities of monks and nuns favored by strong kings,
the technology of preparing and inscribing the various sur-
and were textualized as the famous legends of A´soka, a sec-
faces is sophisticated; and the attempt to broadcast the same
ond important means by which he continued to impact po-
messages in a local idiom which thereby functioned as a lin-
litical and religious thinking long after his inscriptions had
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
AS´OKA
555
become illegible antiques. Two basic recensions are especially
The scholars who first deciphered the A´sokan inscrip-
well known. One was preserved in the northern Buddhist
tions in the 1830s already knew these legends, and relied
traditions of Kashmir, Central Asia, and later East Asia and
upon them for vocabulary and syntax, as well as for numer-
is epitomized by the A´soka¯vada¯na of the Divya¯vada¯na collec-
ous “facts” left out of the inscriptions, beginning with details
tion, composed in Buddhist Sanskrit in about the first centu-
about A´soka’s ancestry and youth; at least four queens, two
ry CE, then translated into Chinese and Tibetan. The other
sons, and a daughter who are unknown in the inscriptions
was preserved in the Sri Lankan and Southeast Asian vam:sa
(wherein are mentioned a queen and her son unknown in
or chronicle traditions, which originated in central India,
the legends); various specifics of his conversion and religious
were codified in Pali in Sri Lanka, and were also transmitted
practice; and his old age and death. But given the disagree-
through vernacular literatures in the region. But contradic-
ments among the different versions, this required scholars to
tions and disagreements about the details abound, even with-
privilege one over the others, generating a number of influ-
in these two main lines of transmission and especially be-
ential theories about which version was in fact the earliest or
tween them, while scattered evidence in the accounts of
most authentic, and attacks on the others as derivative or fab-
Chinese pilgrims to India, as well as additional texts pre-
ricated. Beginning with the work of Vincent Smith at the
served in the Chinese tript:aka and the Tibetan historical an-
turn of the twentieth century, however, scholars grew more
nals, indicate that this pan-Buddhist discourse about A´soka
cautious about using the legends as historical sources; their
was much wider and more varied still. The accounts of Chi-
sometimes great distance from the time of A´soka himself, the
nese pilgrims make clear that claimed associations with
various miraculous, supernatural or otherwise difficult-to-
A´soka still mapped most of Buddhist Asia even in their day
believe aspects they contain, and especially their disagree-
(fourth to seventh centuries CE); they relate their multiple
ment over details with each other and with the inscriptions,
versions of the A´soka legend in the context of places he was
led many scholars following Smith to dismiss all of them as
remembered to have visited or stupas he was remembered to
having any relevance to the historical study of A´soka. Other
have constructed, many of them far beyond A´soka’s own
scholars continued to treat them, at best, as colorful foot-
reach. In Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Southeast Asia such associa-
notes to the hard evidence of the inscriptions.
tions have persisted into modern times.
While divorcing the legends from the inscriptions was
Despite the wide variation among them, all the extant
no doubt crucial for the reconstruction of A´sokan history
versions of the A´soka legend share a basic narrative structure,
proper, in the later twentieth century scholars returned to
which in places bears partial affinity to the historical A´soka
them with more fruitful questions than what facts about
known through the inscriptions. These legends all maintain
A´soka they can provide. John Strong has shown that in the
that A´soka was originally a cruel king who experienced a
time of the Chinese pilgrims (fourth to seventh centuries CE)
transformation into Dharma¯´soka (“Righteous A´soka”) after
A´sokan pillars were still remembered as A´sokan, but could
being pleased (Skt., prasa¯da; Pali, pasa¯da) by the Buddha’s
no longer be read; the information the pilgrims gathered was
dharma. A´soka created a great Buddhist empire, ceremonial-
all based on the legends, even when it was presented to them
ly abdicated power to the sam:gha, and landmarked it by the
as a reading of some inscription. By the fourteenth century
construction of stupas and the performance of Buddhist lit-
even the association with A´soka had been lost; now-
urgies (the northern Buddhist versions focus upon festivals
dominant Hindus and Muslims were providing alternative
held every fifth year; the southern Buddhist versions high-
legendary accounts of the pillars (and had reduced A´soka to
light constant bodhi tree worship). He also sponsored a reci-
a mere name in their lists of Mauryan kings). Thus for most
tation of the dharma, which was headed up by a favored pa-
of history the A´soka known and admired by Buddhists has
triarch, who then effected the dissemination of that dharma
been the A´soka of the legends, not the inscriptions.
and with it A´soka’s imperial legacy to all of Asia in general
and especially to some favored region that had been predict-
In one sense these legends about A´soka can be read as
ed by the Buddha himself to be of extraordinary significance
post-A´sokan political ideology, privileging the authority of
during later history; a close kinsman of A´soka’s played some
an empire-building Buddhist king and the monks most
special role in this paradigmatic sequence of events. But
closely associated with him to command A´soka’s imperial
within this detailed basic agreement the texts disagree furi-
space. The questions engendered by this discourse were si-
ously about when A´soka lived, which teachings of the Bud-
multaneously questions about the then-present, an actual in-
dha effected A´soka’s transformation (and served as the basis
terregnal Buddhist world that all Buddhists agreed to frame
of his imperial power), which regions were directly embraced
according to the A´sokan legacy. Arguments about when
by A´soka, which specific stupas he built, which liturgies he
A´soka lived, who that patriarch was, where he established the
performed, which recitation of the dharma he sponsored, the
center of the Buddhist world and what lineage he represent-
identity of his favored monk, the location of the privileged
ed, were simultaneously arguments that this (not that) is the
region predicted to be of significance in later history, the
true center of the Buddhist world, the true lineage from the
name of the kinsman and his relationship to A´soka, and
Buddha, correct practice, correct doctrine. The debate raged
the nature of the role this kinsman played in the king’s
over details because Buddhists (especially Buddhist kings and
transformation.
courtiers) in different regions, and even within the same re-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
556
AS´OKA
gion, had different ambitions as regards the “this,” the partic-
and religious context to which both the historical and the
ular hierarchical constellation of Buddhist polities and
legendary A´sokas belonged. These virtues include globalism,
schools to which any particular version of the A´soka legend
religious tolerance and interfaith dialogue, diplomacy over
committed them.
violence, support for the poor, commitment to truth and lib-
erty, personal integrity, and environmentalism. This “Great
But in another sense these legends were more than polit-
Man” A´soka—who has been compared with Constantine,
ical posturing; they could be championed in a politically sig-
Marcus Aurelius, Charlemagne, Alexander the Great, Napo-
nificant way only to the extent that they were believed to
leon Bonaparte, Saint Paul, and V. I. Lenin, among many
paint the truest picture of an A´soka who was admired and
others—has been lauded by twentieth-century luminaries in-
revered as paradigmatic across the Buddhist world. There is
cluding H. G. Wells, who said “the name of A´soka shines,
plentiful evidence that in India, central Asia, Sri Lanka and
and shines almost alone, a star” among all the great monarchs
Southeast Asia, and even China various powerful Buddhist
of history, and Jawaharlal Nehru, for whom A´soka exempli-
kings directly modeled themselves after the legendary A´soka,
fied the sort of secular federalism that India adopted at inde-
either explicitly (as in their inscriptions or official chronicles)
pendence (an A´sokan pillar capital with four lions constitutes
or implicitly, through their imitation of his paradigmatic ac-
India’s official seal). A´soka is ubiquitous in academic and
tivities in the legends, such as stupa construction; bodhi wor-
popular accounts of Indian and Buddhist history ranging
ship; gift-giving; the convening of festivals, conferences, and
from scholarly monographs to comic books.
recitations of the dharma; and integrity and personal piety.
Taking A´soka as exemplary of proper Buddhist kingship was
SEE ALSO Cakravartin; Missions, article on Buddhist Mis-
so common in premodern Therava¯da Buddhist kingdoms in
sions; Sam:gha, article on Sam:gha and Society in South and
modern Myanmar, Thailand, and Sri Lanka, in fact, that
Southeast Asia.
scholars have theorized a specifically A´sokan model of king-
ship, social order, and imperial formation that has even been
invoked by contemporary politicians in these regions to a va-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
riety of political and personal ends.
Primary and secondary sources for the study of A´soka abound
even in English and other European languages, and especially
Outside politics altogether, aspects of these legends of
in Asian languages. A good basic reference for readers of En-
A´soka, especially those popularized in vernacular literature
glish is Ananda W. P. Guruge, Asoka: A Definitive Biography
(and art), have inspired generations of Buddhists in a variety
(Colombo, Sri Lanka, 1993), a massive tome that surveys vir-
of ways. Individual monks associated in these legends with
tually all the primary sources for the study of A´soka, includ-
A´soka and the A´sokan dissemination of the dharma have
ing Prakrit (and Greek and Aramaic) texts and English trans-
lations of all the known inscriptions and discussions and
been worshiped throughout the Buddhist world. Pilgrimage
lengthy translated quotations from Pali, Sanskrit, Chinese,
in honor of A´soka’s son Mahinda (who according to the
and Tibetan legendary materials; this volume also reviews
southern recension of the A´soka legend brought the religion
and gives an extensive bibliography of English and other Eu-
to Sri Lanka at the conclusion of the Third Council con-
ropean-language secondary scholarship about A´soka, and
vened by A´soka’s favorite patriarch, Moggaliputtatissa) re-
provides Guruge’s own judgments on various points debated
mains one of the most important annual Sinhala Buddhist
by scholars of “the historical A´soka” in the form of a chrono-
festivals. There is premodern Burmese evidence of venera-
logical biography that weaves together inscriptional and leg-
tion of Sona and Uttara, who according to the southern re-
endary material into a believable if not uncontestable narra-
cension brought the religion to that land, and likewise of
tive. A more precise and critical general historical study of
Madhyantika in Kashmir. A wide variety of religious prac-
the extant sources for A´soka, his Indian successors, and the
legends of A´soka is Étienne Lamotte, History of Indian Bud-
tices surrounding Upagupta, A´soka’s favorite patriarch ac-
dhism, from the Origins to the S´aka Era, translated by Sara
cording to the northern recension of the A´soka legend, were
Webb-Boin (Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium, 1988), especially
once widespread in the northern Buddhist world and survive
chap. 3. The now classic study of “the historical A´soka” is
in contemporary Burma and northern Thailand. Stories
Vincent A. Smith, A´soka: The Buddhist Emperor of India
about A´soka’s conduct as king, and that of his queens, have
(Oxford, 1901), while the most acclaimed work in the genre
been invoked as both positive and negative paradigms for
remains Romila Thapar, A´soka and the Decline of the
then-present royal conduct; as an exemplar of religious giv-
Mauryas (Oxford, 1963; 2d ed., 1973), which together with
ing (da¯na) more generally, A´soka is virtually unexcelled in
Guruge and Lamotte provide good points of entry into the
Buddhist hagiography. Stories about A´soka’s past-life deeds
larger discourse on the topic.
and their consequences in the present have also enjoyed this
For texts and translations of the A´sokan inscriptions complete
more general religious significance in Buddhist countries.
with plates and a text-critical apparatus, readers can consult
E. Hultzsch, ed., Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. 1: In-
The post-1830s Orientalist project of reconstructing
scriptions of Asoka, New Edition (Oxford, 1925). Wilhelm
“the historical A´soka” has opened yet another avenue
Geiger, trans., The Maha¯vam:sa, or the Great Chronicle of Cey-
through which that ancient Indian emperor’s influence con-
lon (London, 1901), chaps. 5 and 25, contains the most pol-
tinues to be felt today, for he emerged there as a model of
ished version of the southern recension of the A´soka legend
virtues worth imitating universally, even outside the cultural
available in English, dating to about 460 CE; Hermann Ol-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASSASSINS
557
denberg, ed. and trans., The D¯ıpavam:sa: An Ancient Buddhist
monograph-length treatment of how the A´sokan paradigm
Historical Record (London, 1879), dating to the early fourth
was played out in actual political and religious practices and
century CE, contains less refined textual fragments (1:24–28;
ideology in premodern Thailand. John C. Holt, The Reli-
5:55–59; 5:82; 5:100–102; all of chaps. 6–8; 11:12–16:41;
gious World of K¯ırti S´r¯ı: Buddhism, Art, and Politics in Late
17:80–109) that are probably closer translations of the now-
Medieval Sri Lanka (New York and Oxford, 1996), examines
lost and considerably more ancient sources used also by the
the same question within the thicket of colonial (eighteenth-
author of Maha¯vam:sa. The A´soka¯vada¯na of the northern re-
century) Sri Lanka. John S. Strong, The Legend and Cult of
cension has been masterfully translated by John S. Strong,
Upagupta: Sanskrit Buddhism in North India and Southeast
The Legend of King A´soka (Princeton, 1983); Strong also pro-
Asia (Princeton, 1992) is an important study of the transmis-
vides an important discussion of textual interpretation, the
sion of stories from the northern recension about the figure
history of the Avada¯na collection, and the political and reli-
who represents its “favored patriarch of A´soka,” and their co-
gious dimensions of the A´sokan paradigm contained in that
existence with the corresponding (and contradictory) claims
text. Jean Pryzluski, The Legend of Emperor A´soka in Indian
of the southern recension, as well as a whole range of reli-
and Chinese Texts, translated by Dilip Kumar Biswas (Cal-
gious practices surrounding Upagupta in Burma and north-
cutta, 1967), also includes an English rendering (inferior to
ern Thailand. Jonathan Walters’s Finding Buddhists in Global
Strong’s) of Pryzluski’s excellent French translation of
History (Washington, D.C., 1998), especially chap. 3, theo-
A´soka¯vada¯na (La legende de l’Empereur A´soka [A´soka-
rizes in general terms the pan-Buddhist significance of de-
Avada¯na] dans les textes Indien et Chinois [Paris, 1923]), but
bates about A´soka in post-A´sokan Buddhist history. A valu-
more importantly makes accessible to English readers Pry-
able collection of essays that represent historicist as well as
zluski’s pioneering work on the Kausambian and Mathuran
history of religions approaches to the study of A´soka is An-
roots of the Kashmiri version of the text as it exists today, and
uradha Seneviratne, ed., King A´soka and Buddhism: Histori-
his arguments for its comparative antiquity vis-à-vis the
cal and Literary Studies (Kandy, Sri Lanka, 1994). For a new
southern recension. The authenticity of the southern recen-
study of A´soka’s queens see John S. Strong, “Toward a Theo-
sion is championed in the introduction to Geiger’s transla-
ry of Buddhist Queenship: The Legend of Asandhimitta¯,” in
tion of Maha¯vam:sa. Jonathan Walters has examined textual
John C. Holt, Jacob N. Kinnard, and Jonathan S. Walters,
and archaeological evidence for its composition within the
eds., Constituting Communities: Therava¯da Buddhism and the
first century after A´soka’s death: “Mapping Sa¯ñchi in a
Religious Cultures of South and Southeast Asia (Albany, N.Y.,
Whole Buddhist World,” in C. Witanachchi, ed., Lily De
2003), pp. 41–55.
Silva Felicitation Volume (Peradeniya, Sri Lanka, 2002),
JONATHAN S. WALTERS (2005)
chap. 1. Ronald Inden, Jonathan Walters, and Daud Ali,
Querying the Medieval: Texts and the History of Practices in
South Asia (Oxford, 2000), chap. 3, contains a critical study
of the primary sources in the southern recension, and an ap-
ASSASSINS. The disparaging term assassins, originating
pendix that details early Orientalist readings of them vis-à-vis
in the Arabic h:ash¯ısh¯ıyah (users of hashish, Cannabis sativa),
the A´sokan inscriptions. English translations of primary Ti-
has been used to designate the followers of the Niza¯r¯ı
betan texts that contain versions of the A´soka legend are
Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı branch of Islam. In its original form, from about the
Lama Chimpa Alaka Chattopadhyaya, trans., Ta¯rana¯tha’s
twelfth century onward, the name was used by those hostile
History of Buddhism in India (Delhi, 1990), especially chaps.
to the movement to stigmatize the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah of Syria for
6–8; and George N. Roerich, trans., The Blue Annals (Delhi,
their alleged use of the drug. The designation, as well as a
1976), especially pp. 23–35. Original texts of the travels of
growing legend about the group, was subsequently transmit-
Chinese pilgrims Faxian and Xuanzang, replete with differ-
ted to Europe by Western chroniclers of the Crusades and
ing versions of the A´soka legend and important evidence for
travelers such as Marco Polo. The legend portrayed the
reconstructing A´soka’s significance to Buddhists across Asia
Niza¯r¯ı Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah as a religious “order of assassins” ruled by
in that period can be found in the much-reprinted but still
readable (and usefully indexed) Samuel Beal, trans., Si Yu Ki:
the diabolical “Old Man of the Mountain,” who incited
Buddhist Records of the Western World (London, 1884; Delhi,
them to murder through the use of drugs and the creation
1981). The surveys by Guruge and Lamotte will lead readers
of an illusory sense of paradise. Reinforced by early Western
to additional, as yet untranslated Pali, Sanskrit, Tibetan,
scholarship, the term and the distorted view of the Niza¯r¯ı
Khotanese, and Chinese primary texts of relevance.
Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah became general, until disproved by modern re-
search.
Three collections of essays edited by Bardwell L. Smith have prov-
en seminal in more recent scholarship that treats the legends
HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT. The Niza¯r¯ı branch of the
of A´soka as sources for understanding his paradigmatic sig-
Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah had its origin in a succession dispute following
nificance to later Buddhists rather than as sources for histori-
the death of the Fatimid Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı imam al-Mustans:ir in
cal reconstruction of his own period: The Two Wheels of
1094. Those who gave their allegiance to Niza¯r,
Dhamma: Essays on the Theravada Tradition in India and
al-Mustans:ir’s eldest son, as the designated successor and
Ceylon (Chambersburg, Pa., 1972), and Religion and Legiti-
imam organized themselves locally in various parts of Iran
mation of Power in Sri Lanka and Religion and Legitimation
and Syria by building on and extending the groundwork al-
of Power in Thailand, Laos, and Burma (both Chambersburg,
ready laid there during the Fatimid period.
Pa., 1978). Stanley J. Tambiah, World Conqueror and World
Renouncer: A Study of Buddhism and Polity in Thailand
Particularly in Iran, the Niza¯r¯ıyah faced markedly
against a Historical Background (Cambridge, UK, 1976) is a
changed circumstances, owing to the presence of the power-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
558
ASSASSINS
ful, militantly Sunn¯ı Turkish dynasty of the Seljuks. In addi-
One religious event highlighted in the sources that came
tion to the hostility prevailing in political and military
to have particular doctrinal consequence was the qiya¯mah.
spheres, the Niza¯r¯ı Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah, like their predecessors under
Although it appeared to outsiders as a declaration of reform,
the Fatimids, became the object of theological and intellectu-
it was essentially an affirmation of a religious impetus present
al attacks, the most significant one being that of the Sunn¯ı
in Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı doctrine from the beginning. Providing the cul-
theologian al-Ghaza¯l¯ı (d. 1111). This climate of threat ac-
mination of Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı sacred history, the event marked the
centuated a sense of isolation and prompted direct political
primacy of the spiritual and inner meaning of religious acts.
and military action by the Niza¯r¯ıyah against leaders of the
The outward performance of ritual elaborated in the
Seljuk state, which in turn caused popular Sunn¯ı feeling to
shar¯ı Eah, or religious law, was not abrogated as is generally
harden further against them.
thought; as Henry Corbin, the noted French scholar of eso-
teric forms of Islam, has pointed out, the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah affirm
The focal point of the Niza¯r¯ı Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı movement was
positive religion in order to inspire believers to exceed it. The
the fortress of Alamut in the Elburz Mountains of northern
symbolic meaning of the qiya¯mah was this affirmation of the
Iran. This fortress, captured by the famous Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı leader
esoteric basis of Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı thought, the public proclamation
H:asan-i S:abba¯h: in 1090, now became the center for a num-
of which came to represent a contrast with the
ber of growing strongholds that were established through
shar¯ı Eah-mindedness of those scholars of other schools who
military and diplomatic means. In time, these centers became
had developed a different synthesis of Islam.
part of a network in Iran as well as in Syria. According to
The doctrine also projected a spiritual basis for the na-
Niza¯r¯ı tradition, H:asan acted as the representative of the
ture of the imam and for the inner transformation effected
imam and organized the various settlements. This process of
in the being of individual followers as they sought to acquire
consolidation provided a basis for what was to become a
this understanding. Nas:¯ır al-D¯ın T:u¯s¯ı (d. 1274), the noted
Niza¯r¯ı Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı state incorporating both Iranian and Syrian
Sh¯ıE¯ı scholar, was one of those attracted by the intellectual
strongholds and ruled from Alamut by Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı imams de-
milieu of the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı state and during his stay there became
scended from Niza¯r, who assumed actual control after the
an exponent of Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı doctrine. Within the esoteric per-
initial period of establishment. Though under constant
spective, according to his works, the physical bond between
threat, the state thrived for more than 150 years, when con-
imam and follower was to be transcended by the develop-
frontation with the expanding Mongol power led to its
ment of a spiritual bond, so that in addition to acceptance
downfall, the demolition of its principal strongholds, and a
of the historical and formal aspect of the imam’s role, the be-
general and widespread massacre of the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah.
liever would also be led to a recognition of the ha-aiqah, the
The history of the Niza¯r¯ı Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah following the de-
aspect of Islam that, in the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı view, complemented the
struction of their state and the dispersal of their leaders in
shari Eah and constituted the highest level of reality in Islam.
Iran and elsewhere is little known. In Syria, as in Iran, they
The goal of religious life offered to the individual
continued to survive persecution. The Niza¯r¯ı sources speak
Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı by this vision was a continuing quest for inner trans-
of an uninterrupted succession of imams in different parts
formation and a graduation to successively higher levels of
of Iran and, in the fifteenth century, the emergence of new
spiritual growth and understanding. In the period following
activity that led to a further growth of the Niza¯r¯ı Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah
the fall of Alamu¯t, the inward, personal search for religious
in parts of India and Central Asia. In modern times, the
meaning would lead to increasing interaction between
community has witnessed a remarkable resurgence under its
Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı doctrine and some of the principles of Sufism.
imams, Sult:a¯n Muh:ammad Sha¯h, Aga Khan III (1877–
1957) and the present imam, Sha¯h Kar¯ım Aga Khan
SEE ALSO Aga Khan; Imamate; Shiism, article on
(1957–), both of whom have also played a major role in pro-
Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah.
moting development activities in Muslim and Third World
countries. The Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah are currently found in various
BIBLIOGRAPHY
countries in Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and the West.
The standard modern work on the Niza¯r¯ı Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı state is Mar-
shall G. S. Hodgson’s The Order of Assassins: The Struggle of
TEACHINGS. While still articulating the ShiEi Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı vision
the Early Nizari Isma¯ılis against the Islamic World (1955; re-
of Islam developed under the Fatimids, the Niza¯r¯ıyah laid
print, New York, 1980), of which an excellent summation
particular emphasis on the principle of ta El¯ım, authoritative
will be found in his article entitled “The Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı State,” in
teaching, and on the cosmic and metaphysical significance
The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 5, edited by J. A. Boyle
of the imam, whose role it was to impart that teaching. These
(Cambridge, Mass., 1968), pp. 422–482. The legend and its
fundamental notions acquired a more immediate relevance
transmission are discussed in Bernard Lewis’s The Assassins:
A Radical Sect in Islam (London, 1967) and in an unpub-
in conditions calling for greater discipline and obedience.
lished paper by Amin Haji, “The Term ‘Assassin’ and Its
Unfortunately, few Isma¯E¯ıl¯ı sources of the period have
Transmission in Muslim and European Sources” (Institute
survived, and it is often difficult on the basis of available
of Ismaili Studies, London, 1984). Henry Corbin’s work on
materials to gauge the precise significance of doctrinal
the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah represents the most perceptive analysis of its
development.
esoteric dimension; articles relevant to Niza¯r¯ı teachings are
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASSOCIATION FOR RESEARCH AND ENLIGHTENMENT
559
contained in his Cyclical Time and Isma¯ E¯ıl¯ı Gnosis (London,
nent of Atlantis, crystal healing, spiritual development, med-
1983). Nas:¯ır al-D¯ın T:u¯s¯ı’s Tas:awwura¯t has been edited and
itation, psychic development, prophecy, imminent earth
translated by W. Ivanow as Rawdatu Dt-Taslim, Commonly
changes, the past lives of Jesus, and the Essene community.
Called Tas:awwura¯t (Leiden, 1950). For the Isma¯E¯ıl¯ıyah in
These subjects and practices would become staples of the
general, see the various essays in Isma¯ E¯ıl¯ı Contributions to Is-
New Age movement during the second half of the twentieth
lamic Culture, edited by Seyyed Hossein Nasr (Tehran,
century.
1977).
Cayce’s notoriety also attracted the attention of two
AZIM NANJI (1987)
businessmen, Morton and Edwin Blumenthal, who persuad-
ed the psychic to use his “gift” to find oil and mineral depos-
its and to devote his efforts exclusively to clairvoyant activi-
ASSOCIATION FOR RESEARCH AND EN-
ties. In 1927, Cayce and his supporters created the
LIGHTENMENT (ARE) is a nonprofit corporation
Association of National Investigators (ANI) to conduct re-
whose mission is to spread the transformative insights that
search into the alternative healing information delivered
derive from the psychic readings of Edgar Cayce (1877–
through his health readings. The following year, ANI built
1945). ARE’s headquarters are in Virginia Beach, Virginia,
a thirty-bedroom hospital in Virginia Beach, where patients
but its outreach is global. The association sponsors confer-
could come to be treated with the holistic Cayce remedies.
ences and educational activities around the world on such
Atlantic University, a private liberal arts college staffed by
topics as dreams, reincarnation, lost civilizations, psychic de-
faculty sympathetic to Cayce’s work, opened in 1930 in Vir-
velopment, personal spirituality, qigong, feng-shui, and holis-
ginia Beach. Only a year later, when ANI’s financial backers
tic health. ARE also supports the Cayce/Reilly School of
sustained heavy losses during the Great Depression, the hos-
Massotherapy, Atlantic University, an online bookstore, a re-
pital and university were closed.
treat/camp for children and adults, and a library that houses
Cayce’s inner core of supporters met during 1931 to dis-
an impressive collection of books and films on all aspects of
cuss strategies for salvaging ANI’s work. They decided to in-
personal spirituality and psychic research. It would not be an
corporate the ARE as a philanthropic organization dedicated
overstatement to say that ARE, during its seventy-five years
to supporting Cayce’s clairvoyant readings and research into
of existence, has been one of America’s most influential pur-
psychic development. Part of this support included the hir-
veyors of the combination of beliefs and practices commonly
ing of a trained stenographer to record verbatim transcripts
known to scholars as New Age spirituality. ARE’s successful
of the readings. ARE grew slowly between 1931 and 1945,
adaptation to changing currents in spiritual and therapeutic
and its primary service was a newsletter that it published to
practice between the mid-1960s and 2000 is a remarkable
contributing members. Interest in Cayce’s work was rekin-
story of a new religious movement that struggled for survival
dled during the early 1940s following publication of Thomas
during its founding generation only to flourish during a later
Sugrue’s sympathetic biography of Cayce, There Is a River,
period of cultural upheaval.
and of a Coronet magazine article detailing Cayce’s work. A
ARE’s origins lie in the life and work of Cayce, a native
flood of new members joined ARE and Cayce was besieged
of rural Kentucky whose experiments in self-hypnosis led
with requests for readings. Cayce’s health began to decline
him to a career as a psychic healer. The experiments came
in 1944 and he died in 1945. Many of ARE’s members left
about during a period of ill health that rendered Cayce al-
the association when they realized Cayce would no longer be
most incapable of speech. A doctor from New York, one of
available for readings, and the organization hovered on the
many specialists consulted by Cayce’s family, suggested that
brink of collapse. It was the efforts of Cayce’s eldest son,
Cayce diagnose his own condition while in a hypnotic
Hugh Lynn Cayce (1907–1982), that prevented the dissolu-
trance. The diagnosis and treatment that Cayce prescribed
tion of the association. A trained psychologist, Hugh Lynn
in this trance state resulted in the complete cure of his condi-
Cayce had created small ARE study groups around the coun-
tion. After a national paper published an article about the
try during the 1930s and organized annual meetings for ARE
cure, Cayce began receiving requests for psychic “readings”
before going off to serve in World War II. He now set about
from people with health problems. Cayce would hypnotize
to preserve his father’s legacy for future generations and to
himself and view the ill person clairvoyantly. He would then
make the readings available to an international audience.
dictate a diagnosis and a treatment regimen that often in-
The younger Cayce lectured annually throughout the
cluded folk remedies such as castor oil, massage, and herbal
United States, visiting college campuses, churches, radio pro-
compresses. The successful outcome of many of these cases
grams, retreats, and conferences. He also took legal measures
made Cayce a nationally known spiritual healer.
to secure the Cayce family’s guardianship of the reading ar-
In 1923, a Theosophist named Arthur Lammers met
chives. The legal entity he established in 1946, the Edgar
with Cayce and suggested that he also give readings into the
Cayce Foundation, microfilmed and cross-indexed the read-
past lives and “karmic” conditions of his patients. Soon
ings by subject matter so that they might be of use to re-
Cayce was giving both health readings and “life” readings
searchers. Another initiative undertaken by Hugh Lynn
that mentioned subjects such as reincarnation, the lost conti-
Cayce was to create relationships with universities and hospi-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
560
ASSOCIATION FOR RESEARCH AND ENLIGHTENMENT
tals engaged in cutting-edge research in areas such as psycho-
Cayce material. Participants believed that a field of mental
archaeology, parapsychology, and alternative healing thera-
and spiritual energy was created through their fellowship,
pies. As part of this research initiative, Cayce created a clinic
which accelerated each member’s spiritual growth.
where trained psychologists and physicians could test his fa-
The beliefs of ARE members can be articulated as five
ther’s medical readings. To address the opposition ARE
major principles. First, spiritual growth and the development
faced from fundamentalist churches, Cayce stressed the sci-
of psychic ability can be achieved without crash break-
entific and nonsectarian nature of ARE’s work and invited
throughs using drugs or risky psychotherapeutic group work.
mainstream ministers to address the association’s national
Second, all persons enter physical incarnation to learn certain
and regional conferences. Cayce also established the ARE
soul lessons. Third, authentic spiritual development needs
Press, which began a successful effort to publish books and
the support of a group of fellow seekers. Fourth, convention-
other educational materials that focused on the various topics
al rituals and dogmas can be an impediment to spiritual
covered by the readings. Finally, the younger Cayce reached
progress. Finally, the best leadership for study groups comes
out to New Age forerunner groups such as Unity, Divine Sci-
from the “master within” rather than human leaders or gurus.
ence, the Rosicrucians, the Theosophical Society, and the Ar-
For the most part, the egalitarian, inner-directed, and
cane School by lecturing at their centers on topics ranging
dogma-free ethos of ARE study groups helped them to avoid
from psychic development and positive thinking to dreams
the pitfalls of charismatic leadership that plagued other alter-
and ancient cultures.
native spirituality groups of this era.
These initiatives paid off during the 1960s, when the as-
During the 1970s and 1980s, ARE continued to ex-
sociation’s membership grew from 2,500 members and 90
pand, reaching a membership of 32,000 by 1981. Study
study groups in the early part of the decade to 12,000 mem-
groups were established in Canada, England, Ireland, Austra-
bers and 1,023 study groups by 1970. By 1974, the ARE
lia, Mexico, and New Zealand and numbered 1,784. The as-
Press had printed nine million books and pamphlets. ARE’s
sociation’s 146 employees oversaw as many as twenty-four
staff increased from fifteen employees in 1960 to eighty-
international lectures, workshops, and conferences a month.
three by 1970. Demographically, the association’s member-
A one million dollar Edgar Cayce Memorial Library was
ship began to reflect the spiritual seekers of the youth coun-
completed in 1975 next to the national headquarters in Vir-
terculture and also included growing numbers of humanistic
ginia Beach. This facility houses the association’s fully cross-
psychologists, alternative health practitioners, and prisoners.
indexed files of the transcripts of readings and a collection
New kinds of ARE workshops, seminars, and programs
of over 30,000 books on psychic phenomena and spiritual
reflected these changes in demography. These included As-
growth. By the early 1980s, over 45,000 visitors were using
ilomar Workshop and Camp weeks in Monterrey, Califor-
the library’s facilities annually.
nia, where entire families attended sessions on psychic devel-
During this time ARE became a determined and influ-
opment, holistic medicine, reincarnation, and meditation, as
ential purveyor of New Age goods, services, and ideas. For
well as an ARE youth camp in rural Virginia. Cayce drew
example, the phenomenon of “channeling” material from
young people to Virginia Beach by offering research grants
disembodied spiritual entities meshed well with the associa-
to high school and college students who wished to use the
tion’s focus on personal development of psychic abilities and
ARE library to research term papers on clairvoyance, dream
with the mode through which Cayce’s readings had been re-
interpretation, extrasensory perception (ESP), and reincarna-
ceived. Prominent New Age channelers such as Judy Skutch,
tion. ARE-sponsored lecturers also hit the college circuit dur-
Paul Solomon, and Kevin Ryerson had either been ARE
ing this decade, making the Cayce material accessible to a
members or had studied the Cayce materials before begin-
new generation of young people. Prominent psychological
ning their independent careers. In addition, ARE was an
researchers Jean Houston and Stanley Krippner joined such
early promoter of research into lost civilizations such as Le-
noted figures as Marcus Bach of Unity, nutritionist Adelle
muria and Atlantis and into such ancient mysteries as the
Davis, psychic investigators Joan Grant and Ruth Montgom-
Dead Sea Scrolls and the Great Pyramid complex at Giza,
ery and popular writer Jess Stearn for lectures on such topics
Egypt.
as “Psychedelic and Meditative Explorations of the Potential
of the Human Mind” and “Expanding Your Awareness.” St-
The New Age movement’s interest in holistic healing
earn’s 1967 biography, Edgar Cayce: The Sleeping Prophet,
and bodywork has been reflected in ARE’s annual symposia
drew a large new audience to ARE’s work.
on alternative medicine and its research into osteopathy, chi-
ropractic treatment, and physiotherapy. In 1981, an ARE-
The nexus of ARE’s membership during this period was
sponsored clinic of physiotherapy began employing a staff of
the Cayce study groups, which were overseen by a national
osteopaths, nurses, and massage therapists, and in 1987, the
board of trustees and local councils (composed of several
Cayce/Reilly School of Massotherapy was created. To date,
study groups in one city). Two small books, A Search for God,
this school has trained more than 750 individuals from forty-
Part I and Part II, guided discussions on topics such as
five states and thirteen countries in concepts of holistic body-
prayer, meditation, and healing. The purpose of the discus-
work found in the Cayce readings. These concepts include
sion groups was to test and apply the precepts found in the
Cayce/Reilly Massage, a style of Swedish massage developed
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASTARTE
561
by Dr. Harold J. Reilly from information in the readings.
Niemark, Anne E. With This Gift: The Story of Edgar Cayce. New
The school prepares its students for careers in massage thera-
York, 1978.
py by offering classes in anatomy and physiology, advanced
Stearn, Jess. Edgar Cayce: The Sleeping Prophet. New York, 1967.
massage techniques, and business ethics.
Sugrue, Thomas. There Is a River: The Story of Edgar Cayce. New
In line with the New Age movement’s ideals of spiritual
York, 1942; rev. ed., 1945.
community building, ARE in the late 1970s established a
PHILLIP CHARLES LUCAS (2005)
clearinghouse for information on the creation of intentional
spiritual communities. The association also held conferences
on community building that featured speakers such as Find-
horn’s Peter Caddy, and created a kindergarten using con-
ASSYRIAN RELIGION SEE MESOPOTAMIAN
cepts from alternative educational systems like Waldorf and
RELIGIONS
Montessori.
The once defunct Atlantic University reactivated its
charter in 1972. Initially, the school sponsored intensive
ASTARTE was a Syro–Palestinian goddess widely attested
summer study sessions on various topics related to the Cayce
throughout the Mediterranean Levant. References to her first
legacy. The school also attempted to arrange for their courses
appear in texts from Syria in the third millennium BCE (at
on dream interpretation, meditation, and alternative healing
Ebla and perhaps Early Dynastic Mari), and increase in the
to count for credit toward degrees at fully accredited univer-
second millennium BCE (at Emar and Ugarit). Her cult was
sities. In fall 1985, Atlantic University reopened as a gradu-
imported to Egypt in the latter half of the second millenni-
ate school offering a degree in the developing field of trans-
um. From the first millennium BCE on, worship of Astarte
personal studies. The university received a provisional license
spread via the Phoenicians from their coastal cities (e.g.,
from the State Council on Higher Education in Virginia in
Sidon, Tyre, and Byblos) to Cyprus, Carthage and North Af-
1989 and was subsequently licensed to confer the degree of
rica, Italy, Malta, Spain, and Greece. She appears in the He-
master of arts in transpersonal studies. In 2001, the school’s
brew Bible/Old Testament mostly in the role of a generic
continuing education program gained accreditation from the
Canaanite goddess.
International Association for Continuing Education and
Training.
Astart¯e is the Greek form of the deity’s name, but the
earliest form in the third millennium, Ashtart (from Aˇstarta),
ARE’s leadership now rests with Charles Thomas Cayce
ultimately reflects the feminine of Semitic Ashtar/Athtar, a
(b. 1942), Hugh Lynn Cayce’s son. Because of his training
Venus deity. The name of the goddess Ishtar also derives
as a child psychologist, Charles Thomas Cayce has champi-
from Ashtar, but hers kept the masculine form without a -t
oned research into children’s education and humanistic psy-
ending, and she became the popular goddess of love, war,
chology during his tenure. From its humble beginnings,
and the planet Venus in Mesopotamia, whereas Astarte be-
ARE has grown into a global network that sponsors numer-
came a leading deity in western Syria. One may thus infer
ous conferences and educational activities related to the
that Astarte was, as Ashtar and Ishtar, astralized. However,
Cayce legacy. Edgar Cayce Centers exist in over twenty-five
her nature and features varied in the different regions and
nations, and outreach occurs in more than eighty countries.
periods in which her cult prospered, and they seem to have
The association remains true to its original mission to dis-
also included associations with love and fertility, war, mari-
seminate the Cayce material through all available technolo-
time activities, royal patronage, and more.
gies and modalities. This entails ARE’s publication of over
three hundred books and pamphlets and the release of the
IN SYRIA AND PHOENICIA. In the texts from Ugarit, the
Cayce readings on CD-ROM.
name of the goddess is spelled Ettrt, probably vocalized as
EAthtart(u). She is prominent among the gods in Ugaritic of-
SEE ALSO Cayce, Edgar; New Age Movement.
fering and ritual texts, but appears less often in mythic or lit-
erary texts, where the goddesses Asherah and Anat outshine
BIBLIOGRAPHY
her. She is occasionally mentioned together with Anat. For
Bro, Harmon. “Miracle Man of Virginia Beach.” Coronet (Sep-
example, both have famed beauty in the Keret epic (KTU
tember 1943).
1.14.iii.41–42); they prepare food for a feast and go hunting
Carter, Mary Ellen. My Years with Edgar Cayce: The Personal Story
together in the marzih:u–banquet text (KTU 1.114.9–14,
of Gladys Davis Turner. New York, 1972.
22–23); they are paired together in the lists of deities invoked
Cayce, Hugh Lynn. Venture Inward: Edgar Cayce’s Story and the
in serpent charms (KTU 1.100.20, 1.107.14); and in the
Mysteries of the Unconscious Mind. New York, 1964; reprint,
Baal epic they both try to dissuade Baal from killing the sea-
Virginia Beach, Va., 1996.
god Yamm’s messengers (KTU 1.2.i.40–42). Scholars have
Furst, Jeffery. Edgar Cayce’s Story of Jesus. New York, 1968.
often assumed that Astarte and Anat were consorts of Baal,
Lucas, Phillip C. “The Association of Research and Enlighten-
but neither is ever explicitly identified as such at Ugarit. As-
ment: Saved by the New Age.” In America’s Alternative Reli-
tarte is called ˇsm b El, “name-of-Ba Elu,” at least once (as well
gions, edited by Timothy Miller. Albany, N.Y., 1995.
as in a later Phoenician text); but this may merely suggest
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
562
ASTARTE
that she could be seen as a hypostasis of Baal, and not neces-
IN THE BIBLE. The goddess’s name occurs nine times in the
sarily a consort. Another epithet for Astarte at Ugarit is “As-
Masoretic Text of the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament. The
tarte of the field” ( E ttrt ˇsd), perhaps hinting at an association
singular form of the name, EAˇsto¯ret, occurs three times. In
with animal fertility. At Mari, Astarte was perhaps the spouse
1 Kings 11:5, Solomon is said to worship Astarte of the Sido-
of the river-god, and at Emar she had an extensive cult along-
nians and Milcom of the Ammonites, and in verse 33, Che-
side the god Baal. Her names or epithets at Emar include
mosh of Moab. 2 Kings 23:13 states that Josiah defiled the
“Astarte of battle,” “Astarte of the city,” and “Astarte of the
high places built by Solomon for the same three deities. The
mountain.”
singular form EAˇsto¯ret was probably given its vowels in order
Astarte was a leading goddess across the Phoenician
to echo those of the word bo¯ˇset (shame), a word often used
world, and her name in Phoenician ( Eˇstrt, pronounced
in the Bible in place of the name of Baal (see Hosiah 9:10
EAshtart), occurs as a theophoric element in hundreds of first
and Jeremiah 11:13, for example, or 2 Samuel 2:8 where Ish-
millennium BCE personal names. She was the chief goddess
boshet [ Dîˇsbo¯ˇset, “man of shame”] occurs, instead of Ishbaal,
of Sidon and was worshiped alongside Baal and Eshmun; in-
[ Dîˇsba Eal]). The plural form EAˇsta¯rôt appears six times in deu-
scriptions on the fifth-century sarcophagi of the Sidonian
teronomistic passages condemning the worship of foreign
king Tabnit (KAI 13) and his son Eshmunazar (KAI 14) refer
gods. Judges 10:6, 1 Samuel 7:4, and 1 Samuel 12:10 all con-
to two royal priests of Astarte (Tabnit’s father and Tabnit),
demn worship of “the Baals (bˇe Ea¯lîm) and the Astartes” (a
as well as a royal priestess (Tabnit’s wife, queen Immi–
set expression similar to the Akkadian ila¯ni u iˇstara¯ti, mean-
ashtart, “My mother is Astarte”), and KAI 14 mentions sever-
ing “gods and goddesses” generically); whereas it is “the for-
al shrines devoted to her. At Tyre she was worshiped along-
eign gods . . . and the Astartes” in 1 Samuel 7:3, and “the
side Melqart and Baal-shamem, and she appears with those
Baal (sing.) and the Astartes (pl.)” in Judges 2:13. The final
deities and others as a witness in the Assyrian king Esarhad-
instance of plural EAˇsta¯rôt is in 1 Samuel 31:10, where per-
don’s treaty with Tyre in the seventh century. In the Kition
haps the singular was originally meant. There, the armor of
tariff inscription from Cyprus (KAI 37A), which lists expen-
the fallen king Saul is taken by the Philistines to the temple
ditures for her temple there, Astarte is called “the holy
of “Astartes,” and his body is fastened to the wall in Beth–
Queen.” Another standard title for her in other Phoenician
Shean.
or Punic texts is rbt (Lady).
Astarte’s name is used as a plural abstract in an expres-
In Philo of Byblos’s Phoenician History (c. 100 CE, par-
sion found in Deuteronomy 7:13; 28:4, 18, 51: Eaˇstˇerôt
tially preserved in Eusebius’s Praeparatio evangelica), which
s:o¯Dneka¯ (the increase of your flock), which occurs alongside
Philo claims to be a Greek translation of a work written by
ˇsˇegar Da˘la¯pêka¯ (the offspring of your cattle). Both phrases re-
a native Phoenician called Sanchuniathon, Astarte is the
flect vestiges of beliefs about fertility and the gods; Sˇgr is a
daughter of Ouranos along with two sisters who are sent to
deity at Ugarit and is paired with Ashtar in the Balaam text
kill Kronos, who instead takes them as his wives. Kronos has
from Deir EAlla, I.16. The so-called Queen of Heaven,
seven daughters by Astarte, called the Titanids or Artemids,
whose worship is detested in Jeremiah 7:18; 44:17–19, 25,
and two male children, called Desire and Love (PE 1.10.22–
may be Astarte, although cases have also been made for other
24). In addition, Praeparatio evangelica 1.10.31–32 states
Canaanite goddesses or the Mesopotamian Ishtar. Astarte’s
that “greatest Astarte” and Zeus Demarous (Baal Hadad)
cult in the fourth-century BCE Kition tariff text likely in-
ruled “over the land with the consent of Kronos,” and that
volved offerings of cakes as did that of the Queen of Heaven
Astarte wore a bull’s head on her head as an emblem of king-
in Jeremiah (but that was true for Ishtar’s cult as well). Astar-
ship. As a testament to her astral features, Philo adds that
te also appears as a place-name in the Bible–Ashtaroth or As-
Astarte found a fallen star (astera) and consecrated it in
htaroth–Qarnaim (Astarte of the [two] horns; see, for exam-
Tyre. He concludes, “the Phoenicians say that Astarte is
ple, Gn. 14:5), as at Ugarit and elsewhere.
Aphrodite.”
The so-called Astarte clay plaques from the Late Bronze
IN EGYPT. Astarte was one of many imported Asian deities
and Early Iron Ages portraying naked females with empha-
from the New Kingdom to the Late Period (Egyptian Estrt,
E
sized sexual organs are not to be explicitly identified with the
strt, istrt). She is called nbt pt, “Lady of Heaven,” in many
goddess Astarte. They are usually uninscribed and the associ-
New Kingdom texts, and she appears often in iconography
ated traits might fit with any of several goddesses, or may
depicted as a goddess of war with a shield and spear or a bow
even depict human women.
and arrow, sometimes on horseback. She is the military pa-
tron of eighteenth- and nineteenth-dynasty pharaohs Amen-
The continued pairing of Astarte with Anat throughout
hotep II, Thutmose IV, Rameses II, and Rameses III. In the
the Levant eventually ended in their coalescence in the form
“Contendings of Horus and Seth,” Astarte and Anat are pres-
of the goddess Atargatis, worshiped in Syria in the Hellenis-
ented as the daughters of Re and the wives of Seth–Baal. “As-
tic and Roman periods. The Greek name Atargatis ( Etr Eth or
tarte and the Sea” is a paraphrase of the Canaanite myth in
Dtr EtD in Aramaic) is a compound of EAttar (cf. other forms
which Baal (Seth in the Egyptian version) with Astarte’s help
of Astarte’s name) and EAttaD (an aramaizing form of Anat).
defeats the Sea (Yamm), who wished to exact tribute from
The De dea syria attributed to Lucian of Samosata in the sec-
the gods and to take Astarte as his wife.
ond century CE describes the cult of the Syrian goddess at
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASTROLOGY
563
Hierapolis. However, Astarte probably remained a separate
genuinely Egyptian, but no older than the third century BCE
goddess alongside Atargatis for a while.
(although based on a more ancient doctrine of the chronokra-
tores, the “rulers of time”) is the invention of the thirty-six
BIBLIOGRAPHY
decans of the zodiac. The latter was called zo¯idiakos (from
For editions of Ugaritic texts (KTU), see M. Dietrich, O. Loretz,
zo¯idion, “carved figure”) by the fifth-century Greeks, after
and J. Sanmartín, The Cuneiform Alphabetic Texts from
the shapes of figures that they imagined were in the heavenly
Ugarit, Ras Ibn Hani and Other Places (KTU) (Münster, Ger-
constellations. One of the oldest astrological treatises, a Hel-
many, 1995). For editions of Northwest Semitic inscriptions
lenistic compilation dating from the second century BCE, is
(KAI), see H. Donner and W. Röllig, Kanaanäische und ara-
also said to be Egyptian in origin. It is attributed to the
mäische Inschriften (KAI), I–III (2d ed., Wiesbaden, 1966–
mythical Egyptian pharoah Nechepsos as well as to the priest
1969).
Petosiris, who may be the same as the Petosiris whose
On Astarte herself, see C. Bonnet, Astarté: Dossier documentaire et
mummy was found in a fourth-century BCE tomb discovered
perspectives historiques (Rome, 1996); W. Heimpel, “A Cata-
at Eshumen in Upper Egypt.
log of Near Eastern Venus Deities,” Syro–Mesopotamian
Studies 4, no. 3 (1982): 59–72; J. Leclant, “Astarté à cheval
Eudoxus of Cnidus (408–355 BCE), the father of Greek
d’après les représentations égyptiennes,” Syria 37 (1960):
astronomy, was also versed in the principles of universal and
1–67; N. Wyatt, “Astarte,” in Dictionary of Deities and De-
meteorological astrology. The great astronomer Hipparchus
mons in the Bible, (2d ed., edited by K. van der Toorn and
(fl. 146–127 BCE) studied the correspondences of planetary
others), pp. 109–114 (Leiden, 1999).
signs with the people and the geographic features of the
For a recent edition with commentary of De dea syria, see Lucian,
earth; he was also acquainted with astral melothesy (the study
On the Syrian Goddess, edited by J. L. Lightfoot (Oxford,
of the correspondences between the human body and plan-
2003). For Philo’s Phoenician history, see Philo of Byblos,
ets, signs, and decans) and Hermetic astrology.
The Phoenician History, edited by H. W. Attridge and R. A.
Oden, Jr. (Washington, D.C., 1981).
Hermetic lay astrology was concerned with the study of
On Astarte in the Northwest Semitic pantheon, see J. Day, Yah-
universal astrology (genika), world periods and cycles
weh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan, pages 128–150
(apokatastaseis), planetary lots (kl¯eroi), and the horoscope of
(Sheffield, U.K., 2000); E. Lipin´ski, Dieux et déesses de
the world traced according to the position of the planets in
l’univers phénicien et punique (Louvain, 1995). On the ico-
the signs at the time the earth was formed (thema mundi).
nography of ancient Near Eastern goddesses, see U. Winter,
It was also concerned with the interpretation of signs as man-
Frau und Göttin: Exegetische und ikonographische Studien zum
ifested in the omens given by thunder (brontologia) and the
weiblichen Gottesbild im Alten Israel und in dessen Umwelt
prognoses given at the New Year (apotelesmata). In addition,
(Freiburg, Germany, 1983).
Hermetic astrology involved the study of correspondences
TAWNY L. HOLM (2005)
between astral phenomena and the human body or material
objects, as in the study of individual or medical (iatrological)
astrology; astrological medicine (iatromath¯ematika), based
on a complicated astral melothesy; and the study of the cor-
ASTRAL MYTHOLOGY SEE SKY, ARTICLE ON
respondences between stars, precious stones, plants, and met-
THE HEAVENS AS HIEROPHANY
als. Most of the texts of Hermetic astrology are no longer ex-
tant, but they were frequently quoted by writers of late
antiquity and the Renaissance.
ASTROLOGY. When astrology, a product of Hellenistic
The development of astrology was decisively influenced
civilization, appeared at the end of the third century BCE, its
by the great astronomer Ptolemy (Claudius Ptolemaeus, c.
origins were ascribed to the revelations of the Egyptian god
100–178 CE), the author of the Apotelesmatika (also known
Hermes (Thoth). However, its practitioners were usually
as Tetrabiblos or Quadripartitum), who made popular the ps-
called “Chaldeans,” a formula devoid of any actual historical
eudepigraphon Karpos, or Centiloquium. Other important
reference to Mesopotamia. Hellenistic astrology was actually
astrologers of late antiquity were Vettius Valens, author of
a combination of Chaldean and Egyptian astral religion and
the Anthologeuon biblia (written between 152 and 188 CE),
Greek astronomy and methods of computation. Even
and Firmicus Maternus, who wrote the Matheseos libri VIII
though Hellenistic astrology and the astrology of late antiq-
around 335, before he became a Christian.
uity took on the features of different local traditions when
After the closing of the philosophical school of Athens
exported to India, China, or Islamic countries, their basic in-
in 529 CE, several Greek scholars emigrated to Persia, where
gredients are, in all places, Greek science and Chaldean and
they were granted asylum by the emperor Khosrow I (531–
Egyptian astral lore.
579). There they translated several Greek texts, some of
The actual contribution of the latter to Greek astrology
which were astrological treatises, into Pahlavi (Middle Per-
is debatable, for the Chaldean and Egyptian traditions were
sian). These treatises were later translated from Pahlavi into
widely divergent on some points. However, the idea of two
Arabic by Abu¯ MaEshar (787–886), known also as Albuma-
malefic planets—Mars and Saturn—is genuinely Chaldean;
sar, a scholar in the court of the caliph al-MaDmu¯n of Bagh-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
564
ASTROLOGY
dad. Many texts entered the corpus of Arabic works on as-
change the deplorable conditions of contemporary humani-
trology through Persia: the Arab Masala (c. 770–820), in his
ty. This hope was also expressed by the followers of Johann
compilation of a catalog of books on astrology, listed forty-
Valentin Andreae (1586–1654), the author of the Rosicru-
six titles of Persian provenance. By around 750 CE the Arabs
cian manifestos. The dates of the last two Great Conjunc-
had developed a considerable interest in astrology. Arabic
tions figure importantly in the apocryphal history of the
translations of astrological texts greatly influenced the
founder of the Rosicrucian order.
thought of the late Middle Ages and the Renaissance.
Astrological predictions were feared by the authorities
Greek astrology reached India between the first and
for their possible deleterious political consequences. Astrolo-
third centuries CE, introduced possibly by a Buddhist monk.
gy was often condemned or suppressed during antiquity and
The most important Indian astrologer was the sixth-century
the Renaissance. For example, to counteract the effect of the
philosopher Vara¯hamihira, the author of astrological treatises
prophecy concerning the church reformer born under the
and of the Pañca-siddha¯ntika¯, a work that contained what
1484 conjunction, Innocent VIII issued the bull Summis de-
was then known of Indian, Egyptian, Greek, and Roman as-
siderantes affectibus, which had some effect on the great witch
tronomy. However, Indian astrology, despite its subsequent
craze of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Eventually
development and later influence, was unoriginal. Chinese as-
astrology was officially condemned by the church at the end
trology may have derived from Indian astrology, but it is
of the sixteenth century, as a consequence of other disastrous
based primarily on an impressive indigenous system of corre-
predictions. However, the liberal trends at the beginning of
spondences between the microcosm and macrocosm.
the seventeenth century were in great measure dependent
The role of astrology in the cultural and political life of
upon astrological predictions. Astrology seems to continue
Europe from the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries is only par-
to exert a certain influence on the political and cultural life
tially known. Astrology had a prominent place in Renais-
of modern Europe, although it is much less influential than
sance science, but it gradually lost this position when the
it was during the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries.
church disassociated itself from astrology at the end of the
Confutations of astrology have a common pattern,
sixteenth century during the Reformation. Only the names
which usually consists of denying the possibility that the stars
of a few of the greatest astrologers of the Renaissance are still
could influence human affairs. Some of these confutations
known today: Johann Müller (known as Regiomontanus),
are famous, such as those of Girolamo Savonarola, Giovanni
Guido Bonato of Forli, and Luca Gaurico, bishop of Civitate
Pico della Mirandola, and John Calvin. Although Pico’s Dis-
(Naples), who worked for Catherine de Médicis.
putationes astrologiam adversus divinatricem was left unprint-
Some astrologers who are almost unknown today were
ed because of his sudden death in 1494, it is very possible
once famous for having prophesied public events. Their pre-
that this semiofficial treatise was meant to put forth the an-
dictions were associated with the theory suggesting the uni-
tiastrological policies of Innocent VIII and his successor, and
versal influence of Great Conjunctions of planets and signs
to obtain for Pico a full pardon for his past errors and prepare
upon religious and political matters. This theory dates to an-
the way for a high ecclesiastical career.
tiquity and was much discussed by the Arab thinkers al-
THE METHODS OF ASTROLOGY. Greek astrology was based
Kindi and Abu¯ MaEshar. One of the best-known prophesies
on Greek astronomy, which was abstruse and difficult to
stated that Luther and the Reformation were the conse-
practice. This is one of the principal reasons why many of
quences of the conjunction of the superior planets Jupiter
the authors of astrological treatises in antiquity and late an-
and Saturn in Scorpio during November of 1484. Interpret-
tiquity made inadvertent mistakes in astrological formula-
ing this conjunction, Johann Lichtenberger predicted that a
tions that were by their very nature almost impossible to
German reformer would be born who would become a monk
apply. Another reason for the varied and even contradictory
and would have another monk as a counselor. The predic-
astrological systems of late antiquity was the weight of tradi-
tion was later rediscovered and associated with Luther (b.
tion. Traditionally complex numerical systems of astrology
1483) and Philipp Melanchthon.
were inevitably altered in their transmission and were rarely
During the sixteenth century, the theory of conjunc-
interpreted in the same way by any two different authors. For
tions played an important role in the works of Cyprianus von
example, the numerical systems of specific astrological tables
Leowitz and of the Englishman Richard Harvey. At the be-
could be interpreted in various ways: the horia (fines, termi-
ginning of the seventeenth century, the theory was used by
ni), or portions of a sign distributed among the five planets;
Johannes Kepler in his astrological calculations concerning
the tables of hupso¯mata, or “exaltations” of the planets in dif-
a star that had appeared in 1604. On the basis of the appear-
ferent signs; the tables of tapeino¯mata (deiectiones), or “de-
ance of this nova, Kepler claimed to be able to calculate the
pressions” of the planets; the tables of the so-called partes
precise date of the nativity of Jesus Christ, who, because he
vacuae or vacantes, the “empty spaces” of the zodiac; and so
was a great prophet, was to have been born at the time of
on. Ptolemy tried to eliminate discrepancies among different
a Great Conjunction. His birth was also to have been an-
traditions by replacing corrupt or unintelligible traditions
nounced by a nova, the star of the Magi. These calculations
with numerical series linked by logical, arithmetical
fostered the hope that a general reformation of faith would
operations.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ASTROLOGY
565
Astrology superimposes two different complex systems:
sisters (fratres), parents (parentes), sons (filii), health (valetu-
that of the heavens and that of the collective and individual
do), marriage (nuptiae), death (mors), travels (peregrina-
destinies of the human beings on earth. Through the obser-
tiones), honors (honores), friends (amici), and enemies (inimi-
vation of the heavens (and the interpretation of those
ci). According to a medieval mnemonic couplet, these are
observations according to a framework of theoretical, nonob-
servational assumptions), these systems attempt to account
Vita, lucrum, fratres, genitor, nati, valetudo Uxor,
mors, pietas, regnum benefactaque, carcer.
for the changes within the human system, which are other-
wise unpredictable, unobservable, and unsystematic. It is
The revolution of the zodiac within the houses makes possi-
true that from a scientific viewpoint there is no real connec-
ble many significant combinations; however, the great vari-
tion between the two systems, and thus Greek astrology has
ability of the system is due to the movements of the planets.
been perceived as an attempt to give mathematical justifica-
According to the geocentric system, there are seven “plan-
tion to absurd theoretical assumptions. However, instead of
ets,” arranged according to their distance from the earth and
emphasizing the arbitrary nature and incorrect theoretical
by the length of their respective revolutions: the moon, Mer-
basis of astrology, one might consider its contributions from
cury, Venus, the sun, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. These were
a psychological point of view. The choice of an analogous
further classified according to sex and quality. Mars and Sat-
system for human fate reflects a deep insight into the tran-
urn were specifically designated as “malefics,” a feature inher-
sience and singularity of human lives and human events.
ited from Babylonian astrology.
Astrological systems are multiple-choice systems based
Ptolemy stated that the planets have two kinds of “as-
on several informational operators that are capable of ac-
pects”: (1) the aspect determined both by their positions in
counting for an almost unrestricted number of operations.
the zodiac and by their positions relative to one another and
This astrological “computer program” was used to store in-
(2) the aspect determined only by their positions relative to
formation in the memory by several mnemotechnical
one another. The most important position of the first aspect
systems.
is the so-called idioproso¯pos, the position of a planet when
it is located at the same circular distance from the sun and
The first operator in the zodiac, or wheel, composed of
moon that its domicile is from the domiciles of the sun and
the twelve constellations (more or less arbitrary groups of
moon. The domiciles (oikoi) are the signs ruled by each plan-
stars) through which the planets circulate. In addition to
et. The sun and moon each rule only one sign, Leo and Can-
these constellations, there are several others that are not in
cer, respectively; the other planets each rule two signs. Mer-
the path of the planets; as extrazodiacal signs (paranatellonta)
cury rules Gemini and Virgo; Venus, Taurus and Libra;
that rise together with the signs of the zodiac, they can also
Mars, Aries and Scorpio; Jupiter, Sagittarius and Pisces; and
figure in astrological computations and analyses. Beginning
Saturn, Capricorn and Aquarius. In addition to the domi-
from the sign rising at the spring equinox, the twelve constel-
ciles, each planet has an “exaltation” at a special place in one
lations are the Ram (Krios, Aries), the Bull (Tauros, Taurus),
sign, and a “depression” (or “exile”) in another.
the Twins (Didumoi, Gemini), the Crab (Karkinos, Cancer),
the Lion (Leo¯n, Leo), the Virgin (Parthenos, Virgo), the
Of the second kind of aspect, Ptolemy cites only two
Scales (Zugos, Libra), the Scorpion (Skorpios, Scorpio), the
positions: the sunaph¯e, “contact,” or koll¯e¯esis, “sticking”
Archer (Toxot¯es, Sagittarius), the Goat (Aigokero¯s, Capri-
(Lat., contactus, coniunctio, applicatio, or glutinatio), posi-
corn), the Waterbearer (Hudrochoos, Aquarius), and the Fish
tions that occur when two planets meet on the same meridi-
(Ichthues, Pisces). The twelve signs of the zodiac are further
an. The conjunction is followed by a separation or aporroia
grouped into triangles according to their form, sex, quality
(Lat., defluxio). Several other positions were successively
(cold, warm, wet, or dry), and the element to which they be-
added to these two, but they were not based on the relative
long. Thus Aries, Leo, and Sagittarius constitute the fire tri-
positions of planets but on their aktinobolia (emissio radi-
angle; Taurus, Virgo, and Capricorn, the earth triangle;
orum), or power to emit rays. When these rays meet under
Gemini, Libra, and Aquarius, the air triangle; and Cancer,
certain conditions they form “figures” (sch¯emata), called ad-
Scorpio, and Pisces, the water triangle.
spectus in Latin because of the way the planets are “looking”
(adspicio) at one another. The term aktinobolia itself was usu-
Each of the twelve signs occupies 30 degrees of a 360-
ally employed to indicate a negative aspect in which a planet
degree circle. Each sign is further divided into three decans
could be “blocked” or “sieged” (Gr., perischesis or emperische-
(dekanoi) of 10 degrees each; they are sometimes divided into
sis; Lat., detentio or obsidio, etc.). While conjunction with the
single degrees (monomoiriai). To each sign are assigned cons-
malefic planets is usually maleficent, there are two aspects
tant features according to its element, quality, sex, shape, and
that are always benefic (120° and 60°) and two others (oppo-
position. The zodiac revolves on an ideal plane divided into
sition, or 180°, and square, or 90°) that are always negative.
topoi (“places” or “houses”). There are two systems of topoi:
(1) a system of eight houses (okto¯topos), which is described
Signs, decans, and planets are said to rule both the zones
only by Marcus Manilius and Firmicus Maternus, and (2)
of the earth and the human body. The correspondences be-
a more general system of twelve houses (do¯dekatopos). The
tween them are classified according to astrological chorogra-
twelve houses are life (vita), wealth (lucrum), brothers and
phy, or the distribution of the sidereal influences of the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
566
ASTRONOMY
oikoumen¯e, and melothesy, or the doctrine of the correspon-
cult Sciences in the Renaissance (Berkeley, 1972). Some details
dences between stars and the human body. There are three
on Renaissance astrology are found in Will-Erich Peuckert’s
kinds of melothesy, which consider the influence of the
Astrologie (Stuttgart, 1960).
signs, decans, or planets respectively. The seven planets are
Information on Renaissance astrology can also be found in the
ascribed correspondences with metals, stones, plants, and an-
writings of little-known astrologers such as Richard Argen-
imals. These are used in astrological medicine, or
tine, Lucio Bellanti, Petrus Buccius, Joachim Camerarius,
iatromath¯ematik¯e, a complicated science of ascribing drugs
Johann Clario, A. Couillard, Claude Dariot, L. Digges, John
or other remedies according to the momentary position and
Eschuid, Oger Ferrier of Toulouse, Thomas Finck, Oronce
influence of the planets, especially the moon.
Fine, Giovanni Maria Fiornovelli, Jacques Fontaine, Marcus
Frytschius, Alonso de Fuentes, W. Fulke, Giovanni Paolo
Astrological predictions are of two kinds: (1) general or
Gallucci, Jean Ganivet, J. Garcaeus, A. P. Gasser, Francesco
catholic (katholikos, “universal”) predictions, which are based
Giuntini, Bernardo de Granollachs of Barcelona, Joseph
on portentous events such as eclipses, comets, meteors, Great
Grünbeck, J. Guido, A Guillermin, Richard Harvey, Jacob
Conjunctions, the aurora borealis, and so on; and (2) partic-
Koebel, Edmond Le Maistre, Cyprianus von Leowitz, Jo-
ular, or genethliac, predictions, which are concerned with the
hann Lichtenberger, R. Lindenberg, G. Marstallerus, Giaco-
position and influence of the stars at one’s birth. The astrolo-
mo Marzari, Antoine Mizauld, Sebastian Münster, V.
ger draws a “birth theme” (Lat., thema, or diathema t¯es
Nabod, Paolo Nicoletto of Venice, Augustinus Niphus, Ca-
spar Peucer, Alessandro Piccolomini, Annibale Raimondo,
geneseo¯s; Lat., constellatio) by determining first the ho¯roskopos
Henricus Rantzovius (governor of Holstein and owner of a
(Lat., ascendens), or “indicator,” of the sign or planet rising
7,000-volume library), Gregorius Reisch, J. F. Ringelbergius
at the eastern horizon at the precise moment of the client’s
of Anvers, Cornelius Scepperus, Johann Schöner, Jac. Schon-
birth. After the ascendant, three other points are determined
heintsz, Joh. Stadius, Joh. Taisnier, Georg Taunstetter-
on the zodiac: the zenith (Gr., mesouran¯ema; Lat., medium
Collimitus, Johannes Virdung of Hasfurt, et al.
coelum), the nadir (Gr., antimesouran¯ema or hupogeion; Lat.,
For works discussing theories of Great Conjunctions, see Abu¯
imum caelum), and the western horizon (Gr., dusis; Lat.,
MaEshar’s De Magnis Conjunctionibus Annorum revolutioni-
occasus).
bus ac eorum perfectionibus octo continens tractatus (Venice,
The meridian line is not perpendicular to the horizon
1515), Johann Lichtenberger’s Prognosticatio Latina Anno
line, and thus the problem of the “ascensions” (anaphorai)
LXXXIII/1483 ad magnam coniunctionem Saturni et Jovis
of each sign is not a simple one; their oblique ascension, ac-
quae fuit anno LXXXIIII/1484 ac eclipsis solis anni sequentis
sc. LXXXV/1485 confecta ac nunc de nouo emendata (Mogun-
cording to the real inclination of the zodiac, has to be trans-
tiae, 1492); Cyprianus von Leowitz’s De Conjunctionibus
lated on the equatorial plane, and their angular speed de-
magnis insignibus superiorum planetarum, Solis defectionibus
pends on the latitude of the geographic location where the
et Cometis (1564); and Richard Harvey’s An Astrological Dis-
calculations are made. During antiquity, tables were drawn
course upon the great and notable Conjunction of the two supe-
for “seven climates” or latitudes. The astrologer is supposed
rior planets, Saturn and Jupiter, which shall happen the 28th
to calculate with accuracy the ascensions of the signs and
day of April, 1583 (London, 1583).
planets, and to exhaust, on a birth theme, all possible combi-
IOAN PETRU CULIANU (1987)
nations of the constituents of the system.
SEE ALSO Divination; Occultism; Sky, article on The Heav-
ens as Hierophany.
ASTRONOMY SEE ETHNOASTRONOMY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The best work on Greek and Roman astrology is Auguste Bouché-
Leclercq’s L’astrologie grecque (Paris, 1899). It should be sup-
AS´VINS SEE TWINS
plemented now with Wilhelm Gundel and Hans Georg
Gundel’s Astrologumena: Die astrologische Literatur in der An-
tike und ihre Geschichte, “Sudhoffs Archiv,” no. 6 (Wiesba-
den, 1966). The latter also contains valuable information on
ATAHUALLPA (c. 1502–1533) was the thirteenth ruler
the history of astrology outside Greece and Rome. An excel-
of the Inca Empire and the last to preside over it before its
lent popular work on astrology is Wilhelm Gundel’s
conquest by the Spanish. Present-day Andean people envi-
Sternglaube, Sternreligion und Sternorakel: Aus der Geschichte
sion Atahuallpa as a messiah. In poetry, drama, and legend,
der Astrologie, 2d ed. (Heidelberg, 1959). Another valuable
he is associated with both autochthonous and Roman Catho-
popular work is Franz Johannes Boll and Carl Bezold’s
lic beliefs. His symbolic identity transcends his historical
Sternglaube und Sterndeutung: Die Geschichte und das Wesen
identity.
der Astrologie, edited by Wilhelm Gundel (Leipzig, 1926).
Numerous original Greek astrological works have been collected
Historically, Atahuallpa was neither the noblest nor the
in the Catalogus codicum astrologorum graecorum, edited by
last of the Inca rulers. He was the son of Huayna Capac
Franz Cumont and Franz Johannes Boll (Brussels, 1898–).
(r. 1493–1527), the eleventh Inca (the title given to heads
There is no catalog of Renaissance works on astrology. Some gen-
of the empire). The heir to the throne was not Atahuallpa
eral information is provided in Wayne Shumaker’s The Oc-
but his brother Huascar (r. 1527–1532), who, at Huayna
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATAHUALLPA
567
Capac’s request, let Atahuallpa rule over the empire’s north-
Our hearts are overwhelmed because Atahuallpa is dead,
ern half, from Quito to Jauja. Three years later, in 1530,
The shadow who protects us from the sun. . . .
Atahuallpa defeated Huascar in a civil war that left the Inca
Spaniards became rich with your gold.
empire so debilitated that it was easily occupied by Spanish
Yet their hearts rotted with greed, power, and violence.
forces under Francisco Pizarro in 1532. Pizarro captured
Atahuallpa, you embraced and gave them all,
Atahuallpa, who tried in vain to form an alliance with Pizarro
But they beheaded you. . . .
to buttress his title. To avoid being burned at the stake,
Atahuallpa agreed to be baptized as a Christian, although he
Today, may your heart support our sinful ways.
previously had refused to accept conversion. Nevertheless, he
(trans. by Bastien, from Arguedas, 1957)
was put to death by strangulation on August 28, 1533.
According to the present-day belief system of the Quechua
To stifle Quechua (Inca) rebellions in 1535, Pizarro
peoples, the conquest destroyed harmony between the Inca
made Atahuallpa’s son, Manco II, the Inca ruler. Manco re-
and his subjects, between Indian and Spaniard, and between
sisted Spanish rule until his death in 1545. Subsequent Inca
heaven and earth. Harmony, it is believed, will be restored
rulers—Sayri Tupac (r. 1545–1557), Tito Cusi Yupanqui
by the resurrection of Atahuallpa, which is represented in a
(r. 1557–1569), and Tupac Amarú (r. 1569–1572)—
popular dance drama, The Death of Atahuallpa, performed
prolonged this resistance for forty years. The conquest offi-
annually in the Bolivian cities of Kanata and Oruro. In
cially ended in 1572 with the execution of Tupac Amarú, al-
Oruro the drama is performed on the Sunday and Monday
though Indian revolts continued. Because of his capitulation,
of Carnival. The actors playing Atahuallpa and the Inca prin-
Atahuallpa was ignominious, but as personal memories of
cesses stand across the central plaza from those playing Pizar-
him began to fade he became a tragic and redemptive figure
ro and his soldiers. Atahuallpa debates with his diviner about
who stands at the crossroads of Inca and Spanish culture.
ominous prophecies and the divinity of the conquistadors.
The seventeenth-century Peruvian poet Garcilaso de la
Pizarro captures, tricks, and executes Atahuallpa. As a finale,
Vega reflects the soul of a conquered people in his Royal
a choir of Inca princesses chants, “Eternal Lord, make arise
Commentaries of the Inca (1609; Eng. tr., 1961). Garcilaso,
the all-powerful and youthful Inca Atahuallpa!” Clowns then
himself the son of a Spanish conquistador and an Inca
bring Atahuallpa back to life. In Kanata a similar drama is
princess who was the niece of Huayna Capac, describes
performed during a fiesta dedicated to Jesus. Like Christ,
Atahuallpa as a traitor. Garcilaso quotes a citizen of the Inca
Atahuallpa suffers trial and execution and is resurrected. Ac-
capital, Cuzco, as saying, “Atahuallpa destroyed our empire
tors dressed as Inca princesses dedicate the drama to the
and committed every crime against the Incas. Give that man
Blessed Mother and march in procession carrying a statue of
to me and even if he be dead I will eat him raw, without sea-
Jesus. Finally, they enact the capture, trial, death, and resur-
soning!”
rection of Atahuallpa.
Garcilaso also depicts Atahuallpa as a symbol of the lack
These actors transform Atahuallpa and Jesus into a com-
of communication between Indians and Spaniards. At the
posite symbolic figure who is acceptable to both the conquer-
first meeting between Atahuallpa’s retinue and Pizarro’s
ors and the conquered and who promises the regeneration
troops in 1532, the Inca was confronted by a priest, Vicente
of a harmonious culture in a future age. The archetypal im-
de Valverde, to whom he said, “You claim that Christ is God,
agery of death and rebirth forms a common denominator be-
but how can he be dead? We worship the Sun and Moon,
tween the Atahuallpa of the Inca and the Jesus of the Span-
which are immortal! By what authority do you say that God
ish. However, the drama separates Atahuallpa and Jesus from
created the universe?”
negative historical associations: Atahuallpa is not remem-
“The Bible!” Valverde replied, handing his copy to
bered as a traitor and tyrant, and Jesus is dissociated from
Atahuallpa. The Inca placed the book to his ear, shook it,
the Catholic colonial heritage.
and replied, “It is silent?” He threw it to the ground, and at
this Valverde ordered the Spanish troops to kill the Indians.
The rebirth of Atahuallpa is also expressed in the leg-
Garcilaso’s irony is that Valverde represented peace but
ends surrounding the figure of Inkarri (whose name is a Que-
brought destruction, whereas Atahuallpa represented civil
chua corruption of the Spanish Inca rey [Inca king]) that are
war but sought reconciliation.
found throughout the Andes. According to these legends, the
father of Inkarri is the Sun. Inkarri has abundant gold. His
During the colonial (1532–1826) and republican
head is buried somewhere in Cuzco. His body is slowly being
(1826–present) periods, Atahuallpa came to symbolize the
regenerated, growing from the head down. When Inkarri’s
conquered people, and his death came to signify the disrup-
body is complete, he will return to judge the world. Al-
tion of nature caused by the conquest. This is poignantly il-
though the Inkarri legends portend the return of the Inca in
lustrated in a poem, A Eulogy to Atahuallpa, written in the
general, they are also associated with Atahuallpa. Traditional
sixteenth century by an unknown author:
Andeans believe that Atahuallpa’s head is also buried in
A black rainbow covers Cuzco, tight like a bow. . . .
Cuzco, where his body, too, is being regenerated by the
Hail hits our heads; rivers flow with blood;
forces of Pachamama (Mother Earth), a major deity in the
The days are black and the nights are white.
Andes. When he is regenerated, Atahuallpa will emerge from
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
568
ATESHGAH
Lake Titicaca. During the messianic age that follows, he will
The poem “A Eulogy to Atahuallpa” was translated by José María
judge all who have upset nature, culture, and society.
Arguedas in Apu Inqa Atahuallpaman (Lima, 1957). Jesús
Lara presents a complete translation of an early version of the
Ethnohistorically, Atahuallpa has thus become a symbol
folk drama of Oruro in Tragedía del fin de Atawallpa (Cocha-
combining Inca ideas of earthly and cosmic rebirth with
bamba, Bolivia, 1957). Several scholars have analyzed the
Christian beliefs about the death, resurrection, and second
drama: Miguel León-Portilla compares Atahuallpa with
coming of Christ. Christian beliefs, however, are secondary
Mexico’s Moctezuma II—they were both products of mille-
to the association of Atahuallpa with the earth as the center
narian cultures and believed that Pizarro and Cortés were re-
of a regenerative cycle from birth to death to renewed life.
turning deities—in El reverso de la conquista (Tabasco, Mexi-
This more basic process provides cosmic meaning for the tyr-
co, 1964). Along similar lines, Nathan Wachtel, in The
Vision of the Vanquished: The Spanish Conquest of Peru
anny initiated by the conquest.
through Indian Eyes, 1530–1570 (New York, 1977), inter-
As the twenty-first century begins, the rivalry and fratri-
prets the drama from a structuralist perspective: the conquest
cide between the two brothers Atahuallpa and Huascar still
brought disharmony, Atahuallpa brings harmony, and the
functions as a foundation myth for the existence of Ecuador,
drama reveals these contradictions. Clemente Hernando-
Balmori has written a profound study of this drama in La
which descends from Atahuallpa, and Peru, which descends
Conquista de los españoles: Drama indígena bilingue quechua-
from Huascar. Their rivalry was the start of the rivalry be-
castellano (Tucumán, Argentina, 1955). He interprets it in
tween the two nations. This is the most important thing
the context of Inca drama and Andean cognitive patterns.
about Atahuallpa from the perspective of the modern na-
A useful source for articles about Andean messianism is an anthol-
tions. Hence the story of Atahuallpa is partisan depending
ogy edited by Juan Ossio Acuña, Ideología messianica del
on which nation one belongs to. In short, Atahuallpa is a
mundo andino (Lima, 1973). This includes twenty-two arti-
symbolic figure with multiple meanings evoked for varying
cles on messianic movements in past and present Andean his-
religious beliefs, political parties, and national identities that
tory, including José María Arguedas’s interpretation of the
have changed since the conquest.
Inkarri legends, “El mito de Inkarri y las tres humanidades.”
A compendium of studies on the overthrow of the Inca Empire
SEE ALSO Manco Capac and Mama Ocllo.
can be found in Transatlantic Encounters: Europeans and An-
deans in the Sixteenth Century (Los Angeles, 1991), edited by
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Kenneth Andrien and Rolena Adorno, and in the article by
Four chronicles of early colonial times refer to events in the life
Vicente Cantarino, “Conquista en el Nuevo Mundo,” pub-
of Atahuallpa. The most reliable is by Felipe Guamán Poma
lished in Civilización y Cultura de España (Englewood Cliffs,
de Ayala (1526–1614). He describes the contact between
N.J., 1995), edited by Steve Debow.
Atahuallpa and the Spaniards in folios 378 to 391 of El prim-
JOSEPH W. BASTIEN (1987 AND 2005)
er nueva corónica y buen gobierno (1613), edited by John V.
Murra and Rolena Adorno, translation from Quechua and
textual analysis by Jorge L. Urioste, 3 vols. (Mexico City,
1980). Guamán Poma bases his account on testimonies by
ATESHGAH. A Zoroastrian term still used in New Per-
his father and others who were adults at the time of the con-
sian, ateshgah, or a¯tashga¯h (also pronounced a¯teshga¯h), origi-
quest. The second chronicle was dictated by Tito Cusi Yu-
panqui, who ruled as Inca from 1557 to 1569; it was pub-
nally meant “place of the fire” or, technically, “fire precinct.”
lished as Relación de la conquista del Peru y hechos del Inca
It derives from Middle Persian or Pahlavi a¯takhshga¯h, reflect-
Manco II (Lima, 1916). The nephew of Atahuallpa, Tito
ing an Old Persian and Avestan nominative singular a¯tarsh
Cusi faithfully reflects the Inca viewpoint and eloquently
(fire), plus Old Persian ga¯thu and Avestan ga¯tu, ga¯tav (place,
points out the injustices perpetrated by the Spaniards. The
space). The Avestan and Old Persian term a¯tar- produced
third chronicle, Relación de antiguedades desde reyno del Peru,
the Middle Persian and New Persian word a¯tur or a¯dur (fire)
written by Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui at the be-
as well. Consequently a¯turga¯h and a¯durga¯h also have been
ginning of the seventeenth century, appears in Historia de los
used to denote places or precincts in which fires burn. A fire
incas y relación de su gobierno, edited by Horacio H. Urteaga
that burns in an ateshgah is regarded as sp¯ena¯g (holy) and is
(Lima, 1927). Much shorter than that by Guamán Poma,
utilized for Mazdean or Zoroastrian rituals. It did not and
this chronicle contains information about Andean beliefs and
cosmology and includes a map of the Andeans’ universe.
does not have to be a constantly burning fire, or one of the
Atahuallpa is unfavorably depicted as the killer of Huascar
highest ritual rank, nor be tended solely by the Zoroastrian
and his wife and child. The fourth chronicle, Commentarios
magi or clergy. In practice, an ateshgah did not even have to
reales de los Incas, written by Garcilaso de la Vega in 1609,
be within an enclosed building but could be an outdoor pre-
appears in The Incas: Commentaries of the Inca Garcilaso de
cinct.
la Vega 1539–1616 (New York, 1961), translated by Maria
Jolas from the critical, annotated edition by Alain Gheer-
Another designation used in conjunction with ateshgah
brant (1959). Educated in the classical tradition, Garcilaso
is New Persian a¯tashkada (also pronounced a¯teshkade, “room
wrote in a humanistic style that embellished Inca traditions
of the fire, house of the fire”), commonly translated as “fire
and criticized the Spaniards for their betrayal of Christian
temple,” deriving from Middle Persian a¯takhshkadag and
culture.
kadag ¯ı a¯takhsh, originating from Old Persian and Avestan
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATESHGAH
569
a¯tarsh plus Old Persian *katha and Avestan kata (room, small
Wahra¯m” (the divinity of victory), in New Persian and Parsi
house). Usage indicates this term has consistently been uti-
Gujarati. Each such fire was said to blaze within a da¯itya¯ga¯tu
lized to denote a building which housed one or more atesh-
(fixed place or appropriate precinct), called da¯dga¯h in Middle
gah. By the fifteenth century CE, as attested in the Persian
Persian, which apparently was another term for an ateshgah.
Reva¯yats (Treatises 2.18), Zoroastrians in Iran were using the
It is created by a purification and fusion of flames that had
phrases dar-i mehr and dar be-mehr, both meaning “court of
been used for sixteen different functions. The same text
Mithra,” as equivalents of other terms for temples that en-
noted that holy fires should be kept free from impurities and
closed ateshgah. Mithra (later Mihr, Mehr), as the minor Zo-
tended with care, and that magi should perform all such rites
roastrian divinity of contracts and covenants, was believed
while wearing a paitida¯na (Middle Persian pada¯m, New Per-
to traverse the sky with “the radiant fire of liturgical glory
sian pana¯m, Parsi Gujarati pada¯n), or “mouth and nose
before him” (Yasht, “Devotional Poem” 10.127). So that
mask,” so as not to pollute the flames with breath (Vid¯evda¯d
spirit’s association with fire resulted in devotees’ naming fire
8.73–74, 18.1).
temples after him. The phrases dar-i mehr and dar be-mehr
remain popular into the twenty-first century among Zoroas-
Establishment of the three most famous a¯dar warahra¯n
trians in Iran, India, and even the United States and Canada
of antiquity seems to date to mid-Achaemenian times at the
for referring to their current, functional fire temples. Yet an-
earliest and mid-Parthian times at the latest. Possibly relocat-
other word for a fire temple building, namely ag¯ıa¯r¯ı, com-
ed more than once, their fire temples continued to be fund-
monly rendered as agiary, arose among the Parsis (Persians)
ed, staffed, and well maintained in Sassanian times (224–651
or Zoroastrians of India through the translation of
CE). A
¯ dur Farro¯bay, considered the a¯dar warahra¯n of clergy
a¯tasha¯kada into the Gujarati language in premodern times.
and nobility, may have always been enthroned in Fa¯rs at the
site of Kariyan. A¯dur Gushnasp, linked to rulers as the a¯dar
Within a fire precinct of a fire temple, a fire is placed
warahra¯n of warriors, seems to have been originally estab-
in a receptacle. That vessel has consistently been designated
lished within a fire temple in Media (Kurdistan). Under the
in New Persian as an a¯tashda¯n, usually translated as “fire
early Sassanians during the third century CE, it was moved
altar,” from Middle Persian a¯takhshda¯n and Parthian
to the site of Takht-e Sulayman southeast of Lake Urmiya
*a¯taro¯shan, preserved in Armenian as atrushan. It was ren-
(later in Iranian Azerbaijan). A¯dur Burze¯nmihr, regarded as
dered into Greek as bo¯mos (altar). The Iranian term reflects
the holy fire of farmers and pastoralists, seems to have been
an Old Persian and Avestan nominative singular a¯tarsh plus
burned within a fire temple on a mountain called Revand
sta¯na (place). The Parsis call the fire holder an a¯fr¯ınaga¯nyu
northwest of Nishapur in Parthia (later Khura¯sa¯n), as noted
or afarga¯nyu (place for blessings), based on a loanword from
by the ninth-century CE magus Za¯dspram (Wiz¯ıdag¯ıha¯, “Se-
New Persian into Gujarati.
lections” 3.85).
HISTORY. Fire precincts seem to have been utilized by pre-
Three ritual grades of fire were standardized by the Sas-
Zoroastrian or early Zoroastrian devotees in Central Asian
sanian magi, and those ranks are still retained by Zoroastri-
Bronze Age communities (c. 2100–1750 BCE) such as at To-
ans: a¯takhsh wahra¯m, a¯takhsh a¯dara¯n (fire of fires), or simply
golok 21. Archaeological excavation at the Median citadel of
a¯dara¯n, and a¯duro¯g ¯ı da¯dga¯h (small fire in a fixed place), or
Tepe Nush-e Jan (c. mid-eighth century–sixth century BCE)
simply da¯dga¯h. Only a¯takhsh wahra¯m had to burn constant-
has revealed two fire precincts with square, raised, mud brick
ly. Flames of the a¯dara¯n and da¯dga¯h grades would periodical-
altars. Excavations at the contemporaneous Median city of
ly be allowed to burn out. Forming a hall or portico whose
Hagmata¯na (Ecbatana, later Hamadan) produced a small
four sides were open, the chaha¯r ta¯q (four arches)—or four
open-sided pavilionlike chamber with four columns support-
columns supporting a gumbad (“domed roof,” a term that
ing a domed ceiling that seems to be a precursor of fire pre-
eventually came to serve as an alternate for chaha¯r
cinct architecture later popular in Sassanian times. Among
ta¯q)—became the quintessential architectural form for fire
the earliest precincts for holy flames during the Achaemenian
precincts. The chaha¯r ta¯q usually was situated inside a fire
Empire (550–331 BCE) is the open air one at Pasargadae. It
temple and within it a holy fire burned upon a fire altar. That
contains two hollow white limestone plinths aligned north
style is seen in ruins at locales such as Tepe-Mill near Tehran;
to south, with the southern one having stairs attached. Re-
Qala-ye Dokhtar near Qom; Kazerun and Mil-e Naqara
liefs carved above tombs of subsequent Achaemenian rulers
Hana in Fa¯rs province; Isfahan and Neyzar in central Iran,
indicate the king or a magus climbed to the top of the south-
near Kerma¯n city; and between Mashhad and Torbat-e Hay-
ern plinth, faced the northern plinth, which bore a fire altar
dariya in Khura¯sa¯n.
with flame, and performed devotions.
As Iranians adopted other faiths, the ateshgah became a
The Vid¯evda¯d (Code to ward off evil spirits, 8.81–96),
symbol of the old order that had to be changed. So in Arme-
a Young Avestan text codified under the Parthian regime
nia, Zoroastrian fire precincts were transformed into Chris-
(238 BCE–224 CE), provides the first scriptural reference to
tian churches at locales like Ejmiacin and Dvin after 300.
the creation of a holy fire of the highest ritual grade—a¯dar
The process gained momentum with the spread of Islam be-
warahra¯n in Parthian, a¯takhsh wahra¯m in Middle Persian,
tween the eight and thirteenth centuries. Most fire precincts
and a¯tash bahra¯m, “fire of Verethraghna (Verethraghna) or
were either transformed into mosques, destroyed, or aban-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
570
ATESHGAH
doned. The chaha¯r ta¯q style with its domed roof passed into
steel and glass building. The community in England can at-
Muslim religious architecture as domed mosques. Notable
tend religious services at two centers in London—
examples of ateshgah providing the infrastructure for a medi-
Zoroastrian House, opened in 1969, and the Zartoshty
eval Muslim masjid-e ja¯mi E (congregational mosque) are at
Brothers Hall, dedicated in 2001, both housing da¯dga¯h fires.
the cities of Urmiya, Qazvin, Yazd, NaDin, Isfahan, Natanz,
Zoroastrians in Australia at Sydney (1994), Canada at To-
Kerma¯n, Nishapur, and Bukhara.
ronto (1980) and Vancouver (1986), and the United States
in the suburbs of New York City (1977, relocated in 2001),
MODERN USES. Now, as in premodern times, holy fires—
Washington, D.C. (1990), Chicago (1983), Houston
especially those of the a¯tash bahra¯m and a¯tash a¯dara¯n
(1998), San Jose (1992), and Los Angeles (1985) utilize tem-
ranks—usually burn in altars on stone platforms upon tiled
ples containing fires of the da¯dga¯h level. Access to fire tem-
floors, within a pa¯w¯ı (pure space), surrounded by kash or kish
ples in Europe and North America is granted to persons of
(separatory furrows) inscribed on the floor of a fire precinct
all faiths, with the fire often—but not always—burning
that is often modeled after the medieval chaha¯r ta¯q. A few
within a fire precinct separated from the congregation by
of several such fire temples functioning in Iran can be men-
glass panels.
tioned. The a¯tash bahra¯m named A¯dur Farro¯bay burns in a
modern temple at Yazd. The a¯tash bahra¯m called A¯dur
Each fire is intended to serve as an icon through which
Ana¯h¯ıd, originally the fire of Persian royal families, is housed
worship is directed toward Ahura Mazda¯ (later O
¯ hrmazd)
at a temple in the town of Ardakan of the Sharifabad area
the creator deity or god of Zoroastrians. Women abstain
in Yazd. The capital city, Tehran, has an a¯dara¯n flame in the
from visiting fire temples when menstruating and immedi-
Bhika Bahram fire temple. The city of Kerma¯n has the Banu
ately after childbirth for reasons of ritual purity. At fire tem-
Rostam Farrokh fire precinct, opened in 1924 to house an
ples, laity offer fragrant firewood and incense as fuel for the
a¯dara¯n flame, plus a more modern fire temple within the
fire. Facing the ateshgah while standing, or occasionally seat-
same compound. Due to state pressure, access to fire temples
ed or kneeling, they quietly recite prayers such as those for
in Iran is available to members of all faiths, who are requested
the ga¯h (period or time) of day or night, the Ahuna Vairya
but not required to cover their heads and remove footwear
(Ahunawar; “As is the lord”), and the Ashem Vohu¯ (Order
as signs of respect for the fires.
is good). The central ritual surrounding fires in ateshgah is
termed Bo¯y ([Offering of] Incense), conducted five times at
The largest number of Zoroastrian fire precincts is
the beginning of each period of the day by a magus. The
found in India. In about 941, some five years after their ar-
presence of da¯dga¯h fires is required for a range of other ritu-
rival in Gujarat on the west coast of India, the Parsis estab-
als, including the Yasna (worship), Vid¯evda¯d or Vendida¯d
lished an a¯tash bahra¯m named Ira¯n Sha¯h, which now blazes
(Code to ward off evil spirits), A¯fr¯ınaga¯n (Blessings),
in an ornate fire temple at Udvada and is the focus of pil-
Farokhsh¯ı (All souls), and Jashan (Thanksgiving service).
grimage by devout Zoroastrians. There are seven other high-
est-level fires, each with its own temple, including the Bha-
SEE ALSO Parsis; Zoroastrianism.
garsath Anjuman a¯tash bahra¯m at Navsari, established in
1765. At the start of the twenty-first century, there are
BIBLIOGRAPHY
eighty-two fire temples in India housing a¯dara¯n flames (pro-
Boucharlat, Rene. “Chahar Taq et temple du feu sasanide:
nounced a¯daria¯n in Parsi Gujarati). Additionally, sixty fire
quelques remarques.” In De l’Indus aux Balkans: Recueil à la
mémoire de Jean Deshayes, edited by J.-L. Huot et al.,
temples with only da¯dga¯h flames are supported by Zoroastri-
pp. 461–478. Paris, 1985.
an communities there. Those Parsis do not permit nonbe-
Boyce, Mary. “On the Fire Temples of Kerman.” Acta Orientalia
lievers or converts to enter fire temples. Devotees, who must
30 (1966): 51–72.
possess Zoroastrian paternity, are required to don prayer caps
or scarves and perform the pa¯dya¯b, or purification, and kust¯ı,
Boyce, Mary. “On the Sacred Fires of the Zoroastrians.” Bulletin
of the School of Oriental and African Studies 31 (1968):
or holy cord rites, before worship.
52–68.
As Zoroastrians dispersed globally, their praxes relating
Boyce, Mary. “On the Zoroastrian Temple Cult of Fire.” Journal
to fire went with them. The community in Pakistan worships
of the American Oriental Society 95 (1975): 454–465.
at two fire temples with a¯dara¯n fires in Karachi, one with a
Boyce, Mary. A Persian Stronghold of Zoroastrianism. Oxford,
da¯dga¯h in Lahore, and another with a da¯dga¯h in Quetta—all
1977; reprint, Lanham, Md., 1989.
dating from the nineteenth century. Devotees living in Sri
Boyd, James W., and Firoze M. Kotwal. “Worship in a Zoroastri-
Lanka (earlier called Ceylon) have worshiped at an endowed
an Fire Temple.” Indo-Iranian Journal 26 (1983): 293–318.
fire temple with a da¯dga¯h at the city of Colombo since 1927.
Choksy, Jamsheed K. Purity and Pollution in Zoroastrianism: Tri-
Only individuals born from Zoroastrian fathers are permit-
umph over Evil. Austin, Tex., 1989.
ted to worship—after donning caps or scarves, purifying
Choksy, Jamsheed K. Conflict and Cooperation: Zoroastrian Subal-
themselves, and retying the cord—at fire temples in Pakistan
terns and Muslim Elites in Medieval Iranian Society. New
and Sri Lanka. Zoroastrians in Hong Kong have the
York, 1997.
Pherozeshaw Kawasji Pavri Memorial Prayer Hall with a
Choksy, Jamsheed K. “To Cut-Off, Purify, and Make Whole:
da¯dga¯h flame on the sixth floor of a modern multipurpose
Historiographical and Ecclesiastical Conceptions of Ritual
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATHANASIUS
571
Space.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 123 (2003):
ATHANASIUS (c. 298–373), bishop of Alexandria,
21–41.
theologian, church father, and saint. Athanasius was born
Darrow, William R. “Keeping the Waters Dry: The Semiotics of
around the year 300, perhaps in 298, according to a chroni-
Fire and Water in the Zoroastrian Yasna.” Journal of the
cle composed soon after his death and preserved in Syriac.
American Academy of Religion 56 (1988): 417–442.
Later Coptic legends locate Athanasius’s birthplace in Upper
Dastur, Faroukh, and Firoza Punthaky Mistree. “Fire Temples
Egypt, but these claims seem to contradict his genuinely
and Other Sacred Precincts in Iran and India.” In A Zoroas-
Greek education. In his youth he may have visited Christian
trian Tapestry: Art, Religion, and Culture, edited by Pheroza
monks in the desert areas near Alexandria. The Alexandrian
J. Godrej and Firoza Punthaky Mistree, pp. 301–323. Bom-
bishop Alexander (311–328) ordained him as a deacon at the
bay, 2002.
time of the fateful dispute with Arius, and in the spring of
Eilers, Wilhelm. “Herd und Feuerstätte in Iran.” Innsbrucker Bei-
325 Athanasius accompanied the bishop to the imperial
träge zur Sprachwissenschaft 12 (1974): 307–338.
Council of Nicaea, where Arianism was solemnly con-
Erdmann, Kurt. Das iranische Feuerheiligtum. Leipzig, Germany,
demned as a heresy. Elected by a small minority of the Egyp-
1941.
tian clergy and by the Alexandrian laity as the successor of
Giara, Marzban J. Global Directory of Zoroastrian Fire Temples. 2d
Alexander in the summer of 328, the young Athanasius, not
ed. Mumbai, India, 2002.
yet in his thirties, faced a critical situation.
Godard, André. “Les monuments du feu.” Atha¯r-é ¯Ira¯n 3 (1938):
7–80.
More than half of the many bishops subordinated to the
Gropp, Gerd. “Funktion des Feuertempels der Zoroastrier.”
jurisdiction of the Alexandrian pope had recognized the au-
Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, 2 (1969):
thority of the schismatic bishop Meletios of Lycopolis in
147–175.
Upper Egypt. Soon after the episcopal election of Athana-
Houtkamp, J. “Some Remarks on Fire Altars of the Achaemenid
sius, the Meletians built up a common front against him in
Period.” In La religion iranienne à l’époque achéménide: Actes
supporting Arius and his friends. They were encouraged to
du Colloque de Liège 11 décembre 1987, edited by Jean Kel-
do so by a coalition of bishops from the eastern provinces
lens, pp. 23–48. Ghent, Belgium, 1991.
of the empire under the leadership of Bishop Eusebius of
Huff, Dietrich. “Sasanian Chaha¯r Ta¯qs in Fars.” In Proceedings of
Nicomedia, who was hostile to the Alexandrian see for politi-
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cal reasons. Athanasius was exposed to attacks from all sides
Iran, 1974, pp. 243–254. Tehran, Iran, 1975.
in imposing without compromise the decrees of Nicaea,
Keall, Edward J. “Archaeology and the Fire Temple.” In Iranian
which condemned the Arian heresy and regulated strictly the
Civilization, edited by C. J. Adams, pp. 15–22. Montreal,
readmission of Meletians into the Catholic church. He
1973.
hoped for a time to consolidate his precarious position by ral-
Kotwal, Firoze M. “Some Observations on the History of the Parsi
lying the monastic groups in the deserts of Egypt and the
Dar-i Mihrs.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African
Coptic communities along the Nile Valley. Between 328 and
Studies 37 (1974): 664–669.
334 his pastoral visits reached the border of modern Sudan
Leslie, Donald D. “Persian Temples in T’ang China.” Monumenta
and the western parts of Libya. But in 335 the Synod of Tyre,
Serica 35 (1981–1983): 275–303.
organized by the anti-Alexandrian and pro-Arian party, suc-
Menasce, Jean de. Feux et fondations pieuses dans le droit sassanide.
ceeded in driving Athanasius out of office. As it was invested
Paris, 1964.
with imperial power like the Council of Nicaea ten years ear-
Modi, Jivanji J. The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the
lier, this synod made questionable the very legitimacy of Ath-
Parsees. 2d ed. Bombay, 1937.
anasius as a bishop.
Moorey, Peter Roger Stuart. “Aspects of Worship and Rituals on
Achaemenid Seals.” Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran 6
Athanasius was exiled by Emperor Constantine on No-
(1979): 218–226.
vember 7, 335. Only after Constantine’s death on May 22,
337, could Athanasius return to Alexandria. But his legitima-
Schippmann, Klaus. Die iranischen Feuerheiligtümer. Berlin, 1971.
cy was still rejected by the Eastern bishops, who had gained
Stronach, David. “On the Evolution of the Early Iranian Fire
the favor of Constantius II, Constantine’s son and successor
Temple.” In Papers in Honour of Professor Mary Boyce, Acta
Iranica, vol. 24, pp. 606–627. Leiden, 1985.
in the East. In 338 Athanasius again found himself driven
from Alexandria. In dramatic circumstances he fled to Rome,
Tirmidhi, B. M. “Zoroastrians and Their Fire Temples in Iran
where he was welcomed by Bishop Julius I and rehabilitated
and Adjoining Countries from the 9th to the 14th Centuries
as Gleaned from the Arabic Geographical Works.” Islamic
by his local synod. In 342 a broader synod, convoked in Ser-
Culture 24 (1950): 271–284.
dica (modern-day Sofia) by the emperor of the West, Con-
Wikander, Stig. Feuerpriester in Kleinasien und Iran. Lund, Swe-
stantius’s brother, Constans I, ratified this recognition of
den, 1946.
Athanasius as legitimate bishop of Alexandria.
Yamamoto, Yumiko. “The Zoroastrian Temple Cult of Fire in Ar-
Only in October 346 could the exiled bishop regain his
chaeology and Literature.” Orient 15 (1979): 19–53 and 17
see, but not without Constans’s heavy political pressure on
(1981): 67–104.
his younger brother Constantius in the East. Athanasius’s
JAMSHEED K. CHOKSY (2005)
fulfillment of his pastoral duties in Alexandria, from 346 to
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
572
ATHAPASKAN RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS: AN OVERVIEW
356, became increasingly difficult after Constans was mur-
Caesarea, among others—and after his death, universally—
dered by a usurper in 350. As sole ruler of the whole empire,
as champion of the church’s dogmatic freedom against the
Constantius tried to work out a unified religious policy.
state’s political administration.
However, this policy was unacceptable to Athanasius, be-
cause it interfered in the realm of the church’s dogma as can-
BIBLIOGRAPHY
onized in Nicaea in 325. In fact, Constantius, influenced by
The writings of Athanasius are available in English translations
a conservative majority of bishops in the East, rejected the
such as Select Works and Letters, translated and edited by Ar-
creed of Nicaea. He organized a vast subversive campaign in
chibald Robertson, “A Select Library of Nicene and Post-
the West and the East against Athanasius, as the main sup-
Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church,” 2d series, vol. 4
porter of Nicaea. Outlawed and sought by the emperor’s se-
(New York, 1892); The Life of Anthony, translated by Robert
T. Meyer, “Ancient Christian Writers,” vol. 10 (Westmin-
cret police, Athanasius vanished, remaining in the desert
ster, Md., 1950); Life of Saint Anthony, translated by Mary
from February 356 until November 361, hidden by the
Emily Keenan, “The Fathers of the Church,” vol. 15 (New
monks but very active in the clandestine administration of
York, 1952); and Contra gentes and De incarnatione, translat-
his diocese. Exile under Constantius’s successor, Julian
ed and edited by Robert W. Thomson (Oxford, 1971). The
(361–363), proved less disruptive. Finally, under Emperor
Athanasian doctrine on Christ is developed in Aloys Grillm-
Valens (364–378), Athanasius was exiled for only a few
eier’s Christ in Christian Tradition, 2d ed., rev. (Atlanta,
months. On February 1, 366, he was fully recognized and
1975). My critical study on Athanasius’s career as a bishop
was reinstalled in his office, where he remained until his
and a writer, Athanase d’Alexandrie: Évêque et écrivain (Paris,
death in early May 373.
1983), offers a new evaluation.
Fifteen years and ten months of exile had not damaged
CHARLES KANNENGIESSER (1987)
Athanasius’s popular links with the Alexandrian church, or
with Coptic monastic circles. The mature energies of this
dominant figure revealed themselves in an even more effi-
ATHAPASKAN RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS
cient way during his repeated exiles. At the time of his first
This entry consists of the following articles:
exile, Athanasius completed a compilation of older notes and
AN OVERVIEW
gave them the form of an apologetic treatise. In doing so, he
ATHAPASKAN CONCEPTS OF WIND AND POWER
added to a first work, Against the Heathen, a second apology,
On the Incarnation of the Word, with a deeply renewed view
ATHAPASKAN RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS: AN
of Alexandrian Christology. In the early stage of his second
OVERVIEW
exile, in Rome, Athanasius finished his principal dogmatic
The Athapaskan-speaking (alternative spellings include
work, entitled Discourse against the Arians, originally in one
Athabascan, Athabaskan, and Athapascan) nations of Alaska,
or two books. During his third exile, among the monks, he
Canada, the Pacific Northwest, and the American Southwest
dictated important historical, dogmatic, and apologetic
can be sorted into three broad cultural areas: the Northern
works, especially his Letters to Serapion concerning the Divini-
Athapaskans, the Southern Athapaskans of the American
ty of the Holy Spirit, the apology On the Synods of Rimini and
Southwest, and the Athapaskans of the Pacific Northwest.
Seleucia, and Life of Anthony.
Religious traditions in each of these areas vary markedly from
Through these works Athanasius entered into dialogue
each other. In general, the Northern Athapaskan religious
with various pro-Nicene theological parties, among them the
traditions follow culturally scripted theories of ever-watchful
group of Basil of Ancyra. Their reconciliation was celebrated
spirit forces whose primary relationship with human beings
at the Synod of Alexandria in the summer of 362.
centers on hunting and other subsistence issues. By contrast,
the Southern Athapaskan religious traditions of the Ameri-
Athanasius’s theology remains strikingly coherent
can Southwest focus on patterns reinforcing social harmony.
throughout his writings. It focuses on the incarnation of God
The Athapaskan religious traditions of the Pacific Northwest
in Christ as the central principle of Christian theology. The
fall into two general categories: subsistence-based traditions
Trinity is truly known only in light of the gospel message.
poised in complex social structures, and millenarian tradi-
The incarnate Son of God operates in divinizing human-
tions that followed the arrival of European immigrants. Sa-
kind, which is saved by the Son from death and corruption
cred stories, concepts of the numinous, and cultural prac-
in conjunction with its own godlikeness. The mystery of
tices, ritual activities, and concepts of leadership align
Christ, revealed by the New Testament, is actualized in the
themselves within these cultural areas.
life of the church, in its official creed, in baptism, in the Eu-
NORTHERN ATHAPASKAN RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS. North-
charist, and in the religious improvement of its members.
ern Athapaskan nations are divided by the Canadian–United
The literary and doctrinal legacy of Athanasius was deci-
States border. Eleven of the twenty-nine Northern Athapas-
sive through the Cappadocian fathers in the East and Am-
kan nations extend across the interior rivers of Alaska, while
brose of Milan in the West. His doctrine on the salvific incar-
the rest occupy much of Canada’s subarctic interior and
nation of Christ has shaped subsequent Christian traditions.
western regions. Numerous sacred stories fall into cultural
During his lifetime, Athanasius was acclaimed by Basil of
patterns in roughly three large geographic zones: (1) those
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATHAPASKAN RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS: AN OVERVIEW
573
nearest the northwest-coast cultural region, who include the
group submerge individual aspirations in an ethos of surviv-
Dena’ina, Ahtna, Tahltan, and Tagish; (2) those of the inte-
al. Likewise, Northern Athapaskan individuals who manage
rior Alaskan Tanana and Yukon riverways (Gwich’in, Han,
to display appropriate self-sacrifice, personal strength, and
Koyukon, Holikachuk, Deg Hit’an, Tanana, Tanacross, and
devotion to the group emerge as great leaders. While a few
Upper Tanana); and (3) northern Canadian Athapaskan na-
women have filled such roles, Northern Athapaskan cultures
tions, including the Dogrib, Hare, Sekani, and Kaska.
generally allow primacy to men in leadership and authority.
The Athapaskans nearest the northwest-coast cultural
Since the arrival of Euro-Americans, Christianity has re-
region tell stories closely reflecting their historical links with
placed most Athapaskan religious traditions with the excep-
the coastal Tlingit and Haida, nations with whom they have
tion of the potlatch. Some features of the potlatch have been
long established family and trading connections. Raven is a
enhanced by American and Canadian trade goods, such as
key element in these stories, always serving in its capacity as
woolen blankets, rifles, and bolts of cotton cloth, each of
trickster and harbinger of change. Many of the key animal
which play an important role in the festivities, particularly
species depicted in stories of this region, such as Wolf,
as gifts. While the Anglican and Catholic faiths now predom-
Whale, Seagull, and Eagle, reflect kinship group names or
inate in Canada, Alaska’s Christian sects follow the pattern
euphemisms for trading partners from the northwest coast.
established in 1885 by Sheldon Jackson, who asked twelve
The development of shamanic power serves as a key compo-
denominations to preside over loosely defined geographic
nent of oral narratives, underlying all Northern Athapaskan
areas in Alaska as missionaries, and also to provide education,
religious traditions.
medical aid, and orphanages.
Among the interior Athapaskans, the most important of
SOUTHERN ATHAPASKANS OF THE AMERICAN SOUTHWEST.
these stories includes a pantheon of narratives about a mythi-
Two Athapaskan peoples, the Diné and the Apache, prevail
cal traveler, sometimes accompanied by his younger brother.
in the American Southwest in terms of population and land
Through feats of unexplained powers or humorous accidents
holdings. They are unique among Athapaskans because of
the traveler populates the world with animals and plants. Sig-
their agricultural subsistence base (primarily corn) and herd-
nificant species, such as ducks, mink, foxes, and wolves, are
ing. The Diné, or Navajo, with the largest Native American
featured in their own narratives, while less important species
population in the United States (298,197 in the 2001 cen-
take supportive roles. Here, too, Raven serves as the catalytic
sus) and one of the largest North American territories (over
trickster figure whose actions often reverse or galvanize new
27,000 square miles in the states of Utah, Colorado, Arizona,
lifeways among the creatures introduced by the traveler. An-
and New Mexico) also predominate in terms of the amount
other important narrative from the Alaskan interior is com-
of scholarly research into their religious traditions.
monly called “The Blind Man and the Loon,” a sacred story
Navajo traditions. Diné bahane,’ popularly known as
with links to Inupiat stories in the north and Algonkian sto-
the Navajo creation story, forms the paradigmatic core of all
ries in the south. These myths, always an expression of the
Diné religious, philosophical, medical, and artistic tradi-
tellers’ subsistence needs and the precarious impact of weath-
tions. Diné bahane’ narrates four emergences of human be-
er and environmental catastrophes, enclose humanity in a
ings into new worlds, each replete with its own benefits and
framework of spirits ever weighing human judgment, moral
sources of trouble. The fourth and present world, like the
behavior, and mental attitudes.
three previous worlds, revolves around dualistic relations be-
Canadian Athapaskan sacred stories also feature a
tween male and female, harmony and chaos, and sky and
mythological heroic man, but rather than moving from area
earth. Changing Woman, the most important of the Diné
to area in a methodical way to populate the natural environ-
pantheon of deities, represents the renewal of life as the core
ment, the Canadian Dené hero interacts with his wife in
of the earth and its seasons. Other Diné deities include First
constant tension with enemies from other areas. Translated
Man, First Woman, and Monster Slayer, all of whom are de-
into English as “The Man without Fire,” stories about the
scribed and explained in Diné bahane’.
northern Canadian Athapaskan hero narrate exploits about
Gender relations dominate the narrative themes in Diné
saving his wife from kidnapping and avenging his brother’s
bahane’, along with discussion of linguistic styles, artistic
murder.
styles, and daily work activities, all emphasizing the impor-
Northern Athapaskans situate their concepts of the su-
tance of social roles in Diné society, in contrast to the domi-
pernatural, humanity, and related worldviews in sacred sto-
nance of subsistence values in the Northern Athapaskan re-
ries. Where human populations are small and widely separat-
gions. Diné environmental conditions, while harsh,
ed, the spiritual world dominates all activity, and ethical
nonetheless have provided reliable food and shelter over the
decisions emerge from good rapport with the natural world
centuries, allowing the Diné to focus on their relations to
rather than human relations. Scarcity of food predicates the
each other as well as to the land. Diné bahane’ provides a
importance of sharing everything. Throughout the Alaskan
metaphoric explanation for the importance of the four
Athapaskan community, clan-based feasts (usually called
mountains held sacred by the Diné: Blanca Peak in Colora-
potlatches) serve as the primary institution for marking life-
do, Mount Taylor in New Mexico, San Francisco Peaks in
cycle events and redistribution of goods. The needs of the
Arizona, and Hesperus Peak in Colorado. According to sa-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
574
ATHAPASKAN RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS: AN OVERVIEW
cred narrative, the Diné are never to leave the precincts of
internment on reservations, Apache religious and leadership
these four sacred mountains.
styles changed to suit American demands for conversion to
Christianity (although some follow Apache religious tradi-
The hogan, or dwelling, reveals the cosmological signifi-
tions even today) and secular elections.
cance of the four sacred mountains by its configuration and
spatial orientation. Each part of the hogan represents struc-
ATHAPASKANS OF THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST. The Athapas-
tures of the universe, with the floor corresponding to the
kans of the Pacific Northwest area, unlike other Athapaskan
earth as well as to female power, and the round roof reflect-
peoples, live near rugged coastal areas in Oregon and north-
ing the sky and male power. Many religious ceremonies take
ern California. These Athapaskan nations include the To-
place in the hogan.
lowa, Hupa, Mattole, Nongatl, Sinkyone, Lassik, Wailaki,
The Diné make use of many ritual ceremonies, of which
and Kato. These Athapaskan nations competed for territory
the blessingway is the most important and performed most
with Algonkian and Hokan peoples in precolonial times. Of
frequently. A two-day ceremony, the blessingway brings
these, the Hupa are the largest group, numbering around two
peace, beauty, and protection so one may achieve a long and
thousand in the twentieth century. Their traditional subsis-
harmonious life. During a blessingway, Diné bahane’ is recit-
tence resources have been salmon, acorns, and trade. Like
ed in its entirety.
most of the nations of this area, Athapaskan and otherwise,
the aboriginal societies were hierarchical and wealthy enough
Although balanced gender relations form a core reli-
to have community leaders whose primary occupations en-
gious and social value in Diné life, from the smallest elements
tailed conducting ritual procedures and redistributing goods.
of daily hegemony to the largest, men dominate in the house-
hold, as ritual leaders, and in their communities, as well as
Sacred stories and songs, although spoken in their own
in national affairs.
languages, blended thematically with those of neighboring
nations. In addition to ceremonies related directly to subsis-
Apache traditions. Apachean religious traditions are in
tence efforts, such as the Acorn Feast and the ceremonies to
some ways similar to those of the Diné, particularly in terms
honor the first salmon of the spring salmon run, some of the
of the central deity, White Clay Woman, also known as
Pacific Northwest Athapaskan ceremonials, such as the Jump
Changing Woman, or ’Isánáklésh in the Mescalero language.
Dance, initiate young men into what Alfred Kroeber (1907)
Like the Diné’s Changing Woman, ’Isánáklésh is considered
referred to as secret societies, groups which inaugurated them
to be the earth and all of its seasons and changes, as well as
into the socioeconomic and political system. (Some of the
representing female power. Her counterpart, Usen, also
nations are now bringing back female initiation ceremonies
called Life Giver, represents male power and appropriate
as well.) Other ceremonials centered on protection from
leadership. The Apachean peoples of the American South-
earthquakes and mud slides, common environmental disas-
west include the Jicarilla, Chiricahua, White Mountain, San
ters in this area.
Carlos, Mescalero, and Kiowa-Apache, many still living on
reservations across the Southwest.
Postcolonial religious traditions of the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries include the Shaker religion,
The women’s puberty rite continues to be the most im-
originated in 1882 by Joe Slocum and his wife, Mary, of
portant Apache religious ceremony. Since precolonial times
Puget Sound after Mr. Slocum recovered from a near-death
Apache people have celebrated a woman’s first menses
experience. The Shaker religion came to northern California
through what is now a four-day event in which the young
in 1926. Termed a revitalization movement or millenarian
woman is sponsored by a prominent religious leader (usually
religion, the Slocums’ revelations encouraged Native peoples
female) and an equally prestigious male singer, who are ex-
throughout the northwest Pacific coast to rediscover the in-
pected to instruct her in the sacred arts of becoming an adult
dividual rapport with spirit forces found in earlier traditions,
Apache woman. The ceremonial activities include long hours
in a mode much like the Prophet Dance of Washington and
of dancing, running at dawn toward ’Isánáklésh, and finally
the Plateau area.
a blessing by all of her family and kin with the use of sacred
cattail pollen.
The Shaker religion incorporates a mixture of pre-
colonial Native American shamanic traditions with Christian
Colonial history has left the Apaches with little reserva-
practices. By contrast, another revitalization tradition in the
tion land, but fierce reputations as warriors. Geronimo and
Pacific Northwest area, labeled the World Renewal System
Lozen stand out in Apache history as paradigms of the sacred
by Kroeber (1949), emphasizes a return to the environmental
power of Usen. Lozen, a late-nineteenth-century Apache
rites of northern California’s precolonial era. The Hupa ver-
woman who fought with her brother and his warriors against
sion includes six traditional rites: the Acorn Feast, First
the U.S. government, earned a reputation for having the
Salmon Ceremony, Fish Dam Ceremony, First Eel Ceremo-
power to locate the enemy and possessed the male powers
ny, the Jump Dance, and the Deerskin Dance.
of Usen rather than the female powers of ’Isánáklésh. Unlike
most Apache women, Lozen took a prominent position in
Early studies on Athapaskan religious traditions began
Apache leadership because of her legendary visionary and
in the American Southwest in the late nineteenth century,
prophetic abilities. After Geronimo’s defeat and the Apaches’
and have continued to the present era with increasing in-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATHAPASKAN RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS: ATHAPASKAN CONCEPTS OF WIND AND POWER
575
volvement by Athapaskan scholars. Most significant among
Witherspoon, Gary. Language and Art in the Navajo Universe. Ann
these are Gladys Reichard’s work on Navajo religion, Inés
Arbor, Mich., 1977.
Talamantez’s research on Apache female initiations and reli-
Youst, Lionel, and William R. Seaburg. Coquelle Thompson, Atha-
gious traditions, Émile Petitot’s transcriptions and transla-
bascan Witness: A Cultural Biography. Norman, Okla., 2002.
tions of Canadian Dené oral narratives, Cornelius Osgood’s
Zolbrod, Paul G. Diné bahane’: The Navajo Creation Story. Albu-
contributions on Ingalik (now referred to as Deg Hit’an) cos-
querque, N.Mex., 1984.
mology, Jules Jetté’s transcriptions of Koyukon religious tra-
ditions, Kroeber’s enthographies of the California Indians,
PHYLLIS ANN FAST (2005)
and Richard Keeling’s ethnomusicological work with the
Hupa.
ATHAPASKAN RELIGIOUS TRADITIONS:
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ATHAPASKAN CONCEPTS OF WIND AND
Basso, Keith H. Western Apache Witchcraft. Tucson, Ariz., 1969.
POWER
Beck, Peggy V., Anna Lee Walters, and Nia Francisco. The Sacred:
The views of the Athapaskan-speaking Native American peo-
Ways of Knowledge, Sources of Life. Tsaile, Ariz., 1996.
ples of North America about the source of the powers of life,
Buckley, Thomas. “The Shaker Church and the Indian Way in
movement, thought, and the supernatural abilities of human
Native Northwestern California.” In Native American Spiri-
beings, animals, and other elements of the natural world have
tuality: A Critical Reader, edited by Lee Irwin, pp. 256–269.
been a matter of debate among cultural anthropologists. This
Lincoln, Neb., 2000.
article will provide a brief review of the diverse interpreta-
Fast, Phyllis Ann. Northern Athabascan Survival: Women, Commu-
tions, and it will seek to show that the different views can
nity and the Future. Lincoln, Neb., 2002.
be partially reconciled based upon relatively new understand-
Heizer, Robert F., and Albert B. Elsasser. The Natural World of
ings of Athapaskan conceptions of the nature and sources of
the California Indians. Berkeley, Calif., 1980.
power.
Jetté, Jules. “On the Medicine-Men of the Ten’a.” Journal of the
Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 37
In Holy Wind in Navajo Philosophy, James Kale McNe-
(1907): 157–188.
ley presents evidence that in the Navajo view the atmosphere
Jetté, Jules. “On the Superstitions of the Ten’a Indians (Middle
or air itself is endowed with the powers of life, movement,
Part of the Yukon Valley, Alaska).” Anthropos 6 (1911): 95–
thought, and communication, and provides such powers to
108, 241–259, 602–723.
all living things. The atmosphere so conceived, with powers
Keeling, Richard. Cry for Luck: Sacred Song and Speech among the
that are not acknowledged in Western culture, is hereafter
Yurok, Hupa, and Karok Indians of Northwestern California.
referred to as Wind, a gloss of the Navajo term níłch’i.
Berkeley, Calif., 1992.
The Navajo, along with the Apachean peoples of New
Kroeber, Alfred L. “The Religion of the Indians of California.”
Mexico and Arizona, make up the Southern Athapaskan seg-
American Archaeology and Ethnology 4, no. 6 (1907).
ment of the speakers of Athapaskan languages, while the
Kroeber, Alfred L., and Edward W. Gifford. “World Renewal: A
Northern Athapaskans consist of two groups, the Athapas-
Cult System of Native Northwest California.” University of
kans of western Canada and interior Alaska, and Athapas-
California Anthropological Records 21, no. 1 (1949): 1–210.
kans of the Pacific Northwest. Richard Perry found clusters
Nelson, Richard K. Make Prayers to the Raven: A Koyukon View
of culture traits that are widely shared among Northern and
of the Northern Forest. Chicago, 1983.
Southern Athapaskan groups, including the view that all ob-
Osgood, Cornelius. “Ingalik Mental Culture.” Yale University
jects in nature are alive and sapient and the belief that per-
Publications in Anthropology 56 (1959).
sonal power can be acquired through dreams. It therefore
Petitot, Émile. Traditions indiennes du Canada nord-ouest (1886).
seems likely that conceptions of the ontological source of
Paris, 1967.
such life and power are also shared among these groups.
Reichard, Gladys A. Navajo Religion: A Study of Symbolism.
Princeton, N.J., 1950.
McNeley observes that the Navajo term níłch’i diyinii
Ridington, Robin. Trail to Heaven: Knowledge and Narrative in
(holy wind) refers to the natural air or wind, albeit endowed
a Northern Native Community. Iowa City, Iowa, 1988.
with life-giving powers. This all-pervasive Wind is conceived
Ridington, Robin. “Voice, Representation, and Dialogue.” In Na-
by the Navajo to enter into and give life and other powers
tive American Spirituality: A Critical Reader, edited by Lee
to all aspects of the natural world, including such elements
Irwin, pp. 97–120. Lincoln, Neb., 2000.
as the earth, sky, sun, moon, and things on the earth’s sur-
Slobodin, Richard. “Without Fire: A Kutchin Tale of Warfare,
face. Such natural phenomena, having been endowed with
Survival, and Vengeance.” In Northern Athapaskan Confer-
Winds by which they live and think, are equipped to provide
ence 1971, vol. 1, edited by A. McFadyen Clark,
guidance and instruction to the Navajo by means of Little
pp. 259–301. Ottawa, 1975.
Winds that are sent by these holy ones to influence human
Slobodin, Richard. “Kutchin.” In Handbook of North American
thought and conduct. From another perspective, each living
Indians, vol. 6, Subarctic, edited by June Helm,
being may be said to participate in the powers of an all-
pp. 514–532. Washington, D.C., 1981.
encompassing and unitary Wind.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
576
ATHEISM
Conceptions of the role of Wind that are similar to Nav-
Smith suggests that dualistic assumptions underlying
ajo beliefs are found in accounts of Apachean culture. Morris
Western thought confounded earlier attempts to understand
Opler cites the belief that, just as a human being is created
Athapaskan religious concepts, and he advocates instead the
from natural elements, the supernatural powers send Wind
monistic view that one’s relationship with a helping animal
into the bodies of human beings to render them animate.
is with the entire animal, body and spirit. Similarly, McNe-
Natural phenomena are also regarded as being animate, and
ley asserts that the Navajo conceive of supernatural power as
they communicate with humans by means of Wind that car-
being a characteristic of natural elements, including Wind.
ries messages to them. The whirlwind as a messenger for the
What is common to both conceptions is that elements of the
supernaturals is a recurring theme in the religious traditions
natural world have powers that we in the Western world do
of the Jicarilla Apache.
not acknowledge but which Athapaskans do, and which they
seek to access for their own benefit.
In earlier descriptions of Northern Athapaskan cultures,
the view is commonly expressed that each animal or natural
Smith compares inkonze with the Omaha concept
object is individually animated by a spirit or soul that dwells
wakonda. Based on James R. Walker’s data, McNeley has
within it. Cornelius Osgood described this belief among the
suggested that, for the Dakota, wakonda refers to an unseen
Ingalik. John Honigman sometimes alternatively referred to
power in which the Dakota participate by means of Skan
such an animating force as “soul” or “wind,” reporting that
(Great Spirit), just as the Navajo term diyinii (holy ones), re-
the power to perform a shamanistic vision quest represented
fers to unseen powers in which the Navajo participate
a portion of the animal’s “wind (or soul)” passing into the
through the agency of Wind. The combined evidence sug-
dreamer to enhance the latter’s natural ability (Honigman,
gests that, for Athapaskans, Wind is conceived of as a natural
1954, p. 105), while the Kaska view is that a shaman effected
element that is empowered to give life, thought, and move-
cures “with the aid of the power that resided in his soul or
ment and to establish and sustain human contact with other
wind” (p. 111). Honigman’s account left unresolved the crit-
natural elements that have powers of their own.
ical ontological question of whether the Athapaskan concept
SEE ALSO Navajo Religious Traditions; North American In-
should be interpreted as reference to a strictly spiritual phe-
dians, article on Indians of the Southwest.
nomenon or as a reference to a natural element that has some
special qualities.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
However, as David M. Smith notes, there is some evi-
Helm, June. The People of Denendah. Iowa City, Iowa, 2000.
dence that the use of the word soul may be traced to the influ-
Honigman, John J. The Kaska Indians: An Ethnographic Recon-
ence of missionaries, and diverse ethnographers (including
struction. New Haven, Conn., 1954.
Honigman himself) have elsewhere favored the term wind in
Mason, J. Alden. Notes on the Indians of the Great Slave Lake Area.
interpreting the indigenous concept in stating that a sorcerer
New Haven, Conn., 1946.
might try to steal his victim’s “wind.” According to
McNeley, James Kale. The Navajo Theory of Life and Behavior.
J. Alden Mason, “the Yellowknife shamans drum and sing
Ph.D. diss., University of Hawaii, 1975.
for wind when such is needed for their journeys” (Mason,
McNeley, James Kale. Holy Wind in Navajo Philosophy. Tucson,
1946, p. 39). There are also references to wind as a force per-
1981.
vading the natural world comparable to the Navajo concept:
Opler, Morris Edward. Myths and Tales of the Jicarilla Apache In-
Mason cites an old Slave Indian who referred to “the wind
dians. New York, 1938.
which is the spirit of all and pervades everything” (p. 38).
Osgood, Cornelius. Ingalik Social Culture. New Haven, Conn.,
This is similar to other ethnographic accounts that present
1958.
Athapaskan conceptions of an all-pervading life force.
Perry, Richard J. Western Apache Heritage. Austin, Tex., 1991.
Smith, David M. “An Athapaskan Way of Knowing: Chipewyan
Some accounts of Athapaskan culture cite a belief in
Ontology.” American Ethnologist 25, no. 3 (1998): 412–432.
magical or mysterious power without identifying that power.
Walker, James R. The Sun Dance and Other Ceremonies of the
June Helm writes that Franz Boas characterized the funda-
Oglala Division of the Teton Dakota. New York, 1917.
mental concept in the religions of North America as the be-
lief in magic powers, “the wonderful qualities which are be-
JAMES KALE MCNELEY (2005)
lieved to exist in objects, animals, men, spirits, or deities, and
which are superior to the natural qualities of man” (Helm,
2000, p. 272). A Northern Athapaskan term for such power,
ATHEISM. The term atheism is employed in a variety of
inkonze, also connotes a powerful form of knowledge that en-
ways. For the purpose of the present survey atheism is the
compasses both practical knowledge and what Smith calls
doctrine that God does not exist, that belief in the existence
“supraempirical” knowledge acquired through dreams and
of God is a false belief. The word God here refers to a divine
visions of animals. The superior power and knowledge attri-
being regarded as the independent creator of the world, a
buted to animals has given rise to efforts to acquire that
being superlatively powerful, wise, and good. The focus of
power, including beliefs in the possibility of transformation
the present study is on atheism occurring within a context
between human and animals forms.
of thought normally called “religious.”
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATHEISM
577
RUDIMENTS IN ANCIENT AND PRIMITIVE RELIGION. Already
peared, “breathed windless” by its own inherent power. In
in the writings of Cicero (c. 106–43 BCE), the question was
these late hymns is also found reference to an impersonal
raised whether there might be some “wild and primitive peo-
order to the universe, a law (r:ta) to which even the highest
ples” who possess no idea of gods of any kind. The view of
gods are subject or which by their power they uphold.
David Hume in his Natural History of Religion (1757) was
that polytheism, in his view the earliest religion of human-
The possibility of conceiving of the ultimate source of
kind, was devoid of a belief in God. According to most nine-
the universe not as a god, but as something quite impersonal,
teenth-century anthropological theories, the belief in God
is also reflected in the early Upanis:ads (c. 700–600 BCE), the
was a late development in the evolution of religious ideas.
concluding portions of the Vedas. The Upanis:ads are the re-
Contemporary ethnographic research supports the view that
pository of diverse currents of thought, but the quest that
a belief in a supreme creator is, at least, a pervasive feature
pervades them is for that supreme object of knowledge in
of the religion of many primitive peoples.
which all that has being has its ultimate ground. The
Upanis:ads refer to this reality, called brahman, in two signifi-
The complete absence of the idea of God would not
cantly differing ways. On the one hand, the Upanis:ads speak
qualify as atheism as it has here been defined, but the role
of brahman as having qualities (sagun:a). In this context it is
of the supreme being among primitive peoples is instructive
the ultimate cause, the true creator of all that is, the personal
for an understanding of religious forms of atheism as they
God, the Lord (¯I´svara) of the Universe, and the supreme ob-
occur under other cultural conditions. Where primitive reli-
ject of worship. On the other hand, they speak of brahman
gion includes the belief in a supreme being, the creator of
as beyond qualities (nirgun:a). No concepts are adequate to
all that exists, this being is not always the center of religious
describe it. The most that one can say about it is by way of
life and worship. In the traditional religion of many African
negation. With such opposing conceptions, the possibility
peoples the most common acts of worship are directed to-
emerges of a rejection of the existence of God that is never-
ward spiritual beings known as the living-dead. These are in-
theless religious.
dividuals of the community who have died, but whose influ-
ence is still profoundly felt by the living. In some cases God
The possibility of conceiving of the ultimate as some-
is approached directly only when the living-dead have failed,
thing other than a god, even the highest of gods, can be seen
or in cases of severe distress. Where a belief in the supreme
in the writings of other civilizations as well. In the Chinese
being occurs among primitive peoples, the possibility of
classics and in inscriptions of the Shang dynasty in China (c.
atheism is remote, for like other conceptions among such so-
1750–1100 BCE), are found frequent reference to a supreme
cieties the supreme being is not so much a belief, in the sense
ruler in heaven known as Shangdi. This god is not known
of a credal affirmation that might be rejected, as an integral
as creator, but he was undoubtedly a personal being, a divine
component of a total conception of reality through which ex-
supervisor over human society, whose decrees determine the
perience is ordered.
course of events on earth. At about the time the Shang dynas-
ty was supplanted by the Zhou (c. 1100 BCE) the name T’ien
The first step toward religious atheism occurs in the
appeared alongside of Shang-ti as a designation for the su-
context of religious thought in which a variety of beings, each
preme ruler in heaven. But the word tian, meaning both
believed to be supreme, or in which a variety of conceptions
“heaven” and “sky,” gradually lost the connotation of a per-
of the supreme being, appear concurrently and compete. The
sonal being and came to suggest the more universal concep-
earliest documents of the Hindu religious tradition, the
tion of a cosmic rule that impartially determines the affairs
Vedas (c. 900 BCE), refer to a variety of gods who preside over
of men on earth by their conformity to a moral order. Close-
various powers of nature and are often practically identified
ly related to tian, the ultimate ordering principle of things,
with them. In the R:gveda any one of these diverse gods can
was the completely impersonal Dao, literally “way” or
stand out as supreme when he is the object of praise. In this
“road.” By extension it means the way to go, the truth, the
context no god of the Vedas is more often praised than Indra,
normative ethical standard by which to govern human life.
the king of the gods. It is interesting, then, that among the
In the famous Dao de jing, ascribed to Lanzhou (sixth centu-
hymns that praise him are also found passages that ridicule
ry BCE), it is the metaphysical principle that governs the
his reputed power and that cast doubt upon his existence.
world. It cannot be described in words, but can be dimly per-
ceived within the intricate balance of nature. It is the law or
Such doubt is hardly representative of the praises sung
order of nature identified with nature itself. It is not under-
to Indra. Yet it is significant that this kind of skepticism is
stood as God or as a god.
included in the most authoritative of Hindu scriptures. It
seems to arise concurrently with new ways of conceiving the
CLASSICAL FORMS IN EASTERN RELIGIOUS THOUGHT.
divine expressed among some of the late hymns of the
Skepticism about the existence of a god, even the king of
R:gveda. Here, beside the hymns to the nature gods, one finds
gods, and the emergence of impersonal conceptions of the
reference to an unknown god who has encompassed all creat-
ultimate ground of the universe is not yet atheism, as defined
ed things. Here are found hymns to Vi´svakarma, the father
above. Such conceptions have yet to advance arguments that
who made all. And here is found that One wherein abide all
belief in God is a false belief. Such arguments begin to appear
existing things, that One which, before all existing things ap-
where emerging theistic conceptions of God and impersonal
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
578
ATHEISM
conceptions of the absolute source and rule of the world con-
God in classical Indian philosophy. The early Upani-
front one another as philosophical options over an extended
s:ads form the intellectual background for both the heterodox
period of time.
and the orthodox schools of Indian philosophy that began
to develop around the sixth century BCE. These groups of
Ancient China. In ancient China the personal concept
schools are distinguished not on the basis of any specific doc-
of a supreme ruler in heaven seems gradually to have been
trine but according to whether they affirm (a¯stika) or do not
replaced by the impersonal idea of tian often associated with
affirm (na¯stika) the authority of the Vedas. Of the heterodox
the concept of Dao. For Confucius (551–479 BCE), the most
schools, those that do not affirm the authority of the Vedas,
influential of ancient Chinese minds, obedience to the will
the Ca¯rva¯ka and the Jains are explicitly atheistic. In Bud-
of heaven is simply the practice of the moral law. By follow-
dhism, the third of the heterodox schools, atheism is implied.
ing the rules of duty and protocol handed down from the
Of the six orthodox schools (dar´sanas), Sa¯m:khya, probably
sage kings of the distant past, one lives in harmony with the
the oldest, is atheistic. It is associated closely with the Yoga
moral order that governs the heavens and the life of the earth
(meditation) school, which affirms the existence of God. Be-
below. Confucius acknowledged the value of religious cere-
tween the sixth and tenth centuries CE, the Nya¯ya (logic)
monies and endorsed the veneration of ancestors, but he saw
school became associated with the Vai´ses:ika (atomist)
the will of Heaven operating by a kind of inherent provi-
school, and together they developed forceful arguments to
dence. A person who has sinned against Heaven (tian) has
prove the existence of God, while the Pu¯rva M¯ım:a¯msa¯ at-
no god to pray to at all.
tacked and rejected such arguments. Its sister school, the Ut-
Opposing the views of some of the early followers of
tara M¯ım:a¯msa¯, better known as Veda¯nta, acknowledged that
Confucius, Mozi (c. 468–390 BCE) attributed to Heaven
arguments for the existence of God have persuasive power
more anthropomorphic properties. He held that Heaven
at the level of everyday truth but held that at the higher level
loves the world and desires that all human beings should re-
of religious knowledge the supreme being is really an illusion.
late to one another in undifferentiated love and mutual aid.
It was argued by the Nya¯ya school that objects made of
Because he ascribed to Heaven such qualities as love and de-
parts are invariably the effect of a cause. Because the world
sire, some have suggested that Mozi’s understanding of
as a whole is made of parts, the world must be the effect of
Heaven approximates the Western conception of God. Yet,
a causal agent, and this causal agent is God (¯I´svara). To this
as with Confucius, the providential care that Mozi sees in the
line of argument it could be objected that the world is so dif-
working of Heaven is administered to man through the natu-
ferent from other effects that one cannot infer a cause to the
ral order of things.
world as a whole. The Nya¯ya, however, replied that a valid
By attributing love to the rule of Heaven, Mozi wished
inference can be drawn from the concomitance of two things
to offer an alternative to the fatalistic views of some of the
without limiting the inference to the peculiarities of the con-
disciples of Confucius. In this effort he also acknowledged
comitance observed. Otherwise, if one had observed only
the real activity of the dead and of spirits in the daily lives
small amounts of smoke (say from cigarettes), one could
of human beings and therefore justified on more than cere-
infer only the existence of small amounts of fire. On this
monial grounds the religious practices that pertained to
“principle of concomitance,” the conclusion should be that
them. In contrast to this, Xunzi (298–238 BCE) argued that
if a smaller effect has a cause, then the largest of effects must
Heaven is no more than a designation for the natural process
also have a cause. This, it is held, is the invisible and bodiless
through which good is rewarded and evil punished and upon
but infinitely wise and benevolent creator.
which religious acts can have no effect. Because Xunzi denied
A related argument states that since objects character-
the existence of supernatural agents, including the popular
ized by order and design, such as garments, buildings, and
gods and the spirits of the dead, he might be called an atheist.
devices, are invariably the products of intelligent beings, it
But the issue that separates the thought of Xunzi from that
follows on the principle of concomitance that the world,
of Mozi is an issue very different from the question of the
existence of God. What divides them is whether one can as-
which displays the same characteristics, must also be the
cribe personlike qualities to the ordering law of the universe
work of an intelligent being. Further, orthodox Hindu phi-
that both of them presume to exist.
losophies shared the affirmation of a moral order by which
the voluntary actions of persons are rewarded with good or
Strictly speaking, there was no precise equivalent in
evil in this or a future life. For some exponents of the Nya¯ya
Chinese thought to the concept of God before the idea was
and the Yoga schools, this view implies the existence of God,
introduced to China by the Jesuits in the sixteenth century.
who as the ultimate arbiter apportions the appropriate re-
In the absence of this conception, the atheism of ancient
ward. In Indian thought there is found no specific effort to
China can hardly be more than implied. It was in India,
infer the existence of God from the fact that the idea of God
where both theistic notions of the source and governance of
exists in the mind. There are, however, arguments that try
the universe and impersonal conceptions of the ultimate
to show, on the assumption that he exists, that he is superla-
ground were able to challenge one another, that explicit
tively powerful and wise. It was noted by some early expo-
forms of religious atheism emerged.
nents of the Yoga school that qualities like intelligence and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATHEISM
579
power are found among finite beings in variations of degree.
not have created out of compassion, for prior to the creation
Since the degrees of perfection of any quality represent a con-
there were no beings to have compassion upon. If he created
tinuum of degrees, the qualities of wisdom and power must
out of inherent goodness then the world should be perfectly
find their highest degree in an omniscient and omnipotent
good. If he created out of whim, then the world would have
being.
no purpose, and this the Naiya¯yikas deny. If he created sim-
ply out of his nature, it would be as reasonable to say that
Heterodox Indian thought. Of the heterodox Indian
the world is the effect of nature itself.
schools, the Ca¯rva¯ka represents the most radical departure
from the tenor of religious thought in the Upanis:ads. It holds
To the argument from design, the Jains reply (7) that
that the Vedas are the work of knaves and fools, and it rejects
if a beehive, or an anthill, is the work of a multitude of be-
all sources of knowledge other than the senses. With this, it
ings, there is no apparent reason why the world should not
rejects the principles of inference upon which the
have been the work of a committee of gods. To arguments
Nya¯ya-Vai´ses:ika school depends to demonstrate the exis-
from moral order, the Jains raise the question whether God
tence of God. The Ca¯rva¯ka holds that the visible world alone
is arbitrary in the rewards he gives. (8) If God makes a gift
exists, that the only heaven is that to be found in the wearing
of happiness to those he simply chooses, he is guilty of favor-
of beautiful clothing, in the company of young women, and
itism. (9) If he rewards precisely in accord with the merit of
in the enjoyment of delicious food. The only sovereign is the
each individual, then he himself is subject to a moral law be-
king. The only hell to be avoided is the difficulties of the
yond him.
present life. The only liberation is death; and that is to be
In its earliest period, Buddhist thought is less polemical
avoided as long as humanly possible.
than that of the Jains in its attitude toward belief in God.
One could hardly call the Ca¯rva¯ka a system of religious
Yet here as well theistic ideas are found wanting. By nature
life and thought unless one saw a religious motivation behind
Buddhism is a path of intense self-reliance, explicitly reject-
its prodigious effort to liberate its adherents from the soph-
ing the religious system of the Vedas that seeks the favor of
istry and abuse of the religious setting in which it arose. The
the gods. In the Pali canon, the earliest of Buddhist scrip-
exponents of the Ca¯rva¯ka reject the doctrine of the soul and
tures, the Buddha ridicules the claim of the brahmans to pos-
with it the ideas of karman and rebirth. They reject all forms
session of a way to union with a perfect being who has never
of religious asceticism and hold that religious rites are incapa-
been seen and who is beyond human knowledge. This, he
ble of any effect. By contrast, the Jains endorse an intensely
says, is like the man who claims to love the most beautiful
ascetic path to the release of the soul (j¯ıva) from an otherwise
woman in this or another country and desires to make her
endless cycle of rebirth. According to the Jains, the soul, by
his own but knows not her name, her caste, where she lives,
nature, is eternal, perfectly blissful, and omniscient. Yet in
or what she looks like.
consequence of accumulated karman, conceived as a subtle
Unlike the Jains, who accept the reality of the material
material substance, all but liberated souls are ensnared in a
world, the Buddhists hold that all that can be said to have
limiting material body.
being is but part of a succession of impermanent phenome-
na, call dharmas. To this way of thinking, the idea of a
The Jains depict the cosmos as uncreated and eternal.
changeless God is clearly out of place. Later Buddhist writers
They therefore require no doctrine of God in order to ex-
like Vasubandhu and Ya´somitra (fourth to fifth century
plain its existence. Their points against theistic ideas are ex-
CE)
argue that if God is the sole cause of all that exists, then,
pressed in differing versions of arguments developed over
given the cause, all existing things should have been created
centuries of dispute. Space permits mention of only a few.
at once. On the hypothesis that the world is a flux of phe-
(1) If the world is held to be an effect from the mere fact that
nomena, it could never have been the effect of a single, ulti-
it is made of parts, then space must also be considered an ef-
mate cause. Buddhism, moreover, holds that the succession
fect. Yet the Naiya¯yikas (the adherents of Nya¯ya-Vai´ses:ika
of dharmas is governed by an immutable law expressed in the
theism) insist that space is eternal. (2) It cannot be held that
doctrine of dependent origination (prat¯ıtya-samutpa¯da). The
the world is an ex nihilo effect because the Naiya¯yikas also
arising of one phenomenon is dependent upon the occur-
hold that the world is composed of eternal atoms. (3) If the
rence of others. Since this law is held to apply without excep-
view that the world is an effect means that the world is sub-
tion, it admits of no room for an uncaused cause.
ject to change, then God too is an effect since he must under-
go change by having created the world. (4) But even if it is
Among the Buddhist criticisms of theistic belief, there
granted that the world has the nature of an effect, it does not
are also found questions about the motive of God’s creative
follow that the cause must be an intelligent one. (5) And even
act. If he created out of his own good pleasure, then he must
if it is granted that the creator is an intelligent being, it is
take delight in the suffering of his creatures. But it also holds
impossible to see how this agent could create except by
that if God is the ultimate cause of all that occurs, then every
means of a body. (6) And if the possibility of a bodiless cre-
performance of every person is ultimately a performance of
ator is admitted there remains the problem of his motive. If
God. If this is true, it removes from the individual person
one says that God created from self-interest or need, one has
all responsibility for his actions and finally removes all mean-
admitted that God was lacking in some perfection. He could
ing from the ideas of right and wrong.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
580
ATHEISM
Orthodox Hindu philosophy. Acceptance of the au-
ny. But in the nature of the case no witnesses are available.
thority of the Vedas does not imply theistic belief. While the
The view that God revealed the truth of his creative act is
Nya¯ya-Vai´ses:ika school regards the Vedas as having been cre-
without avail, because it would still be necessary to establish
ated by God, the Sa¯m:khya and the M¯ıma¯ms:a¯ schools hold
the veracity of his claim. Kuma¯rila also objects to the
that the Vedas are such that they require no creator. For the
Nya¯ya-Vai´ses:ika view that God created the world out of
Sa¯m:khya school the universe consists of two distinct realities:
atoms but has established the varieties of happiness and un-
soul (purus:a) and matter (prakr:ti). Neither of them can be
happiness of finite beings in the world in accordance with
identified with God, and neither requires God as cause, gov-
their merit. If the distribution of happiness and unhappiness
ernor, or designer. The soul is pure consciousness, devoid of
can be explained on the basis of the merit of individual souls,
qualities of any kind. But in its ambiguous association with
then it is unnecessary to attribute this to God. Other argu-
the body it is unconscious of its freedom and independence
ments of the M¯ıma¯ms:a¯ school are that if God is a material
and falsely identifies itself with one or another aspect of ma-
substance he is incapable of being affected by the qualities
terial reality. Prakr:ti is the primordial ground from which the
of merit or demerit of immaterial souls. If he is a spiritual
universe has evolved. It is composed of three fundamental
being it is impossible that he could have acted as cause upon
qualities or kinds of substance (gun:as), like a rope composed
the material atoms that compose the world. If God is the ex-
of three differing strands. Before the emergence of the uni-
planation for the existence of the world it is impossible to
verse the chaotic distribution of the three qualities had pro-
see how he could also be, as he is in the Nya¯ya-Vai´ses:ika
duced a state of static equilibrium. Subsequently, upon a cos-
view, the destroyer. To these objections the M¯ıma¯ms:a¯ add
mic disturbance, an unequal aggregation of these qualities
others familiar among other atheistic schools. It is impossible
proceeded gradually to bring forth all the material realities
to think of God as having a body, since this body would re-
in the universe.
quire a creator as well, yet it is impossible to see him as creat-
According to the Yoga school, this disturbance in the
ing anything without one. And to these are added again the
primordial equilibrium of prakr:ti was an effect of the will of
question of the motivation of God.
God. The Sa¯m:khya hold it was not. Rather, prakr:ti, in the
Like the M¯ıma¯ms:a¯, S´an˙kara (788–820 CE), the founder
Sa¯m:khya view, evolves by its own inherent teleology, provid-
of the Advaita (or nondualist) school of Veda¯nta, regards the
ing the purus:a the conditions necessary for its liberation
Vedas as eternal and uncreated. Yet S´an˙kara’s interest is not
(mukti). To the view of the Yoga school that this sort of tele-
in the ritual injunctions that the Vedas prescribe but in the
ology points to the existence of a God, the Sa¯m:khya school
meaning of those sections of the Upanis:ads that refer to that
replies that prakr:ti is capable in itself of this kind of purpose
pure Self that pervades all existing things, the knowledge of
just as milk, though it is devoid of intelligence, is capable of
which is the ultimate truth. S´an˙kara, like the Sa¯m:khya school
providing nourishment for the calf. A minority within the
and the Jains, affirms the existence of the soul. But unlike
Sa¯m:khya school hold that the existence of God is simply in-
them he holds that souls are not a plurality of beings but
capable of proof. The majority hold that belief in God is a
One. What seems to be a variety of souls is but the illusory
mistaken belief. If he is perfect he cannot have created out
manifestation of this One, like a candle flame seen through
of selfishness, and he could not have created out of kindness,
a broken lens. He also holds that the variety perceived among
for his creatures are most unhappy.
objects of experience is also like an illusion. In the final analy-
The M¯ıma¯ms:a¯ school holds the Vedas to be authorita-
sis there is no material world and no God. There is but one
tive, but not as created or revealed by God. The Vedas, rath-
ultimate reality called brahman.
er, are the expression in words—sacred words—of the eter-
The study of those sections of the Vedas (the
nal, ritual, and moral order of the world. The M¯ıma¯ms:a¯
Jña¯naka¯n:d:a) that pertain to this truth should be restricted,
supports the performance of sacrifice to a variety of gods. Yet
according to S´an˙kara, to persons who are beyond the desire
it holds that it is not the gods as such but the potential
for earthly or even for heavenly rewards. Those sections of
(apu¯rva) energy generated in the performance of the ritual
the Vedas (the Karmaka¯n:d:a) that pertain to ritual action he
that delivers the heavenly reward, and it explains the creation
recommends to persons less advanced. In the light of this dis-
stories in the Vedas as merely underlining the importance of
tinction S´an˙kara admits of two differing levels of truth. To
the ritual action to which these stories pertain.
say that the world of empirical experience is illusory is not
The M¯ıma¯ms:a¯ shares with the Jains the view that the
to say that it is completely false. Rather, it begins and moves
world is eternal, rendering superfluous the idea of God as the
within the error that identifies the self with the body, the
ultimate cause. In the work of the founder of the M¯ıma¯ms:a¯
senses, or the objects of sense. It proceeds under the assump-
school, Jaimini (second century CE), there is found no specif-
tion that the knower is an object within the material world.
ic reference to the doctrine of God. Later exponents, such
From the standpoint of the absolute truth this kind of
as Kuma¯rila and Prabha¯kara (eighth century CE), advance
knowledge is seen as illusion, on the analogy of illusions en-
definite arguments to refute theistic views. It is held by
countered in the mundane world. In the world of empirical
Kuma¯rila that in order to establish that God created the
experience, reality is understood in terms of time, space, and
world it would be necessary to provide authoritative testimo-
cause. As such it presents a cohesive picture manifesting a
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATHEISM
581
measure of order and design. In the light of this, S´an˙kara ar-
of Homer. He suggested that if animals could draw and
gues that on the level of mundane experience the world is
paint, they too would represent gods in their image. As the
appropriately seen as an effect, and that from this effect it
counterpart of his rejection of the gods of the poets, he held
is reasonable to infer a cause. He also holds that the evident
a philosophical idea of a higher divine being who must be
design and adaptation of the world, as seen from this per-
one, eternal, and unchangeable. There is evidence both for
spective, is sufficient to infer an intelligent being who has
and against the view that he identified this being with the
fashioned it like a potter makes a pot from clay. And, in ac-
universe as a whole.
cordance with the view of God as lord of the moral order,
S´an˙kara argues that the law of karman in itself is insufficient
The development of Ionic naturalism (c. fifth century
for the just administration of rewards of good and evil.
BCE) presented a challenge to traditional belief, because it of-
fered natural explanations for phenomena that had been ac-
While S´an˙kara offers these arguments as serious consid-
counted for on the basis of belief in the gods. Naturalistic
erations, he acknowledges that the existence of God is not
theories, however, often accommodated belief in the gods or
amenable to proof and turns finally to the authority of the
in some conception of the divine. According to Democritus
Vedas. Any proof for the existence of God is bound to be
(c. 460–370 BCE), the world and all that occurs within it is
formulated within the context of a false duality in which the
but the modification in shape and arrangement of the eternal
ultimate is seen as acting as cause upon the objects of name
atoms of which all things are composed. Within this view
and form. The difficulties in proving the existence of God,
such events as thunder and lightning popularly ascribed to
then, are presumably resolved in the higher knowledge in
Zeus are explained in natural terms. At the same time De-
which appearances like God and world finally give way to
mocritus held that fire is the divine soul-substance that ac-
the perfect truth.
counts for the life of the body and constitutes the soul of the
ATHEISM AND RELIGIOUS THOUGHT IN WESTERN PHILOS-
world. Anaxagoras (c. 499–427 BCE), on the other hand, was
OPHY. Religious forms of atheism in India appeared in a con-
accused of impiety and was required to leave Athens, not for
text in which differing conceptions of deity and of the ulti-
an explicit denial of the popular gods, but for his teaching
mate source and order of the universe were each capable of
that the heavenly bodies are purely natural objects, that the
supporting an integrated system of religious thought and ac-
sun is a red-hot stone and the moon made of earth.
tion. Early periods of Western thought manifested similarly
Among the Sophists (c. third to fourth century BCE)
differing conceptions of deity and of the ultimate ground of
criticism of the gods was based on the distinction drawn be-
all that exists. But just as Chinese intellectual history came
tween law, or human convention (nomos), and nature (phu-
to be dominated by the impersonal conception of the natural
sis). Ideas associated with public worship were assigned to the
order of the world, so the personal conception of deity gradu-
former category. They were seen as relative to human society
ally achieved ascendency in the West. While alternative con-
and in some cases as the product of the purely human imagi-
ceptions of deity continued as minor currents of Western
nation. With the advent of Sophistic thought, criticism of
thought, the possibility of an atheistic form of religious
the gods became more visible, because it occurred not simply
thought received new attention with the criticism of the
in the context of a naturalistic theory that left public worship
philosophical doctrine of God by secular thought.
undisturbed but also in the context of higher education. On
Ancient Greece. The religion of ancient Greece depict-
the other hand, because their fortunes depended largely upon
ed in the poetry of Homer (eighth century BCE) revolved
public acceptance, the Sophists did not always extend their
around a pantheon of gods presided over by the sky god
criticism of human convention to an outright denial of the
Zeus, who was seen not as a creator but as the upholder of
gods. Protagoras (c. 485–420 BCE), the best known of the
moral order. The gods, here associated with various aspects
Sophists, was tried and outlawed in Athens for asserting that
of the universe, are represented as superhuman immortal be-
he could say of the gods “neither that they exist nor that they
ings endowed with human passions, frequently behaving in
do not exist.” He, however, is, as far as is known, the first
undignified and amoral ways. Nevertheless, the worship of
to raise the question of the existence of the gods as a question
these gods in temples and other holy places, especially by
for which an uncompromising negative answer might be
means of sacrifice, constituted the state religion of Greece
given.
throughout the classical period. While there was no precise
Proceeding further along Sophistic lines, Prodicus of
conception of God in ancient Greece, philosophical criti-
Ceos, a younger contemporary of Protagoras, sought to ex-
cisms of the gods of popular belief are of interest because of
plain the existence of the popular belief in gods. Observing
their similarity to arguments later brought against theism
that Homer occasionally used the name of Hephaistos in-
and because of the alternative conceptions of the divine they
stead of “fire,” he inferred that the gods had originally been
often put in their place. The denial of these gods was a gradu-
associated with things that man requires for his existence. In
al development, finally expressed in uncompromising terms
explaining the origin of popular belief, he did not, however,
only around 300 BCE.
explicitly repudiate the existence of the gods or the divinity
Xenophanes (c. 570–475 BCE) attacked the anthropo-
of the sun or moon. The earliest expression of thoroughly
morphic and amoral representations of the gods in the poetry
atheistic belief in ancient Greece appears in a fragment of sa-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
582
ATHEISM
tirical drama by Critias, a contemporary and acquaintance
gence of Scholasticism, such ideas were developed into ratio-
of Socrates. In this work the character Sisyphus articulates
nal proofs for the existence of God that were intended to
the view that at its origin humanity was devoid of social orga-
stand to reason without appeal to revelation. According to
nization. Subsequently, men made laws to prevent mere
Anselm of Canterbury (1033–1109), God is that than which
power from prevailing over right. The enforcement of law
nothing more perfect can be thought. From the fact that an
thus prevented observable evil. Then a wise man conceived
existent being is more perfect than a purely imaginary object,
of making the people believe that there are gods to police
it follows that God must exist.
their secret deeds and thoughts. It is not known, however,
whether the speech of the dramatic character Sisyphus ex-
Thomas Aquinas (1228–1274) rejected Anselm’s proof
presses the view of Critias himself. Thinking along a similar
but under the influence of Aristotle’s metaphysics elaborated
line, Euhemerus (c. 300 BCE) argued that the gods had once
the famous five ways by which the existence of God can be
been kings and rulers who had become the objects of worship
known. According to Thomas, (1) the facts that there is mo-
because of the improvements in civilization they had be-
tion in the universe and that everything in motion derives
stowed upon their subjects. Yet he too seems to have held
its motion from something else show that there must be an
that the heavenly bodies are real and eternal gods.
unmoved mover. Secondary movers move only when they
are moved by something else. (2) From the fact that all events
While many philosophers of this period rejected certain
have an efficient cause, Thomas infers that there must be a
of the gods of popular belief, they also often affirmed the di-
substantial agent that is its own cause. If the chain of efficient
vinity of the celestial bodies and developed alternative ideas
causes goes on forever, there would be no first efficient cause
of the divine, sometimes in pantheistic or vaguely monothe-
and therefore no effect. (3) From the fact of contingent and
istic terms. Theodorus of Cyrene (c. 300 BCE), on the other
corruptible things about us, Thomas proceeds to the fact that
hand, seems to have rejected all such ideas. Diogenes Laertius
there must be a being that exists by its own very nature, a
and Cicero both observe that he did not accept the existence
necessary being. (4) Because the highest degree of any quality
of any god.
observed in any finite thing is always the cause of that quality
Early Christianity. Contemporary research on Chris-
in anything in which that quality is found, the gradations in
tian origins suggests that early Christianity did not unani-
goodness, beauty, and truth in objects of experience imply
mously appropriate the view of God set forth in the Hebrew
that all being and goodness in the universe must have their
scriptures. A pervading theme of the gnostic literature that
source in one who is the perfect being. (5) Finally, from the
circulated widely in early Christian communities is that the
orderly character of natural events there must be a general
world is an untoward environment. It is not the work of an
order to the universe, and this universal order points to the
omnipotent and benevolent being but the result of a divine
existence of an intelligent agent who has ordered all things.
fault. Its creator is unworthy of the religious devotion of man
Following Thomas, other arguments were offered in support
and an obstacle to the religious goal of liberation from the
of belief in such a God. Among the most influential of these
present evil world. The ultimate reality, on the other hand,
were the arguments of René Descartes (1591–1650), who at-
is not to be thought of as a God at all. It is referred to as the
tempted to demonstrate the existence of God from the pres-
unknown One, the unfathomable, the incomprehensible.
ence of the idea of God in the mind.
Occasionally, this reality is spoken of paradoxically as the
The attack upon theism. Since the seventeenth century
One that exists in nonbeing existence. Although by the
this conception of God and the arguments that claimed to
fourth century, gnosticism was condemned as unorthodox
demonstrate his existence have been subject to persistent at-
by a majority of Christian churches, it is undeniable that it
tack. In the first place, because Thomas took the physics of
represented for its adherents a religious way of life.
Aristotle as the basis for his understanding of cause and mo-
The emergence of the Western conception of God.
tion, his arguments were less capable of supporting theistic
Despite the pervasiveness of gnostic ideas in the first centu-
belief once Aristotle’s views on these matters were supplanted
ries of the Christian era, the biblical image of God as father
by those of Isaac Newton (1642–1727). For Aristotle, an ex-
and creator received the stamp of orthodox Christian teach-
planation is required both for the initiation and for the con-
ing. The idea that God as creator of the world can be known
tinuance of change. The first mover of Thomas, since it is
by means of reason is expressed in the New Testament (Rom.
taken as both initiating and continuing change, supports the
1:18–23, Acts 17:23) and becomes a persistent theme in
view of God both as creator and governor of the universe.
Christian theology from the time of the apologists of the sec-
Newton’s first law of motion, on the other hand, holds that
ond and third centuries. The speculative theologians of Alex-
a body will remain at rest or in continuous motion in the
andria (Athanasius, Didymus, Cyril) all hold that although
same direction unless it is subject to a contravening force.
God in himself is beyond comprehension, he can be known
When the idea was developed by Pierre-Simon de Laplace
through the creation and through the human soul, which
(1749–1827) that the world is a regular and perfectly deter-
was created in his image. In the works of Augustine of Hippo
minate system, the idea of God as the source of its movement
(384–430 CE) one finds support for the belief in the existence
was rendered superfluous. Moreover, once the idea of the
of God from a variety of facts of experience. With the emer-
universe as a perfect system was established, eternal existence
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATHEISM
583
could be attributed to the material world, as in the work of
upon the being of man must unmask the essential nature of
Paul-Henri d’Holbach (1723–1789). Theistic arguments
religion, which is to alienate man from himself, and replace
were further eroded by the view articulated by David Hume
theology with the humanistic underpinning for an ethically
(1711–1776) that cause itself is but an immanent habit of
legitimate order.
thought and not a necessary relation between substances or
Karl Marx (1818–1883) concurred in the judgment
events. With this the possibility of inferring the existence of
that religion is a symptom of alienation. But he argued that
God from any classical form of a causal argument was under-
a merely intellectual liberation from religion would be un-
mined.
able to bring about the kind of human community that
Influenced by Hume and others, Immanuel Kant
Feuerbach had envisioned. Religion, he argued, is an instru-
(1724–1804), in his famous Critique of Pure Reason (1781),
ment of economic control. By its construction of an illusory
gathered the substance of various arguments for the existence
happiness religion presents an obstacle to the liberation of
of God into three. (1) The ontological argument proceeds
the alienated worker from economic exploitation in the real,
from the idea of God to the existence of God. It holds that
that is the material, world. Later in the century Friedrich
this idea is such that the nonexistence of God would not be
Nietzsche (1844–1900) articulated a view of the moral sig-
possible. (2) The cosmological argument proceeds from the
nificance of theistic faith very different from that of Marx.
fact of the existence of the world to the existence of God as
Yet it is no less hostile to theistic belief. The God of the
the sufficient reason or the ultimate cause of its being. (3)
Judeo-Christian tradition, he held, is the support of a slave
The physico-theological argument proceeds from the evident
morality. God was the instrument of the weak in inflicting
order, adaptation, or purposefulness of the world to the exis-
a bad conscience upon the powerful and healthy and thus
tence of an intelligent being who made it.
undermining their vitality and love of life. The success of this
strategy has brought Western civilization to the brink of a
None of these arguments, in the view of Kant, is ade-
nihilism that signals both the imminent death of God and
quate to prove the existence of God. The ontological argu-
the dawning of a new day in which Christian morality will
ment treats existence as though it could be the property of
be left behind.
an idea. The cosmological argument posits the first cause
only to avoid an infinite chain of causal relations. And it pre-
In the twentieth century a new challenge to theism arose
supposes the validity of the ontological argument in its use
from the effort of philosophers to develop a criterion to dis-
of the category of a necessary being as the first cause. The
tinguish between meaningful and meaningless language. In
physico-theological argument presupposes the validity of the
order to make sense, it was held, a statement has to be capa-
first two, but even if accepted could prove only the existence
ble of empirical verification. Because statements about God
of a designer or architect of the universe and not a creator.
cannot be shown to be true or false by methods of empirical
testing, they seem to be without claim to cognitive standing.
Such speculative reasoning fails, according to Kant, be-
With this and further developments, the challenge to reli-
cause it depends upon the illegitimate use of the concepts of
gious thought was no longer to the justification of theistic
the pure theoretical reason that individuals employ in their
belief but to the status of the expression of theistic belief as
apprehension of spatial and temporal objects to extend their
meaningful language. The threat was not to its intellectual
knowledge beyond the reach of sensuous experience. Kant
support but to its claim to belong to the domain of serious
denies, however, that this analysis should lead to the conclu-
philosophical dispute.
sion that God does not exist. In his Critique of Practical Rea-
The twentieth century. To the attack upon theism
son (1778), he argues that it is in the domain of moral action
since the seventeenth century, theologians in the twentieth
that religious ideas have their real significance, and it is here
century responded in a variety of ways. These responses can
that belief in God can be justified on rational grounds. The
be discussed as two opposing types: (1) those who continued
substance of his argument is that it is necessary to postulate
to affirm the existence of God as the superlatively wise, pow-
freedom, immortality, and God in order to live reasonably
erful, and benevolent creator of the world and (2) those who
according to the “moral law within.”
did not affirm the existence of such a God or who even open-
It was precisely the transposition of religious ideas from
ly deny it. It is within this latter group that the most recent
the realm of metaphysics to the realm of practical reason, the
forms of religious atheism are found. The first type includes
idea of belief in God as the support for moral action, that
the revival of scholasticism in Roman Catholic and Anglican
attracted the most violent assault upon theistic ideas in the
theological circles, which was accorded official ecclesiastical
following generation. Its significance for the nineteenth cen-
support during the First Vatican Council (1870). Among the
tury is indicated in the view of Ludwig Feuerbach (1804–
most influential of these theists were Reginald Marie Garri-
1872), who argues (1) that religion is the “dream of man,”
gou-Lagrange (1877–1964), Jacques Maritain (1882–1973),
in which he projects his own infinite nature as a being be-
and Étienne Gilson (1884–1978). Central to this response
yond himself and then perceives himself as the object of this
was a reaffirmation of metaphysics and of the importance of
projected being; (2) that such a being, as “a contradiction to
natural theology, at least in the sense of a rational structuring
reason and morality,” is quite inadequate to support a genu-
of the truths received through revelation and a clarification
ine human community; and (3) that a new philosophy based
of these truths in terms of ordinary experience.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
584
ATHEISM
A second movement that belongs to this type, neoortho-
of freedom and creativity. Against this kind of theism, says
doxy, dominated Protestant thought during the first half of
Tillich, the atheism of the nineteenth century was a justified
the twentieth century, especially after World War I. Reject-
response.
ing the prevalent themes of nineteenth-century Protestant
What Tillich calls “absolute faith,” on the other hand,
thought, neoorthodoxy rediscovered the personal God of the
accepts and affirms despair and in so doing finds meaning
Bible and the Protestant reformers. It repudiated efforts to
within the disintegration of meaning itself. In “absolute
find God through human effort, and instead affirmed that
faith” the depth and power of being is revealed in which the
he is to be known through his revelation attested in sacred
negation of being is embraced. Its object is the “God beyond
scripture and by means of the obedience of faith. The God
God,” the God who appears when the God of theism has dis-
of Karl Barth (1886–1968), the most influential exponent
appeared in the anxiety of meaninglessness and doubt. This
of this movement, is a God who exists, who lives, and who
God is not a being but the ground of Being itself.
has made himself known through mighty acts in history of
which the Bible is witness.
In an effort towards a radical recasting of the fundamen-
tal categories of theology, Bishop John A. T. Robinson
Around the turn of the twentieth century, the signifi-
(1919–1983) of Woolwich, England, employed a number of
cance of change or process in the works of William James
Tillich’s insights together with some of the more famous
(1842–1910), Henri Bergson (1859–1941), Samuel Alexan-
ideas of Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1906–1945) and Rudolf Bult-
der (1859–1938), and others, together with a widespread
mann (1884–1976). Writing in 1963, he affirmed, with
criticism of the absolute determinism of Laplace, provided
Bultmann, that the Bible assumes a cosmology in which God
the context for new efforts toward a doctrine of God in the
is a being “up there.” The Christian who is heir to the Coper-
thought of such figures as Alfred North Whitehead (1861–
nican revolution tends to translate such categories into terms
1947), Henry Nelson Wieman (1884–1975), and Charles
compatible with the modern view of the world. When one
Hartshorne (1897–2000). Claiming independence from
speaks of God “up there,” one really means the God “out
what it saw as the static theism of both the Thomistic and
there.” This he thinks, is poor translation, for there are no
neoorthodox traditions, it conceived God as a limited being
vacant spaces in the universe in which God could really be
who is subject to “becoming” in time as natural “process” un-
said to reside. Robinson is willing to concede that the skies
folds. God, in this view, fulfills his own being, as the force
are empty, and that humanity, as Bonhoeffer had said, has
for progress, in and through the ordering of the world.
come of age. The divine transcendence, he argues, is to be
confronted not in the “beyond” or in the “height” but in the
A reply to the attack upon theism very different from
infinite and inexhaustible “depth” or “ground” of being re-
all of these was developed in the thought of Paul Tillich
vealed in the midst of life.
(1886–1965). It centers upon his view of faith as a state of
“being concerned ultimately.” This view of faith, according
Neither Tillich nor Robinson referred to their thought
to Tillich, transcends the three fundamental kinds of theism
as atheistic. Tillich suggested, however, that to understand
that have been the object of secular attack. (1) “Empty the-
God as the depth of being practically requires one to forget
ism” is the affirmation of God employed by politicians and
everything traditional that one has learned about God, and
dictators to produce the impression that they are moral and
perhaps even the word itself. Robinson stated that he did not
worthy of trust. Its use of the idea of God exploits the tradi-
yet have a name for the kind of religious thinking he wanted
tional and psychological connotations of the word without
to bring about. In the United States, on the other hand, re-
any specification of what is meant. (2) Theism as “divine-
flection of a similar sort was given a name that gained it an
human encounter” found in the Bible and among the re-
instant vogue: the theology of the death of God.
formers is the immediate certainty of divine forgiveness that
The “death of God” theology was a heterogeneous
is independent of moral, intellectual, or religious precondi-
movement encompassing a variety of issues upon which its
tions. Its power is evident in the capacity of such a personal
members often disagreed. Besides the question of God, it was
image of God, supported by scripture and personal experi-
concerned with a variety of forms of alienation within the
ence, to defeat the anxiety of guilt and condemnation, fate
Christian community, with the significance of the secular
and death. Yet given the doubt prevailing in the present age,
world and its intellectual norms, and with the significance
the experience of divine forgiveness is subject to psychologi-
for theology of the person and work of Jesus. The movement
cal explanation, and the idea of sin appears relative at best
received its name from the title of a work published in 1961
and meaningless at worst. (3) “Theological theism” tries by
by Gabriel Vahanian that announced the death of God as a
means of the various proofs for the existence of God to trans-
cultural fact, the fact acknowledged by Bonhoeffer and Rob-
form the divine-human encounter into a doctrine about two
inson that modern man functions intellectually and socially
different beings that have existence independent of one an-
without God as a working hypothesis. This cultural fact, for
other. This, however, can establish the existence of God only
Vahanian, implies a loss of the sense of transcendence and
as a being beside others and bound to the subject-object
the substitution of a radically immanentist perspective in
structure of reality. Under the gaze of such a being of infinite
dealing with questions of human existence. That the death
knowledge and power the alienated human being is deprived
of God has occurred as a cultural fact in no way implies for
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATHEISM
585
him, however, that God himself has ceased to exist. God is,
to affect the development of theology in the early twenty-first
and remains, infinite and wholly other, still calling humanity
century.
to existential and cultural conversion. Vahanian’s concern is
CONCLUSIONS. The forms of atheism that appear through-
for a transfiguration of culture in which the living God is
out the history of religions represent an important resource
freed from the false images that have reified him.
for the interpretation of twenty-first century religious
Vahanian’s view of the reality of God sets him clearly
thought. Much of the reasoning behind the rejection of pop-
apart from other persons associated with the death of God.
ular religion in ancient Greece or theism in India can be
For Paul M. Van Buren, writing in 1965, the issue for theol-
compared with the reasoning behind the rejection of theism
ogy is how the modern Christian, who is in fact a secular
in the West. The naturalism of ancient Greek and classical
being, can understand faith in a secular way. Taking his
Indian philosophy invites comparison with naturalism in the
method from the philosophical tradition known as language
West, the atheism of the Sophists with that of nineteenth-
analysis, he argues that not only the God of theism but also
century Europe. The widespread secularistic mood in con-
any other conception of God has been rendered meaningless
temporary society bears comparison with the secularism of
to the modern mind. He concludes that when the language
late Greek and Roman antiquity. And the ethical preoccupa-
of Christian faith is sorted out, the gospel can be interpreted
tion of some exponents of the death of God invites compari-
as the expression of a historical perspective concerning Jesus
son with the ethical practicality of the philosophies of an-
that has wide-ranging empirical consequences for the ethical
cient China. The major forms of religious atheism are
existence of the Christian.
perhaps less distinguished by the traditions they belong to
than by affinities in inner structure.
For William Hamilton, writing at about the same time,
the death of God means the loss of the God of theism and
From the present survey it is possible to conclude that
the loss of “real transcendence.” His response is a new under-
doubt about the existence of God does not in itself imply the
standing of Protestantism that liberates it from religion—
end of piety, ethics, or spirituality. Elaborate systems of ethi-
from, that is, any system of thought or action in which God
cal religious thought and action have been based both on the
is seen as fulfilling any sort of need or as solving any human
view that God does and that God does not exist. The ques-
problem, even the problem of the loss of God. Hamilton’s
tion that arises from the present survey is not whether it is
Protestant is a person without God, without faith in God,
possible to speak any longer about God but whether it is nec-
but also a person in protest against release or escape from the
essary to do so. The question whether it is possible for mod-
world by means of the sacred. He is a person led into the af-
ern philosophy or theology to develop a compelling system
fairs of the world and into solidarity with his neighbor, in
of religious thought and action that rejects belief in God will
whom he encounters Jesus and where alone he can become
be addressed more effectively as the dimensions of the ques-
Jesus to the world.
tion that emerge in differing historical situations are com-
pared.
In the thought of Vahanian, Van Buren, and Hamilton,
the death of God is a metaphor. In the work of Thomas J.
SEE ALSO Doubt and Belief; Naturalism.
J. Altizer, on the other hand, the death of God is to be taken
literally. In a work published in 1967 he seems to be saying
both that God did once exist and that he really did cease to
BIBLIOGRAPHY
exist. He believes that the death of God is decisive for theolo-
The idea that civilization begins at a stage at which the concept
gy because in it God has reconciled himself with the world.
of God is absent is developed by David Hume in The Natural
History of Religion (1757), edited by H. E. Root (Stanford,
God, the sovereign and transcendent Lord of the Christian
Calif., 1957). A similar view is developed by John Lubbock
tradition, has taken the form of a servant and entered the
in The Origin of Civilisation and the Primitive Condition of
world through Christ. With this, the realm of the transcen-
Man (1870), edited by Peter Rivière (Chicago, 1978). An ex-
dent and supernatural has become empty and God has died.
cellent contemporary study of the significance of God in tra-
With the death of God, humans are liberated from fears
ditional African religion is John S. Mbiti’s Concepts of God
and inhibitions imposed upon them by an awesome mystery
in Africa (New York, 1970). See also Ake Hultkrantz’s Belief
beyond.
and Worship in Native North America (Syracuse, N.Y., 1981).
Both of these works contain excellent bibliographies. The
The view of these thinkers that belief in God is impossi-
question whether native peoples are without a concept of
ble, unnecessary, or wrong, has apparently not caused them
God has received new interest in light of John Nance’s The
to believe that they are disqualified as theologians. To this
Gentle Tasaday (New York, 1975).
extent they stand alongside other forms of religious atheism
The most thorough work on the classical philosophies of India re-
encountered in the history of religious thought. It has cer-
mains Surendranath Dasgupta’s A History of Indian Philoso-
tainly been objected by other theologians that the “death of
phy, 5 vols. (Cambridge, 1922–1955). Nikunja Vihari
God” theology does not authentically represent the Christian
Banerjee’s The Spirit of Indian Philosophy (New Delhi, 1974)
tradition. For the present it is sufficient that the death of
is a thoroughly readable introduction containing a useful dis-
God represents a controversy of significant dimensions in the
cussion of arguments for and against the existence of God in
record of Christian thought and that its influence continues
Indian thought. Ninian Smart’s Doctrine and Argument in
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
586
ATHENA
Indian Philosophy (London, 1964) presents the substance of
that had famously fallen from the sky and was venerated in
Indian metaphysics in language accessible to the Western
Ilion, portrayed her with a spear in her right hand and a dis-
reader. It contains also a useful glossary and bibliography.
taff and spindle in the left. These two aspects may be recon-
More specialized studies include Kewal Krishnan Mittal’s
ciled under the capacity for rational organization. Both in
Materialism in Indian Thought (Delhi, 1974); Dale Riepe’s
war and in craft the goddess refrains from excess and impul-
The Naturalistic Tradition in Indian Thought (Seattle, 1961);
sivity, and she privileges rational, intelligent preparation. As
and Helmuth von Glasenapp’s Buddhism: A Non-Theistic Re-
such she is indeed a goddess of the arts of war and of creative
ligion (New York, 1966). A useful selection of relevant origi-
nal texts is presented in translation in A Source Book in Indian
intelligence, and a protectress of the city, closely tied to its
Philosophy, edited by Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and Charles
social organization.
A. Moore (Princeton, N.J., 1957). A concise introduction to
Athena is certainly a very ancient divinity: it is possible
Chinese thought is presented in Fung Youlan’s A Short Histo-
to recognize in her a pre-Hellenic protectress of the Myce-
ry of Chinese Philosophy (New York, 1948), which offers a
short bibliography.
naean citadel atop the Acropolis. An atana potinija is attested
in the dative, together with Enyalios, Paiaon, Poseidaon, and
Relevant works on ancient Greek material include Roy K. Hack’s
the Erinyes in a linear B text from Knossos. The interpreta-
God in Greek Philosophy (Princeton, N. J., 1931), which con-
tion commonly accepted, even though by no means certain,
tains a selected bibliography, and Anders B. Drachmann’s
is “mistress of (place-name) Athana.” Athena is indeed
Atheism in Pagan Antiquity (1922; Chicago, 1977), which
provides extensive notes. For a scholarly treatment of the
unique among Greek gods in being connected, via her name,
concept of God in ancient Israel, see William F. Albright’s
with a specific city, Athens. This connection is underlined
Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan (London, 1968) and Harold
by the fact that in early Attic inscriptions her name appears
H. Rowley’s The Faith of Israel: Aspects of Old Testament
in the adjectival form, Athenaia (the Athenian goddess), as
Thought (London, 1956). Elaine H. Pagels’s The Gnostic Gos-
in the Homeric formula, Pallas Athenaie. However, the lin-
pels (New York, 1979) is an introduction to gnostic Christian
guistic relation between place and goddess is difficult to de-
literature based on the recent discoveries at Nag Hammadi,
fine; if the Athenians, both in myth (the gift of the olive tree,
Egypt. The development of theism, from Augustine to its
the birth of Erichthonios) and in cult (the Panathenaia festi-
criticism through the nineteenth century, is thoroughly dis-
val), stressed their privileged relation with the goddess, in
cussed in Frederick C. Copleston’s A History of Philosophy,
Panhellenic mythology she shows no special interest in Ath-
8 vols. (New York, 1946–1966). A concise introduction to
the development of the Christian idea of God is found in the
ens or in Athenian heroes. Thus, according to Pindar (Olym-
article “God” in The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian
pian 7.34–53), the Rhodians believed Athena to be particu-
Church, 2d ed., edited by Frank Leslie Cross and Elizabeth
larly associated with their island. In many Greek cities she
A. Livingston (London, 1974), which contains a useful bibli-
appears as Polias or Poliouchos, citadel and city-goddess (this
ography. For a thorough discussion of contemporary devel-
is also true of Troy: legend had it that until her Palladion
opments in theology, including the theology of the “death
had been stolen from the city, it would not fall); very often
of God,” see Langdon Gilkey’s Naming the Whirlwind: The
her temples are on the central, fortified hill of the city.
Renewal of God-language (Indianapolis, 1969).
Athena’s emblems are the owl (glaux, compare her epi-
Finally, a useful reference work is The Encyclopedia of Unbelief, 2
thet glauko¯pis, “bright-eyed”), and the snake, living among
vols., edited by Gordon Stein (New York, 1985). Although
clearly focused on the West, it includes a broad range of arti-
the rocks of the Athenian Acropolis (Herodotos VIII
cles on various forms of unbelief in most parts of the world.
41.2–3). These have been taken by some modern scholars
as signs of the close connection between her, the Minoan
GEORGE ALFRED JAMES (1987 AND 2005)
snake goddess, and the Mycenaean palace goddess. Athena’s
main weapon in battle is the aegis (as the name implies, a
goat-skin): when she raises it, panic overtakes her enemies.
On it, she wears the petrifying head of the Gorgon.
ATHENA (or Athenaia, Ionian Athenaie, epic Athene; in
the Roman world, she corresponds to Menerva/Minerva) was
Her centrality in the Greek pantheon is expressed by her
the Greek goddess of war, the arts, and feminine works. Ac-
closeness to Zeus. The story of her birth (an Oriental motif,
cording to the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite (5.8–15) she “has
which finds a parallel in the Hittite myth of Kumarbi) force-
no pleasure in the works of golden Aphrodite, but delights
fully underlines the strong relationship between the two di-
in war and the works of Ares; she first taught human crafts-
vinities. Zeus, after having received the power to rule among
men how to build chariots and work the bronze, but she too
the gods, married the Okeanid Metis, the “most knowing of
teaches young girls in the house, putting in their mind
the gods and men” (Hesiod, frag. 343.15; Theogony 886–
knowledge of splendid art” (compare Iliad 5.733–737,
900); then, in order to avoid being overthrown by a more
where, in arming herself for war, the goddess takes off the
powerful son, he swallowed her. Some time later, Zeus gave
splendid robe she had made with her own hands). These di-
birth from his head to a grown-up and fully armed goddess,
verse aspects of her nature manifest themselves in her iconog-
Athena. Other versions have Zeus call on Hephaistos to help
raphy: according to Apollodorus (Bibl. 3.12.3), the Palla-
relieve him of labor pains. Hephaistos with his ax split Zeus’s
dion, the extremely ancient wooden statue of the goddess
head open, and out of it, in full armor and with a war song
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on her lips, sprang Athena. This is the version usually depict-
and Atena Areia. Every year, they escorted Pallas (so report
ed on Attic vases.
the epigraphic texts, with a striking personification: the
wooden Palladium must have been intended) to Phalerum
Zeus’s courageous, self-confident, clear-eyed daughter
and to the sea for a ritual cleansing (the occasion of this ritual
became his favorite child, the only one to carry his aegis and
is disputed: it may have been the Plynteria). Conversely, an
thunderbolt. She in turn revered him and boasted of being
Athena Apaturia is attested at Troizen, to whom young girls
the child of him alone, of being motherless (thus in Homeric
offered their girdle before their wedding.
Hymn 28; similarly, in another passage of Hesiod’s Theogony
924–929, the birth of Athena from Zeus is paralleled by the
More generally, the goddess nurtures the children on
story of Hera giving birth alone, out of anger against Zeus,
whom the city’s future depends and encourages its citizens
to Hephaistos). Athena and Zeus share exclusively between
in the arts and crafts so integral to civilized existence. Her
them the cult epithet Polias/Polieus. At Sparta, the rh¯etra at-
foundational role in Athens is clearly expressed by the story
tributed to Lycurgus mentioned a Zeus Syllanios and an
of her victory over Poseidon through the gift of the sacred
Athena Syllania (the meaning of this term is unknown). The
olive tree, and in the connected local Athenian myth of the
unique relationship between Athena and Zeus finds its best
birth of Erichthonios. According to the legend, Hephaistos
literary expression in Aeschylus (Eumenides 736–738): Athe-
tried to rape the goddess; she flew, and in his pursuit, his
na appears there as the great reconciler between men and
semen fell on her thigh. The goddess in wiping it off threw
gods, and, because of her peculiar birth, between male and
it to the ground, and the earth gave birth to the boy Erech-
female. At a deeper level, however, it can be claimed that by
theus/Erichthonios, whom Athena raised (already attested in
her refusal of marriage the goddess paradoxically destabilizes
Iliad 2.547–551). She then gave him over to the care of the
the patriarchal and civilized order that she apparently
daughters of snake-tailed Kekrops, the autochthonous king
champions.
of Athens, warning them not to open the chest in which the
The most frequent among her other epithets are Trito-
boy lay. They however opened the chest, and, overcome with
geneia, which may allude to the circumstances of her birth,
madness at what they saw, threw themselves down the cliff
even if the precise meaning of the term is disputed, and Pal-
of the Acropolis. Erichthonios later became king of Athens,
las. One of the ancient explanations for the latter is that Pal-
and instituted the Panathenaia; the story of the Kekropids
las was a childhood friend whom Athena inadvertently killed
was remembered in the rite of the Arrhe¯phoria. Two (or
during a fencing match. Athena erected a wooden image, a
four) young girls of noble family, aged between seven and
palladium, to commemorate her foster sister, an image that
eleven, were chosen annually by the archon basileus to serve
came to represent Athena herself in her role as protectress of
Athena Polias on the Acropolis. At the end of their year, at
the polis. Of this Palladium, originally situated in Troy,
night, the arrh¯ephoroi were given covered baskets, which they
many cities boasted of possessing an exemplar (Athens,
had to carry down to the temple of Aphrodite “in the gar-
Argos, and Rome, among others). According to another ver-
den.” There they were given something else that they had to
sion, Pallas was a giant and an adversary of Athena in the Gi-
bring back to the Acropolis. The meaning of this ceremony
gantomachy, out of whose skin the goddess made herself the
is disputed (transition or fertility ritual), but it has clearly to
aegis (a local, Athenian variant of the Gigantomachy myth
do with the story of the daughters of Kekrops, since the
has Theseus fighting against a rival king Pallas and his fifty
arrh¯ephoroi are said to accomplish their duties in regard to
sons). Yet others interpreted Pallas as “the one who dances,”
Athena Polias and Pandrosos, one of the Kekropids. The
or “who brandishes weapons” (Euripides, Ion 209–211;
myth encapsulates Athena’s care for Athens, and more gener-
Plato, Cratylos 406d–407a), or pallas simply as “maiden”
ally for the raising and education of both boys and girls, as
(Strabo, 17.1.46, with the approval of modern etymological
well as the Athenians’ rootedness in their landscape.
dictionaries). Particularly important in fifth-century Athe-
Athenian maidens and women wove a peplos for Athe-
nian ideology is the goddess’s connection with victory: as
na; the loom for the weaving was set up by the priestess of
Athena Nik¯e she had a priestess and a temple at the gate of
Athena Polias and the arrh¯ephoroi at the Chalkeia. The pep-
the Acropolis.
los (embroidered with scenes from the Gigantomachy, and
Athena’s central concern is the wellbeing of the commu-
thus once again exposing the other side of the deity) was of-
nity. As Aelius Aristides (Or. 37.13) puts it, “Cities are the
fered to the goddess nine months later at the Panathenaia,
gifts of Athena.” As a patron of civic institutions, she has a
her most important festival at Athens. At this same festival
role in the socialization of youths of both sexes. Thus, in Ath-
male citizens competed in contests reserved for Athenians
ens, in her quality of Phratria, the goddess is, together with
which, just as the Panathenaic procession, stressed the force
Zeus Phratrios, the patroness of the Apaturia festival, in
and the sense of common identity of the polity. There were
which young men were introduced into the phratry; these
also contests open to foreigners; the prizes for the quadrenni-
were the gods that defined Athenian citizenship. The
al contests of the Great Panathenaia were the so-called Pana-
ephebes took their oath in the sanctuary of Aglauros, one of
thenaic amphoras, filled with olive oil from the sacred olive
the three daughters of Kekrops, regarded as the first priestess
trees and bearing on one side the image of the fully armed,
of Athena; among the principal divinities invoked were Ares
striding Athena Promachos.
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ATHENA
Athena is particularly identified with the womanly arts
gion: Archaic and Classical (Cambridge, Mass., 1985),
of spinning and weaving, and is often called, in this connec-
pp. 139–143; Robert T. C. Parker, “Athena,” in The Oxford
tion, Ergan¯e (the maker). As such, she also protects carpen-
Classical Dictionary, 3d ed., edited by Simon Hornblower
ters, metalworkers and more generally artisans: “Be on your
and Antony Spawforth (Oxford and New York, 1996),
way, all people who work with your hands, you who entreat
pp. 201–202; and Fritz Graf, “Athena,” in Der neue Pauly,
Zeus’ daughter, Ergan¯e of the terrible eyes, with baskets
Vol. 2 (Stuttgart, Germany, 1997), pp. 160–166.
placed before her, and by the anvil with the heavy hammer”
On her importance in Athens see specifically C. John Herington,
(Sophocles, frag. 844 Radt).
Athena Parthenos and Athena Polias: A Study in the Religion
Like many spinning goddesses, Athena is a virgin; at
of Periclean Athens (Manchester, UK, 1955), and his “Athena
Athens, she is addressed as “the” parthenos. Yet her virginity
in Athenian Literature and Cult,” in G. T. W. Hooker, ed.,
implies no withdrawal from involvement with males, but
Parthenos and Parthenon, Greece and Rome, Suppl. 10 (Ox-
rather an easy companionship undisturbed by sexual tension.
ford, 1963), pp. 61–73; Nicole Loraux, Les enfants d’Athena
(Paris, 1981), translated by Caroline Levine as The Children
Loyal and resourceful, she is a friendly mentor to many of
of Athena: Athenian Ideas about Citizenship and the Division
the heroes of Greek mythology—Perseus, Bellerophon, Her-
between the Sexes (Princeton, N.J., 1993); Jenifer Neils, ed.,
akles, and above all Odysseus, whose skeptical prudence and
Goddess and Polis: The Panathenaic Festival in Ancient Athens
practical cunning so resemble her own. Although in late clas-
(Princeton, N.J., 1992); and Jenifer Neils, ed., Worshipping
sical times the goddess came to be regarded as a personifica-
Athena: Panathenaia and Parthenon (Madison, Wis., 1996).
tion of wisdom in the abstract, her m¯etis (“wisdom”) is rather
The goddess’s connection with Athenian democracy is ex-
common sense and the technical and artistic skillfulness she
plored by Irmgard Kasper-Butz, Die Göttin Athena im klas-
encouraged in her protégés. She is glauko¯pis, bright-eyed, like
sischen Athen: Athena als Repräsentantin des demokratischen
her emblem the owl. At least until the end of the fifth centu-
Staates (Frankfurt am Main, Germany, 1990). The most
ry, Athena was not seen as a contemplative being, but rather
complete discussion of Attic rituals for Athena is still Ludwig
as “spirited immediacy, redeeming spiritual presence, swift
Deubner, Attische Feste (Berlin, 1932), pp. 9–39.
action.” At least until the end of the fifth century, Athena
was not seen as a contemplative being, but rather, as Walter
Specific aspects are explored in Susan Deacy and Alexandra Vil-
ling, eds., Athena in the Classical World (Leiden, Netherlands,
F. Otto memorably put it, a “Göttin der nähe” (“goddess of
2001), which also provides an extensive bibliography. In a
nearness”), “spirited immediacy, redeeming spiritual pres-
series of articles, Noel Robertson proposes a global reinter-
ence, swift action.”
pretation of rituals for Athena: see in particular “Athena as
Weather Goddess: The Aigis in Myth and Ritual,” in Deacy
SEE ALSO Goddess Worship, overview article.
and Villing, eds., Athena in the Classical World (Leiden,
Netherlands, 2001), pp. 29–55, and “Athena and Early
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Greek Society: Palladium Shrines and Promontory Shrines,”
Athena is an important presence in Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey;
in Matthew Dillon, ed., Religion in the Ancient World: New
Aeschylus’s Eumenides is the other most important ancient
Themes and Approaches (Amsterdam, 1996), pp. 383–475. In
source. The goddess is frequently invoked in drama: for in-
this same volume, Daniel Geagan, “Who Was Athena?”
stance in Euripides’ Children of Heracles 748–783 and in Ar-
pp. 145–164, charts the development of the cult of Athena
istophanes’ Knights 581–594. A somewhat darker aspect of
in Athens across a wide chronological period. On the cult of
her nature emerges from Sophocles’ Ajax. Callimachus in his
Athena at Troy/Ilion, see Alexandra Villing, “Athena as Er-
Hymn 5 illustrates a ritual in honor of the Argive Athena; for
gane and Promachos: The Iconography of Athena in Archaic
the perception of the goddess at the time of the second so-
East Greece,” in Nick Fisher and Hans van Wees, eds., Ar-
phistic, see Aelius Aristides’ Hymn to Athena (Or. 37).
chaic Greece: New Approaches and New Evidence (London,
Modern scholarly treatments include Lewis R. Farnell, The Cults
1998), pp. 147–168. Her role as a goddess of m¯etis and prac-
of the Greek States, Vol. 1 (1896; New Rochelle, N.Y., 1977),
tical cunning is examined in Marcel Detienne and Jean-
pp. 258–320; Walter F. Otto, Die Götter Griechenlands: Das
Pierre Vernant, Les ruses de l’intelligence: La mêtis des Grecs
Bild des Göttlichen im Spiegel des griechischen Geistes (Bonn,
(Paris, 1974), translated by Janet Lloyd as Cunning Intelli-
Germany, 1929), translated by Moses Hadas as The Homeric
gence in Greek Culture and Society (Hassocks, U.K., 1978;
Gods: The Spiritual Significance of Greek Religion (New York,
Chicago, 1991). A wealth of material on the diverse aspects
1954), pp. 43–60; Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,
of the cult of Athena in the Greek world is to be found in
Der Glaube der Hellenen (Berlin, 1931–1932), Vol. 1:
Gerhard Jöhrens, Der Athenahymnus des Ailios Aristeides
pp. 234–237, Vol. 2: pp. 162–168; Károly Kerényi, Die
(Bonn, Germany, 1981).
Jungfrau und Mutter der Griechischen Religion: Eine Studie
über Pallas Athene (Zurich, 1952), translated by Murray
A detailed survey of the iconography is offered by Paul Demargne
Stein as Athene: Virgin and Mother in Greek Religion (Dallas,
and Hélène Cassimatis, “Athena,” in Lexicon iconographicum
Tex., 1978); Martin P. Nilsson, The Minoan-Mycenean Reli-
mythologiae classicae, Vol. 2.1 (Zurich and Munich, 1984),
gion and Its Survival in Greek Religion, 2d rev. ed. (Lund,
pp. 955–1044.
Sweden, 1950), pp. 485–501; Walter Burkert, Griechische
Religion der archaischen und klassischen Epoche (Stuttgart and
CHRISTINE DOWNING (1987)
Berlin, 1977), rev. ed., translated by J. Raffan as Greek Reli-
PAOLA CECCARELLI (2005)
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
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589
ATHENAGORAS, Christian apologist, flourished in
in the second millennium BCE and still widely attested in
Athens during the second half of the second century. Only
southern Arabia in the mid-first millennium BCE and later.
one of his writings has been transmitted to posterity, Legatio,
The Old Babylonian spellings of her name—with and with-
or Presbeia, which he composed between 176 and 180. He
out the internal vowel i—show that this vowel was short and
was a professional philosopher and, from the time of his con-
could be elided. This is confirmed by the spellings Abdi-
version, a teacher of Christian doctrine. His apology in de-
Ashirtu and Abdi-Ashratu of the name of the famous Amorite
fense of the Christians could have been published as early as
chieftain in the Amarna correspondence from the fourteenth
September 176 when the co-emperors Marcus Aurelius and
century BCE. The divine name was thus formed on the active
his son Commodus visited Athens. More probably it was
participle of Dtr, “to walk” or “to tread on.” Hence it was
written after the anonymous letter from Gaul describing the
rightly explained as “walker” or “trampler.”
persecution of Lyons in 177 became known in Greece, since
SUN GODDESS. Ashiratum was the consort of Amurrum, as
the same expressions are used in both documents for the sec-
Babylonians were calling the chief deity of the western no-
ond and the third of the three main charges addressed against
mads, the Amorites, and her realm was the steppe. The prop-
the Christians at that time: “Atheism, Thyestean banquets,
er name Ashratum-ummi, “Athirat is my mother,” shows
and Oedipean unions” (3.1).
how she was regarded by her worshipers. Later mythological
Legatio responds at length to the popular accusations
texts from Ugarit indicate that she was the mother of the
against the Christians charging them with atheism and im-
gods. The Gracious Gods Dawn and Sunset, as well as the
morality. Athenagoras introduces the Christian doctrine of
heir of King Keret in the Ugaritic epic are supposed to suck
God with the help of an abundance of comparative quota-
the milk of Athirat. Since Amurrum was in fact a moon god,
tions, from Homer to contemporary Middle Platonists. He
his consort was most likely a sun goddess or a particular as-
stresses the absolute power of the creator and the creator’s
pect of the solar deity. This is corroborated to a certain extent
care for the world. He presents the Christian ethic as uncom-
by her role in southern Arabia where her name is borne by
promising. His doctrine of God culminates in trinitarian the-
the spouse of the masculine lunar deity, which was called by
ology, but he avoids the doctrine of the incarnation. In his
different names and bynames. Athirat was the consort of
ethics he relies on the philosophical tradition of Stoicism.
EAmm, the main god of Qataban, who despite some doubts
Thus, in assuming the correctness of many of the religious
seems to have been a lunar deity. The situation is somewhat
views of paganism, Athenagoras’s philosophical theology
complicated because the sun goddess is also mentioned with
rests on the sincere hope of a reconciliation between the
the Quarter-of-the-Moon, a particular aspect of the moon
church and the empire.
god.
A treatise entitled On the Resurrection, traditionally attri-
A territory of the kingdom of Qataban, called Dhu-
buted to Athenagoras, must be considered inauthentic. Its
Athirat, was dedicated to her and she was worshiped in a
views on the general resurrection of the dead in the last days
temple together with Wadd, certainly the moon god of the
are best understood against the background of the debate
kingdoms of MaEin and Awsan. A month in the calendar of
over Origen’s doctrine concerning resurrected bodies. This
MaEin bore her name, Dhu-Athirat, obviously because a
debate generated treatises of that sort only near the end of
major festival was celebrated during that period in her honor.
the third century. Differences in style are also discernible in
The sun goddess received in southern Arabia a number of
comparison with Legatio.
epithets, and the name of Athirat is likely to have alluded ini-
Athenagoras remained virtually unknown by the later
tially to the solar disk “treading on” the vault of heaven from
Christian generations in the ancient church. Only Methodi-
the east to the west. The image of the sun padding in the
us of Olympus, in the early fourth century, alludes to Legatio
skies occurs also in the biblical Psalms 19:6, where the sun
and identifies its author. In the tenth century, Arethas, arch-
is said “to run along a road.” As the female member of the
bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, rediscovered the Athenian
great South Arabian triad of upper deities, she was regarded
Christian philosopher of the second century and his apology.
as the mother of the young stellar god Athtar. This explains
her role in Ugaritic mythological texts, where she nominates
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Athtar as the successor of Baal immediately after Baal’s
A substantial introduction to the work and the apologetics of
death.
Athenagoras can be found in Wilhelm R. Schoedel’s edition
of Legatio and De Resurrectione (Oxford, 1972). The tenth-
Her worship spread to northern Arabia, where she is
century copy of Legatio made by Arethas’s secretary has been
mentioned in the fifth century BCE among the three “gods
preserved (Paris Codex 451).
of Taima”: S:alm zi Mah:ram, Sin-egalla, and Ashira, written
in Aramaic script with shin and without the final t, dropped
CHARLES KANNENGIESSER (1987)
in the current pronunciation. The first deity is the sacred
standing stone of the sanctuary, the second is the “moon god
of the palace,” and Ashira is likely to be his consort, the sun
ATHIRAT, called Ashiratum or Ashratum in Old Baby-
goddess. Her name appears also as a theophorous element in
lonian texts, was a West Semitic goddess, worshiped in Syria
a few North Arabian proper names.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
590
ATHIRAT
CONSORT OF EL. In Syria, Athirat appears in the mythologi-
the same root had a similar meaning, as it indicated the sa-
cal texts from Ugarit and in a myth preserved in a Hittite
cred hill on which the capital city of Assyria was built, but
adaptation. She is the consort of the resting chief god El and
it became the name of a particular deity. No similar evolu-
the mother of the gods. In the Hittite text, she appears as
tion can be observed in the case of asherah, since the occa-
the wife of Elkunirsha, a transcription of the Semitic title
sional use of the definite article, the often occurring plural—
“El, the owner of the earth.” At Ugarit, she is not identified
generally with the masculine ending -¯ım—and the use of
with the sun goddess Shapash, but her title of “Lady walking
asherah with the pronominal suffix show that the word re-
on the sea,” rbt atrt ym, still seems to allude to the sun setting
mained a common noun in Hebrew.
in the west, on the Mediterranean sea. Her servant, “the fish-
At least in the northwest Semitic realm, a holy site called
erman of Athirat,” is called “Holy passer,” qdˇs(-w-)amrr, and
asherah was connected with the presence of trees. Deuterono-
he is supposed to traverse the sea in order to reach Caphtor,
my 16:21 prohibits one to “plant an asherah of any kind of
which is Crete. He may have been the boatman of the sun
tree,” while Judges 6:25 orders Gideon to “cut down the ashe-
goddess, who sails every night on the ocean of the nether-
rah,” which consisted of several trees. The text speaks explic-
world. This episode of the myth is not preserved, but its exis-
itly of “the trees of the asherah,” which had to provide fuel
tence is implied by the Midrash Tehillim 19:11 and the
for the sacrifice of a bullock, and Gideon needed ten servants
Yalkut Shimoni II, §676, where reference is made to the
to cut them down (Jgs. 6:26–27). The asherah could thus be
Sun’s ship.
a grove of quite a considerable size, and not a simple pole.
In a phonetically atypical text from Ugarit, apparently
The injunction of Exodus 34:13 uses the plural asherim
written in another dialect, Athirat is referred to in parallel
to designate the sacred groves that must be cut down. The
with the moon god Yarah:. This seems to imply that she is
expression “Yahweh and his asherah,” occurring in Hebrew
the consort of the lunar deity, most likely the sun goddess.
inscriptions from Khirbet el-Qom and Kuntillet Ajrud, indi-
Another text from Ugarit, known conventionally as the Poem
cates that those were sites where Yahweh was worshiped. The
of the Gracious Gods, mentions Athirat and the sun goddess
unique biblical text referring to a Baal’s asherah is 1 Kings
Shapash in parallel. In view of this poetic device Athirat
18:19, where “the four hundred prophets of the asherah” are
might be identical there with Shapash, but the badly dam-
ministrants of Baal’s shrine. However, the expression may be
aged passage does not allow a firm conclusion. It seems at
a later intrusion, since it is asterized in Origen’s Hexapla. The
any rate that at some point Athirat became a deity distinct
formula of Exodus 34:13 is repeated with variants in several
from the sun goddess, although she kept some of the god-
texts. The asherim must be cut down, as indicated in 2 Kings
dess’s characteristics.
18:4 and 23:14, hacked down, as stated in Deuteronomy 7:5
The goddess is not attested in Canaan, either in the Am-
and 2 Chronicles 14:12, 31:1, or simply burnt, as required
orite proper names of the Egyptian Execration Texts or in let-
in Deuteronomy 12:3 and 2 Kings 23:15. They can also be
ters from Tell Taanak, where her name has been read by mis-
uprooted, as indicated in Micah 5:13.
take. As far as we know, the worship of Athirat did not reach
All these texts use a traditional terminology, coined in
Egypt. Neither are there any traces of her cult in the Syro-
a period when the asherah was a grove of trees popularly re-
Phoenician realm after the collapse of the Bronze Age civili-
garded as a sacred site. The Temple Scroll 51:20, written
zation in the early twelfth century BCE.
about 160 BCE, repeats the biblical prohibition of “planting
HOLY SITES. In some quarters, the Akkadian noun aˇsirtu,
asherot” and “erecting standing-stones.” It alludes obviously
Phoenician Dˇsrt, used also in the Philistine city of Ekron, Ara-
to sacred groves with symbols of the deity, while using the
maic Dtrt, and Hebrew Daˇs¯era¯h, all meaning “holy place,”
more recent plural asherot instead of asherim. It is not surpris-
were confused with the name of the goddess Athirat. This
ing that the Greek version of the Bible, made in Alexandria
confusion provoked a considerable secondary literature, in-
in the third and second centuries BCE, usually translates ashe-
spired by the Hebrew epigraphic mention of “Yahweh and
rah by alsos, “sacred grove,” or by dendera, “trees.” Similarly,
his asherah,” the latter being regarded as the consort of Yah-
the Latin Vulgate version uses the terms lucus or nemus, both
weh. Engaging often in speculations of a recondite kind, this
with the same meaning. Philon of Alexandria (c. 30 BCE–45
approach displays a remarkable neglect of ancient written
CE) notes in his work On the Special Laws I 74 that there was
sources and of rules of Hebrew grammar, while no evidence
no alsos in the Temple of Jerusalem, at least in his time. And
is offered that, for instance, female pillar figurines in clay are
Flavius Josephus, in his work Against Apion I 199, quotes
statuettes of a goddess Asherah.
Hecataeus of Abdera, a Hellenistic writer from the early third
century
The occasional Hebrew spelling Dˇsyrh, followed in the
BCE, who expressly states that the Temple had no sa-
cred plants, obviously referring to the asherah or alsos, well
Targums Onqelos and Jonathan, shows that the noun in ques-
attested in heathen sanctuaries.
tion does not follow the same nominal pattern as the name
of the goddess Athirat: it is a passive derivative of the root
In the monarchic period, the asherah could be a chapel
Dtr, designating a site “trodden on,” thus a place. The context
or shrine like in Assyro-Babylonian texts, in which ashirtu
of the noun in the available sources always indicates that a
appears as a sacral building or a particular place in a sanctu-
holy site is meant. The masculine passive derivative Ashur of
ary. It was “built” (2 Kgs. 14:23), “set up” (2 Kgs. 17:10), or
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATHIRAT
591
“restored” (2 Chr. 33:19). As a holy place, it is associated
thenish cult. Rabbi Simeon ben Eleazar, active in the second
with chapels, altars, and hill shrines, or is mentioned in anti-
century CE, mentions three other asherot in Palestine: the ev-
thetical parallel with “the house of Yahweh,” as in 2 Chroni-
ergreen carob of Kfar Qasem, the carob of Kfar Pigsha, and
cles 24:18. These texts do not make any reference to a grove
the evergreen sycamore, growing among the pine trees on
or tree.
Mount Carmel.
According to Jeremiah 17:2, 1 Kings 14:23, and 2 Kings
The first asherah, probably located on the southwestern
17:10, asherim were erected on heights, by old spreading
rim of the Samarian Hills, was apparently famous for oracles,
trees. One can note that such shrines find analogies even in
as the name qasem, “divination,” suggests. Already Genesis
modern Palestine, were they are known as the tombs of saints
12:6 mentions the “terebinth of the teacher” at Shechem, ev-
or welis, erected on hilltops, near a venerated tree. Asherim
idently an ancient sacred tree from which oracles were ob-
existed also in cities. Towards the end of the tenth century
tained, and Judges 9:37 refers to the “terebinth of the divin-
BCE, according to 1 Kings 15:13 and 2 Chronicles 15:16,
ers,” most likely the same sacred tree. It may also be identical
queen mother Maaka had made a miples:et for the asherah of
with the “tree of the standing-stone” in Judges 9:6. This sym-
Jerusalem. This was probably a phallic stele, a symbol of
bol of the divinity was placed under the tree, thus manifest-
human and agricultural fertility. It may have signified the
ing the sacred character of the site, which was certainly an
presence of Yahweh, like the idol or emblem (pesel) that King
asherah, defined in the Mishnah as “any tree under which is
Manasseh placed in the Temple according to 2 Kings 21:7:
an idol.” At the same time, the mention of the standing-
“and he put in the temple the idol of the asherah that he had
stone expressed the difference between the sacred tree or
made.” That asherah with its idol remained in the Temple
grove and the divine occupant. This distinction was not al-
complex until the reform of King Josiah. The narrative of 2
ways clearly drawn and it is quite intelligible that prayers
Kings 23:6–7 specifies that Josiah took it away and pulled
could be addressed to the occupant and to his abode, for in-
down the annexes of the Temple, “where women were weav-
stance “to Yahweh and to his asherah,” or even to the sole
ing for the asherah,” probably adorned with carpets and
abode of the divinity, becoming a deity in its own right, like
draperies. A famous asherah, which stood in Samaria under
the Aramean gods Bethel, “God’s house,” and Turmasgad,
Jehoahaz, is alluded to in 2 Kings 13:6—probably the one
“Mountain of worship.” The only remote possibility of un-
made by Ahab, as reported in 1 Kings 16:33.
derstanding asherah in a similar way occurs in Judges 3:7,
where the Israelites are accused by the Deuteronomistic his-
Sanctuaries are also meant in Aramaic and Phoenician
torian of having served “the Baals and the asherot.” However,
inscriptions. The Phoenician ostracon from Akko, dating to
the parallel passages of Judges 2:13 and 10:6, and 1 Samuel
the fifth century BCE, mentions “the overseer of the ashirat,”
7:4 and 12:10 mention “the Baals and the Ashtarot.” Two
and an inscription from Umm el-Amed is a dedication “to
Hebrew manuscripts and the Latin Vulgate version, made di-
Astarte in the ashirat of the gods of Hammon,” the ancient
rectly on the Hebrew text, read Ashtarot as well in Judges 3:7,
name of the town, south of Tyre. The allusions to offerings
instead of asherot. The latter reading should therefore be re-
brought “to the ashirat” of Ekron parallel the offering made
garded as a scribal error.
“to the maqom,” a general term designating a holy place. The
earliest Aramaic attestation of ashirat appears on one of the
Summing up, the Hebrew word asherah designates a
inscriptions from Sefire, in northern Syria, dating to the
holy site, a sanctuary, especially one marked by the presence
mid-eighth century BCE. The latest one, supposed to date
of a sacred grove or green tree. It has no relation whatsoever
from the period between the fourth and the sixth or seventh
to the goddess Athirat. There is a quite consistent and unin-
centuries CE, occurs in a Judeo-Aramaic incantation in-
terrupted tradition, from biblical to Mishnaic times and the
scribed on a magic bowl, found in Mesopotamia. It curses
Middle Ages, in the understanding of this Hebrew word.
“the ashirat of the king of the demons,” Dˇsrt mlk’ d-ˇsydy. In
Maimonides writes in Mishneh Torah (I 75b: 2–3): “A tree
all these texts, ashirat can be translated simply by “sanctu-
that was planted, from the outset, for the purpose of being
ary,” “shrine,” or “sacred precinct.” Nothing indicates that
worshipped, is forbidden to be used. This is the asherah,
the presence of a sacred tree is implied.
mentioned in the Torah.”
However, a single tree may indeed characterize a holy
site. The Aramaic inscription from Sardis, dating from the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
mid-fourth century BCE, mentions “the tree of the holy
The present entry updates Edward Lipin´ski’s contribution “The
place,” in Aramaic at¯ırta¯, a variant spelling of ashirta. Ac-
Goddess Atirat in Ancient Arabia, in Babylon, and in
¯
cording to Genesis 21:3, Abraham planted a sacred tree at
Ugarit,” in Orientalia Lovaniensia. Periodica 3 (Louvain, Bel-
gium, 1972), pp. 101–119. A study of the topic in early rab-
Beersheba and invoked “the everlasting God.” The sacred
binic literature is provided by Mireille Hadas-Lebel, “Le pa-
oak or terebinth of Mamre was famous in the time of Flavius
ganisme à travers les sources rabbiniques des IIe et IIIe
Josephus, who mentions it twice, in The Jewish War IV 533
siècles: Contribution à l’étude du syncrétisme dans l’empire
and in Jewish Antiquities I 186. It was later a haunt of “an-
romain,” in Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II:
gels,” as the fifth-century church historian Sozomen writes,
Principat, edited by Hildegard Temporini and Wolfgang
and Constantine the Great was obliged to put down the hea-
Haase, vol. 19/2 (Berlin and New York, 1979),
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
592
AT¯IS´A
pp. 397–485, in particular pp. 409–412. For South Arabia,
which he left for Tibet in 1040 as the result of an invitation
one can refer to François Bron, “Notes sur le culte d’Athirat
from Nag tsho (b. 1011), who had been sent to the college
en Arabie du sud préislamique,” in Études sémitiques et sa-
for this purpose. After a year in Nepal At¯ı´sa arrived in Gu
maritaines offertes à Jean Margain, edited by Christian Ber-
ge in 1042; from there he traveled to central Tibet, and final-
nard Amphoux, Albert Frey, and Ursula Schattner-Rieser
ly to the Snar thang (Narthang) Monastery, where he died.
(Lausanne, Switzerland, 1998), pp. 75–79. Further studies
dealing with speculations about asherah as Yahweh’s consort
At¯ı´sa’s activities in Tibet centered in and around west-
include Saul M. Olyan, Asherah and the Cult of Yahweh in
ern Tibet at the beginning, but after a few years he began
Israel (Atlanta, 1988); Steve Wiggins, A Reassessment of ‘Ashe-
to travel extensively. Within a short time he gained great
rah’: A Study according to the Textual Sources of the First Two
fame for his scholarly abilities and for the bold stand he took
Millennia B.C.E. (Kevelaer and Neukirchen-Vluyn, Germany,
in favor of religious reform in Tibet. He was not, however,
1993); Christian Frevel, Aschera und der Ausschliesslichkeit-
sanspruch YHWH’s: Beiträge zu literarischen, religionsgeschich-
accepted by everyone; DBrog mi (992–1074) and Mar pa
tlichen, und ikonographischen Aspekte der Aschera: Diskussion
(1012–1096) are said to have avoided meeting him, and even
(Weinheim, Germany, 1995); Tilde Binger, Asherah: God-
Rin chen bzang po, who impressed At¯ı´sa on their first meet-
desses in Ugarit, Israel, and the Old Testament (Sheffield,
ing, was not always in accord with him, although he finally
U.K., 1997); Paolo Merlo, La dea Aˇsratum-Atiratu-
submitted to At¯ı´sa and acknowledged his superiority. It is
¯
Aˇsera (Rome, 1998); Judith M. Hadley, The Cult of Asherah
related that on his visit to the Bsam yas Monastery, At¯ı´sa dis-
in Ancient Israel and Judah: Evidence for a Hebrew Goddess
covered Tantras that did not exist in India.
(New York and Cambridge, U.K., 2000); and W. Wyatt,
“Asherah,” in Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible,
At¯ı´sa’s mission in Tibet was to restore monastic order
edited by Karel van der Toorn, Bob Becking, and Pieter W.
and discipline. In 1057 he founded the monastery of Rwa
van der Horst, 2d ed. (Leiden and Grand Rapids, Mich.,
sgreng. His Bodhipathaprad¯ıpa (Tib., Byang chub lam gyi
1999), pp. 99–105.
sgron ma), written for the Tibetans as a manifesto of Bud-
EDWARD LIPIN´SKI (2005)
dhist reform, became the basis for the Lam Rim (“stages of
the path”) teachings of Tsong kha pa (1357–1419).
At¯ı´sa worked on many translations of the various
AT¯IS´A. Indian scholar-monk regarded as a reformer of
Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯ Su¯tras. He also must be credited for his im-
Tantric practices and founder of the Buddhist “path litera-
portant work on reckoning dates by a method in which the
ture” in Tibet. At¯ı´sa (more properly Ati´sa) was invited to
well-known cycle of twelve animals is complemented by the
Tibet by Byang chubDod under the advice of Ye shes Dod to
five elements, thus resulting in a sexagenary cycle. According
revive Buddhism after Glan dar ma’s (d. 842) persecution of
to this work, the first year of the first cycle of sixty years is
the religion. He is also variously known as S´r¯ı At¯ı´sa,
1027 CE; all other dates, past and future, are derived from
D¯ıpam:kararaks:ita, D¯ıpam:kara S´r¯ıjña¯na, and S´r¯ı
this year. Although At¯ı´sa was instrumental in reviving Bud-
D¯ıpam:karajña¯napada in Sanskrit, and Jo bo rje Dpal ldan,
dhism in Tibet, his influence did not seem to last too far be-
Mar me mdzad Dpal ye shes, and Dpal ldan At¯ı´sa in
yond his lifetime.
Tibetan.
S
The dates of At¯ı´sa vary—some accounts give as his dates
EE ALSO Buddhism, Schools of, article on Tibetan and
Mongolian Buddhism.
980–1052, others as 982–1054; in any case, he lived for sev-
enty-two years. Some sources claim that he was born at
Vikramapura, Dacca (East Pakistan); others claim him to be
BIBLIOGRAPHY
a native of Bhagalpur (Bihar); still others claim that he was
Chang Ke-ch’iang. “At¯ı´sa.” In Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, edited
the son of a king of Zahor, a country noted for Tantrism.
by G. P. Malalasekera, vol. 2, fasc. 2. Colombo, 1967. A
good summary of his life and work. Includes lists of At¯ı´sa’s
His father was Kala¯yn:a´sr¯ı, the king of Bengal, and his moth-
writings on the Tantras, the Prajña¯pa¯ramita¯ literature, and
er was Padmaprabha¯. Recent studies tend to confirm that
the Ma¯dhyamika literature as well as lists of his commen-
At¯ı´sa was born in Bengal, was a member of a family with
taries and translations.
some royal blood, and lived from 980 to 1052. Accounts of
his life can be found in the Tibetan historical literature (chos
Chattopadhyaya, Alaka. At¯ı´sa and Tibet (1967). Reprint, Berke-
Dbyun) and the extensive biographical literature (rnam thar).
ley, Calif., 1981. An up-to-date study, including valuable ap-
pendices on biographical materials; the works of D¯ıpam:kara;
At¯ı´sa’s first religious encounter came at an early age,
selected writings of D¯ıpam:kara, with Sanskrit restoration of
when he had a vision of the Vajraya¯na goddess Ta¯ra¯, who
the Bodhipathaprad¯ıpa and photostat reproductions of the
remained his tutelary deity throughout his life and to whom
manuscript containing the Sayings of At¯ı´sa; and the Tibetan
he was especially devoted. He sought a monk’s career and
sexagenarian cycle.
studied at Na¯landa¯. At the age of thirty-one, he went to
Das, Sarat Chandra. Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow (1893).
Suvarnadv¯ıpa (Sumatra?), where he studied under
Reprint, Calcutta, 1965. Four lectures by S. C. Das on his
¯
Dharmapa¯la for twelve years. Upon his return to India he
own research on At¯ı´sa based upon Sanskrit, Pali, Tibetan,
became steward of the Buddhist college Vikrama´s¯ıla, from
and Chinese sources.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATONEMENT: JEWISH CONCEPTS
593
New Sources
ternal process of teshuvah, the act of “turning” that involves
Brom ston, Rgyal bai byun gnas. Jo-bo rje lha gcig dpal ldan A ti
not only remorse but a sincere effort to make reparation and
sa’i rnam thar bla ma’i yon tan chos kyi ’byun gnas sogs Bka’
the resolve to mend ways. The very possibility of teshuvah
gdams rin po che’i glegs bam. Zi lin, 1993.
as the re-creation of the human self presupposes freedom of
Brom ston, Rgyal bai byun gnas, and Hubert Decleer. “Atisa’s
the will. Judaism maintains that human beings have the ca-
Journey to Tibet.” In Religions of Tibet in Practice, edited by
pacity to extricate themselves from the causal nexus and de-
Donald S. Lopez, Jr., pp. 157–177. Princeton, 1997.
termine freely their conduct.
Decleer, Hubert. “Atisa’s Journey to Sumatra.” In Buddhism in
Practice, edited by Donald S. Lopez, Jr., pp 532–540. Prince-
For all the emphasis upon teshuvah—the psychological
ton, 1995.
transformation of the self wrought by human effort—one es-
sential component of the traditional view is the notion that
LESLIE S. KAWAMURA (1987)
divine mercy is necessary to heal or redeem man from the
Revised Bibliography
dire aftereffects of sin. Because any transgression of a divine
commandment through sins of omission or commission con-
stitutes an offense against God and damages a person’s rela-
ATONEMENT
tionship with the Creator, divine grace is required to achieve
This entry consists of the following articles:
full atonement. It is for this reason that prayers for atone-
JEWISH CONCEPTS
ment are an integral part of the teshuvah process. There are,
CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
however, sins of such severity that teshuvah by itself cannot
completely remove the stains of guilt. According to the classi-
ATONEMENT: JEWISH CONCEPTS
cal formulation of the second-century tanna Rabbi
Jewish conceptions of atonement consist of various strands
YishmaDel:
reflecting the plurality of connotations of the Hebrew term
He who transgressed a positive commandment and re-
kipper (“to make atonement”). Etymologically, the biblical
pented, is forgiven before he has moved from his place:
term may mean (1) “covering up” (Ex. 25:17, Lv. 16:2), (2)
as it is said, “Return, O backsliding children” [Jer.
“purging” or “wiping off” (Is. 27:9, Jer. 18:23), or (3) “ran-
3:14]. He who has transgressed a negative command-
soming” (Ex. 30:12, Nm. 35:31–32). Correspondingly,
ment and repented, repentance merely suspends [pun-
atonement may represent (1) the process of covering up sins
ishment] and only the Day of Atonement secures atone-
to forestall retribution, (2) a form of catharsis that decontam-
ment. As it is said: “For on this day shall atonement be
inates individuals from impurities induced by sinful behav-
made for you . . . from all your sins” [Lv. 16:30]. He
ior, or (3) expiatory or propiatory acts designed to avert di-
who has violated a law punishable by extirpation or cap-
ital punishment and has repented, repentance and the
vine wrath and bring about reconciliation by redressing the
Day of Atonement suspend and only suffering com-
imbalance caused by offenses against the deity.
pletes the atonement, as it is said: “Then will I visit their
Although the term kipper is also employed in the Torah
transgression with the rod and their iniquity with
(Pentateuch) with reference to the removal of ritual impuri-
strokes” [Ps. 89:33]. But he who has been guilty of the
ty, there is no suggestion whatsoever that the rites themselves
desecration of the divine name, repentance is incapable
are endowed with magical power. The desired results of expi-
of suspending punishment, the Day of Atonement can-
not secure atonement, and suffering cannot complete
ation or purification are not viewed as the effect caused by
it, but all of them together suspend the punishment and
the performance of rites. Atonement can only be granted by
only death completes atonement, as it is said: “And the
God; it is not the direct effect of any human action (see, for
Lord of hosts revealed himself in my ears. Surely, this
example, Leviticus 16:30).
iniquity shall not be expiated till you die” [Is. 12:14].
Confession is specifically mandated by the Torah in
(B.T., Yoma D 86a)
conjunction with the expiatory rites performed by the high
EXPIATION AND GRACE. The rabbinic tenet that “the dead
priest on the Day of Atonement as well as with the sacrifice
require atonement” (Sifrei Shoftim 210) is further evidence
called the asham (guilt offering). Rabbinic Judaism construes
that atonement is not merely a function of repentance. Re-
this latter requirement as paradigmatic for all types of sacri-
pentance is only feasible for the living, yet Judaism encour-
fices offered with the intent to secure forgiveness, expiation,
ages practices such as offering of charity, prayer, or Torah
or atonement for sins. Unless preceded by confession, any
study in behalf of the deceased. Significantly, vicarious expia-
h:at:Dat (sin offering) or asham would be stigmatized as “a
tory significance is attributed to the death of the high priest
sacrifice of the wicked which is an abomination” (B.T.,
(J.T., Yoma D 7.3) or that of the righteous (B.T., Mo Eed Q.
Shav. 12b).
28a). Similarly, according to a number of tannaitic opinions,
REPENTANCE. Although the Torah refers only to confession,
the occurrence of the Day of Atonement in itself, and espe-
the rabbis of the Mishnah, Talmud and Midrashic works cite
cially the performance of the rites of the scapegoat, may expi-
various biblical verses from the rest of the Hebrew Bible to
ate some sins even of the nonrepentant (B.T., Yoma D 65b).
interpret this formal requirement in a much broader sense.
It should, however, be noted that Menah:em MeDiri (1249–
The act of confession is construed as verbalization of an in-
1306/1310), a prominent French-Jewish authority, categori-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
594
ATONEMENT: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
cally rejects the possibility of atonement in the absence of at
ATONEMENT: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
least minimal repentance (H:ibbur hateshuvah 2.13). But
According to its linguistic origins atonement (at-one-ment)
while Jewish theology attributes expiatory efficacy to fasting,
means “the condition of or resulting from being at one.” It
charity, and other cultic or ritual practices and for that mat-
is one of the few English words that have become theological
ter to death and suffering, overriding importance is attached
terms. The word occurs many times in the Old Testament,
to catharsis. Significantly, tractate Yoma D 8.9 of the Mishnah
and this usage has influenced the New Testament and subse-
concludes with EAqivaD ben Yosef’s exclamation, “How
quent tradition. Its appearance in the Authorized (King
happy are you Israelites! Before whom do you cleanse your-
James) Version as the translation of katallag¯e in Romans 5:11
selves, and who cleanses you? Your father who is in Heaven.”
(“through our Lord Jesus Christ, by whom we have now re-
Proper atonement calls for human initiative in returning
ceived the atonement”) consolidated its theological use. The
to God, who will respond by completing the process of puri-
Revised Standard Version, however, and nearly all modern
fication, ultimately leading to the reintegration of the frag-
versions translate katallag¯e as “reconciliation,” leaving the
mented human self and resulting in the restoration of a
New Testament in English now without the word atonement.
wholesome relationship between man and God. According
In contemporary theological usage atonement has come to
to a Talmudic opinion, repentance is a necessary condition
mean the process by which reconciliation with God is ac-
of the messianic redemption, In qabbalistic thought, repen-
complished through the death of Christ. Its earlier usage
tance is not only deemed indispensable to national redemp-
tended to have as well the wider meaning of the end sought
tion but acquires metaphysical significance as a preeminent
through the atoning process, as in reconciliation, redemption
aspect of the process of tiqqun Eolam (“mending the
(in older Roman Catholic writing), and salvation (in Protes-
world”)—the returning of the alienated creation to its
tant orthodoxy).
Creator.
OLD TESTAMENT BACKGROUND. The Hebrew root for
SEE ALSO Ashkenazic Hasidism; Biblical Temple; Hasidism,
atonement is kpr, which probably means “to cover” or per-
overview article; RoDsh ha-Shanah and Yom Kippur.
haps “to wipe away.” The Greek equivalent is hilaskethai and
its derivatives. The system of sacrifice that was practiced by
BIBLIOGRAPHY
the Israelites was regarded as an institution graciously provid-
Studies in Sin and Atonement in the Rabbinic Literature of the First
ed by God and had atonement as its aim. Its rationale may
Century by Adolf Büchler (Oxford, 1928) is a pioneering but
be seen in Leviticus 17:11: “it is the blood that makes atone-
somewhat dated exposition of rabbinic conceptions of atone-
ment, by reason of the life.” On the solemn yearly Day of
ment. A thorough analysis of biblical conceptions in the light
Atonement the high priest went into the holy of holies to the
of recent research may be found in Herbert Chanan Brichto’s
“On Slaughter and Sacrifice, Blood and Atonement,” He-
covering over the ark, the mercy seat (kaporet, hilast¯erion),
brew Union College Annual 47 (1976): 19–55. Two pieces by
where God was believed to appear and announce forgiveness
Jacob Milgrom, “Kipper” and “Repentance,” in the Encyclo-
of sins to his people.
paedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971), are very useful as introduc-
Some scholars would translate hilast¯erion in Romans
tions to biblical and postbiblical conceptions of atonement.
A phenomenological study of Jewish conceptions of atone-
3:25 (“whom God set forth to be a hilast¯erion”) simply as
ment and repentance by preeminent philosopher and author-
“mercy seat.” Their feeling is that Paul meant to assert that
ity on Jewish law is Joseph Ber Soloveitchik’s EAl hateshuvah,
the cross of Christ is now the place where God shows his sav-
edited by Pinchas H. Peli (Jerusalem, 1974). This work has
ing mercy. Most translators, however, render the word in this
been recently translated into English by Pinchas H. Peli as
context as either “propitiation” or “expiation,” depending on
Soloveitchik: On Repentance (Ramsey, N.J., 1984).
whether they want to suggest that God’s wrath must first be
New Sources
satisfied before he will forgive human sinfulness or locate the
Althann, Robert. “Atonement and Reconciliation in Psalms 3, 6
block to restored relationships not primarily in God but in
and 83.” JNSL 25 (1999): 75–82.
the alienation that is created by the sin itself and is acted
Bautch, Richard J. Developments in Genre between Post-Exilic Peni-
upon directly by Christ’s atoning action. Strongly divergent
tential Prayers and the Psalms of Communal Lament. Ac-
theories of atonement were constructed later on the basis of
ademia Biblica, no. 7. Atlanta, 2003.
this debate.
Douglas, Mary. “Atonement in Leviticus.” Jewish Studies Quarter-
ly 1, no. 2 (1993–1994): 109–130.
The prophets constantly warned against any automatic
Grayston, Kenneth. “Atonement and Martyrdom.” In Early
assumption that sacrifice of itself would provide forgiveness;
Christian Thought in Its Jewish Context, edited by John Bar-
they preached that God desires mercy and repentance (Is.
clay and John Sweet, pp. 250–263. Cambridge, 1996.
1:10–17). The ritual system of sacrifice was spiritualized in
Neusner, Jacob. “Sin, Repentance, Atonement and Resurrection:
the Old Testament in the prophetic view of a new covenant
The Perspective of Rabbinic Theology on the Views of James
to replace the original, Mosaic covenant (Jer. 31:31) and was
1–2 and Paul in Romans 3–4.” Annali di Storia dell’Esegesi 18
personalized in the actions of the suffering servant of Yahveh
(2001): 409–431.
(Is. 53) sent by God to become an asham (“guilt-offering”)
WALTER S. WURZBURGER (1987)
and to bear the sins of many in a redemptive act of self-
Revised Bibliography
oblation.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATONEMENT: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
595
NEW TESTAMENT FOUNDATION. The associations of atone-
reality of God’s suffering love for humanity. The Letter to the
ment with animal sacrifice, the offering of incense, and pay-
Hebrews expands the image of sacrifice, making it the basis
ments of money disappeared in the New Testament except
for the most sustained theory of the Atonement to be found
as vivid metaphors for elucidating the atoning life, death, and
in the New Testament. The theological question for all theo-
resurrection of Jesus Christ and, especially, the “once for all”
ries of sacrifice is whether Christ’s death was itself the deci-
(Heb. 10:10) event of Calvary. When Christians say that the
sive sacrifice to God or whether the wealth of sacrificial im-
cross is the crucial point of the early preaching of the gospel,
ages employed in New Testament literature is simply a way
they do not so much make a pun as testify that the Atone-
of demonstrating that what was sought through the Old Tes-
ment, whatever else it has done, has changed the language.
tament system of sacrifice has, in fact, been completely and
It was probably inevitable that sacrificial language would be
finally accomplished in the life and death of Christ.
emphasized in describing the Atonement simply because the
PAUL ON THE ATONEMENT. Paul is the earliest written
contemporary institution of sacrifice was well known to the
source for the dimensions of atonement in apostolic preach-
early Christians (as it is not today) and because the actual
ing: “For I delivered to you as of first importance what I also
penal process of crucifixion with its attendant shedding of
received, that Christ died for our sins in accordance with the
blood suggested at once the religious ritual of sacrifice.
scriptures” (1 Cor. 15:3). He used the images of Christ the
THE GOSPELS AND JESUS’ TEACHING. By parable and by di-
victor over sin, wrath, the demons, and death, and also used
rect discourse Jesus taught forgiveness of sins, relating God’s
the illustration of the law court. For Paul the atoning death
forgiveness to forgivingness between people. Controversy
and resurrection went beyond the merely human dimensions
swirled around Jesus’ authoritative absolutions, a situation
of salvation to include the world of spirits and of nature itself
that perhaps more than any other raised for his Jewish hear-
in its groaning and travail (Rom. 8:19–23).
ers the question of his divine status or blasphemy. He regard-
ed his death as likely not simply because many prophets had
Paul grasped the moral dilemma in all thought about
been martyred for the unpopularity of their message but be-
the Atonement: How can a God of holiness and righteous-
cause he saw it as controlled in some way by a divine must,
ness accept sinners without either destroying his holiness or
as a decisive part of his mission to inaugurate the kingdom
sentimentalizing his love by an immoral indifference to evil?
of God: “For the Son of man also came not to be served but
As a former Pharisee, Paul naturally used legal language to
to serve, and to give his life as a ransom (lutron) for many”
describe faith in Christ. He used the language of the law
(Mk. 10:45). Later questions about the various agencies to
court provisionally, only to introduce the paradox of grace:
whom the ransom would be paid were to determine variant
God does not ultimately, in Christ, deal with humanity
forms of the Greek theories of atonement. The image of a
along the lines of retributive justice, which a human judge
ransom is commercial, indicating the price needed to buy a
is obliged by oath to dispense. The revelation of God’s righ-
slave’s freedom. Conjoined with the phrase “for many,”
teousness “has been manifested apart from law” (Rom. 3:21).
which may invoke the sacrificial image of the servant in Isa-
Expositions of the vicarious and representative work of
iah who will deliver many from their sins, use of the word
Christ have been constructed from the penal implications of
ransom points out the costliness of reconciliation.
such Pauline texts as “For our sake he made him to be sin
who knew no sin, so that in him we might become the righ-
A second saying attributed to Jesus in the Marcan tradi-
teousness of God” (2 Cor. 5:21). The problem with such ex-
tion of the last supper also casts light on the pervasive prob-
positions, however, is that they tend to subject God’s gra-
lem of the divine must: “This is my blood of the covenant,
cious love to the necessities of a law court. The gospel
which is poured out for many” (Mk. 14:24). This language
according to Paul is that God actually does what no human
is reminiscent of the previous saying about ransom, here with
judge should do: God in a revolutionary way actually accepts
an emphasis on a new covenant, such as was foreshadowed
sinners. Jesus had taught a love of this quality and actualized
in Jeremiah, and recalling God’s liberation of the Israelites
it by associating with outcasts, sinners, the despised, and the
from Egypt. Paul could say, “Christ our passover is sacrificed
victims of power and injustice in his society until its religious
for us.” To the Markan saying about the “blood of the cove-
and political forces crucified him.
nant which is poured out for many” Matthew added, “for
the forgiveness of sins” (Mt. 26:28), making explicit that the
There is no single New Testament doctrine of the
atoning action is because of sin.
Atonement—there is simply a collection of images and meta-
phors with some preliminary analysis and reflection from
John developed the image of “the Lamb of God who
which subsequent tradition built its systematic doctrines and
takes away the sin of the world” (Jn. 1:29, 1:36). There are
theories. The New Testament asserts that God was in Christ
other references to the lamb in the Book of Revelation, such
reconciling the world to himself in such a way that the act
as Revelation 13:8, “the Lamb slain from the foundation of
resembled a military victory, a king establishing his power,
the world” (Authorized Version). This disputed translation
a judge and prisoner in a law court, a great ritual sacrifice
became a justification for subsequent interpretations of the
before priest and altar, the payment of ransom for war pris-
Atonement that regarded the event at Calvary not as an iso-
oners or the payment of a redemption for a slave’s freedom,
lated incident but as the sacramental expression of the eternal
the admission to responsible sonship within a family, and
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
596
ATONEMENT: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
more. Tradition has tried to decide what parts of this picture
Incarnation as developed through the Council of Chalcedon
should be taken literally and what parts metaphorically and
(451) and the unofficial status of atonement theories has
has developed extended rationales, added new images ac-
often been pointed out, but the difference can be easily exag-
cording to the conditions of different eras and cultures, and
gerated since the criterion for Christological decision was
established cross-relationships with other Christian doctrines
usually how the proposed understanding of Christ’s person
of the Trinity, the Incarnation, the church, and the sacra-
would effect the salvation of humanity. There is growing
ments. Often it has tried to make one theory of the Atone-
agreement that the work of Christ and the person of Christ
ment dominant over the others.
must be integrated: Christ does what he is and is what he
A TYPOLOGY OF ATONEMENT THEORIES. Gustaf Aulén in
does.
his classic Christus Victor (1930) suggested three basic types
Anselmian theories of atonement. Cur deus homo
of atonement theory: the classical type, the Latin type, and
(Why the God-man?), written by Anselm, archbishop of
the subjective type. Combining these with additional catego-
Canterbury, in about 1097, is the single most influential
ries from R. S. Franks’s definitive History of the Doctrine of
book on the Atonement. Anselm criticized all ransom-to-
the Work of Christ (1918) yields the following typology:
the-devil theories by turning them upside down and asserting
(1) Classical type: Greek, patristic, Christus Victor, ransom,
that the ransom, which Anselm called “satisfaction,” must be
Eastern.
paid to God. Debate has gathered around the influence that
feudalism and the ancient Teutonic customs of blood money
(2) Anselmian type: Latin, objective, transactional, Western.
had on Anselm, but the vital center of the Anselmian theory
(3) Reformation type: penal, objective, juridical, governmen-
is a rationalization about satisfaction, which, together with
tal, transactional.
contrition and confession, constitutes the three parts of the
Latin sacrament of penance. Even the sacrificial images are
(4) Moral-influence type: Abelardian, subjective, exemplary,
reinterpreted in terms of satisfaction as their rationale. Since
modern.
sin derogated from the honor of God and must be infinite
(5) Other types are sacrificial, mystical, psychological, in-
in offense because it is against God, either punishment or the
carnational, and eucharistic in character.
payment of an infinite satisfaction is required. Such a satis-
faction finite humans should but cannot pay. The answer to
This scheme is regarded as approximate and as bearing his-
this dilemma becomes the God-man, whom Anselm de-
toric names that are sometimes not simply descriptive but are
scribed as bound by simple duty to lead a life of obedience
slanted by their supporters’ claims or their detractors’ criti-
but who, having lived a life of sinlessness, is not justly subject
cisms. This article will select only a few of the most signifi-
to the claim of death. Therefore Christ’s death alone pos-
cant theories for analysis.
sessed the superfluous merit that made it an adequate satis-
Classical theories of atonement. Aulén looked behind
faction for the sins of humankind. There have been many
the dramatic mythology of the Greek fathers to find the
criticisms of Anselm: that his confidence in reason is too
theme of Christus Victor, a view that he claimed integrates
great to explain mystery; that he quantified sin mathemati-
ideas of the Incarnation, Atonement, and resurrection into
cally rather than personalizing it; that he concentrated so
a unified concept of salvation. Ragnar Leivestad in Christ the
much on Christ’s death that Jesus’ life of sacrificial love is
Conqueror: Ideas of Conflict and Victory in the New Testament
emptied, along with the resurrection, of significance. The
(1954) supplemented Aulén by describing Christ’s struggle
overarching objection is that rigid procedures according to
with the demons and Satan in his work, teaching, and, espe-
legal justice demote God’s love to a secondary place. Later
cially, healing. Aulén rooted his description in Paul’s writ-
medieval modification of Anselm (e.g., Thomas Aquinas in
ings, carried it through the Eastern and Western fathers be-
the thirteenth century) stressed acceptance by God rather
fore Anselm, and found it expressed again in Martin Luther’s
than strict necessity as the ground for atonement. A peniten-
buoyant feeling of being on the winning side. One version
tial system of indulgences managed by the church grew up
of the theory had the devil unjustly in possession of humani-
around the doctrines of Christ’s superfluous merits.
ty; another affirmed the justice of the devil’s hold; still anoth-
Reformation theories of atonement. The Reformation
er claimed that although the devil had no rights, God gra-
opted for Anselm’s unused alternative of punishment. John
ciously withheld from forcibly stripping him of his gains.
Calvin in the sixteenth century emphasized Christ’s vicarious
Special strategies against the devil were the mousetrap (the
and substitutionary endurance of God’s punishment on be-
humanity of Christ as bait to hide his divinity) and Augus-
half of humankind or of the elect. The dominance of Ansel-
tine’s fishhook play. In addition to the Christus Victor
mian analysis in Reformation orthodoxy and the Counter-
theme there are in patristic theology the views of Christ as
Reformation can be demonstrated by showing that for the
the bearer of incorruption (expounded by Athanasius in the
Roman Catholic the Atonement continued to be the basis
fourth century), the revealer of truth and model of humanity,
for the ecclesiastical apparatus that mediated salvation while
the physician of humanity, and the sacrificial victim (ex-
for the Protestant, looking at the Atonement through the
pounded by Gregory of Nazianzus, also in the fourth centu-
doctrine of justification by faith, it became the reason for re-
ry). The contrast between the church’s official dogma of the
jecting that whole apparatus as unnecessary.
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATONEMENT: CHRISTIAN CONCEPTS
597
Hugo Grotius (1583–1645) substituted for the juridical
ways the alienation caused by sin is considered more basic
image of a judge dispensing retributive justice the political
than the three other evils. Christ “has broken down the di-
image of a governor concerned for the public good and able
viding wall of hostility . . . so making peace and . . . [rec-
to pardon humanity safely because of the deterrent effect of
onciling] us both to God in one body through the cross”
Christ’s death. This governmental or rectoral theory Jona-
(Eph. 2:14–16). Atonement as an expression of the mystery
than Edwards introduced into Calvinist thought in America
of God remains the reality at the core; interpretations of the
in the eighteenth century.
how and the why of the process multiply as images and meta-
phors expand into theory and become in turn ancillary or
Moral-influence theories. Theories of moral influence
dominant only to dissolve in changing cultural configura-
describe the Atonement as something accomplished in the
tions and reappear later in new shapes and relationships. In
hearts and minds of those who respond to Jesus’ message and
the current period the classical type of Christus Victor has
example of love—“love answers love’s appeal” was the phrase
been increasingly able to attract as satellites the Anselmian
used by Peter Abelard in the twelfth century to summarize
and the moral-influence theories. Perhaps the next develop-
this moral influence. The strength of this view lies in its pri-
ment lies with a reformulation of the sacrificial theory,
mary emphasis upon the love of God rather than on God’s
which, fortified by the use of liturgy and having come abreast
wrath or justice. The intrinsic weakness of such theories lies
of new understandings of sacrifice in the comparative history
in the widespread perception that such declarations by them-
of religions, may for a time become a new primary center in
selves have little power to free the sinner when they alone are
its own right.
seen as constituting the sum total of atonement rather than
part of a total atoning activity initiated and carried through
BIBLIOGRAPHY
by Christ’s action.
Anselm. Why God Became Man and The Virgin Conception and
Horace Bushnell in Vicarious Sacrifice (1866), writing
Original Sin. Translated with introduction and notes by Jo-
at the time of the American Civil War, took his illustrations
seph M. Colleran. Albany, N.Y., 1969. An accessible and
of the Atonement from family relationships, friendship, and
surprisingly readable edition of the most influential book on
patriotism. Albrecht Ritschl in Justification and Reconcilia-
the Atonement.
tion (originally published in 1870–1874 in German) expand-
Aulén, Gustaf. Christus Victor: An Historical Study of the Three
ed the responding agent from the individual only to a group.
Main Types of the Idea of the Atonement. Translated by A. G.
Herbert. 1931; reprint, London, 1945. Already a classic in
He stressed Jesus’ reconciling love and faithfulness unto
its own right, Aulén’s work, which appeared originally in
death as inspiring a community of ethical response in history.
1930 in Swedish, presents the classic view of the Atonement
J. McLeod Campbell in Nature of the Atonement (1856) em-
articulately and with the conviction that the Latin and sub-
phasized vicarious penitence. Robert C. Moberly in Atone-
jective types are destined to become its satellites.
ment and Personality (1901) provided a broad view of the
Barth, Karl. Church Dogmatics IV: The Doctrine of Reconciliation.
work of Christ as the perfect penitent by conceiving Christ’s
3 vols. in 4. Translated by G. W. Bromiley. Edinburgh,
incarnating and atoning activity as continuing through the
1956–1962. Within the larger Barthian corpus these writ-
church and the sacraments in the power of the Holy Spirit.
ings on reconciliation and atonement constitute a summa of
some 2,600 pages, with impressive interpretations of scrip-
Twentieth-century theories of atonement. The theol-
ture and footnotes on the history of doctrine.
ogy of Karl Barth redirected thought to the objectivity of the
Dillistone, Frederick W. The Christian Understanding of Atone-
Atonement, and Dietrich Bonhoeffer and Dorothee Sölle de-
ment. Philadelphia, 1968. A comprehensive book analyzing
veloped the theme of Christ as representative. In a rehabilita-
alienation as a problem in human life, with contemporary il-
tion of the penal theory Leonard Hodgson in The Doctrine
lustrations from literature, history, psychology, anthropolo-
of the Atonement (New York, 1951) argued that in Jesus
gy, and philosophy.
Christ the punisher and the punished are one. Anglicans and
Franks, Robert S. The Work of Christ: A Historical Study of Chris-
especially Roman Catholics under the influence of liturgical
tian Doctrine. New York, 1962. This is a later edition, in one
and biblical renewal, the return to patristic sources, and the
volume, of Franks’s earlier definitive work A History of the
impact of Vatican II have turned away from Jean Rivière’s
Doctrine of the Work of Christ, 2 vols. (London, 1918).
hitherto dominant claim (made early in the twentieth centu-
Leivestad, Ragnar. Christ the Conqueror: Ideas of Conflict and Vic-
ry) that Anselm’s concept of satisfaction adequately ex-
tory in the New Testament. London, 1954. An impressive
pressed the meaning of sacrifice and toward the restoration
documentation of the New Testament origins of Aulén’s ear-
of sacrificial language, both in liturgy and in theology.
lier thesis about the classic theory of the Atonement.
Masure, Eugene. The Christian Sacrifice: The Sacrifice of Christ
Few doctrines of Christian faith have produced more
Our Head. London, 1944. A point of transition in Roman
theories than the doctrine of atonement, a fact that testifies
Catholic writing on the Atonement from the older Anselmi-
to the witness of scripture, in which Christ’s death is given
an rationale for sacrifice to the new theology on sacrifice that
decisive reconciling power and meaning, but no one theory
is drawn from scriptural, patristic, and liturgical renewal
or family of theories is presented as alone authoritative. The
prior to Vatican II.
doctrine of atonement is the Christian answer to the human
Sölle, Dorothee. Christ the Representative. London, 1967. A sus-
questions about ignorance, suffering, death, and sin, but al-
tained analysis of the kind of representative office that Christ
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
598
ATRAHASIS
performs, much influenced by Dietrich Bonhoeffer’s
The Babylonian priests showed their bitterness here.
thought and the Christological title “the man for us.”
The antagonism been Enlil and Enki was well known, so
Taylor, Vincent. Jesus and His Sacrifice (1937). Reprint, London,
some scholars have thought the two gods may represent two
1951. A helpful study of the passion sayings in the Gospels
different religions, a chthonic one and a heavenly one, fused
in the light of the Old Testament and from the perspective
in the Sumerian religious system. In their writings, the Baby-
of form-criticism. Together with Taylor’s later works The
lonians emphasized the rivalry between the two gods, natu-
Atonement in New Testament Teaching, 2d ed. (London,
rally favoring Enki, demonstrating not so much the worth-
1946), and Forgiveness and Reconciliation, 2d ed. (London,
less nature of Enlil but certainly his lack of wisdom and his
1952), this book constitutes part of an important trilogy,
ill-will toward the human race.
with an emphasis on a sacrificial understanding of the
Atonement.
THE ATRAHASIS STORY. This is the theme of the poem
Wolf, William J. No Cross, No Crown: A Study of the Atonement.
Atrahasis, one of the masterpieces of Babylonian religious lit-
New York, 1957. A historical survey of the chief theories of
erature. Atrahasis is the hero of the Flood, a worshiper of
atonement and their problems, followed by chapters on de-
Enki, who is told of the intended catastrophic fate for hu-
liverance from guilt, justification, sanctification, the atoning
mankind proposed by Enlil. Three tablets describe the build-
God, and the atoning life; an attempt to reformulate an un-
derstanding of the Atonement.
up, the catastrophe itself, and the aftermath of the Flood.
The first tablet, describing the situation before the Flood in
New Sources
the world of gods and people, is particularly revealing; the
Bartlett, Anthony W. Cross Purposes: The Violent History of Chris-
tian Atonement. Harrisburg, Pa., 2001.
story of the Flood itself is also known from a Sumerian poem
and from Tablet 11 of the Epic of Gilgamesh.
Boff, Leonardo. Passion of the Christ, Passion of the World. Trans-
lated by Robert R. Barr. Maryknoll, N.Y., 1987.
The outlook displayed in the first part of the poem is
Brock, Rita Nakashima. Journeys by Heart: A Christological Erotic
entirely a product of Semitic Babylonian thought. The gods
Power. New York, 1988.
have been allocated various tasks and functions and then
Dudley, Martin, and Geoffrey Rowell, eds. Confession and Absolu-
have assigned the lesser gods the task of working the land to
tion. London, 1990.
produce the food that is needed. However, the effort re-
Gunton, Colin E., ed. The Theology of Reconciliation. London,
quired is too great, and the lesser gods are unable to bear the
2003.
hard work this onerous task requires. So they rebel, embark-
Weaver, J. Denny. The Nonviolent Atonement. Grand Rapids,
ing on the first strike in the history of the world. When the
Mich., 2001.
greater gods gather in assembly, summoned by Enlil, the god
Wheeler, David L. “A Relational View of the Atonement.” Theolo-
of the earth, the lesser gods make it clear that they do not
gy and Religion, vol. 54. New York, 1989.
intend to work anymore because this work requires too much
WILLIAM J. WOLF (1987)
effort.
Revised Bibliography
The wise Enki next proposes to create humankind to
carry out the work and provide sustenance for the gods. After
ATRAHASIS. Atrahasis, “the surpassingly wise,” is the
describing the way the human race was created, the writer
name of the Mesopotamian hero of the Flood in the myth
recounts the new situation. Humankind has multiplied, and
of the same name (corresponding to the biblical Noah), re-
the human clamor is rising heavenward more and more loud-
corded in Assyro-Babylonian literature from the Old Babylo-
ly because the work the lesser gods had refused to carry out
nian period up until the New Babylonian period. In Sumeri-
is equally onerous for humans. An impromptu assembly of
an his name is Ziusudra (which becomes Xisuthros in
the gods is convened, and Enlil’s proposal to punish the arro-
Berossus), whereas in the Epic of Gilgamesh he is called
gance of humankind, first with plague, then with famine,
Utanapishtim—meaning, respectively, the one who “has a
and finally with flood, is accepted. However, the punish-
long life” and the one who “has found life.”
ments prove worthless because Enki intervenes on behalf of
humankind on all three occasions.
The Sumerian pantheon, which was accepted and as-
similated by the Semitic Babylonians, had a pyramid struc-
The moment for the final drastic decision draws near.
ture, with the god An, the sky, at its head, sharing power
Enlil proposes to finish off the human race with the Flood.
with his two sons Enlil and Enki, all having clearly defined
The discussion has been heated, and Enki does not agree
areas of responsibility. An controlled the sky, Enlil the earth,
with what is proposed, considering it unjust and senseless.
and Enki the ocean depths. In practice, whether because
But the will of the majority prevails, and thus the plan for
Enlil was god of the earth or because his priests at Nippur
the Flood is approved. Enki, however, will save humankind
were a particularly powerful social grouping, it was Enlil who
by revealing the impending tragedy to Atrahasis and telling
gave Sumerian sovereigns their royal power. Enki had noth-
him to build an ark. From this point the narrative does not
ing to do with the Sumerian kingship, so his son Marduk
differ greatly from previously known accounts. The one new
was cut off from the decision-making process of which Enlil
feature is a phrase the writer uses, momentarily becoming
was in charge.
personally involved in the dramatic events to condemn the
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATRAHASIS
599
decision of Enlil as “an evil act, a wicked deed towards man-
insubordination of the creatures that they have made, so they
kind” (Tav., II.viii.5).
decide to punish the whole of humankind. The gods meet
in assembly and swear an oath to accept a unanimous deci-
This is not the place to start a discussion on the ethical
sion and not to frustrate it by their actions. They all go along
values of the Babylonian world but simply to emphasize the
with the new decision except for Ea, who reveals what is
hostile and critical attitude of the author toward Enlil, the
going to happen to Atrahasis in a dream and at the same time
head of the Sumerian pantheon, in contrast with the repeat-
encourages him to build a boat to save himself.
ed demonstrations of devotion and gratitude to Enki, the fa-
ther of Marduk. The latter is not mentioned in the Atrahasis
In the third tablet, the hero of the universal Flood,
myth. Indeed he plays no active part in the myths of earlier
Atrahasis, builds a boat that will not be submerged by the
Sumerian literature or Babylonian literature of the first
waters but will save him, his family, and various types of ani-
period.
mals. When the Flood is over, there is a furious argument
among the most powerful gods, especially Enlil and Ea, fol-
The Atrahasis myth, an entirely Assyro-Babylonian cre-
lowing which the hero of the Flood is raised to the status of
ation, is the high point of Semitic thought on the divine
a god. Humankind will have to put up with serious hard-
world and human reality, from the origins of the world to
ships, such as illnesses, which will always be with them in this
the present time, through various stages of existence, such as
vale of tears.
the Flood and the new creation. The text has a long history.
Created in the Old Babylonian period, it is also recorded in
OTHER DOCUMENTS. Preceding the Akkadian myth of
the Middle Babylonian period, then with significant changes
Atrahasis is the document that contains the oldest version of
in the neo-Assyrian period, and finally in the neo-Babylonian
the Sumerian Flood, already mentioned in Sumerian King
period. It should be stressed that, although the original out-
List. It predates the Assyro-Babylonian version of the Atraha-
line of the work has undergone significant external changes,
sis poem by more than a century, but it is completely frag-
it has features that readily lead to the conclusion that there
mentary. The events preceding the Flood are described, start-
were different versions of the myth in the neo-Assyrian peri-
ing from the observation that the human race in primordial
od. It should not be forgotten that the myth has a long edito-
times was not doing well, hence the need to create the Sume-
rial history, existing in documented form for over thirteen
rians and allow them to raise livestock, then the gift of king-
hundred years.
ship and agriculture. In the antediluvian period, however,
the kings chosen were not human but actually gods, and the
As regards the structure of the myth, the scheme of the
five locations of the kingship are taken from the information
Old Babylonian version shows that the three tablets copied
provided by the Sumerian King List.
by the scribe Ku Aja may be divided into three clear sections.
The first tablet deals with the situation in the world of gods
When the text resumes after a lacuna, some of the gods
before the creation of humankind. The divine pantheon is
seem perplexed by the decision that has been taken. At this
still Sumerian and is subdivided into two groups, the Anun-
point the hero of the Flood, the king Ziusudra, according
naki and the Igigi—the greater and the lesser gods. The
to a plan, receives advance warning of the forthcoming catas-
problem troubling the gods is how to deal with the lesser
trophe. The passage concerning the construction of the ship
gods, who have rebelled after forty years and refuse to put
has been lost. When the text resumes, there is a description
up with the burden of hard work. When the greater gods un-
of the storm, which lasts for seven days and seven nights. At
derstand the extent of the revolt and the just reason behind
the end of the Flood, Ziusudra disembarks from the ship and
it, they decide to make arrangements to create a substitute
offers sacrifice to the gods. The final part of the story de-
for the gods, so the creation of the first human beings, a new
scribes the decision of the gods to grant immortality to Ziu-
species entrusted with the task of working and providing
sudra and his wife because they have been the means by
food for the gods, is undertaken by the god of wisdom Ea
which the human race has been saved.
with the help of the mother goddess Mami.
Alexander Polyhistor, an ancient Greek historian, gives
In the second tablet, humankind begins to multiply,
a description of the Flood as set down by the above writer
carrying out the assigned task, and puts up with the burden
(the Babiloniaka of Berosus, a Chaldean priest). After the
of working for over six hundred years. When also exhausted,
death of Otiartes, his son Xisuthros ruled for eighteen Sares
humankind resorts to the same weapons employed by the
(one saros corresponds to 3,600 “human” years), and under
lesser gods, namely causing a commotion and going on
his rule came the great Flood. Polyhistor set out the details:
strike. The gods are unable to accept humanity’s rebellion
Chronos . . . had appeared to him in a dream (he is
from the established order, and they decide to punish it.
called by some “the father of Aramazad” and by others
Three times they inflict various woes upon the human race,
“time”) and told him that on the eleventh day of the
but on each occasion the human race is saved through the
month of Daisios (that is Mareri) humanity would be
kindly intervention of Ea.
destroyed by the Flood. He had ordered him to bury
the earliest writings, the most recent and those written
The final act of the tragedy is approaching. The gods,
in between, in the city of the sun of Sippar to build a
particularly Enlil, the ruler of the earth, cannot accept the
ship and to go aboard, with his parents and his closest
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
600
EAT:T:A¯R, FAR¯ID AL-D¯IN
friends, to stock up with food and drink, to bring on
who was killed and with whose blood humankind was creat-
board the wild beasts and birds and animals too, and
ed, made from clay and the blood of “We, the god who has
to be ready to set off with all this gear. Xisuthros had
intelligence,” which allows humans to have etemmu (life spir-
asked where he would have to sail in the ship. He had
it). The reason for the flood is explained by Giovanni Pet-
been given the answer: to the gods and to pray for the
tinato and Wolfram von Soden as a “rebellion” like that of
salvation of mankind (or: to pray to the gods). He took
the Igigi, whereas others (including William L. Moran and
care to build the ship, which was 15 stadia in length and
A. D. Kilmer) interpret it literally as “uproar.” Veronika Af-
2 stadia in width. Prepared, forewarned about every-
thing, after he had received his instructions, he took his
anasieva has collated the various interpretations. Another
wife, his children and his closest friends aboard. When
theme is the new creation after the Flood, which foresees the
the flood rose and then rapidly subsided again, Xi-
existence of illnesses, intended to prevent the overpopulation
suthros had sent out some birds, which had found no
of the earth.
food and nowhere to settle. They had returned back to
the ship. After a few days he had sent more birds and
SEE ALSO Flood, The; Noah.
they had returned to the boat a second time, with mud-
died clay on their claws. He released the birds a third
BIBLIOGRAPHY
time and they did not return to the ship. Xisuthros
Afanasieva, Veronika. “Der irdische Lärm des Menschen (noch-
knew that the earth had reappeared and the surface was
mals zum Atramhasis-Epos).” Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und
now accessible. He opened a section of the roof and saw
Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 86 (1996): 89–96.
that the ship had come to land on a mountain. He then
Bottéro, Jean. “La création de l’homme et sa nature dans le Poème
disembarked . . . and prayed on dry land. He raised an
d’Atrahasis.” In Societies and Languages of the Ancient Near
altar and sacrificed to the gods. Then he vanished from
East, edited by M. A. Dandamayev, pp. 23–32. Warminster,
sight. . . . Those who had remained on board . . .
U.K., 1982.
then disembarked too. They wandered round shouting
Frymer-Kensky, Tikva. “The Atrahasis Epic and Its Significance
his name loudly, looking for him. Xisuthros was no-
for Our Understanding of Genesis 1–9.” Biblical Archeologist
where to be seen. There was a voice from the air, ex-
40 (December 1977): 147–155.
plaining that they should fear God, and that he had
been carried up to heaven to the abode of the gods, be-
Kilmer, A. D. “The Mesopotamian Concept of Overpopulation
cause of his piety. . . . He gave orders to return to
and Its Solution as Reflected in the Mythology.” Orientalia
Babylon . . . to dig in the city of Sippar, to retrieve the
41 (1972): 160–177.
books hidden there and give them to the human
Lambert, W. G., and Alan R. Millard. Atra-Has¯ıs: The Babylonian
race. . . . When they heard all this, they sacrificed to
˘
Story of the Flood. Oxford, 1969.
the gods and they went on foot to Babylon. (Troiani,
Moran, William L. “The Creation of Man in Atrahasis I
1984, p. 45)
192–248.” Bulletin of American Schools of Oriental Research
200 (December 1970): 48–56.
A wisdom text, titled by scholars “The Ballad of Ancient He-
roes,” has survived via copies from Mesopotamia and Syria.
Moran, William L. “Atrahasis, the Babylonian Story of the
In this text the vanity of human life is stressed because it does
Flood.” Biblica 52 (1971): 51–61.
not endure forever. The text refers to previous kings, in par-
Oden, Robert A., Jr. “Divine Aspirations in Atrahasis and Genesis
ticular to those famous for the lengths of their reign and for
1–11.” Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 93
(1981): 197–216.
the feats they have accomplished. The end of the document
differs according to the sources, but the essential point is to
Pettinato, Giovanni. “Die Bestrafung des Menschengeschlechts
stress once more the futility of earthly existence: it is the very
durch die Sintflut.” Orientalia 37 (1968): 165–200.
rule of human existence to prefer joy to silence, light rather
Shehata, Dahlia. Annotierte Bibliographie zum altbabylonischen
than death.
Atramæasis-Mythos. Göttinger Arbeitshefte zur Altorientalis-
che Literatur 3. Göttingen, Germany, 2001.
The life of the human race has not been made to endure
Soden, Wolfram von. “Der Mesch bescheidet sich nicht: Über-
forever; . . . some men have been swept away: Where
legungen zu Schöpfungserzählungen in Babynien und Isra-
is Alulu, the king who ruled for 36,000 years? Where
el.” In Symbolae Biblicae et Mesopotamicae Francisco Mario
is Etana, the king who ascended to heaven? Where is
Theodoro de Liagre Böhl dedicatae, edited by M. A. Beck and
Gilgamesh, who tried to find life, like Ziusudra? (Alster,
A. A. Kampen, pp. 349–358. Leiden, 1973.
1990, p. 23)
GIOVANNI PETTINATO (2005)
The myth of Atrahasis in Assyrian literature has received due
Translated from Italian by Paul Ellis
attention, as can be seen from the bibliography on the sub-
ject. An essential theme is the meaning of the first line,
“When the gods were men,” which the Neo-Assyrian editor
EAT:T:A¯R, FAR¯ID AL-D¯IN (c. 1158–1229 CE) was the
has interpreted as “When the gods were like men,” precisely
most important S:u¯f¯ı poet of the twelfth century, the central
as certain modern translators have attempted to explain,
figure in the famous trio of Persian S:u¯f¯ı poets beginning
avoiding the historical religious problem caused by the Baby-
with Sana¯D¯ı (d. 1131) and culminating in Jala¯l al-D¯ın Ru¯m¯ı
lonian writer. Another theme concerns the name of the god
(d. 1273).
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
EAT:T:A¯R, FAR¯ID AL-D¯IN
601
LIFE AND WORKS. Almost nothing of EAt:t:a¯r’s life is known
the via mystica. The Book of Khusraw (Khusraw-na¯ma), the
except that he was a druggist ( Eat:t:a¯r means “perfumer”) by
story of a romance between a Byzantine princess and a
profession and worked in a pharmacy in a local bazaar in
Persian prince, with almost no mystical content, has been
N¯ısha¯pu¯r, and that he died in 1221 or 1229 during a massa-
attributed to EAt:t:a¯r, but Muhammad Rid:a¯ Shafa¯D¯ı-Kadkan¯ı
cre when the Mongols attacked the city. He lived most of
has rejected the attribution on convincing stylistic, linguis-
his life in N¯ısha¯pu¯r, which was the administrative capital of
tic, and historical grounds (Shafa¯D¯ı-Kadkan¯ı, 1996,
Khura¯sa¯n in northern Iran and one of the most important
pp. xxxiv–lix).
intellectual centers in the Islamic world, to which students
E
from all over the Middle East and India flocked to study.
At:t:a¯r’s works had such an impact on both the S:u¯f¯ı
One of the few personal details we may gather from his own
community and the literate public at large that his fame
works is that EAt:t:a¯r was far more involved in frequenting the
soared soon after his death. He was so widely imitated that
company of local ascetics and S:u¯f¯ıs than in keeping the soci-
today there are some twenty-three works once attributed to
E
ety of his peers in the medical profession and the market-
At:t:a¯r that have been proven by modern scholars to be spuri-
place. “From early childhood, seemingly without cause, I was
ous or of doubtful authenticity (De Blois, 1994). If we take
drawn to this particular group [the S:u¯f¯ıs],” he confesses,
merely the works that are unquestionably his, however, com-
“and my heart was tossed in waves of affection for them and
prising a good 45,000 lines, EAt:t:a¯r’s achievement is still mon-
their books were a constant source of delight for me” (EAt:t:a¯r,
umental.
1993, p. 8).
MYSTICAL THEOLOGY AND SUFISM. The most important as-
pect of EAt:t:a¯r’s thought lies in the fact that all of his works
More a passionate S:u¯f¯ı poet than a dry theorist of mysti-
are devoted to Sufism (tas:awwuf). Concerning his spiritual
cism, EAt:t:a¯r composed one prose work and six important
master(s) in Sufism, we know for certain that EAt:t:a¯r was ac-
works of poetry. His major prose work (in Persian) was the
quainted with a certain Ima¯m Ah:mad Khwa¯r¯ı, a disciple of
monumental compendium of biographies of the famous
Majd al-D¯ın Baghda¯d¯ı (d. 1219), who was one of the autho-
S:u¯f¯ıs, Tadhkirat al-awliya¯D (Memoirs of the Saints). His
rized deputies of Najm al-D¯ın Kubra¯ (d. 1221), founder of
most famous epic poem is the Conference of the Birds (Mant:iq
the Kubrawiyya S:u¯f¯ı Order—EAt:t:a¯r himself informs us of
al-t:ayr), modeled on the Treatise on the Birds, which was
this relationship (Shafa¯D¯ı-Kadkan¯ı, 1999, p. 71; Shafa¯D¯ı-
composed half a century earlier by another S:u¯f¯ı master,
Kadkan¯ı, 1996, p. 26, n. 1). Almost two centuries after
Ah:mad Ghaza¯l¯ı (d. 1126), founder of the “school of love”
EAt:t:a¯r’s death, Ibn Bazza¯z (d. 1391) in his S:afwat al-safa¯D
in Sufism. The poem describes seven valleys representing
(The Purity of Spiritual Serenity). cites a certain S:u¯f¯ı poet
stages on the S:u¯f¯ı path—Search, Love, Gnosis, Trust in
named Shakar as his teacher, as well as someone else called
God, Unity, Bewilderment, and Annihilation—which the
Majd al-Din Ka¯kul¯ı (Ibn Bazza¯z, 1997, p. 771) who had
birds traverse, recognizing at last that they themselves are the
been his master in “experiential and speculative mysticism”
S¯ımurgh, the deity or divine phoenix they have been seeking.
(p. 51). Arguments have been advanced (by
The epic has been adapted to musical and theatrical compo-
Shafa¯D¯ı-Kadkan¯ı, 1999, pp. 72–79) on the basis of a single
sitions in the West several times, and its stories are often il-
statement by the fifteenth-century biographer Fas:¯ıh:-i
lustrated in Persian miniature painting. EAt:t:a¯r’s Book of Ad-
Khwa¯f¯ı (in Mujmal-i Fas:¯ıh¯ı, completed in 1441–1442) that
versity (Mus:¯ıbat-na¯ma) recounts the S:u¯f¯ı path in other
EAt:t:a¯r’s master in Sufism was in fact Jama¯l al-D¯ın
terms, following the voyage of a single pilgrim’s tormented
Muh:ammad al-Nughundar¯ı al-Tu¯s¯ı, the lineage of whose
soul through the mineral, vegetable, animal, human, and an-
initiatic chain (silsila) Khwa¯f¯ı traced directly, by five links,
gelic realms. Asking questions along the way, he appeals in
to the great S:u¯f¯ı mystic Abu¯ SaE¯ıd ibn Ab¯ıDl-Khayr
turn to forty different cosmic or mythical beings for help,
(d. 1049), the founder of institutional Sufism and the first
until at last he is directed to the Prophet Muh:ammad, who
to codify and record the rules for S:u¯f¯ı novices. However,
gives him the answers he needs to set him on the right road.
E
both Ibn Bazza¯z’s and Khwa¯f¯ı’s claims are completely specu-
At:t:a¯r’s emotional expressions of longing for God in this
lative, based on sources composed centuries after the poet’s
book are very appealing. EAt:t:a¯r’s Divine Book (Ila¯h¯ı-na¯ma)
death that are uncorroborated by any earlier authors. Hence,
relates story of a king who asks his six sons what they most
all that can be stated with any certitude about his S:u¯f¯ı master
desire. They all ask for worldly things, and the king exposes
and order is that EAt:t:a¯r was probably affiliated to the Ku-
their vanity in a series of anecdotes. The Book of Mysteries
brawiyya.
(Asra¯r-na¯ma) is another important poem of EAt:t:a¯r’s; it con-
cerns twelve of the mystical principles of Sufism, and deeply
EAt:t:a¯r is distinguished in the Persian-speaking Muslim
affected later authors of S:u¯f¯ı epics such as Ru¯m¯ı and
world for his provocative and radical theology of love, and
Shabistar¯ı (d. 1320).The Book of Selections (Mukhta¯r-na¯ma)
many of the verses of his epics and sonnets are cited indepen-
is a collection of more than 2,000 quatrains (ruba¯ D¯ı) arranged
dently of their poems as maxims in their own right. These
in fifty chapters according to various mystical themes, and
pithy, paradoxical statements are known by heart throughout
his Collected Poems (D¯ıwa¯n) contains some 10,000 couplets,
Iran, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and wherever Persian is spoken
which are notable for their depiction of visionary landscapes
or understood, such as in the lands of the Indo-Pakistani sub-
and heartrending evocations of the agonies and ecstasies of
continent. “Anyone who firmly sets his step down in love
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
602
EAT:T:A¯R, FAR¯ID AL-D¯IN
rises beyond the realm of faith and infidelity,” he writes. In
Birds, translated by Dick Davis and Afkham Darbandi (New
fact, the literary edifice of the symbolic poetics of mediæval
York, 1984), whereas a more scholarly, though less readable,
Persian Sufism was to a large degree established on the foun-
translation (but with excellent notes) is Peter Avery’s The
dations of EAt:t:a¯r’s bold “religion-of-love” poetry, which de-
Speech of the Birds (Cambridge, U.K., 1998).
liberately celebrates the so-called infidel wild-man’s (qalan-
The basic, monumental work on EAt:t:a¯r’s mysticism is Helmut
dar) “religion of love” as the poet’s personal ethic.
Ritter’s Das Meer der Seele: Mensch, Welt, und Gott in den
E
Geschichten des Far¯ıdudd¯ın EAt:t:a¯r (Leiden, 1955), translated
At:t:a¯r’s lyrical poetry, and much of his epic poetry, is
into English by John O’Kane as The Ocean of the Soul: Men,
pervaded by and subject to the influence of the strange, para-
the World, and God in the Stories of Far¯ıd al-D¯ın EAt:t:a¯r (Lei-
doxical utterances of Ba¯yaz¯ıd Bist:a¯m¯ı (d. 875) and the ec-
den, Netherlands, 2003), which has a 125-page analytic
static sayings of Mans:u¯r al-H:alla¯j (d. 922). At the same time,
index compiled by Bernd Radtke and updated to include
EAt:t:a¯r’s love of the Prophet Muh:ammad, expressed in glow-
contemporary studies on the poet; the German original is
ing terms, penetrates and animates his verse; in many long
also translated into Persian by DAbba¯s Zarya¯b-khu¯D¯ı,
sections of the preambles and epilogues of his poems he
Mihr-a¯fa¯q Ba¯ybard¯ı, as Darya¯-yi ja¯n: sayr¯ı dar a¯ra¯ Dyi u
praised the Prophet with symbols such as light, the rose, the
ah:wa¯l-i Shaykh Farid al-D¯ın EAt:t:a¯r N¯ısha¯bu¯r¯ı (Tehran,
beloved, and the soul to demonstrate Muh:ammad’s central
1998). Ritter analyzes his main poems, tracing every idea to
position in Islam. Although his passionate commitment to
its origin and showing its development in Islam. Ritter’s arti-
cle “Far¯ıd al-Din Muhammad ibn Ibra¯h¯ım” in The Encyclo-
Islam reflects his own intense piety, faith, and reverence in
paedia of Islam (Leiden, 1960), contains detailed biographi-
the classical Islamic ideals, EAt:t:a¯r’s lyrical S:u¯f¯ı vision is the
cal data, listing the poet’s works, their editions, and
virtual antithesis of contemporary Islamic religious funda-
important studies. An excellent overview of his life, works,
mentalist thought, his lyrics evoking “a powerful statement
and thought is also given in B. Reinert’s article “EAt:t:a¯r,
of the role of esotericism in making possible the crossing of
Sheikh Far¯ıd al-D¯ın” in Encyclopædia Iranica (London and
the frontiers of religious universes” (Nasr, 1987, p. 107).
New York, 1985).
EAt:t:a¯r often expressed perplexity about the ultimate
Bad¯ıE al-Zama¯n Furu¯za¯nfar placed EAt:t:a¯r research on a more solid
questions of existence. He was liberal and preached tolerance
basis, superseding earlier biographical expositions with his
of other religions. His complaints about social injustice, pov-
Sharh:-i ah:va¯l va naqd va tah:l¯ıl-i athar-i Shaykh Far¯ıd al-D¯ın
E
erty, tyranny, and the pain of disease and death, usually
At:t:a¯r (Tehran, 1961), which includes an analysis of the
three main poems. Muh:ammad Rid:a¯ Shafa¯D¯ı-Kadkan¯ı’s bio-
voiced in his verse by the so-called Euqala¯yi maja¯n¯ın, the
graphical study of the poet in his Zabu¯r-i pa¯rs¯ı: niga¯h¯ı bi
“wise crazy men,” have a philosophical tone. His high-
zindag¯ı u ghazalha¯-yi EAt:t:a¯r (Tehran, 1999) has somewhat
minded exaltation of the suffering of Love-Passion (dard) as
revised and updated Furu¯za¯nfar’s study by offering fresh in-
not only the essence of man, but the essence of God-
sight into the local history of his biography, framing it within
consciousness, is typified in innumerable classic poetic apho-
the twelfth-century Persian S:u¯f¯ı tradition in N¯ısha¯pu¯r, re-
risms, such as “To the religious his religion; to the heretic
calculating EAt:t:a¯r’s birth and death dates, and reappraising
his heresy. For EAt:t:a¯r’s heart but an ounce of your pain suf-
his authentic works, thus significantly changing our under-
fices.” Such poetic dicta sketch the contours of the symbolic
standing of the poet’s life, works, spiritual milieu, and liter-
erotics of a S:u¯f¯ı piety beyond conventionally designated reli-
ary background.
gious boundaries, whether these are theologically labelled as
The following works in Persian also provide important biographi-
being in a “devout Muslim form” or a “heretical Christian
cal information on the poet: Mukhta¯r-na¯ma: majmu Ea-yi
form,” both of which are veils, says EAt:t:a¯r, before the visio
ruba¯ Eiyya¯t athar-i Far¯ıd al-D¯ın-i EAt:t:a¯r-i Naysha¯bu¯r¯ı, edited
dei.
with an introduction by M.R. Shaf a¯D¯ı-Kadka¯n¯ı (Tehran,
1996), and Ibn Bazza¯z, S:afwat al-s:afa¯ D, edited by Ghula¯m
S
Rid:a¯ T:aba¯t:aba¯D¯ı Majd, (Tehran, 1997).
EE ALSO Poetry, article on Islamic Poetry; Ru
¯m¯ı, Jala¯l
al-D¯ın.
F. De Blois’s lengthy study of the poet in his Persian Literature:
A Bio-bibliographical Survey, vol. 5, part 2: Poetry ca. A.D.
B
1100–1225 (London, 1994) contains the most recent survey
IBLIOGRAPHY
EAt:t:a¯r’s Ila¯h¯ı-na¯ma has been translated and annotated by John A.
and study of the manuscripts of all his major works, along
Boyle as The Ila¯h¯ına¯ma, or Book of God (Manchester, U.K.,
with original insights into their authenticity and valuable in-
1976). The translation includes an excellent introduction by
formation on his life.The critical heritage of the EAt:t:a¯r indus-
Annemarie Schimmel. Mus:¯ıbat-na¯ma has been translated by
try over the past century in Iran now has its own bibliogra-
Isabelle de Gastines as Le livre d’épreuve: Musíbatnama (Paris,
phy in EAl¯ı M¯ır Ans:a¯r¯ı’s Kita¯bshina¯s¯ı-yi Shaykh Far¯ıd al-D¯ın
E
1981), also with an introduction by Annemarie Schimmel.
At:t:a¯r Naysha¯bu¯ri, (Tehran, 1995), including most of the
A. J. Arberry’s Muslim Saints and Mystics (London, 1964) is
key scholarly articles and studies on his life and thought and
a selection from Tadhkirat al-awliya¯ D (ed. Muhammad
editions of EAt:t:a¯r’s works.
IstiEla¯mi, Tehran 1993, p. 8) rendered into graceful Victori-
Studies on specific aspects of EAt:t:a¯r’s life and thought include
an-style English prose; the new contemporary translation of
EAbd al-H:usayn Zarr¯ınku¯b, Suda¯-yi ba¯l-i s¯ımurgh: darba¯ra-yi
the entire work by Paul Losensky (New York, 2005) is a
zindag¯ı va and¯ısha-yi EAt:t:a¯r (Tehran, 1999), which places
scholarly achievement that is highly recommended. An excel-
EAt:t:a¯r’s life and works in the context of earlier Persian litera-
lent verse rendering of Mant:iq al-t:ayr is The Conference of the
ture. Taq¯ı Pu¯rna¯mda¯riya¯n’s D¯ıda¯r ba¯ s¯ımurgh: haft maqa¯la
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
ATTENTION
603
dar Eirfa¯n u shi Er u and¯ıshaha¯-yi EAt:t:a¯r (Tehran, 1995) is
mative factors of humman contemplative life, an investiga-
a ground-breaking study of EAt:t:a¯r’s aesthetics, S:u¯f¯ı symbol-
tion that, although initially rooted in Asian traditions, has
ism, and his relationship to Peripateric philosophy. Rid:a¯
begun to extend into Western religious traditions as well.
Ashrafza¯da’s Tajall¯ı-yi ramz u rawa¯yat dar shir Er-i EAt:t:a¯r
The widely applicable yet tradition-neutral concept of atten-
Naysha¯bu¯r¯ı (Tehran, 1994) provides an original survey of
E
tion has been central to this work.
At:t:a¯r’s narrative techniques, characters, and symbolism, and
Pu¯ra¯n Shaj¯ıE¯ıD’s Jaha¯nb¯ın¯ı-yi EAt:t:a¯r (Tehran, 1994) discuss-
ATTENTION IN THE TRADITIONS. Practices that strengthen
es most of the key themes (of theology, mysticism, ethics,
the capacity for concentration or attention play a role in most
erotic theory) of his world view. Of the good literary studies,
great religious traditions. The importance of developing at-
mention should be made of EAt:t:a¯r: Concordance and Lexical
tention is most readily seen in the great traditions that arose
Repertories of 1000 Lines, complied by Daniela Meneghini
in India, namely Hinduism and Buddhism. From the Upani-
Correale and Valentina Zanoll (Venice, 1993), and S. H.
sadic seers down to the present day there is in India an un-
Nasr, “The Flight of Birds to Union: Meditations upon
E
broken tradition of humanity’s attempt to yoke itself (body
At:t:a¯r’s Mantiq al-tayr,” in S. H. Nasr, Islamic Art and Spiri-
and mind) to ultimate reality. Yoga takes on many forms, but
tuality (Suffolk, U.K., 1987). Leonard Lewisohn and Chris-
its essential psychological form is the practice of one-pointed
topher Shackle (eds.), The Art of Spiritual Flight: Farid
attention or concentration (citta-eka¯grata¯). Whether by fix-
al-D¯ın EAt:t:a¯r and the Persian Sufi Tradition (London, 2005)
presents the most recent survey of EAt:t:a¯r’s thought and poet-
ing the attention on a mantra or on the flow of the breath
ry in light of contemporary scholarship.
or on some other object, the attempt to quiet the automa-
tized activities of the mind through concentrated attention
LEONARD LEWISOHN (2005)
is the first step and continuing theme of Hindu psycho-
spiritual yoga.
It could hardly be otherwise for the traditions that
ATTENTION. The subject of attention has until recent-
stemmed from Gautama Buddha. The samatha and vipassana¯
ly been largely confined to the domain of experimental psy-
forms of meditation in the Theravada tradition require as
chology. Researchers have sought to measure and explain
their root and anchor an ever increasing ability to attend, to
such things as the selective capacity of attention, its range
hold one’s attention fast without relinquishing it to the vari-
and span, the number of objects that it can appreciate simul-
ous psychological forces that tend to scatter it. Samatha is the
taneously, and the muscle contractions associated with atten-
cultivation of one-pointed attention and is the common
tional efforts. Such work has been carried on amid consider-
starting point for all major types of Buddhist meditation.
able disagreement over basic definitions of the phenomenon
Vipassana¯ meditation consists in the deployment of the con-
of attention itself.
centrated attention developed in samatha from point to
point within the organism, with the intent of understanding
ATTENTION AS A RELIGIOUS PHENOMENON. In more recent
certain Buddhist doctrines at subtle experiential levels.
years, however, the subject of attention has begun to generate
Though the attention sought in vipassana¯ meditation is not
significant interest among students of religion. Increasing
one-pointed in the sense of being fixed on a single object,
study of the various spiritual disciplines in human religious
it remains a highly concentrated and directed form of atten-
traditions has indicated that attention plays a central role
tion, the very antithesis of dispersed mental wandering. Like-
therein. Specifically, attention appears to be a sine qua non
wise, the Tibetan practice of visualization, which is attempt-
and common denominator of many of the forms of mental
ed only after preparatory training in samatha, is a way of
prayer and meditation found in the traditions. To further
developing the mind’s ability to remain steadfastly attentive
suggest that this is so and to discuss the nature and signifi-
by requiring it to construct elaborate sacred images upon the
cance of contemplative attention are the central tasks of this
screen of consciousness. The two practices central to the Zen
article.
tradition, ko¯an and zazen, have as their common denomina-
The investigation of the religious phenomenon of atten-
tor the practice of sustained, vigilant attention. Moreover,
tion has been led by a small number of Western psychologists
the major contemplative schools of Buddhism stress the vir-
uncomfortable with the assumptions about human nature
tue of mindfulness, the quality of being present, aware, and,
reigning in their field. Many have been influenced by Asian
in a word, attentive.
wisdom traditions and their promise of extraordinary psy-
By the fourth century BCE the ancient Daoists had al-
chological development, culminating in “liberation,” “en-
ready developed methods of meditation and trance induc-
lightenment,” or “self-realization.” If these traditions con-
tion. They were called zuowang and zuochan and were funda-
tained even a grain of truth, these explorers seemed to reason,
mentally a training in concentration by the fixation of
then Western psychology’s estimation of human potential
attention on the breath. How much the origin of these prac-
was absurdly low. That Asian wisdom offered well-defined
tices owed to Indian influence is not known.
procedures through which its claims might be explored and
validated greatly increased the interest shown them by these
When one turns to the three great Western monothe-
empirically trained psychologists. Broadly speaking, this was
isms, the phenomenon of attention is not so starkly visible.
the beginning of a new investigation into the psychotransfor-
Nevertheless it is there. Broadly speaking, spiritual disci-
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
604
ATTENTION
plines in the monotheisms are not so fully developed as their
Catholic mystical way, the mystical doctor and psychologist
cousins in the East. Still, these monotheisms contain pro-
of the contemplative life par excellence. And John’s way was
found mystical dimensions, and it is there one must look for
the way of inner silence, of nondiscursive prayer, of states of
the practice of attention.
mind brought about by what he called “peaceful loving at-
tention unto God.” Lately an attempt has been made to pop-
The actual practices and methods of Jewish mystical
ularize this kind of contemplative attention in the “centering
prayer are difficult to determine. Qabbalist scholar Aryeh
prayer,” another mantra-like technique, for focusing atten-
Kaplan states that “some three thousand Kabbalah texts exist
tion and quieting the mind, similar to the Jesus Prayer of
in print, and . . . the vast majority deal with theoretical
Eastern Orthodoxy.
Kabbalah” (Meditation and Kabbalah, New York, 1982,
p. 1). There are also monumental problems of translation
In the world of Islam there are the contemplative prac-
and interpretation. References to method can, however, be
tices of both silent and vocal dhikr, again a mantra-like repe-
found intermittently in the ancient Talmudic texts, quite fre-
tition, usually of the names of God, aimed at harnessing the
quently in the works of Avraham Abulafia and some of his
will and its power of attention. Javad Nurbakhsh, spiritual
contemporaries, in the Safad qabbalists of the sixteenth cen-
head of the Nimatullahi order of Sufis, writes that dhikr
tury, in the works of Isaac Luria, and in the Hasidic texts.
(Pers., zikr) “is the total and uncompromised attention to
The key terms are hitbodedut (“meditation”), hitboded (“to
God” (In the Paradise of the Sufis, New York, 1979, p. 32).
meditate”), and kavvanah (“concentration, attention, inten-
The purpose of zikr, the remembrance of the divine name,
tion”). The first two come from a root meaning “to be se-
“is to create a ‘unity of attention’. Until this is attained the
cluded.” They often point beyond mere physical seclusion,
disciple will be attentive to the various attachments of the
however, to the seclusion beyond the discursive activity of
self. Therefore, the disciple should try to incline his or her
the mind attained through concentration. Kavvanah likewise
scattered attention to the all encompassing point of Unity”
refers to a concentrative or attentive form of prayer capable
(ibid., p. 20). A more generic term for the kind of meditative
of inducing an altered, “higher” state of consciousness. For
attention achieved in dhikr is mura¯qabah. Mura¯qabah is de-
the Jewish mystical tradition as a whole, mantralike repeti-
scribed as a “concentration of one’s attention upon God,”
tions of sacred liturgical words seem to be the central vehicles
as the “presence of heart with God,” “the involvement of the
for the training of attention, but references to concentration
(human) spirit (ru¯h:) in God’s breath” and the “concentrating
upon mental images, letter designs, and color and light visu-
of one’s whole being upon God” (ibid., p. 72). Mura¯qabah,
alizations can also be found in the texts. Concentrative exer-
the S:u¯f¯ıs say, is not only a human activity but a divine one
cises are also linked with bodily movements and the move-
as well: it is because God is constantly attentive to humans
ment of the breath. Some of the exercises prescribed by the
that they should be constantly attentive to him.
thirteenth-century Abulafia involve long, complex series of
Two men who have drawn on the traditions listed above
instructions and seem to require massive attentive capability
and whose eclectic writings have had a significant impact
to perform without distraction. In this they seem akin to the
among those interested in self-transformation are G. I.
Tibetan Buddhist practice of elaborate visualization.
Gurdjieff and Jiddu Krishnamurti. Crucial to the Gurdjieff
In the Christian world is found the Eastern Orthodox
work is the exercise of “self-remembering,” fundamentally an
“Prayer of the Heart,” or “Jesus Prayer,” a Christian mantra
attempt to develop sustained, undistracted, observational at-
tention both outwardly toward experience and, at the same
that contemplatives repeat in order to recollect themselves
time, inwardly toward the experiencer. This particular aspect
and to unify attention, thereby opening their hearts to the
of the Gurdjieff work is very similar to the “bare attention”
divine presence. The bulk of contemplative texts in the
exercises of Buddhist vipassana¯ meditation. Krishnamurti
Roman Catholic tradition, like those of the Judaic tradition,
teaches that the practice fundamental to psychological trans-
are concerned with theory and doctrine rather than specifics
formation is “choiceless awareness.” It is, again, the cultiva-
of method. In the early Middle Ages one can find references
tion of sustained, observational, nonreactive attention to
to contemplation as a seeking for God in stillness, repose,
inner and outer experience. In isolation from the rest of Kr-
and tranquillity, but the specificity ends here. The late Mid-
ishnamurti’s teaching, this form of attention does not differ
dle Ages witnessed among contemplatives the growth of a
significantly from either that of the Gurdjieff work or Bud-
prayer form called lectio divina, or meditative reading of the
dhist “bare attention.”
scriptures. Cistercian monk Thomas Keating describes lectio
divina as the cultivation of a “capacity to listen at ever deep-
The preceding survey is not to be understood as imply-
ening levels of inward attention” (America, April 8, 1978).
ing that the training of attention is the same in every tradi-
Ladders of progress in mystical prayer abound at this time,
tion or that it occupies the same relative importance within
but one is hard pressed to find any advice on how to climb
the various traditions. Quite to the contrary, attention is in
them. Practical mysticism comes more fully into bloom with
these traditions developed in a variety of ways, to varying de-
the arrival of Teresa of Ávila and John of the Cross in the
grees of depth, within strikingly different contexts, and to
sixteenth century. In the opinion of Jacques Maritain, the
apparently different ends. Given the diverse group of con-
latter remains the prototypical practitioner of the Roman
templative phenomena to which the word attention applies,
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ATTENTION
605
the central task of this article, a general and synthetic account
psyche presents. Only in the most disciplined and highly
of the nature and significance of contemplative attention, is
concentrated feats of thought is passivity reduced to a mini-
fraught with difficulty. Needless to say, the following analysis
mum and the gap between ordinary and contemplative at-
can only be expected to apply “more or less” to the various
tention closed. However, the intellective modes just men-
specific traditions, yet it does claim to indicate the general
tioned are hardly characteristic of the run of ordinary
outlines of something common to them all. Moreover, such
mentation. There, the discursive, intermittent, and passive
a synthetic account is not in vain, for despite the differentiat-
qualities of attention are fully evident. In ordinary menta-
ing factors surrounding the training of attention in the vari-
tion, attention is not a quality of mind that one brings to ex-
ous traditions, there seem to be some unitive factors as well.
perience, but something that occurs, rather haphazardly, as
Summarily, the traditions mentioned above conform in the
one’s organism becomes momentarily more interested in
understanding that the human mind in its ordinary state is
some inner or outer sequence of phenomena. Ordinary at-
somehow fragmented, unfree, and given to dispersion. With-
tention comes and goes without one’s consent; it is not
in each tradition there has evolved at least some kind of prac-
something one does, but something that happens to an indi-
tice leading to mental stability, unity, control, and integra-
vidual. For most people most of the time, “attention” is stim-
tion. Furthermore, in each tradition is discovered the
ulated, conditioned, and led by mobilizations of energy
assumption that such psychological transformation can make
along the habit-pathways within an individual so that when
reality and truth experientially more accessible.
it confronts its object it is always faced, as it were, by a fait
THE NATURE OF CONTEMPLATIVE ATTENTION. Attention
accompli.
is, of course, a concept that occurs outside the domain of reli-
gious praxis. It is part of the vocabulary of everyday mental
The attention at which contemplative exercises aim,
functioning, and even there it seems to be overworked, a sin-
then, may be distinguished not only from sheer inattention
gle, blunt term for a wide variety of mental states. The temp-
but from ordinary discursive attention as well. Contempla-
tation to think of it as one thing should be resisted. It is bet-
tive attention is relatively nondiscursive, sustained, and un-
ter to think of it as a spectrum that reaches from the virtual
capitulatingly alert. In the majority of contemplative exer-
absence of attention, as in sheer daydreaming and mechani-
cises, an effort is made to prevent attention from being
cally determined mental flux, to acutely active alertness.
diffused centrifugally; rather, the effort is to consolidate it
Though contemplative practices themselves admit of a wide
centripetally and to maintain its sharpness. This article shall
variation, the quality of attention that they require and at
use the word concentrative to name attentional efforts having
which they aim resides at the upper end of the spectrum. The
these characteristics. Contemplative exercises thus aim at
varieties of contemplative attention, in other words, resemble
concentrative attention, but also at something that has no
each other more than any one of them resembles that uneven
counterpart in ordinary mentation and can be properly un-
and intermittent phenomenon of ordinary mental function-
derstood only in reference to the attempt to establish concen-
ing that is usually called attention. Some further notion of
trative attention. It may be called nonreactive or receptive at-
the relative difference between ordinary kinds of attention
tention. Concentration and nonreactivity (or receptivity) are
and the kinds of attention at which contemplative practices
the prime distinguishing characteristics of contemplative at-
aim must be developed to avoid confusion.
tention, and both must be kept in mind in order to under-
stand the psychospiritual significance of attentional training.
Ordinary attention may be described as discursive, in-
termittent, and passive. It moves incessantly from object to
Some literature on the psychology of meditation has
object, its intensity “flickers,” often succumbing to mental
used the terms concentrative and receptive to name exclusive
wandering, and it is reactive, or “passive,” in relation to some
categories of attentional practice. This can be misleading,
sequence of external objects or to the autonomous stream of
however, as contemplative practices seem universally to share
consciousness. Take, for example, the act in which the reader
a “concentrative” element. Rather, the true categorical dis-
is currently engaged. The reader is following this exposition
tinction is between focalized and defocalized attention. For
closely, attempting to understand it. Surely this is attention
example, the classical Yoga system of Patañjali requires an ex-
rather than inattention. The contemplative would agree. But
treme focalization of attention on a single point or object for
he would suggest that this attention is discursive, and largely
the purposes of absorption of enstasis. In contrast, Soto
passive. In this particular case, these words are doing the dis-
Zen’s shikantaza prescribes a defocalized attention to the en-
cursing for the reader’s attention, leading it from place to
tire screen of consciousness with the proviso that one attend
place. Moreover, it is highly likely that, while reading, the
to what arises without reaction or discursive elaboration. But
reader’s attention will have wandered a surprising number of
“focalized” and “defocalized” do not translate into “concen-
times, pulled down one associational path or another by au-
trative” and “receptive” for the simple reason that defocaliza-
tonomous psychic fluctuations. Even if the reader now
tion does not imply a lack of those qualities I have named
turned away from this article and turned inward to work out
“concentrative.” Contemplative attention may be defocal-
a chain of reasoning, it is likely to be done in a state of pre-
ized, open to the flow of mental contents, but it does not
dominantly passive attention, for such creative activity large-
think about them or get carried away by them. It is, in fact,
ly involves a sorting out of what the automatic activity of the
a “nonthinking,” that is, themeless and nondiscursive atten-
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ATTENTION
tion, even though defocalized, and the directive for attention
Whatever emerges in the mind is observed and allowed to
to remain acutely alert and sustained applies fully. Without
pass without being elaborated upon or reacted to. Images,
these concentrative qualities, the description of defocalized
thoughts, and feelings arise because of the automatism of
meditation would be a description of daydreaming. Further-
deeply embedded psychological structures, but their lure is
more, even the purest form of defocalized meditation, Soto
not taken. They are not allowed to steal attention and send
Zen’s shikantaza, is, according to some Zen teachers, too dif-
it floundering down a stream of associations. One establishes
ficult for beginners. To practice it fruitfully requires that a
and reestablishes concentrated attention, but when it is inter-
student already have a well-developed attentive ability de-
rupted one learns to disidentify with the contents of con-
rived from preliminary training in one-pointed attention to
sciousness, to maintain a choiceless, nonreactive awareness,
the movement of breath, a koan, or some other object. In
and to quiet the ego with its preferences.
other words, even the purest form of so-called receptive med-
itation has roots in focalized, concentrative efforts.
Should this description appear distinctly Asian and raise
doubts regarding its relevance to contemplative prayer prac-
Although focalization and defocalization refer to actual
tices in the monotheisms, consider, by way of balance, this
distinctions in the deployment of attention found in con-
passage from Your Word Is Fire (1977), a work on Hasidic
templative exercises, this distinction is of secondary impor-
prayer:
tance. Of primary importance is the discovery that contem-
plative practices universally require the aspirant to develop
Any teaching that places such great emphasis on total
an attentional capacity that, unlike his or her ordinary atten-
concentration in prayer must . . . deal with the ques-
tion, is relatively nondiscursive, uncapitulatingly alert, and
tion of distraction. What is a person to do when alien
sustained. It is in this sense that contemplative efforts from
thoughts enter his mind and lead him away from
prayer? . . . The Baal Shem Tov . . . spoke against the
qabbalistic repetitions of the divine name to Theravada Bud-
attempts of his contemporaries to . . . do battle with
dhists’ bare attention have a common concentrative element.
distracting thoughts. . . . He taught that each distrac-
Of equal importance is the common receptive or nonre-
tion may become a ladder by which one may ascend to
a new level of devotion. . . . God [is] present in that
active element. It stems from unavoidable failure in the at-
moment of distraction! And only he who truly knows
tempt to maintain concentrative attention. No one attains
that God is present in all things, including those
attentive equipoise for the mere wishing, and the problem
thoughts he seeks to flee, can be a leader of prayer.
arises regarding what is to be done when distractions occur.
(pp. 15–16)
Concentrative work is constantly interrupted by autono-
mous mobilizations of psychic energies that dissolve the
Concentration and nonreactivity are thus to be con-
unity of attention and carry it away on a stream of associa-
ceived as different but complementary modes of attention,
tions. What then? There are only two choices: to react with
which, it may be conjectured, occur in different and con-
frustration and judgment (in which case one has unwittingly
stantly changing ratios across the wide variety of contempla-
slipped into the very egocentric perspective from which con-
tive, attentional practices. In tandem they allow the practi-
templative exercises are trying to extricate one) or simply to
tioner progressively to achieve disidentification from the
observe the distraction nonreactively, to note it, accept it,
conditioned mental flow and thus to observe that flow objec-
and then gently bring the mind back to its concentrated
tively and impartially. The dynamics and import of this pro-
mode. Contemplative traditions clearly tend to encourage
cess can now be discussed.
the latter choice. The theistic constant of “acceptance of
S
God’s will,” the Christian doctrine of apatheia
IGNIFICANCE OF ATTENTIONAL EXERCISES. The datum
(“indifference”), Buddhist upekkha (“equanimity”), Hindu
against which the significance of attentional exercises is to be
karmayoga (acting without seeking the fruits of action), and
understood is the relatively ceaseless and autonomous profu-
Daoist weiwuwei (“the inaction of action”)—all of these,
sion of mental contents in ordinary conscious experience.
when brought to bear on contemplative exercises, encourage
Ordinary states of human consciousness may be said to be
the attitude of nonreactivity. To be nonreactively attentive
relatively noisy and dispersed, and the religious traditions
is, for theistic contemplatives, to bring no new sinful self-
that contain attentional exercises do so based on a belief that
willfulness to the practice of contemplation; for nontheistic
even ordinary mental turbulence is antithetical to the quiet
contemplatives it is to bring no new karman to a process
clarity, recollection, and self-possession needed to under-
meant to dissolve it.
stand and appreciate reality in subtler than usual ways. Most
spiritual traditions thus contain some notion or other of the
Given the fact that the deep-seated habit patterns of the
false consciousness, or false self, which when overcome, ren-
psyche will repeatedly overpower an inchoate concentrative
dered transparent, or otherwise transcended, allows the self-
ability and assuming that the practitioner will repeatedly at-
manifesting quality of truth to disclose itself. It may be said,
tempt to establish active, concentrative attention, his cons-
therefore, that the central significance of attentional exercises
tant companions in all of this are impartiality, equanimity,
is to release the human being from bondage to the machina-
and nonreactive acceptance. When concentrated attention
tions of the false self. And just as one might attempt to ex-
falters, one is to be a nonreactive witness to what has arisen.
plain an eraser by referring first to what it erases, an explana-
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607
tion of the significance of contemplative attention is best
ceived as constantly feeding on available psychic energy, dis-
begun with a notion of the false self that it combats.
solving it into the endless associational flotsam in the stream
of consciousness. Energy that would otherwise be manifested
Human beings experience a persistent need to preserve
as the delight of open and present-centered awareness is inex-
and expand their being, and thus every person, from birth,
orably drawn to these structures and there disintegrates into
undertakes what may be called a self-project. Everyone longs
the image-films and commentaries—the “noise”—that suf-
to be special, to be a center of importance and value, to pos-
fuse ordinary consciousness. As psychologist Charles Tart
sess life’s fullness even unto immortality, and everyone
sees it, “there is a fluctuating but generally large drain on
spends energy in pursuit of those things that, according to
awareness energy at all times by the multitude of automated,
his or her level of understanding, will fulfill these longings.
interacting structures whose operation constitutes personali-
According to many contemplative traditions, such longing
ty” (States of Consciousness, New York, 1975, p. 23). The psy-
is grounded in a profound truth: ultimately, one shares in
chic machinery runs by itself, ever exacerbating one’s slavery
the undying life of the ultimately real. Unfortunately, how-
to conditioning, and, moment to moment, steals attention
ever, the ego transcendence that contemplative traditions
from the real present and blows it like fluffy spores of milk-
prescribe is usually rejected in favor of endless vain attempts
weed down the lanes of the past or up the streets of the fu-
to expand the ego in the external world through possession,
ture. The imaginative-emotive distraction is so constant that
projection, and gratification.
it becomes accepted as normal. It is seen not as the drain of
From the beginning, then, the self-project determines
energy and loss of being it actually is but as the natural state
an indiviudual’s appropriation of experience in two ways.
of affairs.
One is through desire for and attachment to any loci of
What allows the self-aggravating automatism of the false
thought or experience that affirm the self and enhance its will
self to function unchecked is, in a word, identification. Every
to be. The other is by defense against or aversion for those
desire, every feeling, every thought, as Gurdjieff once put it,
loci of thought or experience that negate the self and impress
says “I.” As long as one is unconsciously and automatically
upon it its contingency and dispensability. The lineaments
identifying with the changing contents of consciousness, one
of personality are built up in these ways. The psyche becomes
never suspects that one’s true nature remains hidden. If spiri-
a multidimensional webwork of likes and dislikes, desires
tual freedom means anything, however, it means first and
and aversions, both gross and subtle, that manifest personali-
foremost a freedom from such automatic identification.
ty in the same way that black and white dots can create the
Contemplative traditions affirm in one metaphor or another
illusion of a face. Time and repetition harden parts of the
that one’s true identity lies not in the changing contents of
webwork into iron necessity. With increasing automatism,
consciousness but in a deeper layer of the self, mind, or soul.
experiences both internal and external are evaluated accord-
To reach this deeper layer one must slowly disentangle one-
ing to whether they affirm or negate the self-project. The
self from automatic identification with the contents of con-
self-project gradually unfolds into an egocentric system in
sciousness. That is, in order for the self to realize the telos ad-
which beliefs, feelings, perceptions, experiences, and behav-
umbrated for it in the doctrines and images of the
iors are automatically viewed and assessed around one’s sense
contemplative tradition to which it belongs, it is necessary
of value and worth as an individual. By the time a human
to cut beneath psychological noise, to disidentify with it so
being is old enough even to begin to take an objective view
as to understand it objectively rather than be entangled in
of the self-project, he or she is hopelessly enmeshed in it. Pre-
it, and, ultimately, to dismantle the very habit-formed struc-
dispositions have become so implicit and unconscious that
tures that ceaselessly produce it.
the ego has little chance of recognizing the extent to which
its psychological life is already determined. One automatical-
Once automatism and identification are understood to
ly limits, selects, organizes, and interprets experience accord-
be the sustainers of the false self, one is in a position to un-
ing to the demands of one’s self-project. The chronic quality
derstand the psychotransformative power of concentrated,
of this self-centeredness and the distance it creates between
nonreactive attention. For whether a person is a Muslim re-
the person and reality is the basis for the common psycholog-
peating the names of God or a Theravada Buddhist practic-
ical wisdom behind, for example, the Christian’s insistence
ing bare attention, he or she is, to one degree or another, cul-
of the “originality” of sin, the Buddhist’s notion of the begin-
tivating the disidentification that leads to the deauto-
ninglessness of ignorance, or the Muslim’s belief about the
matization of the false self.
recalcitrant quality of ghaflah, the forgetfulness of God.
The mere act of trying to hold the mind to a single
The false self can thus be understood as a metaphor for
point, an act with which higher forms of meditation begin,
psychic automatism, that is, automatic, egocentric, habit-
teaches the beginner in a radically concrete and experiential
determined patterns of thought, emotive reaction and assess-
way, that he or she has little or no control over the mental
ment, and imaginary activity that filter and distort reality
flow. All attentional training starts with this failure. This is
and skew behavior, according to the needs of the self-project.
the first great step in the work of objectifying the mental
Having hardened into relatively permanent psychological
flow, that is, of seeing it not as something that “I” am doing
“structures,” these predispositional patterns may be con-
but something that is simply happening. Without this real-
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ATTENTION
ization no progress can be made, for one must first know one
fruit in action or associational elaboration. Attention—or
is in prison in order to work intelligently to escape. Thus,
presence, or mindfulness—may thus be conceived as depriv-
when the Christian is asked to concentrate his attention sole-
ing predispositional patterns of their diet.
ly upon God, when the Muslim attempts to link his atten-
Contemplative attentional exercises are, in other words,
tion solely to the names of God, when the Tibetan Buddhist
strategies of starvation. Every moment that available energy
attempts with massive attention to construct elaborate im-
is consolidated in concentrative and nonreactive attention is
ages of Tara on the screen of consciousness, the first lesson
a moment when automatized processes cannot replenish
these practitioners learn is that they cannot do it. Ordinary
themselves. In the dynamic world of the psyche, there is no
mentation is freshly understood to be foreign to the deepest
stasis: if automatisms do not grow more strongly solidified,
reality of one’s being. The more regularly this is seen the
they begin to weaken and dissolve. When deprived of the nu-
clearer it becomes that one is not one’s thoughts, and the
triment formerly afforded to them by distracted states of
more profoundly one understands the distinction between
mind, the automatized processes of the mind begin to disin-
consciousness as such and the contents of consciousness. Ob-
tegrate. Contemplative attention practiced over a long period
jectification of the contents of consciousness and disidentifi-
of time may dissolve and uproot even the most recalcitrant
cation with them are natural outcomes.
pockets of psychological automatism, allowing consciousness
At the same time that a contemplative learns that mental
to recollect the ontic freedom and clarity that are its birth-
flow is not the same as identity, what one deeply is, he or
right.
she understands that neither is it the ultimate reality he or
Deautomatization, then, is a psychological, tradition-
she seeks to know. The theocentric contemplative is remind-
neutral term that describes an essential aspect of the process
ed that God cannot be captured within a construct of con-
of spiritual liberation, the freeing of oneself from bondage
sciousness and that, as John of the Cross says, God does not
to the false self. It names, furthermore, a gradual, long-term
fit into an occupied heart. The Zen Buddhist understands
process of transformation, a process within which discrete
that the ko¯an whose solution may reveal the Buddha nature
mystical experiences reach fruition and without which they
cannot be solved by an intellectual construct. Not surprising-
are destined to fade into ineffectual memories.
ly, the metaphor of self-emptying spans contemplative tradi-
tions. The lesson everywhere reveals that mental flow can
By upsetting normal functioning, attentional work is
neither be identical with nor contain the reality-source one
bound to evoke eruptions from the unconscious. Recogni-
seeks. The aspirant is thus doubly disposed to disvalue the
tion of unconscious contents and insight into their meaning,
incessant discursion of the mind, to disidentify and detach
without, however, fascinated fixation upon them, is a neces-
himself or herself from it. Increasing objectification of men-
sary step in the process. A part of attentional work, then, is
tal contents enhances human ability to assess motivation and
like the therapeutic process in depth psychology: its purpose
impulses before they are translated into action, thus permit-
is to reclaim and reintegrate parts of the unconscious for the
ting increasing freedom from impulsive behavior. One can
self. But attentional work is unlike depth-psychological work
imagine the pace of life slackening and one’s behavior be-
in another, crucial respect. For while the contemplative rec-
coming smoother and more deliberate. Attention becomes
ognizes the contents of the unconscious as belonging to the
less a slave to external stimuli and more consolidated within.
self, he or she simultaneously sees that self (or is exhorted by
tradition to see it) objectively, remaining cognizant of the
As attentional training progresses and detachment from
fact that attachment to it or identification with it will contin-
the automatized flow of mental contents is achieved, the
ue to prevent truth from disclosing itself in its fullness.
coiled springs responsible for that very automatism begin to
unwind. In other words, disidentification leads to deauto-
Ideally, then, long coursing in attentional exercises in-
matization.
creases the mind’s ability to conserve and rechannel energy,
to spend less of it on the useless imaginative-emotive elabora-
A single elaboration must suffice. The incessant discur-
tion of desire and anxiety characteristic of ordinary menta-
sion of the mind may be conceived as the result of the useless
tion. Ideas, emotions, and images continue to arise autono-
consumption of energy by the overlearned structures or pat-
mously in the mind, but the attentive mind, the emptying
terns of the psyche. Associational thought-sequences that
mind, is less easily caught up in spasmodic reactions to them,
seem virtually unending are a common pattern of such con-
less easily yanked into the past or flung into the future by
sumption. An increasingly quiet and disidentified attention
them. Emotions and impressions begin to be experienced in
could catch associational sequences in their beginnings and
their “purity”; they “leave no tracks,” as the Zen saying goes.
thus forestall the automatic stimulation of still other se-
Energy formerly spent in emotive reactions, ego defense, fan-
quences and some of the behavior that flows impulsively
tasy, and fear now becomes the very delight of present-
therefrom. The integrity of the automatized processes, how-
centeredness and a reservoir of compassion. As the psychic
ever, depends upon reinforcement through repetition. Fore-
habit patterns of the former person are deautomatized, new
stalling associational sequences and interrupting habitual be-
patterns are formed in alignment with his or her strengthen-
havior would weaken that integrity. Unwholesome impulses
ing intention-toward-awakening. Deautomatizing attention
caught by attention would be deprived of a chance to bear
and reconstitutive intention lead to a new reticulation of the
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609
predispositional structures of consciousness, to a new ecology
of attentional practice into a continuous line, a “praying
of mind. By emptying the self of unconscious compulsions
without ceasing.” So fused, life becomes the “willing of one
and reactive patterns built up over time by the self-project,
thing,” a Kierkegaardian phrase for “purity of heart” or ma-
the contemplative discovers a new life of receptivity, internal
ture faith. Hubert Benoit calls this state of being “total atten-
freedom, and clarity. Impartial observation of one’s existen-
tion,” though a better rendering might be “attention to the
tial situation becomes increasingly acute. Intuition is awak-
totality.” When attention is “total” one becomes increasingly
ened. Freed of the bonds of fear and desire, one begins to
aware not only of what one is doing but why one is doing
taste primordial, ontic freedom. Released into the present,
it. One becomes increasingly able to grasp the universal con-
one knows that intersection of time and eternity where reali-
text of one’s smallest action, able to see the farthest object
ty is, where divinity dwells.
toward which one’s action in this moment tends. When the
intention-toward-awakening becomes so pervasive, attention
THE IMPORTANCE OF TRADITION. Having thus far focused
so “total,” and willing so unified, the continuity of praxis
on the nature and practice of contemplative attention, this
leading to deep personal transformation is achieved. Atten-
article has deliberately ignored the myriad contexts within
tional exercises, then, are hardly meant to be practiced in iso-
which it may be practiced. Here, then, is an attempt to adjust
lation. Their effectiveness requires not only long practice but
the balance by a few concluding remarks on the importance
also the support of a community, the guidance of tradition,
of spiritual tradition.
the tranquillity effected by moral purification, and, finally,
First, it should be clear that the function of contempla-
the continuity of practice that allows the power of will, indis-
tive work is largely destructive. The accoutrements of a spiri-
pensable to the transformative work, to be fully born.
tual tradition provide a protective and constructive frame-
work within which destructive work can proceed. The more
SEE ALSO Meditation; Spiritual Discipline.
seriously the foundations of the false self are undermined by
the practice of attention, the fiercer become the storms of
BIBLIOGRAPHY
protest from within. The “dying” that occurs during contem-
Articles
plative work can cause internal shocks and reactions so pro-
A classic source for the study of attention is William James, “At-
found that only the deep contours of a tradition can absorb
tention,” in The Principles of Psychology, vol. 1 [orig. pub.
them and turn them to creative effect. The support of a tradi-
1890] (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981). One of
tion hundreds of years old—rich in symbolism, metaphysical
the best sources of reflection on the phenomenon of atten-
and psychological maps, and the accumulated experience of
tion in religious meditation and its role in psychological
thousands of past wayfarers—and the guidance of an experi-
transformation is the Journal of Transpersonal Psychology
enced teacher are indispensable. A “new age” movement that
(Stanford, Calif., 1969–). Among the entries most helpful in
wishes to champion contemplative technique but jettison the
preparation of this article to which one could turn for elabo-
ration of many points here left undeveloped are John Wel-
traditional context in which it was originally lodged seems
wood’s “Meditation and the Unconscious: A New Perspec-
likely to be either very superficial or very dangerous or both.
tive,” Journal of Transpersonal Psychology 9 (1977): 1–26;
Second, tradition stresses and a spiritual community
Michael C. Washburn’s “Observations Relevant to a Unified
supports, in a way that a mere technique cannot, the impor-
Theory of Meditation,” Journal of Transpersonal Psychology
10 (1978):45–65; and Ken Wilber’s “A Developmental View
tance of morality as a sine qua non foundation and necessary
of Consciousness,” Journal of Transpersonal Psychology 11
ongoing accompaniment to the inner work. Without the rec-
(1979): 1–22. Another seminal article and the one to which
tification of external conduct, inner work cannot proceed far.
I am indebted for the concept of deautomatization is Arthur
One would be hard pressed to find a single exception to this
I. Deikman’s “Deautomatization and the Mystic Experi-
rule in the great traditions.
ence,” originally appearing in Psychiatry 29 (1966): 324–
338, and now more accessibly in Understanding Mysticism ed.
Finally, human transformation is effected not solely by
Richard Woods (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1980),
isolated bouts of intense attentional training; such training
240–260. Prof. Carol Zaleski has made important contribu-
must be linked to ordinary life by an intentionality that
tions to the study of the religious significance of attentional
makes every aspect of life a part of the spiritual work. The
practices in “Attention as a Key to Buddhist-Christian Dia-
contemplative opus, in other words, is hardly limited to for-
logue,” Buddhist-Christian Studies (1994): 63–80, and “At-
mal periods of attentional practice. Ordinary activity and
tending to Attention,” in Faithful Imagining: Essays in Honor
formal contemplative practice must reinforce each other and
of Richard R. Niebuhr (Atlanta, 1995), which delivers, via
between them sustain the continuity of practice that alone
footnotes, a bibliographical sketch of psychological, philo-
can awaken the mind and help it realize the telos adumbrated
sophical and religious studies of attention spanning the last
two hundred years. Also helpful is noted author Daniel Gole-
for it in the images and concepts of the tradition to which
man’s brief article, “The Mechanics of Attention,” in Inner
it belongs. And it is precisely the traditions’ teloi that, by
Knowing, ed. Helen Palmer (New York, 1998).
evoking the aspirant’s intentionality, provide this continuity.
Books
A spiritual telos evokes in the aspirant an overarching
The present study is indebted at many points to Hubert Benoit’s
aim that fuses the activities of ordinary life and the periods
Zen and the Psychology of Transformation (Rochester, Vt.,
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N
610
ATTIS
1990, orig. pub. The Supreme Doctrine [New York, 1959]),
ny, N.Y., 1995); Charles Tart, States of Consciousness (New
a brilliant if idiosyncratic account of the subtleties of atten-
York, 1975); and Daniel Goleman, The Varieties of the Medi-
tional work. P. D. Ouspensky’s famed exposition of the ideas
tative Experience (New York, 1977). Most of the articles and
of G. I. Gurdjieff in In Search of the Miraculous (New York,
books mentioned here contain excellent bibliographies for
1949) offers many provocative suggestions on the function
those interested in pursuing matters still further. A book not
of attention and will in the spiritual life. Because “attentional
necessarily sympathetic to the concerns of the present article
training” is a technical synonym for meditation, studies of
but extremely helpful in understanding the dynamics of the
the latter are also highly relevant to the topic at hand. Key
false self and the universal psychological dimensions of the
works in the field include: Deane Shapiro and Roger Walsh,
human predicament is Ernest Becker’s Denial of Death (New
eds., Meditation: Classical and Contemporary Perspectives
York, 1973).
(New York: Aldine, 1984); The Meeting of the Ways: Explora-
tions in East-West Psychology, ed. John Welwood (New York,
PHILIP NOVAK (1987 AND 2005)
1979); K. Wilber, J. Engler, D. Brown, et al., Transforma-
tions of Consciousness: Conventional and Contemplative Per-
spectives on Development (Boston, 1986); Michael Washburn,
The Ego and the Dynamic Ground, 2d revised edition (Alba-
ATTIS SEE CYBELE; DYING AND RISING GODS
E N C Y C L O P E D I A O F R E L I G I O N , S E C O N D E D I T I O N